A history of the Knights of Malta : or, The Order of St. John of Jerusalem

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A HISTORY

OF THE

OIGHTS OF MALTA,

OE THE

ORDER OF ST. JOHN OF JERUSALEM.

BY

WHITWOETH POETER,

MAJOR OSNKRAL, ROTAL RNOINRERS.

REVISED EDITION.

l^onlion :
LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO.

1883.

i ISrDicate

TniS WORK TO THE MKMOBT OF

MY ONLY SON,
REGINALD DA COSTA PORTER,

I.IKITTXKAlfT IN THK CORPS OF BOTAL BNGINKBBS,
-WaO -WAB HI1C8BLF A KBVBVB OF THB OBDBB OF BT. JOHN.
HB ^WAS SLAIN IN THB BXBGT7TION OF HIS DUTT^
J^TKX BO MANX OF HIS ILLUSTRIOUS PBEDBGESSOBS,
KAVTNO BBBN KILLBD WHILST TAKING PABT IN
THB BZPBDITION TO BGTFT IN 1882.
SIS BBXAINS LIB IN THB ISLAND OF KALTA,
AVtI> TSB KNIGHTLY DUST OF SO XANT WHO, LIKB HIM,
FKLL IN THB SACRED CAUSE OF DUTY.

PREFACE.

A. Qr AJiTER of a jcenturj has passed away since the first edition

ot this "book was published in the year 1858. Since that date

l\ie^iaglish langue of the Order of St. John has grown from

a -very slender and unimportant community to be the powerful

body which it now is, embracing within its ranks numerous

members, not only of our aristocracy, but also of the Royal

Family.

This development has been achieved entirely by the energetic
measures of public utility which it has set on foot. Its lusty
bantling, the St. John Ambulance Association, is perhaps the
institution which has most brought the langue into public notice,
but other equally important, though not so generally well known,
works of beneficence, have been, and are being, carried on in
accordance with the principles which have governed the Order
from its first foundation.

Under these circumstances, I have been for some years past
pressed to bring out a new edition of my history. Until
recently, professional avocations have prevented my acceding to
the request, feeling, as I did, that if a new edition were to be
produced, it should be rather a new book than a simple revision
of the old one. Now, however, that I have ample leisure, I
gladly embrace the opportunity of doing what has been de-
manded. In this edition I have re- written the entire work, and
endeavoured to introduce aU that has been discovered relating
to the subject.

A criticism, and I must confess a just one, was made on my
original book, viz., that it was written in too high-flown a style
— ^that it partook too much of what the Americans call " high

vi Preface.

falutin." I have endeavoured to correct this fault, and if I
have still strayed now and again into the old path, I woidd
plead in excuse the heroic character of the subject. It is
almost impossible to dwell upon the details of so many
gallant deeds of war without being sometimes carried away by
enthusiasm. I trust, however, that this tendency has been kept
within proper control.

One objection I would endeavour to answer in advance; it
is, that I have not loaded my pages with references. This is a
matter to which much consideration has been given. I do not
claim for my book the character of scientific or critical history ;
it is a simple narrative, I trust careful and impartial, of events
which spread over a period of seven centuries. In its prepara-
tion everything bearing on the subject, to which I could obtain
access, has been minutely studied, and I have often had to
decide between apparent contradictions. I have done my best
to be just, and to record what I think are the true facts. To be
perpetually quoting the authorities for those facts seems to me
tedious, and, for the general reader, unnecessary. I may add
that whenever recourse has been had to the works of a contem-
porary writer, I have preferred, where possible, to quote his own
words ; this seems to me the most honest way of utilizing his
information.

I would also observe that as the chronicles on which most of
the earlier part of the narrative is based are written in either
French or Italian, the proper names, as therein given, have been
sometimes woefully distorted. More particularly is this the case
where these are English. As far as possible, the attempt has
been made to suggest the real names referred to, but in many
instances this is practically impossible, and I have been com-
pelled to retain the foreign nomenclature.

In conclusion, I repeat the last paragraph of the preface to
the original edition ; viz., that " I now leave the result of my
labours in the hands of an intelligent public, trusting that
the book may meet with clemency, if not with favour, and
hoping that I may have supplied a link between the histories of
Europe and Asia which will prove of interest to the general
reader."

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I.
1099—1118.

PAOK

Ongin of chivalry — Condition of Palestine prior to the first Crusade-
Erection of tlie Hospital of St. John— Peter the Hermit — Capture
of Jerusalem — Foundation of the Order of St. John— Death of
Gerard, and election of Raymond du Puj — Military constitution of
the Order — Herniations for its estahlishment— Admission of candi-
dates—Establisliment of commanderies— Begulatlons respecting
dress — Defensive armour : Scale mail ; Chain mail ; Plate armour ;
Helmet; Shield — Offensive armour: Lance; Sword; Battle-axe;
Dagger — The deetrier> or war-horse 1

CHAPTER II.

1118—1187.

Date of the establishment of the Military Order of St. John— Campaigns
of Antioch and Edessa— Foundation of the Templars and Order of
St. Lazarus— Embassy of Joubert and marriage of Raymond of
Poitiers — Legacy of the King of Navarre — Loss of Edessa — Second
Crusade — Sieg^e of Damascus — Advance of the Jarroquins— Their
repulse and overthrow— Siege and capture of Ascalon-^ealousies
of the clergy— Death of Raymond du Pny— Expedition into Egypt
— Death of D'Ascali — Rise of Saladin - Death of Joubert — Dissen-
sions in the kingdom of Jerusalem — Accession of Guy de Lusignan
— Battle of Tiberias — Loss of Jerusalem— Its main causes . 27

viii Contents.

CHAPTER III.
1187—1230.

PAQB

Description of the ruins of the Hospital at Jerusalem — Its establish-
ment at Margat— Retirement of the ladies of the Order to Europe
— The third Crusade— Siege and capture of Acre — Guy de Lusignan
made king of Cyprus — Reforms of Alphonso of Fortugal-»-His
resignation and death — Fourth Crusade — Capture of Constanti-
nople by the Latins— Dissensions between the Templars and
Hospitallers— Andrew, Idng of Hungrary, admitted into the Order
— Fifth Crusade — Siege and capture of Damietta — Advance into
Egypt— Fatal results of the ezi>edition — Marriage of the emperor
Frederic with Violante— Treaty with the Saracens — Coronation of
Frederic at Jerusalem — His return to Europe and persecution of
the military Orders— Accusations brought against the knights of
St. John 56

CHAPTER IV.

1230—1291.

Re-occupation of Jerusalem by the Christians — Their expulsion by the
Eorasmins — Battle of Qaza— Death of Villebride, and election of
Chateauneuf— Reforms in the Order — Crusades of St. Louis —
Sanguinary combat between the Hospitallers and Templars — Siege
of Margat — Siege and fall of Acre 80

CHAPTER V.
1291—1311.

Establishment of the Order in Cyprus — Its first naval armaments—
Death of John de Villiers, and election of Odon de Pins—His
monastic seclusion— Dissatisfaction of the Order— His death, and
accession of William de Villaret— Exi>edition into Palestine-
Project for the capture of Rhodes — Preparations for that operation

— Death of William de Villaret, and accession of Fulk de Villaret

Capture of Rhodes — Destruction of the Order of the Temple . . 106

CHAPTER VL

1311—1365.

Villaret establishes his Order at Rhodes— His arrogance— Plots against
him— His flight to Lindos- Appeals to the Pope— His resignation
—Appointment of Elyon de ViUanova— Division of the Order into
langrttM -Deodato de Qozon and the Dragon of Rhodes— War
against the Turks — Capture of Smyrna— Election of Deodato de
Gozon — His resignation — Intrigues of Heredia the Castellan of
Emposta— Election of ComiUan and Roger de Pins . . . .134

Contents. ix

CHAPTER VII.
1338.

PAGB

DiTisioDB of clasB in the Order — Langues — Grand-Master, his position
and power — Courts of fig^ard — Bailiffs— Their offices — Adaptation
of the Order to change of circumstances— System of management
in commonderies — ^Report on the grand-priory of England in
1338 — Lists of commanderies and other estates in the grand-
priory 157

CHAPTER Vin.

1365—1402.

Election of Raymond Beranger— Expedition to Alexandria and capture
of the town — Election of Heredia — His previous history — He escorts
tiie Pope to Rome— Joins the expedition to Patras — Capture of
the town — Heredia falls into the hands of the Turks— His ransom-
Schism in the church — ^Heredia returns to Avignon — His death —
Election of Philibert de NaiUac — Battle of Nioopolis— Purchase of
the Morea — Its subsequent restoration — Timour the Tartar — ^His
overthrow of Bajazet — ^Loss of Smyrna 184i

CHAPTER IX.

1402—1476.

Erection of the fortress of St. Peter at Budrum — ^Treaty with the
sultan of Egypt — Conclusion of the papal schism, and reunion of
the Order — Death of de KaiUac, and succession of Fluvian —
Invasion of Cyprus— Death of Fluvian — Election of Lastic —
Descent on Rhodes — Reforms in the Order — Fall of Con-
stantinople—Election of James de Milly — Disputes in the
fraternity- Succession of Raymond Zacosta — Formation of an
eighth langut — Erection of Fort Nicholas — Departure of Zacosta
for Rome — His death there — Succeeded by Orsini— Fall of
Negropont — Preparations for defence at Rhodes— Death of Orsini,
and nomination of Peter D'Aubusson 213

CHAPTER X.

1476—1480.

Description of Rhodes— The three renegades— Arrival of the Turkish
army at Rhodes — First attack on Fort St. Nicholas — Its failure —
Breach opened in the Jews' quarter— Attempted assassination of
the Grand-Master— Second attack on St. Nicholas and its failure —
Second advance on the Jews' quarter— Execution of Maitre
Georges— Last assault of the Turks and its repulse— Close of the
siege, and embarkation of the Ottoman army 241

Contents.

CHAPTER XI.
1480—1503.

PAGE

Bestoration of the fortifications of Bhodes^ and recovery of the Grand-
Master — Preparations by Mahomet for a new siege — His death, and
the disputed succession to his empire — Defeat of Djem, and his
flight to Rhodes — Departure for France — His residence there — His
removal to Rome, and death — Last days of Peter D'Aubusson —
His death and interment — History of the relic of the hand of St.
John the Baptist 273

CHAPTER XII.

1503—1521.

Election of D'Amboise — Futile descent of Camalis — Captnre of
Turkish galleys and of the "Queen of the Seas" — Defeat of the
Turkish fleet in the Gulf of Ajaccio — Election and death of
Blancheforc — Accession of Carretto — Usurpation of Selim —
Conquest of Egypt by the sultan — Death of Selim and accession
of Solyman — Death of Carretto — Description of Rhodes in 1521,
and at present 290

CHAPTER XIII.

The career of a knight as a novice, professed knight, commander, and
bailiff — ^The auberges — ^The chaplains — ^The chapter-general — ^The
councils of the Order — The question of slavery .... 320

CHAPTER XIV.

1521—1522.

Election of L'Isle Adam — Fall of Belgrade — Correspondence with
Solyman — Preparations for defence — Detail of the Turkish forces —
Arrival of the Ottoman army at Rhodes — Commencement of the
siege — Plot by a female slave within the city — Detail of Turkish
artillery — Construction of cavaliers — Mining operations — Assault
on the tower of St. Mary — Repeated attacks and their repulse —
Accusations against the chancellor D'Amaral — His trial and
execution — Devotion of the Rhodian women — ^Negotiations for
surrender — Terms offered by Solyman — ^Their acceptance, and close
of the siege by the surrender of the island 339

Contents. xi

CHAPTER XV.
1522—1534.

PAGE

Sorrender of 'Rhodt^s, stud departure of the Order for Candia — Arrival

at Measina — II>epax1:*u.re for Oivita Vecchia — Project fcr bestowing

Malt& on the Order — Hopes of regaining Bhodes — L'Isle Adam

proceeds to M&drid — His negotiations — Visits Paris and London —

Betums to Italy — Malta ceded to the Order- Antecedent history

of that island — Tripoli — Its disadvantages and dangers — Descrip-

tion of the hArl>our of Malta— Expedition to Modon — Disputed

appointment to the bishopric of Malta — English Beformation —

Insnrrection in the convent — Death of L'Isle Adam . . 375

CHAPTER XVI.

1534—1565.

Election of Peter Dapont - Expedition r gainst Tunis — Didier de St.
OHIO'S — John D'Omedes— Expedition against Algiers — Turkish
descent on Malta— Loss of Tripoli — Destruction of the Order in
England — Leo Strozzi — Attack on Zoara — Death of D'Omedes and
election of La Sangle — Hurricane at Malta— Accession of La
Valette — Expedition to Galves— Siege of Mers el Kebir by the
Turks — Preparations by Solyman for an attack on Malta— Arrange-
ments for defence 309

CHAPTER XVIL

1565.

Emuneration of the garrison of Malta— Description of its defences —
The Turkish army and fleet— The janissaries — Disembarkation of
the force — Siege of St. Elmo commenced — Arrival of Dragut —
Repeated assaults — The fort cut off from succour — Its fall —
Massacre of the garrison 424

CHAPTER XVIIL
1565.

^ege of Malta oontinaed — Arrival of the first reinforcement — Invest-
ment of the Bourg — Attack on Senglea- Repeated assaults on both
3>oint8— Exhaustion of the garrison — ^Arrival of a succouring force
from Sicily— Close of the siege 461

xii Contents.

CHAPTER XIX.
1565—1601.

PAGE

General exultation at the successful defence of Malta — Bumours of a
new Turkish expedition — Death of Solyman — Commencement of
the city of Yaletta — Disturbances in the convent— Death of La
y alette— Accession of de Monte— Transfer of the convent to
Yaletta — Battle of Lepanto — Death of de Monte — Election of La
Cassi^e — Seditions aroused ag^ainst him — His deposition and
restoration — His death, and election of Yerdala — Arrival of the
Jesuits — Death of Verdala— Close of the century .... 479

CHAPTER XX.

Political position of the Grand-Master — His revenues — Ceremony of
election and installation — Details of his household — Ceremonials of
the table — Festivals — ^The lieutenant — The navy — The land forces
— The chancery — ^The conservatory — The revenue — Details of the
European property — ^The expenditure — ^The Hospital . . . 508

CHAPTER XXL

The punishments of the fraternity — List of prohibitions— Criminal
records— Local government of the Maltese — The bailiwick of
Brandenburg 542

CHAPTER XXIL

THE ** LAN6UE " OF ENGLAND.

Foundation at Clerkenwell — Introduction of the fraternity into Scot-
land and Ireland — Destruction of priory at Clerkenwell by Wat
Tyler — Restoration by Docwra — St. John's Gate — Lease of Hamp-
ton to Wolsey — Suppression of the ianyue by Henry VIII. — Revival
by Queen Mary — Ultimate suppression by Elizabeth — Subsequent
fate of the Priory, Church, and Gate — Revival of the langue — Its
objects and present state — Brief biographies of important members
of the old langue 564

CHAPTER XXIIL

1601—1669.

Alof de Yignacourt — Ecclesiastical disputes — ^The Malta aqueduct —
Anthony de Paule — Chapter-general — Election of Lascaris — Dis-
putes with France and Spain — Battle of the Dardanelles — Expul-
sion of the Jesuits — Commencement of the Floriana line — Acquisi-
tion in the West Indies — Election of Redin — The brothers Cottoner
— Siege and loss of Candia 595

Contents. xiii

CHAPTER XXIV.
1669-1797.

PAGE

Sir John NarbTOiig:li.'s visit to Malta — Construction of the Cottonera
linea — ^Death of Cottoner — Gregory Cara£fa — Adrian de Vignacoort
— ^Laymond Perrelos — ^Embassy from Russia — ^Mark Anthony
^ndodari — ^Maii5el de Yilhena — ^Erection of Fort Mandel— Ray-
mond I>eapTiig — Pinto de Fonseca — Plot of the slaves — His
popularity — Condition of the navy — Francois Ximenes — Priestly
insarrection — ^Emmanuel de Rohan — Chapter-general — ^Earthquake
in Sicily — ^Erection of Fort Tign^ — ^The French revolution — Des-
truction of the French langues — Death of de Rohan . . . 618

CHAPTER XXV.

1797—1798.

Election of von Hompesch — Establishment of a Russian priory —
Capture of Malta decreed — Arrival of the French fleet before Malta
— Dispositions of Bonapcurte for the attack — State of the town —
Inefficiency of von Hompesch — Surrender of the island — Depar-
ture of the knights — Death of von Hompesch — The knights in St.
Petersburg — ^Election of the emperor Paul as Grand-Master — Sub-
sequent wanderings of the Order — Its present position at Rome . 647

CHAPTER XXVI.
1798—1800.

French decrees on assuming possession of the island — Insurrection of
the Maltese — Blockade of the French within the fortress— Arrival
of the joint British and Portuguese fleet — Details of the blockade —
Capitulation of the French — The treaty of Amiens — Eventual
transfer of the island to the British — Conclusion .... 669

Skaub of thk Obdxb of St. John 694

APPENDIX I.

Chronological List of the Grand-Masters of the Order of St. John,
distingaishing the various nations 695

APPENDIX II.

List of the first Members of the Order of St. John, cotemporaries with
its Founder, Gerard, from 1099 to 1135. (From Paolo Antonio
Paoli.) 697

APPENDIX III.

Original Donation of Godfrey of Bouillon to the Hospital of St. John.
(Ex. Cod. papyrac. Biblioth. Vaticanse, N. 8136, page 19.) . . . 698

xiv Contmts.

APPENDIX IV.

PAGE

Bull of Pope Paschal II., confirming the establishment of the Hospital
of St. John. (Translated from the original Latin.) . 600

APPENDIX V.

Bull of Pope Boniface VIII., in the year 1300, recapitulating the
original rule of Baymond du Puy, lost at the capture of Acre.
(Translated from the original Latin.) 700

APPENDIX VI.

Bull of Pope Alexander IV., dated in 1259, decreeing a distinctive dress
for the Knights of Justice. (Translated from the original Latin.) . 7G5

APPENDIX VII.

Letter of Peter D'Aubusson to the emperor of Germany, containing a
narrative of the first siege of Ehodes. (Translated from the original
Latin.) 706

APPENDIX VIII.

Letter of Sir Nicholas Boberts to the earl of Surrey, descriptive- of the
second siege of Ehodes. (Ex Cotton MSS. Copied from Taafe's
" Knights of St. John." This letter is much injured, and rendered
illegible in many parts.) 711

APPENDIX IX.
Deed of authorization to the Procurators of L'Isle Adam, including the
act of donation of the island of Malta and its dependencies to the
Order of St. John by Charles V. (Translated from the original
Litin.) 713

APPENDIX X.

Translation from the original Latin of the letter of the Grand-Master
La Valette to the grand-prior of Germany, narrating the siege oP
Malta. (Taken from "Coelii Augustini Curionis Saracenicce His-
toiisB libri tres, etc." Francofurdi, 1596.) 720

APPENDIX XL
List of the dignitaries of the langue of England 722

APPENDIX XII.

Memorandum written by Oliver Starkey on the subject of a dispute as
to precedence between the grand-priors of England and Messina.
(Translated from the original, now in the Record Office at Malta.) . 736

APPENDIX XIII.

Articles of capitulation of the fortress of Malta by the French in the
year 1800 738

APPENDIX XIV.
Article in the Treaty of Amiens relative to the Order of St. John . . 742

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

PAGE

PoRTRArr OF L.A VA.I.ETTE Frouti^tiece

Gate of &r. Johk in the Mueistax, JEursALEM .... 61

Rui:!fS OF QUADKA:yGLE OF MONASTEET, MXTEISTAN .... 62

Map of Rhodes to rLLUSTEATE sieges of 1480 and 1522 . . 242

Facsimh^e of ax old woodcut of Rhodes 278

Portrait of L'Isle Adam making his entry into the Citta

KoTABrLE 390

Map of Malta to illustrate siege of 1565 426

Coats of Arms on St. John's Gate, Cleekenwell; Tomb of

Sir William Weston 571

^lajos of THE Order of St. John, and of the Geand-Peioey

of England . . 694

"JS" _ — i a"

A HISTORY OF

THE KNIGHTS OF MALTA.

CHAPTEE I.
1099—1118.

Origin of ebiyahy — Condition of Palestine prior to the first Crusade —
Erection of ^e Hospital of St. John — Peter the Hermit — Capture of
Jenualexii — ^Foundation of the Order of St. John — Death of Qmid and
eleetion of Baymond du Puy — ^Military constitution of the Order-
Regulations for its establislunent — Admission of candidates — Estab-
lishment of oommanderies — ^Regulations respecting dress — ^Defensive
armour: Scale mail; Chain mail; Plate armour; Helmet; Shield —
OffensiTe armour: Lance; Sword; Battle-axe; Dagger — ^The destrier,
or war-horse.

Thb Order of St. John of Jerusalem was one of the most
important results which grew out of the spirit of chivalry
prevalent throughout Europe during the Middle Ages, It
is welly therefore, in tracing a history of that Order, to begin
with a slight sketch of the causes which led to the awakening
of the chivalric sentiment.

The gradual extension by the Eomans of their empire had
naturally brought about that system of colonization with which
they habitually followed up the conquests of their generals.
As soon afl a new country fell under their power an organized
government was established, the miniature counterpart of that
holding rule at the centre of the empire. A proconsul or
governor was appointed, under whose direction, supported by
l^ons of disciplined soldiery, peace and order were maintained,
few changes being made in the occupation of the land. By

2

2 A History of

a gradual transition, facilitated materially by the advent of
numerous official dignitaries bringing with them to their new
homes all the refinements and many of the luxuries of their
native city, the once rude land was converted into a smiling and
prosperous province, where the civilization and improvements
introduced by their new masters found a ready welcome. Under
the influence of this power the military spirit of the inhabitants
was not evoked. Some maintained her sway not by a local
militia but by a standing army, and trusted for her victories
rather to the well-trained movements of an organized soldiery
than to the spontaneous efforts of an imdisciplined peasantry,
hbwever martial their native spirit might be. The principle of
centralization pervaded every act of their government, and the
constant communication thus created with the capital went far
to help on the progress of refinement. The conquered popula-
tion, instead of being degraded into slavery, were raised to the
dignity of Eoman citizens, and the judicious liberality with which
they were treated made them yield the more readily to the
softening and enervating influences of peace and civilization.

The case was, however, widely different with the barbarians,
the torrent of whose invasion subsequently overthrew the power
of Rome. They had no central seat of empire from which to
draft the rulers of their new acquisitions ; they sought, not a
simple extension of an existing government, a new appanage
of a monarchy already flourishing, but descending from their
wild homes amid the bleak fastnesses of the North, they made
for themselves a new settlement and a more genial dwelling-
place in the luxuriant plains of the South. The original holders
of the land were dispossessed and mostly exterminated, their
places being filled by the intruders. The leader of the irrup-
tion, secure in his power only in so feu* as he consulted the
interests and by that means retained the affections of his
followers, established his government upon a wholesale system
of military colonization. There was no standing army distinct
from the occupiers of the soil, but every man remained a
soldier whilst becoming a landed proprietor in the country of
his adoption.

Hence arose the feudal system. The leader himself became
a monarch, holding supreme sway within his newly-aoquired

the Knights of Malta. 3

kingdom. The oommanders of his foices gradually deyeloped
into a nobility^ reoeiving as a reward for their servioes, and as a
guarantee for their future attachment, large grants of land,
hampered only with the conditions of military service whenever
they were called upon by their chief. These nobles again sub-
divided their estates amongst their inferiors under nearly similar
oonditions, so that eventually the whole country was held
under a tenure purely military in its requirements. It is not
surprising that under these circumstances a martial spirit should
pervade the new colonists. Military service was the only road
to advancement ; it was hy such service alone that they held
their possessions, and the power of the sword became paramount.
Under such a system that spirit of chivalry was first developed,
which in its more mature years gave birth to the monastic
military orders of the East.

Personal prowess being considered man's proudest ornament,
and the pursuit of learning abandoned to the monk in his
cloistered retreat, the profession of arms was the only occupa-
tion open to the youth of high and noble estate. Taught from
childhood to take delight in &e military exercises which formed
the daily occupation of the retainers in every baronial castle,
he imbibed at an early age that ardent craving for distinction
which was one of the fundamental principles of chivalry. Lnhued
with the religious veneration of the period — a veneration deeply
tinged with superstition, he was led to consider as sacred the
obligations imposed on him hy the chivalric code. To fight in
defence of his religion was not only a sacred duty, it was also
an inestimable privilege. ^ He had been taught that pardon for
hiB sins was to he purchased by a display of martial zeal in
hehalf of his faith, and that the shedding of his blood in the
sacred cause would insure him an entry into the joys of Heaven.
This doctrine appealed in the wannest and most direct manner
to the preyailing sentiments of the time. What wonder then
that it was eagerly accepted and gradually worked its way
through all ranks of society. Whilst such was the bent of
pubho feeling in Europe, there arose gradually in the East a
state of things which, as it became known, aroused the martial
ardour of the nations to a pitch of frenzy.
The Byzantine empire had continued to maintain its rule

2»

4 A History of

long after its western sister had fallen beneath the attacks of
the northern barbarians. True, it was much reduced in extent ;
still, at the beginning of the seventh century, the Euphrates
remained the Asiatic boundary of the empire. Her rulers,
however, either dreading the treachery of usurpers or being
usurpers themselves, were less on the look-out to check the
inroads of the surrounding wild tribes than to secure their own
position on the tottering throne. Encompassed by enemies both
within and without, that position was yetu-ly becoming one of
increasing difficulty, and demanded on the part of the monarch,
as the only possible means of maintaining its integrity, the
highest administrative capacity coupled with supreme skill in
the power of waging a defensive warfare. Unfortunately, how-
ever, for the empire, her rulers evinced no such gifts. Instead
of striving to make head against the constant encroax^hments of
their neighbours, they plunged madly into all the voluptuous
degeneracy of the times, and vainly sought to conceal their
weakness and cowardice behind the idle pomp of a gorgeous
magnificence. Under such circumstances the power which had
at one time extended over the whole of the east of Europe, and
had shared the empire of the world with its Boman sister,
crumbled away by degrees, and became a mere phantom of its
original greatness.

One province of the empire, however, continued throughout
its decadence to command the affectionate interest and sympathy
of Europe; this was the province of Judea, within the limits of
which stood the holy city of Jerusalem. Since the days of our
Saviour the vicissitudes of fortune and the results of war had
brought about many changes within its sacred precincts. The
capture of the city by the Eomans under Titus led to the intro-
duction of their idolatrous form of worship. The Jews were
driven forth to be dispersed over the face of the earth. A pagan
temple was reared on the site of that which had originally been
dedicated to the Lord by Solomon, and the foul rites of a
heathen worship desecrated the land hallowed by the footsteps
of our Saviour when on earth.

During the fourth century, however, Christianity won its way
throughout the empire, and before long Ohristiem churches
began to replace the temples of the heathen. Foremost

the Knights of Malta. 5

amongst these stood that of the Holy Sepulchre, erected by
the Empress Heleoa, the mother of Constontine the Great.
She had been baptized at the same time as her son, and
with all the newly-awakened zeal of a convert, had made a
pilgrimage to the Holy Land. To her is attributed the dis-
eovCTy of the Holy Sepulchre, and upon that site she erected
the magnificent pile which bears its name. Her example was
followed by Constantino, and by degrees the numerous stately
churches and convents which they founded formed the principal
adormnent of the province.

Jerusalem now became the favoured object of the world's
devotion. Keligious curiosity had prompted Christians from
the earliest times to visit the regions sanctified by their faith.
This feeling, supported as it was by the influence of the
priesthood, g7:ew in intensity, until at length it became a recog-
nized principle that a pilgrimage to Jerusalem was the most
efficacious act by which the penitent could hope to atone for
his sins. Yast crowds flocked thither from every comer of
Europe to utter a prayer over the tomb of their Saviour, and to
gaze on that hallowed spot where He had breathed His last.
The very dust of the land was considered sacred in their eyes,
and the pious wanderer, on his return, hung his palm branch
and pilgrim's staff over the altar of his parish church, where it
remained, not only an emblem of his own devotion, but also an
incentive to others to follow his example.

Matters were on this footing when suddenly there arose from
the obscurity of the East that wonderful man who was destined
to cause a complete revolution, and to become the founder at
the same time of a new empire and of a new religion. It will
not come within the province of this work to enter into any
detail with regard to the rise and progress of Mahomet, who, in
the early part of the seventh century, established himself as the
prophet of a new faith. Within a very short time from the com-
mencement of his career he had brought the whole of Arabia
under his dominion. A fundamental doctrine of his religion
being the necessity for its propagation by the power of the
sword, the lust of conquest lent its aid to the zeal of fanaticism,
and the new creed spread with a rapidity imequalled in the
aimals of religious propagandism.

6 A History of

After the death of Mahomet, his successors, who assumed the
title of caliph, or vicar of the prophet, gradually overran the
neighbouring provinces. Damascus, Antioch, and Syria having
fallen to their arms, they penetrated into Palestine, seized
upon Jerusalem, and passing from thence into Egjrpt, they
annexed that country also to their empire ; Media, Korassan,
and Mesopotamia shared the same fate ; and entering Africa
they spread themselves over its whole northern coast. In
Europe, after having successively captured the islands of
Cyprus, Bhodes, Candia, Sicily, and Malta, they founded a
new empire in the heart of Spain, whence they carried on for
many years a desperate struggle with the Christians of the
surrounding provinces.

Of all these conquests, however, the one which caused the
greatest dismay, and which in after times was fraught with the
most eventful results, was that of the Holy Land and the
city of Jerusalem. So long as the Christian emperors of the
East maintained their rule over its sacred limits, the advent
of pilgrims from all parts had been encouraged to the greatest
possible extent. The government had early discovered that a
large amount of money was by this means brought into the
empire, and that its commerce was much extended by the vast
concourse of ever-changing people collected together within the
favoured district. Matters changed greatly for the worse when
the province fell into the hands of the caliphs. Although they
were far too keen-sighted and politic to prohibit altogether
the influx of this stream of Christians into the sacred city, they
nevertheless imposed such heavy taxes upon them as told
materially upon ' the slender finances of the pilgrims, and
became a source of considerable profit to their own treasury.

The infidels were at that time much divided by serious
discords among themselves. Shortly after Mahomet's death
they had split up into sepcu'ate factions, each led by a chief
who claimed for himself the right of empire, as being the
nearest in descent from the prophet. There were at one time
no less than five distinct pretenders to this position. The
sovereignty of the Holy Land had been warmly contested
between two of these rivals, the caliphs of Bagdad and of
Egypt. In their struggles for supremacy the poor unoffending

the Knights of Malta. 7

pilgrims of the West were miserably harassed and plmidered,
first by the one party and then by the other, and were not nnfre-
qnently murdered. These dangers and impediments were not,
however, suflioient to check the ardour of their religious zeal, nor
did the fear of maltreatment deter a vast and annually increas-
ing number of devotees from seeking the shores of Palestine.

Many of these pilgrims combined the profits of commerce
with their holier office, and those who were thus able to establish
business relations with the rulers of the neighbouring provinces,
had it often in their power to befriend their less fortunate
brethren. Amongst the most distinguished of these were some
merchants of Amalfi, a rich city in the kingdom of Naples,
still existing, though greatly shorn of its old wealth and
importance. These having in the course of their trading
in Egypt ingratiated themselves with the Caliph Monstaser
Billah, who at that time held the Holy Land in his power,
obtained permission to establish a hospital within the city of
Jerusalem, for the use of poor and sick Latin pilgrims. In
obedience to the order of the caliph, the Mahometan governor
of the city assigned to these pious men a site close to the
Holy Sepulchre, on which they erected a church, dedicated to
the Virgin, giving it the name of Sta. Maria ad Latinos, to
distinguish it from those churches where the Ghreek ritual pre-
vailed. This work was accomplished between the years 1014 —
1023.* Its religious duties were carried on by Benedictine
monks appointed for the purpose. Between that time and the
capture of Jerusalem in 1099 the work was developed by the
erection of two hospitals (one for either sex) for the reception
of pilgrims, and in connection therewith two additional churches
were founded. That for the females was dedicated to St. Mary
Magdalene, and that for men to St. John Eleemon, or the
Almoner. This latter dedication was, at some subsequent date,
which is uncertain, changed from St. John the Almoner to St.
John the Baptist. In the course of time many pilgrims who

* The usual date given by historians for this establishment is 1048.
There is, however, still extant a charter granted for the re-endowment of
thu chureh and monastery by Melek Muzaffer in 1023. My authority for
this statement is Captain C. Conder, R.E., whose name is so well known
in eanneotioB with the Palestine Exploration Expedition.

8 A History of

had in this hospital received the assistance so liberally ex-
tended to all wayfarers, abandoned the idea of returning to
their homes, and formed themselves into a charitable body, who,
without any regular religious profession, devoted themselves to
its service and the care of its sick inmates.

All the chief cities of Italy and the south of Europe sub-
scribed liberally for the support of this admirable and much-
wanted institution. The merchants of Amalfi who were its
original founders acted as the stewards of their boimty ; and as
its beneficial influence became more widely known throughout
Europe, their revenues increased largely. Grateful pilgrims
on their return home spread far and wide the reputation of the
Jerusalem hospitals, so that contributions flowed in from every
quarter, and their utility was greatly extended. Such was the
original establishment from which the Order of St. John
eventually sprang, and it was from this fraternity of charitable
devotees that a body of men descended, who for centuries
continued a terror to the infldel, and the main bulwark of
Christendom in the East.

Meanwhile a calamitous change befel the sacred city. Its
'Mahometan masters, after four centuries of dominion, were in
their turn overpowered by a fierce horde of barbarians, bearing
the name of Turcomans, who, coming from the wild regions
beyond the Caspian Sea, poured themselves gradually over all
the coimtries bordering on the Euphrates. The Holy Land
soon fell into their hands, and from that moment a new and
most disastrous 88ra dawned upon the pilgrims of Europe. Their
tribute was largely increased, and, more than this, they them-
selves were plimdered, maltreated, and subjected to every kind
of atrocity, in comparison with which their former hardships
seemed light indeed. From this time the journey to, and
sojourn in Jerusalem became an undertaking fraught with the
greatest possible danger. A large number of the pilgrims who
still endeavoured to make their way thither never returned, and
those who were fortunate enough to do so, spread the evil
tidings of what they had been called on to suffer, so that
gradually a strong feeling of horror and indignation was
evoked throughout Europe.

In the year 1093, whilst these cruelties were at their height,

the Knights of Malta. 9

Peter the Hermit, a Latin monk, who had been so called on
acooTint of the rigid austerities and seclusion of his life, returned
from a pilgrimage which he, like so many others, had made to
the Holy Land. He had witnessed the hardships and bar-
barities to which the Christian sojourners in Jerusalem were
subjected, and had doubtless undergone much himself. He
determined, therefore, to devote his energies to the suppression
of the evil, and applied to the Gfreek Patriarch Simeon for
assistance in the good cause. The Greek empire was at this
time in far too insecure and tottering a condition to admit the
possibility of any armed intervention from that quarter, but
Simeon warmly embraced the opportunity of rendering what
help he could, and gave Peter a letter of recommendation to
Urban H., who at that time occupied the chair of St. Peter.
Fortified with this introduction, as well as with a second
letter of similar tenor from Gerard, the rector of the Hospital
of St. John at Jerusalem, the hermit proceeded to Borne and
there pleaded his cause in person.

The result of these efforts forms a prominent feature in the
histoiy of the eleventh and twelfth centuries. The religious
enthusiasm of Europe was aroused to a pitch of frenzy, and vast
armaments assembled from all quarters and poured eastward.
After the miserable dispersion of the first undisciplined mobs,
who, led by the fanatic Peter, rushed forward in tumultuous
disarray, the armed chivalry of Europe gradually collected
on the plains before Constantinople, where they mustered a
strength of 600,000 foot and 100,000 cavalry. This enormous
force was under the chief command of Bohemond, son of the
Count of Calabria. Its advance was marked by the successive
capture of the cities of Nicea, Antioch, Tarsus, and Edessa, and
at length, on the 7th Jime, 1099, it made its appearance before
the Holy City. The caliph of Egypt, taking advantage of the
warfare which the Turcomans were then carrying on against
the Crusaders, had succeeded in once more obtaining possession
of Palestine, and was at this period in occupation of Jerusalem,
which he had garrisoned with a force of 40,000 men. There
were also in the city about 20,000 Mahometan inhabitants
capable of bearing arms. The force of the besiegers, diminished
as they had been by their previous struggles and the privations

lo A History of

they hfibd undergone, numbered barely 20,000 infantry with
about 1,500 horse.

The first step taken by the Mahometan governor, on the
appearance of the enemy before the town, was the arrest of all
the leading Christians in the pladid. Peter GFerard, the rector
of the Hospital of St. John, was of the number who were thus
cast into prison. He is generally supposed to have been a
native of Florence, but the fact is very doubtful; neither his
family nor even his country has been with any certainty
ascertained. He had undertaken a pilgrimage to the East
in accordance with the prevailing custom of the times, and
having been an eye-witaeas of the many oharities administered
by the hospital, he had abandoned all idea of returning to
Europe, and devoted himself instead to the service of the
institution. Here, by his energy and zeal aj3 well as by the
general piety of his life, he gained so much influence that
eventually he was appointed rector. At the same time a noble
Boman lady called Agnes was at the head of the female
branch of the hospital. Pilgrims of both sexes were admitted
freely ; even the infidels were not excluded from its benefits,
in consequence of which the rector became gradually looked
up to with almost filial veneration by the poor of the city.
It was the dread that this infiuence might be made of use in
favour of the besiegers which induced the governor, as a mattor
of precaution, to imprison Gherard. The old historians record
a curious miracle in connection with this arrest, tending to show
the sanctity in which he was held. It is said that being sadly
distressed at the miserable condition to which the Crusaders
were reduced by famine, he hcd moimted the ramparts with
loaves of bread hidden under his cloak, intending to throw
them over the walls for the use of the besiegers. Being
detected in the act, he was taken before the govem,or, when
on examination it was found that the loaves had been
miraculously turned into stones. His life was consequently
spared, although he was thrown into prison as being under
suspicion of holding treasonable intercourse with the besiegers.
The governor caused all the wells within a drcuit of five
or six miles of the town to be filled up, and levelled every
building in the suburbs, burning the wood of which they were

the Knights of Malta. 1 1

oomposed, bo that tlie besiegers when they arrived found nothing
but an arid waste encircling the town.

In spite of their nnmerical inferiority and the obstacles
thrown in their way, the Crusaders at once proceeded to carry
on the siege of the town*. On the fifth day a general assault
was attempted, but owing to the want of proper military
engines the effort proved futile, and the assailants were
driven with great loss from the walls. To remedy this defect,
Gh)dfrey de Bouillon and Eaymond of Toulouse had two large
wooden towers buflt to assist the attacking party in surmount-
ing them. A second assault was delivered on the 19th July.
This proved entirely successful. Qx>dfrey, by means of his
towers, penetrated within the walls, and then opening the gates
of the city gave admission to the whole army.

A scene of bloodshed and cruelty now took place which casts
an indelible stain upon what would otherwise have ranked as a
most glorious achievement. Not content with the slaught^ of
those who were found with arms in their hands, the women
and children indiscriminately fell victims to the ferocity of the
conquerors. It is computed that no less than ten thousand
persons were massacred within the limits of the Mosque of
Omar alone. The carnage on this spot was so fearful that
the dead bodies were floated by the stream of blood into the
court, and the Christian knights rode through the place with
blood up to their horses' knees. On the following day an
occurrence still more disgraceful took place. Three hundred
men, to whom Tancred had pledged his knightly word in
token of protection, were murdered in cold blood, it having
been decided by the assembled leaders that no quarter should
on any pretence be given to the Saracens.

At length the slaughter ceased, and satiated with bloodshed
the commanders of the army, followed by the soldiery, bare-
headed and with naked feet, proceeded to the Holy Sepulchre,
there to offer up their prayers and to return thanks for the
saccessfol issue of their sacred undertaking. Incongruous as
this act may appear so shortly after the scenes just enacted,
it was in strict accordance with the spirit of the age, when the
piety of the Christian was closely allied to the intolerance of
the fanatic. Their religious duties accomplished, they then

12 A History of

proceeded to organize a government for the newly-conquered
territory. The majority of the sufirages were given in favour
of Q-odfrey de Bouillon, a prince who was noted for his piety
as much as for his valour, and he was at once elected to the
post of ruler. Refusing the crown and title of king which
were tendered to him, on the plea that he would never wear
a crown of gold on the spot where his Saviour had worn a
crown of thorns, he modestly determined to content himself
with the title of Defender and Advocate of the Holy
Sepulchre. He has, however, always ranked as the first king
of Jerusalem.

Thus, after the lapse of four centuries, we once more find
the sacred city freed from the yoke of Islam, and reverting
to its old faith. It is a curious and instructive study to trace
the extraordinary changes which time had wrought within its
hallowed precincts. The siege of which the successful termina-
tion has just been recorded, was the tenth which Jerusalem,
with varied fortunes, had undergone. It was first captured
by David in the year B.C. 1051, when he drove out its
Jebusite inhabitants and made it the capital of the Jewish
kingdom. In the reign of Behoboam, the grandson of David,
seventy-five years afterwards, it was besieged by Shishak, king
of Egypt, who, having gained admission through the cowardice
of Behoboam, pillaged the city and retained possession of
it for a time. The next siege was that undertaken by Sen-
nacherib, king of Assyria, in the time of Hezekiah, b.c. 715,
when by miraculous interposition the besieging hosts were so
suddenly smitten that they were compelled to retreat. On
the fourth occasion the attack was made by Nebuchadnezzar,
king of Babylon, to enforce the payment of tribute, which
Zedekiah, trusting to his Egyptian alliance, had refused to
continue. For eighteen months the inhabitants persisted in
their defence, famine and pestilence causing more havoc than
the sword of the enemy. At length they were forced to
yield, and the conqueror made his triiunphal entry into the
city. Such of the inhabitants as escaped with their lives
were led away into slavery ; the temple was reduced to ashes,
and the city completely destroyed. By permission of Cyrus,
king of Persia, it was rebuilt by Zerubbabel, and once more

the Knights of Malta* 13

fortified by Nehemiah. In the year 63 b.c, the Jews having
refoaed a jmssage to the Eoman army, whioh was on the
march against AristobnlnB, Pompey the Ghreat attacked the
town, and owing to the dissensions raging within its walls
he soon made himself master of it. It is recorded that in
this siege, which lasted less than three months, twelve
thousand Jews lost their lives. On the same day, twenty-
seven years after, it was again taken by Herod the Oreat,
and on this occasion the slaughter was even greater than
before, the obstinacy of the defence having exasperated the
oonqnerors to such a degree that, on obtaining possession of
the town, they immolated to their fury all who fell into
their hands, qxdte regardless of age or sex. The seventh
siege was that rendered memorable in history from its being
the fulfilment of our Lord's denunciations whilst on earth.
Titus made his appearance before the town with a vast
Boman army a.d. 66. At that time Jerusalem, built on
two very steep mountains, was divided into three parts, the
upper city, the lower city, and the temple, each of which
had its own separate fortifications. The inhabitants were thus
enabled to protract their defence in an extraordinary degree.
The steady perseverance of the besiegers eventually overcame
all obstacles, and after a most desperate resistance, Titus
succeeded in forcing his way into the place. In spite, however,
of all his efforts he was unable to save it from destruction.
The fiat had gone forth that not one stone should be left
upon another, and no orders on the part of the conqueror
avaQed to prevent the accomplishment of the Divine decree.
The Emperor Adrian built another city on its site, which,
in order that there might be nothing left of the ancient
Jerusalem, not even a name, he called /Rlia. The city of
David had become well-nigh forgotten when Constantine,
the first Christian emperor of the East, restored its name,
and calling together the faithful from all parts of Europe,
formed it into a Christian colony. In the year a.d. 613,
a host of Persian fire-worshippers poured over Palestine and
again captured the city. During the sack which ensued most
of the ohurohes, and the Holy Sepulchre itself, were destroyed
by fixe, and the sacred cross, so long an object of veneration

14 A History of

to devoteeB, was oarried away by the invaders. It was
attacked for the ninth time by the Saracens under Khaled,
A.D. 635, when, after a siege of four months' duration, a
capitulation was agreed on, in virtue of whi(5h the city fell
into his hands. Whilst in the possession of the Saracens it
changed masters several times, until at length it was wrested
from them by the crusading army in the manner ab^eady told.

One of the first steps taken by Godfrey after aesimiing
the reins of government in the captured city, was to visit the
Hospital of St. John. He here found a number of wounded
men, members of the crusading army, who had been received
into the hospital, and were being nursed with the most tender
solicitude. In proof of the devotion and religious zeal which
animated the brotherhood at this time it is recorded that whilst
the funds of the institution were expended without stint in the
provision of delicate and nutritious diet for the suflEerers so
charitably entertained within its walls, the food of the brethren
themselves was of the coarsest and most economical description.
Godfrey was so much struck with the admirable manner in
which the establishment was conducted by Gerard, and with the
benefits which it had conferred upon his suffering army, that he
at once endowed it with his manor of Montboise, in Brabant.*
His example was followed by several of the other leaders of
the army who had, either in their own persons or in those of
their followers, experienced the kindness and hospitality of the
Order. The main object for which the expedition had been
formed having been attained, and the Holy City rescued from
the hands of the infidel, the greater portion of the crusading
army returned to Europe. The fame of the hospital was by their
means spread abroad in every direction, and in consequence
numerous additional benefactions accrued to it, until eventually
there was scarcely a province in which the Hospitcd of St. John
did not stand possessed of manorial rights.

The ranks of the Hospitallers received at the same time a large
augmentation by the secession of many of the Crusaders from
their martial career, who, yielding themselves up entirely to a
life of religion, joined the charitable fraternity. Under these
oiroumstances, and actuated by a laudable desire to secure the

* Vide Appendix No. 3.

the Knights of Malta. 1 5

benefits of the institution upon a broader.and more permanent
basis, Gerard proposed that thej should organize themselves
into a regularly-oonstituted religious body, taking upon them-
selves the three monastic obligations of poverty, obedience, and
ohastity, and that they should devote the remainder of their
lives to the service of the poor and sick in the newly-established
kingdom of Jerusalem. This proposition on the part of the
rector, coming as it did at a time when religious enthusiasm
had been greatly stimulated by the success of the Christian
army, was hailed with acclamation, and at once acted on. The
patnaroh of Jerusalem received from the candidates the three
religious vows, and clothed them in the habit selected for the
Order, which consisted of a plain black robe, bearing on the
left breast a white cross with eight points.

Pope Paschal 11. shortly afterwards formally sanctioned the
establishment of the Order, by a bull published in the year
1113.* By this instrument the hospital was exempted from
the payment of tithes ; the endowments it had received were
confirmed to it, and the privilege was conceded to its members
of electing their own head, whenever a vacancy should occur,
without any external interference, either secular or ecclesiastical.
After the recovery of Jerusalem from the hands of the Saracens
the nimiber of pilgrims rapidly increased, and Oerard, in his
solicitude for their welfare, established branch hospitals in most
of the maritime provinces of Europe. These were placed under
the superintendence and management of members of the Order,
as offshoots of the parent institution, and formed points of
departure where pilgrims could find shelter and entertain^
ment whilst waiting for transport to the Holy Land.

Gerard, who had already reached a green old age, did not
long survive the establishment of his institution. He died in
the year 1118, and the post of superior to the hospital became
vacant. In accordance with the terms of the Papal bull already
mentioned, the fraternity immediately proceeded to elect his
suocessor. Their choice fell on Baymond du Puy, a member
of a noble family in Dauphin^. At this time Baldwin IE.
was seated on the throne of Jerusalem. Although so short
a time had elapsed since the establisbment of the kingdom

* ViM Appendix No. 4.

i6 A History of

there hcd already been two ohanges of rulers, Ghodfrey and his
brother Baldwin I., who suooeeded him, haying both died.
The kingdom at this period consisted only of certain isolated
cities, with the districts in their immediate vicinity, the inter-
vening country being still peopled and held by the Saracens.
Intercourse was therefore very difficult, and communication was
liable to constant interruption from the predatory attacks of
the infidels.

Raymond du Puy had no sooner assumed the reins of office
than he began to devise a material alteration in the constitu-
tion of the Order. His mind, naturally of a chivalric and
warlike bent, was not prepared to rest satisfied with the peaceful
functions undertaken by the fraternity. He therefore proposed
that wlulst they still retained all the obligations imposed on
them by their vows, they should add the further one of
bearing arms in defence of their religion, and in support of
the new kingdom.

Although this proposition was diametrically opposed to the
leading principles upon which the institution had been founded
— ^which principles had but a few years before been accepted
with the utmost enthusiasm and established by acclamation —
it was nevertheless received on all sides with delight. This
change of feeling is easily accounted for. When Grerard, who
was himself a man of peaceful habits, and bred in an almost
monastic seclusion, formed his Order on an entirely religious
basis, rendering the abandonment of a warlike career a matter
of course, he f oimd plenty of ready and willing followers from
amongst the ranks of the crusading army. They had passed
through a period of extreme peril and hardship, they had
fought their way step by step at the point of the sword, untU
sadly reduced in numbers and satiated with warfare they had
at length achieved the main object for which they strove.
Prostrate with the exhaustion consequent on so prolonged a
struggle and eager for repose, filled too, at the moment, with
all the veneration which the remembrance of the holy groimd
on which they trod was calculated to inspire, it is not a matter
for wonder that they embraced with eagerness the peaceful
career thus presented for their adoption, combining as it did
the gratification of their religious enthusiasm with the calm

the Knights of Malta. 1 7

and rest so grateful to their jaded senses. The lapse, how-
ever, of a few years brought about a great change in their
feelings. The quiet and seclusion of a monastic life soon lost
the charms which it had at first possessed ; the habits of a
life of excitement and warfare could not be thus suddenly
suspended without gradually producing a sense of inertness
and lassitude. When, therefore, their new superior, filled
with the same restless cravings as themselves, sought to restore
to their institution the active exercise of that profession which
had been their delight, and which they had abandoned in a
hasty fit of fanaticism, it is not surprising that his new pro-
posal should have been hailed with eagerness.

The suggestions of Eaymond du Puy met with the warmest
approval from Baldwin. The constant warfare to which he
was exposed on every side, the incessant depredations of the
Saracens who surrounded him, and the necessity which con-
sequently existed for supporting his position by the force of
aims, led him to receive with the utmost favour so welcome a
proposition. It would bring to the support of his cause a body
of men highly trained in all the chivalric exercises of the age,
inflamed with religious ardour, and unfettered by any of those
social ties in Europe which had drawn from him so many of
his followers. Thus upheld on every side, Raymond proceeded
without delay to carry his design into execution ; the patriarch
of Jerusalem was once more called in to give his consent, and
the entire body took a fresh oath by which they bound them-
selves to support the cause of Christianity against the infidel
in the Holy Land to the last drop of their blood. They at
the same time pledged themselves, on no pretence whatever, to
bear arms for any other object than the defence of their faith.

From this moment we may consider the Order of St. John
of Jerusalem as permanently established on that military basis
which it retained till its final dispersion from Malta. Although
Oerard must be recognized as the original founder of the fra-
ternity, it is to Raymond du Puy that the honour belongs of
having been its first nulitaxy Master. When we look back on
the glorious achievements which through so many centuries
have adorned its annals, and mark the long list of names,
ennobled by so many heroic deeds, which have been successively

3

1 8 A History of

enrolled beneath its banners, we must render all praise to the
mind that first contemplated the establishment of a brotherhood
eombiniDg within its obligations such apparently contradictory
duties, and yet fulfilling its purposes with so much lasting bene-
fit to Christianity, and imperishable renown to itself.

It will be well, at this point, before proceeding with the
history of the Order, to devote a short space to the considera-
tion of its government and internal polity as first established
under Raymond du Puy. Having been originally organized
for charitable purposes only, the changes introduced by Gerard
and llaymond du Puy successively, gave it a religious, repub-
lican, military, and aristocratic character. It was religious,
since every member took the three monastic vows of poverty,
chastity, and obedience. It was republican, since its chief
was always chosen by election of the members. It was mili-
tary, since two of the three classes into which it was divided
were constantly under arms, waging unceasing warfare with
the Saracens; and it was aristocratic, since, as we shall pre-
sently see, none but the first class had any share in the legislative
or executive power.

To regulate the new administration rendered necessary by the
changes which he had introduced, llaymond called together the
leading members of his Hospital, who bore the name of Master's
assistants ; forming them into a chapter or council, he submitted
for their revision the ordinances originally drawn up by Gerard.
It was at this meeting that the first statutes for the governance
of the Order under its new character were instituted, and these
were laid before, and received the sanction of the Pope. It
may here be recorded that the original rule was lost at the
capture of the city of Acre in the year 1289. Eleven years
afterwards Pope Boniface VIII., at the request of the then
Grand-Master, presented the Hospital with a fresh bull, in which
the contents of Raymond's rule were recapitulated with a few
trivial alterations.*

One of the first steps taken by this council was to divide the
Order into three classes, according to their rank and functions
the first class, which formed the aristocracy, were to be named
knights of justice ; the second, which included the ecclesiastic

• Vide Appendix No. 5.

the Knights of Malta, 19

branch., were called religious ohaplains ; and the third, or lower

clajBS, aerving "brothers. It may here be observed, as regards the

first class, tiiat no one oould be admitted thereto who had not

already received the aooolade of knighthood at secular hands.

There were also religious dames of the Order. These ladies had

branch establishments in France, Italy, Spain, and England; the

rules for their reception were similar to those for the knights

of jostioe, with the addition that proofs of noble descent were

demanded of them. It will be seen further on that similar

proofs were afterwards called for from knights of justice ; but

at the time of which we are now speaking nothing was required

of them beyond the fact of their having been received into the

ranks of secular knighthood.

In addition to the above, who were regular members, there
were other persons attached to the institution under the title
of donats. These did not undertake the same obUgations, but
were employed in different offices in the convent and Hospital.
In token of their connection with the Order they wore what was
called a demi cross (with three two-pointed arms instead of
four). In after times this title was conferred on persons who
had made oblations to the treasury.

The powers of government were vested in the hands of a
council presided over by the Master, and all questions connected
with the well-being of the fraternity, as well as the collection
and expenditure of their large and yearly increasing revenues,
were submitted to its decision.

The income of the Order at this period was derived from
landed property in every part of Europe, the result of the
benevolent donations that had been so unsparingly lavished
upon the community. At first these estates were farmed out to
individuals totally imconnected with it, and these tenants were
supposed to remit their annual rent, based on the value of the
lands they held, to the treasury at Jerusalem. This system was,
however, soon found extremely faidty, and indeed well-nigh
impracticable in the working. The difficidty of obtaining their
due rights from persons who had no interest in the prosperity of
the fraternity, and who on account of their distance from the
seat of government found every facihty for evading their just
obligations, soon caused the most alarming deficits to arise. In

•J*

20 A History of

order to remedy this evil and to insure the punctual transmission
of the rents of their numerous manors, it was determined to
place over each a trusty member, who should act as a stewafti
of the funds committed to his control. Establishments (at
first called preceptorias, but at a later date commanderies) wera
formed on a scale varying with the value of the properties they
were intended to supervise, there being in many cases several
members of the Order congregated together. The superinten-
dents were taken from among the seniors, but were not confined
to knights of justice, a certain number of chaplains and serving
brothers being also nominated to the dignity. In such cases it
was not unusual to find knights of justice attached to the
preceptories subordinate to them.

The duties of these preceptories were not confined to the col-
lection and transmission of revenue only. They at the same time
became branch establishments, where postulants were professed
and the various duties carried on in a precisely similar manner
as in the parent convent at Jerusalem. Periodical drafts were
collected, which were from time to time called to the East to
recruit the ranks constantly being thinned by war and disease.
When not required for this duty the knights were to be
found rendering assistance in the warfare imceasingly waged
against the Moors in Spain and in the south of Europe.
Wherever the infidel- was to be encountered, thither it was the
duty of every true knight of St. John to hasten. They were,
however, strictly forbidden upon any pretence whatever to inter-
fere in warfare between Christian princes. So long as these estab-
lishments retained the title of preceptories, their chief was called
preceptor ; when they changed their names into commanderies,
he became the commander — hence the origin of the term knight
commander, which has been introduced into so many Orders of
chivalry. The council reserved to itself the power of recal-
ling a commander from his post at any time, and replacing
him by another, he being merely considered the steward of
the property. This right gradually fell into abeyance, and
eventually a nomination to a commandery came to be regarded
practically as a permanent gift, subject only to the payment
of. a fixed annual tribute to the public treasury under the title
of responsions.

the Knights of Malta. 2 1

Strong prohibitions were issued against the use of any orna-
ments or devices, in either the dress or arms of the brother-
hood, beyond the eight-pointed cross, the symbol of the
Ord^. This restriction was considered necessary in the eyes of
their founder, owing to the increasing taste for splendour
which was creeping into the habits of the epoch. When the
first germs of the chivalric idea began to show them-
selves, and to replace the barbarism which had overthrown
the Roman empire, the simplicity of the age had limited
the construction of axms strictly to the purposes for which they
were required, and nothing in the form of ornament seems
to have been suggested. As, however, time wore on and
brought with it a steady advance in civilization and luxury,
new ideas became prevalent.

Whereas in the earlier ages duty to his religion and his
country were the only obligations imposed upon a knight, by
degrees another element was now introduced, and lady-love was
ere long heard of as the noblest incentive to the chivalric mind.
So inseparably did this feeling become connected with the after
character of the system, that it may be looked upon as its
mainspring. Every true knight considered that the most
daring act of gaUantiy was amply rewarded by the. approving
anule of his lady-love. Bearing upon his person the favoured
colours of his mistress, he carried them wherever peril was to be
braved or honour won.

Under these circumstances it was but natural that the simpU-
eity which characterized preceding times shoidd give way to the
introduction of personal adornment. Armour came to be con-
structed no longer merely with a view to its use, but ornamenta-
tion, more or less elaborate, rapidly introduced itself. The
inmgnia of heraldry date their origin from this new sentiment,
and each succeeding generation outvied the preceding one in the
splendour of its equipment. At the time the Order of St. John
adopted a military basis, t>., the early part of the twelfth cen-
tury, this innovation had not reached any great height ; it
bad, however, so far made its way that Raymond du Puy
thought it advisable to make a special regulation against its
introduction into his fraternity. No decoration of any kind
was permitted on any portion of the armour, with the sole

22 A Histoiy of

exception of the cross, and this was only to be borne on the
pennon, the surcoat, and the shield.

This allusion to the armour of the knights leads naturally to
the question of what did their equipment consist ? Armour may
be divided into two classes — offensive and defensive : the former
including all weapons, and the latter tiie protecting covering of
both man and horse. At the time of the first Crusade defen-
sive armour consisted simply of a leathern tunic, on which were
faistened rows of iron rings. The word cuirass, now used to
denote a steel breastplate, took its origin from this leathern
tunic. Gradually these rings gave way to small iron plates
lapping over one another like the scales of a fish, whence came
the name scale mail. The form of armour previously described
was called simply mail, from macula, a net, the meshes of which
it was supposed to resemble. The leathern tunic, on which
these varieties of mail were borne, eventually took the name of
hauberk. The lower Umbs were protected by chausses equiva-
lent to the modem breeches. When the tunic and chausses
were in one piece, the combination was called a haubergeon.
The crown and back of the head were protected by a hood of
mail, sometimes detached and sometimes forming part of the
hauberk. In the latter case the wearer was enabled to throw
it back upon his shoidders when he wished to relieve his head
from its weight. This hood not only protected the back of the
head, but coming round to the front covered also the mouth
and chin. The hands were protected by a prolongation of the
sleeves of the frock, which passed over the fingers ; the feet were
in the same way protected by a continuation of the chausses.

Various improvements in this system of mail armour
gradually developed themselves, mostly borrowed from the
Saracens. Instead of the rings of mail being sewn on the
dress they were interlaced with one another, each ring having
four others inserted into it, the garment being thus formed of
the rings only without any leathern foundation. This was
further improved by the introduction of double rings, rendering
it impervious either to the cut of a sword or the thrust of a
lance. It was also extremely portable ; a knight was no
longer obliged to encumber himself with his armour when
travelling; being compact and flexible, it could be rolled up

the Knights of Malta. 23

as a cloak, and was oarried by the esquire at the back of his
saddle.

Ghraduallj, however, the improvement of offeusive weapons
led to tiie adoption of still further measures for protection.
Plates of solid steel were attached to the breast and other parts
of the body, where experience had taught the insufficiency of
the metsd rings. New plates were continually added for the
protection of fresh weak points, until eventually an entire
double covering of plate and mail had to be borne. The
weight of this was soon found so burdensome that the inner
ooat of mail had to be abandoned, and the steel plates only
retained, each of which received its name from the part of the
body it was intended to protect. Thus, the pectoral covered
the breast, the gorget the throat, the ailettes the shoulders,
the brassets the arms, the cuisses the thighs, and the gauntlets
the hand9.

Over this armour was worn a dress called a surcoat or tabard :
its form varied with the caprice of the wearer ; it had, however,
one constant peculiarity, it was sleeveless. As this surcoat was
worn over the armour upon grand occasions, it was here that the
taste for ornamentation principally developed itself. Cloths of
gold or silver, ermine, miniver, sables, or other rich furs, were
adopted as materials. The arms of the wearer were borne upon
this garment, whence the derivation of the term coat of arms.
The knights of Si John were restricted to a plain surcoat, their
whole harness being covered with a black mantle, both surcoat
and mantle bearing the white cross, borne in the latter case on
the left shoulder.

Whilst the body covering was thus being developed, the head
gear was undergoing similar changes. The maU hood being
found an insufficient protection, an iron helmet was added, its
shape varying from a conical to a cylindrical form. This helmet
was not intended to supplant the use of the hood, but was worn
over it. To protect the face a broad piece of iron was introduced,
which connected the frontlet of the helmet with the mail over
the mouth. This not being found sufficient, cheek pieces were
subetitated, consisting of bars either horizontal or perpen-
dioolar. The next improvement was the avantaile, or mask, which
was attached to the helmet, and had apertures for the eyes and

24 A History of

mouth. It was so oonstructed that the wearer oould raise or
drop the covering, it being pivoted from above — ^in this form
it was called a visor. When similar, plates were raised from
below they were called beavers, from the Italian bevere, access to
the mouth being thereby obtained. The top of the hehnet was
surmounted by the knight's armorial crest, which derived its
name from this cause. Knights of St. John were not permitted
to wear a crest.

The shield, which was borne upon the left arm, completed the
defensive armour. Its shape was either oblong or triangular.
It was usually adorned with the armorial bearings of the wearer
together with his motto, the latter being used as his war-cry in
battle. Knights of St. John bore the cross on their shield, all
other device being forbidden.

The offensive arms in general use were four in number — ^the
lance, the sword, the battle-axe, and the dagger. The lanoe
was made of tough ash wood, with a pointed iron head ; its
length varied with the height and strength of its bearer, there
being no rule on this subject. Below the point was usually
fixed a small flag or pennon carrying some heraldic device — ^in
the case of the Hospitallers the white cross. When not in
use the lance was slung to the saddle bow, the end of it resting
on the rider's toe, whence he could seize it easily and couch it
beneath his right arm. When thus levelled its point projected
many feet beyond his horse's head.

The usual weapon, when at close quarters, or in mSiee as it
was called, was the sword. This was constructed of the finest
steel, long, straight, broad, and double-edged. Spain has always
been famed for the superior temper of its sword blades, the
forging of Saragossa having been as celebrated in the twelfth
century as that of Toledo is now. Nothing, however, equalled
the work produced at Damascus, the sword blades of which ranked
in the highest estimation of all. The chivalry of a family was
represented by its sword, which descended as an heirloom from
father to son. The cross hilt supplied on occasion the place of
a crucifix, and its head was usually engraved to act as a seal.
As few of the knights of that period had acquired the monkish
talent of writing, this seal impressed on wax served as a
signatiu'e.

the Knights of Malta. 25

Although the sword was the prmoipal weapon insed in close
oombat, there were many who preferred to wield more pon-
derous instruments ; with these the martel and battle-axe were
iayourites. The martel was a heavy steel or iron hammer
caloulated to give a crashing blow, whilst the battle-axe, which
was brought to a sharp edge, had more power of penetration. In
those times, when the church was often, in a temporal as well as in
a spiritual sense, the church militant, and when mitred abbots
and other priestly dignitaries sometimes sank the churchman in
the warrior, the martel and battle-axe were the only weapons
they bore. The canons of the church had strictly forbidden her
sons to use the sword, but they, desirous of following their own
ambitious tastes, had chosen to read this restriction in a literal
rather than in a general sense. They therefore saw, or affected to
see, no disobedience in carrying with them to the field of battle
the most unecclesiastical of weapons — aye, and in employing
them, too, in a most unclerical manner, as many a broken pate
and cloyen skull could testify. The axe, however, was never a
favourite amongst the more refined of the knighthood ; possibly
the &ot that it was the weapon mostly used by the Flemings,
and therefore associated with ideas of trade, had something to
do with its unpopularity.

The fourth in the list of offensive arms was the dagger,
rendered necessary by the extreme strength of the armour then
worn, the body of an adversary being covered at every point
with plates of steel on which the lance broke, the arrow glanced,
and the sword was tinned. It became a difficult matter to
reach him even after he had been imhorsed. A thin dagger
was consequently used which would penetrate between the joints
of the harness and administer the coup de grdce.

Any account of knightly equipment would be incomplete
without a reference to the horse, which formed so important a
part of. it. Weighty as was the panoply of steel worn by his
rider when fuUy accoutred, it was necessary that the horse
should be an animal of great power. England had not in those
days developed that superiority in the breeding of horses that
die has since attained, and Spain was the country from whence
the most powerful chargers were drawn. After the Crusades
had thrown Europe into closer communication with the East,

26 A History of tlie Knights of Malta.

the powers of endurance of the. Arab horse became gradually
known, and the admixture of this blood with that of the
Spanish war-horse eventually produced an animal combining
the good points of both races.

The destrier, or war-horse, was protected with armour on very
much the same principle as his rider — ^the head, chest, and flanks
being completely covered. The taste for ornamentation found
an ample field in his caparisons, the bridle being the special
point of adornment. On this head, as on others, the rule of
the Order was stringent, the regulation being that the horse
furniture of the soldiers of Jestis Christ should be free from all
golden or silver ornaments.

In conclusion, it may be remembered that every part of a
knight's armour had a symbolical meaning. Bis sword with its
cross hilt was typical of the death of Christ, and reminded him
that it was his duty to die for his faith ; his spear was the
emblem of truth, from its unswerving straightness, its iron head
denoting that strength which is its distinctive property ; the
mace represented comrage, the helmet modesty, the hauberk
that spiritual panoply which should cover the knight from the
frailties of the flesh, and the shield represented his own duty as
a protection to his ooimtry.

There was much both great and noble in all connected with
the laws of chivalry, and much also tending to soften and
civilize the rude character of the times. Many an act of tyranny,
aggression, or spoliation was checked by the feeling that injured
innocence and oppressed weakness could claim a champion in
every true knight, regardless of country or religion. In these
days, when the laws give a ready redress for all injuries
sustained, the intervention of the mailed knight becomes an
absurdity ; but in the days of our forefathers the power of the
law was but feeble, and he who was not prepared to hold his
ground by the strength of his own right hand would have fared
but badly had it not been for the generous intervention of the
chivalric code.

CHAPTER n.

1118—1187.

Bate Off the establiahment of the Militaiy Order of St. John — Campaigns of
Antioch and ^Edessa — Foundation of the Templars and Order of St.
Lazaroa — ^Embassy of Joubert and marriage of Raymond of Poitiers —
Legacy of the King of Navarre — ^Loas of Edessa — Second Crusade — Siege
of DamaacuB — ^Advance of the Jarroqoins — ^Their repnlse and overthrow
— Siege and oaptore of Ascalon — Jealousies of the dei^ — Death of
Raymond du Pay — Expedition into Egypt — ^Death of D'Ascali — Rise of
Saladin — ^Death of Joubert — Dissensions in the kingdom of Jerusalem
— Accession of Guy de Lusignan — ^Battle of Tiberias — Loss of Jerusalem
— ^Its main causes.

The predse date at which the ohanges related in the last chapter
took place is more or less a matter of dispute, there being no
record that can be positiyelj adduced on the subject. This is
somewhat strange, considering the importance of the alterations
effected, involving, as they did, the complete reconstruction of
the institution.

That time cannot, however, be very well fixed later than the
first year of the accession of !Ba3anond du Puy to the office of
Master, which is generally presumed to be the year 1118. The
two leading historians of the Order differ but little in the date
they assign for this event, the abb^ Yertot giving it as 1118,
and the chevalier Boisgelin 1120. Other historians, however,
amongst .whom may be mentioned Boissat, Baudoin, and the
abbe Boux, place the accession of Baymond as late as 1131,
accounting for the interval between Gerard's death in 1118 and
that time by the insertion of a second rector named Boger.
The authority for this interpolation is stated to be a deed of gift
of certain lands from Atton, count of Abrussa, to Boger, the
governor of the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem. The date of
this deed is stated as 1120, but tliere is no record of it now

28 A History of

remamingy and the fact should be received with caution, as the
name of Boger nowhere appears in the archives of the Order.
The Italian historian Bosio, the most authentic writer of his
time, alludes to this difference of opinion, but does not join
either party.

There exists a stronger motive than would at first sight
appear for this mystification. In after years it became a subject
of dispute between the Knights Templars and those of St. John
which of the two bodies could claim priority of foundation. It
seems clear enough that the Templars were not organized until
between the years 1128 and 1130. If, therefore, it can be proved
that Itaymond succeeded to the government of the Hospital on
the death of Gerard in the year 1118, and at once proceeded to
establish his brotherhood on a military basis, the Order of St.
John claims by right the priority of formation ; if, however, a
second rector did actually intervene, and Haymond only assumed
office in 1131, the seniority might well be accorded to the
Templars. There being no positive testimony on the point, it
becomes necessary to argue by analogy. The weight of evi-
dence seems to be in favour of the former date, since it can be
proved that the Hospitallers took part in an engagement fought
against the Saracens by Baldwin II. in the year 1119. As it
was not probable they would have been present at that action
until they had assxmied military obligations, we may fairly take
that date as the latest at which the new system was inaugurated.

At this time, in addition to the kingdom of Jerusalem, the
Latins held sway over other detached principalities, which
formed the outworks of that exposed and hararaed monarchy.
Such were the counties of Edessa and Tripoli and the princi-
pality of Antioch. These, though independent governments
in themselves, were more or less under the influence of, and in
alliance with the central kingdom. Indeed, situated as they
were, surrounded by implacable enemies and liable to constant
atta,ck on every side from vastly superior forces, they could not
have existed for many months had there not been the strongest
bond of union between them all. As, therefore, it was well
understood that the support of each was absolutely necessary for
the safety of all, an attack was no sooner menaced in any one
quarter, than speedy help was at once despatched from the others.

the Knights of Malta. 29

The cause of the battle alluded to as having taken place in
1119 was owing to a descent of one of the Turcoman tribes
upon the principality of Antioch. The knights of St. John
hastened to seize the opportunity afforded by the king of
Jerusalem marching his troops to the assistance of the threat-
ened city, to carry out their new military obligations, and they
formed a very important element in his army.

The Turcomans had so far met with complete success in
their incursion. They had utterly routed the forces which
the regent of Antioch h'ad brought against them, he himself
having been killed in the battle. Confident, therefore, of suc-
cess, and elate with victory, they hurried forward to meet
the new enemy. Here they found that in spite of their
superior numbers they were no match for their opponents.
Biven in sunder by the torrent of steel which, with Eaymond
at its head, poured upon their columns, and unable at any point
to present a front which was not instantly shattered, they were,
after a desperate resistance, forced to give way. Baymond
followed up his victory, and the retreat was speedily turned into
a rout, in which the slaughter of the flying multitudes became
terrific. This triumph enabled the king for a time to free the
entire I^atin territory, and on his return to Jerusalem to enjoy a
brief period of quiet and repose.

As his kingdom, in so exposed a situation, was never long
destined to be at rest, we soon find Baldwin once again in the
field with Baymond and his gallant Hospitallers at his back.
This time Edessa was the point of attack, the Tiircomans being
under the command of Balak, one of their most powerful chiefs.
He had succeeded in surprising the coimt of Edessa, Jocelyn de
Courtenay, had routed his forces, and had taken him prisoner.
In order to rescue his friend and prevent the further advance
of Balak into the Latin territory, the king hastened forward
by rapid marches, accompanied by the Hospitallers and such
other forces as on the spur of the moment he could gather
together. Having most imprudently advanced upon a recon-
noitring expedition with but a slender escort, he was in his
turn surprised by the vigilant Balak, and became a fellow-
prisoner with his friend Courtenay. His army, overwhelmed
with panic at this untoward occurrence, retreated precipitately ;

30 A History of

the majority of them abandoned their colours, and the Hos-
pitallers found that they were left almost alone. No longer able
to keep the open field they threw themselves into the city of
Edessa with the intention of holding it to the last. In this
critical conjuncture Eustace Gamier, constable of Palestine, a
man far advanced in years, but in spite of his age full of vigour,
collected a body of seven thousand men, the principal force of
the small lordship of Sidon. To these he joined such of the
Hospitallers as had been left behind at Jerusalem, and with this
slender reinforcement he marched upOn the Turcomans, routed
them completely, and rescued both the prisoners who had fallen
into the hands of Balak.

This victory was followed at no distant date by two others,
the details of which it is scarcely necessary here to relate. In-
deed, the chronicles of those times are filled with little else than a
succession of petty enterprises undertaken by the Latins either
for the purpose of protecting from invasion some point of their
exposed frontier, or, as was not unfrequently the case, to carry
the war into the enemy's coimtry. In all these struggles the
knights of St. John bore their share, as ia fully testified by the
historians of the period. Indeed, but for their assistance the
king of Jerusalem would have f oimd it impossible to maintain
himself against the ever-increasing pressure from without. This
was so fully recognized that Pope Innocent II., in the year
1130, issued a buU in which he records in glowing terms the
opinion entertained of their services throughout Europe. It is
not to be wondered at, therefore, that a body of men who were
rendering themselves so indispensable to the maintenance of
Christianity in the East should receive every remimeration and
the grant of every privilege which it was in the power of grateful
Christendom to bestow.

It was about this time that a fraternity very similar to
that of St. John sprang into existence. The duties of the
Hospitallers, though in many ways attractive to the chivalrio
temper of the times, partook somewhat too much of the
sedate occupations of the monk to be altogether pleasing. It
must be remembered that though constantly engaged in war-
fare all their spare time was still devoted to the nursing duties
of their Hospital, which, indeed, even now practically remained

the Knights of Malta. 3 1

their most constant occupation. This portion of their work
did not commend itself to many of the more youthful aspirants.
To devote his life to the protection of the Holy Land, and
whilst engaged in that saored duty to impose upon himself
the vows of poverty, obedience, and chastity, was the desire of
many a young and enthusiastic mind; but he did not feel
equally disposed to undertake those Hospitaller duties which
would fall to his lot were he to assume the white cross of
St. John.

Under the influence of these feelings a body of nine French
knights, with Hugh de Payens at their head, joined them-
selves together with the object of forming an escort to those
numerous bands of pilgrims who were annually resorting to
the shores of Palestine. They were at first under no religious
restrictions, and had no distinct rules laid down for their
guidance, their duties being self-imposed and voluntary; and
so they continued to be for several years. The king of
Jerusalem gave them as a residence a portion of his palace
adjacent to the temple of Solomon : hence arose their name
of knights of the Temple, or, as they were afterwards called,
Knights Templar.

Hugh de Payens having been sent by the king to solicit
assistance from the Pope, in the form of a new Crusade, took
that opportunity of presenting his companions. He explained
the objects of their association, and requested the permission
of his Holiness to establish a religious and military Order
similar to that of the Hospital. The Pope referred them to the
Coundl of Troyes, then in conclave, which, after due inquiry
and investigation, gave its decided approval to the project in
the year 1128. Fortified with this sanction, Hugh de Payens
traversed the greater pa^, of Europe in search of candidates
for his new Order, and eventually returned to Palestine with
a body of three hundred young and ardent spirits selected
from the flower of the chivalry of Europe. Here they received
every assistance from Raymond and his Hospitallers. For a
long time, and imtil donations began to pour iato their own
coffers, they were almost entirely maintained by the latter,
who took them completely under their protection. By degrees,
however, the benefactions of the charitable and the increase

32 A History of

of their numbers placed them on a footing of complete equality
with the elder institution.

In giving his sanction to this fraternity, the Pope directed
that they should wear a white robe with a red cross, in contra-
distinction to the black robe and white cross of the Hospitallers.
They were consequently known generally as the red cross
knights and the white cross knights respectively. Although
they did not undertake any charitable duties similar to those of
the Order of St. John, their regulations for the maintenance
of their monastic vows were, if anything, still more severe. In
order to prevent the possibility of a transgression of the vow of
chastity it was decreed that they were on no account even to
look on the face of a fair woman ; and as a still further pre-
caution they were forbidden to kiss even their own mothers.

At about the same time another body, which in its original
institution was of far greater antiquity than even the Hospital
of St. John, also became military, and that was the Order of
St. Lazarus. The old writers dated the origin of this associa-
tion as far back as the first century ; but tJiis statement may be
taken as a myth. The earliest period to which it can with any
certainty be traced is the year 370. At that time a large
hospital was established in the suburbs of Csesarea, under the
auspices of St. Basil, for the reception and treatment of
lepers. The laws and customs of the East bore with frightful
severity on those who were afflicted with this loathsome disease.
They were entirely cut off from all intercourse with their
friends or the world at large ; the establishment, therefore, of
a hospital for their reception was hailed as a general boon.
The Emperor Valens, as recorded by Theodoret, enriched it
with all the lands which he held in the province where it
was founded. This charity proved of such great utility that
similar institutions soon sprang up in various other parts of
the East ; and as they all took St. Lazarus as their tutelary
saint, they became generally known as Lazarets. One of these
hospitals was in existence in Jerusalem at the time of its
capture by Godfrey de Bouillon. In addition to its charitable
organization it was also a religious Order, following the rule
of St. Augustine. When, however, the conversion of the
Hospitallers into a military fraternity, followed as it was by

the Knights of Malta. 33

the establifihrnent of the Templars on a similar footing, set the
example of combining the warlike duties of the knight with
the asoeticism of the monk, the members of the Order of St.
Lazarus took the same step. For this purpose they divided
themselyes into two separate bodies, viz., lepers and non-lepers,
the former, amongst whom was their Grand-Master, who ex^
officio was required to be a leper, carried on the duties of the
hospital. The others, being in a condition to bear arms, joined
tiie general Christian forces in repelling the constant inroads
of the infidels. Their precise habit has not been recorded, but
they wore a green cross.

Whilst these bulwarks were arising for the support of the
kingdom the march of events had been producing other changes
by whidi its fortimes were much affected. Baldwin had two
daughters, of whom Alice (the yoimger) was married to
Bohemond, prince of Antioch ; the elder was unmarried. At
about this period Fulk, count of Anjou, having lost his wife,
undertook a pilgrimage to the Holy Land. Whilst there he
rendered good service to Baldwin in his wars, maintaining a
company of a himdred knights at his own expense. The king,
anxious to retain in his service a leader of such renown, offered
to him the hand of his eldest daughter, Milicent, in marriage,
at the same time engaging to name him as his successor to the
throne. These terms were accepted by Fulk, and faithfully
adhered to by Baldwin, the marriage being solemnized with
great pomp. The death of the king took place in the year
1131, much accelerated by the undutiful conduct of his yoimger
daughter, Alice, who considered herself injured by the arrange-
ment made, and Fulk of Anjou ascended the vacant throne.

Before this, however, Bohemond, the husband of Alice,
had been killed in battle, leaving as his sole heiress a young
daughter. By the promptitude and decision of Baldwin
atid Fulk the rights of this infant were preserved intact, in
spite of the machinations of its mother on the one side,
and her unde, Boger, duke of Apulia, on the other, both of
whom were intriguing for the sovereignty of Antioch. Fulk,
however, soon saw that if the rights of the yoimg princess
were to be guarded against the plots hatching on all sides
it would be advisable to bestow her in marriage, in spite of

4

34 A History of

her youth, on some prinoe of sufficient power to reBtrain the
ambitious projects of her relatives. With this object he cast
his eyes on Raymond of Poitiers, youngest son of William,
duke of Aquitaine, then residing at the court of Henry I. of
England. As negotiator in this delicate mission, he selected
Joubert, a knight of St. John. Joubert had by this time
gained much celebrity both as a soldier and statesman, and
was rising rapidly to the highest dignities in the gift of his
Order. He acquitted himself of the mission in a manner which
quite justified his selection. Baymond accepted the hand thuB
ofPered to him, and hastened to throw himself at the feet of
his youthful fiancie^ then still a mere child.

Boger of Apulia, to whom the idea of any such alliance waa
very distasteful, tried to prevent Itaymond from landing in
Syria. Joubert, however, who accompanied the gallant suitor,
succeeded in evading the machinations of Eoger, and under the
disguise of merchants they passed unsuspected into the terri-
tories of Fulk, where they were warmly welcomed, and the
marriage solemnized without delay. Thus, by the judicious
services of a knight of St. John, the affairs of the principality
of Antioch were once more brought into a satisfactory condition,
and the danger of a civil embroilment, which at that moment
would have been suicidal, was averted.

A service of a somewhat similar nature, -but not so successful
in its issue, was at the same time undertaken by Raymond du
Puy himself. Alfonso I., king of Aragon and Navarre, had been
so impressed with the gallantry and devotion displayed by the
military Orders, who from their European commanderies were
assisting him in his warfare against the Moors, that he actually
nominated them joint heirs to his crown. Soon afterwards
he met his death in battle. The grandees of his two kingdoms
were, however, by no means prepared to carry into effect this
disposition of the vacant thrones. Taking advantage of the
absence of both the respective Masters in the East, and being at
the same time at variance with each other, they selected separate
successors for each of the two kingdoms, ignoring the claims of
the Orders altogether. It was at once decided by both fraterni-
ties that Baymond, accompanied by some of his knights and by
deputies named to act on behalf of the Templars, should proceed

the Knights of Malta. 35

to Spain to enforce their just claims. It seems strange that
fiucli an attempt should have been seriously contemplated, or
that Haymond should have conceived it possible that this
ei±raordinaiy arrangement would be permitted. Certain it is
that he did make the effort, and, as might have been anticipated,
met with very meagre success. From the king of Navarre he
oonld obtain no redress whatever, that prince naturaUy ignoring
the power of Alfonso to make any such disposition of his king-
dom. From the king of Aragon he did receive some compen-
sation in the form of certain manorial rights. With this
compromise he and his brother deputies were forced to content
themselves, and so they returned to the Holy Land.

The first real blow received by the Christian power in the
East at the hand of the Saracens was the loss of Edessa. This
city was captured by 2ienghi, sultan of Mosul and Aleppo, at that
time the most powerful of the Eastern potentates. The prince
of Edessa was the son of Jocelyn de Courtenay, who, although
inheriting his father's possessions, was utterly devoid of the war-
like qualities with which that ruler had upheld his principaJity.
Plunged into a course of reckless dissipation, and a mere tool in
the hands of worthless favourites, he saw his capital torn from
lus grasp without an effort to save it. Nothing but the death of
Zenghi, who was at that critical moment assassinated in his tent,
prevented the loss of the remainder of his dominions.

Afi it was, the capture of the city of Edessa was a sad blow to
the Latin power. l£ost of the gallant spirits who had contributed
to the first establishment and subsequent extension of the king-
doms of Palestine were no more, and their successors retained
hut littie in common with them save their titles. The only
exception to this degeneracy was Baldwin HI., king of Jerusa-
lem, who, with the assistance of the two military Orders, was the
main support of the tottering Latin power. That prince no
sooner heard of the assassination of Zenghi, and the check
thereby caused to his army, than he conceived the idea of once
more recovering the lost city. He advanced rapidly at the head
of such troops as he could collect, conspicuous amongst whom
was a detachment of Hospitallers. On arriving before the walls
of Edessa the Christian inhabitants of the town rose against
the Saracen garrison, opened their gates and admitted Baldwin.

4*

36 A History of

His triumph was, however, but of short duration. The Sara-
cens retired into the citadel, where they withstood all his efforts
to dislodge them. Meanwhile Noureddin, one of the sons of
Zenghi, a young warrior destined to rival his father in abihty,
advanced rapidly to prevent the accomplishment of Baldwin's
enterprise. His army was so greatly superior to that of the
king that the latter was compelled to retire with precipitation.
The whole Christian population of Edessa accompanied him,
dreading the vengeance of the Saracens. It required the most
strenuous efforts and considerable skill on the part of Baldwin
to prevent Noureddin, who hung upon the flanks of the retreat,
from utterly destroying them. As it was, a large proportion
had fallen victims before they reached Jerusalem, and the num-
ber would have been still greater but for the sleepless vigilance
of Raymond and his brethren.* To prevent the possibility of any
further attempts of the like nature on the part of the Christians,
Noureddin, as soon as he had regained possession of the city,
levelled its fortifications and destroyed all its churches. In this
way it was that Edessa passed for ever from the hands of the
Christians.

The loss of this important post caused the utmost dismay
throughout Palestine. Standing on the extreme eastern
frontier, on the very confines of the desert, it had served as a
most valuable outwork, keeping the Saracens at a distance from
the centre of the province and its chief city, Jerusalem. The
greatest possible efforts were therefore made for its recovery.

* The origin of the legend of Our Lady of Liesse, still held in high venera-
tion in Ficardy, dates from this disaster. The story runs that three knights
of the Hospital, brothers of a noble family in this province, were cut off
from the main body of the army during their retreat and made prisoners.
Being brought before the sultan at Cairo, he conceived the design of con-
verting them, and for that purpose sent his daughter, a beautiful girl of
eighteen, to hold religious discussions with them. Matters did not turn out
as the sultan expected ; the knights were not only proof against the argu-
ments of their fair antagonist, but, on the other hand, convinced her of
the truth of the Christian religion. Ismeria, with the zeal of a convert,
expressed an earnest wish to behold an image of the blessed Virgin. The
brothers, in their perplexity, prayed for assistance, when suddenly they
discovered that an image had been miraculously introduced into their
prison, which exhaled a delicious fragrance. This miracle confirmed
Ismeria in her desire to adopt the tenets of Christianity, and, carrying the

tlie Knights of Malta. 37

Ab the military strength of the state was evidently imequal to
eope with Noureddin's forces unassisted, the patriarch of Pales-
tine and the Tring of Jerosalem decided on sending an envoy
to Europe for the purpose of securing, if possible, an armed
intervention from the Christian powers of the West. The
bishop of Zabulon was selected for this duty, and he at once
proceeded to Rome to lay the matter brfore Pope Eugene III.
That dignitary entered warmly into the project, and he directed
Bernard, the abbot of Clairvaux, to preach a new Crusade
throughout France and Qermany. Bernard was a man held in
the highest veneration, from the rigid austerity of his life. He
had succeeded in introducing much needful reform into the
discipline of the clergy, which had hitherto been disgracefully
lax, and his influence with all classes was unbounded. He
seconded the wishes of the Pope with all the strength of his
fiery eloquence. Travelrsing the land from end to end he called
upon all faithful Christians to come forward at this hour of the
church's need, to prevent the infidel from once more regaining
those holy places which had been taken from them at the cost
of 80 much blood.

Liouis Yll., the king of France, having in one of his
numerous wars committed barbarities of more than usual
atrocity, resolved upon atoning for the same by heading the
new crusade. As a modem infidel writer has expressed it, he
^' proposed to slaughter some millions of Saracens as an expia-
tion for the murder of four or five hundred Champagnoia."

holy image into her cliamber, she prostrated herself in adoration before it.
Whilst thns engaged she was favoured with a rision of the Virgin herself,
who announced to her that she was appointed to release the knights from
prison. At the same time she was directed to change her name and assume
that of Mary. At break of day she proceeded to the prison, determined to
obey the yision, when to her astonishment she found that the doors were all
open. The knights followed her through the streets of Cairo without being
discovered, and at length, after a weary day's journey, they all laid down
to rest. On awakening the next morning they found to their amazement
that during the night they had been miractdously transported to Picardy,
Inneria still retaining possession of her image. Whilst on their further
journey to their home the image fell from the hands of its bearer, and on
this spot a church was afterwards built, dedicated to Our Lady of Liesse.
Ismeria was baptized, receiving the name of Mary, and lived ever after with
the mother of the knights. At her death her remains were deposited within
the church which she had founded.

38 A History of

The Gf^ennan emperor, Conrad III., was in no suoh pious mood,
and it needed all the persuasion of Bernard's eloquence to
induoe him to join the enterprise. Bernard was, however, not
to be denied, and at length Conrad consented to lead the
crusaders of his empire. Before the end of the year 1147 an
army of nearly 200,000 men, imder the joint leadership of
Louis and himself, was on its way to the East.

The usual delays, interruptions, and even treachery, awaited
them at the hands of the Greek emperor, Manuel Comnenus,
who viewed the incursion with great distaste. Although
brother-in-law to Conrad he exerted all his powers of dis-
simulation to accomplish the destruction of these unwidlcome
visitors. It will not be necessary to enter into any detail
as regards this ill-fated expedition. After having lost the
greater part of their number in the mountain passes between
Phrygia and Pisidia, the shattered remnants eventually reached
Jerusalem.

It was here decided in council that it would prove more
advantageous to the kingdom to capture Damascus than to re-
gain the city of Edessa. That attempt was accordingly decided
on, and after a short interval of time, devoted to recruiting their
strength, the Christian army proceeded thither. A strong body
of both Hospitallers and Templars accompanied the expedition,
and, ranging themselves beneath the banner of Baldwin, nobly
maintained their reputation for valour and discipline. They
very nearly succeeded in taking the place, but all the ad-
vantages they had gained were lost by the jealousies of the other
leaders. Instead of supporting and following up the successes
gained by Baldwin and the military Orders, they had begun to
dispute as to the division of that spoil which was never destined
to fall within their grasp. Noureddin took advantage of the
disunion too fatally apparent in the beleaguering army to throw
reinforcements into the city ; the opportunity for effecting its
capture was lost, and at length the Christians were compelled
to raise the siege, and to return discomfited to Jerusalem.
Conrad and Louis shortly afterwards both left the Holy Land,
and thus, in the year 1149, the unfortunate expedition was
brought to a dose, the lives of 150,000 men having been sacri-
ficed without the slightest benefit to the Christian cause.

the Knights of Malta. 39

Noixreddin, relieved of the fears which the presence of so
large a f oroe had excited, and seeing he had nothing further to
dread in the way of attack on his own territories, determined
to carry the war onoe more into the enemy's country, and, with
this view, threatened the principality of Antioch. Baldwin,
therefore, found himself once again under the necessity of
advancing in that direction for the protection of his frontier.
This was in the year 1152. During his absence two Turkish
princes, bearing the name of the Jairoquins, penetrated by way
of Damascus to Jerusalem. They actually arrived in presence
of the city, which, at the moment, was in an utterly defence-
less condition, all the disposable forces of the kingdom having
aooompanied Baldwin in his advance towards Antioch. The
Turks pitched their camp for the night on the Mount of OUves,
intending to force an entry into the place on the following
morning. In this operation, nnder the peculiar circumstances
of the case, they anticipated Uttle or no difBculty.

A few HospitaQers had been left behind, who were to con-
duct the ordinary duties of the institution whilst their comrades
were with the king, and it was t6 the promptitude and decision
with which these few gallant knights acted in the crisis that
the safely of Jerusalem was due. GFathering together such of
the citizens as were capable of bearing arms, they made a sortie
under cover of the night, and penetrated into the enemy's camp.
This they succeeded in setting on fire, and in the confusion
which followed they completely overthrew the bewildered
Turks. Yast numbers were put to the sword, and the remainder
took to hasty flight. Baldwin, having received information of
the danger which was threatening Jerusalem, was at the
moment hurrying back to its rescue, and coming suddenly on
the fugitives in the midst of their disorderly flight, he com-
pleted the rout, cutting them in pieces, and following up the
pursuit with such vigour that those who escaped the swords of
bis army perished in the waters of Jordan. The king was
not slow to recognize the great service thus rendered, and
promptly admitted the daim of the Order of St. John to the
merit of having saved the Holy City from falling into the hands
of the enemy.
This great and unlooked-for success occurred at a moment

40 A History of

when the reverses of the Christiaiis had caused a general
discouragement. Baldwin therefore determined to avail him-
self of its inspiriting effects on his own followers, and the
consequent panic of the enemy, to assume the offensive. With
this object he turned his eyes on the Saracen fortress of
Ascalon. This city, which formed a standing menace to the
kingdom of Jerusalem on the south, had been a constant source
of anxiety from its first establishment. In order, in some
degree, to coimterbalance the evil, and to keep in check the
inroads of its inhabitants, MUicent, the mother of Baldwin, had,
during the temporary absence of her husband, Fulk, rebuilt the
defences of the town of Beersheba. This point, although within
the limits of th^ Christian territory, was at no great distance
from Ascalon. She had requested Raymond to imdertake the
defence of the place with his knights, and this being a post of
danger had been eagerly accepted by him. It had ever since
been maintained by them, in spite of numerous attempts on
the part of the Saracens, and had always acted as a point of
assembly and place of refuge for the Christians of the district
when menaced by the enemy. Baldwin had himself, some
time after, restored the fortifications of the ancient Philistine
town of Gaza, which was within twenty miles of Ascalon, and
he wisely intrusted its preservation to the care of the Templars.
A noble, generous, and friendly rivalry was consequently
established between the two Orders in maintaining these exposed
posts, and hitherto they had both been successful.

Ascalon, which was considered by the Turks one of their
most important fortresses, was situated on the eastern shore of
the Mediterranean, in much the same latitude as Jerusalem.
Its fortifications, consisting of a high rampart flanked at short
intervals by lofty towers, formed a semicircle enclosing the
town, the sea line completing the circuit. It had always
been guarded most zealously by its possessors. All its male
inhabitants were thoroughly trained in the exercises of war ;
and that there might be no danger of treachery on their part,
or any want of fidelity to the Saracen cause, the caliph had
granted them numerous privileges and indulgences not enjoyed
by the inhabitants of any other city in the East. Baldwin,
however, was undeterred either by the strength of the place or

the Knights of Malta. 41

by the nnmber and discipline of the garrison, which may be said
to have comprised the entire adult male population of the place.
Having been reinforced by the accession of a large body of
pilgrims from Europe, and by strong detachments from the
military Orders, he sat down before the walls. Gerard, the
Lord of Sidon, with fifteen small galleys, holding possession
of the sea, was to intercept the passage of supplies to the
beleaguered city.

For five months the siege was carried on with the utmost
vigour. The Christians, harassed by constant sorties on the part
of the garrison, gained ground but slowly. Every step was pur-
chased at the cost of a persistent struggle and a fearful expendi-
ture of life, not an inch being yielded by the Saracens without
a desperate resistance. At last, however, having overcome all
the obstacles which the ingenuity of the defence had placed in
their way, they reached the base of the rapipart. At this critical
moment a powerful hostUe fleet, laden with reinforcements and
provisions, hove in sight. G-erard had no alternative but to
retire with his few ships in all haste, and the sovereignty of
the seas was consequently left in undisputed possession of the
enemy. This sudden and unlooked-for check spread the utmost
dismay throughout the Christian camp. A council of w£ur
was at once summoned, in which the propriety of raising the
siege was advocated by the majority of those present. The
leaders of the military Orders, supported by the patriarch of
Jerusalem and some of the other clergy, took, however, a con-
trary view. They urged strongly on the king the necessity of
prosecuting the siege, assuring him that a retreat would have
such a disastrous effect on his forces, and would so raise the
spirit of the infidels, that he would be unable to resist a hostile
advance, which would probably culminate in an attack on
Jerusalem.

These arg^uments coincided with the views held by the king
himself, so he decided, in spite of the adverse opinion of the
majority, to continue the enterprise. He so aroused the spirit
of all present by his bold counsel, that even those who had been
most forward in advocating a retreat now became enthusiastic
converts to his wishes. The Templars constructed a lofty
tower on wheels, which they advanced close to the walls of the

42 A History of

town, from the top of which a drawbridge oould be lowered
at will to span the intervening space. In the course of the
night the Turks threw down a quantity of dry wood and other
combustible matter, which they ignited with a view to the
desfcruotion of the tower. A strong east wind, however, set in,
and the flames were blown away from the Templar's tower and
on to the wall of the town. This was so much calcined and
destroyed by the action of the fire that in the morning it was
easy to form a practicable breach. No time was lost. The
Qxand-Master at once directed a body of his knights to deliver
an assault, which was attended with complete success. The
assfidlants had no sooner made their appearance within the
ramparts than the garrison, conceiving that all was lost, fled
precipitately. Meanwhile the Templars advanced into the very
heart of the town, and had they been at once supported its fall
must have ensued. Unfortunately the grasping disposition of
their Grand-Master ruined the enterprise. Instead of sending
for immediate reinforcements he actually mounted the breach
with the rest of his knights, and there kept guard, to prevent
any other troops from entering the town, trusting by these
means to secure the entire pillage of the place for the benefit
of his Order. The result was what might have been foreseen.
The garrison, not being followed up, soon recovered from their
panic. Perceiving the slender strength of the enemy, who
had penetrated within the city, they returned to the attack,
drove the Templars back to the point at which they had
effected their entrance, and thence through the breach with
great slaughter. Having cleared the place, they at once pro-
ceeded to secure themselves from further assault, by retrench-
ments and barricades.

The anger of the king and his army at this conduct on the
part of the Templars was unbounded. It was not the first
time that they had shown a spirit of avarice and a greed for
wealth most unsuited to the principles on which their Order was
founded. That spirit was destined before long to draw down on
them the antagonism, and eventually the vengeance of Europe.

The garrison of Ascalon was so elated at the success with
which this formidable attack had been repelled that, strengthened
as they were by the reinforcements which had arrived with

the Knights of Malta. 43

Vbxkx fleet, ihey determined on a sortie in force. On the follow-
ing morning they sallied forth in great strength, trasting to
deliyer suoh a blow as should compel the Christians to raise
tiie siege. The action lasted the entire day with varying
Baooeas. The Templars, anxious to atone for their preyious
miBoondact, threw themselves upon the enemy with the most
reckless impetuosity, and were ably supported by Baldwin
and the Hospitallers. At length the Saracens gave way,
and being closely pressed the retreat was speedily converted
into a total rout — a large proportion of the garrison fell, and
only a very slender remnant regained the shelter of their walls.
On the following day they offered terms of capitulation, which
having been accepted, Baldwin entered the town on the 12th
August, 1154. A strong garrison was placed therein, and the
Moslem inhabitants were transported to Laris, a town on
the borders of the desert.

This conquest had a most beneficial effect on the position of
the kingdom of Jerusalem. Instead of the constant alarms and
incursions from which they had formerly suffered whilst Ascalon
had been in the hands of the Turks, their frontier was now
comparatively secure. Its new holders, supported as they were
by the garrisons of Beersheba and Gaza, were able to drive back
the Moslems into the heart of Egypt. The greatest joy was dis-
played throughout Europe at this timely acquisition, the glory
of which was by universal consent awarded to the Hospitallers
and their chief Baymond, who, when all else were proposing to
abandon the siege in despair, had succeeded in causing it to be
prosecuted to a successful termination. Pope Anastasitis lY.
was so strongly impressed in their favour on the occasion that
he issued a new bull confirming and extending the privileges
which his predecessors had already granted to them.

The publication of this bull created the greatest jealousy
amongst the regular clergy of Palestine, who could not brook
the exemption from all external ecclesiastical supervision thus
conceded. Numerous complaints of the arrogance and mal-
practices of the fraternity, some of which were doubtless true
enough, but many simply jealous fabrications, were forwarded to
the papal chair by the clergy, with the patriarch of Jerusalem at
their head. Amongst other grievances it was specified that the

44 A History of

church of St. John exceeded in splendour that of the Holy
Sepulchre, to which it was in close proximity, and that the
bells of the former were rung with violence whilst service was
being conducted in the latter to the great annoyance and inter-
ruption of the congregation. Other complaints of a similar
character, and framed in the same spirit, were made. The Pope
decided against the appellants, and confirmed the privileges of
the Order, thus stigmatizing as vexatious the opposition that
had been raised against them. This was the first time that any
disputes had arisen between the Hospitallers and the regular
clergy, but having once been started they soon became almost
chronic, and the reader of the histories of those times has to
wade through long dissertations on both sides, in which the
most trivial matters are made to bear a malicious and
invidious interpretation.

Amongst the most bitter of the writers on the ecclesiastical
side was William, archbishop of Tyre, who was himself an eye-
witness of most of the events which he records. He does not
hesitate to accuse the Pope of having been bribed to give his
decision in favour of the Hospital, and in every possible way he
garbles and distorts his narrative of the dispute. The animus
with which he writes is palpable on every page. This discord
embittered the last days of Raymond du Puy. He had lived long
enough to see his Order settled on a permanent basis^ honoured
and respected throughout Europe, wealthy and powerf td from
the endowments it had received, and increasing annually in
numbers. There was at this time scarcely a noble house in
Europe which did not send one or more of its members to bear
the white cross on his breast, and the aristocratic connections
thus formed tended much to increase the high estimation in
which the fraternity was held.

At length, in the year 1160, Eaymond died. He had attained
the age of eighty years, of which sixty had been spent in constant
warfare. Nothing seemed to aJBEect his iron constitution, and he
bore apparently a charmed life through innimierable scenes of
danger. He breathed his last in the Hospital of St. John at
Jerusalem, whither he had retired to meet his end in peace and
repose. History has recorded nothing but good of his character.
Even William of Tyre speaks of him in the most glowing terms.

the Knights of Malta. 45

A true type of the Christiaii, the soldier, and the gentleman,
he lived to see his eyery ambition fulfilled, and the Order on
which all his hopes had been centred take a leading place amidst
the chivalry of Europe.

It was at some time during his rule that the magnificent
pile forming the new hospital and convent was erected. The
precise date of the work is uncertain, but it was probably
between the years 1130 and 1150. Details of this building, as
well as of those which with it formed the establishment of the
Order at Jerusalem, will be found in the next chapter.

The rule of the two Masters who succeeded him were both
brief and uneventful. During the short administration of Auger
de Balben, Baldwin HI. was gathered to his fathers, universally
regretted by his subjects, who could ill spare the guidance of
his commanding genius. He was succeeded by his brother
Almeric. That prince was much indebted to the good offices
of Auger for his peaceable accession to the throne, his claims
having been for a time the subject of mudi dispute.
Amaud de Comps, a member of a noble family of Dauphin^,
succeeded Auger de Balben in the year 1162. During his short
government an expedition into Egypt was xmdertaken by
Almeric, accompanied by the Hospitallers and Templars. A
quarrel had arisen between the caliph of Egypt and Noureddin,
the leader of the Turcomans. The latter had in consequence
invaded Egypt, and the caliph appealed to Almeric for assist-
anoe. This wajs granted, and in return Almeric succeeded in
extorting an annual tribute from the caliph.

This being the only result of the undertaking the expedition
could scarcely be considered one of importance. There were,
however, two noteworthy events connected with it. It was in
this war that Saladin, whose career afterwards became so fatal
to the Christian cause, made his first appearance on the field of
battle, and showed the earUest gleams of that martial spirit
which was destined eventually to make his name so renowned.
Some of the older historians record that at the close of the siege
of Alexandria, which was ended by the declaration of peace,
Saladin, who had conducted the defence with great skill,
demanded of the besiegers the honour of knighthood, which
request, notwithstanding his religion, was complied with, as a

46 A History of

mark of appreciation of his gallantry. It is, howeyer, most
probable that this statement must be ranked with the numerous
myths with which the records of those times abound. The
other event to which allusion has been made was the punish-
ment of twelve knights of the Temple for cowardice in having
yielded the cave or grotto of Tyre without sufficient resistance.
For this offence Aim eric caused them all to be hanged, a
sentence which threw a great slur on the general body at the
time. Cowardice, however, was not one of the usual crimes of
that fraternity. It is therefore not improbable that they were
sacrificed to the wrath of the Christians for not having per-
formed an impossibility. It is also quite possible that the state-
ment itself was untrue, the records of it being only to be f oimd
on the pages of historians by no means generally friendly to the
Templars.

Amaud de Comps died in the year 1168, and the un-
fortunate Gfilbert d'Ascali was appointed to the vacant office.
Soon afterwards Almeric suggested the advisability of a second
expedition into Egypt. He had been so struck with the wealth
and other attractions of the coimtry during his first incursion,
that he was prompted both by ambition and avarice to desire
its acquisition. In this project he was warmly seconded by the
Greek emperor of Constantinople, who was naturally desirous of
seeing as effectual a barrier as possible erected between his
frontier and the infidels who surrounded him. With this view
he contributed a large sum towards the expenses of the proposed
expedition.

The propriety of joining with the king in this enterprise was
warmly debated amongst the knights of St. John. The caliph
of Egypt had but lately entered into a treaty of peace with the
Christians by which he had bound himself to pay them an
annual tribute. This treaty had so far been scrupulously
observed by him ; it was therefore argued by some of the more
conscientious among them that they were not justified in
waging war against him. Their Master, however, strenuously
supported the undertaking, and his detractors assert that his
object in so doing was to replenish by the spoils of Egypt
the treasury of the Order, which he had much reduced by his
extravagance. He was backed by the majority in the council.

the Knights of Malta. 47

They were tempted by the prospect of an easy conquest and a
lai^ booty, as the Egyptians were very wealthy and not very
warlike. They therefore authorized Gilbert to raise money
by loans from the bankers of Genoa and Venice. With this
assistance the Hospitallers enrolled a large auxiliary force of
meroenarieSy and prepared to take the field with an array far
more numerous than they had hitherto been able to muster.

The Templars, when called on by Almeric to join his ranks,
refused the request after a lengthened discussion, alleging the
same reasons as had been urged by many of the Hospitallers
when considering the question. There is no doubt that in their
decision they were far more just and honest than the others.
There are not wanting those who assert that this scrupulousness
was in reality based on the fact that they were unable to take
the field with so imposing a force as that which was to serve
under Gilbert d'AscaU, and that in consequence their jealousy
prompted them to hold aloof. Be this as it may, there is no
doubt that they were entirely justified in their refusal, and
the events which followed fully proved the wisdom of the
decision^

Almeric, in no wise daunted by the defection of the Templars,
led the way into Egypt with the Hospitallers in his train.
Their first operation when there was the siege of Belbeis. This
town was weU fortified and garrisoned, still Almeric decided
upon attempting to carry it by assault. The slaughter was
prodigious on both sides, but Almeric at length succeeded in
forcing his way into the place, when a scene of carnage and
licensed brutality ensued, such as was in those days the usual
result of a successful assault. In this town Almeric captured
the son and the nephew of the caliph, as well as a number of
other prisoners of importance.

It had formed one of the terms of the agreement entered into
between Almeric and d'Ascali that upon the capture of Belbeia
it should become the property of the Order of St. John, and the
king, true to his word, lost no time in handing it over to them.
P'Ascali left a large garrison composed of his own followers
within its walls, he himself with the main body of his forces
accompanying the king in the further prosecution of hia
enterprise.

48 A History of

Their next point of attack was Cairo, then, as now, the
principal city of Egypt. Whilst in front of this place, Almeric
received an embassy from the caliph sueing for peace, at the
same time offering an enormous ransom for the freedom of his
son and nephew. Almeric, whose besetting vice was avarice,
was not proof against the temptation of two millions of crowns,
the sum the envoys were instructed to offer. Having received
an instalment of a hundred thousand crowns, he consented to an
armistice whilst the Egyptians should collect the remainder of
the ransom. This, however, was not the intention of the caliph.
Whilst Almeric was delaying his progress in security, he, on
the other hand, was sending a message to his former opponent,
Noureddin, to implore aid against their common enemy.
Noureddin was only too glad to fall into his views, and
prepared at once to send a powerful army to the rescue.

Meanwhile the arrangements for the treaty with Almeric
were slowly progressing, and he was cajoled into a continuance
of his inactivity by the belief that the caliph was busily
engaged in fulfilling its terms. The artifice was completely
successful. Almeric remained resting on his arms in front of
Cairo, imtil at length he was startled by hearing that
Noureddin was rapidly advancing against him. Aroused by
this unwelcome intelligence, he lost no time in starting with all
his forces, trusting to be able to overcome the Turks before
they had effected a junction with the Egyptians. Siracon,
Noureddin's general, however, having made a detour, succeeded
in passing Almeric and in joining his forces to those of the
caliph in his rear. Under these circumstances the king felt
that all was over and that nothing was left but a rapid retreat.
He therefore retired at once into his own dominions, and the
Hospitallers were compelled to evacuate Belbeis, the garrison of
which joined the king's army as he passed.

Thus ended this ill-fated expedition, the success of which
was prevented purely by the avarice of Almeric. That it
was unprovoked in the outset, and consequently unjustifiable,
cannot be denied, and that starting with a breach of faith
it deserved no better fate is true. It would, however, had it
been successful, have doubtless tended much to strengthen the
feeble kingdom. As it was, the Christians gained nothing

the Knights of Malta. 49

but obloquy, and, as the sequel will show, brought down upon
themaelYeB an enem j who eventually compassed their complete
overthrow.

The friends of Almeric — ^for in spite of his errors he had
many who were most warmly attached to his person and
fortunes-— endeavoured to screen his misconduct by throwing
the entire blame on the Master of St. John. This unfortunate
knight, however, seems to have been more sinned against than
sinning throughout the transaction. He had been induced
by the ai^uments of the king, aided no doubt by his own
ambition, to join in the conquest of Egypt. The attempt
seemed Ukely to be successful, and in that case would have
added a strong bulwark to the kingdom. Guided by these
considerations, and not foreseeing that the avarice of Almeric
would shipwreck the undertaking, he had entered heartily
into it, and had pledged the credit of his Order to the utmost
limits to provide funds for its successful prosecution. It is,
however, very difficult to argue in the face of failure, ^d
GHlbert, on his return to Jerusalem, found himself attacked
on all sides. His proud spirit sank under the trial, and in
a fit of despair he resigned his Mastership, and left the Holy
Land. Shortly afterwards he was drowned whilst crossing
from France to England, &om which fact it has been
aasomed that he was an Englishman. This seems the more
probable, as the name — D'Ascali or De Sailly — is distinctly of
Norman origin, and might therefore well have been borne by
an English knight at iliat period.

On his resignation he was succeeded by Oastus, whose rule
was very short, and who, to use the stereotyped expression of
the chroniclers, has left no other record of himself than his
name.

Joubert, the sixth Master, was elected on the death of
Gastns in the year 1169. Qreat changes were now taking
place in the countries surrounding Judea. As has been
already said, Noureddin, at the request of the caUph of Egypt
had sent an army to his assistance, which he had placed under
the oonmiand of Siracon. Saladin was nephew to Siracon, and
accompanied his uncle to Egypt. Noureddin's design in this
act was not simply to aid in expelling the Christians from

5

50 A History of

the ooimtry. He had given Siracon private instructions that,
after he had carried out that object, he should take advantage
of any opportunity which might offer to seize upon its
government himself. These instructions were carried out.
Siracon deposed the caliph, and seated himself on the throne.
His triumph was, however, very brief, as he died almost
immediately afterwards. His nephew, Saladin, in his turn,
assiuned the reins of government, and to make himself secure
strangled the late caliph. Noureddin having also died about
the same time, Saladin married his widow and established
himself not only as ruler of Egypt, but also of all the terri-
tories formerly governed by him.

Saladin's power now became so threatening that Almeric had
good cause to rue the ambition which had called so potent an
enemy into the field. In the hope of checking his successful
career the king sought aid from the emperor of Constantinople.
During his absence from Jerusalem he vested the government
of his kingdom in the hands of the Masters of the Hospital
and Temple. Prom the emperor he received most flattering
promises of assistance, which, in the end, were but very
partially realized. Compelled to be content with these he
returned to Jerusalem, where his presence was required to
meet a new enemy.

This was none other than an apostate Templar named
Melier, brother to Thoro, prince of Armenia. At the death
of Thoro the crown had descended to the son of his sister.
Melier, prompted by the desire of gaining a throne, had
abandoned his profession, renounced Christianity, and with
the a&d of Saladin had driven his nephew &om the country,
and installed himself as prince of Armenia. He commenced
a cruel war with his Christian neighbours, his atrocities sur*
passing even those of his Mahometan allies. Towards the
Hospitallers and Templars he displayed peculiar rancour;
such of them as fell into his hands were either butchered
at once or sold into slavery. Almeric was not a prince
to suffer this thorn to remain in the side of his king-
dom, and he was warmly supported by the military Orders,
who burned to avenge themselves for the cruelties that
had been inflicted on their brethren. Melier, finding himself

the Knights of Malta, %i

unable to cope with the foroes brought against him, fled fi'om
his nsurped principality and took refuge with Saladin.

Almeric died in the year 1174, and was succeeded by his
son, Baldwin IV., who was afflicted with leprosy. In the
following year that prince endeavoiu*ed to establish a frontier
fortress on the banks of the Jordan within the limits of
Saladin's dominion. Saladin at once advanced to oppose the
Christians, and haying skilfully lured them into an ambush
fell upon them whilst entangled in a defile and completely
routed their army. In this disastrous aiffair the Hospitallers
were nearly cut to pieces, their Master, Joubert, being covered
with woimds, and only saving his life by swimming his horse
across the Jordan. His end, which occurred in the year 1179,
has been differently recorded. Some say that he died of grief
owing to the troubles which year by year were falling with
increased force upon the kingdom; the general opinion,
however, is that he was murdered, having been starved to
death in prison, after falling into the hands of one of
Saladin's generals.

The vacancy was filled by the election of Roger Desmouhns.
On his accession he found the Christian territory threatened
from without by a powerful enemy, and at the same time
torn and divided by internal discord. A truce had been
concluded with Saladin, but it was merely temporary, and
it was clear that when war once more broke out the Christians
would be quite unable to present a successful resistance to
the infidels. They decided, therefore, upon sending an em-
bassy to Europe to solicit the aid of a third Crusade, and for
this purpose they selected Heraclius, patriarch of Jerusalem,
and the Masters of the Hospital and Temple. Shortly after
their arrival in Europe, the latter dignitary died, leaving
Heraclius and Desmoulins to carry out the embassy un-
aided. They visited the courts of Philip II. of France and
Heniy H. of England, as well as that of Pope Lucius III.,
without much practical success. A Crusade was, indeed,
preached, but with such lukewarmness that it proved futile,
and the disappointed envoys were compelled to return to the
East without having secured any efficient aid.

Here they found that the disease with which Baldwin was

52 A History of

af&ioted had so fax overoome him that he had become incapable
of oanying on the functions of government. He had, in
consequence, associated with himself Ghiy de Lusignan, a
French knight who had married his sister Sabilla, the widow
of the marquis of Montferrat. This choice had proved most
unpalatable to his nobles, who despised Gxiy as a man more
fitted to shine in the court than the camp; and Baldwin
eventually was compelled to withdraw the authority he had
conferred on him. He then determined to abdicate, and
named^ as his successor his nephew, Sabnia's son by the
marquis of Montferrat, appointing Raymond, count of Tripoli,
as regent during the minority. Not long after this change
Baldwin died, and almost at the same time the infant prince
also died, not without grave suspicions of foul play. The
results in a great degree confirmed these doubts. Sabilla and
Qny at once set to work to gain over a party to support their
claim to the throne. They succeeded in this object, and were
proclaimed king and queen of Jerusalem without opposition.

Raymond retired in wrath to Tripoli, and Saladin took
advantage of the ill-feeling which had been excited amongst
the Christians to organize an invasion of the kingdom. He
commenced operations by laying siege to Acre. A reinforce-
ment of the military Orders had been thrown into the town,
commanded by their respective Masters. Desmoulins, not
wishing to be blockaded, collected his Hospitallers and, sup-
ported by a body of the inhabitants, sallied forth under cover
of night, leaving the Templars to hold the town. The
Saracens, taken by surprise, at first gave way in a panic, and
were slaughtered in large numbers. As day broke, however,
Saladin was able to rally his forces, and a desperate battle
ensued, ending without any decisive advantage on either side ;
but as Saladin was in consequence compelled to abandon the
siege, the victory may well be assigned to his opponents. This
success was, however, dearly purchased. Chief amongst the
killed was Eoger Desmoulins himself.

The country being in a state of active warfare, the councU
lost no time in electing his successor, their choice falling on
Gamier de Napoli, who thus became the eighth Master of the
Order.

the Knights of Malta. 53

Salfldin, foiled in his attempt on Acre, had turned his arms
against TiberiaB, a diy of which Kaymond, count of Tripoli,
was lord in right of his wife. That piince had become reconciled
to Guy, feeling that the dangers surrounding the kingdom were
too grave to permit the indulgence of private animosity. On
hearing of the attack on Tiberias, he magnanimously advised
the king to leave the city to its fate, urging him to take up a
strictly defensive line of action. He pointed out that the Sara-
oen army could not long maintain itself in the district owing to
the scarcity of water. Other and less sagacious counsels, how-
ever, prevailed, and the king, collecting all his available forces,
marched in the direction of Tiberias, determined to stake
everything on the issue of a single battle. Evil and ill-
judged advice was taken in connection with every step. A
^ot was selected for encampment which the total absence of
water soon rendered untenable. The army now began to feel
the ill-effects of that drought which Baymond had prophesied
would have overcome the Moslems had they been left to them-
selves. Finding it impossible to remain where he was, Lusignan
advanced into the plain of Tiberias to give battle to the enemy.

The most powerful efforts were made by the ecclesiastics who
aooompanied the army to arouse the enthusiasm of the soldiery.
The piece of the true cross which had been so long preserved at
Jerusalem for the veneration of the pious had been brought
with them, and intrusted to the special guardianship of the
military Orders. It was on this eventful occasion planted on an
eminence, where throughout the day it served as a rallying
point to the Christians. The main reason for which the king
had decided on giving battle was the want of water, and so his
first efforts were directed to supply the deficiency. The lake of
Tiberiasy at a distance of two miles, lay glittering in the sunshine
in rear of the Saracens, and between it and the Christians,
now parched with thirst, were drawn up the dense masses
with which Saladin was prepared to resist their advance. In
the van of the anny stood the forces of the Hospital and Temple,
ready at the appointed signal to rush at the foe and to hew a
pathway to the much longed-for water. When the desired
moment arrived on they dashed, and were at once lost to view
in the mass of opponents by whom they were surrounded.

54 -^ History of

Whatever may have been their defects, or even vices, cowardice
was certainly not often alleged against the brethren either of the
Hospital or Temple. On this important field, with the fate of
Christian dominion in the East depending on their success, they
strove with generous rivalry to outvie each other. Side by side
these mailed warriors of the Church hurled themselves at the
infidel, and the fierce war-cry of the Temple, rising high above
the din of battle, was mingled in gallant unison with that of
the Hospital.

All, however, was in vain. The numbers of the enemy were
too vast for even their heroism to overcome, and, led as the
Saracens were by a general of such ability as Saladin, those
numbers were used to the greatest possible advantage. As the
day wore on the impetuosity of the Christian attack abated,
and the stubbornness of their resistance became less determined,
until at length, exhausted, broken, and crushed, they gave way.
Saladin pressed his victory to the uttermost, and allowing the
retreating army no breathing time, he poured his forces on their
shattered columns, and utterly completed their overthrow.

This disastrous fight sealed the fate of the kingdom. Guy
had staked everything upon the issue of a single field, and the
cast of the die had gone against him. Saladin remained not
only master of the day, but with the way to Jerusalem opened
unopposed to his advance. The king, the Grand-Master of the
Temple, and several other lords of note, fell prisoners into his
hands, and Gamier, whose valour throughout the day was
worthy of his exalted post, met the end of a true soldier of the
cross, having been so desperately wounded that he only sur-
vived to reach Ascalon, where he died.

The loss of the Hospitallers was enormous. In addition
to those who fell on the field, such as w^ere taken prisoners were
massacred by order of ' Saladin, who gave them the option of
apostasy or death ; they, like true Christian knights, selecting
the latter alternative, and thus sealing their faith with their
blood. The few remaining members of the Order, as soon as the
news of the issue of the battle of Tiberias and the death of
Gamier had reached them, assembled once again, with a feeling
well-nigh of despair, to elect, as it seemed to them most probably
their last Master. With some diflSculty they persuaded

the Knights of Malta. 5 5

Ermengard Daps, on whom their choice had fallen, to accept
the onerous post. This duty accomplished, they prepared to
meet their fate in the hopeless struggle which now seemed
imminent.

Saladin lost no time in securing the fruits of his victory.
The Taiious fortresses on his route, denuded as they were of
their ordinary garrisons, fell an easy prey, and no opposition
being offered to his advance, it was not long before he appeared
in front of Jerusalem itself. A resistance ensued which was
prolonged for fourteen days by the despair of the defenders,
ending, however, in the capitulation of the city in the month
of October, 1187. Thus, after having been at great sacrifice
rescued from the domination of the Turk, and having continued
for a period of eighty-eight years to be the seat of government
of a Christian kingdom, it once more fell into the hands of the
Moslem, from whom no succeeding efforts were able perma-
nently to wrest it. From that day to this the soil, hallowed by
the passion of our blessed Saviour, has remained in the possession
of the infidel. There are not, however, wanting symptoms
that before very long it will once more fall from his enfeebled
grasp, when it is devoutly to be hoped that it may revert
permanently to Christianity.

CHAPTER IIL
1187—1230.

Description of the ruins of the Hospital at Jerusalem — ^Its establishment at
Margat — ^Retirement of the ladies of the Order to Europe — ^The third
Crusade — Siege and capture of Acre — ^Guy de Lusignan made king of
Cyprus — Reforms of Alphonso of Portugal— His resignation and death —
Fourth Crusade — Capture of Constantinople by the Latins — ^Dissensions
between the Templars and Hospitallers — Andrew, king of Hungary,
admitted into the Order — ^Fifth Crusade— Siege and capture of Damietta
— ^Advance into Egypt — ^Fatal results of the expedition — ^Marriage of
the emperor Frederic with Yiolante — Treaty with the Saracens —
Coronation of Frederic at Jerusalem — His return to Europe and
persecution of the military Orders— Accusations brought against the
knights of St. John.

Jerusalem had fallen, and was now in the possession of 8aladin.
That chief, in the hour of his triumph, behaved with a generosity
hardly to have been anticipated from his previous conduct.
Instead of enacting scenes of carnage, such as those which had
disgraced the entry of the Christians in the preceding century,
he took every precaution that no license should be permitted.
He allowed the military, the nobles, and all who had borne arms
to proceed to Tyre, and he fixed the ransom of the civil popula-
tion of the town at the rate of ten crowns per man, failing
the payment of which they were to become slaves. In many
instances, at the supplication of the queen, he was induced to
forego the demand of this ransom, and the Hospitallers freely
lavished what remained in their already nearly-exhausted
treasury to purchase the liberty of others, so that the number
of those who were eventually doomed to slavery was compara-
tively small. He also permitted ten of the fraternity of the
Hospital, in consideration, of their charitable functions, to re-
main for a limited period within the city to complete the cure

A History of the Knights of Malta. 5 7

of those sick who were under their charge, and not in a state to
nndei^ immediate removal.*

Thus were the Christians forced to turn their hacks on the scene
of so many struggles, hopes, and triumphs. The crescent again
waved over the ramparts where the rival banners of the Hospital
and Temple had for so long fanned the breeze, and the church of
the Holy Sepulchre once more became a Mahometan mosque.
Was it for this that Peter the Hermit had in the preceding
century thundered forth his denunciations against the infidel P
Was it for this that Europe had poured forth her coimtless
hosts to whiten the shores of Palestine with their bones P Was
it for this that generations of zealous devotees had consecrated
their swords and their lives to the preservation of that precious
conquest wrung at such cost from the Moslem P It was, alas,

* Saladin appears to have greatly admired the Order. The contem-
porary records relate an anecdote of him which, though bearing on its face
the impress of invention, still shows in what high estimation he was sup-
posed to have held his relentless foes of the Hospital. The fable relates
that, having heard of the boundless liberality and care lavished b j the
brethroL on all who sought their help, whether Christian or infidel, Saladin
determined to test the truth of the report. He therefore disguised himself
as a Syrian peasant, and in that character sought admission to the Hospital.
He was reoeiyed at once, and his wants attended to. In pursuit of Ms
design he refused all offers of food, alleging that he felt unable to eat. He
continued this conduct so long that the brothers began to fear lest he
should starve to death. At length, after having been pressed to name
some article of food that might tempt his appetite, he, after much apparent
hesitation, suggested that the only food he could fancy would be a piece of
the leg of the Master's favourite horse, cut off in his presence. The
brethren were struck with consternation at such an extravagant request,
but the rules of the Hospital were most stringent on the point of yielding to
the utmost possible extent to the fancies of tiieir patients. They therefore
communicated the wish to the Master, who, much as he grieved at losing
bis favourite charger, at once gave orders that he should be taken to the
Hospital, there to undergo in the presence of the patient the amputation
neoessaiy to gratify so inconvenient an appetite. Saladin thus saw that the
fratemi^ in reality suffered nothing to interfere with what they considered
the saered duties of hospitality, and at once declared that the desire to
gratify his craying had so far cured him, that he could partake of ordinary
food without the necessity for consummating the sacrifice. He left the
Hospital disguised as he had entered it, ever after retaining the warmest
regard for his antagonists. Some writers assert that he made several liberal
dcmations to the institution, but this probably is as fabulous as the tale
itaelf.

58 A Histoiy of

too true. Europe had stood looking supinely on whilst the web
of destruction was slowly but surely being woven round the
sacred province, and now, when it was too late, when all was
lost, a cry of indignation and vengeance arose on every side.

It may be well to pause for a moment and analyse the causes
which led to so speedy a decline and fall of the kingdom of
Jerusalem. These were twofold : one, the increase and concen-
tration of the power of the Moslem ; the other, the decadence
and disunion of that of the Christians. When first the
crusaders established themselves on the shores of Palestine,
they found the enemy divided into factions, and combating as
to certain disputed tenets of their faith with a rancour and
animosity such as only religious warfare could excite. Either
party was generally ready to coalesce with the new comers to
ensure the overthrow of its rivals, and the Christians, in most
of their earlier campaigns, were able to count for aid on one
or other of the parties. As, however, the power of the Turco-
mans gradually consolidated itself, and opposing pretensions
were eventually concentrated in the person of a single leader,
the position of the Latins became more and more precarious.
The troops which the Saracens brought into the field had also
greatly improved in their discipline during this period. The
lessons taught by their European opponents were not thrown
away on their commanders, and they eventually became
but little inferior in prowess and skill, whilst always remaining
vastly superior in numbers.

On the side of the Christians may be traced much and ever
increasing disunion. Instedd of that firm and steadfast alliance
between the various principalities which constituted their only
chance of safety, they were prepared, at every trivial quarrel
and at every petty jealousy, to jeopardize the existence of the
kingdom. We have already touched upon the disputes between
the military Orders and the regular clergy. There is no doubt
that these disputes originated in the greed of the latter, who
were loth to see such wealthy communities exempted from the
payment of tithes. In addition to this, jealousies had latterly
sprung up between the Hospitallers and the Templars them-
selves, which in time led to very serious results. Instead of
confining their rivalry to a friendly emulation on the battle-

the Knights of Malta. 59

field, they often beoame more intent on thwarting and impeding
each other than on opposing the Saracens. These were all so
many contributing causes to the final catastrophe.

That in these quarrels and jealousies the Order of St. John
was always in the right it would be absurd to assert ; still, there
is much to be said in their favour. In their disputes with the
clergy they were clearly most unjustly attacked. They merely
defended the privileges granted to them by the See of Rome,
the ooimnon superior of themselves and of the clergy ; whilst as
regards their dissensions with the Templars, the conduct of that
Order during this eventful period seems to show that they were
probably in the wrong. The weight of contemporary evidence
certainly leans strongly in favour of the Hospitallers. In a
letter which Conrad of Montf errat addressed to the archbishop
of Canterbury whilst engaged in the defence of the city of
Tyre, he says : — " All succour is denied me, and what is still
worse, the Grand-Master of the Templars has carried off the
money which the king of England had sent for me. As to the
Hospitallers I have nothing but praise to record of them, and I
call Grod and yourself to witness my gratitude towards them,
for from the moment when they first took up arms in defence
of this place they have never ceased to render the greatest
possible service, and so far from imitating the Templars by
retaining that portion of the subsidy from the king of England
which they were boimd to furnish, they have in addition
positively spent upwards of eight thousand crowns of their own
money in the defence of Tyre." Another anecdote of the
period also bears on the subject. Whilst King Kichard I. of
England was in Normandy on his way to the East, the vicar of
Neuilly addressed an exhortation to him, in which he said that
the king should, before starting on his Crusade, lay aside those
besetting sins which he called his three daughters, viz., pride,
avarice, and luxury; to which Bichard replied, " If I am to part
with these three daughters of mine, I do not think I can provide
for them in a more suitable manner than by bestowing the first
on the Templars, the second on the monastic Orders, and the third
on the bishops of my reahn." It is difficult not to feel that the
two Orders had by this time achieved very different reputations,
and that the feelings of the powers of Christendom towards

6o A History of

them indicated which was in the wrong. Those feelings were
not slow in finding a vent, as the difference of their respective
fates was destined before long to show.

The loss -of Jerusalem deprived the Order of St. John of that
home which for upwards of a century had been a shelter not
only for themselves, but for all whose misfortimes demanded
their aid. The buildings which the merchants of Amalfi had
originally appropriated to their kindly hospitality, and which
had been greatly increased in extent since those times, once
more reverted to the Moslem, in whose hands they remained
imtil they fell into ruins.

Becent explorations have largely cleared up the difficulties
as regards position, which until of late rendered it almost
impossible to define what were the actual dimensions and
Umits of the establishment of the Order in Jerusalem. The
following description may be taken as correct as far as sites are
concerned, very few of the actual remains having been as yet
uncovered.

To the south of the church of the Holy Sepulchre there is a
plot of ground nearly square, about five hundred feet a side,
which is bounded on the north by what was formerly the Street
of Palmers, now known as the Via Dolorosa, on the west by
Patriarch Street, now Christian Street, on the south by Temple
Street, now David Street, and on the east by the Malquisinat or
Bazaar. Within this area stood the later buildings of the
Order. North of the Street of Palmers, and to the east of the
church of the Holy Sepulchre stood the churches and hos-
pitals of St. Mary ad Latinos and St. Mary Magdalene, also
ad Latinos, the original establishments of the Amalfi merchants.
No traces of these are now to be found. To the south of the
Street of Palmers, in the western angle of the square, stood the
church of St. John Eleemon and its hospice.

Such was the institution as it existed prior to the formation
of the kingdom of Jerusalem in 1099. Between that time and
the middle of the twelfth century the Order, under Eaymond
du Puy, had developed the church of St. John Eleemon into a
fine building, the conventual church of St. John the Baptist.*

* In the soutk-west comer of the site still stands an old Byzantine
baailioa of St. John the Baptist, earlier than any other known building in

the Knights of Malta. 6 1

On tlie east of that thej had erected another large ohm-ch,
called Sta. Maria Majora, with a monastic quadrangle to the
south of it, and along the south of the whole square, look-
ing towards Temple Street, ran the noble Hospital of St. John.
When Jerusalem was captured by Saladin, the church of
St John the Baptist was by the Saracens converted into
a madhouse (in Turkish, Murist&n). Hence the whole space
has since been known by that name. In the year 1869
the eastern half, on which stood the church of Sta. Maria
Majora, the monastic quadrangle, and a portion of the Hos-
pital of St. John, was given by the sultan to the crown prince
of Prussia. This part of the Murist^n has since then been
excavated by the Germans, and the ruins of the old buildings
laid bare. The most conspicuous and interesting feature in
this space is the gateway of St. John. It consists of a large
round arch comprising two smaller arches within it. A few
remains only of the latter now exist. The spandril between
the two was formerly adorned with sculpture, now nearly all
gone. These arches rest at one side on a central pillar, and
at the other on an entablature reaching from the small side
columns of the portal. The main arch rests on a buttress
adjoining the^ portal. Around this runs a broad sculptured
frieze, representing the months. January, on the left, has
disappeared. Then come ''Feb," a man pruning a tree;
" Ma," very indistinct ; " Aprilis," a sitting figure ; " Majus," a
man kneeling and cultivating the ground; ''nius" (Jimius),
mutilated; " lius " (Julius), a reaper; '' Augustus," a
thresher ; " eptem " (September), a grape gatherer ; " br "
(October), a man with a cask, above whom there is apparently
a scorpion. November is missing, as regards name, but has
a woman standing with her hand in her apron, probably the
symbol of repose. December missing. Above, in the centre,
is the sun (with the superscription " Sol "), represented by
a half figure holding a disc over its head. Near it is the
moon (" Luna "), & female figure with a crescent. The

the area. Captain Conder, B.E., suggests that possibly this was the origmal
diiirch of St. John Eleemon, and that the conventual ohnroh of St. John
the Baptist referred to above was not an enlargement of it but a separato
structure.

62 A History of

cornice above is adorned with medallions, representing leaves,
griffins, etc.*

Passing through this gateway the visitor would enter the
north side of the church of Sta. Maria Majora, which con-
sists of a nave and two aisles, terminating in three apses at the
east. In its greatest length it is about 120 feet, and about
65 feet in breadth. It is, of course, roofless, and only por-
tions of the columns are to be seen. The aiales were sepa-
rated from the nave by four arches, carried on three clustered
colimins on each side. Behind the church oil the south is a
vaulted quadrangle, evidently the monastic estabUshment, and
on the south side of the quadrangle was the refectory now
used as a German Lutheran chapel. South again of this the
excavations have laid bare a number of piers and columns, which
were no doubt a portion of the Hospital. • It was thus described
by MandeviUe in 1322 : — " Before the church of the Sepulchre,
200 paces to the south, is the great Hospital of St. John, of
which the Hospitallers had their foundation. And within the
palace of the sick men of that Hospital are 124 pillars of stone,
and in the walls of the house, besides the number aforesaid,
there are fifty-four pillars that support the house. From that
Hospital, going towards the east, is a very fair church, which is
called Our Lady the Gfxeat, and after it there is another church
very near called Our Lady the Latin, and there stood Mary
Cleophas and Mary Magdalene and tore their hair when our
Lord was executed on the cross."

Such is the present state of these most interesting ruins, and
it is to be hoped that when the western half of the Murist&n
(still in the possession of the Turks) is excavated many valuable
remahis, both of the Hospital and conventual church, will be laid
bare.

Thus rudely deprived of a home the Order, greatly dimin-
ished in numbers, and with an exhausted treasury, betook
themselves to Margat, a town which still remained in the
possession of the Christians. Here they established their
convent and hospital, and as far as their reduced exchequer
permitted continued to carry on those charitable duties which,

• This description of the gateway is taken from Baedeker's ** Palestine and
Syria.*'

s i

H

L,„j

ii

s *
s ^
i I

the Knights of Malta ^ 63

duriiig the most stiiring tunes of war, had never been permitted
to suffer neglect.

The ladies of the Order, unequal to cope with the hardships
consequent on a further residence in the East, abandoned the
Holy Land for ever, and divided themselves between their various
branch establishments in Europe. Amongst other places they
were possessed of a very extensive settlement at Bucklands, in
Somersetshire, the gift of Henry II. to the Hospital in the year
1180, and hither came a great number of the wandering sister-
hood. The queen of Aragon had also shortly before erected a
noble establishment for the ladies of St. John at the village of
Sixenne near Saragossa. This also threw open its hospitable
doors for the reception of all who sought its shelter. Here
these pious devotees passed the remainder of their lives in the
strictest seclusion, mourning the loss of their home, and
bewailing the fate of those heroes who now lay mouldering
beneath the sandy plains of Palestine.

The history of the Order throughout its residence in the East
was so closely connected with that of the kingdom of Jerusalem,
that it would have been difficult to trace the progress of the one
without entering into some detail with regard to the other. Now,
however, that we have reached the point where a fatal blow had
been dealt at the fortunes of that kingdom the narrative of what
followed may be told more briefly. It must, however, be
borne in mind that in all the struggles with which that period
was rife, the Order bore a noble part, and contended with un-
flagging zeal against ever-increasing obstacles. The incidents
of the third Crusade are too well known to all students of history
to call for more than a passing remark here. Boasting amongst
its leaders no less than four crowned heads, the emperor of
Germany, Richard of England, Philip Augustus of France,
and Leopold of Austria, this expedition found Guy de Lusignan
engaged in the siege of Acre. That city, the Ptolemais of the
Romans, was the most important maritime post on the coast of
Syria, and had opened its gates to the Saracen army without
resistance after the disastrous conflict of Tiberias. For three
years did the crusaders besiege the town, and the defence was,
throughout that interval, maintained with the most unflinching
obstinacy. During the latter part of the time the attack was

64 A History of

led on by Biohard of England himself, and eyentuallj his efforts
were crowned with success, the place being forced to surrender.

Hither, as soon as order was in some degree restored, the
Hospitallers removed their convent from Margat, and it was in
their new establishment in this city that Ermengard Daps died
in the year 1192. The siege of Acre is notable for the formation
of a fourth military Order, which, during its progress, was called
into existence. This fraternity received the name of the Teutonic
Order, and was composed exclusively of Germans. They wore
a white mantle with a black cross embroidered in gold, and their
rules were very similar to those of the Templars.

The capture of Acre led to no further successes on the part
of the crusaders. Dissensions, such as must ever arise in a
force composed of so many differing elements, soon spmng
up, and the length of time during which the siege had been
protracted cooled the enthusiasm of the army. Some of its
leaders, on various pretexts, had already returned to Europe,
and the termination of the siege led to the departure of many
of the remainder. In vain Bichard strove to keep together
the rapidly dissolving fragments of the force; not even his
energy and perseverance could overcome the reluctance with
which further operations were contemplated. He was at length,
much against his will, driven to conclude a truce with Saladin,
and to abandon the cause which he had so much at heart, and
in which he personally had reaped so much distinction.

Ermengard Daps was succeeded by Godfrey de Duisson,
whose lineage and nation are somewhat uncertain, though it is
generally thought that he came from Picardy. Shortiy after
his accession an event occurred which for a few years gave
a little breathing time to the shattered relics of the Latin
Hngdom. Saladin. the renowned enemy of the Christiane,
who had so often routed their forces, and who had torn the
sacred city from their grasp, died in the year 1193, leaving his
empire to be divided among his eleven sons. As may readily
be imagined, such a disposition of his power soon kindled the
flames of civil commotion from end to end of the newly-con-
solidated Saracen empire. Had this internecine warfare been
permitted to continue for any length of time it is possible that
the Latins might have succeeded in re-establishing themselves

the Knights of Malta. 65

with greater durability and more extended empire than be-
fore. Unfortunately for the prospects of the Christian cause,
Saffradin, the brother of the deceased chieftain, craftily taking
advantage of his nephews' struggles with each other, over-
powered them in detail, and re-organized the empire on a
basis nearly as extensive as it had been during the reign of
Saladin.

Whilst these events were occurring, the Latins had found
time to take measures for securing their few remaining
possessions in the Holy Land. Bichard of England, having
touched at Cyprus on his road to the 'East to join the crusading
army, had been refused permission by the king of the island
to enter the harbour. Enraged at this wanton breach of hos-
pitality, Hichard, being at the time supported by a considerable
force, seized upon the island, and brought away the king and
his daughter as prisoners in his train to Acre. Whilst, however,
he was loading the father with chains of silver,* he was himself,
if ancient scandal be creditecl, becoming entangled in the bonds
of love by the daughter. Be this as it may, he eventually
bestowed her hand, and with it the kingdom of Cyprus, on Ghiy
de Lusignan, whose position had by this time become so dubious
in its nature that he was not above wedding with the cast-off
mistress of the king, endowed with a throne, even one of such
limited extent as that of Cyprus.

At Guy's death his brother Almeric succeeded to the crown,
and was soon afterwards, through the good oiRces of the Master
of the Hospital, united to Isabella, the widow, successively, of
Conrad and of the count of Champagne, as well as the divorced
wife of Humphrey of Thoron. As by Ghiy's death this princess
became his undoubted successor to the crown of Jerusalem',
Almeric, by his marriage, established his right to that dignity
in addition to the throne of Cyprus. His presence being in
consequence imperatively called for in Palestine, to hold together
the few remaining possessit)ns which still acknowledged his rule,
he suggested to the military Orders that they should undertake

* The king of Cyprus murmured at being secured like a common
prisoner in iron fetters. Biohard, with a bitter irony, directed chains of
silver to be substituted ; and, strange to say, the vain and weak-minded
prince was much gratified at the change.

6

66 A History of

the protection of Cyprufl on his behalf. This island, from its
position, formed an excellent base of operations whence to
support the isolated posts still held by the Christians in
Palestine. Strong detachments were* therefore sent by both
bodies to insure its safety from aggression.

The chronology of these times is so very obscure that it
is impossible to trace with accuracy the precise dates at which
each change of Master took place. None of the fraternity
at this early period seem to have undertaken the task of
chronicling the deeds of themselves or of their companions
in arms; we are therefore totally dependent on the writers
who have treated generally of the fortunes of the kingdom of
Jerusalem and of the numerous Crusades by which it was from
time to time supported. The military Orders are only very
cursorily mentioned, and the most confusing contradictions in
names and dates constantly occur, rendering it difficult to
determine which are the most probably correct. Godfrey de
Duisson died somewhere about the yeax 1194, and was succeeded
by Alfonso of Portugal. This knight claimed to belong to
the royal family of that kingdom. The inscription on the
tomb, which was erected by himself in his lifetime, ran thus :
" Alfonso, Master of the Holy Hospital of Jerusalem, son of
the King of Portugal, etc., etc.'* As, however, the history
of Portugal makes no mention of such a scion of the royal
family, it is probable that the honour was tainted by the bar
sinister.

The accession of Alfonso was the signal for a rigid reform in
the discipline of the Order. The century which had elapsed
since its first foundation had brought many changes in the
habits and mode of Ufe of the period, luxuries having been
gradually introduced which in earlier times were imknown.
The Hospitallers had followed in the tide of progress, and many
innovations had crept into the convent, by no means in accord-
ance with the rigid code framed by the austere Baymond du
Puy. Alfonso was one of those men, so common in all periods,
who, without discernment sufficient to note the signs of the
times, are determined to abide rigidly by the rules of their fore-
fathers. He was unable to see how vain it was for him to
attempt to oppose himself to the stream of progress^ and that

i/ie Knights of Malta, 67

nothing short of complete isolation from the world would have
sufficed to keep the fraternity in the path laid down by theii
chief. Bules, which in the days of Raymond merely engendered
simplicity of life and an absence of ostentation, would, when
carried out a century later, have involved a degree of austerity
never contemplated by him. Impressed, however, with the
necessity for a rigid observance of the oaths taken on his assimip-
tion of office, Alfonso at once began to enforce the antiquated
discipline.

In this endeavour he met with the most vehement opposition
from the council. So strenuously and pertinaciously were
the objections of its members urged, that he lost his temper.
Thundering forth the imperious mandate, " I will be obeyed,
and that without reply," he sought to silence remonstrance
by an appeal to authority. Language such as this had not
of late been heard at the council board, and an immediate
outcry proclaimed the resentment of those present. Open
rebellion soon succeeded to remonstrance, and Alfonso was,
before long, taught that the estimate he had formed of his
magisterial power was greatly exaggerated. Disgusted at
the failure of his attempt, and cowed by the storm of
opposition he had evoked, he resigned his office, abandoned
the Holy Land, and retired to Portugal, where he shortly
afterwards fell in an engagement during one of the civil
wars of that country.

Numerous attempts were made by the powers of Western
Europe to recover some of the lost ground in Palestine during
the first half of the thirteenth centuiy. Had these efforts
been properly directed, and not diverted to objects other than
those for which they were organized, they woidd probably
have proved successful. The history, of the times is, however,
filled with the rancorous hatreds and petty jealousies which
were constantly arisiog to thwart any vigorous or concerted
movement. Wave after wave of attack surged on the shores
of Palestine, only to recede again, rather through the ignorance
and impatience of the leaders than the resisting power of the
infidel. One of these expeditions had turned its arms against
the city of Constantinople, and wresting it from the enfeebled
grasp of the Byzantine dynasty, converted it for a short time

6*

68 A History of

into a Ijatin kingdom, the crown of which was given to
Baldwin, count of Flanders.

Meanwhile Almeric had died, leaving vacant the two thrones
of Jerusalem and Cyprus, the former of which was inherited
by Mary, daughter of Isabella by her first husband. It was
the unhappy lot of Palestine, at a time when she most needed
a clear head to guide her councils and a firm hand to lead
her armies, that the crown should be worn by either women
or children. To obviate the evils likely to arise from female
rule at such a critical time, a deputation was sent to Philip
Augustus of Prance, requesting him to name some prince who
might receive the hand of the new queen, and with it the
crown of Jerusalem. Philip, in accordance with this wish,
selected John of Brienne, coimt of Vienna, for the heritage,
which was one more of danger than of glory. John at once
set forth for the Holy Land, and on his arrival was unit^
to Mary and assumed the throne of the attenuated kingdom.

Whilst these changes were going on, the dissensions between
the Orders of the Hospital and Temple, which had long been
smoiddering with ill-disguised virulence, burst forth into open
hostility. There had for many years existed a deep feeling of
jealousy between these fraternities, a jealousy rendered the
more rancorous on the part of the Templars from a sense of
inferiority in wealth and territorial possessions. Matthew
Paris, a contemporary historian, estimates the property of the
Hospital in the various states of Europe at the beginning of
the thirteenth century at 19,000 manors, whilst that of the
Temple at the same period was only 9,000. The term manor
in those days was used to signify the extent of land that
could be tilled by one yoke of oxen. This great difference
in point of wealth, which marked the superior estimation
in which the Hospitallers were held throughout Europe,
naturally excited the jealousy of their rivals, and at last
foimd vent in open warfare.

In the neighbourhood of the town of Margat, where, as has
already been said, the Hospitallers had established their convent
after their expulsion from Jerusalem, stood a castle, the pro-
perty of a knight named Robert de Maxgat. That knight
held the pl£M)e as a vassal of the Hospitallers, and acknow-

the Knights of Malta. 69

ledged them as his feudal lords. To this castle the Templars
laid claim, and, supporting their pretensions by force,
seized the disputed property. Robert de Margat at once
claimed the protection of the Hospitallers, whose vassal he
considered himself to be. These latter, incensed at the
unprovoked outrage committed by their rivals, mustered their
forces, sallied forth from their establishment at Margat, and
retook the castle by storm. From this moment open and
systematic warfare broke out between the Orders, and several
very sanguinary collisions ensued. Utterly oblivious of the
vows they had taken at their profession, and of the obligations
then imposed on them, they turned their swords, which had
been consecrated to the cause of their faith, with fratricidal
rage against each other, and throughout the length and
breadth of the laad men' were dismayed at the sad spectacle
thus afforded, and the new danger threatening the poor relics
of the kingdom.

Alarmed at the injury likely to accrue from this ill-timed
antagonism on the part of those who had hitherto been the
most powerful, as indeed sometimes they had been the only
defenders of the kingdom, the patriarch and other ecclesiastics
appealed to the Pope to interfere in the dispute. That prelate,
having heard the statements of the deputies who had been
despatched to B.ome by both Orders, decided that neither
party was free from blame. The Hospitallers had acted
unjustifiably and in opposition to their own rules in en*
deavouring to redress by force of arms the wrong which
had been done them ; and on the other hand he decided that
the claim of the Templars to the castle in question was
unfounded. Under these circumstances he decreed that the
Hospitallers should, in the first place, retire from the disputed
property, leaving it in the possession of the Templars, and that
then the latter, in their turn, should restore it to Robert de
Margat at the expiration of one month. Matters were thus
at length amicably settled, and a temporary truce, since peace
it could scarcely be called, was established between the rival
factions.

John of Brienne, having failed in his efforts to carry with
him to the Ea^t an army sufficiently powerful to establish

70 A History of

the rights he had acquired by his marriage, implored the
Pope for asBistance at this critical juncture. Innocent III.,
who at the time occupied the papal chair, entered warmly
into his views, and supported by Robert de Cour9on, an
English priest, who partook largely of the enthusiasm and
zeal of St. Bernard and Peter the Hermit, caused a new
Crusade to be preached throughout western Christendom.

The first results of these efforts showed themselves in the
force which in the year 1216, with Andrew, king of Hungary,
at its head, made its way to the East. At Cyprus, Andrew met
the Master of the Hospital, with whom he had appointed a
rendezvous, and escorted by his fleet of galleys they proceeded
in company to Acre. Here he refused the palace which
the king of Jerusalem had prepared for his reception, pre-
ferring to take up his abode at the convent of St. John. Whilst
residing there he was so impressed with the admirable manner
in which the duties of the Hospital were conducted, not only
at Acre but also at Margat, which place he visited as well,
that he announced his desire of becoming a knight of the Order.
Anomalous, as it undoubtedly was, for a monarch whilst retain-
ing his crown to take upon himself the monastic obligations
of poverty, obedience, and chastity, his desire was complied
with, and he was enrolled amongst the ranks of the fraternity.
Thus the king of Hungary became the first crowned head
received as a knight of St. John, and he celebrated the event
by a becoming act of dotation, settling upon the Order an
annuity of seven hundred sQver marks, secured upon the salt
mines of his country.

His brief stay in Palestine was of no real benefit to the
kingdom. His was a character far too unstable for any
great enterprise, and before he had been three months
at the head of his army he wearied of the undertaking.
This impulse of restlessness was aggravated by grief at the
assassination of his queen, the news of which had reached
him whilst at Cyprus. The result was that he abandoned the
Crusade, and in spite of the threats of excommimication fid-
minated against him by the patriarch, returned to Europe.

John of Brienne was not deterred by this defection from
carrying on the struggle. Fresh bodies of crusaders having

the Knights of Malta. 7 1

arriyed, it was dedded to attack Damietta, then oonsidered
the key to Egypt. Siege was accordingly laid to the town
in the month of May, 1218, the military Orders as usual
occupying a conspicuous position in the van of the army.
The sultan of Egypt was apparently doubtful of the powers of
resistance of this fortress, and dreading lest its fall should occa-
sion the loss of his entire kingdom, he proposed a treaty to
the Christians in virtue of which Jerusalem and the whole of
Palestine, with two exceptions, were to revert to them, and all
prisoners in the hands of the sultan to be released, provided
the siege of Damietta were raised and the invasion of Egypt
abcmdoned. John of Brienne and the Master of the Hospital were
urgent that this very advantageous treaty should be accepted,
but the papal legate, Pelagius, who had usurped almost un-
limited authority in the allied ccunp, was of a different opinion,
and in this he was joined by the Gfrand-Master of the Temple.
Thus backed, his influence carried the point ; the offers of the
sultan were disdainfully rejected, and the siege was pushed
on with redoubled vigour. John of Brienne retired for a
time in anger from an army in which, whilst he was the
nominal head, the legate, in point of fact, ruled with absolute
power.

After a defence which lasted for upwards of a year, Damietta
fell into the hands of the Christians, more on account of the
exhaustion of the defenders than from any very active effort on
the part of the assailants. Its population, which before the
siege numbered upwards of 70,000 persons, barely at its close
amounted to 3,000, and the victors, when they entered the
place, found it one vast grave.

Fresh divisions arose in the coimcils of the army on the
capture of Damietta. The king, who had by this time returned
to the command, the Hospitallers, and those of the other chiefs
who had all along supported his views, urged strongly that they
should at once advance on Jerusalem^ whilst the legate, the
Templars, and their party, were equally strenuous in advising a
penetration into the heart of Egypt and the complete overthrow
of that monarchy. This tiiey considered would prove the most
certain method of permanently securing the safety of the Latin
kingdom. The latter, as on the first occasion, carried their

72 A History of

point; the army turned its back upon the sacred city and
advanced into Egypt. The king, deeply though he resented the
secondary position in which he found himself, could not bring
himself to abandon a cause in which he had so much at stake,
and which was promising so fairly, and for these reasons accom-
panied the army.

The Christians boldly pushed their way into the Delta of the
Nile, the Egyptian forces retreating as they advanced. Here
they found a new enemy before which they were power-
less. The sultan broke down the banks of the Nile, flooded
the whole intervening tract of country, and completely sur-
roimded the Latin forces with an impassable lake. It was
equally impracticable either to advance or retreat, whilst to
remain where they were entailed certain starvation. In this
unfortunate predicament the Christians were driven to treat
with the enemy, and had at length to purchase their safety by
the surrender of all their recent acquisitions. Damietta was
restored to the sultan, the army retired to Acre, and thus,
owing to the obstinacy and presumption of Pelagius, backed
by the Templars, the campaign was brought to an ignominious
close, although at one time it bid fair to lead to the complete
restoration of the kingdom.

The unfortunate result of this expedition did not, however,
quell the high spirit of Europe, now once more aroused into its
old crusading fervour. Further and still more energetic efforts
were set on foot for the recovery of Jerusalem. Herman de
Saltza, the head of the Teutonic Order, returned to Europe
to solicit aid from the German emperor, Frederic. He proposed
to him to marry Violante, the daughter and heiress of John of
Brienne, who was at the time twelve years of age, and suggested
that her father could probably be induced to resign his crown in
favour of so distinguished a son-in-law. Flattered with this
prospect, and tempted by the crown thus tendered for his
acceptance, Frederic, with the sanction of the Pope, married
Violante, and John of Brienne, weary of a throne which existed
only in name, resigned in his favour.

Delays of various kinds caused a period of five years to elapse
before Frederic found himself on the shores of Syria, During
this interval the ill-feeling which had been gradually growing

the Knights of Malta. 73

up between bim and the Pope culminated in open hostilities. A
sentence of excommunication was launched against the emperor,
ostensibly on account of the delays which had interfered with
hifi Crusade, and he in his turn invaded and ravaged the papal
dominiona Undeterred by these ecclesiastical thunders, and
whilst still lying under the anathema of his Holiness, Frederic
proceeded to Palestine in the year 1228, accompanied by a
considerable force, and prepared to march into the interior
of the country.

A difficulty at first arose with the military Orders, who were
unwilling to render aid to a prince who had been placed out-
side the pale of the church, and to whom the Pope had forbidden
that they should render any assistance whatever. Eventually,
however, matters were amicably arranged, and the army pro-
ceeded on its march to Jerusalem, meeting with no opposition on
the part of the Saracens. Camel, the sultan of Egypt, dread-
ing the ambition of his brother Coradinus, thought it advisable
to make overtures of peace to the emperor, and thus, without strik-
ing a blow, Frederic was enabled to conclude an advantageous
treaty on behalf of the Christians. Jerusalem, Bethlehem,
Nazareth, and Jaffa, were restored to the Latins, and pilgrims
were to be permitted to traverse the land freely on their way to
the Holy Sepulchre, the only proviso made being that the
Mahometans were also to be allowed free access to the sacred
spot -which they had converted into the mosque of Omar.
Whilst at Jerusalem Frederic caused himself to be crowned in
this church. Owing to the ecclesiastical ban imder which he
lay none of the clerical dignitaries nor of the military Orders
assisted at the ceremonial, with the exception of the Teutonic
knights. These preferred their temporal to their ecclesiastical
allegiance, and supported the emperor throughout, their Gfrand-
Master pronouncing a laudatory oration at the close of the
coronation ceremony.

The latter Order, ever since its first formation during the
siege of Acre, had rendered the most vital assistance to the
feeble state. Acting, as it always did, in harmony with the other
fraternities, it was justly entitled to share with them the glory
of maintaining the defence of the relics of the kingdom. From
the date, however, of Frederic's return to Europe, its assistance

74 -^ History of

was lost to Palestme. FoUowmg in the train of the emperor,
these knights left the Holy Land, and their achievements,
though frequently brilliant and well worthy of record, have
no further place in these pages. It is true that a few of them
declined thus to abandon the cause they had originally adopted.
These remained in Palestine until the final expulsion of the
Latins from its shores, and are mentioned as sharing in the
defence of Acre ; but the main body, with their Gfreoid-Master,
retired with Frederic.

It is asserted by writers in the imperial interests that during
Frederic's stay in Jerusalem a conspiracy was entered into
between the Hospitallers and the Templars to betray him into
the hands of the Saracens, and that in this disgraceful and
treasonous plot they were instigated by the Pope, who was his
most virulent enemy. This treachery was discovered through
the magnanimity of the sultan of Egypt, who, with righteous
indignation at the authors of so foul a scheme, lost no time in
making the emperor acquainted with it. That there was some
truth in the accusation seems, from collateral evidence, to be
most probable, although writers in the Papal interest have not
hesitated to assert that the story had its origin in the fertile
brain of Frederic himseU, anxious to frame some plausible
pretext for abandoning an enterprise into which he had been
forced much against his own inclination. The discovery of
such a conspiracy would in a great measure account for the
animosity with which Frederic ever after regarded those Orders,
and the persecutions and extortions to which he subjected them.
The true facts of the case, and the due share of blame to be
allotted to the various members of the plot, are very difficult
to discover. AU the historians of the epoch are biassed by their
own political views and inclinations, and their narratives must be
received with great caution. Those who wrote in the imperial
interest, whilst dwelling strongly on the treachery of the military
fraternities, aver that in the treaty entered into with the Saracens
by Frederic, the Christians were placed on as advantageous a
footing as that which they had held before the ill-fated battle
of Tiberias. On the other hand, the papal writers not only
deny the existence of any plot, but assert that the much- vaunted
treaty was useless. It contained, they said, a clause that the

the Knights of Malta, 75

fortifications of Jerusalem, which had been levelled by the
Saracens during the siege of Damietta, should not be restored,
thus rendering the possession of the city by the Christians an
absolute nullity. This stipidation is alluded to by the Arabic
writer, Abulf eda ; and the fact that no attempt was ever made
to restore the walls of the place during its brief re-oocupation by
the Latins seems to bear out the statement.

As has been said, Frederic had no sooner formally established
his claim to the throne by his coronation in the mosque of Omar,
than he at once returned to Europe, where his presence was
without doubt urgently required in his own domiuions. He,
however, pledged himself to maintain a considerable force in
Palestine for the protection of his kingdom there. Whilst these
events were occurring, several changes Ihad taken place in the
governance of the Order of St. John. At the resignation of
Alfonso of Portugal in the year 1195, Geoffrey le Rat, a French
knight, was elected in his place. This chief, by the mildness of
his rule and the general urbanity of his conduct, soon restored
that peace and unanimity in the councils of the Order which
had been so rudely disturbed by the violent reforms of Alfonso.
Geoffrey died in the year 1207, and was in his turn succeeded by
GhiAin de Montaigu, a native of the province of Auvergne. It
was during his Mastership that both the Crusades lately recorded
took place, and he bore a very prominent and glorious part
throughout them. He lived till the year 1230, thus enjoying his
dignities for a period of twenty-three years, a longer rule than that
of any Master since the death of the venerable Baymond du Puy .

Bertrand de Texis succeeded Gu^rin at a time when the affairs
of the unfortunate kingdom were in a state of confusion, even
more lamentable than usual. The emperor Frederic had found,
upon his return to Europe, that the constant warfare in which
he was engaged against the Pope prevented him from sending
those succours which on leaving Palestine he had fathfully
promised to the council of the realm. His wife, Violante, had
lately died in giving birth to a son, who was named Conrad, and
who was, through her, heir to the crown of Jerusalem. In the
absence of the infant prince and his father, rival claimants
appeared to dispute the title. The scandalous injustice with
winch the emperor was at this time treating the military Orders,

76 A History of

whose European property he waa seiang, piUaging, and con-
fisoating wherever it was exposed to the violence of his animosity,
would have made it only natural that they should avail them-
selves of this opportunity for revenge. To their credit, however,
it is recorded that in spite of the ill-usage which they were
receiving at his hands, they nevertheless remained, under all
provocations, true to him as their legitimate sovereign, and
in spite of the seductive temptations held out to them by his
rivals. The Pope felt so strongly oto the subject of these wanton
aggressions of the emperor, that he addressed a special letter
to him on the subject, exhorting him to make immediate
restitution to the two Orders, on the ground of the good
service which they were daily rendering for the protection of the
tottering kingdom of Palestine.

This letter is the more important in a historical point of
view, because in it the Pope warmly extols the military Orders,
and seems to consider their conduct worthy his highest appro-
bation and sjinpathy. Only eight years afterwards, however,
we find him writing in the most vehement strain to the then
Master, Bertrand de Comps, and putting forward the gravest
possible charges against the discipline of the fraternity. In
this document he accuses them, on the faith, as he asserts, of
undeniable authority, of harbouring within their convents
women of loose character, of possessing individually private
property in opposition to their vow of poverty, and further of
assisting the enemies of the church with horses and arms,
together with a long catalogue of other crimes, evidently col-
lected together by their inveterate and implacable enemies, the
ecclesiastics of Palestine.

It is more than probable that some of these accusations were
founded on truth. We have already seen how Alfonso of
Portugal endeavoured to introduce reforms into the convent,
and how he lost his magisterial dignity in consequence. We
may also safely conclude that the haughty spirits which so
vehemently resisted his energetic measures had not become
curbed during the milder rule of his successors. Yet it seems
impossible to review all the concurrent testimony which bears
upon the question without feeling that the more important
of the charges thus brought forward were in no way borne out

the Knights of Malta. */7

by the facts. Twenty years had barely elapsed since the king
of Hungary, whilst residing at the convent, and having every
opportunity of judging as to the regularity and decorum of their
conduct, had expressed himself so highly edified by what he there
witnessed, that he caused himself to be enrolled a member of
the fraternity. Twelve years later again we find, as above
stated, the Pope himself once more reiterating his approbation,
and thereby ratifying the oft-expressed encomiums of his pre-
decessors, an approbation not likely to have been extorted had
such crying and barefaced irregularities existed. It is, moreover,
scarcely probable that these vices, so scandalous in their nature,
and requiring so much efErontery for their practice, could have
gained a footing in the short space of eight years. We may
therefore pretty safely conclude that whilst, on the one hand,
such irregularities may have crept into the convent as would
render reform highly advisable, on the other hand, the
crimes detailed with such malevolent emphasis in the Pope's
letter to Bertrand were for the most part the offspring of
calumny.

It may not be amiss, whilst on this topic, to draw attention to
the many members of the Order who at this very time were
earning for themselves, by the extreme sanctity of their lives and
the rigid austerities which they practised, the high honour of
canonization, an honour which in those days marked a life dis-
tinguished by a resolute withdrawal from the lax morality of
the age. Amongst these may be noted Ubaldesca, a sister of
the Order, who passed her life in the convent of Carraja. Her
sanctity was such that miracles had been frequently attributed
to her during her life, and she was specially reputed to have on
one occasion rivalled that performed by our Lord at the mar-
riage in Cana. After her death, which occurred in the year
1206, her body performed divers pilgrimages — a common fate
for saints to whose mortal remains the piety of succeeding
generations very frequently denied that rest which is the
acknowledged privilege of the tomb, and which was enjoyed
without distiurbance by the more humble and sinful section of
humanity. Nearly 300 years later, during the Grand-Master-
ship of Yerdala, the sacred remains of this pious lady were
tnuisported to Malta, where they were deposited in the con-

78 A History of

ventual church of St. John. They have ever since heen an
especial ohject of devotion to the faithful, certain indulgences
having been, at Verdala's request, granted by the Pope to aU
worshippers at her shrine. Here her bones stiU remain, and
here it is to be hoped they will be permitted fx) rest in peace
imtil the last trump shall once more summon her from her
narrow bed.

About the same time another sister of the Order, named
Veronese, started into celebrity from her extraordinary devotion
to the services of the Hospital. This lady's beauty was only
to be equalled by her piety and modesty. Her virtues were
indeed so pre-eminent that the legend which records her life
ajsserts that three young men, dazzled by her charms, had on
one occasion forgotten the respect due to her sex and profession,
and were instantly struck dead at her feet. The tale concludes
hy stating that they were restored to life by her earnest
prayers, and were themselves in consequence led to adopt a life
of piety.

And lest it should be supposed that it was only amongst the
ladies of the Order that this sanctity and devotion were to be
found, history has also embalmed the memory of many members
of the ruder sex, who, in addition to the chivalric exercise of
their profession, rivalled in their religious zeal the piety of
their fair sisters. Conspicuous on the roll were Hugh, head of
the commandery of Genoa; Gerard Mecati, whose virtues are
recorded by Paid Mimi in his treatise on the nobility of
Florence; and Gerland of Poland, who was attached to the
court of the emperor Frederic to represent the interests of his
Order. Here he set such an edifying example to the dissolute
courtiers of that prince that he established a very high reputa-
tion for sanctity. It is, however, much to be feared that he
failed to work any striking reformation amongst the gay
libertines by whom he was surrounded, and who were content
to hold him in the highest veneration without being induced to
follow his example.

It is difficult to conceive that whilst such shining lights as
these were constantly emerging from the bosom of the frater-
nity, and who considered themselves privileged in dwelling
within the circle of its influence, there could be much radically

the Knights of Malta. 79

amiss in its cliaraGter. That most of the acousations brought
against it, especially those of the worst kind, were engen-
dered by the malicious jealousy of their opponents, appears to
be the only rational solution of the difficulty. We are there-
fore justified in considering that the Order of St. John was
still maintaining its high reputation. Whilst we must admit
that there had been, in the course of time, much deviation from
the simple devotion of its founder, it still remained a pattern
for the age, and an admirable school in which the youthful
devotees amongst the chivalry of Europe were enabled to find
a free vent for their religious enthusiasm without having to
forego their martial ardour, at the same time beholding amongst
their leading dignitaries a most praiseworthy exiample for pious
emulation.

CHAPTER IV.
1230—1291.

Re-occupation of Jerusalem by the Christians — Their expulsion by the
Eorasmins — Battle of Gaza — Death of Yillebride, and election of
Chateauneuf— Reforms in the Order — Crusades of St. Louis —
Sanguinary combat between the Hospitallers and Templars — Siege
of Margat — Siege and fall of Acre.

Bertrand de Texts, whose election in 1230 was recorded
in the preceding chapter, died in the following year. Of
the career of his successor, Ghi^rin or Ghiarin, nothing is known
worthy of record. The traces of this Grand-Master's rule
are very scanty. In a document dated October 26th, 1231,
his name appears as the head of the Order. A leaden bulla or
seal of his is also affixed to a document now in the Record Office
of Malta, bearing date 1233. He further appears to have
been alive in May, 1236, but must have died in that year.
In the seal, Ghierin is seen kneeling before a cross ; the cross
of the order is visible on his mantle. The inscription runs : —
"Frater Oerinus Gustos Ospitalis Jherusalem." At his death
in 1236, Bertrand de Gomps was elected as sixteenth Master,
in which office he remained till the year 1241.

In addition to the attack made by the Pope on the discipline
and morals of the Order, with which the reader is already
acquainted, and which took place under his rule, Bertrand
also witnessed the third re-occupation of Jerusalem by the
Latins. Their brief tenure of the city, which had been the
result of the treaty of Frederic with the sultan of Egypt,
was brought to a close on the termination of that treaty.
The sultan rejected all proposals for a renewal of its pro-
visions, and drove the defenceless Christians out of the place.
In the year 1240, however, Richard of Cornwall, brother of

A History of the Knights of Malta. 8 1

Henry III. of England, made liis appearance at Acre accom-
panied by a starong body of English crusaders. A council
had been held at Spoletto, in the year 1234, which decreed
that one more vigorous effort should be made to rescue the
sacred province from infidel domination. Many causes had
interfered to prevent the earlier arrival of this force, and on
its landing at Acre the earl was surprised to learn that the
count of Champagne, who had preceded him with the French
crusaders, had been defeated in a battle with the sultan of
Damascus, and had, in consequence, concluded a treaty so
disadvantageous to the Christians, that none of their leaders,
excepting the Templars, would consent to accept its provisions.

Hichard had no sooner arrived at the scene of action than
he at once prepared to take the field. From the well-known
energy of his character, and the strength of the army which
was under his command, the most sanguine hopes were enter-
tained of his success. The sultan of Egypt, in whose posses-
sion Jerusalem and its environs stiU remained, was at the
moment engaged in war with the sultan of Damascus. He
felt, therefore, that the time was most inopportune for resisting
the invasion now- threatening him, and so, without waiting
for any aggressive movements on the part of the earl, he
offered at once to conclude a treaty by which he was to
soixender Jerusalem, Nazareth, Bethlehem, and Beritus, as
well as Mount Thabor and a large portion of the Holy Land.
This treaty was accepted by Kichard with the approbation
of most of the chiefs and dignitaries of the kingdom, and
its provisions were at once carried into effect, the cities men-
tioned being given over to the Latins, and immediately
re-occupied by them. Upon this occasion no restrictions were
imposed as to the fortifying of Jerusalem, and as it was evidently
impossible to hold the place in security without the adoption
of prompt measures, the mo8[t strenuous exertions were made
on all sides to restore its defences. The treasury of the
Hospital was in consequence drained to the last farthing,
and the power of the Order strained to the uttermost to
further the work.

The Templars, indignant that their previous treaty with
the sultan of Damascus should have been repudiated, now

7

82 A History of

in their turn refused to join in that made with the sultan
of Egypt. Thus the absurd and fatal anomaly was to be
witnessed of the two Orders each remaining at war with a
prinoe with whom the other was in alliance. To this un-
fortunate division must be attributed much of the sad result
of the next campaign, a result which Bertrand de Comps was
not destined to witness, he having died, in the year 1241, of
wounds received in an action against the Turcomans, who had
made an irruption into the territories of the prince of Antioch.
They were in this battle completely routed, and their defeat
cast a halo of glory over the chivabic end of the gallant and
aged Master.

The short rule of his successor, Peter de Villebride, was
marked by events most disastrous to the fortunes of the kingdom
and of the Order, at the head of which the unanimous voice of
the fraternity had placed him. A savage horde, known by the
name of Korasmins, who dwelt near the shores of the Caspian
Sea, having been driven from their homes by the Mogul
Tartars, had spread themselves over the neighbouring coimtries.
The leader of this irruption was called Barbacan, a general
whose skill in war and intelligence in the art of government
were such as to raise him in the scale of civilization far above
his wild followers. The sultan of Egypt, dreading lest this
inroad should take the direction of his territories, sought to
divert the impetuosity of the current into another channel,
and with a politic selfishness which the circumstances of the
case might well excuse, determined on sacrificing his weaker
neighbours to the safety of his own dominions. With this
view he suggested to Barbacan that there would be no difficulty
in seizing upon the Latin possessions in Syria ; and in order
still further to induce him to turn his steps in that direction,
offered to assist him with a subsidiary force.

This proposition was just suited to a man in the position of
Barbacan, who, having been expelled from his own mountain
home, had the wide world before him. To him it was perfectly
immaterial whether his enemy were Christian or Moslem. All
he demanded was that he should be weaker than himself, and
that the prospect of booty should be sufficient to render the
enterprise lucrative. On, therefore, came the new foe, over-

the Knights of Malta. 83

running and ravaging the unfortunate province which had but
just returned under the rule of the Latins, and which was still
suffering most severely from the perpetual warfare of which it
had been the victim. Every effort which the brief space of
time permitted had been made to place the sacred city in a
defensible position, and had a little longer breathing time
been vouchsafed to the defenders, they would probably have
succeeded in holding their own, whilst the undisciplined bands of
the Korasmins would have thrown themselves in vain against
the ramparts. As it was, only a few feeble earthworks
had as yet risen, and behind these the military Orders felt
that it would be madness to attempt a stand. They there-
fore, after much sad and painful deliberation, determined once
more to abandon to the infidel that consecrated soil, the centre
of so many aspirations, and, alas ! the grave of so many hopes.
Many of the inhabitants, however, having only lately estab-
lished themselves in their new homes, were blinded by the
fury of their zeal, and bmiiing to prevent a renewed desecra-
tion of their Saviour's tomb, persisted in remaining behind
with the full determination of opposing to the death the onward
course of the invaders. Others followed in the rear of the
military Orders, who, after having evacuated the city, pitched
their camp sufficiently near to enable thttm to watch the course
of events.

As may be conceived, the Korasmins found an easy prey in
the mob of undisciplined enthusiasts by whom they were con-
fronted. Hurling themselves in resistless multitudes upon the
feeble and unfinished entrenchments, they carried them at the
first onslaught. Thence they poured into the city, where they
renewed once again those scenes of carnage which had been so
often before enacted on the self-same spot. It is needless to
pause on the painful picture. Where savage and unbridled
lust is let loose upon a defenceless people the result may be
conceived. In the present instance the horrors perpetrated fully
equalled anything which the most vivid imagination could dare
to portray. With a cunning scarcely to be looked for in such
savages, they had no sooner established themselves securely in
the city than they raised upon its ramparts the standard of the
Christians. Deceived by its appearance, and imagining in con-

84 A History of

sequenoe that the enemy must have been worsted in the
assault, many of the fugitive Christians, who had accompanied
the military Orders in their retreat, determined, in spite of
the most earnest warnings, once more to return to their homes.
There they found themselves entrapped by the ruthless foe, and
doomed to share the miserable fate of their comrades.

Meanwhile, the Templars having discovered that a detach-
ment of Egyptians was acting in concert with the Korasmins,
called upon their ally, the sultau of Damascus, to aid them
in repelling his old antagonist. In reply to this appeal, the
sultan despatched a body of 4,000 Damascene horsemen to
join the Christian force. With this reinforcement the Orders
stood their ground in the vicinity of Oaza with the intention of
watching what further course the victorious Korasmins would
take. These latter did not leave them long in suspense.
Satiated with slaughter, and weary of inactivity after a few
days spent in the wildest revels and the vilest debauchery
within the now desolate city, they advanced in a tumultuous
horde, flushed with victory and eager for the fray, determined
to overwhelm the handful of Latins by whom they were
opposed.

In this conjuncture the councils of the Christians were much
divided : the chiefs pf the military Orders advised a prompt
retreat, feeling that the enormous disproportion of their
numbers rendered the chances of a battle so imequal as to be
desperately hazardous. As, however, on the occasion of the
expedition into Egypt, the presimiption of one churchman, the
legate Pelagius, had caused the miscarriage of the undertaking,
so now, by the precipitation of another, was a still worse disaster
brought about. The rash advice of the patriarch of Jerusalem
overcame the prudent scruples of the other leaders, and it was,
in deference to his views, decided that they should stand their
ground and await the issue of a general engagement. It is one
of the curious phenomena of those times that ecclesiastics were
always to be found mixing themselves up with the most
secular matters, and those especially with which they might
be supposed to have hardly any concern, nay, still further,
often, as in the instances here quoted, vehemently obtruding
their opinions in questions of a purely military character, and in

the Knights of Malta. 85

oontemptuons opposition to the most experienced captains of the
age.

On this occasion the result did not long remain doubtful.
The Talour of the Christian chivalry, though exerted to the
uttermost, expended itself in vain against the almost countless
swarms opposed to them. The Latin anny, when drawn up in
its battle array, was divided into three corps. The Hospitallers,
supported by the count of Jaffa, constituted the left wing ; the
Templars, with the militia of the kingdom, were in the centre,
and the auxiliary force of Turcoman cavalry formed the right
wing. Upon this occasion those jealousies which had for so
long divided the military Orders, and to a great extent
neutralized all the efforts made for the restoration of
the kingdom, were quelled in their zeal for the common
cause, and the blood of both Hospitcdler and Templar flowed
freely in a common stream, a worthy sacrifice to their country
and religion. For two whole days was the struggle maintained,
although at its very commencement the Damascenes, either from
treachery or cowardice, turned their backs upon the foe and fled
ignominiously from the field. This defection left the Koras-
mins in a nimierical superiority of at least ten to one; still the
Latins stood their groimd undismayed, and the scale of victory
seemed for a long time almost equally balanced. It was not,
however, within the power of human endurance to bear up
against the interminable stream of new opponents unceasingly
poured upon their exhausted ranks by the indefatigable
Barbacan. ' At length, upon the evening of the second day, the
Christian force, decimated and overpowered by the sheer weight
of numbers, was compelled to give way.

Signal as was their defeat it was unaccompanied by disgrace.
Still struggling, though all was lost, the broken remnants of
the army refused either to fly or to yield, and there, on the
ground where they stood, now strewn with the mangled corpses
of their comrades, they fell, one by one, faithful, even to the
end, to that holy cause which they had espoused, and to which
their lives and fortunes had been consecrated. In this fatal
field the Masters, both of the Hospital and Temple, found a
noble grave in company with almost the entire body of their
respective Orders, only thirty-three of the Templars and sixteen

86 A History of

of the Hospitallers surviving the slaughter which marked the
close of the struggle. With this disastrous defeat ended all
hope of resisting the victorious advance of the Korasmins, and
the slender relics of the Christian force sought the shelter of
Acre. Here William de Chateauneuf was raised to the post
of Master of the Hospital, vacant by the death of Peter de
Vniebride on the field of Ghaza. Prior to his elevation he had
been a preceptor in the Order, and it was from a letter of his,
recording the fatal issue of that battle, that most of the
details of the campaign have been preserved on the page of
history.

Chateaimeuf found himself at the head of his fraternity at
a time when it was plunged into a state of the direst con-
fusion and distress. Within the limits of the Holy Land there
remained only a few members, mostly wounded, who, from
behind the walls of Acre, were compelled to tolerate the ravage
of that sacred soil which they were no longer in a position to
defend. Spread like a flight of locusts over the province, the
Korasmins destroyed far and wide everything which fell within
their grasp. Wherever they turned their steps a heart-rending
wail of distress and misery arose in their track. Had they
remained imited amongst themselves it is certain that they must
speedily have completed the destruction of the Christians, and
there is every probability that they could even have established
themselves in secure and permanent empire on the wreck of the
two Saracen kingdoms of Egypt and Damascus. Most provi-
dentially, however, the seeds of jealousy and mutual animosity
soon sprang up in their midst. Commencing in trivial quarrels
and unimportant skirmishes their disputes increased in virulence
and intensity until eventually they had so far enfeebled them-
selves as to be no longer an object of dread to the surrounding
potentates. Hemmed in on all sides by bitter and now openly
declared enemies, and harassed by the peasantry of the district,
whose hatred they had aroused by their licentiousness and
savage brutality, they gradually diminished in numbers until
before long no trace remained of a power which had so lately
been the terror of the East.

Freed from the imminent peril which had at one time
threatened complete annihilation, Chateauneuf took the most

the Knights of Malta. 87

energetic measures to recruit the ranks of his fraternity, and
to restore some semblance of credit to its exhausted treasury.
Every preoeptory in Europe was drained of its members, even
novices being included in the conscription ; vast sums of money
were also remitted from the same sources, so that before long
we find that with the re-vivifying power bo peculiar to it, the
Order was once more flourishing with as stately a grandeur as
of old, still remaining, in conjunction with the Templacs, the
principal, nay, almost the only support of the kingdom*

Until this time it had been an invariable rule, in order
to prevent a knight from yielding himself a prisoner, that no
member so situated should, on any account, be ransomed by
the public treasury. Now, however, when their numbers had
become so suddenly and fearfully diminished, it was thought
advisable to depart from a rigid adherence to this regulation.
Chateauneuf therefore despatched an embassy to the sultan of
Egypt, requesting permission to ransom all members of the fra-
ternity then in his hands. The sultan, however, was sufficiently
acute to see that if it were in the interest of the Hospitallers
thus to purchase the freedom of their brethren, it must naturally
be a wise policy on his part to refuse sanction to such a request.
This he accordingly did, quoting to the envoys, in support of his
decision, the regulation of their Order, which forbade any such
traffic. The unfortunate captives were in consequence com-
pelled to remain in slavery, whilst the envoys returned to Acre,
mortified at the failure of their errand, on which much money
had been uselessly spent in bribing the officers of the sultan's
court, only to receive in the end an ignominious rebuflp. This
refusal has been very generally attributed to the influence of
the emperor Frederic, who was at the time in dose alliance
with the sultan, and whose persevering antipathy to the
military Orders has already been touched upon.

Whilst thus striving to restore the fortunes and power of
the institution, after the rude shock it had so lately received,
Chateauneuf was not unmindful of its interior discipline. We
may gather from several different facts that at this time the
most rigid austerity was being once more enforced. In support
of this statement we find a special license issuing from the
Pope, in which permission is given to the brethren to enter into

88 A History of

conversation with any secular guest who may chance to be
taking his meals in their refectory, otherwise they are
enjoined to maintain a strict silence diuing such times. We
also find the following incident recorded by Joinville, the
historian of the Crusade of St. Louis. A dispute having arisen
between some Hospitallers and French knights, who were
together in that expedition, Chateauneuf, after investigation,
considered his brethren to be in the wrong, and in conse-
quence condemned them to take their meals on the ground.
They were, moreover, expressly forbidden to drive away
ci^y do? 0^ other animal which might choose to intrude
upon their platters. This discipline was maintained unrelaxed
until after the most urgent entreaties on the part of Joinville
himself, on the occasion of a visit which he paid to their
convent.

The Crusade of St. Louis of France was one of the results of
the disaster of Gaza, and the consequent loss of the principal
cities of the Holy Land. That monarch, of whom history has
recorded every virtue that could adorn a hero, and whose piety
was destined to earn for him the posthimious honours of
canonization, was seized with an ardent desire to achieve what
so many of his predecessors had in vain attempted. Whilst
lying on a bed of sickness he had pledged himself to the
undertaking even before he had heard of the fatal day of Gaza,
and he now decided upon leading in person the chivalry of
France to the rescue of their co-religionists in the East.
Accompanied by his three brothers, the counts of Artois,
Poictiers, and Anjou, and followed by an army of 60,000 well-
appointed troops, he landed at Damietta in the summer of
1249, having spent the previous winter in Cyprus. The resist-
ance offered to his landing was but slight, and at the close of
a short struggle he found himself master, not only of the shore,
but of the city itself. The garrison of the fortress, struck
with panic at the bold and daring advance of the French
chivalry, and mindful of the scenes which had been enacted on
the same spot on the occasion of its previous capture by John
of Brienne. abandoned the citadel and took to jBiight, leaving
everything open to the French.

Whilst at Damietta, Louis was joined by the whole strength

the Knights of 'Malta. 89

of the military Orders, led by their respective chiefs in person,
as well as by a small body of 200 English lances, under the
command of WiUiam Longspee, who had already served with
distinction in the former Crusade, under the Earl of Cornwall.
An advance towards Cairo was decided on, and the army
proceeded without interruption as far as Massoura, a fortified
town situated near the confluence of the two branches of the
Nile. Here they found the entire Egyptian force awaiting
their arrival within an entrenched camp on the fax side of the
river. For some time all their efforts to effect a passage by
means of a temporary bridge were rendered futile by the
opposition of the Egyptians. At length, however, a Bedouin
Arab, tempted by the offer of a large bribe, consented to guide
them to a practicable ford through which the crossing might be
made. The king directed his brother, the count of Artois, to
cross the ford at the head of a selected body of troops, consisting
principally of the military Orders and the English knights
under William Longspee. The Arab was true to his word ; the
ford was reached, the river crossed, and the enemy, who had in
vain sought to oppose the operation, was driven from the field.
At this moment a strange panic seenois to have fallen on the
Saracens. Abandoning their intrenchments under the idea that
the whole French army was upon them, and even deserting
Massoura in their terror, they fled, leaving the count of" Artois
in undisputed possession of both camp and city.

Had matters ended here, and had cool counsels been allowed
to prevail, all would have been well, but it seems to have been
the fate of these crusading expeditions that some rash and
hot-headed zealot was invariably permitted to override the
judgment of those who from their position and long acquaint-
ance with the warfare of Palestine were best qualified to direct
operations. The count of Artois, rejecting the prudent advice
of Sonnac, the GJrand-Master of the Templars, supported though
it was by Longspee and the other leaders, determined to push his
advantage to the utmost, and heedless of the paucity of his
numbers, dashed in hot pursuit after the retreating enemy.
These soon recovered from their senseless panic, and perceiving
the numerical inferiority of the Christians, rallied rapidly at the
eall of Bendocdar, a valiant Mameluke chief, who had assumed

90 A History of

tlie oommand, after the death of Sacadeen, killed in the previous
engagement. Turning fiercely on their pursuers, they soon
threw them into confusion, and drove them in headlong flight
back into Massoura. Here it was found that the inhabitants,
recovering from their first consternation, had manned the walls
of the place and were opposing the entrance of the fugitives.
A street fight ensued, in which the superior discipline of the
knights was of but little avail, and the detachment was prac-
tically annihilated. The count of Artois, Longspee, and a
large nimiber of knights were killed, whilst the Master of the
Hospital, Chateauneuf, fell prisoner into the hands of the
Saracens.

Louis beheld with the most lively grief and indignation this
disastrous issue to a combat commenced under such glorious
auspices. Crossing the ford with the remainder of his army he
lost no time in advancing to the rescue. Here he was met by
the Saracens, led on by Bendocdar, now completely rallied from
their panic, flushed with their subsequent success, and burning
to wipe out the remembrance of their ignominious flight. The
fight was long and obstinate, and closed without any decided
advantage to either side. StiU, unquestionably the moral
victory was with the Saracens, who reaped all the beneficial
results of the day. Hemmed in on the ground which he
occupied, Louis found himself cut off from all supplies on the
side of Damietta by a Saracen force despatched for that purpose
by Bendocdar, and it was not long before the army fell into a
very similar predicament to that of John of Brienne. Pestilence
broke out in the camp and decimated his troops. Unable to
retreat as long as a Saracen force interposed between himself
and Damietta, Louis in this strait meditated a sudden attack
in that quarter, trusting that by taking the enemy unawares he
and his enfeebled army might be enabled to cut their way
through. Before he could carry this intention into effect,
he was himself attacked in his intrenchments by the whole
Turkish army. Wasted with disease and enfeebled by starva-
tion bis troops could offer but a very feeble resistance, nor was
fljl the ohivalrio daring which on that day distinguished his own
conduct able to avert the catastrophe. Disdaining to seek safety
in fiight at the cost of abandoning his followers, he maintained

the Knights of Malta. 9 1

the struggle to the last, until he eventually fell a prisoner into
the hands of Bendocdar, in company with his hrothers, the
counts of Anjou and Foictiers.

That chief hehaved towards his illustrious captives with a
magnanimity and generosity rare in the annals of Moslem
warfare ; indeed, he treated them with the utmost consideration
and respect. A treaty of peace was at once set on foot, the
terms of which were not likely to require much discussion when
one of the negotiating parties found himself in such a helpless
position. As a ransom for himself and his army, Louis cove-
nanted to pay the sum of 800,000 hezants, and to restore to
the Saracens possession of Damietta. In order to assist in
providing the necessary amount, the Hospitallers freely placed
their treasury at the king's disposal. The Templars, however,
were not so complaisant, and urged that the rules of their Order
forbade any such appropriation of their funds. Necessity, how-
ever, knows no law, and the king felt that the crisis was of too
grave and imminent a character to admit of any delicacy on his
part. He lost no time, therefore, in laying forcible hands on
their treasury, by the aid of which he completed the sum de-
manded for his liberation. As soon as the terms of the treaty
had been complied with on both sides, Louis and the relics of
his army returned to Acre, utterly unable to attempt anything
further for the good cause. Here he lingered for four years,
principally owing to the entreaties of the military Orders, who
considered his presence a great safeguard for the precarious
renmant of the kingdom, but also partly because of his unwil-
lingness to return to France whilst the disgrace of his reverse
was still fresh in public memory.

During his residence at Acre Louis received a message from
the chief of the Hassassins, demanding the payment of black-
mail as a protection agauist assassination, and averring that all
the other Christian monarchs who had warred in the East had
subscribed to the custom, and purchased safety by payment
of the toll. This tribe dwelt in the mountainous country con-
tiguous to Tripoli. They were a nimierous and fanatical body
of men, whose chief was known by the name of the Old Man
of the Mountain. They were regarded with terror throughout
the East owing to the peculiarity of their tenets. Their religion.

92 A History of

if religion it can be called, consisted in a blind obedience to the
will of their ruler, even when it led to certain death. Assassi-
nation was held by them to be a cardinal virtue, and was
blindly carried out whenever ordered by their chief. The
monarch on his throne, in the midst of his court, and surrounded
by the most faithful guard, was not secure from the dagger of
one oi the Hassassins, who, being utterly regardless of his own
life, rarely failed to accomplish his mission. The dread in
which the tribe was held prompted all the Mahometan leaders
of the East to cultivate friendly relations with them, and they
were in the receipt of subsidies in the form of tribute from
nations far more powerful in point of numbers than themselves.
Their name was derived from the Persian word Hassasin,
signifying a dagger, which was the only weapon worn by them,
and the one with which they invariably carried out the behests
of their chief.

It is recorded that on one occasion the sultan of Damascus
despatched an envoy to the Old Man of the Mountain demand-
ing the payment of an annual tribute under threat of invasion.
That potentate, in order to show the envoy the extent of his
power over his subjects, directed one of them to cast himself
headlong from the top of a tower, and another to plunge a dagger
into his heart. Both commands were instantly obeyed. The
prince then turning to the messenger informed him that he had
60,000 subjects, every one of whom would perform his will with
the same blind obedience. Nothing more was heard of the
sultan's demand for tribute.

The only rulers in the East who had steadily resisted the
demand for blackmail on the part of the Hassassins, were the
Masters of the Hospital and Temple. They had, at an early
date, warned the Old Man that on the occasion of the first
assassination the tribe should be at once exterminated, and it
was well known that the threat was not an idle one. Chateau-
neuf , therefore, no sooner heard of the audacious demand on
Louis, than he instantly dismissed the embassy with the noti-
fication that unless ample reparation were at once tendered for
the insult, the tribe might rest assured they would receive
a visit from the whole force of the Order, for the purpose of
inflicting smnmary chastisement. Within the stipulated time

the Knights of Malta, 93

the enToys returned with the required amende ; a ring and a
fihirt being tendered to Lonis, the first signifying that he
should be encircled by the protection of the tribe, and the
second that they would cling to him with attachment.

Lotos left the Holy Land in 1254, and the next few years
were spent by the military Orders in securing themselves
within those posts which they still retained. During this lull
in the political storm, the quarrels which had so often arisen
between them, but which the urgency of their mutual peril had
temporarily quelled, once again broke forth. Beginning in
single combats or in struggles of small parties, the ill-feeling
grew gradually so rancorous that eventually they rarely met
without bloodshed, and not contented with isolated encounters
it was not unusual for the warfare to be carried on by consider-
able numbers on either side. The mutual exasperation at last
became so envenomed, that in the year 1259, the whole force of
the respective Orders met in a general engagement. Victory
favoured the side of the Hospitallers, and the slaughter was
such tihat scarce a Templar was left to survive the fatal
day. It was long ere that fraternity rallied from the
blow, and by the time that their ranks had been sufficiently
recruited to enable them to show front against their rivals, the
breaking out of renewed hostilities against the common enemy
overcame the bitterness of civil discord. It was during this, the
last year of Chateauneuf 's rule, that the Pope issued a bull
decreeing a distinctive dress for the knight of justice. This
bull ifl dated in August, 1259.*

Shortly after the sanguinary contest above referred to,
William de Chateauneuf died in the month of October, 1259,
and Hugh de Bevel was elected to succeed him. This knight,
the nineteenth Master of the Order, was the first who received
from Pope Clement 11. the title of Ghrand-Master. The bull
conveying this dignity was dated on the 18th November, 1267.
The chiefa of the Temple had, from their first foundation, taken
the rank of Chrand-Master, whilst those of the Hospital had,
until this date, contented themselves with the simpler appella-
tion of Master.

Under the auspices of Hugh de Eevel some vital changes

* Yide Appendix No. 6.

94 A History of

were made in the organization of the European posses-
sions of the Hospital. The various precepf>ories had hitherto
been in the habit of remitting the surplus of their revenues,
after deducting the cost of their own subsistence, to the
general treasury at head-quarters in the East. In many cases,
however, sometimes owing to the extravagance or mismanage-
ment of the administrators, and sometimes from causes over
which they had no control, the customary balance was not
forthcoming. As, however, it was absolutely necessary that a
positive and considerable sum should be relied on with certainty
to support the heavy expenditure of constant warfare, it was
decided, in a general council held at Csesarea, that a definite
payment should be demanded from each preceptory, based on
the average receipts of a term of years, which simi they should be
bound to remit to the general treasury under all circumstances,
the balance of their respective revenues being retained for their
own local expenses. This annual payment, which formed a
species of rent-charge, was called a responsion, and was usually
fixed at one-third of the gross receipts. The commission which
was sent to each preceptor to announce the changes thus pro-
posed to be introduced began with the word commandamus^
whence arose the word commander, by which title the preceptor
eventually became known. Priories were at the same time
established, formed of the union of several preceptories. At
the head of these were placed dignitaries with the title of
prior, or, as they were afterwards termed, grand-prior. The
prior held supreme control over the preceptories which con-
stituted his priory, and he was charged with the duty of
collecting and remitting their several responsions. He was also
called on to maintain strict discipline, and to act as a check
upon the extravagance or other mal-practioes of the preceptors.
He was instructed to make constant visits, so as to ascertain
by personal observation that due economy and discipline were
practised.

Whilst thus organizing improvements in the internal
economy of his order, Hugh de Eevel was at the same time
making the most strenuous efforts to maintain a bold front
against the perpetual aggressions of the relentless enemy. These
efforts were not, however, very successful. His means of defence

the Knights of Malta. . 95

were so limited, and the power against which he was called on
to contend was growing gradually so overwhelming, that almost
each year witnessed some new calamity. In the year 1263
the sultan succeeded in ohtaining possession of the fortress of
Azotufl. Ninety knights of the Hospital had been placed hy
Bevel at this post in order to lead the garrison and conduct the
defence. One by one these brave men fell beneath the scimitar
of the enemy, and it was not until the last of their number had
succumbed that Bendocdar was able to force his way into
the town. The heroic and obstinate defence of Azotus adds
yet another name to that long list enrolled in history to the
honour of the Order. Never had the spirit of devotion which
they displayed in the sacred cause of their adoption shone with
brighter lustre than during this glorious though fatal struggle.

In the succeeding year the Templars were in their turn forced
to surrender the fortress of Saphoura, and these losses were soon
followed by others of still greater import. Antioch, Laodicea,
and Earac passed for ever from the Christians, and Acre itself
was only saved for a short time by the report of anticipated
succour from the king of Cyprus, which induced Bendocdar, in
dread of another Crusade, to retrace his steps.

The second Crusade of Louis, in which he met his death
from the pestilence which annihilated his army, brought no relief
to the suffering Latins of Syria. Its course had been diverted
into Africa, and there, amidst the fever-breeding swamps of
Tunis, it melted away. The efforts made in the year 1271 by
Prince Edward of England, though conducted with energy,
were equally fruitless, owing to the insufficiency of the force of
which he was the leader. Having narrowly escaped death from
the dagger of one of the band of Hassassins,* that prince returned
to Europe, leaving the prospects of the Christians in Syria utterly
hopeless. He had, however, succeeded more through the terror of

• Immediately after the receipt of his wound, and whilst the result
threatened to be fatal, Edward made his will. It was dated at Acre,
June 18th, 1272, and the subscribing witnesses were Hugh de Revel, Grand-
Master of the Hospital, and Thomas Berard, Qrand-Master of the
Temple: — ''En testimoniaimce de la queu chose a ceo testament avons fet
mettre nostre sel et avons pries les honurables Bers frere Hue Mestre de
THospital et frere Thomas Berard Mestre du Temple ke a cest escrit meisent
anal lur sens.*' — Acta Rymeri, tom. i., ad ann. 1272.

96 A History of

his name and lineage than from any other cause (the reputation
of his ancestor, Biehard Coeur de Lion, being still a household
word throughout the Saracen provinces of the East), in obtain-
ing a truce for ten years, during which time a short breathing
space was permitted to the harassed and dispirited Latins.
During this peaceful lull Hugh de Revel died, in the year
1278, and Nicholas de Lorgue was intrusted with the baton of
Grand-Master in his stead.

The death of Bendocdar in the year 1281 brought the treaty
which he had made with Prince Edward to a premature close,
aud the military Orders were once more aroused from their
brief repose. The commencement of the new war was signalized
by some important successes on the part of the Christians. One
of the Saracen commanders, whilst on a plundering expedition,
unwarily led his forces within reach of the fortress of Margat,
still an important stronghold of the Hospitallers. The garrison
sallied boldly forth, and charging down on the enemy whilst
they were encumbered with pillage and in a state of disorder,
easily routed them and annihilated the whole body.

The sultan was so enraged at this disaster, that in the
following year he despatched a force of 5,000 men for the
siege and capture of Margat. Undismayed at the numbers of
their opponents, the Hospitallers, feeling that they were too
few to meet the enemy in open combat, determined to have
recourse to stratagem. In furtherance of this object they posted
a portion of their force in ambush outside the gates of the city,
whilst the remainder advanced towards the enemy as though
determined to give battle. After a brief struggle, and before
they had become too much entangled in the fight, they pre-
tended to yield, and fled towards the town as though struck
with a sudden panic. Whilst thus hastily retiring, they took
care to preserve their ranks with a precision that should have
led the enemy to suspect a wile. Heedless of the warning,
the Moslems, hurried away by the ardour of pursuit, dashed
after the retiring foe with all the disorder of a rapid advance,
and with the confidence of a victory already gained. They
were, however, soon destined to discover that their anticipa-
tions were not to be so ecisily realized. Once drawn into the
defile where the ambuscade was placed, the flying Hospitallera

tfu Knights of Malta. 97

halted in their course and turned fiercely on their pursuers,
and whilst the Saracens were preparing to re-form themselves
into some semblance of order to receive this unlooked-for attack,
they were dismayed by hearing the tumult of strife suddenly
arise in their rear and on both flanks. Thrown into the wildest
and most hopeless confusion by this sudden appearance of
enemies on every side, little or no resistance was offered ; the
struggle became a massacre, and the battle-field was strewn
with the corpses of the slain, a very slender remnant of the
whole force surviving to carry to the sultan of Egypt the news
of this fresh and still more serious disaster to his arms.

Aroused to a pitch of frenzy by the double defeat which he
had sustained at the hands of the Order of St. John, the sultan
vowed a dt3ep and bitter revenge against the Christians. From
this purpose he never swerved, although for some years the
internal disturbances of his kingdom were so numerous as to
prevent his being able to accomplish the design. At length,
taking advantage of an interval of repose, he advanced in
person against Margat at the head of a formidable army in
the year 1287. Fore-warned of his intention, de Lorgue had
thrown a strong reinforcement into the fortress, the garrison of
which calmly awaited the attack. The sultan, on arriving in
front of the walls, commenced the siege in due form ; the place
was invested, trenches were dug, battering rams, towers, and
other military engines constructed, and all the usual routine
strictly adhered to. On the part of the defenders every possible
impediment was thrown in the way of the assailants, and their
constant and energetic sorties created so many obstructions
to the advance that the sultan seemed to gain little or no
advantage.

During the time this open warfare was being carried on so
much apparently in favour of the besieged, a secret and insi-
dious advance was in progress, by which their speedy downfall
was to be compassed. The visible attack had been a mere blind
on the part of the sultan, who, whilst thus diverting the atten-
tion of the defenders, was quietly making his approaches below
ground. In this manner he stealthily advanced, until he had
at length succeeded in undermining the ramparts in every direc-
tion, temporarily supporting the walls with huge beams of

8

98 A History of

wood. Having completely aooomplished his purpose, he sum-
moned the garrison to surrender ; a message which was received
with scorn by men who were huoying themselves up with the
idea that they bad foiled his worst attempts. What was their
dismay and consternation on being informed that the waUs
behind which they deemed themselves so secure awaited but a
signal to crumble beneath their feet. Two of their number
were permitted to enter the enemy's lines in order to assure
themselves of the correctness of the statement. These having
received ocular demonstration of the fact, it was felt that
further resistance was hopeless, and the town was given up to
the sultan, the garrison being permitted to retire unmolested
to Acre. Immediately on obtaining possession of this fortress,
which had for so many years held them at defiance, the Sara-
cens levelled its defences to the ground, and thus prevented its
re-occupation by the Christians.

The last sad scene of the bloody drama was now rapidly
approaching. Plaice after place fell into the hands of the
victorious sultan, until at length, throughout the land, the
banner of the Cross waved no-where save on the ramparts of
Acre. Nicholas de Lorgue was not, however, destined to
witness the denouement of the tragedy. Having visited the
Holy See for the. purpose of making a personal appeal to the
Pope on behalf of the waning church in Syria, and having
utterly failed in the attempt — ^for in truth Europe was weary
of sending her beat soldiers and her hardly-earned treasures to
be fruitlessly expended on the burning sands of Palestine — he
returned in despair to Acre, where he died in the year 1289.

John de Villiers, a French knight, was elected in his place.
He was a man whose mind was caJm and far-seeing in the
midst of danger, and the intrepidity of whose character was
beyond the shadow of a doubt. It was to such a one that the
fraternity felt they could best confide their fortunes in the
perilous and desperate situation in which they were then placed.
No dissentient voice was therefore raised against the nomina-
tion, which was in truth advancement to a post rather of peril
and honour than of personal advantage.

After the capture of Jerusalem by Saladin, the city of Acre
had become the metropolis of Christianity in the East. Its

the Knights of Malta. 99

favoiirable situation on the sea coast rendered it the mart of
the vast commerce which annually flowed both eastward and
westward in the mutual exchange of the treasures of Europe
and Asia. Its fortifications consisted of a double enceinte of
rampart, by which the city was entirely surrounded on the land
side; numerous flanking towers in close proximity to each other
effectually strengthened its walls, which were so broad and solid
that two chariots could pass abreast on their summit. These
defences had been developed by the accumulated additions of
ages, all the most celebrated of the crusaders who had resided
within the city having added something to the fortress. St.
Louis of France, in particular, had incurred a very large outlay
in his zeal to strengthen, as far as possible, this important
stronghold, the last which the Christians possessed in the
Holy Land.

The grandeur of the town itself has been a fertile subject
for the descriptive talents of contemporary historians. The
streets, unlike those usually to be met with in the East, were
vride and regular, the squares spacious, the public buildings
imposing and grand, whilst the houses, which were built either of
marble or of the finest cut stone, were constructed of equal height
and with flat roofs, so that it was easy to pass from one end
to the other without descending into the streets. They boasted,
in every quarter of the town, of the luxury of glass windows, at
that time still far from common in Europe, and they possessed
the yet greater refinement of stained glass in the highest per-
fection ; indeed, in this art they were far in advance of the
nations of the West. Tradition revels in the picture which it
draws of the splendour of all connected with this magnificent
city. Silken canopies and awnings are said to have been
stretched from side to side of the principal streets for protec-
tion from the mid-day heat, shedding a rich and subdued
light on all around. The wealth of the world seems to have
oonoentrated itself on this highly-favoured spot, and to have
drawn thither, in consequence, the representatives of almost
every nation under the sim.

Such a congregation of varied races, and such a constant
stream of wealth flowing through its midst, naturally engendered
a vicious mode of life, and we find the city in these, its last

8*

lOO A History of

days of Chnstian dominion, a scene of reckless turbulenoe and
unbridled debauohery. Drunkenness, prostitution, and other
vices more Eastern in their character, and too odious to be
particularized, stalked rampant through its streets, and the gaily-
dressed and painted harlot of Acre was notorious throughout
the neighbouring districts. It was thronged by the people of
no less than seventeen countries, speaking different languages,
and governed by different laws. Each race occupied a
separate and distinct portion of the town, having no com-
mimity of interests with one another, and rendering allegiance
to no supreme head. Every species of vice and wickedness con-
sequently flourished unchecked, and the general demoralization
was such that the city had gradually become a perfect sink of
iniquity.

Many acts of wanton outrage having been committed on the
Moslems of the neighbourhood through the brigandage of some
of its heterogeneous inhabitants, the sultan, Mansour, who was
only waiting for a plausible excuse to complete the expidsion
of the Christians from Syria, demanded instant reparation for
these wrongs. The Grand-Masters of the military Orders both
urged a prompt compliance with this request. It was, indeed,
not only perfectly reasonable in itself, but also at the same time
backed by the whole power of Egypt — a power which recent
events had taught them they were utterly unable to resist. The
advice was, however, rejected with scorn ; prudent counsels were
stigmatized as cowardice ; an answer of defiance was returned,
and ere long the inhabitants of Acre learned with dismay that
the whole strength of the Egyptian empire was on its road to
crush this, the last stronghold of Christianity.

Mansour did not live to carry out the enterprise himself,
having been poisoned by one of his generals whilst on the
march to ^!cre. His son Khaled, however, stimulated by the
last words of his father, who had directed that his body should
not receive the rites of sepulture till after the capture of the city,
determined to carry out the enterprise. He pushed forward his
troops without delay, and ere long appeared before the walls
with an army which the Arabian historians have computed
at 160,000 foot and 60,000 horse. Undismayed by this enor-
mous force, the military Orders, at the first sound of the infidel

the Knights of Malta. i o i

atabal, prepared to defend themBelves to the uttermost ; failing
in which they were ready to follow the example of so many of
their brethren, and perish in the effort. As the undisputed
sovereignty of the seas was still theirs, they at once removed
from the city and embarked for Cyprus the whole of the non-
oombatant portion of the inhabitants, leaving as a garrison a
strength of some 12,000 men, in addition to those who were
serving under the banners of the Hospital and Temple.

Heniy H., king of Cyprus, in whose person rested at this
time the sovereignty of Jerusalem, on learning the straits
to which this solitary remnant of his kingdom was reduced,
landed at Acre with a reinforcement of 200 knights and
500 men-at-arms. This was the sole auxiliary force upon which
the garrison was enabled to rely in its resistance against
the almost countless swarms by whom it was beleaguered.
It was not a moment for ceremony in the choice of a leader.
The daims of the king, whose reputation as a soldier was, to say
the least, of a very doubtful character, were overlooked in favour
of one whose experience in arms and military renown were of
a far higher stamp, and William de Beaujeu, Grand-Master
of the Temple, was unanimously selected for the onerous post.
One of his first acts was to reject, with scornful indignation,
the very munificent offers which were made to him by Khaled
to tempt him to surrender the town. This magnanimity secured
for him the perfect confidence of the garrison, who felt that
whatever perils they might be called on to undergo from the
scimitar of the foe, they had nothing to dread from treachery
at home.

The siege was pushed forward by the infidels with the
greatest vigour, and the defence of the Christians was equally
obstinate. Closer and closer were drawn the hostile trenches,
and day after day saw their battalions encircling the city with a
tighter grasp. The effusion of blood which marked the progress
of the contest was fearful. Numerous sorties were made by the
defenders, led on by the heroic Beaujeu, in which prodigies of
valour were displayed, and the desperation with which they
fought was marked by the piles of Saracen dead that lay
strewn along the plain in the track of the Latin squadrons. In
such an army, however, as that which fought under the banner

102 A History of

of Khaled, the slaughter of a few thousands, more or lees, could
have but little efFect in cheeking his onset or averting his fell
purpose. Steadily he pushed his approaches forward, step by
step, until at length he was in a position to bring his battering
rams into active play, whilst at the same time his miners were
busily employed in burrowing beneath the towers by which the
ramparts were danked. Successive crashes marked the downfall
of one bulwark after another, yet still they struggled on with
the most indomitable perseverance, and with a courage the
heroism of which had in it something sublime.

At last the Cursed Tower, one of the most important points in
the defence of the fortress, shared the common fate, and opened
a breach in the most vulnerable part of the ramparts. Henry
of Cyprus, with his auxiliaries, had been stationed at this point,
and he gallantly maintained the breach against every effort of
the Moslem until night intervened to put a temporary stop to
the strife. Then, however, perceiving that a renewal of the
combat in the morning would place him in a desperate situation,
and in all probability lead to his capture, if not death, he
determined to abandon the defence and regain his ships.
Desirous of concealing the step he was about to take, he alleged
that the struggle of the day rendered a period of repose impera-
tive to hifi force, and handed his post over to some Teutonic
knights who were taking part in the siege, promising faithfully
to relieve them in the morning. Instead of doing this he
hurried with the remainder of his troops on board the fleet,
which lay at anchor in the harbour, and under cover of the
night set sail for Cyprus, abandoning the heroic remnant of the
garrison to their fate.

The next morning at daybreak the Saracens renewed the
assault with greater determination than ever, but the Teutonic
knights, who retained the post basely abandoned by Henry of
Cyprus, presented an impassable barrier of steel to their onset.
Throughout the day the combat raged fiercely around the
deadly breach, until at length, towards evening, overborne by
numbers and exhausted by their long protracted defence, the
Grermans gave way, and the enemy, with loud shouts of exulta-
tion, poured into the place. At this critical moment, when all
appeared lost, Villiers, whose enthusiastic zeal always led him

tJie Knights of Malta. 103

nrhere the fight was thickest, comprehending at a glance the
peril of the situation, directed his marshal to rush with the
Hospitallers to the rescue. On they poured like a wave of
steel, hurling itself with irresistihle force against the advancing
Modems, who were streaming through the now defenceless
breach. Never was the white cross of the Order displayed in
deadlier fray; long and obstinate was the struggle, the one
party striving to retain the advantage they had gained, the
other equally eager to drive the foe back beyond the walls.
At length the impetuous valour of the knights overcame every
obstacle, and the Saracen, still struggling to the last, was once
again hurled backward over the breach, and forced to retire
discomfited to his intrenchments.

This was the last transient gleam of success that illumined
the Christian cause. Innumerable fresh battalions were still
at the command of Ehaled, and these were poured in constant
succession by their determined chief against the enfeebled
and exhausted defenders of the town. Thrice on the following
day was the city taken and as often regained by its daimtless
garrison, yet the loss on each occasion was such as could ill be
afforded, and it became more and more apparent that the place
was doomed. Though each knightly warrior stood undismayed
at his post, and trod the rampart firm in his resolve that the
Moslem should cross it only over his lifeless body, it was
evidently the energy of desperation, not that of hope. Beaujeu
and the other leaders had no thought of surrender; still
they felt that nothing short of a miracle could save them
from destruction. What man could do to avert the blow they
had done, and now there seemed to remain to them but one last
duty, and that was to seal their devotion with their blood.

At length the fatal morning dawned, the sun of which was
to set upon the complete expulsion of the Latins from Syria,
Early in the day the marshal of the Hospitallers, whose noble
daring had more than once been the means of rescuing the
city from impending capture, fell at the head of his knights
whilst defending a breach which had been made practicable in
the ramparts near the gate of St. Anthony. Dismayed at the
loss of this gallant knight, Beaujeu turned to Villiers and
requested him, as a last resource, to attempt a diversion by

I04 A History of

sallyiug out of the town and attacking the enemy's camp.
He trusted in this manner to obtain a little respite, during
which he might in some manner repair the ruin. There is no
doubt that this order on his part was the means of saving the
lives of Yilliers and those knights who accompanied him. At
the moment, the service seemed one leading to certain death, and
in that way it was regarded by those who nevertheless willingly
undertook its performance. Hastily assembling a troop of
white cross knights, and pointing out to them that the moment
had arrived to sacrifice themselves for their religion, he sallied
forth by a side gate, and made a circuit so as if possible to
fall upon the flank of the enemy unperceived. Khaled
was, however, too wary a general to allow himself to be thus
taken by surprise. Yilliers found, on arrival at the intended
point, that a strong force of cavalry was drawn up to
receive him. All efforts to penetrate the serried mass in his
front proved unavailing, and eventually he was driven back
with the slender relics of his force, and compelled to try and
re-enter the town. Meanwhile, the breach of St. Anthony
had been ccuried, Beaujeu had been slain, and the town
had fallen into the possession of the enemy.

All was therefore lost, and nothing left but to endeavour
to rescue such of his knights as had hitherto escaped the scimitar
of the foe from the massacre, which was even now flooding the
streets with blood. Betreating warily, he formed a rallying
point for all those able to join him, and gradually reached the
shore. Here he succeeded in embarking them on board the
galleys which were lying at anchor in the roadstead. This
was a very difficult operation, and was not carried out without
severe loss. The enemy was held in check by the archers who,
posted on the vessels' decks, kept up an incessant discharge
of arrows upon the advancing squadrons. Under cover of
these missiles the embarkation was at length completed, and
thus the sad and slender relics of that proud fraternity, which
had during so many years raised the white cross as a barrier
impassable to the Moslem, were compelled to abandon the
sacred soil of their adoption.

Broken in spirit, and overpowered by an adverse destiny, they
now, after two centuries of incessant warfare, found themselves

the Knights of Malta. 105

floating on tlie seas, a body of homeless wanderers, without an
aim in view or a purpose to aooomplisL Sad fate was this for
men who, in their own persons and in those of their predecessors,
had done so much for their faith, and had gained such
imperishable renown — ^a renown which the disastrous struggle
now brought to such a fatal issue had done much to increase.
Amidst the despairing shrieks of the captive inhabitants, and
the ferocious shouts of exultation from the victorious Moslem,
which were borne on the wings of the wind, they bade adieu to
the land they had loved so well, and turning the prows of their
galleys westward, they reluctantly wended their sorrowful way
towards the island of Cyprus.

CHAPTEE V.
1291—1311.

Establishment of the Order in Cyprus — Its first naval armaments — Death
of John de Yilliers and election of Odon de Pins — His monastic
seclnsion Dissatisfaction of the Order — His death, and accession of
"William de Villaret — Expedition into Palestine — Project for the
capture of Rhodes — Preparations for that operation — Death of William
de Villaret and accession of Fulk de Villaret — Capture of Rhodes —
Destruction of the Order of the Temple.

The slender and dispirited relics of the unfortunate garrison
of Acjre found shelter in the island of Cyprus, where Henry de
Lusignan, anxious to remove the stain cast upon his namlc) by
his dastardly flight from the beleaguered city, welcomed them
with open arms. The town of Limasol was accorded to them
as a residence, and here the Hospitallers for the fourth time
re-established their convent, and after a brief repose began
making such arrangements for the re-orgadtzation of their
body as the exigencies of the case seemed to require.

An imperative order was at once issued for each grand-priory
to despatch thither, without delay, all the. available members
who might be residing within its limits. This injunction was
obeyed with so much enthusiasm that before the expiration of
many months the attenuated ranks of the fraternity at Limasol
once more became augmented into something like their former
numbers. Nor was it in men only that assistance poured in
from Europe ; the ooflFers of every priory were drained to the
utmost for the assistance of the general treasury, so that they
were soon able once more to open their Hospital and to re-com-
mence the exercise of those charitable duties which had been so
rudely disturbed by the aggressions of the infidel.

Although the Holy Land had now completely passed away

A History of the Knights of Malta. 107

from the power of the Christians, the number of pilgrims who
still annually sought its shores remained undiminished; the
duty, therefore, continued to devolve on the members of the
Order of rendering such protection and escort on the road as
lay within their means. For this purpose the galleys which
had conveyed them from Acre were brought into requisition,
and the brethren, driven from that sacred province to the
protection of which they had so long devoted themselves,
adopted a fresh career. On the new element which they had
chofi^i, they soon succeeded in demonstrating to the Saracen
foe that the flag of the Order was to be as much dreaded
when waving over their galleys as it had been of yore in the
van of their mailed squadrons. To the various ports of Italy
and the Adriatic these new fleets wended their way in the
months of March and August. They collected the grateful
bands of wandering devotees at these various points of embark-
ation, and escorted them safely through the perils of the Levant
until they landed in Syria, whence, as soon as the cravings of
their religious enthusiasm had been satisfied, the brethren
accompanied them back to their respective destinations.

Whilst thus employed, they not unfrequently encountered
the hostile galleys of the infidel, which, scenting their prey
from afar, were always to be found hovering round their
would-be victims. These were not long in discovering that
their old foe had lost none of his vigour, and was still as
dauntless in enterprise as they had known him in past years.
The numerous Turkish prizes which speedily graced the harbour
of Cyprus were the first promising tokens of that maritime
supremacy which was eventually to assert itself on the waters
of the Mediterranean. Many of these captures proved to be
extremely valuable, and in some cases individual knights had
taken advantage of their position to secure for their own private
use some of that wealth which should have found its way into
the treasury of the Order. Discipline had, in truth, been rudely
shaken by the disaster of Acre, and the sudden flash of prosperity
which thus developed itself in this first commencement of a new
career, seemed stiU further to loosen the bonds of due restraint.
The very island in which the fraternity had established its
convent bore amidst its balmy breezes the seeds of that

io8 A History of

voluptuousness whioli from the earliest ages had been its charao-
teristic ; and the Hospitaller, returning from a suocessful cruise,
and released from the restraint and privations of life on board
his galley, sought to make amends for the toils he had under-
gone by an outburst of luxurious dissipation.

Two chapters-general were held by order of John de ViUiers,
in which laws were passed to check this rising tendency to
display and self-gratification. No knight was for the future
to be allowed the possession of more than three horses, and
all adornment of his equipments was once more strictly for-
bidden. Stringent regulations were at the same time laid
down respecting the debts left by a brother at his death,
specifying the mode in which they were to be defrayed. From
the fact that such a regulation as this was foimd necessary,
it appears evident that there were numerous members of the
fraternity, not content with spending the proceeds of their
successful cruises in a manner little becoming those who had
taken upon themselves the oaths of poverty and chastity, but
who were also incurring the incubus of debts. It cannot be
said that the rules framed on this subject by the council were
well adapted to put an end to the practice, the regulation being
that in case the household and personal properties of the knight
were insufficient to liquidate his liabilities, the balance was to be
defrayed out of the funds he had originally transferred to the
Order on his admission. This decree must have pressed far more
hardly on the treasury than on the individual. It must also
have increased greatly the facilities for running into debt, as
creditors would feel that they had undeniable security to fall
back upon in case of a failure of the knight's assets. On the
whole, however, the decrees passed by these two chapters had
the desired effect of checking the excesses of the turbulent, and
by degrees something approaching the old state of discipline
and good order was once more established.

During the remainder of the rule of John de Villiers, maritime
expeditions continued without intermission, and the knights
gradually curbed the power of the infidel in this branch of
warfare to such an extent as to render the navigation of the
Levant comparatively secure for the commerce of Europe.
This was a boon which every nation could feel and appreciate,

the Knights of Malta. 109

more eepedallj those who, like the Venetians, owed their posi-
tion in the scale of nations entirely to the extent of their
trading transactions. Whilst the knights of St. John had been
engaged in the defence of the Holy Land, their achievements,
brilliant as they were, had been of but slender assistcmoe to the
vast popxdations of Europe, and although religious enthusiasm
had been much awakened by the tales of heroism and chivalry
which were the theme of troubadour in hall and bower, still
little permanent impression was left on the hearers' mind.
Now, however, when in addition to the sacred cause of com*
bating the infidel there was added the more tangible and
personal benefit of protection to commerce, a cry of gratitude
and warm admiration aioae on every side.

The difference between the conduct of the Hospitaller and
Templar was freely discussed, and paved the way for that over-
throw of the latter Order which was even then dawning on the
mind of Philip the Fair. They had both equally earned
imperishable laurels by their gallant defence of Acre, and had
both shared the same fate in their expidsion from Syria. But
from the moment of turning their backs on that scene of
strife, how different had been their conduct ! The Hospitaller,
availing himself of the nearest point from which he could still
carry on the objects so dear to him, had established himself
almost within sight of those shores from which he had been
driven. Unable any longer to compete with his foe on land, he
had not hesitated to encounter him on a new element, and those
Turkish rovers who had for so many years been the terror of
the eastern shores of the Mediterranean, were taught to feel
that the day had at length arrived when their supremacy
diould be ended. Instead of the slave marts of Egypt being
filled with captive Christian sailors, who had hitherto furnished
the bulk of their supply, the tables were now suddenly turned,
and the unfortunate Turk, tugging at his oar in one of the
numerous galleys of the Hospital, had ample opportunities
for reflecting upon the ill-chance which had brought these new
and invincible foes across his path.

The Templars, on the other hand, after a brief sojourn in
Cyprus, instead of rendering the smallest assistance to their
chivalric brethren in this new undertaking, hurried westward

no A History of

with unseemlj haste, where settling themselves in their
various European preoeptories, they gave way to the most
unbridled luxury. Their gross licentiousness, and the arro-
gance of their bearing, soon drew down on them universal
distrust and hatred, and there were not wanting those
who possessed both power and will to accomplish their over-
throw. These enemies only waited until public feeling had
been sufficiently aroused to justify them in the steps they
abeady contemplated taking. No doubt, during the last
years of their existence, little can be said in favour of the
Templars, and although the barbarous cruelty with which their
extinction was accomplished has raised a feeling of compassion
on their behalf, which to some extent effaces the memory
of their misdeeds, it cannot be denied that they had of late
years gravely deviated from the original design of their institu-
tion. They seemed, therefore, to be no longer fit depositaries
of that enormous wealth which had been bequeathed to them
for purposes so different from those to which they had appro-
priated it.

In the year 1294, John de Villiers, who had greatly raised
his Order in public estimation, died at his convent home in
Cyprus. His place was filled by Odon de Pins, a knight of
Provence of great age, more noted for piety of life than
for military prowess. Had he been elected to the supremacy
of a fraternity of monks, he would probably have proved
a most edifying selection, but in the turbulent days in which
his lot was cast, and with the fierce spirits under his charge, he
proved a sad failure. Occupied in the peaceful duties of his
convent and Hospital, he utterly neglected those other obliga-
tions of his office which were more congenial to the tempera-
ment of his subordinates, and which were absolutely necessary
to keep in check the aggressive neighbours by whom he was
surrounded.

Having lost their all at the abandonment of Acre, the
fraternity was still burning to recruit its finances by a con-
tinuation of those maritime forays which had been so success-
fully commenced imder the auspices of Villiers. Whilst the
galleys of the Turk, laden with the wealth of the East, were still
to be found ploughing their way through the blue waters of the

tJte Knights of Malta. 1 1 1

Levant, and requiring but a few daring spirits to seize them for
their own, it is not surprising that the inertness and monastio
seclusion of Odon de Pins soon gave rise to murmurings on the
part of the more active and restless members of the Order.
Greater and greater became the dissatisfaction as time wore on,
and the harbour of Cyprus no longer bore on its bosom those
prizes which, in the time of his predecessor, had so often lain
there in triumph. Utterly heedless of the increasing marks
of discontent which showed themselves on all sides, Odon
continued as regular as ever in his attendance on the religious
duties of his profession, and as negligent as ever of its military
obligations. At length, unable longer to submit to this
enforced inactivity, the knights made a general appeal to the
Pope for permission to depose their chief, enumerating the
different causes for dissatisfaction to which they considered his
conduct had justiy given rise. The Pope summoned Odon
to appear before him in Rome, in order to decide in his
presence as to the justice of the appeal. The Grand-Master,
as an obedient son of the church, instantly prepared to obey
the mandate, and set forth on his journey. He was never
destined to accomplish his purpose, for having been seized with
iUness on the road, he gradually sank under the disorder ; and
death, whilst it put an end to his troubles, at the same time
terminated all the disputes and disagreements of which he had
been the cause.

His successor was William de Yillaret, also a knight of
Provence, who at the time of his election was grand-prior of
St. GKlles, and at the moment residing in his priory. His
brother Fulk was also a knight of St. John, and greatiy
distinguished; so much so, that at the death of William, he
was unanimously chosen to fill the vacancy; his sister Jour-
dain was the superior of the convent of Hospitaller ladies at
Queroy, so that « the family were destined, all of them, to
attain the highest dignities possible in the fraternity. YiUaxet
used no haste to quit France upon receiving the intel-
ligence of his elevation, but availing himself of the autho-
rity with which the appointment invested him, made a
magisterial inspection of all the priories in that country,
instituting the most searching reforms and eradicating many

112 A History of

pemioious abuses. Tliis done, he paid a flying visit to Eome
to tender his respects to the Pope, after which he proceeded to
Cyprus to assume the sway whidi had been delegated into his
hands.

One of the earliest and most important acts of his rule was a
descent upon Palestine, undertaken by the fraternity in alliance
with Gtiyan, king of Persia. The accounts of this prince vary
considerably, some writers having asserted that he was a
Christian, others that he was a Mahometan, whilst there are not
wanting those who state that he was a Pagan. Be this as it
may, he was undoubtedly a. bitter enemy to the Saracens. He
had therefore entered willingly into an alliance with the king
of Cyprus, the Hospitallers, and the king of Armenia, with the
view of securing the expulsion of his antagonists from the Holy
Land. He was very desirous to restore the Christian kingdom
of Jerusalem, which he considered would form an admirable
barrier on the frontier of his dominions. The records of this
expedition are few and very meagre, doubts having even been
raised as to whether it ever really took place. Still sufficient
testimony remains to show, not only that the Christians did
actually once more make good their footing in the Holy Land,
but that they even advanced as far as, and took possession of
Jerusalem itself. The policy of the Saracens had, however,
rendered this advance of no permanent avails They had taken
the precaution of destroying the fortifications of every city
within the limits of Palestine, the possession of which, there-
fore, must eventually remain with the power which could
maintain the strongest force in the field. Accordingly we find
that the Hospitallers, having once more gladdened their eyes
with the sight of those holy places so familiar to their memory,
were obliged to retire in face of the superior force which the
Saracens brought against them ; their ally, Gayan, having been
suddenly called away in the midst of the campaign to quell a
rebellion in his own dominions.

Thus driven from Palestine, and yet eager to bestir himself
in the interests of his Order, the mind of Villaret gradually
became impressed with the desire to obtain for them a new and
more permanent home than that which had been accorded to
them in Cyprus. He looked for a settlement in a spot where

the Knights of Malta. 1 1 3

they should be enabled to consider themselyes as lords, and
not merely tolerated as guests, somewhat unwelcome ones into
the bargain, which was the position they had of late been com-
pelled to accept. Yarious causes of discord had gradually arisen
during their residence in Cyprus; oppressive taxes and other
exactions had been imposed upon them, payment of which had
been rigidly enforced, despite the earnest remonstrances of the
Pope. It seemed, therefore, but natural that Villaret should
desire to change their home to some more hospitable locality,
and to obtain for his name a lasting renown by regaining for
his Order a position of dignity more in accordance with that
which hitherto it had always occupied.

For this purpose he turned his eyes in the direction of
Bhodes, a spot which appeared in every way adapted to the
purpose he had at heart. This island had originally formed a
dependence of the empire of Constantinople. At the time when
that kingdom fell under the power of the Latin crusaders, it
became the prey of the Genoese, in whose possession it continued
until Vatiens, one of the most politic and gifted princes of his
age, succeeded in expelling the intruders, and restoring it to
the empire from which it had been torn. Qradually, however,
its governors established themselves as independent princes in
the island. In order to make good their pretensions against the
emperor, they opened their ports to all the Turkish and Saracen
merchants who chose to make it their home, and the corsairs
who ravaged the Mediterranean were always sure of a hearty
welcome and a safe shelter within its harbours. To repel this
noxious swarm and to destroy their nest would of itself be an
act reflecting great credit on Villaret; whilst to erect in its
place a stronghold which should be a terror to the infidel and a
support to the commerce of Europe, was an object worthy the
chivalric mind which conceived it, and certain to evoke the
deepest gratitude of Christendom.

Impressed with these views, Villaret determined to carry out
a secret but thorough reconnoissance of the island. He was
making all the necessary arrangements for this duty when, in
conjunction with the Grand- Master of the Temple, he received a
summons to repair to Rome, ostensibly for the purpose of a con-
ference as to the feasibility of a new Crusade. This, however,

9

114 -^ History of

was only a subterfuge on the part of the Pope to conceal the
real designs he had in view, and of which more will be told
further on. The Qxand-Master of the Templars obeyed the
summons free of suspicion and without loss of time ; but
Yillaret excused himself from the journey on the plea of the
urgent business in which he was then engaged. He was,
indeed, at that moment on the eve of starting from Cyprus,
burning with anxiety to obtain the most accurate information
on all points which could guide him in the prosecution of his
enterprise.

He coasted cautiously roimd the island, marking well its
various points of defence, as also those which seemed to him the
most Tulnerable, the positions of the harbours, the sites of the
towns, and as far as he could ascertain, the number of their
respective inhabitants. By the time he had concluded his
survey, it was made very clear to him that the undertaking was
one of no ordinary magnitude, and that Eihodes possessed the
most formidable means of defence if its inhabitants knew how to
avail themselves skilfully of their advantages. Undeterred by
the discovery of these difficulties, he returned to Cyprus, fully
resolved on at once organizing an expedition for the seizure of
the island. Unfortunately, however, in the midst of his pre-
parations a sudden and violent illness carried him o£P, and post-
poned for a while the execution of the project which he had
had so much at heart.

This event occurred in the year 1308, and was the source of
the m»st lively regret on the part of the Order, by whom he
was much beloved. They at once elected his brother Fulk in
his place, conceiving, with great justice, that as the latter had
always been in his confidence, he would prove the best-fitted
person to carry out the grand design of William. The first
act of Fulk, on assmning the reins of office, was to proceed to
France, in order to procure an audience with Clement V. and
Philip the Fair, from both of whom he hoped to obtain assist-
ance in his project. He found the two potentates in dose and
secret conclave at Poictiers, in company with James de Molay,
the unfortunate Grand-Master of the Temple, who had arrived
there during the preceding year, in profound ignorance of the
cruel plot then forming against himself and his fraternity.

the Knights of Malta. 1 1 5

Villaret lost no time in submitting his scheme to both Pope
and king, pointing out the many advantages which the
acquisition of Ehodes by the Order of St. John would confer
upon Europe. Clement, with a very natural ambition that
his papacy should be marked by an event so important to
Christendom, entered warmly into the scheme. Not content
with contributing a large sum of money from his own private
resources, he used his utmost influence to obtain for Villaret such
assistance, both in men and money, as his papal authority
could extract from the various nations which acknowledged
his supremacy.

In order to prevent the secret of the enterprise from trans-
piring, a new Crusade for the recovery of the Holy Land
was preached, backed by the promise of plenary indulgence
to those who should either join the expedition or contribute
funds for its support. To the Ghrand-Master he gave the
right of nomination to the archbishopric of Ehodes, in the
event of his success warranting the creation of such a dignity.
Large numbers of enthusiasts responded eagerly to the appeal,
and flocked to Brundusium, which had been selected as the
rendezvous at which they were to embark. Villaret found
that he had not means of transport for one-third of those
who proposed to accompany him, most of whom were only a
disorderly throng, more likely to prove an impediment than
an assistance in his projected enterprise. Selecting, therefore,
only the flower of this host of volunteers, he embarked them
on board the galleys which had been furnished expressly for the
expedition as the joint contribution of the king of Sicily and
the republic of Genoa.

Villaret was a man of very haughty and reserved character,
and not one to submit with impunity to the cross-examination
of his subordinates. In his control lay the chief command
and direction of the expedition, and the known peculiarities
of his disposition aided him materially in preserving within
his own breast the secret of its destination. Passing Ehodes
at some little distance, so as to avoid awakening the suspicions
of its inhabitants, he proceeded to Cyprus, where he embarked
such members of the Order as had remained there during his
absence in Europe. He thence proceeded in a north-easterly

9*

ii6 A History of

direction, and leaving Syria on his right, entered a port in
Asia Minor. All were now eager to learn their destination,
but Fulk continued impenetrable in his reserve. To the
members of his own Order only did he imfold his design,
with the strictest injunctions to secrecy, for from them he
felt sure not only of cheerful, but enthusiastic support. To
the remainder of his force he still maintained the fiction of
a Crusade, with the prospect of which it was his intention to
blind them until the proper moment had arrived for throwing
off the mask.

His immediate object in thus putting into port was the
sending of an embassy to Constantinople, to demand from the
emperor the sovereignty of Ehodes, as soon as he should have
achieved its conquest, promising to furnish an annual con-
tribution to the Gh:^ek empire both of men and money,
should his request be granted. The authority of the emperor
over Ehodes was at that tinie purely nominal, the reality
having long since slipped from his grasp; still he decUned
to accede to this proposal. It is not improbable that he
thought he would retain a better prospect of regaining pos-
session of the island whilst it remained in the hands of the
Saracen pirates, than could possibly be the case were it
once to become the stronghold of the Order of St. John.
This refusal on the part of the emperor having been fully
anticipated by Fulk, had but little weight in dissuading him
from his task, on the prompt execution of which he was more
than ever intent. Whilst awaiting the answer from Constan-
tinople, he had despatched spies into Rhodes with the view of
obtaining really accurate information with respect to the island.
These spies had returned with such* glowing accoimts of its
wealth and fertility, the beauty of its towns, the verdure of
its fields, and the commodiousness of its harbours, that his im-
patient spirit yearned to hold within his grasp the possession
of so lovely a spot.

Once more embarking his forces, he now at length revealed
to them what he proposed as their real destination. The island
was speedily sighted, and without allowing the inhabitants time
to recover from the surprise and panic into which the sudden
apparition of his fleet had thrown them, he made a descent

the Knights of Malta. 1 1 7

upon the ooast, and after a slender and desultoiy resistance
on their part, effected his landing. By this prompt measure
the open oountrj fell, to a great extent, into his hands. Still, as
the town of Rhodes remained in the possession of the Saracens,
this oocupation availed him but little, and it was easy to see
that the most difficult part of his task remained undone so
long as the banner of the crescent continued to wave over its
ramparts. Hoping by a bold stroke to achieve a complete
victory at once, he attempted to carry the town by storm, but
in vain ; the nimiber and valour of the garrison, aided by the
strength of the defences behind which they were fighting, more
than counterbalanced the impetuous energy of the invaders,
backed though they were by the veterans of the Hospital, and
led on by the daring ViUaret himself.

Many of the Saracens had, during the first moments of panic,
embarked on board their galleys and put to sea. These, after a
time, seeing that all was not lost, as they had at first imagined,
returned to port and once again landed, thus aiding to swell the
strength of the garrison. The emperor of Constantinople, also,
as soon as he learnt that a descent on Bhodes had actually
been effected, despatched an auxiliary force to assist in expel-
ling the invaders. He entertained a hope that after he
had defeated the intruders, he might probably succeed in
regaining possession of the island for himself. Whilst these
augmentations in the number of his foes were taking place,
ViUaret was doomed to witness a rapid diminution in the
strength of his own forces. Many of the gallant spirits who in
a moment of. enthusiasm had joined the Crusade under the idea
that its object was the expulsion of the Saracen from Palestine
and the restoration of the kingdom of Jerusalem, found their
ardour sensibly abating when they discovered that they were
being called on to fight, not for the sacred object which had
for centuries been an. incentive to the valour of Europe, but
for the private advantage of an Order which, notwithstanding
the numerous benefits it was daily conferring on Christendom,
was by many regarded with jealousy and suspicion, if not
with actual dislike. One by one these disappointed crusaders
abandoned the enterprise, and stole away from the scene of a
strife which was daily becoming more and more unpromising.

1 1 8 A History of

Eventually Villaret found himjself abandoned by all, except
the members of his own fraternity, who, having staked every-
thing on the cast, had determined to stand with him the hazard
of the die.

Under these adverse circumstances all further attempts at the
capture of the city were for the moment out of the question, and
it was not long before Villaret found himself surroimded by the
enemy, and in a state of siege within the limits of his own camp.
Aroused by the audacity of this league of Greeks and Saracens,
Villaret assembled all that yet remained to him of the invading
army, and, after a brief and spirited harangue, he led them
forth to the assault. The position wcw certainly very desperate,
and he determined either to clear the coimtry of the enemy,
or sacrifice the slender remains of his force in the attempt.
The struggle was long and obstinate, and the loss of the
Hospitallers such as in their weakened state they could but ill
afford. Desperation at length inclined the balance in their
favour, and ere that evening's sun had set, Villaret had the
satisfaction of standing undisputed master of the field, and of
witnessing the complete dispersion of the numerous battalions
by which he had been surroimded.

The routed Greeks and Saracens, under cover of night,
flimg themselves into their galleys, and crossing over to the
mainland, spread throughout the province of Lycia the in-
telligence of their utter defeat. Meanwhile Villaret, having
re-assembled the proud relics of his force, returned once more
to his attempts upon the city. Finding himself far too
enfeebled to achieve its capture by assault, he changed his
tactics, and converted his attack into a blockade, determining
to await the arrival of reinforcements from Europe before
proceeding to more active measures. His steady perseverance
and indomitable energy carried him triumphantly through the
difficulties of the crisis. He succeeded in obtaining a large siun
of money by way of loan from the Florentine bankers upon the
security of the revenues of his Order, which he had no hesita-
tion in pledging for the purpose ; a security which at that time
could hardly have been considered a very safe one, and which
must have required no little financial talent on his part to render
marketable. Provided thus with the sinews of war, he was not

the Knights of Malta. 1 1 9

long in assembling beneath his banner a considerable number of
those mercenary troops whose services were always to be pur-
chased by a good paymaster.

Finding his strength now once more restored to a state that
would warrant active measures, and trusting that the garrison,
cooped up for so long within the walls of the town, would be
disheartened by the wearisome blockade to which it had been
subjected, he determined again to deliver an assault. This he
did on the 6th of August, 1310, and with complete success.
Before nightfall on that day the white cross banner of the
Hospital was waving over the ramparts of Ehodes, and the
remnant of the nest of pirates who escaped the exterminating
sword of the invader, had fled in confusion to the shores of
.^jsia.

No authentic records of this struggle now exist or appear
ever to have come to the aid of the historian of the epoch,
the only accoimt of its incidents having been the somewhat
apocryphal details to be gathered from a set of tapestry hang-
ings commemorating the events of the siege, which for many
years decorated the palace of the Grand-Master in the convent
at Ehodes. Some of the older historians, in the dearth of more
accurate records, have invented a fable which would infer that
the town was captured by stratagem. Their story runs that on a
dark and foggy day some of the knights covered themselves
wiili sheep's skins, and joining a flock of sheep which was
returning into the city, they entered in its midst unperceived.
Once arrived at the principal gate they seized it and admitted
their confreres. Without attaching any importance to this
fable, which is repeated merely as an example of the inventive
powers of some of the old historians, it is no doubt probable
that some stratagem was successfully practised by which the city
did fall into tlieir hands. Nothing, however, is really known,
as all accurate details are wanting. It has been presumed,
and probably with reason, that an extensive fire, which nearly
destroyed the convent during the first century of the residence
of the Order in the island, may have consumed such documentary
details of the siege as were likely to have been retained amongst
the public archives.

The name of Bhodes is supposed to have been derived from

I20 .A History of

the roses, for which the island was famous. It had previously
been called by the Ghreeks Orphieuse, or the island of serpents,
owing to the number of venomous reptiles with which it was in
those days infested. Possessing a mild and equable climate,
which, while far removed from the scorching heat of the tropics,
was at the same time free from the chilling blasts of more
northern latitudes, with a soil of such fertility as to render the
whole island one vast garden, broken into alternate masses of
hill and dale, of which the rich and varied undulations were
clothed with the most brilliant verdure, it was indeed a spot
likely to attract the attention and excite the desires of a body of
men who, like the Hospitallers, were in search of a permanent
home. The following description of the ancient Rhodes is taken
from Newton's " Travels in the Levant " : —

" Founded b.c. 408, and laid out by the same great architect,
Hippodanus, who built the Piraeus, Ehodes was probably one
of the earliest of the Hellenic cities of which the plan was
designed by one master mind. Hence that symmetry in the
arrangement of the city which the rhetorician Aristides, writing
in the second century a.d., describes in a well-known passage.
Bhodes, he says, was built in the form of an amphitheatre; the
temples and public buildings were grouped together so as to
form one composition, of which the several parts balanced each
other as in the design of a single edifice. The whole was
encompassed by a wall, which, with its stately towers and battle-
ments, he compares to a crown. Thetemples and other public
buildings were adorned with celebrated works in painting and
sculpture, and according to Pliny the city contained no less than
3,000 statues, of which 100 were of colossal size. The maritime
greatness of Rhodes was due not only to its geographical
position, but also to the convenience of its harbours and to
the perfect equipment of the dockyards and arsenal, which from
Strabo's description occupied a large space in relation to the rest
of the city, and like those of Carthage and Halicamassus were
probably screened from observation by high walls and roofs.
Any curious interloper found within these forbidden precincts
at Rhodes or at Carthage was liable to the punishment of death.
Aristides, in describing the harbours, specially praises their
convenience in reference to the prevailing winds. They are so

the Knights of Malta, 121

xliBposed, he sajs, as if for the express purpose of receiving the
ships of Ionia, Caria, Cyprus, and Egypt. Towering above these
harbours stood the famous bronze Colossus, which from its
position on the shore was probably intended to serve as a sea
mark and a lighthouse. So vast a surface of polished metal
reflecting the bright sky of Rhodes must have been visible from
a great distance at sea, and must have been to the Brhodian
mariner an object as familiar as the statue of Athene Fromachos
was to those who sailed past the Attic Sunium/'

During the ages of her early civilization the hardy population
of Rhodes furnished a constant supply of seamen, who in the
pursuit of commerce were to be met with at every point in the
Mediterranean, and whose skill and energy raised the reputation
of their island to a very high pitch amongst the commonwealths
of Europe. When in later years Rhodes fell under the control
of the effete empire of Constantinople, it gradually became, inocu-
lated with the same vices and the same decay which were slowly
but steadily effecting the overthrow of the mother country. At
the time when the knights raised their banner in the island its
inhabitants had lost all that energy and strength of character
which of old distinguished them, and had bowed in abject sub-
mission under the yoke of the Saracen pirates whom they had
received within their ports.

Villaret's first act, after having secured possession of the town
was to embark on board the fleet, with a large portion of his
forces, for the purpose of visiting the various small islands in
the vicinity. By this means he speedily enforced submission
to his authority in the islands of Nisyrus, Leros, Calamos,
Episcopia or Telos, Calchos, Symia, and Cos, in none of which
did he meet with any serious opposition. At Cos he deter-
mined to establish as soon as possible a subsidiary fortress,
perceiving its importance as a point of support. Having
completed these precautionary measures for the protection of
his new acquisition, Villaret returned to Rhodes in order to
take the necessary steps to establish his convent there.
From the time of the first landing of the Hospitallers
until their final settlement in undisputed sovereignty over
that and the neighbouring islands, a period of nearly four
years had elapsed, the whole of which had been passed in

122 A History of

a oonstant succession of struggles. While these events were
occupying the energies and engrossing the attention of the
knights of St. John, changes of the most yital importance had
been taking place in Europe, by which their future fortunes
were greatly affected, and to which it will be necessary now
to refer.

At the death of Pope Benedict XI., the conclave of cardinals
assembled to elect his successor f oimd themselves divided into
two factions, which might be distinguished as French and
Italian. Fortunately for the interests of Philip the Fair of
France, the leader of the French party was Cardinal Dupr^,
a consummate politician, and one well versed in the intrigues
of a court. Perceiving that his party was not sufficiently
numerous to carry the election of a French nominee, and trusting
that he might meet the views of his monarch in a different
way, he, on behalf of his French colleagues, suggested to the
adverse faction that he would leave to them the nomination of
three candidates for the post, provided they would consent to
the election of whichever one of the three he might select.
The Italians, perceiving that by putting forward three of their
own side as candidates, they coidd insure the election, acceded
at once to the proposal, and submitted the names of three
rampant Ultramontanes for Dupre's choice. Amongst thece was
Bertrand de Got, archbishop of Bordeaux, a man of imprineipled
character, loose morality, and overweening ambition. Dupr^
conceived that Philip might, if he acted judiciously, find a
willing tool in the person of this prelate, although at that
moment he was an open and avowed enemy. He therefore
despatched a secret messenger to the king, informing him
of the decision at which the cardinals had arrived, and that
the nomination of the archbishop of Bordeaux lay within the
power of the French party. Philip at once wrote to Bertrand,
appointing a secret rendezvous, with a view to his acceptance of
certain most advantageous offers. The result of this clandestine
interview was that the king undertook to procure his nomination
to the chair of St. Peter, he, on his side, pledging himself to
cany out the views of the former on all matters relating to church
government in France. It is generally supposed that one of
the clauses of this secret treaty related to the Order of the

the Knights of Malta. 1 2 3

Temple, and that by it the expectant Pope pledged himself to
exercise the whole authority of his new position, to support the
king in effecting the speedy and complete destruction of that
fraternity. Between the Templars and Philip a bitter hatred
had gradually been engendered, much fostered by the numerous
acts of arrogance and insubordination of which its members
had been so frequently guilty.

In order to carry out this design, Bertrand, as soon as he had
been elected to the Papacy, under the title of Clement V.,
prepared to take the first step towards their annihilation by
securing the person of the Ghrand-Master, James de Molay. For
this purpose he wrote, as we have already seen, to the chiefs of
both Orders, requiring their immediate presence at Lyons, where
his court was at that time established. The ostensible purpose
for which the summons was issued was to deliberate as to the
propriety of organizing a new Crusade. John de Villiers
declined obeying the mandate, not from any suspicion of
treachery or danger, but because he was at the moment deeply
engaged in his designs upon Ehodes. James de Molay, who
was really the person Clement desired to entrap, most unfor-
tunately for himself and his Order, proved more obedient, and
lost no time in repairing to France, where he arrived in the
early part of the yeax 1307. He took with him a large accu-
mulation of treasure, the property of the fraternity, which, for
greater security, he lodged in the Temple at Paris. He was at
first treated with every consideration by both king and pontiff.
Yarious discussions took place between Clement and himself,
both as to the advisability of a new Crusade and also as to a
projected union of the two Orders. Indeed, Clement was so
urgent on this latter point that it seems not unlikely he trusted
by some such amalgamation, in which the Templars nught lose
all individuality, and become merged in the Order of St. John,
to avoid proceeding to those extremities against them which
the ruthless Philip contemplated, and to the execution of which
he stood pledged by his promises to that monarch. Be this as
it may, Molay strenuously opposed the suggestion, and in a
lengthy document which history has preserved, he adduced
numerous arguments to support his antagonism to the measure.
From this moment his fate was sealed. If the Pope made

124 .A History of

his proposal as a oompromise, whereby the lives and property of
the Order were to be preserved, the refusal of Molay prevented
its success, and thenceforward he determined to let matters take
their course.

The pear was now ripe. The moment had arrived for which
Philip had so long and so steadily plotted, and the fatal blow
was to be no longer delayed. Secret orders were issued to the
judicial authorities in every province of France, directing them
simultaneously to set on foot a complete and speedy survey of all
the Temple preceptories within their respective districts. They
were to make themselves thoroughly acquainted with the num-
ber and persons of all knights resident therein, and on October
13th these were to be all surprised and taken prisoners. An
inquiry under the Inquisition was to be afterwards instituted,
the application of torture being authorized in order to extort
such confessions from the unfortunate captives as might justify
the proceedings which were being taken against them.

These instructions were faithfully carried into efPect. On
the appointed day every Templar then within the limits of the
French dominions was seized, and either cast into a dungeon or
placed in close confinement within his own preceptory. The
principal witnesses by whom the accusations brought against
the Order were to be substantiated consisted of two reprobates,
both under sentence of perpetual imprisonment ; one of them,
Nosso de Florentin, an apostate Templar, and the other, Squire
de Florian, a citizen of Beziers. Both of these worthies had
been confined in the same dimgeon, where they had found
ample time, during their hours of enforced idleness, to concoct
their charges. These proved to be of so extravagant a nature
that it required the full amount of ignorance prevalent in those
days to render them credible. Absurd and maliciously false
as they most palpably were, the inventors trusted to be enabled,
by their means, to purchase liberation from the punishment
which their own heinous crimes had justly brought down upon
them.

These charges, which were afterwards framed into a regular
act of inquisition, embraced no less than seventy-seven different
items. The first thirteen imputed to the fraternity a total dis-
belief in God, our Saviour, the crucifixion, the blessed Virgin

the Knights of Malta. 125

and the other saints ; it was therein also alleged that they per-
formed divers acts of sacrilege, such as spitting and trampling
upon the cross and the image of our Saviour. Two articles
accused them of worshipping a cat as a mark of contempt for
the Christian religion. Then followed eight items accusing
them of a repudiation of the sacraments of the church. Six
more recorded their belief in the power of the superiors of the
Order to grant absolution. Then followed six others, imputing
to the fraternity a number of acts during the reception of
novices which cannot be further alluded to. Three more
made it a crime that the reception was performed in secrecy.
Abominations, too disgusting to be named, were the subject of
the next seven, after which came twenty-one more, accusing
them of the worship of idols, and the remaining articles related
to matters of heretical depravity. The idol alluded to as an
object of worship was described as having two carbimcles for
eyes, " bright as the brightness of heaven," and as being
covered with an old skin embalmed, having the appearance of
a piece of polished oil cloth. In their rites and ceremonies to
this attractive object of worship they were supposed to roast
infants, and to lubricate their idol with the fat. It was also
said that they burned the bodies of their deceased brethren, and
made the ashes into a powder, which they administered to
the novices of the fraternity, to confirm them in their idolatry,
together with other abominations too absurd and horrible to be
recapitulated.

On the 19th October, 1307, the Gh-and Inquisitor com-
menced his examination of the knights confined within the
Temple at Paris, whose nimiber amounted to 140. These im-
fortimate men were, one after the other, subjected to the most
fearful tortures under the practised hands of the Dominicans,
at that time justly esteemed the most expert torturers of
the age.

Whilst these revolting barbarities were being perpetrated
in Prance, Philip had written to Edward II., who had just
ascended the throne of England, enumerating the various
accusations then being brought against the Order, and urging
upon that monarch the advisability of his following the
same line of conduct. To this letter Edward sent a reply,

126 A History of

the tone of which shewed a strong disbeKef in the impu-
tations cast upon the Templars. He distinctly refused to
take any active measures in the matter without a strict pre-
liminary inquiry. It may be assumed that the result of this
investigation was favourable to the accused, since we find
Edward writing to the kings of Aragon, Castile, Portugal, and
Sicily, on the 4th of December in the same year, requesting
them to pay no attention to the accusations then being brought
against the fraternity. He at the same time wrote to the Pope,
stating his conviction that these rumours of foul and discredit-
able practices were utterly without foundation. UnfortTmately
for the Templars, the Pope had just addressed a bull to Edward,
dated the 22nd of November, which must have reached him
within a few days after he had despatched his own letter.
In this document his Holiness reiterated all the accusations
that had been previously brought forward, and which, he
asserted, were confirmed by the confessions extorted from the
knights who were prisoners in France. He therefore directed
Edward, in that tone of arrogant superiority with which the
pontiffs in those days were wont to address the monarchs of
Europe, to cause all the Templars in his dominions to be taken
into immediate custody, and their property to be lodged in the
hands of trustees, that it might be held in safety until he should
send further instructions on the subject.

Whether this bull had really the effect of convincing Edward
of the justice of the accusations, or whether he felt himself
unable to cope with his ecclesiastical superior, or, again,
whether he foresaw, in the impending dissolution of the Order,
a prospect of securing for himself or for some of his unworthy
favourites a goodly slice of that fair patrimony which the
Templars had so long enjoyed within his dominions, and whose
broad acres seemed now likely to fall a prey to the strongest
arm, whichever of these reasons influenced the king, it is very
certain, that in obedience to the orders of the Pope, all the
brethren in England, save such as were fortimate enough to
elude the grasp of the law, were seized within their preceptories
on the 8th of January, 1308. Kie number thus made prisoners
amounted to 229. It will not be necessary to enter into any
details of the proceedings which were carried on in the two

the Knights of Malta, 127

oountries, the accusatioiis b^mg practically the same, and the
result not very dissiniilar. Whilst, however, the examinations
of the prisoners were prosecuted in England with comparatively
Kttle cruelty, those undergone by the unfortunate victims of
Philip's malevolence were coupled with every species of torture
which the diabolical ingenuity of the Dominicans could devise.
A large number perished under the hands of the questioners,
and many more sought a temporary relief from their agonies
by confessions which admitted the justice of the accusations
brought against them.

There still remained steadfast an heroic band, whose powers
of endurance had enabled them to survive the tortures under
which their weaker brethren had succumbed, and the constancy
of whose courage had carried them through even that fearful
trial, and had given them the power manfully and firmly to
maintain their innocence to the last. Of these noble examples
of the true Christian soldier, fifty-four were burnt alive in
Paris in a single day. They died, testifying to the last to the
fair fame of their Order, and the fearful injustice of the
persecution to which they had fallen victims.

It was at length determined, between the Pope and the king,
that matters should be brought to a close ; a solemn coimcil
was therefore convoked in the winter of 1311, to decide upon
the ultimate.f ate of the fraternity. The members of this council,
ecclesiastics though they were, and antagonistic as they had
so often proved themselves to the Templars, shrank, when the
critical moment arrived, from the task of utterly annihilating
an Order which for so many years had, by its noble deeds in the
Christian cause, gained for itself the applause of every gallant
spirit throughout Europe. Neither Philip nor Clement was to
be turned from his fell purpose by the reluctance of a council
of scrupulous ecclesiastics. The latter, in virtue of that plenary
authority to which his position entitled him, decreed, on his own
responsibility, and without even the form of sanction from the
council, the utter and immediate suppression of the fraternity.
After much discussion, and a variety of counter propositions,
it was decided that all the estates of the Templars throughout
Europe were to be transferred to the knights of St. John, the
revenues arising therefrom to be consecrated to the defence of

1^8 A History of

the Holy Land, and of the pilgrims who still continued annually
to seek its shores.

The concluding act of the bloody drama remained yet to be
performed. The Grand-Master and the three grand-priors of
Normandy, France, and Aquitaine still languished within the
dungeons of their persecutor. The extremity of the torture to
which they had been subjected had elicited from each of these
dignitaries a partial confession of some of the absurd accusations
brought against them, and it was deemed advisable, in order to
justify the atrocious cruelties and the scandalous spoliation of
which the fraternity had been the victims, that these confessions
should be reiterated with the utmost publicity by the unfor-
timate knights. For this purpose a scaffold was erected in front
of the cathedral of Notre Dame in Paris, and on the 18th of
March, 1313, the citizens were summoned to hear the confessions
of these, the four principal officers of the Order, read aloud and
confirmed by themselves. As soon as the prisoners had taken
their places on the scaffold the bishop of Alba, after a violent
harangue, in which he recapitulated the principal accusations
that had been brought against the Templars, read aloud the
contents of a document purporting to be an admission of their
guUt on the part of the Grand-Master and his three confrhres.
When called upon to confirm these confessions, the priors of
France and Aquitaine admitted the truth of the statements, and
by this act of cowardice on their part purchtised an ignominious
reprieve of their doom. James de Molay, however, advancing
to the edge of the scaffold, repudiated in a loud tone of voice
his previous admissions. He announced to the assembled mul-
titude that not only had they been originally extorted from him
in a moment of weakness under the agony of torture, but further
that they had been distorted and interpolated in a most scan-
dalous and barefaced manner by the inquisitors before whom
the examinations had been conducted, and who, he stated,
deserved the death to which Saracens condemn those who have
been convicted of lying and forgery. The prior of Normandy
commenced to make a similar recantation, but the authorities
hurriedly brought his address to a close, and the two recusants
were taken back to their prison. The indignation of Philip waa
unboimded at this unexpected result of a proceeding by which

the Knights of Malta. 129

he had oontempkLted a complete justification for the severity of
his previous persecutions, and he determined to wreak a fearful
vengeance on the authors of his disappointment. Without the
delay of an hour the fiat for their instant execution was issued,
and on that same evening James de Molay and his fellow- victim
(juy, the prior of Normandy, were both burnt before a slow
fire on a small island in the river Seine. The spot where this
tragedy took place is now marked by the erection of the
equestrian statue of Henry IV.

The promulgation of the papal mandate announcing the
extinction of the Order of the Temple had been followed by a
bull carrying out the decision of the council, before mentioned,
namely, that its property should be transferred to the knights
of St. John. For a considerable time this mandate remained
a complete nullity ; eventually a small portion of the forfeited
revenues did find its way into the treasury of the Hospitallers.
In CaLstile, Aragon, and Portugal the respective monarchs
created new military Orders, taking for themselves the position
of Grrand-Masters under the title of perpetual administrators.
The ostensible purpose of these new establishments was the
provision of a barrier to repel the inroads of the Moors, the real
motive being that by this means they retained all the property of
the defunct fraternity in their own hands. In France Philip laid
claim to the sum of 200,000 livres as a reimbursement of the
money which the prosecution of the Templars had cost him, and
his son extorted a further sum of 60,000 livres before he could
be brought to permit the transfer of the much-coveted lands to
the Hospitallers. In England the overthrow of the brotherhood
was followed by a general scramble for the good things thus left
without an owner. Much was seized by Edward for himself ;
more was transferred to favourites about the court, whilst in other
cases claims were put in by the heirs of the original donors
which were acceded to. The Pope, indignant at this secular
appropriation of so much ecclesiastical property, wrote most
urgently and menacingly upon the subject. Ultimately the
dread of papal fulminations led to the enactment of a bill in
parliament in the year 1324, by which the Hospitallers were
put into legal possession of their rights. They found, however,
to their cost, that in those troublous times there was a vast

10

130 A History of

difference between legal rights and actual posaeesion. The
struggle between themselves and the many vultures who had
settled upon the prey was continued £or a lengthened period,
and rendered the addition to their property in England a
matter far more nominal than real.

Such was the sad end of the Order of the Temple, an insti-
tution coeval with that of the Hospital, and which had stood side
by side with it on many a well-fought field, and during many
a protracted struggle. Now, whilst the one Order had by its
recent conquest of Ehodes raised itself to a still higher position
in the estimation of the world, the sun of its rival's glory had
set in gloom, and was for ever quenched in blood.

The accusations by which its overthrow had been achieved were
in themselves so preposterous and ludicrous that they were
evidently only a cloak behind which to conceal the actual motives
which influenced its persecutors. At the present time it seems
extraordinary that such childish and absurd fabrications should
have entered the imaginations of men like Philip and his co*
adjutors — ^men distinguished for the vigour of their judgment
and the wisdom of their policy, imscrupulous though it too often
was. The result, however, proved that they rightly gauged the
intelligence of the age, and that their fables were suited to the
capacity of those for whose benefit they had been concocted.
No statement was too gross, no imputation too transparent for
the vulgar prejudices and credulity of the fourteenth century.
Under cover of popular ignorance, and beneath the mask of pious
enthusiasm, a bitter vengeance was wreaked for many a bygone
injury and many a forgotten insult ; forgotten, that is, by the
haughty Templar in all the pride of his wealth and position,
but not by those who were quietly biding their time, and by
whom it was carefully nursed in silence and in secret until the
fatal hour should arrive when it might be promptly and amply
avenged.

Still, although it cannot for one instant be denied that the
pretences under cover of which the annihilation of the fraternity
was accomplished, were utterly false and without a shadow of
foundation, it does not therefore follow that the Order is to be
acquitted of all evil, and to be surrounded by that halo of
martyrdom which it has been the object of so many panegyrists

tfie Knights of Malta. 1 3 1

to spread over its later (lays. The motives ordinarily attri-
buted to Philip, Clement, and the other authors of their over-
throw, will not suffice entirely to account for the catastrophe,
though doubtless they may have had much weight in the matter.
If it were avarice alone that prompted the act, how came it that
Clement, who was the principal agent in the transaction, never
dreamt of appropriating their revenues to himself, or even to
the ecclesiastics under his own immediate control ; but on the
contrary, exerted his authority to the utmost to transfer them
intact to the rival fraternity of the Hospital ? Again, how
came it that that Order did not itself share the same fate?
Had the amount of their worldly possessions been the only
object by which the decision of the judges was influenced, the
HospitaUers would have been their first victims. They were
more nimierous and endowed with far larger revenues, if not
in England, at all events in France, where the plot was first
hatched ; they would therefore have afForded a far richer booty
to the spoiler than could have been extorted from the Templars.
Had this motive of avarice been the only incentive which
prompted Philip, who was the original author of the scheme, he
was not the person to have tamely submitted to be defrauded of
any portion of his gains at the very moment when they had
fallen within his grasp through an abject dread of the eccle-
siastical fulminations which were the only weapons Clement
could have wielded against him. The Pope was, moreover, a
creature of his own, elected by his nomination and pledged to
support him in all his undertakings. What then had he to fear,
even though he had retained in his own possession every acre
of land which throughout the breadth of his fair kingdom had
once been lorded over by the red cross knights P

We must needs look deeper than this for the motives which
prompted the annihilation of one Order, whilst aggrandizing
the other on its ruins. At this distance of time, and in the
absence of any conclusive evidence on the subject, it would be
unjust to assert positively what these motives may have been.
That the Templars had of late years achieved for themselves a
reputation far from enviable is an indisputable fact ; that disso-
luteness, riot, and debauchery of every kind had for some time
past been rampant 'wdthin their preceptories must be admitted by

10*

132 A History of

every impartial student of history. To drink like a Templar
had become a by-word throughout Europe. Nor were their
vices confined to intemperance only ; they had become cankered
and corrupted through the vitiating influences of inactivity and
sloth. The objects for which they had been originally called
together in the bands of brotherhood, and which had been their
invigorating influence during two centuries, had been abandoned
by them voluntarily and for ever. The Templar in his saddle
traversing the sandy plains of Palestine was an institution of the
country, and, as such, grew and flourished, the European precep-
tories being only so many offshoots and nurseries from which
the parent stem was nourished. Now that stately tree had been
felled ;' Syria had been abandoned, and naught was left but its
clinging roots, ramifying within the soil of every country in
Europe, devoid of strength sufiicient to enable it to spring up
afresh, and yet drawing from the impoverished land, in the midst
of which it had been planted, that sustenance which could ill be
spared. It was the universal feeling that the day of the Order
was over. Philip and Clement were therefore only carrying out
the popular verdict when they swept it away from the earth for
ever.

Even at the present time there are not wanting those who,
without accepting the outrageous and absurd accusations enu-
merated above, still consider that there existed in the fraternity
some tmholy compact which held them together by its secret
spell. There was in their mode of reception, and in many of
the other formulae of the Order, so much that was hidden from
the vulgar gaze, and such strict secrecy practised, that it is not
impossible, nay, it is not even imlikely, that this belief may
have much truth in it. It is a curious fact that the Hospitallers,
against whom no similar accusations were levelled, abjured all
secrecy in their forms and ceremonies, and it is not easy to
imagine the object of so much mystery if there were nothing
which required concealment. Sir Walter Scott has, in his
romance of " Ivanhoe," placed in the mouth of Brian de Bois
Gxiilbert, a knight of the Temple, during his interview with
Kebeoca the Jewess, a confession that within the secret con-
clave of his Order difference of creed was held in derision ets
a nursery tale, and that their wealth was dedicated to ends of

the Knights of Malta. 133

which their pious founders little dreamed, and which were con-
cealed from all such as embraced their profession on the ancient
principles of the Order. Sir Walter, who was undoubtedly a
careful portrayer of character, and one thoroughly well versed
in the traditions of the age of which he wrote, would never
have ventured upon such a trait as this had he not been well
assured of its probability. All the concurrent testimony of the
time points in that one direction, and thereby accounts for the
apparent anomaly which left the one fraternity intact whilst
the other was destroyed.

Nevertheless, whatever may have been their crimes, whatever
their vices, it is impossible to study this last sad scene in their
eventful career without a strong feeling of pity for their cruel
fate. However they may have degenerated in their later years,
they had for two centuries borne their part nobly in the struggles
of the East, and had earned for themselves a reputation which
should have saved them from so disastrous an end. Within these
pages their name will not again appear ; from this time their
brethren of the Hospital will be left to struggle on alone ; but
the ill-disciplined gallantry and the impetuous valour of the
Templar, now that he is no more, may well be pleaded in
palliation of those crimes which so unfortunately darkened
his fair fame.

CHAPTER VI.
1311—1365.

Villaret establishes his Order at Rhodes — His arrogance — Plots against him —
His flight to Lindos — Appeals to the Pope — His resignation — Appoint-
ment of Elyon de Villanova — Division of the Order into langues —
Deodato de Gozon and the Dragon of Rhodes — War against the Turks
— Capture of Smyrna — Election of Deodato de. Gozon — His resignation
— Intrigues of Heredia the Castellan of Emposta — Election of Comillan
and Roger de Pins.

Villaret, by his reoent successes, found himself in undisputed
possession of the island of Bhodes. He therefore lost no time
in endeavouring to secure his position by restoring the ramparts
of the town. He also made such arrangements with the islands
surrounding his stronghold as their close proximity seemed to
render advisable.

The principal of these was Cos, afterwards called Lango, and
now known by the name of Stanchio. This island was con-
sidered so much more important than its neighbours, that
Villaret determined to render it secure from a coup de main by
the erection of a castle to be garrisoned by a body of knights.
After the division of the Order into lungues, it was confided
to the charge of the knights of Provence, and so remained until
at the chapter-general held in the year 1356 at Avignon, this
monopoly was abolished, and its government once again thrown
open to the whole fraternity. Its possessors for the time being
were boimd to supply a galley of twenty-six oars as their con-
tribution to the general fleet of the Order. Of the other islands,
Calamos and Leros were celebrated for their marble quarries,
being otherwise very sterile ; their inhabitants subsisting entirely
by their trade in marble and by general commerce. Symia was
esteemed valuable oaring to its vineyards and the excellence of

A History of the Knights of Malta. 1 3 5

the wine which it produced. It also carried on an extensive

trade in sponges, which were raised by divers. So much was

this calling recognized as peculiar to the island, that by one of

its municipal laws no youth was permitted to marry until he

was able to penetrate to a certain depth of water, and to remain

there during a specified length of time. Its shipwrights had

also achieved a wide reputation, and their light craft were

celebrated throughout the Mediterranean for excellence both

under oar and sail. On the summit of its most considerable

height in the island, the Qrand-Master erected a post of obser-

yation, whence intelligence of any approaching danger might

be conveyed to Bhodes, either by signal fires or by one of its

swift boats. The smallest of the islands was assigned as the

private domain of the Ghrand-Master, and although there is

some doubt in the matter, the general opinion appears to be

that it was the island of Patnios. Within a few miles of Cos

was another island named Nisyrus, in which was a hot spring

of medicinal water, and also an excellent harbour. It abounded

in delicious fruit of every description, and its advantages as a

residence were so apparent that it soon grew into a place of

importance. A considerable town sprang up, ornamented vdth

colimms and statues made of the porphyry with which it

abounded. Eventually it rose to be a bishop's see, subordinate

to the archbishop of Bhodes.

Having, in consequence of this personal inspection, taken such
steps as he deemed necessary for the security of his government,
Villaret returned to Rhodes, trusting to enjoy a period of
repose after the lengthened struggle in which he had been for
so many years engaged. His hopes were not, however, as yet
destined to be realized. The Saracens whom he had expelled
from Bhodes had fled to the court of Osman, or Othman, a
Turkish prince at that time the ruler of Bithynia in Cappa-
doda, as also of much adjacent territory. This prince beheld
with extreme jealousy the establishment of a foe so redoubtable
as the Hospitallers had always proved themselves to his nation
and religion, in such close proximity to his own dominions. It
was not difficult, therefore, for the Bhodian fugitives to persuade
him to attempt the task of expelling the white cross knights
from their new home.

136 A History of

CoUeoting a considerable force, he made a descent on the island
before Villaret had had time to restore the fortifications of his
stronghold to anything like a state of security. The deter-
mined valour of his knights proved sufficient to supply all
deficiencies in the strength of his ramparts, and after several
unsuccessful assaults, Othman foimd himself compelled to
abandon the attack, and to retire crestfallen to his galleys.
AmadeuB V., count of Savoy, rendered loyal assistance to the
besieged Hospitallers during this incursion, which took place in
the year 1316. In commemoration of the fact, his descendants
have since that time always borne the white cross with the
word "J%r^" as a device, that word being composed of the
initial letters of the sentence, ^^ Fortitudo eju% Rhodum tenuit.^^*
The failure of Othman's enterprise left Villaret a period of
leisure in which to complete the establishment of his government.
Under his able superintendence, and expedited by his energy
and promptitude, the ramparts of Rhodes were rapidly placed
in a state of security. The Saracen inhabitants of the town
having either fled of their own accord or been expelled by
the victors, Villaret found that it was necessary to create a
new population by attracting to his capital a number of Chris-
tian immigrants. Trade was encouraged in all possible ways,
and merchants from every country in Europe were tempted to
take up their abode in the island, by the freedom from restric-
tions and taxation which commerce enjoyed under the rule of
this politic chief. He made it, in fact, a free port, the result of
which was that within a very few years its harbours were filled
with rich argosies laden with all the most precious commodities
of European traffic, from whence they bore back, on their return
voyage, the no less valuable merchandise of the East. To protect
this vast and annually increasing trade, the galleys of the Order,
now developing into a considerable fleet, traversed the Levant
in all directions, at one time conveying the homeward-bound
merchantmen to their destination, and at another falling upon
the Turkish corsair wherever he dared to show his flag. Rarely
indeed did they return to port without some substantial tokens
wherewith to remunerate themselves for the hardships and
perils of their voyage.

* This explanation of the word Fert has been disputed by many writers.

tfie Knights of Malta. 137

The wealth of the fraternity was now increasing with amaz-
ing rapidity, and although the lately-acquired estates of the
Templars as yet produced but little to their new lords, the
prospect of their shortly developing into a source of revenue
was such as to warrant a somewhat free expansion in their
expenditure. The usual consequences of such a state of things
soon manifested themselves. Luxury in every form gradually
usurped the place of that simple mode of life which had satisfied
their predeoessors. The renown which the capture of Rhodes
reflected upon the knights had attracted into their ranks a large
number of the younger members of the noblest houses in
Europe — ^youths whose minds were filled with all the martial
ardour incident to their age and station, but in whose hearts
there was but little of that religious enthusiasm which, two
centuries before, had recruit-ed the ranks of the institution with
a body of men as austere in their private life as they were
chivalric in their warlike zeal. The age had indeed changed,
and with it the thoughts and feelings of the world at large.
The sentiment of piety which, though rude in its development,
had formed the main incentive to the deeds of daring hitherto
recorded, was now giving way to the more material and
worldly aspiration for glory. It was thought by these young
candidates for knightly fame that, provided the Hospitaller were
ever prepared to meet his foe either on the deck of the galley or
behind the ramparts of his stronghold — ^provided he were at all
times ready to shed the last drop of his blood in the defence of
his Order and of his faith, it mattered but little what his private
conduct might be. Whilst he could point to the deeds of daring
which had rendered his name famous among his brethren, he
deemed it quite imnecessary to practise those austerities which
the rules of his profession had enjoined.

Many, indeed, of the older knights beheld with dismay this
rapid and complete demoralization which was undermining the
first principles of their institution. They were loud and urgent
in their remonstrances to the offenders, endeavouring to restrain
some of the most notorious excesses, which they feared would
bring them into public disrppute. They pointed to the fearful
tragedy which had been so recently enacted against their brothers
in arms, showing how the same weapons that had been em-

138 A History of

ployed in the destruction of one Order, might at any moment
be made available against the other, should they by their conduct
draw down upon themselves the odium of the powers that be.
The revenues, moreover, of the Templars were,* as they remarked,
more apparent than real, whilst, on the other hand, the pubUo
treasury was encumbered with enormous liabilities on account
of the loans raised by Yillaret from the bankers of Genoa and
Florence for the purpose of achieving the conquest of Ehodes.

What rendered all their exhortations utterly futile, was
the fact that the Grand-Master himself, the man to whom
every one naturally looked for example and support, was, in
his own person, outvying his youthful con/rires in the extrava-
gance of his luxury and the dissipation of his life. Surrounded
by favourites, on whom he bestowed all the patronage of his
office, he gradually assumed an overbearing arrogance of manner
towards all who were not disposed to render him the most abso-
lute homage. He seemed to consider that the acquisition of
Bhodes through the force of his genius and the daimtless
perseverance of his will had invested him with a sovereignty
in the island far more absolute than that appertaining to his
magisterial position. That supremacy, which others looked
on as vested in the Order, and of which he was merely the
chief administrator, was by him considered a personal matter,
peculiar to himself alone. The murmurs which the arrogance
of his conduct gradually engendered were at first low and
suppressed. Men were loth to think hardly of the hero under
whose guidance they had added so greatly to their renown.
They were prepared to tolerate much in him which they would
never have borne in another. Still, patience and forbearance
have their limit*, and Villaret gradually found that the lustre
even of his reputation was becoming insufficient to stifle the
murmurs excited by his haughty bearing.

Secret disaffection eventually developed into open complaint,
which rose to such a pitch that Villaret was summoned before
the coimcil to give an account of his government, and to answer
the numerous charges preferred against him. These consisted
not merely of allegations as to his intolerable pride and hauteur
towards those with whom he was brought into contact, but, at
the same time, of mis-appropriation of the public revenues,

tlie Knights of Malta. 139

which he was accused of having squandered, partly to support
his own ostentatious display and luxurious mode of living, and
partly by bestowing them with a lavish hand on the crowd of
sycophantic favourites by whom he was surroimded. To this
sommons Yillaret paid not the slightest heed, asserting that his
position placed him completely above the jurisdiction of the
council. As it would have been impossible to adjudicate upon
his alleged delinquencies in his absence, the mal-contents were
sorely puzzled to decide what should be their next step. At
length a knight, named Maurice de Fagnac, possibly not with-
out an eye to future contingencies, proposed that Villaret
should be boldly seized within the precincts of his palace, and
brought vi et armU before the coimciL

The execution of such a measure was, it was felt, no easy
matter, owing to the difficulty of approaching the person of
the Grand-Master, who was iuvariably surroimded, not only
by his own favourites among the fraternity, but also by a
compact body-guard of mercenaries which he retained in his
pay. The attempt was therefore deemed impossible by day,
since the certain result of such a step must have been a
sanguinary and probably a fruitless contest. The only feasible
project was to make the seizure secretly by night, when the
attendance on his person was naturally much reduced. One of
his valets was bribed to undertake the conduct of the affair,
and he guaranteed to admit a body of the conspirators into the
sleeping apartment of the Gfrand-Master, where the capture
might easily be effected. All being now satisfactorily arranged,
nothing remained but to fix the moment for carrying the plot
into e3:ecution. The conspirators, however, foimd that a traitor
is a double-edged tool cutting both ways, and not more to be
trusted by his new employers than by his original master.
Whether the valet was over-bribed to reveal the conspiracy, or
whether he was in reality, as has been alleged, so far attached
to his lord as to have shrunk from carrying out the views
of his enemies, it is very certain that he betrayed the plot, to
Villaret, who was thus put on his guard.

The promptitude and boldness of his chaActer stood him
in good stead at this critical moment. He was, therefore,
not long in forming a decision as to the line of conduct

140 A History of

it would be advisable to pursue. Under the pretence of a
hunting party in the country he, with a chosen body of his
adherents, left his palace on the morning of the day selected
for his capture. He betook himself in all haste to the castle
of Lindos, a fortified post about seven miles from Bhodes,
protecting a small but convenient and well-sheltered harbour.
Once safely lodged within the ramparts of this asylum, Villaret
bid defiance to the wiles of his antagonists, and protested
against any acts to which the council might resort during his
absence. Enraged at the fedlure of their enterprise, and
realizing that by this act of open defiance Villaret had
completely compromised himself, the mal-contents once more
assembled in solemn conclave at the council board. They now
found themselves joined by many of the more moderate mem-
bers, who had hitherto remained neutral, but who now threw
the weight of their influence into the adverse balance. They
were naturally indignant that their chief shoidd have so far
outstepped the limits of his authority, as to seize upon and
retain, in defiance of rules, a stronghold of which they were
• the lords, and which he was, moreover, garrisoning with foreign
mercenaries unconnected with the Order.

Loud, long, and stormy was the debate, for even then Villaret
was not without friends whose allegiance he had secured either
by the brilliancy of his former reputation or by the mimificence
of his later days. Their voices, however, were not sufficient to
stay the progress of the decision. His last offence had boen
too open and barefaced to admit of explanation, and a decree
was therefore passed deposing him from his office.. The next
step to be taken was to provide a successor, and here the politic
wiles of Maurice de Pagnac reaped their expected fruit. He
had from the very first been the leader and the mainstay of
the insurrectionary movement. To him eveiy one had looked
for guidance and support in the desperate crisis which was
clearly drawing on. Now when a chief was required of suffi-
cient energy to establish and retain a usurped authority, all
eyes were naturally turned on him as the most fitting can-
didate for such a difficult post. He was in consequence
unanimously elected the new Grand-Master. A report of the
whole proceedings, together with the announcement of the

the K^iights of Malta. 141

new nomination, were at onoe forwarded to the see of Rome
for the decision and approval of the Pope.

Villaret at the 'same time, from his stronghold at Lindos, also
forwarded his version of the affair in an appeal to his ecclesiastical
superior. Here then was a tempting opportunity presented to the
pontiff for interfering in the affairs of the Order, and for ganging
his inflaence and authority. Three several bulls were issued by
him dated in the year 1317. In the first of these his Holiness thus
addresses Villaret : — " We are sorry to learn that you have been
assaulted and compelled by your own knights to fly from the
city of Rhodes into a fortress in another part of that island.
Although their conduct appears to have been highly incorrect,
still you are accused of having excited it. We therefore cite
both them and you to our presence in order that we may
investigate the affair, and base our decision on correct
information." The second bull was addressed to de Pagnac,
citing him to appear likewise at Avignon. The third nomina-
ted a vicar-general who should act as a locum tenem for the
Grrand-Master during the absence of the two claimants to that
dignity. The knight who was selected by the Pope for this
office was Gerard de Pins, a personage of considerable note and
of great influence amongst his brethren. During the disputes
which had led to the deposition of Villaret and the election of a
rival he had maintained a strict neutrality, supporting neither
side, but lending the powerful influence of his example to those
who were endeavouring to heal the schism thus unfortunately
generated in their midst.*

The nomination of the Pope was acquiesced in by all parties
without dispute, and during a period of fifteen years which
elapsed before a Gh*and- Master once more ruled in person at
Rhodes, Gerard maintained the dignity and interests of the
Order with the most exemplary firmness.

The two claimants whose rival pretensions were about to
become the object of papal decision, depcurted on their journey
to Avignon. It was to this city that Clement had, on his
election to the chair of Pt. Peter, transferred his seat of govern-
ment, and his successor, John XXU., still resided there. During

* The boUs here referred to are all in existence amongst the papal
archives in Rome.

142 A History of

the oourse of his voyage, Pagnac had ample opportunities for
discovering that the sympathies of Europe were strongly mani-
fested in favour of his rival. Wherever thfey passed he saw
that Villaret was received with all the honours due to the head
of a powerful Order, who had in his own person achieved
European renown by the conquest of Ehodes. He himself was, on
the other hand, looked on simply as an insurrectionary firebrand,
who from motives of ambition had stirred up a revolt amongst
the knights against their legitimate lord. When they arrived
at Avignon he did not find matters in any way improved.
Whatever might be the feeling of John as regarded the conduct
of Villaret, he was certainly by no means disposed to favour
de Pagnac. That knight soon perceived that all chance of estab-
lishing his claim to the dignity of Grand- Master, for which he
had so long toiled and plotted, and to which he so ardently
aspired, was for ever at an end. In the bitterness of his feel-
ings he withdrew from the papal court to indulge in solitude
the chagrin with which he was overwhelmed. The blow was,
however, too great to be withstood, and before long he sank
under his disappointment, and died of a broken heart.

His death removed one great obstacle from the path of the
Pope. That astute politician now saw his way clear to a
solution of the difficulty in a manner which would enable him
to place a creature of his own at the he€ui of the Order. With
this object in view he reinstated Villaret in his office, having,
however, previously exacted from him a pledge that he woidd
resign it again immediately. In return for this step he was
promised the appointment to a grand-prioiy, to which he might
retire, and where he might enjoy the dignity of an exalted
station and the extensive revenues of his new office, free from
all interference on the part of the fraternity. Villaret carried
out his engagement, and resigned his post. John thereupon
summoned to Avignon all the members of the Order who were
within reach of his influence. There, under his own surveillance
and the pressure of his own immediate presence, he caused a
successor to be nominated, in whose allegiance and ready
obedience he felt sure that he could confide. Elyon de Villanova
was the knight thus selected, and irregular as was the mode
of his election the fraternity felt themselves unable to resist it.

tlie Knights of Malta. 143

He was therefore recognized by them as their new chief with-
out cavil, and took his place on the rolls as the twenty-fifth
Grand-Master in the year 1319. Villaret received his appoint-
ment to the grand-priory which had been promised to him, and
retired thither in bitterness of spirit, to end in disgrace and
comparative solitude that life, the earlier portion of which had
been so brilliant and prosperous. Sad fate for a man who had
midoubtedly done great things, not only for his own Order, but
for Christianity at large. The student of history cannot fail to
sympathize with the noble and ambitious spirit thus untimely
doomed to a life of inglorious inactivity, even though he had by
his own faults of character been chiefly responsible for the evils
which befel him. No records bearing upon the remainder of
his life are now in existence. All that is known is that he died
at Montpelier on the Ist September, 1 327, where, in the church
of St. John, his monxmient still exists.*

By this arrangement on the part of the Pope the interests of
the Order suffered a double injury. In the first place they were
compelled to receive as their chief a knight, not of their own
selection, but a nominee of his, and one who soon gave evidence
of the influences imder which he was acting, by bestowing some
of the most valuable appointments at his disposal upon the needy
relatives of his patron.t The other injury inflicted on the Order
was the alienation from its jurisdiction, during the lifetime of

* The inscriptioii on his monument runs thus: — '* Anno Domini vcccxxtii.
die BaUoet ler Semptembris obiit nobilissimus Dominus Frater Folquetus
de Villareto Magister magni Hospitaho Sacree Domus Sanoti Joannis
Baptist® Hjerosolimitani Gujus anima requiesoat in paoe Amen. Die pro
me pater et ave."

t It is stated in many histories that Pope John XXII. was the son of a
cobbler. Whether this be true or not it would be difficult now to determine.
Certain it is that he sprang from a yery low origin. Aii amusing story is
told of his election. It seems that he had earned a very high reputation
for sanctity and humility, two virtues which were so pre-eminent in him
that he received a cardinal's hat amid uniTcrsal approbation. This dignity
did not appear iu the least to exalt the lowly churchman iu his own eyes,
and when the election of a new Pope in place of Clement gave rise to much
dispute he took no part therein. It was therefore proposed and unanimously
agreed to between the rival candidates that the nomination should be left in
his hands. To their amazement and consternation this humble priest in
his mildest voice pronounced the words, **£go sum Papa," and thus
appointed himself to the vacant dignity.

144 ^ History of

Villaret, of the priory to which he had been nominated. They thus
learnt the lesson that by disagreement amongst themselves they
were paving the way for the admission of a power which they
would not easily be able to shake ofP, and which would be exer-
cised without in any way consulting their interests or advantage.

Villanova was in no hurry to exchange the luxury of the
papal court for the comparative banishment entailed by a resi-
dence at Rhodes, so, for a period of thirteen years, he, under
one pretence or another, postponed his departure. During this
interval a chapter-general was held by his mandate at Mont-
pelier. It was on this occasion that the Order was, for the first
time, divided into languages, or " langues^^ as they were termed.
Many writers, in dealing with this subject, have dated back this
division of the fraternity almost to its first establishment. There
is certainly no trace whatever in any of the records now existing
to warrant such a supposition. It is at this council that such a
division appears for the first time. The Order, although origin-
ally established on its charitable basis by Italian merchants, had
rapidly become principally French in its composition, and this
nationality had always preponderated. The fact that the
chapter-general had assembled at Montpelier added still more
to the influence of the French element. We find, therefore,
that whilst the number of langues was fixed at seven, no less
than three of those seven were French, viz., the Imigues of
France, Provence, and Auvergne. The other four were Italy,
Grermany, England, and Aragon. The dignities in the gift of
the Order were at the same time attached in proper proportion
to these new divisions, the leading posts, owing to the weight of
French influence, being given to their three langves. The name
of Sir John Builbruix appears at this chapter as the Turcopolier,
or commander of the light cavalry. This dignity was from
that time permanently allotted to the English langue. In
addition to this grand-cross, three others were at the same time
appropriated to England, viz., the bailiwick of the Eagle (an
honorary distinction formerly belonging to the Templars) and
the grand-priories of England and Ireland.

Many needful reforms were introduced into the regulations at
this chapter. These were not made before they were urgently
required ; the discipline which had prevailed during the later

tlie Knights of Malta. 145

years of Villaret's rule having been most lax. The number of
those who preferred an easy and luxurious residence in a Euro-
pean commandery to the secluded life and constant warfare
entailed by the necessities of the case at Bhodes was very great.
The diflBlculty of overcoming this feeling, and of compelling the
absentees to mckke their appearance at the convent had increased
so rapidly that the subject was one of the first brought under
the consideration of the chapter. It was ther^ decreed that a
certain term of actual residence at Ehodes, and the performance
of a definite number of caravans (as the voyages on board the
gaUeys were called) should be an absolute requirement to qualify
a knight for holding any official post or dignity whatsoever.
Several other stringent reforms were at the same time proposed
and agreed to, though not without considerable discussion, and
many loud expressions of dissatisfaction. In fact, it soon
became apparent that, owing to the chapter having been held
in France, where the European dignitaries of the Order prepon-
derated, they seemed more interested in the preservation of their
local privileges than in strengthening the hands of the Gfrand-
Master and the power of the central government.

Notwithstanding the warning which they had received in the
destruction of their brethren of the Temple, there were many
members blind enough to raise their voices at the council board,
urging the abandonment of Bhodes, and the retirement of the
Order within its European commanderies. They attributed all
the financial difficulties of the treasury to the lengthened struggle
for the acquisition of that island, and the outlay necessary for
its subsequent fortification and maintenance— difficulties which
in spite of the recent acquisition of Templar property, were in
some countries threatening to overwhelm them with insolvency.*
They ui^ed also that the new system of naval warfare in which

* This was especially the case in England, where in the early part of the
fourteenth century the revenues of the Hospital had fallen into such an
enoumbered and embarrassed condition under the superintendence of Thomas
Larcher, the grand-prior of England, that utter insolvency seemed looming
in the near distance. Fortunately, however, for the interests of the Order,
the unthrifty Larcher either resigned or was deposed, and Leonard de
Tybertis, the prior of Venice, nominated his successor. This knight, by hia
mperior financial administration, succeeded in restoring the credit of his
priory. We Und it under the governance of his successor, Philip de Thame,

11

146 A History of

they were engaging was at variance with the leading principles of
the institution, and not befitting its knightly character. Having
been compelled to abandon the Holy Land, they conceived that
they were rendering little or no service to the cause of Christianity
by the maintenance of a desultory and predatory warfare amidst
the piratical islands of the Levant. As a cure for these evils
they proposed the abandonment of their new stronghold. This
was a remedy which would probably have proved most agreeable
to themselves, but, at the same time, it must inevitably, if carried
into effect, have soon brought about the complete annihilation of
the Order. Fortunately, the views of these /atw^a»< knights did
not find favour with the majority of the chapter. Instead of
abandoning the island of Rhodes, measures for its more complete
protection received the sanction of the assembly.

This chapter-general was held in the year 1331, and in 1332,
Villanova, after a delay of thirteen years from the date of his
election, proceeded to Bhodes. Here he found that under the
lieutenancy of Gerard de Pins the fortifications of the town had
been considerably augmented and developed, and a spirit of
discipline had been introduced into the convent, to which for
many years it had been a stranger.

Whilst strengthening his position at home, Gerard de Pins
had, at the same time, been called on to resist the aggressions of
a foreign foe. Orcan, the son and successor of Othman, deem-
ing that the dissensions caused by the deposition of Yillaret
had created a favourable opportunity for attack, decided on
renewing the attempt on the island in which his father had so
miserably failed. He assembled a large fleet upon the shores of
the province of Caria, where he was joined by many of the
former inhabitants of Ehodes, who had been expelled from the
island by Villaret. Thus reinforced he set sail for his destina-
tion. Gerard, who had received timely notice of the contem-
plated descent, determined not to await the shock of the onset
behind the walls of his fortress, but to meet the enemy boldly
on that element where his knights had lately been so victorious.
Manning such of his galleys as were then lying in the harbour,
and being joined by six Genoese vessels which had assembled

in the year 1338 (as wUl be referred to in the next chapter), returning a
comparatively satisfactory revenue to the general treasury.

the Knights of Malta. 147

there, he put to soa, and encountered the enemy near the Kttle
island of Episcopia.

The infidel fleet was vastly superior in point of numbers, but
laboured under the disadvantage of being inconveniently crowded
with the troops intended for the attack on £>hodes. The Sea-
manship of the Hospitallers, and the skill with which they
availed themselves of their greater powers of manoeuvring more
than coimterbalanced their numerical inferiority. The day
ended in the complete destruction of Orcan's fleet, many of his
galleys being sunk and others captured, so that but few escaped
from the scene of strife. This disaster proved such a check on
the Turkish power that Gerard was left during the remainder of
his government to pursue' immolested the reforms he had com-
menced. When, therefore, on the landing of Elyon de Villanova,
he resigned the reins of office, he had the proud satisfaction of
knowing that his lieutenancy had reflected glory on himself,
and had been most beneficial to the interests of the fraternity.

It was during the earlier years of Villanova's residence in
Khodee that the legend is recorded qf the encounter of a Hos-
pitaller with the famous dragon. The tale is so well known,
and has been the subject of so much illustration (notably in the
series of sketches by the G-erman artist Betsch), that it appears
almost needless to repeat it in these pages; still, as it was one of
the incidents held in the highest estimation amongst the Order
in subsequent ages, occupying a prominent place in all their
histories, it would be wrong to pass it over in silence. The story
runs that a large monster had made its appearance in the island,
where it committed the most fearful devastation, carrying off
many of the inhabitants, especially women and children, and
establishing itself as the terror and scourge of the locality.
Numerous attempts had been made to accomplish its destruction,
but in vain, many of the bravest knights having lost their lives
in their gallant endeavours to rid the island of the pest. The
Grand-Master, dismayed at the losses he had sustained in this
novel warfare, forbade, under pain of the severest penalties, any
further attempts at the destruction of the monster.

One knight alone had the hardihood to dare disobedience to
this mandate. Deodato de Gozon, a youth whose dauntless
courage scorned to quail beneath this strange foe, and whose

11*

148 A History of

heart was touched with the deepest emotion at the wail of grief
extorted from the miserable inhabitants by the ever-recurring
ravages of the dragon, felt that he could not refrain from one
further attempt in behalf of these suffering peasants. Without
confiding his design to any one, he retired, by permission, to
France. There in his paternal castle he caused a facsimile of
the monster to be constructed in wood, covered with scales, and
exhibiting as nearly as possible the terrifying aspect of its living
counterpart. Having procured two English bull dogs,* whose
breed was even then famous throughout Europe, he trained them,
as also his horse, to the attack of the fictitious monster, teaching
them to fix their grip upon the belly, where the animal was un-
protected with scales. Having thoroughly accustomed his four-
footed assistants to the aspect of the foe, he returned to Rhodes,
and at once proceeded to carry his project into execution. It is
needless to enter into the details of the contest, though these are
fondly dwelt on with the most elaborate minuteness by the
recorders of the legend. Qt)zon, by the aid of his canine allies,
achieved the destruction of his enemy, though not before he had
well-nigh paid with his life the penalty of his temerity at the
first onset of the brute. He was borne back in triumph to
Ehodes, where the whole town received its deliverer with the
loudest acclamations. This triumph was, however, at first,
very short lived. The Grand-Master promptly summoned bim
before the council to answer for his wilfid disobedience to the
magisterial mandate. On his appearance before the board he
was stripped of his habit as an unworthy and rebellious knight.
Having by this display of severity duly marked his determina-
tion to enforce obedience, Yillanova, at the unanimous request
of the members of his council, was induced to relent. In con-
sideration of the noble gallantry displayed in the action, he
not only restored his habit to Deodato, but nominated him to
one of the richest commanderies in his gift.

How far this legend can be borne out by facts is a veiy
disputed point, some writers throwing discredit over the entire
story, whilst others are prepared to admit the probability of its

* Ketsch's notion of English bull dogs, as shown in the sketches referred
to, certainly proves that there is mnch ignorance on the subject of that breed,
even amongst educated artists abroad.

"-■ ^'-- ■- ■ - ■ '• - ■ ^gg^»»

the Knights of Malta. 1 49

having, at all events, some foundation. The opponents of the
legend argue upon the gross improbability of the existence of
any such monster, with the voracious propensities and extra-
ordinary powers attributed to it. They further assert, that in
the middle of the fourteenth century there could have been no
difficulty in achieving its destruction, without having recourse
to the chivabic but somewhat antiquated expedient of a combat
on horseback. The use of Gh*eek fire had long been known,
and gunpowder itself was gradually being adopted. "With the
assistajice of these agents it could not have been necessary for
the attacking party to have run any great danger in securing
the extermination of the reptile. On the other hand, it seems
strange that the story should have obtained such very general
credence, and have been so universally upheld by succeeding
generations. It is an indisputable fact, that the tomb of Gozon
bore the following inscription : — " Ingenium superat vires.
Deodatus de Gozon eques imanem serpentem inteif ecit. Ordi-
nario perpetuo militise tribunatu et extra ordinem pro magisterio
functus pmo. chissor pf ectus hox a sufiEragatorib : m. e. rare
explo. designatus est communi cere Eq gallorum provincialim
posit : An McccLxvi."

Which may be thus rendered —

" Skill, the conqueror of force.

^' Deodato de Gozon, knight, slew an enormous serpent. Ap«
pointed perpetual commander of the forces, and extraordinary
lieutenant to the Master. First president of the ooimcil of
election, he was by a rare example chosen Grand-Master by the
electors. The French Knights of Provence erected this, An

MCCCLXVI.*'

This monument being dated only thirteen years after Gozon's
death, there does not seem to have been time for a legend to
spring up, had it not contained an element of truth.

It may be remarked that, at Coventry, there is still pre-
served a statue in carved oak of a knight of St. John killing
a dragon, which evidently dates back to the fifteenth, or
at latest, the sixteenth century. Moreover, it must not be
forgotten, that the island had, when under the Greeks, been
called Orphieuse, or the isle of serpents, from the number of
venomous reptiles swarming therein. That there was some

150 A History of

truth underlying the legend seems, on the whole, certain.
Deodato de Gozon did undeniably destroy some noxious beast or
reptile which had infested the island, after others had failed in
the attempt. He thus gained for himseK a reputation that
gradually swelled imtil it attained the monstrous proportions of
the above recorded fable. In reference to this subject, Newton
states : — " Over the Amboise gate " (he is speaking of Rhodes)
" a head was formerly fixed, which has been thus described to
me. It was flat on the top and pointed like the head of a
serpent, and as large as the head of a lamb. This head was
certainly on the gate as late as the year 1829, and seems to
have been taken down some time previous to 1837. This is,
perhaps, the same head which Thevenot saw in 1657, and which
he thus describes : — * Elle ^tait beaucoup plus grosse et plus large
que oeUe d'un cheval, la gueule f endue jusqu'aux oreilles, de
grosses dents, les yeux gros, le trou des narines rond et la
peau tirant sur le gris blanc' According to the tradition in
Thevenot's time, and which has been preserved in Rhodes ever
since, this was the head of the great serpent slain by Dieudonne
de Gozon in the fourteenth century."*

Madame Honorine Biliotti thus describes the head whidi she
saw in 1829 : —

"This skull, which was fastened over the inside of the
Amboise Gate, the point of the jaw downwards, broad towards
the top, and contracted near the point like the head of a serpent,
seemed somewhat smaller than the skull of a horse ; the lower
jaw and the front cartilages were missing, so that I was obliged
in imagination to replace the portions destroyed by time. The
sockets of the eyes were large and round, there was no trace of
skin upon the bones, which were completely blanched. In short,
this skull, such as I saw it, without lower jaw or the point of
the muzzle, had more the appearance of a serpent's head than
that of a crocodile." t

Villanova had not long assumed the personal government of
Rhodes, before he was called upon by the Pope to join in a
league for checking the aggressive designs of the Turks. The
other members of the alliance were to be the king of Cyprus,

• "Newton's Travels and Discoveries in the Levant," vol. i., page 161.
t " Biliotti L'ile de Rhodes," page 161.

9aKr

the Knights of Malta. 151

the republic of Yenice, and the Pope himself. In his letter
demanding their aid, the pontifE supports his request by bring-
ing forward the most vehement aocusations against the members
of the Order for their luxurious mode of life, general effeminacy,
and gross laxity of discipline. It is more than probable that
these complaints were not devoid of truth, still, the tone of the
letter, concluding as it did with a proposal, or more properly
speaking, a demand, that they should contribute six galleys
to the allied fleet, clearly marks his object in making such
reproaches. The assistance of the fraternity was most urgently
required to' forward the political views of his Holiness. He
consequently strove to make a refusal impossible, by coupling
his request with an accusation of want of zeal for the cause of
Christianity. His letter had the desired effect. The knights
embiuced the opportumty thus afiorded of disproving the
charges preferred against them ; they contributed their full
quota to the allied armament, and throughout the war which
took place, became the life and soul of the enterprise. The
only result of any importance achieved by the league was the
capture of the fortress of Smyrna, where the horde of pirates
which infested the eastern shores of tbe Mediterranean had been
accustomed to find a ready shelter.

The leaciie lasted with fluctuating: success for several years,
™til it«3aber8, having dropped out one by one, the Hospi:
tallers found themselves without assistance to continue the
further prosecution of the warfare.

A war had broken out between the G-enoese and Venetians,
which compelled the former republic to retire from the alliance.
The Pope, before long, became eager to withdraw from a contest
which was draining his treasury without much tangible result.
The league, therefore, gradually died of inanition ; and without
any positive treaty of peace having been ever made, active hosti-
hties ceased, and matters settled down very much on their
former footing.

During the interval the Order had experienced a change
of rulers, for in the year 1346 Villanova died, and Deodato
de Gk)zon, the hero of the dragon, was nominated as his
successor. Vertot relates that on the occasion of this elec-
tion Gozon rose in his place at the coimcil board, and taking

152 A History of

Ixifl audienoe completely by surprifie, nominated himself, as
the person best qualified to succeed to the vacant office. This
tale is a vile fabrication, for amongst the documents recently
discovered in the archives of the Vatican is a letter addressed
to Gozon by Clement VI., dated in July, 1346, in which
after congratulating him on his election to the magisterial
dignity, the Pope goes on to allude to the fact of his having
been prevailed upon with great reluctance to accept the post.
This letter, coupled with the fact that he twice, during his rule,
tendered his resignation, most completely exonerates his memory
from the stigma of arrogance, which this anecdote of Vertot's
is calculated to cast upon it.

During his continuance in office, G-ozon was much troubled
by the difficulty he experienced in obtaining payment of re-
sponsions from the more remote commanderies. A circular is
extant, addressed by him to the priors of Denmark, Norway,
and Sweden, reproaching them for not having remitted any
req)onBions since the fall of Acre. The war between the
Genoese and Venetians created a new difficulty, against which
Gt)zon had to contend. The fraternity contained within its ranks
knights belonging to both those nations, and these naturally
sympathized with their coimtrymen in the struggle they were
respectively carrying on. When residing in their European
commandmee they could not refrain from enrolling themselves
amongst the belligerents on either side. By their rules no
knight was permitted to draw his sword in support of any
quarrel subsisting between Christian nations. The Pope, there-
fore, called upon Gozon to put a stop to this infraction of the
statutes, a mandate far easier given than obeyed. Deodato,
in reply, pointed out to his Holiness that the Order in its
corporate capacity had never sided with any European power
when at war with a neighbour. It was, however, he said,
impossible for him to prevent individual knights from giving
such practical proofs of their sympathy, especially when their
own native country chanced to be one of the belligerents.
This response appears to have given but littie satisfaction at the
papal court ; nor, it must be owned, was the argument by any
means a sound one, or in accordance with the spirit of the
regulations as originally framed.

the Knights of Malta. 1 5 3

This was not the only incident which occurred to disturb
the serenity of Gozon's administration. The due governance
of the dignitaries and principal officers of the institution,
residing, as so many of them did, far away from his own
immediate supervision, became a matter of ever-increasing
difficulty. Possessed as they were of considerable patronage
and with control over large sources of wealth, they were enabled
to ingratiate themselves with the higher powers in the various
countries where they were residing. Finding themselves, for
this reason, protected and supported by the monarch, they were
able to bid defiance to the authority of the Qrand-Master. Qozon
became so discouraged and so deeply hurt at the position in
which he foimd himself, that he twice petitioned the Pope to
allow him to resign his office. On the first occasion he was
induced by the pontiff, after much persuasion, to retain his
dignity, but on the second application his request was complied
with. Meanwhile, however, he had died of apoplexy in the
latter part of the year 1353, and was succeeded by Peter de
ComiUan, the grand-prior of St. Oilles.

At this time there resided at the papal court of Avignon, as
ambassador from Bhodes, a knight of the name of Heredia.
This envoy had found means to ingratiate himself with the
pontifE to such an extent that he became his principal confidant
and coimcillor in all affairs of state. By the influence, if not
by the direct nomination of the Pope, he had been appointed
prior, both of Castile and St. Gilles, as well as castellan of
Emposta, dignities which elevated him far above any of his
confreres then resident in Europe. To be the recipient of such
imblushing favouritism naturally rendered him very unpopular
with the members of his Order, who felt that he was monopo-
lizing patronage to which they were justly entitled. He was
a man of a naturally ambitious turn of mind, and was much
chagrined at feeling that the dislike of the fraternity was such
as to prevent his ever reaching the object of his aspirations —
the Grrand-Mastership at Ehodes. XTnder these circumstances
the idea suggested itself to his scheming brain, that if he could
procure the removal of the convent from that island he might
himself be nominated, by his friend the Pope, to supreme rule
therein under the title of Bailiff. He felt that were he once

154 -^ History of

invested with this authority he would be able to exercise it
with but little submission to the control of his nominal chief.
Under his advice, and acting in accordance with the suggestions
put forward by him, the Pope despatched him, in company with
Baymond de Beranger and Peter de Comillan (who was a rela-
tive and namesake of the new Grand-Master), to £>hodes, to
submit his views to a general council of the Order.

He was instructed to inform the Ghrand-Master and coimcil,
on the part of the Pope, that it was thought desirable the con-
vent should be at once removed from Rhodes to the adjacent
continent. There, in immediate contiguity to the Saracen, it
would, by the terror of its name and the prowess of its mem-
bers, check all further aggressions on the part of the infidel,
and form an advanced post of Christianity in the very midst of
its foes. It was with feelings of dismay that the new chief
de Comillan listened to the treacherous and cunningly devised
suggestions thus laid before him. On the one hand, he felt
that natural reluctance, which became a faithful and obedient
son of the church, to oppose himself to the desires of its
supreme head. On the other, he could not but foresee that
the probable result of any such movement woidd be to plimge
the Order, defenceless and far from aid, into the hands of its
relentless enemies, by whom its speedy and utter extermination
would inevitably be accomplished.

Under these conflicting circumstances he decided upon throw-
ing as many obstacles as possible in the way of the project,
without attempting any open opposition. With this view he
explained to the envoys that although he was himself at all
times ready to obey whatever mandates he might receive from
his Holiness, yet this was a subject on which he personally could
have no authority to decide. The proposed change of residence
was a matter of so great importance to the future welfare of
the fraternity that it would be absolutely necessary to assemble
a chapter-general wherein the question might be debated and
determined. It by no means accorded with the views of the
Pope and his adviser Heredia that such a council should be
held at Rhodes. Its distance from Avignon was so great as
to prevent his being able to use that influence and pressure
upon its members which would be necessary to secure their

the Knights of Malta. 155

acquiescence in Us new scheme. . A council held in Bhodes
would be attended so largely by those whose attachments and
interests would naturally dispose them to vote in favour of
remaining in the island, that there would be but a slender
prospect of carrying his point. He, on the other hand,
trusted to find amongst the dignitaries of the Order resident in
France a sufficient number more desirous of securing his favour
than careful for the welfare of their own institution. He
therefore summoned the chapter to assemble at Montpelier.
Before the time of its meeting, however, had arrived, he deter-
mined to bring it still closer within the sphere of his influence,
and altered its venue to Avignon.

The Pope had also changed his views as to the locality to
which he contemplated transferring the convent. Instead of the
shores of Asia Minor he now looked to the Morea as a more
suitable and advantageous point of occupation. To this sugges-
tion Heredia made no opposition. Provided the convent were
removed from Rhodes, so that he might assimie the goveiimient
of the island, it mattered little to him where they established
it. He therefore supported the new proposition with the same
eagerness as he had shown towards the former one. The title
to the Morea was at this time in dispute between James of
Savoy and the emperor of Constantinople, but the greater part
of it was in the actual possession of the Turks, who were
advancing step by step towards its complete acquisition. In
compliance with the desires of the Pope, negotiations were
entered into with James of Savoy on the part of the chapter to
treat for the allocation of a suitable residence for the convent.
These negotiations were intentionally prolonged by every pos-
sible device, the project of a residence in the Morea being as
little to the taste of the fraternity as that in Asia Minor. The
knot was eventually cut by the death of James of Savoy, which
took place before anything definite was decided on ; the design
consequently fell to the ground, and became virtually abandoned.

It has already been mentioned that Peter de Comillan, or
Comeillan, a knight of Provence, and formerly grand-prior of
St. Gilles, had been elected Grand-Master in place of Deodato
de Gozon. This change had taken place in the year 1353,
but Comillan did not long enjoy his dignity, having died in

156 A History of the Knights of Malta.

1355, before the chapter had had time to afisemble at Avignon.
He was in his turn succeeded by Boger de Pins, also a
knight of ProYence, whose rule lasted during a period of ten
years. The only event of importance which occurred to mark
this interval was an attempt made on the peurt of the Order to
impeach Heredia before a grand council for having detained
and misappropriated revenues intended for the general trea-
sury. They soon perceived that he had established himself
too firmly in the good graces of the pontiff to permit them to
effect his overthrow, and the only result of the appeal was to
confirm him in all his dignities, without affording any redress
for the spoliations of which he had been undoubtedly guilty.
At the same council it was decreed that in future no serving
brother should be raised into the class of knights of justice.
Q-eneral receivers were also appointed, to whom all responsions
should be paid, and by whom they should be remitted direct to
Bhodes. This step was taken to guard against any further
misappropriation of revenue, such as that recently effected by
Heredia.

Roger de Pins died in the year 1365, and was succeeded by
Baymond Beranger, who, like his two immediate predecessors,
was also a knight of Provence. A period of 260 years had now
elapsed since first the Order was established as a militaiy body
by Baymond du Puy. Since that time many changes had
taken place, and the institution had developed into a very
complex organization. It will be well, therefore, at this point,
to make a pause in the historical narrative, and to furnish some
detcdls of the power into which the fraternity had expanded, and
of the mode in which their affairs were conducted.

CHAPTEE YII.
1338.

Divisions of Class in the Order — ^Langnes — Grand-Master, his position and
power — Courts of £gard — Bailiffs — Their Offices — Adaptation of the
Order to change of circumstances — System of management in Com-
manderies — Report on the Grand-Priory of England in 1338 — ^Lists of
Commanderies and other estates in the Grand-Priory.

It has already been stated that at its first institution the Order
of St. John was oomposed of three separate classes, ranked
under the respective heads of Enights, Chaplains, and Serving
Brothers. Of these the second class, namely, the Chaplains,
gradually became subdivided into conventual chaplains and
priests of obedience. The former were specially attached to the
head-quarter convent, and performed all the ecclesiastical duties
appertaining thereto ; whilst the latter carried on such parochial
duties as were incident to their profession in the numerous
European commanderies. The serving brothers were also soon
divided into two classes, one comprising those who entered the
Order in this rank with the hope of winning their spurs under
the White Cross banner, and afterwards of obtaining admission
into the class of EJoights; the other, composed of men who,
owing to the want of advantages of birth were unable to enter
in any other capacity.*

* <* Fratrum nostromm triplex est differentia. Alii enim sunt miUtes, alii
sacerdotes, alii servientes. Saoerdotum autem et servientium status rursus in
duo dividitur ; Sacerdotum in sacerdotes conventualesetsacerdotes obedientia.
Servientium in servientes armorum, videlicet in oonventio reoeptos, et
servientes officii vel stagii. QrUi vero sub gradu militiae ad hoc idoneus et
aptus pro f orm4 statutorum et consuetudinum ad prof essionem nostri ordinis
admitti postulabit, priusquam habitum suscipiat et professionem faciat,
cingulo militise deooretur neoesse est. Si autem ab aliquo principe Catholice,

158 A History of

At the chapter-general, held in 1357, under the Gband-Master-
ship of Roger de Pins (referred to in the last chapter), the
former of these two subdivisions was abolished, it being then
decreed that no member of the class of serving brothers should
be eligible for promotion into the rank of knights of justice.

As time wore on, and the advantages of birth were more and
more considered, the regulations for admission into the first
class gradually increased in stringency. The insignia of the
belted knight were no longer deemed a sufficient guarantee for
the introduction of the wearer ; it was made necessary that he
should adduce proofs of the nobility of his descent before he
could claim admission as a knight of justice. These proofs
were of four kinds — ^testimonial, literal, local, and secret. The
proof testimonial was so called from its being the testimony
of four witnesses, themselves gentlemen by birth, who guaran-
teed the nobUity of the candidate ; the proof literal was gained
from title-deeds or other legal documents; the local proof was
obtained through commissioners who were appointed by the
Order to proceed to the district where the candidate resided, and
there to inform themselves as to his birth. The secret proof
was a further investigation carried out by the same com-
missioners without the knowledge of the postulant. In the
various langues these proofs of nobility differed materially, four
quarterings only being required in the English, Italian, Spanish,
and Portuguese langues ; eight in the French ; whilst in the
German no less than sixteen were called for. The stringency
of these regulations was not relaxed until a later period of the
Order's existence. Then an innovation gradually crept in, and
knights of grace were appointed to meet the case of wealthy
candidates whose parentage was not such as to bear the requisite
test. The establishment of the princely mercantile families
who formed the mainstay of the Venetian and Genoese republics
led originally to this addition.

Over and above this tripartite division we have already seen

ant altero, facultatem militiam praDstandi habente militisB insignia non
fuerit adeptus a fratre milite ordinis nostri suam prufessionem reoipiente, aut
altero fratre milite militisd hujusmodi insignia, seoundnm conBuetudinem
militiam prsestandi recipiat ; et demum ordine preefato ineat professionem."
— CoMueiudo Ord. Sac. Mil, Sanct, Johan, Geros.

the Knights of Malta. 159

that during the Ghrand-Mastership of Elyon de Villanova, in
the year 1331, the fraternity was separated into seven lungues^
viz., Provence, Auvergne, France, Italy, Germany, England,
and Aragon. In the year 1461 an eighth langue was added by
the division of that of Aragon into two parts, the new portion
receiving the title of Castile and Portugal.

The supreme head of this fraternity, which comprised amongst
its members natives of almost every country in Europe, was the
Qrand-Master. The position of this dignitary in the scale of
potentates had varied with the fluctuations that took place in
the fortunes of the institution. During their stay in Palestine
he was possessed of a very powerful voice in the councils of
that kingdom, sharing with the Grrand-Masters of the other
two Orders almost the entire direction of affairs. His influence
in Europe was at that time but slight. It is true that his
fraternity possessed landed property to a considerable extent
in every country, which property naturally gave hiTn a certain
amount of influence in its vicinity. Still, residing as he did at
a point so far remote from the centre of European politics, that
influence could rarely be exercised in any great degree. When
the expulsion of the Latins from Syria compelled the brotherhood
to seek a new home, and led to their establishment ia the full
sovereignty of the island of Bhodes, all this became changed.
On the one hand their influence in the East gradually diminished
as the prospect of re-establishing the Latia kingdom grew more
and more hopeless. On the other hand, the barrier which they
had set up in their new home against the encroachments of the
Turk on the eastern shores of the Mediterranean led to the
admission of the Order of Hhodes as a by no means unimpor-
tant member of the body politic of Europe. The Gh:«nd-Master
as its head, found in consequence, that the consideration with
which he was treated rapidly increased. The subsequent transfer
of the convent from Bhodes to Malta led to a still further
augmentation of this influence, and we shall eventually find
him not only arrogating to himself the rank and privileges of
a sovereign prince, but actually in correspondence upon terms
almost of equality with the principal potentates of Europe.

It is curious to mark how, during these successive ages,
the authority which the Pope exercised over the Order became

i6o A History of

gradually reduced. Constituted originally as a religious esta-
blishment, it owed its earliest organization wholly to his fiat,
and during the first two centuries of its existence appears never
to have disputed his authority. Indeed, it was to the fostering
approval of so many successive pontifb that it was indebted
for the first development of that power into which it subse-
quently expanded. As by the expression of his approval the
successor of St. Peter gave to his prof ^gds a support which carried
them triumphantly through all the difficulties of their position, so
there is but little doubt that the exercise of the same power on
his part in an antagonistic direction would have been equally
successful in crushing them. Time, however, gradually brought
great changes in their relative position. Many rude shocks dimin-
ished the extent of the Pope's authority, whilst each succeeding
generation augmented the influence of the military friars. Step
by step they gradually shook ofE the dictatorial yoke of papal
domination until eventually his sovereign authority became little
more than nominal, and the Gfrand-Master ruled over the island
in which his fraternity was domiciled with absolute power.

The rules of the institution do not appear to have contem-
plated the exercise of autocratic sway by its chief over the
members of his Order ; being, on the contrary, framed so as
to mark the extreme jealousy with which his authority was to be
limited. Even after the possession of the island of Malta had
established him in the rank of a sovereign prince, and entitled
him to maintain envoys in all the principal courts of Europe,
his power over the members of his own fraternity was so limited
as to render his position often very difficult to support. The
doctrine laid down in the rules appears to have been that
the sovereignty was vested in the Order generally, and not in
the Gband-Master personally ; in fact, he only ranked as the
first amongst his equals, or, to quote the language used in the
statutes, primus inter pares. The principle of the Habeas Corpus,
so justly prized by Englishmen as the sheet anchor of their
liberties, was carried out to its fullest extent in these statutes ;
it being illegal for the Grand-Master to detain a member in
custody for a "period of more than twenty-four hours without
bringing him to trial. Nor did the vow of obedience taken by
a candidate at his profession give his superior that power over

the Knights of Malta. i6i

his actions which might have been expected. He was permitted,
in case he disapproved of any order, to appeal to the Court of
Egard, and to persist in his disobedience until the sentence of
that court should have been pronounced.

This Court of Egard was originally established as a tribunal
before which any dispute arising between members of the fra-
ternity might be brought to trial or arbitration. It had its
origin at a very early date in the annals of the institution, and
although, as time wore on and wrought changes in the Order,
certain alterations in the Egard were also introduced, still it
always remained the same in principle. Even until the veiy
last years of the knights' existence as a sovereign body, this
court continued to be the principal, nay, the only tribunal of
appeal before which they sought redress for their grievances.

It was composed of one member from each langue^ whose
appointment rested with the laTigues themselves. Over these a
president was placed, named by the Ghtuid-Master. It will be
seen that, by this arrangement, the iangue to which the president
belonged would have two votes, whilst each of the others had but
one. It was in this way, and in this way only, that the Ghrand-
Master could exercise any influence in its decisions. On the
assembly of the Egard, either of the disputants had the right of
challenge, the person objected to being, in such case, replaced by
another member of the same Iangue. The cause having been
gone into, the depositions of the witnesses, which were verbal
and never reduced to writing, were summed up. At this
stage the disputants were directed to withdraw, the members of
the Egard discussed the case with closed doors, and gave in their
verdict by ballot. The parties were then called back into court,
and, before the result of the ballot was made known, they were
asked whether they were willing to abide by the award of the
Egard. If they assented, the ballot-papers were examined, and
the votes of the majority carried the cause.

Should, however, either of the parties have refused to abide
by the award, the votes were nevertheless examined and re-
corded, and a new court was assembled to act as a court of
appeal. This was called the renfort of the Egard, and its
constitution was the same as the first, except that the number
of members was doubled. From the decision of this court a

1 62 A History of

further appeal lay with a third, which was called the renfort of
the renfort^ in which there were three members of each langue.
Should either of the litigants still contiuue dissatisfied, a court of '
ultimate appeal was appointed, of which the decision was final.
This was called the bailiffs' Egard, and was composed of the
conventual bailiffs, or, in the absence of any of their number, of
the lieutenants who were performing their duties. The Gband-
Master selected whom he pleased from amongst their number
to act as president. That functionary must have in no case
presided in either of the three preceding courts. The decision
of this tribunal being final, its sentence was carried into execu-
tion immediately after its promulgation.

It would be difficult to conceive a court of equity more admir-
ably calculated to administer justice without partiality. The
doctrine that every man should be tried by his peers was recog-
nized and acted on. The decision resting upon the votes of the
members gave it all the leading features of a trial by jury.
The possibility of favouritism was obviated by the selection of
members from every langue. The right of appeal was most
amply provided for, the constitution of the tribunal assuming in
each case a broader basis until there remained no possibility of
a wrong verdict. The proof of the estimation in which these
courts were held lies in the fact that, throughout the Order's
existence, no important change was made in them. When the
fraternity was expelled from Malta by the French, at the close
of the eighteenth century, the courts of Egard were in principle
what they had been four centuries earlier.

Next in importance to the Gfrand-Master in the governance
of the Order ranked the bailiffs, or grand-crosses. These
dignitaries were of three kinds: the conventual bailiffs, the
. capitular bailiffs, and the bailiffs ad honoreSy or honorary
bailiffs. The first-named of these resided continuously at the
convent, and were the immediate chiefs of their respective
langues. There was consequently only one for each langue.
His election lay, not with the Grand-Master, but with the
members of the langue itself. The principle of seniority was
generally recognized, but not universally applied in cases where
great merit, or, as was sometimes the case, extreme popularity
led to the selection of a junior knight. The capitular bailiffs

the Knights of Malta. 163

did not reside in the convent, their presence there being only
required on the occasion of a chapter-general. They were, on
the contrary, presumed to fix their abode within the European
possessions of their langue^ of which they were the grand-priors.
In the English langue there were two of these capitular
bailiffs, or grand-crosses — ^the grand-prior of England and the
grand-prior of Ireland. The bailiffs ad honorea were originally
appointed either by a chapter-general, or, in its default, by
the Ghrand-Master in council, acting under the sanction of a
papal bull. This prerogative was gradually found to be highly
inconvenient. The princes of Europe were perpetually urging
the Gfrand-Master to its exercise ii;^ favour of their own friends,
and had their requests been always complied with, the rank
would have lost its value from the number of its holders.
Eventually, therefore, the Gfrand-Masters surrendered the pri-
vilege, whereupon the Pope assumed to himself the right thus
yielded. Under papal auspices the appointments became so
numerous, and such strong opposition was offered, that at length
the privilege was almost entirely abolished, certain titular or
honorary bailiffs being attached to each langue. There was one
such in the English langue^ viz., the bailiwick of the Eagle ;
thus giving to that langue four grand crosses: the conventual
bailiff, two capitular bailiffs, and one bailiff ad honores.

The conventual bailiffs each held ex-officio an important
post in the active government of the fraternity. Thus the
bailiff of Provence was the grand-commander. This office
made him president of the treasury, comptroUer of the expen-
diture, superintendent of stores, governor of the arsenal, and
master of the ordnance. The bailiff of Auvergne was the
grand-marshal. He was commander-in-chief of all the forces,
both naval and military. In those days the services were not
kept distinct as they are now, and the knights served indis-
criminately either on land or sea. The grand standard of the
Order, the famous White Cross banner, which had waved over
so many a well-fought field, was intrusted to his charge. The
bailiff of France was the grand-hospitaller, under whose control
came, as the name imports, the supreme direction of the
hospitals and infirmaries of the Order. The bailiff of Italy
was the grand-admiral. He acted as second in command to the

12*

164 A History of

grand-marshal. The bailiff of Aragon was the grand-con-
servator, whose duties were somewhat analogous to those of a
commissary-general in a modem army. The baili£F of Ger-
many was grand bailifi of the Order, his jurisdiction being that
of chief engineer. The bailiff of Castile and Portugal was
grand-chancellor, and, as such, was supreme over the legal tri-
bunals. The bailiff of England was the Turcopolier or chief
of the light cavalry.

It has been a matter of some dispute as to what was the
real signification of the term Turcopolier. The most probable
of the explanations seems to be that of Ducange, who states in
Ms glossary that the word Turcopolier is derived from the Gtreek
ttcdAos, a colt, and thence an offspring generally, signifying
the child of a Turkish parent. They were in all probability
the children of Christian fathers by Turkish mothers, who,
having been brought up in their father's religion, were
retained in the pay of the Order. '^ Being lightly armed,
clothed in eastern fashion, inured to the climate, well ac-
quainted with the country and with the Mussulman mode
of warfare, they were foxmd extremely serviceable as light
cavalry and skirmishers, and consequently always attached to
the war battalions."* The earliest record now in existence
where mention is made of an English Turcopolier is dated in
1328, when an English knight was appointed to the office, and
from that time until the year 1565, the post was invariably filled
by an Englishman.

It is difficult to account for the arbitrary attachment of a
peculiar office to each different langue^ when it is remembered
that most of these posts seem to have required much technical
professional knowledge, and should, one would have thought,
have been held by men chosen owing to their fitness for
the appointment. It would certainly have appeared more
sensible to have selected as chief engineer a man who had
made the science of engineering, as then known and practised,
his peculiar study, rather than to have given the appointment
invariably to the bailifi of Ghermany, when that dignitajry may
have been, and probably very generally was, ignorant of the
simplest rudiments of the profession. The only solution of this

• Addison's ** History of the Templars."

the Knights of Malta. 1 65

inoongruity seems to be that it was designed to prevent the
jealousies and cabals which would inevitably have sprung up
on the occasion of every vacancy. Agam, although the Ghrand-
If aster did not actually possess the patronage of these offices,
still he must have been enabled, from his position, to influence
the selection, and as that influence would probably often be
exercised in favour of his own countrymen, the result would
have been to overthrow the balance of power between the
various nationalities. As it was, the preponderance of the
French element perpetually led to disagreement. It will be
seen, later on, that it was the source of much difficulty at a
critical juncture in the Order's fortunes. The regulation was,
therefore, very probably made as a precaution against the
monopoly of the all-powerful French langues. It certainly
seems the simplest method by which that result could be
obtained.

Even, however, granting this reason, it still becomes difficult
to account for the particular selection of the offices attached to
each langue. The French element being so overpowering, it
was natural that the three most important offices should be
attached to the heads of their three langues^ but as regards the
others, no such solution can be given. It may have been that
the offices which chanced to have been held by the different
langues at the time when their respective apportionment was
decreed, were from that moment permanently attached to them.
This surmise is somewhat strengthened by the fact that the
office of Turcopolier was held by an English knight in the year
1328, and in the year 1331 it was, at the general division of
offices, definitively appropriated to that langue. This may have
been the case with other nations.

Lieutenants were nominated in the same manner as the
bailiffs, whose duty was to act for them, and to occupy their
position whenever they were absent from the convent, or
when they were incapacitated by sickness from attending to
their duties in person.

The property held by the Order in the various countries of
Europe was, for the convenience of superintendence, divided
into estates of moderate extent, which were called commanderies.
Several members of the fraternity were attached to each of these

1 66 A History of

estates in various capacities, and at it^ head was placed a brother,
in whose hands was vested its supreme control, and who bore
the title of commander. Although it was a post of importance
and responsibility, it was not necessarily held by a knight of
justice, a certain number of the commanderies in every priory
having been reserved for the other two classes. It seems strange,
but it is a fact, that in commanderies thus governed, there were
nevertheless knights attached in the subordinate position of
confratres. The commander was bound to exercise the most
rigid supervision over the estate under his control, and to
husband its resources with care. Grrand-priors were appointed,
under whose surveillance a certain number of commanderies
were placed (usually all those contained in a province or other
territorial division). These officials received from the com-
manderies all their surplus revenues, which were lodged in the
treasury of the priory.

The payment to be made by the grand-priory to the convent
at Ehodes, under the title of responsions, was calculated at one-
third of the gross receipts of the commanderies. An average
was struck, and a fixed amount based thereon. As the com-
manderies paid over to the treasury of the prior the actual
balance remaining of their revenues after payment of expenses,
the grand-priory was either a gainer or loser, according as
those remittances were more or less than had been calculated
on. The responsions were remitted to the treasury through
the medium of receivers nominated to act in the capacity of
bankers in most of the leading commercial cities of Europe.
The grand-prior was bound to make a personal inspection of
each commandery in his district at least once in every five
years. He had full authority to correct abuses, and to order
such renewals, alterations, and improvements as seemed to him
necessary to develop the productive resources of the various
estates.

It is an interesting study to observe how the system carried
out by the Order of St. John adapted itself to the varied cir-
cumstances of the localities where its property was situated.
In Palestine there were pilgrims to be tended, and sick to be
nursed; there was also constant warfare to be waged against
the Moslem. "We find, therefore, that here the Hospitaller in

the Knights of Malta. 167

his barrack convent was half soldier, half monk. At one time
clad in the black mantle of his profession, he might be. seen seated
by the pallet of the humble and lonely wanderer, breathing
into an ear that might perhaps be shortly deaf to all earthly
sounds, the consolations of that faith which they both professed,
and which had drawn them to that distant spot, so far from all
the ties of home and kindred. At another time he might be
seen mounted on his gallant steed, clad in burnished steel,
hewing a pathway for himself and his brave companions in
arms through the serried ranks of the foe. The spirit of the
times was in accordance with such strange transformations,
and the Order, in thus adapting itself to that spirit, laid the
sure foundation of its future grandeur and eminence.

In later years, when the fraternity had established itself
in Bhodes, we find great changes rapidly made in their
organization, habits, and duties. The hospitals were still
maintcdned and tended, but they no longer constituted
an important branch of the knights' duties. There were no
weary and harassed pilgrims to sustain and support ; the sick
had dwindled into the ordinary casualties incident to the popu-
lation of a small island. The knight was no more to be seen
forming one of that squadron who, under the white cross
banner, had so often struck dismay into the hearts of the enemy.
Having established himself in his new home, and expeditions for
the recovery of the Holy Land having ceased to be practicable,
he commenced to fortify his stronghold. Kampart and ditch
grew and extended, and the skill of engineering science was
exhausted to devise fresh defences, or to improve those abeady
existing. The fortress of E.hodes, and, at a later date, that of
Malta, remain imperishable records of the energy, the per-
severance, and the skill with which he. carried on his work.
Meanwhile he was busily engaged in developing the power
of his Order on the sea. The flag of his adoption waved in
every comer of the Mediterranean, the terror of the infidel
and the bulwark of Christianity. On the waters of this, his
new dominion, he trod the deck of his galley every inch a
sailor. Few who saw him now would recognise in the hardy
mariner of the Levant the warrior-monk of Palestine.

Whilst these changes were taking place in the characteristics

1 68 A History of

of the fraternity, another sphere was at the same time opening
for the display of their gift of adaptation to oircumstcmoes and
place. Having been originally organized as a body, one of the
leading features of which should be the poverty of its members,
they had ended in anuwdng wealth almost fabulona in extent.
True, the individual remained without possessions of his own, the
acquisitions continually falling into the hands of the fraternity
being common property. Under cover of this distinction they
sheltered themselves against the apparent inoonsistency between
their vows and their acts. Whilst, however, they thus disclaimed
all personal interest in the benefits of their wealth, they were
never^remiss in turning it to the best possible advantage. In
addition to its privileges property has also its duties, the due
performance of which requires special aptitude and training.
"We find the knight of St. John in his European commandery
abandoning the chivalric aspirations of the Syrian crusader and
the reckless intrepidity of the island seaman, and appearing
under a totally different aspect from either, as a genial lord of
the manor and a wary steward of the property of his Order.

Nor was the new duty thus imposed upon him by any means
an easy task. The mere existence of these bands of warrior
monks, acting under an organization of their own, free from
external control, was a perpetual source of contention with the
powers that be, in every land wherein they had gained a footing.
Freed by the dicta of papal bulls from most of the restrictions
imposed on the laity, and yet only partially acknowledging
the authority of the church, they held extensive property in
coimtries to the crown of which they paid no due alle^ance,
and the revenues of which they transmitted for expenditure to a
distant land and for foreign objects. At the same time they
refused to the church those tithes which she gleaned from all
her other votaries. They were dreaded by the monarch, who
scarce knew whether to regard them as friends or foes, and
they were hated by the genuine ecclesiastic, who looked upon
them as unauthorized encroachers, despoiling the church of
much property which the piety of her sons might otherwise have
dedicated to her own special use. It was a difficult matter for
the commander, placed in such a position, to steer a middle
course, and undeterred by the threats of the monarch on the

the Knights of Malta. 1 69

one hand, or the mitred churchman on the other, to pursue the
even tenor of his way, and with calm steadiness and perse-
verance to carry on that process of extraction for which he had
been appointed to his office.

In different countries this system must of course have varied ;
still the leading features of the operation were undoubtedly
the same in all. We are fortunate in being able to form a
very accurate notion of what this was from a report drawn
up in the year 1338 by the then grand-prior of England, Philip
de Thame, to the Grand-Master Elyon de Villanova.* The
picture which this document affords of the stewardship of
landed property in England in the fourteenth century is most
valuable, and a careful study of its contents will give the reader
an accurate representation of the position of agriculture in its
various branches at that period.

The document is practically a balance sheet of income and
expenditure. Let us begin with the income side. In each
manor the first item recorded is the mansion, with its kitchen
garden and orchard. The house itself was not a source of actual
revenue ; still, in so far as it obviated the necessity of any pay-
ment of rent, it was valuable property. The garden and orchard
appear in every instance to have produced somewhat more than
was required for the consumption of the household. The amount
realized for the excess varied from a few shillings up to nearly a
pound, but rarely approaching the latter sum. A further source
of profit was the columbarium^ or dovecote, which in some cases
produced as much as thirty shillings, the usual average being
from five shillings to half a mark.f

Next on the list stands the rent received from arable, meadow,
and pasture land. The first varied much in the different
counties. In Lincoln and Kent it ran as high as two shillings

* This report, which exists in MSS. in the Record Office at Malta, was
printed hy the Camden Society in the year 1857, under the title of " The
Hospitallers in England." The report was prefaced by a most admirable
digest from the pen of the Rev. L. B. Larking, to whose essay the author is
indebted for much of the matter contained in the remainder of this chapter.
The original MS. is in perfect preservation, and although somewhat diffi-
cult to decipher, from its crabbed and contracted Latin, still the writing is
as distinct and clear as on the day when it was first penned.

t The mark was thirteen shillings and fourpence.

170 A History of

an acre, whilst in Somerset and Norfolk it did not yield more
than three halfpence. Meadow land seldom f eU bel(»w a rental
of two shillings an acre, and in Oxfordshire it reached as much
as three shillings. Pasture land was not calculated by the acre,
but by the head of cattle ; the average receipt from that source
may be taken at something like the following figures : — An ox
or a horse, a shilling ; a cow, two shillings ; a sheep, a penny ;
a calf, sixpence ; a goat, three farthings.

Messuages, mills, and fisheries stand next on the list, and do
not require any special explanation. The profit of stock afforded
a very considerable source of revenue. This was the return
produced by the cattle bred and fattened on the home farm.
In more than one instance it is recorded that through the
devastation of enemies, damage by inimdations, and other
causes, the stock returned no appreciable profit.

A fruitful source of income was that derived from churches
and chapels appropriated to the Order, the funds of which were
paid into the treasury, vicars and chaplains being provided by
it. A glance at the figures given under this head will show
that, as is the fact with many parishes in the present day, the
lay impropriators swept off the lion's share of the substance
originally dedicated to the support of the church. In the case
of sixteen of these, the combined amount paid to the credit of
the langue was no less than £241 6s. 8d., whilst the cost of pro-
viding chaplains was only £34 10s. Certainly this anomaly,
which has so many bitter opponents in the present day, can
plead the excuse of long standing, since we find it flourishing
even in the beginning of the fourteenth century.

In those days the system of villainage, or compulsory service
of bond tenants, was universal throughout Europe. We see it
figuring largely on the credit side of our balance-sheet. These
services were generally rendered either by payments in kind,
such as poultry, eggs, com, &c., or by the giving of a certain
amount of labour for the benefit of the lord of the manor. As
these latter have almost invariably been entered in the aocoimts
as money receipts, there can be little doubt that a fixed com-
mutation had been concurred in between landlord and tenant.
The former thus secured for himself a certain and settled reve-
nue, whilst the latter was protected from the caprice of his lord.

tlie Knights of Malta, 1 7 1

who might otherwise have demanded his services at a time when
his own crops required attention. From an entry which occurs
in the manor of Shaldeford, the price at which this labour was
commuted may be deduced, it being in that instance fixed at
twopence a day, the total amount received imder this head
throughout England being £184 16s. 8d.

We next come to the rent paid by freeholders, the entry for
which is placed imder the heading of redditiis assisu^. In only
one instance is its nature specified. In the manor or bailiwick
of Godsf eld in Hampshire it is distinctly stated to be rent for
houses in the two towns of Portsmouth and Southampton. The
profits arising from the fees and perquisites paid to the manor
courts, constitute an entry in almost every bailiwick. In some
cases they amounted to a considerable sum. An officer caUed
the steward of the manor was appointed for the collection of
these dues.

There yet remains an item of income to be explained which
was of a totally different character to the rest, and could only
have arisen under an ecclesiastical regime. This is a voluntary
contribution from the neighbourhood, and is entered imder the
title of confraria. The mode of collection is not specified, but we
may presume that by a system similar to that practised in the
present day in many Boman Catholic countries, a house-to-house
visitation was annually made for the purpose of extorting the
charity of the pious. The amoimt thus scraped together by the
wealthy mendicants of St. John from the overtaxed and harassed
commons of England amounted in 1338 to nearly £900. It
appears that even this large sum was less than what had pre-
viously been obtained, as may be gathered from an entry where
the smallness of the contributions under tjiis head is accounted
for by the poverty of the country, and the heavy taxes payable
to the king for the support of the navy.*

* '' Item ibidem oollecta que semel fit per annum in diversis ecclesiis que
vocatur confraria et ad voluntatem hominum si velint aliquid contribuere
necne quia non possunt compelli ad contribuendum et solebat valere per
anmim 27 marcas (£18) et aliquando plus et aliquando minus et nunc in
present! propter paupertatem communitatis regni et propter diversas
oppressiones ut in tallas (sic) contributionibus domino regi pro defensione
maris et lanis quas dominus rex capit per totam terram non possunt levari

172 A History of ,

Having thus glanoed at the various items standing on the
credit side of the balance-sheet, we now come to the expenditure.
The first and principal charge against the funds of the com-
mandery was that for the maintenance of the household. In
every manor there was a commander, in whose charge was
vested the property, and attached to hJTn were other brethren
termed confratrea. These, together with the chaplains, formed
the first class in the establishment, and a separate table was
provided for their use. There appear to have been three
different tables, at which, according to their rank, the members
of the establishment had their commons ; the first, that already
mentioned, the second for the free servants of the Order, and the
third for the labourers or garcionea kept in its employ. Most
of the provisions consumed at these several tables were provided
from the stock on the land, and consequently cost nothing.
There appears, however, very generally an item imder the name
of coquina, which embraced the supply of meat and fish beyond
what was taken from the estate. Three different kinds of
bread were supplied to the several tables, viz., white bread,
ration bread, and black bread. There were also two kinds of
beer, the melior and the aecunda. In addition to their keep the
commander and his confratres had an annual allowance for their
dress, and as this was the same in each commandery it may be
assumed that it had been fixed by authority. It consisted of
£1 for a robe, 6s. 8d. for a mantle, and 8s. for other articles of
clothing. The members of the household had wages in addition
to their keep, which not only varied greatly for the different
classes, but also for the same service in different commanderies.
The highest in rank was the armiger^ who in some cases received
as much as £1 a year; the more usual stipend for him as. well
as the clavigery the ballivua, the meaaor^ and the coquuay being
a mark. The wages of the htrix or washerwoman seem to have
been the smallest, in most cases amounting to Is. only.

A very heavy charge is of frequent occurrence in these
accounts imder the head of corrody. This term signified a claim
to commons at the different tables of the establishment, and was
probably originally granted either in repayment for money lent

nuno nisi et vix 10 li (£10)." — ^Extract from revenue account of Orenham
HospitaUera in England,

the Knights of Malta. 1 73

or as a return for some favour conferred on the Order. The
table from whioh the oorrodary drew his commons, depended
upon his rank. Those who were of gentle blood were accommo-
dated at the higher table with the commander and his confratres;
the others, according to their position in life, were quartered either
on the liberi servient es or on the gar clones. In some eases these
corrodaries were in the receipt of very luxurious rations. For
instance, at ClerkenweU, William de Langford is entitled to his
commons at the commander's table whenever he chooses to dine
there, together with a place for one chamberlain at the second
table, and for three inferior servants at the third. But on
occasions when it was not convenient for him to be present he
drew instead an allowance of four loaves of white bread, two of
ration bread, and two of black bread, three flagons of best beer
and two of the second quality, one whole dish from each of the
three tables, together with, nightly, for his bedroom one flagon of
best beer, and, during the winter season only, four candles and a
faggot of firewood. For his stable he drew half a bushel of oats,
hay, litter, and one shoe with nails daily. All these allowances
were granted to him for the term of his life by charter from
Thomas Larcher, who was at the time grand-prior of England.
This worthy seems to have distributed pensions and corrodies
right and left with the most reckless profusion ; so much
so, that some years prior to the date of this report he was
either superseded by, or resigned his post to, Leonard de
Tybertis, grand-prior of Venice, under whose fostering care the
revenues of the English langue underwent a rapid change for
the better.

The charge for repairs was infrequent and small in amoimt.
We may infer from this that it had always been the practice to
keep up the buildings in good substantial repair, and thus pre-
vent large outlay at any particular time for restorations. It
must be remembered that charges imder this head are only for
materials other than the timber and stone f oimd on the estate,
and would not include the labour which, in most cases, could be
furnished from the staff of the establishment.

In addition to the expenses incurred for the maintenance
of the household and its corrodaries, there was in many
commanderies a heavy item under the head of hospitality. The

174 ^ History of

rules of the Order were very strong as to the free exercise of
this virtue, and it seems clear, on studying -the accounts, that
they were always most rigidly and liberally complied with. In
fact, the various conmianderies seem to have partaken very
much of the character of houses of public entertainment, where
both rich and poor might feel certain of a hospitable reception.
Of course no charge was made for this service. It seems, how-
ever, probable that the item of confraria^ which has been already
alluded to, had its proportions considerably swelled by the
donations of such among the better class of travellers as had
experienced the hospitality of the fraternity. How far this
claim to reception and maintenance on the part of the way-
farer may have extended it is difficult to determine, but there
must have been a limit somewhere, since, unless the fourteenth
century differed widely from the present day, an unrestricted
system of open housekeeping would have entailed the main-
tenance of all the idle vagabonds in the country. The Anglo-
Saxon law limited the claim in the case of monasteries to three
days ; probably, therefore, the same restriction was made at the
commanderies. It may also be assumed that in the case of the
poorer class of wayfarers a good day's work on the farm was
extorted in return for the day's keep, thus, in a measure, deter-
ring the idler from seeking a shelter, the sweets of which could
only be p\ux5hased by the sweat of his brow.

This wholesale system of hospitality was not to be traced
purely to a pious motive ; there were many sagacious reasons
of policy which much encouraged the practice. It must be
borne in mind that in those days newspapers did not exist,
the majority of men travelled but Kttle, and information was
slow in spreading from one point to another. We may readily
conceive, therefore, what a vehicle for the collection and
distribution of important inteUigence the table of the com-
mander must have been. The grand-prior, in his head-quarters
at Clerkenwell, might be regarded somewhat in the light of the
editor of a metropolitan journal recei\ing constant despatches
from his correspondents at their provincial commanderies.
These would contain a digest of all the gossip, both local and
general, which may have enlivened the meals of the preceding
week. This information could, of course, be collated and

the Knights of Malta, 175

compared with that forwarded from other quarters, so that the
earliest and most correct inteUigence would always reach the
prior, and this he could at times turn to very valuable account.
We may conceive him, on some occasions, in a position to give
a friendly hint to the king, in council, of some projected
political movement hatched in the fastnesses of the north or in
the secluded glens of the west. For such information we may
feel sure that an ample quul pro quo was expected, in the shape
either of a direct donation or of exemption from some of the
numerous burdens with which the less fortunate laity were
oppressed. The knights were well aware of the advantages
which their organization gave them on this head, and were not
slow to avail themselves of it. The records exhibit carefully
the expenses they incurred in hospitality to travellers, but
they do not say anything of ' the results, pecuniary and other-
wise, which were obtained by the practice. The intelligent
reader may, however, perform that calculation for himself, and
it is to be feared that on striking the balance but little would
remain to be carried over to the credit of charity.

There are, nevertheless, some entries which show that this
exercise of hospitality was not always free from inconvenience.
Although the fraternity did not grudge a heavy bill for the
sustenance of their numerous provincial guests, provided the
information forwarded by the commander was of a value com-
mensurate with the expenditure, yet cases might, and con-
stantly did occur, where the outlay was large and the results
disproportionately small. A few items of local gossip or pro-
vincial scandal would be dearly purchased at the expense of
many a good quarter of wheat and malting barley. Under
such circumstances it was but natural that an exculpatory note
should accompany the obnoxious item to explain away its
imwelcome appearance. It was frequently necessary for the
commander, whose position gave him considerable standing in
the county where he resided, to receive at his table those of the
laity who considered themselves his equals, and who chanced to
live near him. This has, in more than one case, been quoted as
an excuse for the extent of the housekeeping accounts. Thus,
for instance, we find at Hampton that the Duke of Cornwall
is made to bear the blame of the heavy bread and beer bill

176 A History of

which the fraternity had oontraoted * and in the Welsh 00m-
manderies the trampers became the scapegoat, who, to quote
the expressive language of the accountant, ^' multum confluunt
de die in diem et sunt magni devastatores et sunt imponderosi,^^
The accounts of Clerkenwell, the head-quarter station of the
Order in England, show that its proximity to the court rendered
it peculiarly liable to this expense. The king had the right,
not only of dining at the prior's table whenever he might choose
to honour that dignitary with a visit, but also of sending to the
priory such members of his household and court as he might find
it inconvenient to provide for elsewhere. It is not, therefore,
surprising that we find among the housekeeping expenses of
this establishment 430 quarters of wheat at 5s. a quarter, 413
quarters of malting barley at 4s., 60 quarters of dragget malt
at 3s., 225 quarters of oat malt lat 2s., 300 quarters of oats at
Is. 6d., in addition to a lump sum, which we may call the
kitchen bill, of £121 6s.^d., besides many minor items for meal,
porridge, pease, candles, &c. It was, indeed, a long price that
the community had to pay for the presence of th^ monarch and
his satellites, yet, doubtless, they received such consideration for
the same as enabled them to bear the burden without succumb-
ing thereto.

Of all the entries on the expense side of the account, that
which seems the most strange is the outlay for law charges.
Many of these entries reflect much disgrace upon the administra-
tion of the law in the fourteenth century. Some of the items
are innocent enough ; as, for instance, the salaries of the law
officers of the Order, and the fees of counsel, which appear to
have been usually 40s. a year with robes. In addition, however,
to these, there are numerous others which prove the barefaced
venality of our courts of justice, almost all the leading judges
being in the pay of the fraternity. Thus, in the exchequer, we
find the chief baron. Sir Eobert Sadyngton ; the barons William
Everden and Robert Scarburg ; the engrosser, William Stoneve ;
and the two remembrancers, Grervase Willesf ord and William
Broklesby, each in the receipt of £2 a year. The opponitor,
Roger Grildesburgh, figured for an annual salary of £5. In the

* "Una cum sapei'venientibus quia dux Comubias joxta moratur." —
Extract from reprise of Hampton manor.

the Knights of Malta. i^j

court of oommon bench, the chief justice, Sir William Herle,
received £10 a year; judge William Shareshull, £5; judges
Eichard Aldeburgh and John Shardelowe, £2 each. In the
king s bench, the chief justice, GeofErey Scrope, received £2
besides a couple of manors at Huntingdon and Penhull. His
brother justice, Eichard Willoughby, figures on the list for
£3 6s. 8d., and in the court of chancery four of the dorks
pocketed an annual fee of 40s. each. All these entries are
expressly stated to be payments made to the legal authorities to
insure quiet possession of the lands which had been transferred
from the recently suppressed Order o£ the Temple.

Before leaving this valuable docimient it may be well to
mention that the number of the fraternity at this time resident
within the limits of the grand-priory of England was 119,
in addition to three donats and eighty corrodaries. Of these,
thirty-four were knights of justice, fourteen of that number
being commajiders; forty-eight were serving brothers, of whom
sixteen were commanders ; and thirty -four were chaplains, of
whom seven were commanders. The rank of the remaining
three is not specified in the document. It must be remembered
that these numbers only include that portion of the English
langue comprised in the grand-priory of England. The langue
embraced as well the Scotch preceptories and the grand-
priory of Ireland. The actual numbers in these are not
known.

In addition to the commanderies the Order held in England
smaller estates called camercB, These were not of sufficient
importance for the appointment of commanders. They were
either administered by bailiffs or farmed out. Their proceeds
went directly into the treasury of the grand-priory, none of
the fraternity being maintained by them. The langue also
stood possessed of sundry manors formerly the property of the
Templars. Lists of the commanderies, camerse, and Templar
lands are furnished at the end of this chapter, showing their
respective gross incomes and local expenditure; the balance
being available for the general treasury of the priory.

The total amoimt thus credited to the grand-priory was
£3,826 4s. 6d. The expenditure of the general treasury in
pensions, bribes, &c., was £1,329 2s. 4d., leaving a balance for

13

178 A History of

the payment of responsions of £2,304 15s. 2d. The grand-
priory of England was assessed at the amount of £2,280.
It will be seen, therefore, that in the year in question the
receipts reached a trifle over that sum; the balance came into
the hands of the grand-prior.

The income of this dignitary, as shown in the accounts, was
£1 per diem. For a period of 121 days, this charge appears in
the several commanderies, two or three days in each, imder the
head of the grand-prior's visitation. For the remainder of the
year it is charged in a lump sum as one of the expenses of
the general treasury. He received, in addition, an allowance
of £93 6s. 8d. for robes for himself and his household.

The property which the Order possessed in Scotland does not
appear to have realized anything in 1338, owing to the constant
wars which were devastating the country. It was estimated to
have yielded in former years the simi of £133 63. 8d.*

The amoimts given in these lists appear small, but when
taken in comparison with the cost of articles of food at the
time, become important. The accounts do not give us sufficient
data to obtain an average price for these ; but there is an assize
of the year 1335 in London, which constitutes a fair guide,
always remembering that country prices would be smaller.
By this we find wheat priced at 28. per quarter, a fatted ox
at 6s. 8d., a fat sheep 8d., pigeons 2d. per dozen, a fat
goose 2d., and a chicken Id. At these prices a shilling
would go very much further than a sovereign does at the
present time.

The list given of Templar lands shows that the Order had
by the yefiu' 1338 received a considerable addition to its
income from the transfer. It will also be seen that there
were many estates held by tenants for life, either rent free
or at a very low rate. This property may therefore be con-
sidered as of a gradually improving character. It must not
be assumed that the Hospitallers were equally fortimate with
their Templar estates in other coimtries. Nowhere did that

* '' Terre et tenementa, reddituB et servicia, ecclesie appropriate, etomnes
possessiones hospitalis in Soocia sunt destructa combusta per fortem gnerram
ibidem per mtdtos annos continnatam tmde nil hiis diebus potest levari.
Solebat, tamen, tempore pacis, reddere per annum C 0 marcas."

the Knights of Malta. 1 79

"body hold so much land as in England, nor was the transfer
of their possessions by any means so honestly carried out
in other countries. Even in England very extensive Templar
estates fell into secular hands, and although twenty years had
elapsed since their suppression, the accounts show that the
grand-prior had not been able as yet to obtain their restoration.
He enimierates them at the end of his report, giving the names
of the spoilers who were still standing between the Hospital and
its own. They ore as foUow : —

The manor of Strode, value £50 j ^^^^ ^ ^^^ ^^_

„ „ „ Deneye, £66 ISs. 4d V ^^ ^j Pembroke.

„ „ „ Hurst and -Neusom, £120 j
„ yy „ Flaxflete cum Cane, £100, held by Eandolph
Ne^^ll.
A water null at York, £13 6s. 8d., held by the king.
The manor of Carleton, £13 6s. 8d., held by Hugh le

Despencer.
„ „ „ Normanton-in-the-Vale, £10, held by Lord

de Koos.
„ Lydleye, £66 13s. 4d., held by the earl of

Arundel.
„ Penkeme, £20, held by the earl of Glou-
cester.
„ Gntyng and Bradewell, £133 6s. 8d., held

by Master Pancium.
„ Bristelesham, £66 13s. 4d., held by the

earl of Salisbury.
„ Bulstrode, £50, held by the abbess of

Bumham.
„ Sadelescombe, £66 138. 4d., held by earl
Warrenne.

»

yy

>>

»

yy

>y

Such was the mode of life carried on in the commanderies of
the English langue during the first half of the fourteenth
century. It will not be too much to assume that in other
coimtries a very similar system was pursued. Certain difPer-
ences must, of course, have been made to suit the habits and
character of the people. Although the liberty of the English
peasant in those days was but limited, it was far greater than

13*

i8o

A History of

that enjoyed by his continental brother. Doubtless the com-
mander in a French or Spanish manor ruled over his peasantry
with an autocratic despotism, denied to him in England.
We may also safely assume that in no other langue would
there have been so large an expenditure in the item of beer,
either melior or secunda. Certainly nowhere else would so noble
a revenue have been extracted from the same extent of land.
Still, allowing for these and other minor diGEerences, the report
of the grand-prior, Philip de Thame, affords a very excellent
clue to the general system of governance adopted by the Order
of St. John in the management of its property.

COMMANDERIES OF THE OrDER OF St. JoHN IN EnOLAND.

County.

Berkshire

Wiltshire

V Dorsetshire

Devonshire

Cornwall

Somerset

Hampshire

Sussex

Oxford

Gloucestershire . .
Herefordshire ....

Pembrokeshire . .

North "Wales

Warwickshire

Derbyshire

Yorkshire

Ditto

Ditto

Northumberland ..
Nottinghamshire ..
Lincolnshire

Ditto

Leicestershire ....
Northamptonshire.
Buckinghamshire .
Bedfordshire

Commandery.

Gross Income.

Grenham, including Shalde-

ford

Anesty

Mayne, including Eyngeston

and Waye
Bothemesoomb, including

Coue

Trebyghen

Bucldands, including Halse . .
Godesfield, including Badeslee

and Runham

Palynff

Claneield

Quenyngton

Dynemoor, including Sutton,

Rolston, and Wormebrigge

Slebech ...

Halstan, including Dongewal

Grafton

Yeveley

Newland

Mount St. John

Beverley

Chiboum

Oscington

Maltby

Skirbeck

Dalby, including Beaumont

Dynglev

Hoggesnawe ...

Melcnebum

£ s. d.

76 13 6

93 0 0

96 2 10

50 11 0

ExpMiditare.

15 11

4

20 10

8

124 10

4

83 9

8

66 13

11

30 3

8

78 11

3

34 0

0

60 13

4

34 9

0

179 8

4

57 6

9

182 7

3

82 1

4

307 1

10

141 2

7

157 5

10

79 7

0

78 15

2

29 15

1

95 6

0

63 6

0

56 5

4

30 6

0

58 8

4

24 16

0

83 17

6

43 17

6

23 18

8

17 13

4

95 0

8

77 7

0

116 6

8

50 6

6

84 11

8

79 5

0

128 15

8

66 8

3

79 4

0

37 0

4

74 14

10

28 16

4

106 2

4

49 17 10

£ 8. d.

34 8 8

39 18 8

42 5 4

22 3 2

the Knights of Malta.

i8i

C0MMAND£RI£S OF THE OrDER OF St. JoHN IN ENGLAND—

continued.

County.

Bedfordshire . .

Cambridgeshire

Ditto

Norfolk

Suffolk

Essex

Ditto

Kent

Ditto

Middlesex

Commondery.

Hardwyck, including Clifton

and relyng
Shenegeye, including "Wen-
deye, ^j*nyngton,aiiaCranden

Chippenham

Eerorok

Batesford, including Coden-

ham, and Melles

Mapeltrestede

Staundon

Swenefeld

Sutton-atte-Hone

Clerkenwell

Gross income.

£ s. d.

69 3 5

187 12 8

110 16 9

192 2 4

93 10 8

77 16 8

34 15 4

82 4 4

40 0 0

400 0 0

Expenditure.

£
15

8. d.
10 0

60 18 8

94
71
33

37
23
52

16 6

12 7

3 10

16 8

0 0

18 4

421 12 4

CAMERiB OF THE OrDER OF St. JoHN IN ENGLAND.

County.

Dorsetshire

Hampshire

Leicestershire

Derbyshire

Lancashire

Ditto

Yorkshire

Ditto

Ditto

Nottinghamshire .

Lincolnshire ....
Northamptonshire.

Ditto

Ditto

Bedfordshire

Cambridgeshire . .

Suffolk

Essex

Ditto

Ditto

Kent

Middlesex

Buckinghamshire .

Warwid:

Bedfordshire ....
Middlesex

Ditto

Camera.

Gross income.

Chiltecomb, including Tolre.

Wodecot

Swyneford, including Shade-
well

Baruwe

Wolueton

Le Stede

Coppegrave .■

Huntyndon

Steynton

Wynkeboume, including
Deynilthorp

Horkestouwe and Botnesford

Blacolneslee

Grildisburgh

Hetherington

Eton

Asshelee

Preston

Saunford

StUbyng and Chauree

Brokesboum

Stallesf ed and Ore

Heref eld

"Wydende

Rutou on Donnesmor

ChikeweU

Newynton

Hampton

£ 8. d.

24 5 4

16 8

27 2 6

36 2 0

13 6 8

6 13 4

13 6 8

6 13 4

6 7 8

62 8 5

• •■-■••

41
33
53
53
77
23
13
5
53
20
26
26
6
Not
13
10
83

6 11

6 8

6 8

2 0

12 4
6 8
6 8
0 0
6 8
0 0

13 4
13 4
13 4

stated.

6 8

0 0

13 10

Expenditure.

£ 8. d.

4 5 4
NO.

7 2 8

12 15 4
NU.
NU.
NU.
NU.

1 13 4
22 8 5

Nil.
NU.

Na.

13 15 4'
20 5 8

4 13 4

NU.

Nil.

NU.
16 0 0

NU.

NU.

NU.

NU.

NU.

NU.
30 7 2

l82

A History of

Propekty T&ansfehred from the Templars.

County.

Northumberland .

Ditto

Yorkshire

Ditto

Ditto

Ditto

Ditto

Ditto

Ditto

Ditto

Ditto

Lincolnshire ....

Ditto

Ditto

Ditto

Ditto

Ditto

Ditto

Ditto

Ditto

Ditto ........

Nottinghamshire .

Ditto

Rutlandshire ....
Huntingdonshire .
Buckinghamshire .
Cambridgeshire . .

Ditto

Norfolk

Suifolk

Cambridgeshire . .
Essex

Ditto

Ditto

Ditto

Bedfordahire

Ditto

Ditto

Hertfordshire ....

Ditto

Middlesex

Kent

Ditto

Ditto

Commandery.

Thornton

Penhull

Couton

Rybstavn and Wederby ....

W y thefee

Etton

Ff oukebrigg

Alnerthorp

Westerdal

Coupmanthorp

Eelyngton

Wilugnton, including Gay-
nesburg, Golkesby, Calke-
well, Thorp in Warectis,
Ingham, Cabourne, Lym-
berg, Saxeby, Mere, Wad-
yngton, Estu*kele, Claxby,
Temlby, Walcote

Upton

Keteby and Bellewode

Hareby

Bruere, including Bouston
and North Kirkeby

Caldecot

Egle

Aslakeby

Suth Wyme

Donyngton

Marnham

Tfauflour

Stretton

Wassinglee

Radenach

Wilbergham

Dokesworth

Togrynd

Gyselingham

Wendeye

Cressing and Wytham

Sutton

Swonton

Shamebrook

Melbrock

Stokton

Langef ord

Langenok

Dyneslee

Sylleston

Waltham

Ewell

Dertford

Gross revenae.

Expenditure.

£ 8.

d.

£ S. d.

16 5

0

7 5 0

Not stated.

Nil.

83 6

8

9 1 8

167 11

8

66 9 10

13 6

8

Nil.

13 11

2

Not stated.

18 4

0

7 6 8

19 17

8

1 13 4

37 16

0

6 6 8

10 0

0

Nil.

20 0

0

Nil.

284 3

5

82 10 8

Not stated.

Not stated.

16 0 0

177 7 8

2 0 0

122 11 10

40 0 0

26 13 4

10 0 0

20 0 0

4 13 4

8 0 0

Not stated.

6 13 4

98 1 8

16 11 0

6 16 0

0 5 0

16 13 4

133 12 4

16 13 4

4 4 0

0 13 4

Not stated.

16 13 4

16 13 4

25 6 8
18 0 0
10 0 0

2 0 0

26 13 4
Not stated.

Nil.

Nil.

Nil.

84 0 2

Nil.
bb 18 4

NU.

Nil.

Nil.

NQ.

Nil.

Nil.

NQ.

NQ.
32 17 0
8 8 4
0 15 11

Nil.

Nil.
40 5 8

NU.

Nil.

NU.

NU.

NU.

NU.
Not stated.

NU.

Nil.

NU.

NU.

NU.

the Knights of Malta.

183

Property Transferred from the Templars — continued.

County.

Surrey

Sussex

Ditto

Leioestershire . . .

Ditto

Ditto

Warwickshire

Ditto

Pembrokeshire .
Somersetshire . . .

Wiltshire ....
Somersetshire . .
Oxfordshire

Ditto

Ditto

Gloaoestershire . .

Ditto

Worcestershire . .
Warwickshire

Ditto

Ditto

Herefordshire ....
Monmouthshire . .

Shropshire .
Staffordshire

Commandery.

Sutwerk

Compton

Shepelee

Rothelee

Melton Mowbray

Stonnesbv

BaUessall, including Flecham-
stede and CheUdoote

Warrewyck

Templeton

Templecoumbe, including
Wileton, Westcombeland,
Lopene, - Lode^ Bristoll,
Worle, Hidon, Templeton,
and Cleyhaugre

Roucle, including Lokerugge

Chiryton

Saunford, with Templecoulee,
Meriton, Sibf ord, Horspath,
Orerhorspath, and Little-
mor

Bradewell

Werpesgrave cum Esjmdon . .

Templegutyng

Broughton

Lawem

Wolneye

Herberbury

Stodleye

Uppeledene

(jarewy, including Hare-
woode, Lamadock, Eeimeys,
and Sanctus Wolstanus

Staunton, with Prene

Keel

Gross revenue.

£ 8. d.

16 13 4
2 13 4

17 17 6
87 7 0

6 13 4

6 13 4

127 2 6

18 3 4
6 3 3

106 13 0

20 7 7

13 15 1

141 5 4

15 16 8

18 0 0

6 13 4

5 0 0

5 0 0

5 0 0

6 4 0
0 15 0

44 4 8

87 0 4

32 7 1
13 6 8

Expenditure.
£ 8. d.

Nil.
10 16 8
20 13 8

Nil.

NU.
74 19 0

12 6 8

Nil
66 13 0

7 7 7

5 0 0

59 17 7

NU.

Na.

Nil.

NU.

NU.

Nil.

NU.

NU.
15 12 0
46 17 0

8 9 10
13 6 8

CHAPTER Vni.
1365—1402.

Eleotion of Raymond Beranger — Expedition to Alexandria and capture of
the town — Election of Heredia — His previous history — He escorts the
Pope to Rome—Joins the expedition to Patras — Capture of the town —
Heredia falls into the hands of the Turks — His ransom — Schism in the
church — Heredia returns to Avignon — His death — Election of Philibert
de Kaillac — Battle of Kicopolis — ^Purchase of the Morea — Its subsequent
restoration — ^Timoor the Tartar — His overthrow of Bajazet — ^Loss of
Smyrna.

The vacancy caused by the death of Roger de Pins was, as
recorded at the end of the sixth chapter, filled by Raymond
Beranger, who, like his predecessor, was a knight of Provence.
He inaugurated his accession by an expedition, undertaken in
concert with the king of Cjrprus, against the infidel. The port of
Alexandria had of late years become the principal rendezvous
of the Turkish corsairs who infested the Levant. He deter-
mined, therefore, in conjunction with his ally, to make a
sudden and bold attempt against this powerful fortress. The
armament assembled in Cyprus, and consisted of a fleet muster-
ing nearly one himdred vessels of various sizes, carrying a large
body of troops, most of whom were mercenaries serving under
the banner of the Hospital. The sudden appearance of this
expedition within the harbour of Alexandria took the garrison
completely by surprise, and the Grand-Master, hoping to profit
by their confusion, ordered an immediate assault. The defen-
ders were, however, too numerous to allow the success of this
attempt at a coup de main. The parapets were speedily lined
on all sides, and wherever the Christians attempted to pene-
trate, they were met by a most obstinate resistance.

This was the first occasion upon which, within the lifetime
of any of its members, the Order had taken part in a regular
expedition against the Turks. The fraternity was therefore

■■■■■^WWH

A History of ike Knights of Malta. 185

nerved and excited by feelings of emulation to vie with the
prowess of their ancestors. In vain the defenders poured the
most murderous missiles upon their opponents. In spite of
showers of arrows darkening the air in every direction, heedless
of the Ghreek jBre and boiling oil which were streamed upon those
who attempted to mount the ladders, or of the huge rocks
beneath the weight of which they were crushed to the earth,
they still persisted in the assault. Encouraged by the presence
and example of their chief, they returned with redoubled
ardour after each successive repulse, until at length, overcoming
every obstacle, they forced their way into the town, and drove
the enemy into the citadel. This fierce struggle cost the Order
the lives of no less than one hundred knights, but its results
were so important that the sacrifice was well warranted. The
booty found in the town was enormous, and the shipping in the
harbour so extensive that its destruction was a serious blow to
the naval power of the Turk.

This capture took place on the 10th October, 1365, and
Baymond at once prepared to follow up his success by attacking
the citadel. Before he was able to accomplish his design, he
received intelligence that the sultan of Cairo was advancing to
its relief with an army so considerable as to render a further
contest hopeless. He therefore re- embarked his forces, and
returned in triumph to Rhodes. Unfortunately before doing
so, a disgraceful scene of murder and pillage took place, and
Beranger left behind him only a town in flames, the bulk of
the population massacred, and a wail of execration at the
very name of Christian. A large number of Europeans who
had been captured and made slaves were released and brought
to Rhodes, many imfortunate Turks being also taken on
board the galleys to imdergo in their turn a similar fate.
Amongst the former was Pierre de Saint Georges, a nephew
of the Pope. This auspicious release went far to ingratiate
the fraternity with his Holiness, and rendered him more
ready than he had hitherto been to support its interests.

Two years after, the Order, in alliance with the republic
of Genoa and the king of Cyprus, attacked and carried the
fortresses of Tripoli, Tarsus, Laodicea, ^nd Bellinas. These
successes so enraged the sultan Amurath I., that he commenced

1 86 A History of

preparations for an attaok on Bhodes. Beranger at onoe took
all the necessary precautions to resist such an invasion. He
purchased ample stores of provisions, ammunition, etc., for the
town and other fortified points in the island, and called upon
the various grand-priories to supply reinforcements of men,
horses, and arms. 'The storm, however, passed away without
bursting, and Beranger was left to end his days in peace.
This event took place in the year 1374, when Robert Julliac,
the grand-prior of France, was appointed to fill the vacancy.
At the time of his election he was residing in his priory,
and before making his journey to Rhodes, he proceeded to
Avignon to pay his homage to the Pope. "Whilst there he
received instructions from his Holiness that the knights shoidd
in future take under their control the entire responsibility
and direction of the defence of Smyrna. This was a post
which, whilst most valuable to the interests of Christendom, was
one of extreme danger and costliness to its immediate holders.
Situated as it was at a considerable distance &om Rhodes, its
garrison was completely isolated. Any energetic attempt, there-
fore, upon the part of the enemy by whom it was surrounded
would probably lead to its destruction before sufficient rein-
forcements could arrive. The cost also of the maintenance
of such a force as the place imperatively demanded was a
terrible drain upon the already crippled resources of the treasury
at Rhodes. As a partial alleviation of this burden, the Pope
assigned for the special support of the defence of Smyrna
the sum of one thousand livres annually, payable out of the
tithes of the kingdom of Cyprus.

Charged with these unwelcome instructions, Julliac proceeded
to Rhodes, and there, before a general council, he announced
to its members the mandate of the pontiff. The dismay upon
receiving this intelligence was unbounded. It was felt that the
post was one of almost certain destruction sooner or later, and
that whoever might be selected to form one of its garrison would
be proceeding to inevitable death. At the same time they saw
plainly enough how difficult it would be for them to oppose
the wishes of the Pope without incurring the imputation of
cowardice, a charge from which they naturally shrank with
chivalric horror. It was therefore decided to accept the trust,

the Knights of Malta. 187

and to rely on the spirit of the firatemity to furnish volunteers
for the purpose. This oonfidenoe was not misplaced ; the neoes-
saiy numbers came forward with alacrity, and were at once
despatched to take over their new acquisition.

The old and constantly recurring difficulties as to the non-
payment of responsions from the various priories again came to
the front during Julliac's rule. It was decided in council that
any receiver who failed in remitting the due amounts to the
general treasury, should be at once superseded and replaced
by one who would make his payments with punctuality. The
same regulation was to be enforced against commanders. The
execution of this decree led to much ill-feeling on the part of
the defaulters, who lead their remonstrances before the Pope.
Julliac showed great tact in his manner of dealing with this
appeal. He pointed out to his Holiness that it was impossible
for the Qrand-Master and council to carry on the government
of the Order if their decrees were to be constantly objected
to and suspended from action until the matter had been
decided. The Pope saw the justice of the complaint, and ruled
that all regulations emanating from the council were to be at
once carried into effect, any appeal therefrom notwithstanding.
As regarded the immediate subject in dispute, he further
decided that the fiat of the Gfrand-Master as to removals
from office on account of non-payment of responsions should
be final.

This firmness and decision on the part of Jtdliac was attended
with the happiest results. It was seen on all sides that he was
a man not to be trifled with, at the same time that he was
rigidly just and impartial in his decisions. Unfortunately
he did not live long enough to carry out any permanent reform,
as he died on the 29th July, 1377. He was buried in an antique
Greek sarcophagus of white marble, which was utilized for the
purpose. This sarcophagus, after the capture of Rhodes by the
Turks in 1522, was emptied of its contents and turned into
a basin for a public fountain. It remained converted to this
ignoble use until quite recently, when it was purchased by the
French government, and deposited in the museum of Cluny. The
inscription placed on it at the time of Julliac's death still
remains. It runs thus: — "Hie jacet in Christo religiosus et

1 88 A History of

pater Ordinis Prater Robertus de Julhiaco quondam Magister
saorsB domus Hospitalis Sanoti Joannis Hierosolimitani qui
obiit Die xxix Julii Anno Domini mccclxxvii Cujus anima
requiescat in pace." "Here lies in Christ the holy brother
and father of his Order, Brother Robert de Julliao, formerly
Master of the sacred house of the Hospital of St. John of
Jerusalem, who died on the 29th day of July in the year of our
Lord 1377, may his soid rest in peace."

Juan Ferdinand d'Heredia, the castellan of Emposta, grand-
prior of Catalonia, Castile, and St. Qilles, the most extra-
ordinary pluralist that had ever been known in the fraternity,
was nominated as the new Grand-Master. The career of this
man had been so strange, and his influence over the fortunes of
the Order both for evil and for good so powerful, that he has
with justice been looked on as one of the most conspicuous
characters who have figured in its annals. Descended from a
noble family in Aragon, he was the younger brother of the
Grand Justiciary of that kingdom, a post of honour and im-
portance second only to that of the crown. His brother, who
had been for some years married without issue, was anxious to
see the family perpetuated through him, and therefore caused
him to marry at a very early age. The fruits of this union were
only two girls, at the birth of the younger of whom Juan was left
a widower. His brother, still eager for an heir, lost no time in
securing for him a second alliance, selecting for the purpose a
niece of his own wife. From this marriage a son was bom,
who was regarded both by his father and uncle as the future
inheritor of the vast wealth and high dignities of the family,
Juan himself being destitute of fortune, and entirely dependent
on his brother. His second wife died after giving birth to a
daughter, leaving him again a widower with four children,
three girls and a boy. Shortly afterwards, to his dismay, and
to the complete overthrow of all his expectations, his brother's
wife, who had for so many years been cliildless, gave birth to a
son, whose advent was speedily followed by that of afiother.
This disastrous incident left Juan, who was of a high spirit and
haughty temperament, beggared in fortune, and without prospects
for the future. Unable to rest quietly in his new position, and
to remain through life an abject pensioner on his brother's

the Knights of Malta. 1 89

boTintj, he secretly took his departure for Rhodes, leaving his
children under the protection of their uncle. There he was re-
ceived with every demonstration of welcome by the Gfrand-Master,
Elyou de Villanova, and at once professed as a knight. He
soon ingratiated himself with the dignitaries of the fraternity,
and his advancement became as rapid as his high birth and
unquestionable merits warranted. He was promoted in succes-
sion to the commandery of Alhambra, to that of Villet, then to
the bailiwick of Capsa, and lastly to the castellany of Emposta,
one of the most important posts possessed by the Order.

The grand-priory of Catalonia having become vacant, the
nomination of a successor to the dignity gave rise to a dispute
between the Pope and the Grand-Master. The former had
nominated a proUg4 of his own in defiance of the wishes of
the council, and in utter disregard to the claims of seniority.
They strongly resisted the nomination, and appointed a
successor on their own account. In such a delicate matter
the Grand-Master felt desirous that the dispute should, if
possible, be decided amicably. He determined, therefore, upon
sending an envoy to the court of Avignon, with plenary powers
to treat with his Holiness upon the disputed question. This
was an office of much delicacy, requiring a person of exti'eme
tact, in whose judgment and good faith the coimcil could place
implicit reliance. Heredia was unanimously selected for the
duty, and, having received the most detailed instructions
as to the line of conduct he should pursue towards the Pope, he
set sail for France.

After his arrival at Avignon he was not long in discovering
that it would be impossible to induce Clement to revoke
the nomination he had made to the vacant dignity. Heredia
therefore directed his energies towards the bringing about of a
compromise which should be amicable in its nature, and by
which the dignity of neither party should be offended. After
much negotiation with the rival claimants, in the course of
which he displayed in an eminent degree that diplomatic address
which was destined shortly to secure his own political advance-
ment, he obtained their joint consent to an arrangement by
which the revenues of the priory were to be divided between
them, the Pope's nominee retaining the title. To this decision

igo A History of

the pontifE willingly gave his sanction, overjoyed to find the
dispute brought to a close without the necessity for any retracta-
tion on his part. The compromise was not equally gratify-
ing to the council, and Heredia felt that his own position at
Ehodes would probably be much affected thereby. He, more-
over, was not slow in perceiving that he would be in a position
to secure his own advancement far better by ingratiating himself
with the Pope than by a weary residence at Bhodes with an
offended chief and antagonistic council. Instead, therefore, of
taking his departure after his mission had been brought to a
conclusion, he lingered at Avignon until he had succeeded in
obtaining from the pontiff the appointment of supervisor to the
disputed priory, neither of its joint holders being competent,
from their advanced age, to undertake the duty themselves. It
was not long before they both died, and the appointment being
thus again thrown open, Heredia, who had by this time com-
pletely established himself in favour at Avignon, obtained
from the complaisant pontiff his own nomination to the vacant
dignity.

The dismay of the council at Rhodes when the intelligence
reached them of this new usurpation of authority on the part of
Clement may be readily conceived. This was aggravated by the
fact that the envoy from whose diplomatic address they had
expected such great results had himself taken advantage of those
abuses which they had commissioned him to oppose, and had
secured a nomination to which, by the rights of seniority, he did
not possess any claim. The new grand-prior felt that, after
having taken this step, all idea of a return to Rhodes must be
abandoned. He therefore exerted himself to the utmost to
secure his position at the court of Avignon, and to ingratiate
himself with his new patron. In this he was so successful that
ere long he became the favoured minister and principal adviser
of the Pope.

About this time hostilities had broken out between the kings
of England and France. An immediate collision being antici-
pated, Clement, who was earnestly desirous of avoiding such a
calamity, despatched Heredia in the capacity of a mediator to
the hostile camps, trusting that his diplomatic skill might suflBce
to bring about a suspension of arms. The envoy, who entertained

the Knights of Malta, 1 9 1

but slender hopes of being able to efPect such a result, secured
the pontiff's permission to attach himself to whichever party
was willing to accept his mediation should the opposing side
decline his services. In the course of his negotiations he dis-
covered that the king of France was desirous of ridding him-
self, upon any terms, of the English invaders, and was therefore
most willing to accept his good offices. On the other hand,
when he visited the British camp, he found Edward in a very
different mood. His offers of mediation were peremptorily
refused, and he himself treated with the coolest disdain. Irri-
tated at this behaviour on the part of the English monarch, he
announced that, in pursuance of the permission he had received
from the Pope, he should join the ranks of the French king in
the struggle which he perceived to be impending.

Within a few days the battle of Crecy was fought. Heredia,
under the French banner, displayed the most conspicuous
gallantry, and, towards the close of the engagement, was the
means of saving the life of the French king. Philip had been
unhorsed and surrounded, when the grand-prior cut his way
into the midst, gave the king his own horse, and arrested his
pursuers, thus enabling him to make his way to the Chateau de
Broye. Heredia was desperately wounded in the effort, and
lay for some time in a very dangerous condition. Before his
recovery was complete it came to his ears that some of the
chivalry of England in the hostile camp had expressed them-
selves in no measured terms as to the impropriety of an envoy
having taken an active part in the battle. Heedless of his
own enfeebled condition, he at once despatched a herald to
Edward, offering the gage of battle to any one who considered
his conduct unbecoming the character of his office. This gage
would undoubtedly have been accepted had not Edward at once
published the declaration made to him by Heredia before the
battle, and therefore honourably acquitted him of all impro-
priety. As soon as he was sufficiently recovered from his
wounds he once more resumed his office of negotiator. It is to
his good services on that occasion that the truce, which was
shortly afterwards concluded between the two monarchs, has
been generally attributed.

During the pontificate of Innocent YI., the successor of

192 A History of

Clement, the fortunes of Heredia reached their zenith. He
had been the most intimate friend of the new pontiff prior to
his elevation, and now became his sole confidant and adviser.
He was appointed governor of Avignon, and the affairs of
the papacy were entirely committed into his hands. Whilst
occupying this exalted position he was courted on all
sides. The princes of Europe and their ministers sought by the
most lavish gifts to ingratiate themselves with a man in whom
80 much power was vested. He consequently amassed a large
amoimt of treasure, which he bestowed upon his children. These,
now no longer dependent on their imcle, found themselves raised
by their father to a position suited to the claims of their birth,
and surrounded with all the pomp and luxury which wealth could
bestow. Heredia was a man of no ordinary mind ; there was
a magnificence in his ideas more suited to one bom to the
inheritance of a princely revenue than to the cadet of a family,
however noble. Thus we find him, in gratitude to his patron,
surrounding Avignon with a fortified enceinte at his own sole
cost, a work which must have entailed the expenditure of a vast
sum. The Pope, equally prodigal in his gifts, though more
crafty as to the source from whence he drew them, bestowed
upon him in return the two grand-priories of CastUe and St.
Gilles. As the cost of this gift fell exclusively upon the
unfortunate Order, the council was naturally very indignant.
The just claims of the senior knights were by the mere dictum
of the Pope set aside, and the principal dignities which should
have been in its gift were lavished upon a man who had
proved himself a traitor to its interests.

After the death of Innocent and during the sway of his
successor. Urban V., Heredia perceived that his influence at the
papal court w£is sensibly decKning. The death of Urban, and
the election of Gregory XI., in 1370, caused it to become still
further curtailed. He therefore came to the conclusion that it
would be wise to provide himself an honourable retirement for
his old age, far from the scene of political turmoil in the midst
of which he had been for so many years plunged. With this
view he cast his eyes upon the Grand-Mastership at Rhodes
as a position precisely suited to his purpose. The death of
Julliac presented him with an appropriate opportunity for

the Knights of Malta. 193

carrying his design into execution. Availing himself of the
vast interest which his position had secured for him amongst
the cardinals and others whose voices were likely to control
the electors in their choice, he caused himself to be put in
nomination. The council had so often felt the weight of his
influence when exerted prejudicially to themselves, that they
were not slow in realizing the policy of disarming such potent
antagonism by linking his interests indissolubly with their own.
It was universally admitted that he was at the time the most
able man within the ranks of the fraternity, and had he not so
often proved a bitter enemy to its interests, his election would
have been unanimous ; as matters stood, it was not till after
a long and acrimonious discussion that his partisans were able
to carry their point. Eventually they were successful, and
Heredia found himself duly elected to the post he coveted,
and to which it had hitherto appeared so improbable that he
could ever attain.

It was at this time that Ghregory carried into execution the
project he had long entertained of restoring the seat of the
papacy to Bome. A period of seventy years had now elapsed
since Clement V. had removed it to Avignon, and Gfxegory
began to perceive that unless some such measure were speedily
adopted, the allegiance of the City of the Seven Hills would
in all probability be lost to the pontificate. The Pope was
escorted on his voyage from Marseilles to Italy by the new
Ghrand-Master, who had assembled a fleet of eight galleys for
his own conveyance to Bhodes, and it is recorded that he
steered with his own hands the galley in which his Holiness
was embarked. In the Qrdf of lions they encountered a
severe tempest, during which Heredia, in his novel capacity,
displayed most excellent seamanship in extricating his vessel
from peril. It is much to be doubted whether this statement
can be credited. His career, although a varied and a notable
one, had not led him much upon the sea; it is therefore
more than probable that whatever skill may have been shown
at this crisis was due to the presence of some humbler indi-
vidual, whose nautical knowledge was at the service of the
Grand-Master.

Having seen the Pope securely established in his new home,

14

194 A History of

Heredia ix)ok his leave, and proceeded on his way to Bhodes.
Whilst off the coast of the Morea he fell in with a Venetian
fleet, then on its way to Patras, a city which had belonged
to the republic, during which time it had been famed for
its commerce in silk. It had recently been captured by the
Turks, and the object of the expedition was to attempt its
recovery. The Venetian general was overjoyed at meeting
with the Qrand-Master, and implored him to lend his valuable
aid in the undertaking. Heredia felt that his presence was
urgently required at Ehodes, and he had, moreover, attained
an age when he might well have been excused from join-
ing in any such enterprise. His, however, was a spirit
in which the fire of chivaby burnt as brightly in his old
age as in his youth. Casting aside all the dictates of
prudence, he entered eagerly into the views of the Vene-
tians, and joined his force to theirs against the common
enemy.

The allied fleets, having reached their destination, disem-
barked their forces, who marched direct on Patras, situated
about a mile from the shore. The town fell at the flrst
assault, but the citadel, which was very strongly fortified,
resisted all attempts at an escalade. It was soon seen that
nothing short of a regular siege would suffice for its capture.
This was therefore commenced in due form, and through the
vigour of Heredia, pushed forward with extreme rapidity.
A practicable breach was no sooner established than, weary
with the delay that had taken place, and irritated at the
losses his force had sustained, he at once directed an assault
to be delivered. Impetuous as ever, in spite of his years, he
was the first to plant a ladder on the point of attack, and
thence surmounting the breach, he forced his way on to the
rampart before he could be followed by any of his knights.
The first person he encountered there was the Turkish
commandant, whom he at once assailed. A desperate struggle
ensued, which ended in the death of the Turk, Heredia
cutting ofi his head and bearing it away in triumph. The
losfl of their leader having disheartened the garrison, a very
slender resistance was made, and the capture of Patras was
completed.

the Knights of Malta. 195

TTnf ortxmately for Heredia, he was induced by the Veneiianfl
to extend his conquests still further in the Morea, and the city
of Corinth was selected as the next point of attack. Whilst
making a reoonnoissance before this place with a veiy slender
escort, Heredia was surprised by an ambuscade of the enemy.
After a most energetic but fruitless resistance, he was captured
and carried ofi into the city. The chiefs of the expedition were
so dismayed at this untoward event, that they offered the restora-
tion of Patras as his ransom. This, however, the Turks refused,
asserting that they should soon be in a position to re*-capture the
town for themselves. Upon this the Christians supplemented
their ofier by the further proposal to pay a large sum of money,
and to leave the three grand-priors of England, St. Qilles, and
Eome, all of whom were then with the army, as hostages for
the payment. It is stated by almost all the historians who have
nairated the event, that this ofFer having been accepted by the
Turks, Heredia himself put his veto on it, stating that it was
&r better that an old man like himself should perish in slavery
than that three more youthful and valuable members should be
lost to the Order, even for a time. He also declined the pay-,
ment of any ransom out of the public treasury, asserting that he
had sufficiently enriched his own family to enable them to come
to his assistance in this his hour of need. No entreaties, they
add, could change the indomitable resolution of the gallant old
man, and his companions were reluctantly compelled to leave
him in the hands of the enemy, where he remained for a period
of three years, until, in 1381, he was ransomed by his family,
and thus enabled to proceed to Ehodes.

Such is the story as told by the leading historians, with,
however, one notable exception. Bosio, the Italian writer,
who is in many respects the most trustworthy chronicler of
his epoch, asserts that Heredia was eventually induced to permit
his ransom to be effected by the Order, pending the anival of
the necessary funds from his family in Spedn; and that the three
grand-priors were left as hostages until the money was sent from
Bhodes. This certainly seems the most rational solution of the
difficulty, and it is very probably the true record of what did
actually take place.

During this interval a schism had sprung up in the Church,

14*

196 A History of

whicli WM destined to have a most pemiciouB effect upon the
Order of St. John. At the death of Gregory, in 1378, the
populace of Kome, fearful lest the cardinals, then assemhled
for the election of his successor, should choose a pontiff who
would restore the seat of government to Avignon, compelled
them, by the most open and glaring intimidation, to nominate
an Italian, the Neapolitan archbishop of Bara. This prelate
ascended the papal throne under the title of Urban VI. In
spite of the protests which poured in from all quarters against
the validity of the election, he at once assumed the reins
of government and the exercise of his office. The cardinals,
on the other hand, had no sooner escaped from their thraldom
at Rome than they reassembled in a secure spot from which
they decreed their former appointment invalid, on the score
of intimidation. They further proceeded to a new election,
and nominated Robert, brother of the count of Geneva, to
the pontificate under the title of Clement VII. The rival
popes fulminated their ecclesiastical thunders, each against the
adherents of his opponent, and the schism rapidly spread
•throughout the whole of Europe. Heredia, upon his release
from captivity, at once declared for Clement, in which he was
supported by the convent at Rhodes and the langues of France,
Provence, Auvergne, and Spain. The Italian, German, and
English langueSf on the other hand, joined the party of Urban,
and thus the dispute found its way into the heart of the
Order. As a further complication. Pope Urban, in revenge for
the Grand-Master's declaration in favour of his rival, formally
deposed him, and on his own authority nominated Richard
Carracciolo, grand-prior of Capua, as his successor. It haa
been a disputed point how far Carracciolo can be considered
a legitimate Grand-Master, some writers having recognized
his claim to the dignity, whilst others ignore him altogether.
As the deposition of Heredia and the election of Carracciolo
never emanated from the council of the Order, nor were after-
wards ratified by them, but were simply the arbitrary acts of
a pontiff whose own title was not recognized by the majority
of the fraternity, there can be but little doubt that the nomina-
tion was invalid, and that Heredia still remained the legitimate
Grand-Master. This view of the case is materially strengthened

^n^

the Knights of Malta. 197

by the fact that on the death of Carracciolo, which took place
before that of Heredia, Boniface IX., who had replaced
TJrban, refrained from nominating a new chief, and contented
himself with making his own near relative, Boniface of Cara-
mandra, lieutenant of the Order. He at the same time
annulled all the appointments which had been conferred by
Carracciolo, in order to remove, as far as practicable, any
further cause for schism.

During these disputes and disorders Heredia found it was im-
possible to enforce due obedience to his authority from many of
the European connnanders. Availing themselves of the doubt-
ful nature of his position they neglected to pay their responsions ;
and repudiating all submission to the decrees of the council,
they assumed an independence most fatal to the interests of the
fraternity. Under these circumstances Heredia was requested
to return to Avignon, and to seek at the hands of Pope Clement
the means of reducing the refractory commanders to submission.
Mindful of the bad use which he had once previously made
of his authority on a similar occasion, the council, prior to his
departure, extracted from him a pledge that he would faithfully
remit to the public treasury all the responsions which he might
collect. So as to compel him to hasten his return to Ehodes
they further decreed that during his absence from the convent
the power should be withheld from him of nominating to any
vacant dignities. They carried their precautions still further by
selecting four knights, who were to accompany him, ostensibly
as an escort, but in reality as a check on his movements. Their
suspicions proved groundless. Heredia, as Grand-Master, was
a very different person from the young and ambitious knight,
with his fortune still before him and his way to push in the
world. At his request the Pope summoned several chapters-
general at Avignon, at all of which he presided, and in which
many beneficial regulations were enacted. By precept and
example he succeeded in recalling a great majority of the
recusants to their duty, and obtained for the treasury the
payment of many arrears in the responsions.

As at this time Smyrna and Rhodes were threatened by the
Turks, he despatched to both places, at his own cost, vessels
laden with provisions and munitions of war. He also made

1 98 A History of

several foundations in favom* of his langtie in the kingdom of
Aragon.

At length, in the year 1396, Heredia, bowed with years and
with the cares of his office, sank into the grave, universally
regretted and beloved by his fraternity. The virtues and
good deeds of his old age had obliterated the reminiscences of
what he had been during the earlier portion of his career. Men
forebore to think on all the wrongs which he had wrought
against them in former times when contemplating the advantages
and the prosperity, which, during his rule of twenty years, he
had been the means of promoting. He was, in truth, a strange
compound of good and evil. Greedy of wealth he was, yet no
miser ; he was ever prompt to scatter with a lavish hand, and
with the most magnificent profusion, those treasures which he
had toiled so incessantly to amass. Ambitious in the highest
degree, he scrupled not at the means he employed to attain
power ; yet, having gained the highest dignity which the Order
could bestow, he used that power only for the public service, and
for the most beneficent purposes. Indeed, both his rapa<)ity
and his ambition seem to have sprung more from the desire to
benefit his children than himself. Their position in life once
fairly established, much of the eagerness with which he had
pursued wealth and power seems to have subsided. He was
left in his old age to earn for himself that high position which
he undoubtedly occupies as one of the greatest and wisest of
those who had as yet swayed the fortunes of the fraternity.
Vertot well sums up his career by saying that it would have
been good for the Order had he never entered it ; or, having
once reached the goal, had he been permitted never to be taken
away from it. He was buried in the monastery of N. D. de
Caste, in Spain, of which he was the founder.

The vacancy caused by his death occurred at a time when
the convent was not only distracted by the papal schism still
raging in Europe, but also threatened by a new and redoubt-
able antagonist in the East. Under these circumstances it wsls
necessary that it should be extremely cautious in the selection
of a successor. Philibert de Naillac, a native of Berri, grand-
prior of Aquitaine, was the knight who enlisted in his favour
the majority of suffrages. Subsequent events fully bore out the

the Knights of Malta. 199

wisdom of the choice. He had no sooner assumed the duties
of government than he was called upon to join in a general
European Crusade against the foe already alluded to.

Bajazet, or Bajazid, a descendant and successor of Othman,
had overcome in succession most of the petty sovereigns by
whom he was surrounded. His ambition increasing in propor-
tion to his successes, he threatened an irruption into Hungary,
Thence he openly boasted that he would push his way into Italy,
where, after having planted his standard on the Capitol at
Bome, he would convert the altar of St. Peter's into a manger
for his horse. The Pope became terrified at these menaces,
which the power of Bajazet's army and the feebleness of the
eastern ^rtion of Europe rendered by no means impossible of
execution. He therefore invoked the aid of Europe to crush
the proud dream of the aspiring chieftain. In obedience to
his call-f^ league was formed, comprising Charles VI., king of
France, Philip the Bold, duke of Burgundy, the republic of
Venice, Michael Paleologus, the Greek emperor, the knights of
B*hodes, and the chiefs of sundry other petty principalities in
the East.

This expedition, of which the greater part was composed of
Frenchmen, marched through Germany, Bavaria, and Austria
into Hungary, where they were joined by de NaiUac, with a large
contingent of his fraternity. The count de Nevers, eldest son
of the duke of Burgimdy, commanded the French contingent,
whilst Sigismond, king of Himgary, attached the Hospitallers,
with whose worth he was well acquainted, to his own forces.
The €mny which had thus assembled was so powerful that
throughout its ranks an overweening confidence and a fatal
sense of security prevailed. It was deemed impossible that
Bajazet, with his wild hordes, could for ona moment stand
against the proud array advancing to overwhelm him. Their
march, in consequence, resembled more a triumphal progress
than a critical movement in the face of a bold and wary
enemy.

During this time Bajazet had been engaged in the blockade
of Constantinople, a city which he was most anxious to subdue,
but which at the moment he did not feel sufficiently strong
to attack openly. He remained quietly with his troops, not

200 A History of

attempting to oppose any check to the advance of the Christians,
but contenting himself with watching warily the general course
of events, and studiously concealing all information as to his
own movements. The allies having passed the Danube, entered
Bulgaria 100,000 strong, of whom one-half were cavalry.

Their first operation was to imdertake the siege of NicopoUs,
a powerful fortress on the right bank of the Danube, a little
below the confluence of the Aluta and Osma. This place was
foimded by Trajan, and some remains of his waUs are still to
be seen. The works occupied a height dominating over that
part of the town which lay without the enceinte. It was a
very strong post and well fortified, being one of considerable
commercial importance. At this time it was commanded by
one of Bajazet's most experienced leaders. The defence was
conducted with the utmost skill and bravery, every inch of the
ground being warmly contested. The Christians found the
advance very slow and their successes unimportant, when taken
into consideration with the losses they daily sustained. During
all this time their camp was the scene of the most reckless
debauchery, and the reins of discipline seem to have been
utterly relaxed. No attempts were made to gather information
as to what was going on beyond the immediate vicinity of the
army, and all were lulled into a state of the most supine and
fatal security. Meanwhile Bajazet, having collected his forces,
was advancing with the utmost rapidity and the most profoimd
secrecy to the relief of the beleaguered fortress. So admirably
were his dispositions carried out that it was not until his army
appeared in their front that the negligent and incautious be-
siegers had the slightest intimation of his proximity. What
ensued was a precise coimterpart of those scenes so often before
enacted upon the soil of Palestine. Headstrong obstinacy and
unthinking impetuosity were once more destined to bring about
crushing and humiliating defeat.

Sigismond was well acquainted with the practice then univer-
sally prevalent amongst Eastern generals of placing in the van
of their armies the most worthless of their levies. These were
intended to bear the brunt of the first onset, whilst the better
and more trustworthy troops were held in reserve for subsequent
action, so soon as the vigour of the attack had exhausted itself.

the Knights of Malta. 201

He therefore proposed that a Bimilar measure should be adopted
in their own army, and suggested that his raw militia would be
the most suitable opponents for the undisciplined hordes of the
enemy. The count de Nevers, however, with that blind ob-
stinacy by which the bravest men so often mar their fortimes,
would listen to no such proposition. He asserted that the van
was the post of honour, and as such belonged of right to the
chivalry of France. The attempt of Sigismond to substitute in
their place his Hungarian forces arose, he considered, simply
from a desire to secure for his own nation the chief glory
of the day. Supported as he was by leaders as hot-headed
and arrogant as himself, all remonstrances were imavailing.
The king was therefore reluctantly compelled to witness the
flower of the combined army wasting its energies and exhaust-
ing its powers against the worthless rabble who were preceding
the main body of Bajazet's army.

Eagerly plcu)ing himself at the head of his gallant array,
de Nevers, with an impetuosity which might have led to success
had it been tempered with the smallest display of prudence,
dashed furiously at the advancing foe. As might have been
expected, the swarms opposed to him were scattered like chafF
before the wind. Without offering any resistance worthy
of the name, they either suffered themselves to be helplessly
slaughtered, or endeavoured to purchase safety by a tumultuous
and disorderly flight. The dispersion of this advanced body
soon disclosed to de Nevers' view a spectacle which would
have dismayed any but the strongest nerve. Directly in his
front were drawn up, in dense and serried masses, a huge
column of janissaries, then justly considered the flower of the
Turkish infantry. Their vast and solid battalions presented a
firm and apparently impassable barrier to his further progress.
Without a moment's pause, however, the French dashed at their
new assailants, and a desperate combat ensued, which lasted for
a considerable time before success declared itself on either side.
The impetuous onset of the Christians proved in the long
run irresistible, and the proud janissaries, whose renown and
unbroken career of success had up to this moment led them
to consider themselves invincible, quailed beneath the vigour
of de Nevers' attack. After a protracted though vain attempt

'■r ■ "1

202 A History of

to maintain their ground, they at length gave way, broke
their ranks, and sought shelter in flight.

Bajazet had as yet brought into action only a portion of
his forces. On perceiving the disaster which had befallen
his janissaries, he advanced for their support a large body of
cavaliy, in whose rear the flying infantry found cover from the
fierce pursuit of the foe. The ardour of the French appeared
to rise with each successive obstacle. Heedless of the vastly
superior numbers opposed to them, and without waiting for
support from the remainder of the army, they dashed at their
new antagonists with so vigorous a charge that they carried all
before them. This second barrier was swept away with the
same facility as the first.

Up to this point all had gone welL The main body of the
army had apparently only to remain quiet spectators, whilst the
chivalry of France were overcoming and dispersing in helpless
confusion ten times their number of the choicest forces under the
banner of BajcLzet. Had de Nevers halted there, and rallying
his scattered forces permitted the rest of the army to advance
and follow up the victory he had so gloriously achieved, that day
must have witnessed the complete overthrow of Bajazet's power.
Fate, however, had decreed it otherwise. Although his ruin
was indeed close at hand, it was not by Christian might that
his destruction was to be accomplished. He was, on the con-
trary, permitted to enjoy yet one more brief hour of triumph
ere his own day of retribution dawned.

Hurried away by the ardour of pursuit, de Nevers did not for
one moment stop to consider the exhausted state to which his
troops had been reduced by their previous efforts. Fredsing
forward, he permitted them to break their ranks, and to urge
their jaded steeds after the flying foe in every direction. It
was whilst they were in this disordered condition that, on
crowning the brow of a hill, they were surprised to see on its far
side a dense forest of spears, which had hitherto been concealed
from their view. This was Bajazet's grand corps of reserve,
with which he still trusted to redeem the fortunes of the day.
Placing himself at its head, he prepared once more to
renew the combat against his redoubtable antagonists, who had
thiioe overcome all that had been opposed to them. Those very

the Knights of Malta. 203

Yictories, however, had only the more surely prepared for their
present defeat. Men and horses were all exhausted ; their ranks
were broken, and all organization lost in the late disorderly
pursuit. What wonder, then, that this fresh array of troops, led
by Bajazet in person, should gain an easy victory! Combat
there was little or none, and only a very slender remnant of that
gallant band succeeded in extricating itself from the fatal
plain.

The scale of victory had now turned. The Hungarians,
witnessing the complete destruction of their French allies, in
whom they had placed their chief reliance, and being themselves
principally raw imdisoiplined levies of militia, did not wait to
encounter the shock of Bajazet's advance. They gave way at
once, and fled ignominiously from the field. The Bavariajis,
however, under Gara, the elector palatine, and the Styrians under
Herman de Cilly, stood firm, and, supported by the knights of
Rhodes, sustained with a resolute front the onset of the enemy.
Being reinforced by such of the French cavalry as had escaped
the previous meUe^ they resumed the offensive, and to the
nimiber of about X2,000, hurled themselves anew on the Turk.
At this moment it seemed as though the fate of the day might
still be restored. The impetuous charge of those gallant spirits
carried them through the serried ranks of the janissaries, who
were totally unable to withstand the shock, whilst the sipahis
who advanced to their support were thrown into the utmost
disorder, and appeared as though they were once more about to
quail before the chivalry of Europe.

At this critical moment the Eral of Bervia, a faithful ally
of Bajazet, rushed to the rescue with a fresh body of troops
numbering 5,000. This reinforcement decided the victory in
favour of the Turks. The heroic band which had struggled
so long and so nobly to restore the f ortimes of the day, was
crushed by the new foe, and the larger number perished
gloriously around their banners. A few faithful knights,
amongst whom was Philibert de Naillcu), gathered round
Bigismond, and with the greatest difiiculty extricated him from
the battle-field. Having gained the side of the Danube, they
placed the king and the Archbishop of Grau in a little boat
which was lying beneath the shelter of the bank, they them-

204 A History of

selves remaining on the shore to cover the retreat of the monarch.
As soon OiS they had assured themselves that the stream had
canned the boat beyond the reach of the enemy, de Naillac,
accompanied by G-ara and Cilly, took possession of another boat,
and made good their own escape in a similar manner. Most
fortunately they very soon encountered the combined fleet of
the Hospitallers and Venetians, by which they were promptly
conveyed to Ehodes. Here, after a detention of a few days,
during which de NaiUac entertained his royal guest mth great
splendour, Sigismond passed on into Dalmatia.

The results of this action, which took place in 1396, and
has since been known as the battle of Nicopolis, were most
disastrous to the Christians. The whole of the prisoners who
fell into the hands of Bajazet, were ordered by him to be
murdered in cold blood, to the number of upwards of 10,000.
The carnage lasted from daybreak till four o'clock in the
afternoon of the day following the battle. Only the count
de Nevers, and twenty-four other knights, from whom Bajazet
expected a large ransom, were rescued from the general
slaughter. If, as has been recorded by contemporary historians,
the French, prior to going into action, had massacred such
Turkish prisoners as were then in their hands, this butchery
may be considered in the light of a reprisal, and its dia-
bolical atrocity somewhat mitigated.

The overthrow of the allied army having left Bajazet com-
pletely at liberty, he once more pursued his cherished schemes
of conquest. The siege of Constantinople, which had hitherto
assimied the form simply of a blockade, was converted into an
active operation, and pushed forward with extreme vigour. At
the same time he overran the whole of the Morea, and extended
his advantages to so great a degree, that the ruler of the
country, one of the porphyro-geniti, Theodore Paleologus, fled
from his dominions. He took refuge at Ehodes, and whilst
there offered to sell his rights over the district to the knights
of St. John. This proposal having been accepted, and the
price agreed on, which was paid partly in money and partly in
jewels, the Order sent commissioners into the Morea to take
formal possession of its new acquisition. The inhabitants of
Corinth welcomed them with joy, feeling that they would be

the Knights of Malta. 205

&r more secure under the white cross banner than under
the enfeebled swaj of the Paleologi. Bajazet had during
this interval been compelled to withdraw his forces from their
ravaging expeditions, and to concentrate them for the purpose
of opposing a new enemy who had appeared in his rear. The
city of Sparta, taking advantage of the temporary freedom
gained by the absence of their dreaded foe, refused to admit
the oommissioneTS within* their walls, or in any way to confirm
the transfer which had taken place. Faleologus is suspected of
having stimulated this opposition, as he already regretted the
sale he had effected, now that the dread of Bajazet was less
imminent. The Qrand-Master felt that he was in a difficult
position. He and his council had been prepared to pay, and to
pay liberally, for the sovereignty of the Morea ; but this was
quite another matter from having to undertake the subjugation
of the country. They were therefore compelled to consent to
the rescinding of the contract. It was, nevertheless, with the
utmost difficulty, and not till after the lapse of several years,
that they eventually succeeded in rescuing from the grasp of
Faleologus the treasure and jewels which had been handed over
to him.

In about the year 1400, as nearly as can be traced, de Naillac
built the tower of St. Michael at the western extremity of the
main harbour of Ehodes. This tower was square in plan, and
three stories in height, the one at the bottom being much lower
than the others. A machicolated parapet ran round the top. At
each comer was a circular projecting turret, also machicolated.
On the top of the tower was an octagon lantern with steps on
the outside, giving access to the summit, whence an extensive
look-out view could be obtained. The total height of the
tower, including lantern, was 150 feet. It bore the escutcheon
of de Naillac as weU as that of the Order. A cut-stone gateway
connected the tower with a platform, armed on both sides with
heavy guns, which swept the harbours. This tower was thrown
down in the earthquake of 1863, and the ruins have been
removed.

Up to this time the career of the ambitious Bajazet had
been unchecked by any serious reverse. One by one he had
overcome the petty sovereigns by whom he was surrounded^ and

206 A History of

establishing himself on the conquered temtory, had created a
powerful and ever-enlarging kingdom. His recent success at
the battle of Nicopolis seemed to open the way for further
acquisitions, and to smooth for him the path of ambition he
had determined to tread. The capture of Constantinople, and
such feeble remnants of the Byzantine empire as were still
retained by the Paleologi, had long been a day-dream with him.
The moment seemed now to have aSrived when that project
might be carried into execution. All dread of further opposi-
tion from the countries of western Europe was at an end. A
wail of lamentation had arisen throughout France when the
news reached that country of the fearful slaughter of the battle
of Nicopolis, and the inhuman butcheries which had followed it.
The penalties of intervention had been too severe and universal
to admit of the slightest prospect that any further opposition
was to be feared from that quarter. Everything seemed to
promise favourably for Bajazet, and consequently most disas-
trously for the Gtreek emperor. Under these critical circum-
stances the latter was at length driven to seek the aid of
one whose interposition was in the long run likely to prove
as fatal as that of Bajazet.

In an evil hour for Christianity he applied for the assistance
of Timour-Lenk, or Tamerlane, the redoubted Tartar chief, the
fame of whose exploits was even then ringing throughout the
Eastern world. Of the origin of Timour, different versions have
been recorded. Some have asserted that he was of very mean
parentage, his father having been a simple shepherd, and that
he himself had been engaged during his early youth in super-
intending the pasturage of his flocks. Others again endeavour
to trace his descent from the great Djenghis Khan. Whichever
may be the correct version, there is no doubt that he established
his power entirely by the strength of his own right hand, and
that from the most slender beginnings, he raised himself to a
dominion over the countries of the East so extensive as to have
excited within his breast the hope of some day aspiring to uni-
versal empire. The character of Timour was one which marked
him as a being destined to play no ordinary part on the stage of
life. With all the qualities requisite for a great commander, he
was at the same time endued with the keenest political sagacity,

the Knights of Malta. 207

a gift which enabled him to consolidate his conquests, so as to
render their retention a matter of no difficulty. Naturally
ferocious and bloodthirsty, he aimed at a rule of terror, which
he considered the surest protection of a sovereign. The saying
is attributed to him that the throne of a monarch could never
be safe unless its base were floating in blood. The ambitious
tone of his mind may be well gathered &om another of his
favourite sayings, that as there was but one Q-od in heaven, so
there should be but one ruler on earth. Indomitable in will, he
never formed a resolution without persisting in its execution, in
spite of every difficulty. Opposition appeared only to increase
his determination, and he thus succeeded in overcoming obstacles
before which a less dauntless mind might have been cowed. His
person was as singular and conspicuous as his character. He was
lame, the result of a fall from the rampart of a fortress which
he was assaulting. Notwithstanding this infirmity, he had an
upright gait and a proud commanding air. His head was
large, his brow expansive, and his hair, which was snowy
white, combined with the ruddiness of his complexion to give
him a most remarkable appearance. The game of chess was a
passion with him, and he had but few equals in the art. Deeply
imbued with superstition, he held the priesthood in profound
reverence; at the same time his own religion has been much
disputed, and appears to have been selected to suit his policy
rather than his faith and convictions. As the great majority
of his subjects were Mahometans, he adopted their tenets, but
he seems never to have practised them very rigidly, nor to
have hesitated in any breach of their laws which might ad-
vanoe his temporal prosperity.

Such was the ally whose aid the emperor of Constantinople
had invoked, thus bringing upon Europe the savage who had
hitherto contented himself with sweeping the vast plains of
Asia. Timour, who was not over-pleased at the prospect of so
powerful a neighbour as Bajazet, entered willingly into the
views of the Ghreeks. He therefore at once sent an envoy to
the Ottoman prince requiring him to desist from the further
prosecution of his designs against Constantinople. He also
called upon Bajazet to restore to the neighbouring princes,
many of whom had taken refuge at his own court, those

2o8 A History of

territories that had been torn from their sway. To this
demand Bajazet returned a peremptory refusal, accom-
panying his reply with the most insulting and offensive threats
against his Tartar rival. The fiery nature of Timour was
promptly aroused by the terms of Bajazet's message. He
therefore resolved to wreak a bitter vengeance upon the prince
who had dared thus to oppose his views and arouse his wrath.
A call to arms throughout his extended dominions was speedily
obeyed in all quarters, and a vast force, composed of the various
nations which acknowledged his sway, was speedily collected
beneath his banners.

The first active operation of the war which then began, was
the siege of Sebasta, now Sivas, a powerful fortress in Cappadocia,
the defence of which was conducted by Ortogul, a favourite son
of Bajazet. The extreme strength of the place, and the power-
ful garrison within its walls, led that prince to consider that it
would be an easy matter to detain Timour until his father
should be in a position to advance to his support. Little, how-
ever, did he know the audacity and overpowering daring of his
opponent. Neglecting all the ordinary routine of a siege, Timour
hurled his wild hordes, in endless succession, against the ramparts,
and by the sheer force of numbers, succeeded, after an almost
incredible amount of slaughter, in forcing his way into the town.
The whole of the defenders were at once put to the sword in the
fury of the moment, Ortog^ himself being one of the victims.

The news of this, the first reverse which had fallen upon his
arms, «u5Companied, as it was, by the loss of his favourite son,
caused the most poignant grief and the liveliest anxiety to
Bajazet. Hastily assembling his forces, he pushed rapidly for-
ward to meet the enemy who had dealt him so cruel a blow.
The hostile forces encountered each other near the town of
Angora. The result of the desperate encounter that ensued
was fatal to Bajazet; his army was cut to pieces and utterly
annihilated, whilst he himself fell a prisoner into the hands
of his foe. He remained in captivity, sufEering the most cruel
indignities, until his death, which occurred a few months later,
and which was undoubtedly brought on by the keenness of his
disappointment at the utter overthrow of all his projects.

The knights of lUiodes had now cause to lament the pre-

the Knights of Malta. 209

cipitancy with which the Greek Emperor had invoked the aid of
80 dangerous an ally. After having, by rapid advances, and
with the able assistance of his lieutenants, secured to himself
the full results of the successes he had gained, Timour turned
his eyes in the direction of those European conquests which had
so often excited the ambition of Bajazet. His keen glance
instantly perceived that the strongest bulwark of Christianity
he would have to overcome was that island fortress, the heights
of which were crowned with ramparts, and defended by those
well-known warriors of the Cross, the fame of whose deeds had
penetrated even to the remotest borders of Asia. Before he
could attempt to crush the parent establishment, he saw that
it would be necessary to deal with the offshoot at Smyrna, and
he therefore led his forces in that direction.

It is stated that his first sumimons merely required the form
of planting his standard upon the citadel, and that William
de Mine, the knight to whom the Grand-Master had confided
the defence, rejected the offered compromise with scorn.
Such a. proposal sounds, under the circumstances of the case,
most improbable; nor was it at all in accordance with the
character of Timour. The real demand, probably, was surrender.
We have an account of the capture of Smyrna from the pen
of the Persian historian Sefet-el-din, who was a contemporary
writer. He states that Timour sent an embassy thither offering
the following conditions: — That the garrison and inhabitants
shoidd all embrace the Mahometan faith, in which case they
were promised great advantages and good treatment ; or, if
they refused to abjure Christianity, that they should pay a
suitable ransom. In either case, of course, they were to sur-
render the fortress. Failing the acceptance of one of these
alternatives, they were all to be put to the sword. The
historian records that, as they were predestined to perish,
both promises and menaces were alike useless.

De Naillac had foreseen that whatever might be the issue
of the struggle between Bajazet and Tamerlane, the victor
would be sure to turn his arms against Smyrna. He had
therefore taken every precaution for its defence. He appointed
William de Mine, the grand-hospitaller, as its governor; a
knight in whose dauntless courage and intelligent zeal he felt

15

2IO A History of

he could confide. He had also poured in large reinforcements
both of men and munitions of war. The Persian historian says,
on this head, that " the princes of Europe had sent there many-
brave Christian warriors ; or, to speak more plainly, a band of
mad devils." Everything, therefore, had been done to render
the place as secure as its exposed position would permit.

Timour, finding his proposals rejected, gave instructions to his
generals to commence the siege at once. Under their command,
however, little or no progress was made. At length he himself
arrived before the place on the 6th day of the month Dj^mazul-
Evel, 805 (the 1st December, 1402). His first act was to simi-
mon the garrison to a prompt surrender. In order to secure the
immediate submission of the fortresses he attacked in person
Timour had adopted a system from which he never deviated.
On the first day a white flag was hoisted over his pavilion:
this signified that if the town surrendered on that day, the lives
of its people would be spared, and the place itself preserved
from pillage. On the second day a red flag was substituted :
the conditions then were, the death of the governor and of
the leading inhabitants, but still with security to the masses.
Should this day pass without submission, on the tliird morning
a black flag was seen waving ; this was final, and from that
moment the only hope of the garrison was a successful
resistance, as the capture of the place was inevitably followed
by the massacre of all the inhabitants, and the town itself
delivered over to pillage.

This last stage having been reached, the defenders of Smyrna
knew their fate, and prepared manfully for resistance. Timour's
first attempt at an assault was frustrated by the knights with
great slaughter. Pouring upon the assailants every species of
missile which the art of war had in those days developed, in-
cluding Greek fire, boiling oil, seething pitch, and other similar
devices, they at length succeeded in driving the Tartars back
in confusion to their camp. The bitter experience of this
failure shewed Timour that he was now confronted by men
against whom the dashing and ofi-hand measures he had so
often successfully adopted would be unavailing. Bold and
determined though the onset might be, he was met by a foe
who could die, but would not yield, and against that living

tJie Knights of Malta. 2 1 1

rampart of Christian warriors it was in vain that he hurled
the choicest battalions in his vast army. Taught by this
experience his fertile genius soon devised a means for meeting
his opponents upon a different footing.

He constructed nimierous round wooden towers on rollers and
of such dimensions as to contain 200 men within each. They
were divided into three compartments, of which the centre one
was on a level with the ramparts. The top floor was to be
crowded with archers who could look down on the defenders,
and pour a destructive fire on them at the moment of assault.
In the centre floor a drawbridge was attached which when
lowered would enable the assailants to reach the rampart.
The lower compartment was filled with miners who were
enabled to burrow their way into the heart of the walls,
completely secure from any missiles. He at the same time
constructed huge rafts, a« described by the Persian historian,
rising three feet above the level of the water. These were
lashed together and projected from the shore on either side till
they met in the centre, forming a roadway across the channel,
and completely cutting off the fortress from all succour on the
aide of the sea. When these various works were completed,
which with the huge force at his disposal did not take long
to accomplish, the imfortunate knights felt that their doom weis
sealed.

Everything being now ready, Timour gave the signal for the
onset, and the ponderous towers moved slowly towards the
ramparts. Although a storm of rain poured in incessant
torrents throughout the day, nothing checked the ardour of the
assault. Sefet states that throughout the siege the rain fell
without ceasing, and it seemed as though a new deluge had
broken over the land. He also records, with a candour most
praiseworthy on the part of an opponent, the extreme bravery
of the defence. These are his words — "If the attack was
vigorous the defence was not less firm, and no one was
permitted a moment of repose. Although the battering rams
and other machines dashing against the walls breached them
even to their foundations, the defenders remained none the less
bravely at their posts, hurling without cessation upon the enemy
pots of Ghreek fire and naphtha, fiery wheels and huge stones."

15*

2 12 A History of the Knights of Malta.

Timour's precautions had been so well taken that there was no
possibility of failure. Whilst the defenders were gallantly
struggling to resist the assailants emerging from the central
compartments of Timour's machines, those on the lower floor
were able to prosecute their labours unrestrained. Ere long
huge gaps appeared in the masonry of the ramparts, supported
only by wooden props inserted for the purpose. These timbers
were well saturated with naphtha, and then on a given signal
ignited. As the flames devoured the wood the supports gave
way, and a large mass of rampart fell with a crash to the
ground. With shouts of exultation the enemy poured through
the breach, and overcoming by their numbers every obstacle
the defenders could put in their way, they succeeded in
planting the banner of Islam over the conquered citadel.

Timour did not on this occasion depart from the practice
he invariably pursued after the display of his black flag. A
universal massacre of garrison and town speedily followed the
termination of the conflict. A few of the inhabitants succeeded
in forcing their way to the shore, whence by swimming they
reached a vessel then cruising in the offing, but with the
exception of these all fell beneath the sword. The Order of St.
John had on that day to mourn the loss of every one of those brave
brethren to whom it had confided the defence of Smyrna. The
heads of the slain when decapitated were, in accordance with
Timour's usual custom, raised into a pyramid. On the day
following the capture the fleet from Ehodes appeared in sight
bearing reinforcements for the besieged. The Tartar caused
his artillerists to hurl with their machines some of the heads of
the slain at the advancing foe. They thus perceived that they
had arrived too late, and were compelled to return to Rhodes,
bearing the melancholy intelligence of the loss of Smyrna,
and the massacre of its heroic garrison.

CHAPTER IX. .
1402—1476.

Erection of the fortress of St. Peter at Budrum — Treaty with the sultan of
Egypt— Conclusion of the papal schism and reunion of the Order —
Death of de NaiUac and succession of Fluvian — Invasion of Cyprus —
Death of Fluvian — Election of Lastic — Descent on Rhodes— Keforms
in the Order — Fall of Constantinople — Election of James de Milly—
Disputes in the fraternity — Succession of Raymond Zacosta— Forma-
tion of an eighth langue — Erection of Fort Nicholas — Departure of
Zacosta for Rome — His death there — Succeeded by Orsini — Fall of
Negropont — Preparations for defence at Rhodes— Death of Orsini and
nomination of Peter d'Aubusson.

The success of Timour in the capture of Smyrna led him to
contemplate the further prosecution of his ambitious views by
an early attack upon Rhodes. He was, at the time, unprovided
with a fleet sufficiently numerous for the operation, and his first
efforts were therefore directed to the supply of this deficiency.
Before, however, he had succeeded in collecting any considerable
number of vessels within the harbour of the now utterly ruined
town of Smyrna, intelligence reached him of an invasion of
the eastern portion of his dominions by the king of India, who
had taken advantage of his absence to assail the unprotected
frontier. He was consequently compelled to retire from the
scene of his recent successes, and to hasten eastward in order to
grapple with his new enemy. Most fortimately for the peace
of Europe, and more especially for the security of the Order
at Ehodes, Timour did not live to return. Before he had
succeeded in repelling the invasion and securing his eastern
frontier, he died from the effects of the constant debauchery in
which he was plunged. It is curious to note how, during these
ages, men constantly sprang from obscurity in the East, and for
a time threatened to attain almost universal dominion. Nothing,

214 ^ History of

however, which they founded seemed to survive them, all being
due to their own power of generalship and administration. The
guiding hand once withdrawn, the empire crumbled to pieces,
and remained in a state of disintegration until some new ruler
arose with power suflBcient to reimite the fragments.

De Naillac seized the earliest opportimity which this suspen-
sion of hostilities gave him to replace, as far as possible, the loss
sustained by the destruction of Smyrna. The judgment which
he displayed in the selection of a new point d*appui on the main-
land was such that, so far from being weakened by its loss, the
Order found itself in a far more commanding position than
before. The point selected was a Turkish castle on the coast
of Asia Minor, about twelve miles from the island of Lango.
This stronghold had been built on the ruins of Halicamassus,
celebrated as the site of the tomb of king Mausplus, and also
as the birthplace of Herodotus. Not deeming this place suffi-
ciently secure for his purpose, de Naillac caused a new work to
be erected at the end of a peninsula which jutted out into the
sea. This he called the Castle of St. Peter Liberated. It may
be noted that the present Turkish name for the fortress, viz.,
Budrum, is derived from Bedros, signifying, like Peter, a rock.

Nothing was spared which the art of fortification could devise
to render this stronghold impregnable, and it remains at this
day an imperishable record of the skill of the engineer at the
beginning of the fifteenth century. It bore on its waUs this
inscription, which is still to be seen : " Propter fidem Catholicam
tenemua locum istum,^' Its present condition is thus described
by Newton, the discoverer of the ruins of the Mausoleum of
Halicamassus : —

" On the site of the old Ghreek acropolis Philibert de Naillac
built the stately castle which still stands a specimen of the
military architecture of the knights, not less worthy of study
than the fortress of Rhodes. The position of this castle is one
of great natural strength a.s compared with the means of attack
known in the fifteenth century. It is surrounded on three sides
by the sea, while on the land side the rocky nature of the soil
would have made mining impossible. The castle is entered
from the isthmus by a ramp through the western comer of a
glacis of unusual size, which forms the outer defence on the

the Knights of Malta. 2 1 5

north side. "Within this ramp is. a fosse which widens aa it
approaches the sea, having a breadth of 150 feet in the part
where the gateway from the ramp opens into it. This end of
the fosse is protected by a casemated battery, to hinder the
landing of troops within the glacis. This battery has a roof of
solid masonry, gabled externally to prevent the lodgment of
shells. The north side is further strengthened by two towers,
connected by a curtain wall, and a smaller fosse running parallel
to the larger fosse. On the western side, which faces the
harbour, the castle is defended by a wide rampart, within which
is a deep fosse. It is in the sea face of this rampart that the
lions' heads from the Mausoleum are placed.* On the eastern
and southern sides the external wall of defence is a curtain wall
with a strong tower at the south-east comer. The opposite
angle on the south-west is protected by a platform with em
brasures for nine guns on the south and eight on the west. The
entrance to the castle is through a series of seven gateways, up
to the first of which the ramp in the northern glacis leads.
After crossing the northern fosse the road passes through three
more gateways into the sea rampart of the western fosse, and
thence winding through three more gateways, finally enters the
interior of the fortress at its south-western angle. The seventh
and last of these gateways is protected by the platform already
noticed. The object of so winding an approach was, of course,
to guard against surprises. The area contained within these
external defences is divided into an outer and inner bayle. In
the inner bayle, which is the highest ground within the castle,
are two lofty square towers, which form the keep. The outer
bayle contains the chapel of the knights. The two central
towers seem to be the earliest part of the fortress, which was

* The knights aeem to have made free use of the material furnished hy the
ruins of the Mausoleum in hiulding the castle of St. Peter. Twelve slabs
from the frieze of that monument were removed from its walls and sent to
the British Museum in 1846, as well as the lions here referred to. Newton
gives an amusing account of the difficulties he encountered in securing these
lions. The Turkish minister of war had directed the commandant to remove
them from the walls and send them to ConstantiDople, hearing that Lord
Stratford de EedclifPe was endeavouring to obtain a firman giving them to
England. They were already on board a caique awaiting a favourable wind
to start, when the welcome firman arrived, and they were secured for
England.

2i6 A History of

probably built by instalments, the lines being gradually ex-
tended till they embraced the whole of the rocky platform.
It was constructed by Henry Sclilegelholt, a German knight,
who found in the ruins of the Mausoleum an ample supply of
building materials. The masonry throughout is in admirable
preservation. Since the day when the castle was handed over to
the Mussulman conqueror it has undergone very few changes.
The long brass guna of the knights still arm the batteries, and
their powder lies caked up in the magazines. The Turks change
nothing in their fortresses. There is in this castle a magnificent
cistern cut in the rock, full of water. A few years ago a soldier
fell into it and was drowned. The Tul-ks, instead of troubling
themselves to fish the body out, ceased to use the water of- the
cistern, regarding it as polluted for ever. In the tower at the
south-east comer is a room which was probably the refectory of
the knights. Here, sitting in the wide bays of the windows,
they beguiled the weariness of garrison life by carving their
names and escutcheons on the walls. Many hundred valiant
soldiers of the Cross, unmentioned in the glorious annals of the
Order, have thus been preserved from utter oblivion, for the
inscriptions are as fresh as if cut yesterday. This tower was
probably erected by Englishmen, as the arms of Edward IV.,
and of the different branches of the Plantagenet family, together
with many other English coats, are sculptured in a row over the
door. Scattered about the castle are the arms of its successive
captains, ranging from 1437 to 1522, when the garrison surren-
dered to the Turks. Among these is the name of a well-known
EngUsh knight, Sir Thomas Sheffield, with the date 1514. The
arms of another Englishman, John Kendal, who was Tur-
copolier 1477 — 1500, may be seen under the royal arms on the
tower at the south-east angle. Here, as at Rhodes, the stem
monotony of military masonry is constantly relieved by shields
and inscriptions sculptured on white marble and let into the
walls. Wherever architectural decoration occurs it is of the
same flamboyant character as at Rhodes. In the chapel may
still be seen a beautifully carved wood screen, now adapted to
Mussulman worship." *

In addition to the inscription already quoted, there was also

•Newton's ** Travels and Discoveries in the Levant," vol. ii., page 59.

tli£ Knights of Malta. 2 1 7

on the walls one in Latin from the 127th Psalm — " Except the
Lord keep the city, the watchman waketh but in vain." As soon
as the fortress was sufficiently advanced towards completion to be
tenable de Naillac garrisoned it with a strong body of the Order.
Every precaution was taken to insure its security from attack
by the hostile neighbours. Recent events had rendered this
a matter of comparative facility for a time. The power of
Bajazet had been shattered by the battle of Angora, whilst
Timour was dead and his army disbanded. No ruler had for
the moment arisen in their place strong enough to impede the
operations of the knights of Hhodes, and meanwhile the new
stronghold was month by -month developing in extent. It
gradually became a point of refuge for all who sought to escape
from Mussulman tyranny, and the unfortunate Christian flying
from slavery was sure to find within its hospitable walls a ready
welcome and ample protection. As aids in the defence, a race
of dogs was kept within the castle. These were so trained, and
their natural instinct so developed, that they were rendered
capable of performing, with great tact and sagacity, the part of
outlying sentinels. By their aid and watchfulness the guard
was ever sure of receiving early intimation of the approach of
an enemy.*

In the year 1403 de Naillac was enabled to render good
service in a mediatorial capacity between the king of Cjrprus
and the Genoese, a dissension having arisen which if not quelled
would have had the most calamitous results for Christianity in

* The extent to which this sagacity on the part of these canine allies
was carried led to numerous legends in their honour, for the veracity of
which the chroniclers of the times were ever ready to vouch. It was asserted
that their sense of smell was so keen that they could invariably detect a
Moslem from a Christian, allowing the latter to approach unquestioned,
whilst the presence of the former was certain to elicit a prompt alarm.
Bosio records a still stranger instance. A Christian captive, escaping from
slavery, was so closely pursued that he was unable to reach the fortress. As
a temporary measure he sought shelter in a dry weU, where owing to the
vigilance of his pursuers he was compelled to remain for several days. In
this predicament he would have starred had not one of the dogs dis-
covered him and brought him daily a part of his own food. The keeper
of the dog seeing that he was losing flesh watched him to ascertain the
cause, and thus discovered the fugitive, who was rescued and brought into
the castle. — ^Bosio, vol. ii. lib. iv.

2i8 A History of

the Ijevant. The Genoese republic had succeeded in obtaining
possession of the town of Famagosta in C}T)rus. It was held by
a garrison in their name, to the great dissatisfaction of the king,
James de Lusignan, and the rest of the inhabitants. An attempt
was consequently made by him to expel the intruders, and a
regular siege was laid to the town. When the news of this act
of hostility reached Genoa, which was then under the protection
of France, an expedition was at once despatched, led by the
marshal de Bourcicault, for the purpose of repelling the
attack. This fleet put into the harbour of Khodes, where it
was received with the most profuse hospitality. It consisted
of seven large ships and nine Genoese galleys. Accompanying
it was a Venetian squadron, under the command of the admiral
Carlo Zeno. The latter was in reality watching the movements
of the other fleet, the intentions of which roused the suspicions
of the Venetians. It was not to be expected that under such
circumstances there could be much cordiality between the com-
manders. In fact disputes soon arose, and from day to day
became so embittered, that at length de Naillac dreaded an
open rupture within the very harbour of Ehodes. He succeeded
at last in so far smoothing matters that he induced Carlo Zeno
to leave the island and proceed to the Morea. This preliminary
difficulty being overcome, his next step was directed towards
preventing the outbreak of hostilities between the forces of
Bourcicault and the Cypriotes. Not only did the knights hold
large possessions in that island, but they had always regarded it
as a barrier against Saracen attack. Being in close alliance
with the king of Cyprus they had been enabled to flnd shelter
in its capacious harbours during their cruises on the Syrian
coasts. De Naillac succeeded in persuading Bourcicault to
remain quietly at Rhodes whilst he himself imdertook a
mediating embassy to Cyprus, hoping to induce the king
to withdraw from his attempts on Famagosta. James
acceded to his suggestions, the siege was raised, and the
expeditionary force under Bourcicault rendered no longer
necessary.

The French commander was, however, unwilling to return
without having struck a blow somewhere. He therefore joined
the Gfrand-Master in a predatory expedition against the principal

the Knights of Malta. 2 1 9

Saracenic seaports in Ada Minor. Nothing of any permanent
importance was effected, nor indeed was any intended. What
they sought was booty, and this they obtained in amply suifident
quantity to pay the costs of the expedition.

On their return to Rhodes they were surprised to find a
proposal from the sultan of Egypt, whose territories they had
just been ravaging, to enter into an alliance with them. The
fears which he entertained of the aggressive policy of his neigh-
bours, the Ottoman Turks, led him to take this step, and de
Naillac was sufficiently far-sighted to make the most of his
opporttmities. The treaty which he concluded with the sultdn
gave the Christians permission to enclose the holy sepulchre at
Jerusalem with a wall. They were to be allowed to maintain
six knights of St. John within the city, free from all tribute,
who should carry on the hospitaller duties of their profession
in favour of the pilgrims who still visited the spot. It was
further agreed that Christian slaves might be redeemed either
by purchase or exchange with Saracens, and that consulates
should be established in Jerusalem and the other principal places
in the Holy Land. For the benefits of this favourable treaty
Christianity is indebted entirely to the ability of the Grand-
Master at Ehodes.

Unfortunately at this time there was but too great need for
the exercise of diplomacy on his part. The schism which had
for so many years torn the bosom of the Church and introduced
the spirit of dissension within his own Order, was still raging
furiously ; the rival popes, Benedict and Gregory, each claiming
jurisdiction. A conclave was assembled at Pisa in 1409 to
endeavour to heal the dispute, and its protection was intrusted
to de Naillac and his fraternity. He left Ehodes for the
purpose of assimiing the duties thus imposed on him, and
remained in Europe till the year 1420. Alexander V. was
elected Pope at this conclave, making a third pretender to the
title. At the same time de Naillac was pronounced sole legiti-
mate Grand-Master. In spite of this decree, the priories of
England, Scotland, Aragon, Germany, Italy, Hungary, and
Bohemia refused to recognize his title, and continued to
withhold their responsions. At length a new council, held at
Constance in 1415, terminated the difficulty by securing the

220 A History of

abdication of Pope John XXIII. and the election of Martin V.,
the validity of whose nomination was accepted on all sides
without dispute. At this conclave also the protection of the
electors was intrusted to de Naillac and his knights. It is
most probable that it was again greatly by the influence and
diplomatic ability of the Gfrand-Master that this favourable
result was reached. The contumacious langues all promptly
gave in their adhesion, and recognized the venerable Grand-
Master as their chief. After having held a chapter-general
at A^vignon, and another at Ancona, de Naillac returned
to Rhodes, after an absence of eleven years. His reappear-
ance there was greeted with the utmost enthusiasm, prayers
having been repeatedly offered up in the churches of the
island during his protracted absence, beseeching his speedy
return.

The last act of his long and useful life was presiding at a
chapter-general, which he convoked at llhodes shortly after his
arrival. In this council all the acts which led to the reunion of
the Order were ratified, and a general feeling of joy pervaded
the assembly that their differences were at length reconciled.
To de Naillac this glad scene was one of intense gratification,
and served to shed a gleam of comfort over his latest days.
His end, indeed, was fast approaching, and in the following
year he breathed his last, having swayed the fortunes of his
Order for twenty-five years. He died comforted with the
feeling that he left his fraternity at union with itself, at
peace with its neighbours, and in a most flourishing state of
prosperity.

The satisfactory condition into which de Naillac had brought
his affairs must be attributed far more to his diplomatic and
general political abilities than to his skill in war. Indeed, the
martial exploits of the fraternity under his guidance were never
productive of much beneficial result. In some cases, such as the
battle of Nicopolis and the defence of Smyrna, they were
disastrous in the last degree. Still, however strongly the for-
tune of war might declare itself against him, he was invariably
able, by his political sagacity, to restore the equilibriimi, and to
maintain his fraternity in that proud position it had so long
occupied before the face of Europe.

the Knights of Malta. 2 2 1

The following inscription was placed on his tomb in the
church of St. John at Rhodes : —

" Rhodiorum Deer : Avemi Eq. Posuenint.

" Philiberto De Naillac, S. Nq. H.M.M.M. Quod Imitatlone
Henrici Schlegmlhoit Equitis Germani Qui Timure Scytharum
Rege Asiam Occupante In Continenti Cariee Se Munire Vallo
Contra Barbaros Ausus Fuit Ex Mausolei Ruinis Arcem Et
Propugnacula In Halicamasso Struxit.

" Novam Cond : Urbem Justit-Que Dedit Gentes Froenare
Superbas.

" By a decree of the Rhodians the Knights of Auvergne have
erected this monument.

" To Philibert de Naillac, Grand-Master of the Holy Militia
of Jerusalem. After the design of Henry Schlegmlhoit, knight
of the German langu^^, he dared to raise entrenchments, whilst
Timour, the king of the Scythians, overran Asia. He built a
citadel and fortress in Halicamassus from the ruins of the
Mausoleum.

" He was able by his justice to build a new city and to restrain
proud nations."

The rule of his successor, Antonio Fluvian (or, as the name is
sometimes given. La Riviere), although it extended over a period
of sixteen years, was marked by but few events of political
importance. Dangers, indeed, threatened on every side, but
none developed into really active mischief. On tlie one side
was the new emperor, Mourad II., who had recently ascended
the throne of his father, Mohammed I., and had so consolidated
the Ottoman power as to become a very formidable neighbour ;
on the other was the Mamelouk sultan of Egypt, whose enmity
was at that time even more threatening than that of Mourad.

This prince invaded Cyprus in the year 1423. The Order of
St. John rendered every assistance in its power to the king,
James de Lusignan, but its efforts were unsuccessful. The
combined forces of Rhodes and Cyprus were defeated in a
decisive action by the Egyptian sultan, and Lusignan was taken
prisoner. In spite of this defeat the knights continued the
struggle. Their interest in the island was not, it must be
admitted, purely disinterested. One of the richest commanderies
in their possession was situated there, and they strained every

22 2 A History of

nerve to save it from destruction. In this they were ultimately
successful, and peace was once more restored. The captive king
was ransomed by a payment of 30,000 gold florins, the greater
part of which was advemced by the treasury of Rhodes, and the
sultan withdrew his forces from the island.

Two chapters-general were held at the convent, one in the
year 1428, the other in 1432. At the former the Grand-Master
submitted an urgent appeal for funds. He pointed out the cost of
the recent struggle in Cyprus, the armaments rendered necessary
throughout the Order's possessions by the threatening attitude of
the Ottoman emperor on the one side, and the Egyptian sultan
on the other ; the devastation caused in the French priories
by the war with England ; the very precarious position of
the priories of Bohemia, Moravia, Silesia, and Poland, the
former owing to the disorders caused by the Hussites, and the
latter to the hostile attitude of the Teutonic knights. He con-
cluded by appealing to all the members for contributions in
aid, he himself heading the list with a donation of 12,000
florins. The request was very generally responded to. Each
priory was called on to send to Rhodes twenty-five knights and
as many servants-at-arms. A large quantity of arms, ammuni-
tion, and provisions was contributed, and money poured in to
the treasury from all quarters.

At the second chapter it was decreed that all novices should
be appointed to some commandery within their langue^ where
they were to be maintained and trained in the religious and
knightly duties of their profession. Hitherto much scandal had
been brought upon the Order by the irregular life led by many
of these novices, who, looking upon their profession merely as a
distinction flattering to their vanity, totally neglected the duties
inculcated by their vows. To check this demoralizing irregu-
larity, the chapter wisely determined to plsice them under the
charge of commanders, who from their age and position
would be enabled to enforce a wholesome discipline. Members
were also forbidden to establish themselves at the court of
Rome. The pernicious example of Heredia had been so fre-
quently followed as to render a restriction of this nature highly
necessary. Indeed, for some time past it had become apparent
that if the fraternity were to maintain its independence, a rigid

the Knights of Malta, 223

check would have to be imposed upon the encroachments of
the court of Rome. The time had passed when the support of
the pontiff was necessary for its well-being. It was now
a sovereign power, well able to hold its own, and but little
prepared quietly to brook interference even from its ecclesias-
tical superior. From this time forward we shall find that the
annals teem with disputes between the knights and the popes
of Some, all owing to autocratic attempts upon the part of
the latter sternly resisted by the former.

The last act of Fluvian's life was to rebuild the great hospital
of the island and to add to its endowments.* He died on the
26th October, 1437, leaving by his will the sum of 200,000
ducats as a gift to the public treasury. A monument was
erected to his memory in the following year by the knights of
the langue of Spain, which bore the following inscription, partly
in Greek and partly in Latin : —

"ANET XPIMATUN OYAEN ENTOP0EITAI. Tern-
pore Pace Parcemonia Equites Citerioris Hispaniae Antonio
Fluviano Mag: Svo: S. Nq. M. H. Pacis Et Frugalitatis
Artibus Omatissimo Longeevo Seni Adhuc Viventi De Comuni
CofdKo Rhodii Sententia Anno MCCCCXXXVin. Cum Magno
Populi Plausu Erexere.

"Nothing can be done without money. In time of peace
economy.

" The Knights of nearer Spain have erected this monument
to Antonio Fluvian, Ghrand-Master of the holy and noble
militia of Jerusalem, skilled in the arts of peace and economy,
still full of vigour when advanced in age, with the consent of
the council of Rhodes, in the year 14-38, with the great applause
of the people.''

John de Lastio was raised to the magisterial seat vacated by
the death of Fluvian. This knight, who was bom in Auvergne
in 1371, had at an early age taken part in the war with
England, having been made prisoner by that power in 1394.
In the following year he arrived at Rhodes, where he was
professed as a knight. He was appointed commander of Mont-
calm, and afterwards grand-prior of Auvergne, which post he
held at the time of his election. It was the custom in those

* A description of this hospital will be found in chap. xiv. , as given bj Newton.

224 A History of

days for a Grand-Master, on being elected to, pay the siun of
three crowns to every knight to defray the cost of mourning for
his defunct predecessor. It is recorded that Lastic had to raise
a loan of 12,000 gold florins to meet this charge. Hence it may
be seen that the ranks of the fraternity were well filled.

The Ottoman emperor was at this time fully occupied with
the war in Hungary and the revolt in Epirus ; but the sultan
of Egypt, whose hands were free, was evidently meditating
hostilities against the knights. Up to this time the Ottoman
emperor had generally acted as a check upon the Egyptians,
the jealousy raging between the two Moslem powers being even
stronger than their animosity against their Christian neighbours.
On the present occasion, however, Mourad declined to offer any
opposition to the Egyptian enterprise, even if he did not, as
is very probable, secretly support it. After vain attempts at
negotiation with both sultans, de Lastic perceived that the
issue must be decided by arms. He therefore strengthened liis
position by every possible means, and then quietly awaited the
coming of the enemy. At length, in the month of September,
1440, the Egyptian fleet, to the number of eighteen galleys,
accompanied by many smaller craft, appeared before Rhodes.
The intrepid conduct of the inhabitants prevented the Moslems
from attempting an immediate disembarkation. Before they
had decided upon their line of conduct the fleet of the Order,
led by their grand-marshal, left the harbour and advanced to
the attack. The Egyptians declined the action, and under
cover of night beat a retreat. The marshal, suspecting their
object, pushed rapidly after them, and so completely out-sailed
them that when they appeared before the castle of Lango they
found him already there awaiting their arrival. Seeing that their
design was thus rendered fruitless they proceeded to the main-
land, where they took shelter under the guns of a Turkish fort.
The marshal, who spumed the thought of returning to E/hodes
without having made any attempt on his enemy, dashed at the
hostile fleet as it lay at anchor, and a sanguinary engage-
ment ensued without any very decisive result. The Order lost
sixty men, which, in their small force, was a serious blow. Their
antagonists, on the other hand, lost 700 men, and had several of
their galleys seriously injured. Taking these figures in con-

^m

the Knights of Malta. 225

junction with the fact that the Egyptian fleet retired without
attempting any further hostile operations, the pahn of victory
must be awarded to the Order.

The sultan, indignant at the failure of this expedition, lost
no time in commencing the fitting out of another on a larger
and more formidable scale. De Lastic was, on his side, by no
means idle ; and when, in the month of August, 1444, the
enemy landed a force of 18,000 men, besides cavahy, they
found the white cross banner floating proudly on the waUs, and
every prepc^ation made for their reception. The siege lasted
for forty days, and during that time was prosecuted with the
utmost energy. Unf ortimately, no record has been left of the
details of this defence. All that is known is that several assaults
were delivered in vain, and that the siege terminated with a
sortie on the part of the knights, who inflicted fearful losses on
the besiegers, and drove them in panic-flight to their ships.

The efforts which had been made to resist the aggres-
sion of the Egyptians had necessitated a large expenditure,
whereby not only was the treasury exhausted, but its credit
strained to the utmost. To meet this difficulty the amount
of responsions payable by each commandery was, by decree
of a chapter-general held at Ehodes in 1445, increased for
a period of five years, in order that funds might be provided
to pay off the liabilities that had been incurred. Several of the
commanders, living in indolence and luxury in Europe, were
unwilling to contribute even in purse to the maintenance of
their flag in Ehodes. They therefore appealed to the Pope
against the decree. Nicholas V., who had just ascended the
chair of St. Peter, being instructed only on one side of the
question, wrote a strong letter of remonstrance to the (irand-
Master. De Lastic returned a reply counter-signed by the whole
council, in which he maintained his point with much dignity,
though the missive was couched in temperate and respect-
ful terms. The Pope was quite satisfied with the reply, and
withdrew all support from the recusant commanders. They
still continued obstinate, and peremptorily refused payment.
The council, in this dilenmia, decided on a measure for which
there was no precedent in the annals of the institution. They
vested in the hands of the Qrand-Master dictatorial powers,

16

226 A History of

resigning in his favour all their own authority. Thus armed, de
Lastic made but short work of the recusants. He pursued with
the utmost rigour those who persisted in disobedience, and even
went the length of stripping them' of their habit and expelling
them from the Order. At the end of three years he was enabled
to resign his extraordinary powers, having enforced complete
submission and restored perfect unanimity and obedience
throughout the fraternity. Well was it for them that at
this crisis they were governed by one in whom they could
venture to vest such autocratic powers, and who knew so well
how to wield that authority to their advantage.

The failure of the attack on Ehodes in the preceding year,
had led the sultan of Egypt to abandon for the time further
hostile operations, and the chapter-general already alluded to
had directed that every effort should be made to secure a perma-
nent peace. The agent in this affair was James Cceur, a French
merchant, who became afterwards treasurer to Charles VII. He
succeeded in negotiating matters so favourably that he was
able to summon an envoy from Rhodes to conclude the treaty.
This envoy, on his return from Alexandria, after having signed
the terms of peace, brought back with him a nimiber of Chris-
tian slaves, whom the sultan had released in honour of the
occasion. Among the records is a decree dated on the 8th
February, 1446, directing Baymond d'Arpajon, grand-prior
of St. GKlles, to repay to James Coeur the expenses he
had incurred in the transaction.

It was pointed out at the commencement of this chapter that
on the death of Timour his empire fell into a state of disin-
tegration. The four sons of Bajazet took advantage of the
difficulties caused by the disputed succession amongst the
children of Timour. By degrees they each succeeded in
wresting some portion of their late father's empire from the
hands of the Tartars. The three elder, after short and dis-
turbed reigns, fell victims to their internecine warfare, and
Mahomet I., the youngest, found himself upon the death
of the last, whom he himself had murdered, in undisputed
possession of his father's territories. After a reign of eight
years he was succeeded (1421) by his son Mourad II., under
whose sway the Ottoman power became even more extended

the Knights of Malta, 227

than in the days of Bajazet. Had it not been for the
patriotism and gallantry of Hunyad and Scanderbeg, who,
from their mountain fastnesses, msantained an incessant and
often suocessful warfare against his aggressions, he would have
carried his conquests still further. Doubtless, but for them, he
would have accomplished the dream of his life by effecting the
capture of Constantinople, and thus have completed the over-
throw of the last relic of the once proud and powerful Byzan-
tine empire. This, however, he was not fated to accomplish, as
he died in the year 1452.

His son Mahomet II., at that time twenty-two years of
age, was proclaimed emperor in his place. All the Christian
powers of the east of Europe, including the Order of St. John,
sent ambassadors to the court of the young prince to congratu-
late him on his accession. Contrary to the usual custom of
Moslem princes, he received these envoys with the utmost
courtesy, and promptly renewed all the treaties that had been
signed by his father. This complaisance proved to be but
dissimulation. Before the year was out he repudiated all his
engagements and took steps to carry out his father's designs
of conquest. On the 29th May, 1453, Constantinople fell,
and the banner of Islam waved over the ramparts of the
degenerate city.

The scenes which were enacted upon this occasion, when the
last of the Paleologi fell beneath the scimitar of the Otto-
man, form a dark page in Eastern history. The speech of
Mahomet, " Constantinople first and then Rhodes," was now
remembered, and the knights perceived that their turn would
shortly come. Still further to accentuate this warning,
Mahomet sent an embassy summoning them to become
vassals to his throne, and to pay a yearly tribute of 2,000
ducats. The answer of de Lastic was worthy of the man and of
his profession. '' God grant that I may not leave as vassals and
slaves that Order which I found free and glorious. If the
sultan desires to conquer Ehodes he must first pass over my
corpse and those of all my knights." Thoroughly on his guard
by what had taken place, de Lastic lost no time in making all
necessary preparations for defence. We find him, therefore, in
that same year writing a circular to every European comman-

16*

228 A History of

dery, sununoning the members to hasten instantlj to the defence
of Ehodes. In this document he says : " After weeping over the
miserable downfall of the illustrious Constantinople, as we have
recorded in previous letters, this is to command you to come
hither instantly where the want of your aaeistanoe is most
urgent, for not a day elapses without our hearing of some new
slaughter of Christians by the Qrand Turk, and of his inhimian
cruelties, not from* idle rumour, but from our own confidential
emissaries, who record only what they have seen with their own
eyes, so that it is a certain fact that the most fearful horrors
have been already perpetrated. Wait for no further letters or
exhortations from us, but the instant you receive these lines set
out at once for Rhodes."

At the same time de Lastic sent the commander, D'Aubusson,
to the various courts of Europe to endeavour to procure
such aid, either in men or money, as the almost exhausted
enthusiasm of the monarchs of Christendom might still induce
them to contribute for the defence of their advanced post in the
Levant. It was in this embassy that D'Aubusson, whose name
was destined eventually to shed such lustre over his Order,
displayed the first germs of that ability by which he was after-
wards so distinguished. Although he was everywhere met by
the most disheartening lukewarmness and chilling neglect, he
succeeded, by dint of perseverance, in extorting considerable
sums of money from both Charles VII. of France, and Philip
of Burgundy. Part of this he expended in the purchase of
arms, ammunition, and stores, the remainder he forwarded to
Rhodes to be laid out in such manner as the Grand-Master
might deem expedient.

Meanwhile the most energetic measures were being taken to
increase the strength of the fortifications. Ditches were deepened
and widened, ramparts were heightened and strengthened. No
point was omitted which, in the opinion of the engineers of the
day, could tend to insure the safety of the place. Whilst in the
midst of this occupation de Lastic fell sick, and after a short
illness died on the 19th of May, 1454. Although, as has
been already recorded, the title of Grand-Master was first
awarded to Hugh de Revel, and was continued to most of
his successors, still Bosio and Sebastian Paoli both assert

the Knights of Malta. 229

that de Lastio was the first head of the fraternity who
definitely and officially was recognized as having a claini to
that title.

James de MiUy, grand-prior of Auvergne, was nominated
the thirty-fifth Grand-Master upon the death of de Lastio.
The danger of an invasion from the Ottoman emperor being
imminent, de Milly, who was at the time of his election
resident in his priory, lost no time in reaching Rhodes, where
the presence of the supreme head was felt to be indispensable.
The storm which had been so long gathering was, however,
not yet ready to burst. A powerful coalition of the principal
Christian nations interested in the politics of the East had in-
duced Mahomet to postpone for a while his hostile intentions
against Ehodes. Fortunately for the knights, the Hungarian
campaign of 1456 had been very disastrous to him, and had
ended in a serious defeat inflicted upon his army by Hunyad.
De Milly followed up this check to the Ottoman arms by
ravaging their coasts with his galleys, and utterly ruining
the commerce of the infidel. Mahomet, in spite of the check
he had received, was not the monarch to submit tamely to
these aggressions on the part of men whose destruction he
had already vowed. He therefore rapidly equipped a fleet, with
which he proposed to carry the war into the enemy's coimtry.
He placed 18,000 men on board his galleys, and directed
their first operations against the fortress of Lango. The
knights who garrisoned the castle were happily able to
repel the attack, and succeeded in driving the invaders back
to their ships. A similar attempt upon the island of Sjrmia
met with no better fate. The news of these successful repulses
reached the fraternity at Bhodes, and lulled it into a feeling
of security. It was not thought possible that the Turks, having
failed upon two imimportant points, would dare to harass their
head-quarters. Such was not the view taken by the Turkish
leader. Coasting by night along the shores of Bhodes, he
effected a landing in the bay of Malona. From thence he
succeeded in ravaging a large district of the island, and
securing a certain amount of booty, before the knights were
in a position to repel his attack. Thence the fleet sailed to Con-
stantinople, laden with its pillage, which, although considerable,

230 A History of

bore but a very slender proportion to the cost incurred in
fitting out the expedition.

From the fact that no effort was made on the part of the
Bhodian navy to prevent this incursion, or to attack the Turkish
fleet, it may be assumed that they were at the time cruising
elsewhere. This seems the more probable, because inmie-
diately afterwards, the ooimcil made a decree that a galley,
fully manned and armed, and with forty knights always ready
to embark in her, should be held constantly in readiness in
the harbour of Bhodes, to oppose any sudden and unforeseen
invasion. At the same time another fort was built on the
southern extremity of the bay of Malona, to add to the pro-
tection already afforded on the north side by the castle of
Archangelos.

It had been a leading principle in the diplomacy of the frater-
nity to maintain, as far as possible, peaceable relations with one
of its Moslem neighbours when prosecuting war with the other.
They were now dismayed to find that at the time when a
fierce attack might at any moment be looked for &om Mahomet
and the Ottoman army, a cause of quarrel was springing up with
the sultan of Egypt, with whom they were most anxious to keep
on friendly terms. This dissension arose from a disputed suc-
cession to the crown of Cyprus, which John III. had, at his
death, left to his daughter Charlotte, widow of John of
Portugal, and afterwards married to Louis of Savoy, He had
also an illegitimate son called James, whose ambitious spirit led
him to endeavour to wrest the throne from his sister Charlotte.
Louis of Savoy, however, who was ruling over the island in
his wife's name, drove the pretender away, and James thereupon
took refuge with the sultan of Egypt. The king of Cyprus
had of late years always paid an annual tribute to this potentate,
and James, in order to enlist the interests of the sultan on his
side, promised to double the amount if he were placed on his
sister's throne. Charlotte, on the other hand, threw herself
on the protection of the knights of Bhodes, amongst whom
the justice of her cause, and, as some say, the beauty of her
person, raised for her many warm partisans. An embassy was
despatched to the sultan of Egypt on the subject of James's
pretensions. That ruler, who was at the moment unwilling

tlu Knights of Malta. 231

to quarrel with his redoubtable neighbours, would, in all
probability, have thrown over the hapless James, but for the
fact that Mahomet sent him a message promising to support
him in maintaining the cause of the bastard against the knights.
A descent was consequently made on Cyprus, and in spite of the
most gallant efforts of the Hospitallers, the Egyptians overran
and pillaged the whole island. It was in the course of this
war that the galleys of Rhodes captured &om out of someYene-
tian vessels a quantity of Saracen merchandise, which, together
with its owners, they bore off in triumph. The haughty
Queen of the Adriatic, insisting upon the principle that the flag
covered the cargo, at once commenced a war of reprisals. This
anger on their part was all the greater, that they were at the
time on the look-out for a pretext to act against the Order
from another cause. The bastard James had married a Yenetian
lady of high rank called Catherine Comaro. The republic
was, in consequence, desirous of pressing his claims to the crown
of Cyprus, and felt much ill-will at the support given by the
Hospitallers to the pretensions of Charlotte. These causes
combined to make them take active measures, and a fleet
under the conmiand of Morosini, appeared off Rhodes with
hostile intent. He entered the bay of Halki, and disembarked
his forces for the purpose of pillaging the district. A number
of the inhabitants had sought shelter in a cave at AmighdaU.
Morosini caused the entrance to be blocked with a quantity of
brushwood, which he set on flre, and suffocated them all. To
this day the bones of these unfortunate victims are to be seen
within the cave, and the name of Morosini is still held in horror
throughout the island. This cruel and vindictive action was
repudiated by the Yenetians ; but their protest did not prevent
their immediately ending a second and much larger fleet to the
island, insisting upon the restitution of the Eg}7>tians and
merchandise which had been taken &om the Yenetian galleys.
The more youthful amongst the knights were in favour of
opposing the Yenetian demands, being justly indignant at the
brutality of Morosini ; but de MiUy was of a different opinion.
He knew that he had already more enemies to contend with than
he was able to meet, and he therefore checked the rash suggestion.
}}y a prompt restitution of the disputed prize, he mollified the

232 A History of

inoensed republic, and had the gratification of seeing the fleet
depart peaceably from his shores. It is probable that he also
engaged to abandon the claims of Charlotte. Certain it is that
nQ more serious efforts were made on her behalf, and that her
brother James became undisputed king of Cyprus.

At this most inauspicious moment another trouble befell de
MiUy. A dispute broke out in the midst of the fraternity itself,
which at one time threatened to aid materially the enemy, who
was compassing its overthrow from without. From the earliest
days the French element had always greatly preponderated
in its ranks. Of the seven langnes into which it had been
divided, three belonged to that nation; the consequence was
that most of the leading dignities fell to the lot of the French
knights. The langues of Spain, Italy, England, and Germany
complained bitterly of this preference. They asserted that in a
body composed of the nobility of all Europe, the highest posts
should be given, irrespective of nation, to the senior knights.
On the other hand, the French argued that as the Order was
originally esta.blished by them, and the other nations only
admitted by adoption, they were fairly entitled to maintain
within their own ranks the chief offices of state, and that as
one of the most important dignities had been attached to each
of the other langues^ there was no just cause of complaint. The
principal source of dissatisfaction arose from the post of grand-
marshal, an office which was permanently attached to the
knights of Auvergne. This dignity carried with it the power
of captain-general over the island of Bhodes, and a direct con-
trol over aU the other offices of state, and therefore invested
its holder with powers second only to those of the Grand-
Master himself.

De Milly, with the view of arranging the dispute which was
attaining dangerous proportions, summoned a chapter-general,
to assemble on the 1st October, 1459. The malcontents laid
their case before this council, and a most embittered and
virulent debate ensued. The bailiff of Aragon so far forgot
himself as to cast down before the Gh:und-Master an appeal
to the Pope, and thereupon to leave the chapter hall. Many
knights of the four complaining lapgues followed his example,
and the chapter broke up in confusion. De Milly was urged

tfie Knights of Malta. 233

to take active measures against the culprits, which he ^dsely
refused to do, preferring to cast oil on the troubled waters. In
this he was at length successful, and his statesmanlike and far-
seeing views prevailed. The consequence was that by degrees
the recusants began to perceive the danger and folly of their
oonduct, and in the end made ample submission to the Grand-
Master and chapter.

De Milly died of an attack of gout on the 17th August,
1461. His remains were placed in a sarcophagus, bearing an
inscription, with his name, titles, and date of death. Three years
afterwards a member of the House of Savoy, who was prince
of Antioch, died at Bhodes, and was buried in the same sar-
cophagus, his body being placed over that of the Grand-Master,
and a second inscription added recording the fact. This sar-
cophagus is now in the museum of Cluny at Paris, and the two
inscriptions are legible thereon.

Eaymond 2jaoo8ta, castellan of Emposta, was elected to the
vacant government. The nomination of a Spanish knight to
the supreme dignity after the rule of so many successive French-
men at a time when the disputes between the nations had been
running so high, proves that the majority were opposed to the
pretensions of the French langues. The first act decreed by the
council under their new chief also marks the same feeling, and
clearly demonstrates the influence of a Ghrand-Master in its
decisions. This was the subdivision of the langue of Aragon,
removing from it the kingdom of Portugal, together with the
provinces of Castile and Leon, which were formed into an eighth
langue^ to which the dignity of grand-chancellor was thence-
forth attached. This compromise appears to have thoroughly
healed the smouldering feud. The knights, no longer at dis-
cord within themselves, commenced once again to prepare for
the attack which was still threatening them.

E>aymond availed himself of their restored xmanimity to carry
out the erection of a fort on a rock which jutted out into the
sea, at the extremity of the ancient Greek mole, forming one
side of the entrance to the harbour of Bhodes. The importance
of this spot had long been recognized, but hitherto the want of
means and the pressing demands of other parts of the fortress
had prevented steps being taken for its occupation. Now, how-

234 ^ History of

ever, Pliilip, duke of Burgundy, having made a gift of 12,000
gold crowns for the strengthening of the defences of the island,
the Grand-Master determined to lose no further time in
securing this salient point. It received the name of Fort
Nicholas, from the fact that a small chapel dedicated to that
saint* stood there, and was included in the enceinte of the work.
In the eventful sieges to which the course of events will shortly
bring the history of the Order, this new stronghold became the
centre of the desperate struggles which then took place, and
was one of the main causes contributing to the success of the
defence. The arms of the duke of Burgundy were in gratitude
placed over the principal fa9ade. Newton says of this fort:
" At the extremity stands the castle of St. Nicholas, built by
the Ghrand-Master Baymond Zacosta. Within this fort are
casemates, magazines, and the remains of a chapel. Above
these is a platform, on which are many brass guns of the time
of the knights, some of which bear the date 1482 (shortly after
the first siege), others 1507, with the arms of France and Eng-
land. This part of the fort seems much in the state in which
the knights left it."

Whilst on this subject it may be well to insert what Newton
says of the site of the Colossus : " The mole, at the extremity of
which stands the tower of St Nicholas, has been an Hellenic
work. The lowest courses of the original masonry remain in
several places undisturbed on the native rock, which has been
cut in horizontal beds to receive them. At the end of the mole
enormous blocks from the ancient breakwater lie scattered about.
Two of these are still in position, one above the other. As
the celebrated bronze Colossus was doubtless a conspicuous sea
mark, if not actually used as a Pharos, my first impression on
seeing these immense blocks was that they were the remains of its
pedestal, and that it stood where the fort of St. Nicholas now
stands. This opinion, suggested originally to my mind by the
aspect of the site itself, is corroborated by the testimony of
Caoursin, the Vice-Chancellor of the Order, whose contemporary
history of the first siege was printed at Ulm as early as 1496.
When describing the building of Fort St. Nicholas, he states
that it was placed in " molis vertice Septentrionem spectante —

* St. Nicholas was bishop of Myra and patron saint of sailors.

tJie Knights of Malta. 235

ubi priscis temporibus collosus ille ingens Ebodi (unmn de septem
miraculis mundi) positus erat." On tbe other hand, it may be
objected that from Pliny's account of the overthrow of the
C0I0B8UB, we may infer that it fell on the earth, whereas, if
thrown down from the extremity of the mole, it could hardly
fail to have fallen into the sea. It may, however, have
been split open by the earthquake, and afterwards hauled
down so as to fall along the mole. The notion that its legs
bestrid the entrance to either harbour, as is commonly believed,
is not based on any ancient authority."*

Zacosta felt how important it was that the work should be
promptly completed, and at the same time knew that the con-
tribution of the duke of Burgundy, liberal though it was,
would not nearly suffice for the purpose. He therefore took a
step in order to provide funds, which the exigencies of the case
seemed to warrant, but which at the time gave great dissatisfac-
tion. It has been already stated that when he was elected
to the Grand-Mastership he was holding the post of castellan
of Emposta. Under, ordinary circumstances he should, upon
attaining the higher dignity, have at once resigned the
lesser office. This he resolved not to do, but still retaining the
castellany in his own hands, to devote its revenues entirely to
the completion of the new fort.

Baymond at the same time divided the whole line of de-
fences around the city in such a manner that a specific portion
of it should be appropriated to each langue^ to be maintained
and guarded by them, and to receive their name. It is worthy
of record that in the emulation and keen competition which
such an arrangement naturally elicited, the portion of the line
set apart for the langue of England, became celebrated for the
perfect manner in which it was kept up, and for the beauty
of the decorations with which it was embellished.

The siege and capture of Lesbos, which took place in the year
1465, in the defence of which a body of Hospitallers had taken
part and lost their lives, became a new warning to the fra-
ternity to maintain its vigilance against its relentless and
ever-advancing foe. Zacosta, who was determined not only
to do his own duty, but also to compel those under him to be

• Newton's ** Travels and Discoveries in the Levant," vol. i. page 176.

236 A History of

equally ready in the discharge of theirs, sent a special citation
to the various receivers of the Order to press for the payment
of all responsions that were due. These officials were becoming
weary of the constant demandfi made on them to faciUtate pre-
parations against an attack which was always impending, but
which seemed never to take place. They therefore appealed to
the Pope against these new requisitions of their chief. Paul II.,
upon receipt of their complaint, directed that the chapter-general,
which had been convoked to meet at Bhodes, should assemble
at Bome instead, and that the Qrand-Master should appear
there in person. Although Zacosta might easily, had he chosen,
have pleaded the necessity of his remaining in the convent at
that most troublous epoch, he preferred to obey the mandate,
being anxious to confront his enemies and calumniators. His
success at Eome was so complete, and the explanations which
he gave so satisfactory, that his enemies were clothed with
shame, and the Pope hastened to make an earnest though tardy
reparation for the wrongs which his suspicions had inflicted.
Zacosta was laden with honours and distinctions, and enabled
to compel the refractory commanders, now no longer supported
by papal authority, to remit their just tribute to the treasury.

Whilst still at Eome, Zacosta was seized with pleurisy, which
ended in his death on the 21 st February, 1467. The Pope-
decreed that his remains should be honoured with a burial in
St. Peter's, and in that cathedral his funeral obsequies were
performed with great magnificence. His tomb lay on the left
side of the chapel of St. Gregory. There it remained xmtil, on
the occasion of some repairs, it was transferred to the foot of
the confessional of St. Peter. The monumental slab was at the
same time placed in the crypt of the church, where it still
exists.

The opportunity thus offered to the Pope by the death of a
Grand-Master, and the consequent necessity for a new election,
within the limits of his own immediate jurisdiction, was not
thrown away by Paul. He at once convoked the required
assembly from amongst such members of the chapter-general
as were still in the city, and there, xmder his dictation, the
prior of Rome, John Orsini, was raised to the vacant dignity.
In spite, however, of the papal influence, the election was keenly

the Knights of Malta. 237

contested, and the prior of St. Gilles, Baymond Bicoard, was
defeated by only a single vote, he having obtained eight against
the nine recorded in favour of Orsini. Had the election been
held anywhere but in Rome there is little doubt that he would
have been the new Grand-Master.

The general summons to Rhodes which followed on the
elevation of Orsini was responded to with enthusiasm. Large
numbers of knights and others interested in the welfare of the
convent, flocked thither to greet their new chief, and to assist
him in his projects of defence. Foremost amongst these was the
commander, D'Aubusson, whose name has been already men-
tioned. Eminently talented as an engineer, and well read in
aU the most modem and improved details of the art of fortifi-
cation, he was felt to be a man to whom, in the approaching
crisis, all could look for advice and assistance. He was
appointed captain-general and inspector of the island. Under
his direction the ditches were enlarged and deepened where
practicable, and a wall was built on the sea front of the town,
about 600 feet in length and twenty in height. The cost
of this work was defrayed out of the private purse of the
Grand-Master, in spite of which the wall bears the arms of
D'Aubusson, surmounted with the cardinal's hat. It must
therefore have been fixed there after the siege, whilst D'Aubus-
son was Grand-Master.

At this time actual war had not been declared between
Mahomet and the Order, but, on the contrary, more than
one treacherous and badly kept truce had been concluded.
Constant skirmishes were, however, taking place between the
rival powers, and it was evident that before long open hostilities
must break forth. In the year 1470 the spies who were main-
tained by \h!^ Hospitallers at the Ottoman court, and if report
speaks truly, even within the walls of the harem, gave timely
notice that a gigantic armament was being prepared, the
ultimate destination of which was as yet a secret. Whilst it
remained uncertain whether Rhodes or the Venetian island of
Negropont was to be the point of attack, an attempt was made
by the republic of the Adriatic to enter into a close alliance with
the knights. Had this offer been made in good faith, it would,
imder the circumstances, have been highly advantageous to both

238 A History of

parties, but when the terms came to be discussed, it was
plain that the Venetians designed, under cover of an alliance,
to render the fraternity entirely subservient to themselves.
Their offers were consequently declined ; still, when the storm
actually burst on Negropont, the knights hastened to despatch to
its assistance a squadron, under the command of D'Aubusson
and Cardonne. Any benefit which might have accrued from
the aid thus sent was rendered futile through the cowardice of
the Venetian admiral, Canalis. That officer, at a critical moment,
when the combined squadron of which he was the leader might
have saved the town, carried off the Venetian fleet, and left
the island to fall a prey to the Turkish arms.

The loss of Negropont would imdoubtedly have been followed
without delay by an attack on Rhodes but for the fact that at
this critical juncture the shah of Persia declared war against
the Ottoman empire. The shah, who had ajs good reason to
dread that power on its eastern borders as the knights had on
the west, entered into a league with the Pope, the kings of
Naples and Aragon, the republics of Venice and Florence, and
the Order of St. John. By virtue of this treaty he was to
be furnished with men and money, and more especially with
artillery, to aid him in carrying on hostilities against his
formidable neighbour. The result was that for some years
Mahomet foimd himself so much occupied on his eastern
frontier that he was compelled for the time to postpone his
ambitious projects in the Levant.

During this lull Orsini died in the year 1476, at so great an
age that for a long period his rule over the fraternity had been
little more than nominal; D'Aubusson, who had been raised
to the rank of grand-prior of Auvergne, having been in reality
the supreme director of the government. A curious incident
preceded the death of Orsini. A few months before that event
actually took place he was struck with an attack of syncope
or catalepsy which his attendants mistook for death. Every
preparation was consequently made for his funeral obsequies,
and he would undoubtedly have been buried alive had he not
fortunately recovered from the seizure in time to prevent such a
catastrophe. His resuscitation lasted but for a short period,
and an attack of dropsy carried him off in reality two months
afterwards.

the Knights of Malta. 239

During the years of his lieutenancy D'Aubusson had not
been idle in adding to the defences of the city of Rhodes.
Three new towers were constructed in the enceinte, and a huge
chain was placed at the entrance of the harbour by which its
ingress might be blocked at will. This chain was coiled in
the basement of St. Michael's tower, and the opening is still
visible in the ruins through which it was drawn out when in
use. After the Turks captured the island they stored it in ihe
vaults of the Hospital. To provide for the large expenditure
entailed by these works, the treasury of Rhodes was driven to
have recourse to every possible shift. Amongst other measures
the coimcil appropriated a quantity of old plate belonging to
the cathedral of St. John, which bore the arms of Elyon de
Villanova, by whom it had been presented to the church. It
was promised that when the crisis was past this plate should
be restored, and that in the meantime it should be pledged as
security for a loan.

The election of a successor to Orsini was little more than
a matter of form. This was not a time when either petty
jealousies or local interests could be permitted to interfere in the
nomination of a chief, under whose guidance it seemed certain
that the knights would be called upon to withstand the powerful
attack that had been so long preparing. On the skill and
judgment of that leader it would mainly depend whether they
would be able to ride out the tempest unscathed, or be for
ever overwhelmed by its furious onset. There waa one name
on every tongue. It was that of a man who had already shown
himself weU worthy of the confidence placed in his powers, so
that when the coimcil announced to the expectcmt fraternity
the name of Peter D'Aubusson as its new chief, the decision
was greeted with acclamations which showed how fully that
selection had met with public approval.

Peter D'Aubusson, grand-prior of Auvergne, was descended
from the family of the viscoimts de la Marche, the name
dating back to the ninth century. The ramifications of this
family have included a connection both with the dukes of
Normandy and also with the Saxon kings of England, so that,
although D'Aubusson was French both by birth and education,
there must ever exist a sympathy for his high name and gallant

240 A History of the Knights of Malta,

achievements on this side of the channel. He was bom in
the year 1423, in the chateau of M onteil-le-Vicomte, his father
being Eenaud D'Aubusson, and his mother Marguerite de
Cambom, a member of a very aristocratic French family.
He had served with much distinction in his earlier days in the
war between Sigismond and the Ottomans under the leadership
of Albert, duke of Austria, at the close of which he spent some
time at the court of Himgary. On the death of Sigismond
he returned to France, where he was received with much dis-
tinction by Charles VII. Whilst there he took part in the war
against the English. He particularly distinguished himself
at the assault on Montereau Faut-yone, so much so that when,
shortly afterwards, Charles YII. made his entry into Paris, he
gave D'Aubusson a conspicuous position in the pageant.

After peace, had been concluded with England, the young
knight perceived that all further chance of distinction in that
quarter was at an end. He therefore determined to enrol
himself a member of the Order of St. John, and proceeded to
Bihodes for the purpose. At that time his uncle was a distin-
guished knight of the Order, and was commander of Charroux.
It has already been shown that the yoxmg aspirant was not
long in making his name known amongst the fraternity, and in
assisting, both with his sword and his powers of diplomacy, to
forward its interests. Long before he was raised to the supreme
dignity, D'Aubusson had rendered himself indispensable, and
the public confidence in him was so unbounded that all were
ready to yield him the blindest obedience. His character, even
at an early age, had been well imderstood by Charles VII.,
who said that he had never seen in so yoxmg a man such fiery
courage coupled with such wisdom and sagacity.

OHAPTEK X.

1476—1480.

Description of Rhodes — The three renegades — Arrival of the Turkiflh army
at Rhodes— First attack on Fort St. Nicholas— Its failure— Breach
opened in the Jews' quarter — Attempted assassination of the Grand-
Master— Second attack on St. Nicholas and its failure — Second advance
on the Jews' quarter — Execution of Ma!tre Oeorges — Last assault of
the Turks and its repulse — Close of the siege, and embarkation of the
Ottoman army.

The city of Ehodes, at the time of the accession of Peter
D'Aubusson, was a very difPerent place from what it had been
when first torn from the hands of the infidel in the beginning
of the fourteenth century. At that period all the grandeur of
former ages had been lost, and the half-ruined town presented
every appearance of squalor and poverty. Now all this was
changed. From the moment when Fulk de Villaret first
established his convent there, the knights of St. John had
lavished their treasures partly in the construction of works of
defence as perfect as the engineering science of those days
could devise, and partly in the architectural decoration of their
town, replete as it was with natural beauties. The splendid
buildings which still exist testify to its grandeur and magnifi-
cence in the days of the Order of St. John, and to the enormous
expenditure which had been lavished on its defences.

It was situated on the sea-shore at the north-eastern ex-
tremity of the island, and embraced within its circuit the two
harbours known as the inner and the outer port, the latter
sometimes called the port of the galleys. The outer port was
formed by a long strip of land running in a direction nearly
due north, and jutting out into the sea so as to enclose between
it and the shore line an anchorage, very commodious and

17

242 A History of

sheltered from all but northerly winds. On the rock at the
extremity of this neck of land stood the tower of St. Nicholas,
the erection of which, by Zacosta, has already been mentioned.
This tower, which was the first object that greeted the pilot on
nearing the shores of E>hodes, was considered the most impor-
tant point in the defences of the town, next to the Grand-
Master's palace, which was the citadel. Its position, surrounded
abnost entirely by the sea, rendered it difficult of attack at
all times, and from sudden surprise or coup de main it was
practically quite secure. The inner port was enclosed by two
moles, running respectively in a northerly and easterly direction,
so as to embrace within their shelter an expanse of water par-
taking somewhat of the geometric form of a sector. At the
extremities of these moles stood the two towers of St. Michael
and St. John (the one now called Arab's tower, and the other
Windmill tower). These two works, together with that of
St. Nicholas, may be said to have constituted the principal
strength of the place on its sea front.

It has been a matter of much dispute where the famous
Colossus of Ehodes stood. Tradition has generally pointed to
the two rocks on which stand the towers of St. Michael and St.
John, affirming that the statue was reared with one foot on
each of these points, and that vessels entering the harbour were
enabled to pass in full sail between its legs. Newton's opinion
has already been quoted that the tower of St. Nicholas probably
stands on the site of the old statue, and this opinion is shared by
most persons best qualified to judge in the matter. If , as is
very likely, the statue had been erected as a mark of guidance
to vessels approaching the harbour, the rock of St. Nicholas
would be the most natural and suitable site. The dimensions
of the figure on that spot might well have raised it to the
dignity of a wonder of the world without claiming for it a
stride of fifty fathoms.

The land defences of the city consisted of a rampart and
ditch, the former in some parts doubled by a species of f ausse-
braye. The terreplein was 40 feet wide, and the ditch varied
in depth from 40 to 60 feet, and in width from 90 to 140 feet.
This was sunk in the natural rock, which being a free-stone, easily
worked, doubtless supplied the material for all the masonry of

PUAN OF THE

IFomTlRIESS OIF MmOBE

to illiztftratfl Hw Si«ge« of 1460 and 1522 .

1 Omnd Master^ HtLsuX'.

2 Church of Sf^ohn.

5 BospitaZ of Sf^Johrv.

4 Stnet afthfSni^hta.

5 jhrtboise OaJt» .

6 SfOearqe* Oate^.

7 Spcmish Tower.

8 Sf^McuykTowsr.

9 S^John^aGetU.
20 lUjiHajrvTo^er.
n S^Johna Tower.

J2 SPMichetds Tower.

15 Fort SP Nicholas .

M Church, of SP^nthxnt^

JS 5? St^herutEia. -

leSfBuiUOtMjte.

17 Sf CatharruA OaJbt .

the Knights of Malta. 243

the enceinte, and probably for much of that required for the
town itself. Many of the old guns used by the knights in the
two sieges about to be recorded still stand in situ. Their vents
are protected by old cuirasses taken from the armoury. They
are, of course, practically useless, and were they to be fired,
would oertiujily prove a greater source of danger to the gunners
than to the enemy. The rampart was flanked by numerous
square towers at intervals. In addition to these, there were five
more important projecting points covered with outworks, which
partook somewhat of the character of bastions. Commencing
at the south-west or Jews' quarter, there were respectively the
towers of Italy, St. John, St. Mary, Spain, and St. George.
The line from this latter post ran northward, till it reached the
Gfrand-Master's palace. Thence it turned at right angles east-
ward up to the foot of the mole of St. Nicholas. The sea-face
constituting the inner line of the harbour was also protected by
a rampart, but without any ditch. The town thus encircled
partook very much of the form of a crescent. An inner line
ran due east and west, cutting off the northern horn of this
crescent. Within this retrenchment dwelt the aristocracy of
Ehodes. Here were the various auhergen of the langueSy the
Hospital of the Order, the conventual church of St. John, and
the Ghrand-Master's palace. This latter was enclosed in a
further line of retrenchment, and with its gardens and
grounds occupied a very large space at the north-west comer
of the town, and constituted the citadel of the fortress.
Everything which the science of the age could suggest, or the
lavish expenditure of money could accomplish, had been done
to develop its strength. It was entered by a separate gate,
and dominated the whole of its surroundings.

The houses of the lower part were built of stone, and had
flat roofs after the custom of most Eastern cities. At
frequent intervals the streets, which were very narrow, were
crossed overhead by broad arches. This was probably done to
facilitate communication between the various points, and also,
perhaps, to afford shelter from the fire of the enemy during a
siege. Two gates led into the lower town from the land side,
called respectively the gates of St. George and St. John.
Before the second siege the latter was built up. As is the

244 ^ History of

case in so many cities, the Jews dwelt in a quarter set apart
for them in the south-eastern comer, where they were covered
by the ramparts of the langue of Italy.

From the time of Zacosta the defence of the line of works
had been allotted amongst the different langues as follows : —
From the foot of the mole of St. Nicholas to the Ghrand-Master's
palace was in charge of France; thence to the gate of St. George
was held by Germany ; Auvergne was posted between that gate
and the Spanish tower; England between the Spanish tower
and that of St. Mary, of which they only defended the lower
story, the upper part being held by Aragon, as well as the line
up to the gate of St. John; from that gate to the tower of
Italy was held by Provence, the sea-face closing the circuit
being in charge, one half of Italy and the other half of Castile.
The palace itself was held by a force composed of members of
all the langues, it being naturally considered the post of honour.

The amazing fertility and luxuriant vegetation of the island
had converted the country outside the waUs into one vast garden.
Far as the eye could reach there appeared on every side fields,
groves, and orchards, clothed in all the brilliancy of summer
verdure, whilst from the summit of St. Stephen's Hill, an
eminence which overlooked the town a short distance ofE on
the western side, the land stretched away in a gradual descent
towards the foot of the ramparts. This slope was broken by
hillocks and undulations, which in their pleasing variety gave
life and animation to the landscape. Here and there on every
side the ground was dotted with chapels, summer-houses, and
other rustic buildings, very picturesque in appearance, but,
imfortunately, highly detrimental to the defence of the place.
D'Aubusson had, it is true, exerted his power with no sparing
hand to sweep away the most dangerous of these buildings, and,
to a certain extent, with success. Nothing but a stem sense of
the urgency of the ca^e, and a blind confidence in his unerring
judgment, would have permitted the destruction of so much
that was prized by the inhabitants. Still much remained intact
to afford cover to an advancing enemy. To quote the quaint
language of Merry Dupuis, a member of the Order, who,
although not actually present at the siege, arrived in Ehodes
almost immediately afterwards, and wrote a histoiy of it from

the Knights of Malta. 245

the statementB of the principal aotoro, '^ around the dty of
Bhodes lay the most admirable country in the world for carrying
on a siege ; for all around the said town were numerous gardens
filled with little churches and Greek chapels, with old walls and
stones and rocks, behind which cover could always be found
against the garrison, to such an extent that if all the artillery
in the world had been inside the town, it could do no harm
to those that were without, provided they did not approach
too close."

There has been much criticism on the defensive arrangements
of D'Aubusson because he did not occupy the dominant hiU of
St. Stephen with an outwork. It must, however, be borne in
mind that the use of artillery had been of too recent introduc-
tion, and was as yet in too crude a state, for the disadvantages
of this point to have been as apparent then as they are now.
Moreover, the policy of isolating a portion of the garrison
and stationing them where they would, in all probability,
have been cut off by the vastly superior forces of the besiegers,
seems somewhat doubtful. At all events, it is dear that
contemporary criticism did not take this line, since even
after the experience of the first siege no attempt was made
during the forty-two years which elapsed between that and
the second to remedy the supposed defect. We may there-
fore rest assured, that had this hill presented the disadvan-
tages which to the modem engineer seem so apparent, the
keen eye and commanding genius of D'Aubusson would not
have neglected its defence. As a matter of fact, the hiU never
was used by the Turks for battering purposes, but only as a
camping ground.

Such were the town and island, which, after being kept for
a space of nearly forty years in a state of perturbation and
alarm, were destined to vritness at length the storm of
invasion break over them. Once again did D'Aubusson pen
a circular to his grand-priors, urging upon them the imme-
diate transmission of reinforcements and supplies. A copy of
this document is still in existence among the papal archives,
and there is something very thrilling and exciting in the
plain manly language in which his demand is couched.
Without any straining after effect, or the slightest attempt

246 A History of

at oratorical display, he appealed with such earnest simplicity
to the chivalry still existing in every knightly bosom, that
it is not surprising to read that his call was responded to
from every priory in Europe. Not only members of the
Order, but numbers of others, knights and simple soldiers,
crowded to the scene of the coming struggle. Although
they were to serve under a banner to which they owed no
allegiance, other than in so far as it was the emblem of
Christian warfare against the infidel, they came, hoping to
win renown for themselves and to aid in the defeat of the
common enemy. The gallant heart of D'Aubusson was
gladdened at the constant arrival of these welcome additions
to his strength, comprising, as they did, some of the noblest
names in Europe. Foremost amongst them was his eldest
brother, the viscount de Monteuil, who, at the head of a con-
siderable body of retainers, volunteered his services at this
crisis. He was, by the unanimous voice of the council, elected
to the post of captain-general, which he promptly accepted,
and in which he did knightly service imder the supreme
command of his younger brother.

Whilst the knights were thus preparing themselves at all
points to meet their enemy, Mahomet, disappointed at per-
ceiving that his designs had been fathomed, determined, if>
possible, to blind the fraternity to the inmiinence of its
danger. With this idea he directed his son, Djem or 2iizim, in
conjunction with his nephew, Tch^Ai, to submit to the Grand-
Master proposals for a peace. In this project the sultan had
two objects in view. On the one hand, he hoped to lure the
knights into a false sense of security ; and on the other
he trusted, by the selection of a fitting agent, to combine the
services of a spy with those of an envoy. Under his direction
the princes chose for the purpose a renegade Ghreek, who,
on the capture of his native island of Eubeea, by the Turks,
had embraced Islamism in the hope of bettering his fortunes.
This man, whose name was Demetrius Sophiano, possessed
all the cunning and aptitude for intrigue which have ever
been the characteristics of his race. He had often proved
himself a most valuable tool in the hands of his new em-
ployer. In matters of diplomacy, however, Mahomet had in

the Knights of Malta. 247

D'Aubtisson to deal with a man who was fully his equal in
the art, and whose extensive system of espial had rendered
him weU acquainted with the real motives by which the
Ottoman sultan was actuated. Perceiving that a short truce
would give time for such reinforcements to arrive as were
still lingering on the way, he yielded a ready assent to the
proposals of Demetrius, merely taMng objection to the question
of tribute, as to which he averred that he was not authorized
to treat without special reference to the Pope. In order,
therefore, to allow time for this reference to be made, he
suggested that a temporary truce should be established, during
the continuance of which the commerce of both parties should
be free from aggression. This proposal was accepted by
Mahomet, who flattered himself that he had succeeded in
throwing the enemy quite off his guard. He was only im-
deceived when he discovered that D'Aubusson was taking
advantage of the temporary lull to render yet more complete
his preparations for defence.

Demetrius was not the only tool that Mahomet found ready
to his hand at this crisis. In fact, a man who, like the Ottoman
sultan, ruled over an empire to which, through the lust of con-
quest, fresh additions were constantly being made, must have
found frequent occasion for the services of traitors; and as
ample remuneration and rapid advancement awaited the suc-
cessful informer, there were never wanting about his court men
who had that to sell which it was his interest to buy. His
intention of attacking the island of Bhodes upon the first
favoturable opportunity had become so widely known, that
accurate information as to the defences of the town was under-
stood to be a highly marketable commodity. All persons,
therefore, who were in possession of such, hurried, naturally, to
Constantinople, in the hope of realizing a good price for the
article. Demetrius, during his visits to Bhodes, had made him-
self as well acquainted with the general outline of the works
as his positicn admitted, and doubtless received ample reward
for his vigilance. There were also two other men who at
this time came forward to contest with him the palm of
rascality, and to share its disgraceful fruits. One of these was
Antonio Meligala, a Ehodian, who, having dissipated his patri-

248 A History of

mony in debauchery, sought to restore his ruined fortunes by
abandoning Christianity and taking service with the Turk.
Some writers assert that he had formerly been a knight of St.
John and was stripped of his habit for gross misconduct, but
there is no authentic record of the fact. It is very dear that
he had resided for a time at Bhodes, and that he carried away
with him to Constantinople an accurate plan of the fortress.
Whatever reward he may have received for this act of treachery
he did not live long to enjoy, as he died of a loathsome disease
on board a galley whilst accompanying the Turkish army to the
scene of attack.

Another and far more gifted traitor presented himself in the
person of Georges Frapant, commonly called Maitre Georges.
This man was by birth a German, and had been trained as an
engineer, in which science he attained great skill. He has
been described, by friends and enemies alike, as being en-
dowed with marvellous genius. In fact, the historians of the
Order, even whilst heaping the most unmeasured, though weU-
deserved, abuse upon his imf ortunate head, cannot refrain from
drawing attention to his briUiant talents. Caoursin calls him
a man of the most subtle ingenuity, whilst the honest soldier,
Merry Dupuis, after recording of him that he was a most
excellent director of artillery, proceeds to dilate on his personal*
advantages as '^ a fine fellow, weU-formed in all his Umbs, and
of a lofty stature, with great gifts of language, being both
willing and entertaining." These opinions are endorsed by
Bosio, Naberat, and Vertot, subsequent historians whose views
were probably formed from what had been written by the above
quoted authors.* It is very evident that Maitre Georges was
no ordinary man, and the admirer of genius must regret the
misapplied powers and perverted energies of this gifted rene-
gade.

The plans and projects which this trio of traitors submitted
to Mahomet were accompanied by such tempting descriptions of

* Whilst on the sabject of Historians, it may be well to note that the
incidents of the siege about to be recorded are mostly derived from three
contemporary writers, viz., the above-named Caoursin and Merry Dupuis,
and the Turkish writer Ehodgia Effendi. All the later historians have
taken their narratives from these three writers.

the Knights of Malta. ' 249

the unprepared state of the island, the decay of the fortifica-
tions, which they asserted were old and crumbling, and the
paucity of its garrison, that he at length decided to carry out his
long-cherished design. The chief command of the forces des-
tined for the operation was intrusted to a fourth renegade, a
Greek of the imperial house of Paleologus, named Messih,
who held the rank of Capoudan Pasha. This man had been
present at the capture of Constantinople. To save his life he
had forsworn his religion and taken service under Mahomet.
With his new master he rapidly gained honour and advance-
ment, like all renegades, he showed the utmost zeal in perse-
cuting those of his former faith, and the knights of Ehodes had
in particular been distinguished by his bitterest animosity.
The sultan therefore deemed that he would be a veiy fit agent
to accomplish their destruction. This appointment was by no
means distasteful to the Capoudan Pasha, as, owing to the
seductive and glowiQg accounts which his fellow-renegades had
given of the facilities of the enterprise, he was most anxious
to Becure the opportunity for distinction, and for raising him-
self yet higher in his new profession.

Whilst preparations were thus going on at Constantinople, the
knights were, on their side, taking every measure to insure the
success of their defence. At this critical juncture they were glad-
dened by a proposal from the sultan of Egypt to enter into an
alliance with them. That prince beheld with a jealous eye the
impending attack by his powerful eastern neighbour on the fort-
ress of Rhodes. It did not accord with his policy that the island
should fall into the hands of one already too mighty for the
safety of his own empire. A treaty was speedily concluded,
whereby the knights were not only secured from any aggression
on the side of Egypt during their struggle with the Turks, but
were able to draw large supplies of provisions from their new
friends. One measure was still considered necessary to render
their security more complete, and that was to remove temporarily
from the powers of D'Aubusson those checks and restrictions
with which the jealousy of preceding ages had fettered the
Gfrand-Mastership. Now that they were led by one in whom
they had such imbounded confidence, and when the crisis
required that he should be able to act with a promptitude and

250 A History of

energy unattainable under such a rSgimey they unanimously
agreed to free birn from its yoke, and to grant him the un-
limited authority of a dictator until the troublous hour had
passed away. Once before, it will be remembered, the same step
had been taken, and then with the happiest results. It was,
therefore, with the more readiness that they again resorted to
the measure, having already experienced its successful opera-
tion. D'Aubusson was at first unwilling to accept the un-
divided responsibility thus imposed upon him, but his reluctance
was speedily overcome, and when the council broke up it was
announced to the citizens that from that moment he was their
sole and autocratic chief. Never was authority vested in hands
more capable of exercising it wisely, and the confidence which
D'Aubusson felt in himself he was able at that critical juncture
to impart to his friends.

The plans by which Mahomet proposed to carry out his
invasion were these. As a preliminary step a fleet was to be
equipped under the command of Paleologus, which should make
a descent on the island and commit such ravages as would
haxass and terrify the inhabitants, and in some degree exhaust
the strength of the defence before the main struggle com-
menced. Early in the ensuing spring the bulk of the army was
to march across Asia Minor to the port of Phineka, a com-
modious harbour about forty miles to the eastward of Bhodes.
The artillery and heavy stores were to proceed to the same spot
from Constantinople by sea. The pasha, after having harried
the Christians to the best of his ability, was directed to be at the
place of rendezvous at the appointed time, when, picking up the
force there assembled, he was to make his grand descent upon
the point of attack.

In accordance with these instructions, Paleologus sailed with
a considerable squadron in the winter of 1479, and at once
made a bold dash at the island of Bhodes itself. D'Aubusson
had taken every precaution to prevent any disastrous effects
from descents of this kind. He had caused a number of
fortified posts to be constructed in addition to those already
existing, and behind these the inhabitants of the open country
were in cases of alarm to seek shelter. The pa^a therefore
gained but little by his move. His troops effected their landing

the Knights of Malta. 251

unopposed, but found the country deserted, everything carried
away, and the inhabitants whom he would have seized as slaves
secure from his grasp. Whilst his troops were scattered in dis-
organized bands engaged in a fruitless search for plimder, a
sudden descent was made on them by a body of knights. They
were taken completely by surprise, numbers were killed, and
the remainder driven back in confusion to their ships.

The pasha, disgusted at this humiliating repulse, sheered off
from Khodes and steered for the island of Telos, where was
a fort garrisoned by a body of Hospitallers. This, after a few
days' battering, he attempted to carry by storm, but once
more met with a bloody repulse. The fort was evidently not
to be taken by a coup de mainy and the Capoudan Pasha,
crestfallen and defeated, was fain to retire to Phineka, there
to await the arrival of his aomy. A bad beginning this
to so great an enterprise, and an evil omen for its ultimate
success.

One morning, towards the latter end of April, in the
year 1480, the sentinel posted on the top of St. Stephen's
hill, descried the hostile fleet passing within view of the
island. The alarm was at once given, and the Grand-Master,
with his principal officers, assembled on the spot to watch its
onward progress. The eventful hour was not yet come, and
the fleet, which was bearing the artillery and other stores
from Constantinople, made for Phineka, the pre-arranged port
of rendezvous.' Having there been joined by the remainder
of the force, the army was embarked, and the expedition,
which numbered 70,000 men (some accounts say 100,000)
with 160 lajge vessels, exclusive of small craft, arrived within
sight of Rhodes on the 23rd of May, 1480. The warnings
which had been giv^ on so many previous occasions had
enabled the knights to make every preparation for this
critical moment. The inhabitanta had all taken refuge with-
in the town, whither their property had also been conveyed.
Nothing capable of removal was left to become the spoil of the
invaders ; even the unripe com was cut and carried away. An
attempt was made to impede the landing, without producing
much effect, the magnitude of his force and the numerical
strength of his fleet enabling the pasha to effect a disembark-

252 A History of

ation without difficulty in the bay of Trianda, on the north-
west side of the island.

He encamped his forces on the slope of St. Stephen's hill,
and pitched his own tent on the summit,* and on the following
day despatched a herald to summon the town to surrender.
He knew weU that the demand would be rejected with scorn
by the knights, but he had worded his message craftily, with
the hope of seducing the Gh:'eek inhabitants, to whom he
promised a general amnesty and an increase of privileges
under the Turks. His cunning design was frustrated by the
staunch courage of the Ehodians, who preferred staking their
all on the f ortimes of the Order, to accepting the tempting but
dangerous offers of Paleologus. When it is remembered that
the population of Bhodes mostly professed the Ghreek faith, it is
somewhat surprising that they should have remained so loyal
to the sway of a Boman Catholic body. Either the differences
and jealousies between the rival creeds must in those days have
been less embittered than of late, or the fraternity must have
learnt a lesson in religious toleration very unusual to the
professors of their faith. There are facts which show that both
these causes must have operated to produce such laudable
results. As a proof that the differences between the two
religions were then by no means so marked as at present,
may be mentioned the fact that a miraculous picture of the
Virgin, held in the highest esteem by the knights, was during
the siege lodged in a Ghreek chapel, where it received the joint
adoration of both sects. This painting had been brought from
Acre by the knights on their expulsion from that city. After
their arrival in Ehodes it had been deposited in a chapel, built
for the purpose on an eminence about a mile to the west of the
town. This hill was called Mount Philermo, and the image
bore the name of Our Lady of Philermo, When the approach
of the Turks rendered this chapel no longer a place of security,
the picture was brought within the fortress, nor was any objec-
tion made to its being lodged in a Greek chapel. No surer

* This hill has been called Sir Sidney Smith's hill, and a house at its
top still bears his name. It was here that he took up his abode in
1802, in order that he might keep a vigilant look-out for the French fleet
during the expedition to Egypt.

the Knights of Malta. 253

token could have been given of the unanimity and good fellow-
ship whioh at that time existed between the professors of the
two creeds.

As soon as the Turks had established themselves in their
camp, they began to push forward reconnoissanees in front
of the walls. It suited neither the poKcy of D'Aubusson nor
the temper of his troops to permit these approaches to be
continued unchecked. A sortie was consequently made with a
chosen body of cavalry, led by the viscount de Monteuil in
person, in which, after a slight combat — ^little more indeed
than a skirmish — ^the Turks were driven back to their camp.
In this affair Demetrius Sophiano, another of the three traitors
who had hoped to reap such a golden harvest from the results
of their villainy, met his death. His horse having been killed,
he was unable to disengage himself from the fallen animal, and
the advancing squadrons of the enemy, charging over his
prostrate body, trampled him to death in the mtUe. The
knights in this struggle lost one of their own number, a
member of the langue of Auvergne, named Murat, who, having
pushed too far in front in the ardour of the moment, was
surrounded by spahis. He was speedily put to death, and his
head borne away in triumph on a spear.

Meanwhile the pasha had been in close consultation with
Maitre G-eorges as to the point he should select for the attack.
That worthy, whose keen eye instantly grasped the importance
of the post of St. Nicholas, suggested that the whole weight of
the besieging force should be thrown against that fort. To this
Paleologus, who had every confidence in the opinion of the
German, readily assented. A battery was at once commenced
within the gardens of the church of St. Anthony, a convenient
spot whence the powerful battering train which had been brought
from Constantinople might vomit its ponderous missiles against
the rampart of St. Nicholas, from a distance of about 300
yards. The knights, on their side, anxious to impede the con-
struction of so dangerous a work, opened fire on the rising
battery from some guns which they placed on a platform on the
north side of the Grand-Master's palace, from which spot they
were able to enfilade it. In spite of all obstructions, and in
the face of a large loss in men, the work continued to advance,

254 -^ History of

gabions, timber, and other appKanoes being brought into use to
expedite its completion. At length, all being ready, three of
the pasha's great basilisks were seen to peep portentously
through the embrasures. These basilisks, of which sixteen had
been brought from the arsenal of Constantinople, had been
cast under the direction of that most useful of men Maitre
Georges. They were of such stupendous dimensions, that their
very appearance might well spread dismay amongst the ranks
of the garrison. They were eighteen feet in length, and were
designed to carry projectiles of from eight to nine palms in
diameter.* In those early days of artillery the calibre of the
guns was very large and the projectiles generally of stone.
Only a Kttle powder was used, the range was therefore extremely
limited. Artillerists trusted more to the weight of the missile
than to the impetus with which it was projected for the
desired effect to be produced. It must certainly have been
by no means a reassuring incident to the defenders of Fort St.
Nicholas to be battered incessantly with such gigantic artillery.
The result speedily manifested itself. Although the walls
had been well built and were very solid, they were not capable
of withstanding for any time the huge projectiles which Maitre
Georges had caused to be hurled against them, and ere long, a
gaping breach on the west face marked the successful practice
of the gunners.

Whilst this battering was proceeding, another incident had
taken place which materially affected the fortunes of the wily
German. In pursuance of a plan laid down between himself
and Paleologus, the dauntless scoundrel — for with all his crimes
it is impossible to deny him the virtue of the most daring
courage — presented himself before the walls one morning and
besought admission into the town as a deserter from the
Turkish camp. Taken before D'Aubusson, Mattre Georges had
a plausible tale ready to accoimt for his appearance. Entirely
ignoring for the moment the awkward fact of his apostasy to

* Some doubt exists as to what the palm here referred to really was.
It could not have been the Italian palm, which was 8f inches. Possibly
the old Roman palm was intended, of which four went to the pe», or foot of
11*62 inches. In this case the palm would have been 2*9 inches, and the
calibre of the basilisks from 23 to 26 inches. The English palm is 3 inches.

the Knights of Malta* 255

Islamism, he averred with the most captivating ingenuotusness,
that although he had been for many years in the service of the
sultan, his conscience would not permit him to assist further in
the designs of that monarch against the fraternity. Finding
himself unable in any other manner to escape from the dis-
tasteful and painful service, he had resolved to take the
hazardous step of deserting into the fortress. D'Aubusson had
had too many dealings with rascals as wily and plausible as
Maitre Georges to give a ready credence to this tale of remorse.
He knew too well that the day was past when men made such
sacrifices for their religion. He also knew what a fearful risk
Maitre Georges would be running if he were really a deserter
in the event of the capture of the town, and of his falling once
more into the hands of his former employers. This was a risk
which he gravely doubted Maitre Georges' newly-awakened
zeal for the Christian faith would prompt him to run. The pro-
babilities seemed to him, therefore, that the pretended deserter
was acting in collusion with the foe without. Treachery,
however, if treachery there were, was, under the circum-
stances, to be best encountered by dissimulation. The Qrand-
Master determined that he would glean what information he
could from the German, without trusting him in any way that
might be made available for the use of the pasha. Maitre
Georges was welcomed as cordially as though no suspicions had
been aroused ; but he soon discovered that there were those in
his tndn whose sole duty appeared to be to watch his every
movement and to mark his every word. One or two abortive
attempts to search out the weak points in the defence soon
taught him that any further effort in that, direction would
inevitably lead to destruction. In fact, D'Aubusson completely
foiled his designs, and if he did not prove of much use to the
defenders, he was at aU events prevented in any way assisting
the besiegers.

On cross-examination as to the force under the command of
the pasha, he dilated with the most alarming unction on its
magnitude and perfect equipment. Their artillery, he said, was
of gigantic calibre, such as had never before been brought into
the field, and on this point he certainly was able to speak with
some authority, having founded the cannon himself. The army

256 A History of

was numerous, well disoiplined, and amply supplied with stores
and provisions of every kind, and was, moreover, animated with
the most fanatical zeal to overthrow this great bulwark of
Christianity. Cheering intelligence that, to be brought by a
deserter into a besieged town. The question naturally arose,
how came so long-headed a man voluntarily to place himself
in a position of such imminent danger? To this, Maitre
GFeorges, with sanctimonious earnestness, pleaded the pangs of
an awakened conscience with such apparent conviction that
many were led to believe him sincere.

Meanwhile the battery in St. Anthony's garden had been
doing its duty. The confused mass of rubbish daily increasing
at the foot of St. Nicholas' tower, and the gaping breach in its
walls, rapidly enlarging in dimensions, showed D'Aubusson
that unless speedy precautions were taken, the post would be
lost. He therefore concentrated on the spot as large a reinforce-
ment as could be contained within the enceinte of the work.
At the same time he prepared every obstacle his ingenuity
could devise to impede the operation of an assault. Taking
advantage of the mass of ruined masonry which had been dis-
lodged by the pasha's basQisks, he with it cast up a new defence
across the mole. Small batteries were established wherever they
could sweep the approaches to the breach, and in the shallow
water of the harbour itself he sank numerous planks, studded
with sharp-pointed nails, to impede the enemy were they to
attempt wading across. Having thus done everything which
his foresight could suggest, he calmly awaited the onset.

On the morning of the 9th June, as soon as day broke, the
alarm was given, and a large fleet of the enemy's lighter craft,
laden with soldiers, was seen bearing down in a compact mass on
the devoted fort. They were landed — some on the mole, some on
the rocks, and the rest plunged overboard into the shallow water.
With loud shouts they rushed at the breach, and endeavoured
to carry the work by a coup de main. Conspicuous on the
summit stood D'Aubusson, arrayed in all the panoply of his
rank, and around him was gathered the flower of that chivalry
from which the Turk had so often before been compelled to recoil.
Anxiously was the struggle watched by both friend and foe on
the mainland. The battlements overlooking the harbour were

the Knights of Malta. 257

crowded with citizens, eager to mark the progress of the fray ;
whilst on the brow of St. Stephen's hill stood Paleologus himself,
filled with the keen excitement natural in one to whom success
would be everything, and failure perdition. Amid the clouds of
smoke and dust but little was to be seen. Ever and anon, as
a passing gust of wind raised the dark veil for a moment, might
be distinguished that noble band, thinned in nmnbers and faint
with toil, but still standing unsubdued, and in proud defiance, on
their shattered bulwarks, whilst the ruins were covered with the
corpses of those who had fallen in the struggle. That same
glimpse would also show the Moslem, undaunted by the opposi-
tion he was encountering, still swarming up the blood-stained
pathway, striving by the sheer weight of nimibers to surmount
the obstacle which had already proved fatal to so many of his
comrades.

Throughout this eventful day, D'Aubusson retained his post
with the defenders of the fort. Utterly regardless of his own
life he was to be found wherever the fray was thickest, or support
most needed. His exposure of himself was, indeed, so reckless
as to call forth the earnest remonstrances of his friends. On one
occasion, having been struck on the head by a large fragment
of stone which destroyed his helmet, he coolly selected another
from the head of a fallen soldier ; and when remonstrated with
by the commander, Fabricius Caretto (who was the governor
of the fort), he replied, with a smile, " If I am killed there will
be more cause of hope for you than of fear for me." It is sup-
posed that he desired in this speech to indicate his opinion that
that knight would be his fittest successor in case of his own death.
At last, whilst the fate of the day seemed still to hang uncertain
in the balance, the garrison brought some fireships to bear upon
the galleys of the enemy. The attempt was successful ; several
caught fire, and the remainder, to avoid a similar fate, were
compelled promptly to retire. At the same moment the defenders
of St. Nicholas made a vigorous and united dash at the breach ;
the ladders were overturned, and such of the enemy as had made
good their footing on the summit were once more hurled head-
long to its foot. The flanking batteries were all this time pouring
a destructive fire on the confused and disordered mass which stood
huddled at its base. Many of the leaders had fallen, their

18

258 A History of

fleet had abandoned them, and they themselves were being mowed
down by the deadly fire from the ramparts. Is it surprising that
imder such an accumulation of obstacles they should at length
give way? The mass of slain with which the bre€U)h was
covered bore ample testimony to the obstinacy and determina-
tion of the assault, but the resistance of the defenders had proved
too powerful for them, and at length they sought safety in
flight. The terror of the fireships had been so great that but
few of thoir boats were left to carry off the discomfited survivors.
Many were drowned in the attempt to cross over to the mainland,
and the remainder were borne away crestfallen and humiliated
from the scene of action.

The feelings of the pasha, as from the summit of St.
Stephen's hill he witnessed the tmtoward conclusion of the
fray, were far from enviable. His troops had been taught
to consider themselves invincible, and the foe had not hitherto
been foimd who could withstand the shock of their onset.
They trusted that as it had been with the turbaned warrior
of the East, so would it also prove with their Christian
antagonists ; but they now learnt their error at a grievous cost
to themselves. That crumbling breach which, if guarded by a
Moslem garrison, would have offered but a slender resistance,
had, when crowned by the warriors of the Cross, rendered
futile their boldest efforts, and hurled them back discomfited
to their camp. Seven hundred corpses lay stretched upon the
mole and breach. The pasha obtained a short truce to enable
him to remove and bury them. A long trench was dug near
the garden of St. Anthony, along the western shore of the
port, in which they were all deposited. This trench, according
to Biliotti, has recently been discovered, and the bones still
found there removed into the adjoining cemetery of Mourad-
lleis.

Paleologus was not the man to despair at a first failure;
he was* therefore speedily at work devising a new attack in
another quarter. Conceiving that the knights were probably
exhausting their utmost resources in the defence of St.
Nicholas, he determined to break ground on a fresh point,
where he might find a less obstinate resistance. Whilst
D'Aubusson was returning thanks for the glorious success

tJie Knights of Malta. 259

of the preceding day, by a triumphal procession to the miracu-
lous picture of Our Lady of Philermo, the pasha was moving
his heavy batteriug train to the southern side of the city.
The Jews' quarter was selected as the new object of attack.
The ramparts at this point were of extreme thickness, but
were also of great age, and therefore but ill suited to resist
any very severe battering. Wishing to distract the garrison,
he did not confine his efPorts to a single place, but at the
same time opened fire on the tower of St. Mary on the one
side, and on that of Italy on the other. He also commenced
a general bombardment. From the huge mortars which
formed part of his siege train, he hurled into the town
gigantic fragments of rock and other destructive missiles,
trusting thereby so to annoy the inhabitants that they would
be unable to protract the defence with energy. Light balls
and other combustible ingredients were also made use of, in the
hope of causing a conflagration. Against all these dangers
D'Aubusson's ready genius was able to find a remedy. He
created a temporary shelter for such of the inhabitants as were
not required for the defence by the erection of large sheds with
sloping sides, built against the interior of the ramparts, on
such sites as were best protected from the fire of the besiegers.
Others found shelter in the vaults of the churches and similar
places of security, so that the pasha gained but little by his
vast expenditure of ammunition. True it is, as Merry Dupuis
records, that one shot struck the roof of the Grand-Master's
palace, and descending through the floor into the cellar, de-
stroyed a hogshead of wine. The waste of the good liquor seems
to have impressed the simple-minded Dupuis more than the
damage to the building ; but if the casualties were confined to
such losses as these, the pasha might as well have economized
his powder. The danger of fire in a city built almost entirely
of stone was not great, but even that was guarded against.
A band was organized whose sole duty it was to watch the
flaming projectiles in their descent, and quench them imme-
diately. The roar of this bombardment was so loud that it
could be heard in the island of Lango on the one side, and in
that of Chateau Boux on the other.

The state of the rampart in front of the Jews' quarter soon

18*

26o A History of

became such as to render prompt measures necessary for the
security of that point. D'Aubusson therefore commenced the
construction of a retrenchment. For this purpose he levelled
the houses in rear of the breach, sank a deep dit<3h in a semi-
circular direction, and behind this new obstacle built a brick
wall supported by an earthen rampart and of sufficient thick-
ness and solidity to resist the battering power of the enemy.
The work was pushed forward with almost incredible rapidity.
The Grrand-Master himself set the example, not only by giving
directions on the spot, but even by taking his turn at the manual
labour. Whilst thus employed he handled the pick and shovel
with the same vigour which he imparted to every duty that
he imdertook. The effect of this good example was soon
seen. Not only did the knights and upper classes amongst the
Rhodians assist vigorously in the work, but also the women and
children ; nay, even the secluded inmates of the religious houses
joined in the universal enthusiasm, and performed the tasks of
ordinary workmen. The residt shewed itself in the rapid
elevation of a new banier, which the pasha on completing the
demolition of the Jews' rampart, foimd encircling its rear,
rendering futile all the efforts he had made and the vast
quantities of ammunition he had expended.

Up to this time Paleologus had pushed his advances towards
the capture of the place in an open and legitimate manner.
Now, however, finding himself foiled by the determined
bravery of the besieged, he fell back on a weapon common
enough in the warfare of the East, but repugnant to every
feeling of true chivalry. Considering justly enough that the
resistance he was encountering was greatly due to the personal
energy of D'Aubusson, he bethought himself of putting an end
to that incentive by the dagger of the assassin. He trusted by
this means to remove the principal obstacle to his success, and
to carry out this nefarious project he employed two deserters,
the one a Dalmatian, and the other an Albanian, who had joined
his army since the commencement of the siege. Whilst he was
developing his infamous scheme with these wretches a despatch
arrived from Constantinople, brought by Ali pasha, in which he
was informed that the sultan himself was about to proceed to
the scene of war, with a reinforcement of 1 00,000 men and a

the Knights of Malta. 261

new park of artillery. It is more than probable that this
intelligence was completely false, still it attained its object in
raising the enthusiasm of the besiegers. The two deserters,
in furtherance of their project, presented themselves at one of
the gates of the city, with a plausible tale of having been
captured during a sortie, and of having just succeeded in
making their escape. This story met with ready credence, and
they were welcomed back into the town with the warmest
congratulations. Their first step was to spread the intelligence
of the expected arrival of the sultan with overwhelming
reinforcements, a piece of news which, according to their
intention, created the utmost dismay amongst the defenders.
Certain knights of the Italian and Spanish Ungues carried
their terror so far as to form a plot for the purpose of
compelling the Ghrand-Master to surrender before the arrival of
Mahomet. With this view they secured the co-operation of one
of his secretaries, an Italian, named Filelf o, who undertook to be
their mouthpiece. D'Aubusson, upon hearing from his secretary
what was passing, summoned the malcontent-s into his presence.
With cutting sarcasm he informed them that since they were in
such terror of the Moslem sultan they had his permission to
leave the town, and that he himself would secure their safe
departure. " But," added he, " if you remain with us speak no
more of surrender, and rest assured that if you continue your
cabals you shall meet with the fate you so justly merit." This
combination of raillery and sternness had the desired effect, the
recusants threw themselves at his feet and implored him to give
them an early opportunity of effacing the memory of their
cowardice in the blood of the infidel. FileKo soon discovered
that his master's confidence had been withdrawn from him
owing to his participation in the affair, and he was much dis-
tressed in consequence. The Albanian deserter, who had some
acquaintance with him, imagined that he was probably now in a
mood when he might be rendered subservient to their scheme.
Gradually and cautiously he endeavoured to excite and
stimulate the Italian's resentment at the neglect he was
suffering. Finding, as he thought, that he was succeeding in
his object he at length imfolded the entire plot, making the
most brilliant offers to Filelf o, in guarantee for which he shewed

262 A History of

him letters from the pasha. The secretary, who was warmly
attached to D'Aubusson, and who felt that his present disgrace
had been richly deserved, pretended to fall in with the views
of the deserters. This was merely to enable him to discover
everything, having succeeded in which he at once revealed
the whole conspiracy to his master. The immediate arrest of
the would-be assassins followed the disclosure, and after trial
they were both sentenced to death. The excitement of the
populace upon learning this intended trea^chery was such that
they rushed upon the criminals and, forestalling the just
sentence of the law, tore them in pieces in the fury of the
moment.

Foiled in his cowardly attempt at a cold-blooded assassina-
tion, Paleologus had once more recourse to open warfare.
Disheartened at the ill-success of his efforts against the
Jews' quarter he returned to his original point of attack, the
tower of St. Nicholas. To facilitate the approach of his assault-
ing columns he constructed a large floating bridge, which
was to stretch from the point in front of the church of St.
Anthony to the rocks at the base of the fort, and wide enough to
admit of six men advancing abreast. Under cover of the dark-
ness a Turk succeeded in fixing an anchor at the extremity of
the mole beneath the surface, to the ring of which he secured
a rope, intending by its means to warp the bridge across the
water. This operation, however, had not been carried out as
secretly as the Turk imagined. An English sailor, called
Roger Gervase (or more probably Jervis), saw what was being
done. Watching for the departure of the Turk, he as soon
as the coast was clear detached the rope, removed the anchor,
and carried it in triumph to the Grand-Master. D'Aubusson
was so pleased with the promptitude and decision of the gallant
tar as he stood dripping but radiant before him, with his
ponderous trophy stiQ in his grasp, that he rewarded him with
a present of 200 gold crowns.

The Turks having completed the construction of their bridge
made arrangements for an immediate assault. The former
attack, the failure of which still rankled in their bosoms, had
been imdertaken in broad daylight ; they determined, therefore,
on this occasion to try the effect of a night surprise.

the Knights of Malta. 263

The 19th of June was selected for the attempt, and at about
midnight the various detachments were set in motion. It had
been ordered that whilst the bridge was being haided into
its position a large body of troops, shipped for the purpose on
board some of their smaller craft, should approach the mole,
and make a sudden dash at the battered tower. They thought
that perhaps in the darkness of the night they might take the
garrison unawares. The incident of the anchor, however, fore-
warned D'Aubusson that the moment of assault was close at
hand. Every step that prudence could suggest, or engineering
skill could devise, had been taken to meet the impending shock.
Through the darkness of the night there were keen eyes peering
in silent watchfulness on the crest of the breach, whose vigilance
it was vain for the Turk to attempt eluding. The first strain
upon the rope with which the pasha had hoped to warp hLs
bridge across shewed that his device had been discovered, and
the besiegers were consequently brought to a standstill at their
very earliest step. UnwiUing to waste all the preparations he
had made, Paleologus decided, in spite of this failure, to proceed
with his attack. He therefore ordered the head of the bridge to
be towed to its destination, and whilst this operation was being
carried out with laborious slowness he gave the signal for the
advance of the troops embarked in the boats. Their approach
was at once discovered by the garrison, the alarm was quickly
given, and a desperate fire was opened on them from all sides.
Secrecy being at an end, the boats dashed forward, and on
reaching the rocks the troops they carried rushed at the breach.

The struggle was carried on by both parties with equal obsti-
nacy and determination, but in the darkness of the night little
could be distinguished of the desperate combat which was raging
round the devoted tower. The scene was lit up by the constant
flashes of the artillery, which poured its destructive fire upon
the crowded masses of the besieger's battalions, whilst the lurid
glare shed around by the Greek fire which was poured on the
assailants, added yet another terror to the picture. Amid the
roar of the guns, the clashing of arms, the shouts of the combat-
ants, and the cries of the wounded, the strife continued with
imabated violence, presenting a spectacle to those who were
looking on, at once awful in its grandeur and terrible in its

264 A History of

excitement. As though to add to the horrors of the scene, the
fireships of the besieged were once more let loose on the enemy's
fleet, towards which they drifted in a column of flame, bearing
panic and confusion in their course. The early light of a
Bimmier's dawn broke upon this scene of strife before success had
declared itself for either side. Gruided, however, by the gradu-
ally increasing light, D'Aubusson's gunners were able to direct
their fire with greater precision, and speedily destroyed the
bridge, which had been most useful in enabling the Turkish
supports to be brought up. They also succeeded in sinking
four of the galleys which, in spite of the fireships, continued
to hover around the point of assault, whilst others bore testimony
to their contact with their flaming antagonists by the sheets of
fire in which they were enveloped.

Throughout the night the principal leader of the Turkish
forces had been a young prince named Ibrahim, closely related
to the sultan, with whom he was a great favourite. The daring
and hardihood displayed by this youthful warrior had done
much to keep up the vigour of the assailants, and although he
had received several wounds he still maintained his post in the
front of the attack. At this critical juncture, when his followers
were beginning to quail beneath the deadly fire^oured upon them,
he was killed by a shot. This loss decided the fortunes of the
day ; the breach was abandoned, and the sea was once more
covered with drowning men, the routed relics of the pasha's
force who foimd a watery grave the only alternative to the
avenging swords of the knights.

The loss of the Turks upon this occasion was between 2,000
and 3,000, amongst whom were some of the best ofiicers in their
army. The impression made upon the survivors by this second
failure was so dispiriting as to render the pasha's hopes of ultimate
success highly problematical. He was himself so dismayed by
the untoward events of the night that he confined himself to
his tent for three days, refusing to see any one. D'Aubusson
availed himseK of this respite to clear the mole of the mass of
slain with which it was crowded. Bare pillage was there for
his troops amidst that heap of Moslems, whose costly apparel,
jewels, and ornaments of gold and silver, were a lordly recom-
pense to the hardy warriors who had stood their ground so well.

the Knights of Malta. 265

After three days' seclusion Paleologus recovered his equani-
mity, and roused to a pitch of fury at the losses his army had
sustained, he decided upon a still more vigorous prosecution of
the siege. Eetuming once again to the southern side of the city,
and abandoning in disgust all further attempts upon the tower of
St. Nicholas, he commenced the construction of a battery on the
edge of the counterscarp opposite the retrenchment in the Jews'
quarter. Here was an opportimity for the disgraced knights of
Italy and Spain to recover their fair fame. By means of a
postern they entered the ditch in the dead of night, and thence
silently ascended the coimterscarp with ladders and rushed
impetuously into the as yet unfinished battery. The Turks,
taken completely by surprise, offered little or no resistance ; the
struggle, which was rather a massacre than a fight, lasted only
for a few minutes, and the victorious assailants remained masters
of the battery. The gabions and other woodwork were set on
fire, the battery completely destroyed, and the gallant little
band returned triumphantly into the town, bearing upon their
lances' points the heads of their slain antagonists. This brilliant
episode deservedly restored the actors in it to the good graces
of D'Aubusson, who felt that from men capable of such dashing
exploits he need have no further fear on the score of pusillanimity.

The pasha was taught by this incident that in conducting an
attack against such vigorous and experienced foes as the
defenders of Rhodes, he could not with impunity neglect any of
the orthodox precautions of advance, tedious though they might
be. Opening his approaches, therefore, on a more methodical
and scientific system, he gradually regained the point from
which he had been so rudely ejected. He drove galleries
undergroimd through the coimterscarp, and from these he
poured dihriB into the ditch, so as graduaUy to fill up the greater
part of it, and form a road across to the rampart.

The resources of D'Aubusson were taxed to the uttermost to
devise means for resisting this new and most threatening method
of approach. In the dilemma he bethought him of Maitre
Georges. Mysterious billets had more than once been shot
into the town on arrows, warning the knights to beware of
the German. Opinions were divided as to the object of these
missives, some regarding them as dictated by irritation at the

266 A History of

deserter's having abandoned the cause of the invader, and as
being intended in consequence to sow discord between him and
the inhabitants. Others, among whom was D'Aubusson, looked
upon them as a deep-laid piece of cimning on the part of the
pasha, that this apparent display of animosity might cause him
to be looked on with greater favour.

Whatever was his private opinion, D'Aubusson determined
on the present occasion to avail himself, if possible, of the
engineering skill of Maitre Georges. He was unsuccessful
in eliciting anything. The German was very reticent and
desponding, his suggestions were few, and those manifestly
useless. He recommended, indeed, the construction of a battery
on a site selected by himself, but this proved such an egregious
failure that general irritation was aroused against him. His
obvious reluctance to aid the defence strengthened the suspicions
which were afloat, and rendered a fresh scrutiny into his
conduct advisable. Summoned before the council, he pre-
varicated, hesitated, and eventually contradicted himself in so
many important particulars that he was subjected to torture.
Under this pressure a confession was extorted from him that he
had entered the town with the traitorous intent of rendering
assistance to the pasha. Although a certain cloud of mystery
does undoubtedly hang over the conduct of Maitre Georges — a
confession extracted by the application of torture not being a
very convincing proof — still, there was that in his general
history and previous conduct which renders it more than
probable that he really was the guilty wretch he confessed
himself to be. On the following day he was hung in the
public square, in sight of an applauding multitude, and so,
by an act of righteous retribution, he died in the very city
the destruction of which he had plotted. Thus perished the
last of the trio of renegades by whom Mahomet had been
invited to carry out his sinister designs against the Order of
St. John. The pasha had throughout trusted much to the
crafty partisan he had introduced into the town. Great was his
disappointment, therefore, when he learnt the fate of his friend,
of which fact D'Aubusson took care that he should speedily be
made acquainted.

The hanging of the traitor coidd be no protection against

the Knights of Malta. 267

the cannon which was thundering at the ramparts, or the
assault which was threatening at the breach. To harass the
enemy behind their trenches D'Aubusson constructed a large
wooden catapult, which threw huge pieces of rock into the
covered ways and batteries. These fragments were so heavy
that they crashed in the temporary blindages which the Turks
had arranged for shelter, and as Dupuis has recorded, *' some
Turk or other always remained dead imder the weight," This
weapon was facetiously termed the tribute, the rocks which it
hurled, and which so seriously incommoded* the besiegers, being
the only tribute the knights were prepared to offer to the
sultan.

Whilst this effective machine was working its will upon the
assailants, the defenders were carrying on a little subterranean
strategy on their own side. Driving galleries beneath the
breach, they made openings into the ditch, through which they
gradually conveyed away much of the stone with which it was
being filled. This material they banked up against their
retrenchment, thus greatly adding to its solidity. The work
was carried on so briskly under cover of the night, that the
amount of the fiUing which the Turks had with immense labour
deposited in the ditch began to shrink perceptibly. For some
days they were puzzled to account for this strange phenomenon ;
after a time, however, the robbery became so palpable that the
pasha divined what was going on. He foresaw, therefore, that
unless he took measures to deliver a speedy assault the road by
which he hoped to cross into the town would be carried away
in masse.

Prior to making his great attempt, which recent experience
had taught him must, even if successful, cost him the lives
of many of his bravest troops, he thought it advisable to
try and secure a capitulation. A parley was demanded in
his name, to which the Grand-Master readily consented, not
vdih any idea of surrender, but merely that he might gain
further time for the strengthening of his retrenchments. The
following day was appointed for the interview, and at the hour
named the Turkish envoy, Soliman Bey, made his appearance
on the counterscarp, at a point directly opposite the breach.
D'Aubusson had appointed Anthony Gaultier, the castellan of

268 A History of

Rhodes, to be his representative on the occasion, and as the breadth
of the ditch separated the negotiators, the conference was audible
to every one. It was opened by the Turk, who, after having paid
a just tribute to the gallantry of the defence, urged upon the
knights the propriety of an immediate surrender. " You have,"
said he, " done all that lay within the power of mortal men to
avert the catastrophe now impending over you ; you have im-
mortalized your names by a defence imparalleled in history,
but do not carry that resistance too far ; let not the madness of
despair prompt you to protract your efforts after they have
become manifestly hopeless. The breach in your wall is gaping
wide and invites our attacking colimms ; forty thousand of the
best troops in the empire are eagerly awaiting the moment
which is to give you over into their power; do not by your
prolonged obstinacy bring down upon your city the calamities
inevitably incident to an assault. Yield yourselves to the
clemency of our sovereign; become his allies and your lives
shall be spared, your property protected, and you yourselves
permitted to retain the government of the island in the strict
bonds of friendship with us. If you refuse this offer your lives
will be forfeited, your wives aiid daughters dishonoured, and
your children sold into slavery, your city will be utterly de-
stroyed, and the memory of it swept from the face of the
earth. Such is the inevitable fate of those who persist in
opposing the mighty Mahomet. Choose, therefore, whether
you will be his friends or his victims."

To this speech, so well calcidated to excite both the hopes and
the fears of the population, Graultier responded in terms of proud
disdain. He assured the envoy that he was mistaken in supposing
the town incapable of further resistance ; it was true the ramparts
were breached, but retrenchments had been constructed behind
the ruins, before which the assailants should meet the same
fate that had befallen those who had twice vainly attempted the
capture of St. Nicholas. As regarded the offers of capitulation,
the treachery of the Turkish army in moments of triumph had
been too frequently displayed to enable the besieged to place
any reliance on their pledges. As to the alleged desire of
Mahomet to be a friend and ally to the Order, he was employ-
ing a most unusual method to attain that object. If he were

the Knights of Malta. 269

really desirous of entering into an alliance with them, let him
draw off his forces from the hostile attitude in which they stood
on the shores of Ehodes, and then let them negotiate a treaty on
terms of equality. If, on the other hand, they were resolved to
take possession of the island, let them make their boasted assault
without further parleying ; they would find the garrison ready
to receive them, trusting in the power of God to defend the
right.

This bold reply taught Paleologus that he had nothing to
gain by negotiation. The audacity of the challenge with which
it concluded aroused feelings of the most lively indignation and
animosity throughout his army. The Christians had invited an
attack, the place should therefore be carried at all hazards,
regardless of cost. In order to stimulate his soldiers he promised
them the entire booty of the town, and the success of the assault
became so assured that sacks were made with which to carry off
the anticipated pillage. Stakes were prepared and sharpened
on which the knights were to be impaled, and each soldier
carried at his waist a bundle of cords with which to secure his
prisoners. Everything being thus prepared, the signal for the
onset was awaited with the utmost impatience. Before taking
this step, the pasha opened a tremendous fire from every gun
which could be brought to bear on the breach and adjacent
ramparts. This bombardment was continued without inter-
mission throughout the day and night preceding that on which
the assault was to take place, and its effect was so destructive
that the defenders f oimd it impossible to remain upon the ram-
part. During the night the troops who were to commence the
attack were silently moved into their positions, the roar of
artillery continuing with unabated virulence. The garrison,
having been withdrawn from the rampart, were not aware of
what was taking place; no extra precautions, therefore, were
taken to resist the impending storm.

About an hour after sunrise, on the morning of the 27th July^
the signal was given by the firing of a mortar. The attempt waa
made upon several points of the enceinte at the same moment, but
the main efforts were concentrated upon the breach in the Jews'
quarter, the others being merely feints to distract the defence.
The severity of the fire which the pasha had kept up so

270 A History of

unremittingly for the preceding twenty-fonr hours had had the
effect which he designed. Quailing beneath the pitiless storm
of iron and stone, all who were on the ramparts had been
gradually driven to seek shelter. "When, therefore, the assailants
rushed through the breach they found no opponents to resist
their onset. In a few minutes, and before the alarm had been
given in the town, the standard of the Moslem was waving on
the crest of the parapet, and the Turks were pouring in a count-
less throng through the defenceless gap.

This was indeed a critical moment for the fortimes of the
Order. Hitherto they had maintained the defence with mar-
vellous success. Though many a hard-fought stniggle had
chequered the history of the preceding two months, though
tliere had been moments when the obstinacv and determination
of the attack had made the fate of the city quiver in the
balance, still the dauntless front of the indomitable defenders
had successfully withstood the tempest. Now, alas ! in an
ill-fated moment, those defenders were no longer at their post in
the hour of need ; those ramparts which had hitherto been pro-
tected from the tread of the Moslem were now swarming with
their hosts, and the banner of Islam was waving triumphantly
over the already half-conquered fortress. In this disastrous
conjuncture a helpless panic seemed to have overtaken every one.
Men ran to and fro in their dismay, scarce knowing where to
bend their steps or how to resist the storm which had thus burst
on them. A few moments more of this perilous confusion and all
must have been lost. Providentially D'Aubusson, ever watch-
ful and ever at hand, rushed promptly to the scene of contest.
His presence instantly reanimated his followers, and restored
order and decision where but a moment before all had quailed
with dismay. With the speed of lightning he dashed at the
rampart; its summit could only be reached from within by
ladders, and the first to ascend, sword in hand, was the Grand-
Master himself.

Now might be seen the unusual spectacle of the besieged
converted into assailants, and endeavouring to recover by esca-
lade the rampart which had been secured by the enemy. Twice
did D'Aubusson attempt the ascent and twice was he hurled
from the ladder, each time severely wounded. Once again did

the Knights of Malta. 2 7 1

he renew the effort. Hie knights, he felt, must recover the lost
ground or all was over; better to die on the breach than to
survive the loss of his stronghold. The third time he succeeded
in mounting the wall, where, being speedily joined by numerous
comrades, the fight became more equal. The mere numbers of
the Turks acted prejudicially to them ; they were so crowded on
the narrow rampart that they were imable to act with vigour.
Swaying to and fro before the fierce attack of the knights, they
were gradually driven backward with resistless force over the
breach.

The pasha was not prepared tamely to surrender the
advantage he had secured. A body of veteran janissaries
was despatched to support the yielding assailants, and once
more to secure possession of the breach. D'Aubusson, in
his gallant array, was easily recognizable in the throng, and
Paleologus, who knew that he was the life and soid of the
defence, told off a certain nimiber of chosen men, who were
to forego all meaner prey, and to devote themselves to a
combined attack upon the hero so conspicuous at the head
of his heroic band. Dashing upon the defenders with an
impetus which had so oft^n before led to victory, and clearing
for themselves a passage through the mass of combatants,
they succeeded in reaching the spot where D'Aubusson stood.
Hemmed in though he was by these new foes, he yielded not
a step, but maintained the unequal combat with imdaunted
energy. His desperate situation was soon seen by his brothers-
in-arms, and a rush made to the rescue. The janissaries were
driven back in confusion, and D'Aubusson extricated from his
most perilous position. Unfortunately, however, before this aid
arrived he had received three new and most grievous wounds.

Ere he was borne from the field he had the consolation
of seeing the enemy driven over the blood-stained breach,
and his victorious knights pursuing them at the edge
of the sword. This, in fact, was the turning point of the
struggle. The panic once established spread amongst the
infidels with a rapidity which their disorganized and over-
crowded condition rendered fatal. Flying from the avenging
wrath of their pursuers, they found all egress blocked by the
tumultuous masses assembled on the spot. In this perilous

272 A History of the Knights of Malta.

predicament friend fared 843 ill as foe, and the most eager
of the fugitives hewed for themselves a pathway to safety
by the indiscriminate slaughter of their fellow-soldiers.
Numbers who were imable thus to escape were hurled from
the ramparts into the town, a fall of twenty feet, where
they were instantly massacred by the infuriated inhabitants.
Meanwhile a deadly fire had been kept up from every avail-
able point upon the dense crowd congregated on the breach,
and as at that short distance every shot told, the slaughter
became terrific. The struggle had now degenerated into a
massacre. Chased by their excited and victorious enemy,
they were mown down without the slightest attempt at re-
sistance. Safety was not to be found even within the limits
of their own camp. They were driven from thence in head-
long confusion; the great banner of Paleologus, which was
planted in front of his pavilion, falling into the hands of
the victors.

The demoralization of the besieging army was now complete.
After a succession of repidses, in each of which the slaughter
of his troops had been terrific, Paleologus had concentrated
all his power on one last effort. His plans had succeeded
beyond his expectation; the besieged had been taken by
surprise; the rampart had been gained without a struggle,
and yet the golden opportunity had been lost. His battalions
had recoiled from the onset of the defenders, and a com-
parative handful of Christians had driven back the flower
of his army. In spite of numbers, the effort had proved a
complete failure; the ditches were choked with the bodies
of the slain, and the panic-stricken survivors were flying
from the scene. It was felt on both sides that the victory
was decisive, and that the siege was at an end.

Rhodes was saved. The troops of the pasha were embarking
in tumultuous haste on board their galleys. The liberated
townspeople were celebrating with enthusiastic joy the triumph
of the defence. Meanwhile, Peter D'Aubusson, the saviour of
his city and the hero of his age, lay in his magisterial palace
unconscious of his well-earned triumph, prostrated by five
different wounds, one of which the physicians had pronounced
mortal.

CHAPTER XI.

1480—1503.

Restoration of the fortificatioiis of Rhodes and reoovery of the Grand-
Master — Preparations by Mahomet for a new siege — His death, and
the disputed succession to his empire — ^Defeat of Djem and his flight
to Rhodes — ^Departure for France — His residence there —His removal
to Rome and death — ^Last days of Peter D'Aubusson — His death and
interment — ^History of the relic of the hand of St. John the Baptist,

The embarkation of the pasha and his discomfited army was
witnessed by the worn-out garrison of Rhodes with f eeUngs
of the most lively satisfaction. The inhabitants, after having
been cooped up in the town for two months, were naturally
overjoyed at finding themselves once more free to return to
the homes from which they had been driven by the approach
of the enemy. This satisfaction was somewhat damped
by the dreary aspect which the surrounding district pre-
sented. The devastations conunitted by the Ottoman army
had created a scene of desolation amongst the once happy
homes of the Bhodian peasantry most distressing for them
to contemplate. The danger from which they had just
escaped had, however, been so imminent that their joy at
the happy termination of the siege soon overpowered all
feeUngs of grief at the destruction of their property.

Vast numbers of dead bad been left strewn upon the plain
by the retreating Moslems, and the first step necessary for
the health of the island was to remove these ghastly relics
of the late warfare. The corpses were gathei-ed together in
huge piles and burnt; the labour of burying them, owing to
their number, being too heavy for the inhabitants to under-
take. Dupuis records that on this occasion the women of

19

2 74 ^ History of

Rhodes indulged in a little pardonable jocosity. Wliilst
•witnessing the process of broiling to which the corpses were
being subjected, they observed that the Turks were like the
" beccafichi/' or ortolans, and derived their plumpness
from the quantity of figs they had devoured. The general
joy was much increased when it became known that the
Qrand-Master, whose wounds had originally been pronounced
mortal, was likely to recover ; and when, after the lapse of
a few weeks, he had so far advanced towards convalescence
as to be present in person at the laying of the first stone
of a church to celebrate the defence, their satisfaction was
complete. This diuroh was built at the extreme eastern horn
of the crescent formed by the town, and was therefore nearly
due north of, and not far from, the Jews' quarter. It was
dedicated to Notre Dame de la Victoire, and still exists.

It is curious to observe the different reasons assigned by
the historians on both sides for the imlooked-for result of
this extraordinary siege. The Turkish writer Klodgia, who
has given a very detailed and vivid account of it, coloured,
naturally, by a strong partiality for his own nation, asserts
that the sole cause of their failure was the avarice of Paleologus.
He states that the pasha, after having excited the cupidity of
his troops by promistug to abandon the town to indiscrimi-
nate pillage, recalled that promise at the last moment, when
they had established themselves on the Jews' rampart, and
proclaimed that the wealth of the city was to be reserved for
the use of the sultan. From this moment, says Khodgia,
the energy of the assailants declined visibly. Feeling them-
selves cheated of their promised prey at the very moment
when its acquisition seemed secure, they were no longer in a
frame of mind to withstand firmly the impetuous onset made
by D'Aubusson and his knights. To this cause he attributes
the panic, and consequent failure of the enterprise. Turkish
historians have never scrupled to invent reasons for the non-
success of their armies, and a little consideration will show
the improbability of this story. It had been the invari-
able practice of Ottoman emperors and of their pashas to give
over to pillage all towns taken by assault, as indeed has been
the recognized custom of war amongst even Christian nations.

tJie Knights of Malta. 275

It seems very unlikely that Paleologus, who was a man of
naturally grand ideas, and who had used every device to
make himself master of the town, should suddenly have
taken a step so alien to his character and so menacing to his
schemes.

The Christian historians, on their side, are equally at a loss
to account for their success by the ordinary accidents of war.
They therefore, as was common in those times and in their
religion, sought to accoimt for the happy issue of the struggle
by the agency of a miraculous interposition. They record
that at the most critical moment, when the Grand-Master
was surrounded and well-nigh overcome by his assailants,
there appeared in the heavens a cross of refulgent gold, by
the side of which stood a beautiful woman clothed in dazzling
white garments, a lance in her hand and a buckler on her
arm ; she was accompanied by a man clothed in goat skins,
and followed by a band of heavenly warriors axmed with
flaming swords. They assert that this vision was seen not
by the Christians but by the Turks, several of whom had
been captured on the occasion of the last assault, and they
base the statement on the narrative of these prisoners, who
added that the panic caused by the extraordinary vision had
been so great that many Moslems fell dead without a wound.
Such a vision as this may well have terrified the barbarous
hosts by whom it is supposed to have been witnessed, and
as in matters religious, a ready credence was obtained in those
times for the most marvellous tales, the statement was at once
accepted. It soon became established as an acknowledged
fact, that the safety of Bhodes was due to the personal and
visible interposition of the Blessed Virgin Mary and St. John
the Baptist, the patron saint of the Order, supported by a
chosen band of the celestial host.

To modem readers neither of these explanations seems
satisfactory. It was to D'Aubusson, and to him alone, that
must be attributed the success, not only of that day but also
of the whole defence from the hour when the atabal of the
infidel first soimded on the shores of Bhodes. His was the
master spirit that had guided every effort ; his was the eagle
eye that had ever comprehended at a glance the exigencies

19*

276 . A History of

of the situation in the most critical moments; his was the
fertile brain whence issued those schemes and devices by
which the designs of the enemy were frustrated and their
insidious plote checkmated. He had throughout been the
life and soul of the garrison. At one moment directing the
construction of some new defence, at another wielding his
sword in the thickest of the fight; now providing for the
security of the feeble and defenceless inhabitants, whose safety
was committed to his charge; and then again terrifying and
overawing the wavering and disaffected; to each and every
one he was the guide and support. Well was it for all that
not until he had struck the death-blow of the army which
was besieging them had he himself succumbed to the weapon
of the enemy.

Ferdinand, king of Naples, had despatched two galleys,
freighted with succours, which arrived before the island at the
very time when the pasha was embarking his forces. Paleologus
perceived that if he could only capture these galleys the dis-
grace of his failure would not seem so complete. He therefore
opened fire on them with some pieces of artillery which had not
yet been shipped, and succeeded in dismasting one of them. The
wind being contrary, they were unable to enter the harbour, and
were forced to anchor outside, in which situation they were
assailed by some of the ships of the Turkish squadron. These
galleys had on board a number of knights of the Spanish and
Italian Utngues who headed the defence, which was successfully
made, to prevent their capture by boarding. No doubt the
attack was made without much heartiness. The Turks were
thoroughly weary of the struggle, and desired nothing more
than to be permitted to retire from the island unmolested. The
result was that Paleologus failed even in this his latest attempt
to achieve something to cover his main disaster, and he more-
over lost the services of his general of the galleys, who was
killed at the head of the force.

With the exception of Ferdinand, no potentate had raised a
hand to give any help to the beleaguered city. Now, however,
when D'Aubusson had, with the aid of his gallant fraternity,
hurled the discomfited Moslem with disgrace from his shores, a
shout of exultation rang throughout Europe. The imminence

the Knights of Malta. 277

of the danger once past, people began to realize its extent. Had
the Ottoman emperor succeeded in planting his standard on the
ramparts of Ehodes, the way to Italy would have been open to
his advance, and his threat that it should wave over the Capitol
at Rome might probably have been carried into effect. The
energetic and successful resistance of D'Aubusson had thwarted
that project, and Bome, rescued from her peril, was loud in her
expressions of gratitude towards her deliverer, to whom she gave
the high sounding title of " Buckler of Christianity."

His first care, upon recovery from his wounds, was to restore
the fortifications, which the constant battering had reduced to a
state of complete ruin. He also distributed rewards and pro-
motions to the knights who had so bravely supported him in
the struggle. In one instance a justly merited degradation
was infiicted. James Hetting (or Keating), the grand-prior of
Ireland, had not only refused to join the ranks of his- fraternity
at Ehodes at the hour of its peril, but had even neglected to
forward the amount of responsions for which his priory was
liable. D'Aubusson, therefore, now that he had leisure to deal
with the question, deprived him of hia office ; and Marmaduke
Lumley, an English knight, who had been desperately wounded
in the siege, was nominated in his place. To the inhabitants of
the island generally he gave free access to the public granaries,
in consideration of the losses they had sustained by the ravages
of the enemy. He also exempted them from all taxation for
several years.

Until this time the people of Bhodes had been looked upon
by the knights as an inferior race. Now that they had shown
themselves not only staunch and faithful to their rulers, but also
brave and devoted, even during the most trying and critical
moments, a feeling sprang up that they should be treated on
terms somewhat more of equality. The first Bhodian nominated
to a post of any importance in the government of the island was
William Caoursin, who, although not a knight, was appointed
vice-chancellor, and ambassador of the Order at the papal court.
This dignitary has left to the world two documents, written in
the most pompous and pedantic Latin, but which, nevertheless,
form a very valuable and important addition to the history of
his time. One is an account of the siege, collected from official

278 A History of

sources, although, as he himself says, '^ The public acts were not
recorded during the siege, but after the victory was gained its
history was compiled by William Oaoursin, vice-chancellor of
the Order, which acooimt has been divulged by the press all over
the world, previous to which nothing had been recorded." The
other document is a history of the events which took place
during the years immediately subsequent, including the romantic
episode of the unfortunate prince Djem, or Ziidm, of whom
there will be occasion to speak shortly.*

The Ghpand-Master himself also wrote a brief account of the
siege, which he forwarded for the information of the emperor
of Germany. This docimient, in its perspicuity, conciseness,
and modesty will bear a favourable comparison with almost any
despatch of later days.t It is much to be regretted that no
record has been kept of the strength of the garrison during the
siege, or of the names or even the number of the killed. The
archives only record those who held official positions, a very
small number out of the total who were present. The list
framed from this data consists of ninety-two French com-
manders, thirty-five Spanish and Portuguese, thirty-five
Italians, eight German, and five English, together with
eighteen chaplains and servants-at-arms of the various langtiea
holding the same dignity. Subsequent researches have raised
the English list to fourteen, and even that number is supposed
to fall far short of the reality. The names thus rescued from
oblivion are as follow : —

John Vaquelin, commander of Carbouch, killed.
Marmaduke Lumley, dangerously wounded, made prior

of Ireland, vice James Hettmg deposed.
Thomas Bem, bailiff of the Eagle, killed.
Henry Haler, commander of Badsfort, killed.
Thomas Ploniton, killed.
Adam Tedbond, killed.

* These treatises are illustrated by a series of woodcuts, thirty in number,
some explanatory of the siege itself, and the others of the adventures of
Prince Djem. They are dated in 1496, and are excellent specimens of
the woodcutting of the time. The author has selected the one which gives
the best idea of the city of Rhodes, of which a fac-simile is here given.

t Vide Appendix No. 7.

the Knights of Malta. 2 79

Henry Batasbi, killed.

Henry Anulai or D'Avalos, killed.

John Kendall, Tnroopolier.

Thomas Doeray, afterwards grand-prior of England.

Leonard de Tybertis.

Walter Viselberg.

John Ruoht.

John Besoell, or Boswell.*

The losses of the Turks have been very variously stated, the
most probable estimate being about 9,000 killed and 30,000
wounded. The great bulk of this fearful list of oasualties
occurred after the last repulse, when in their flight from the
breach to the camp they were mown down by thousands
without offering the slightest resistance. Faleolog^ pasha,
after his humiliating discomfiture, could expect but a very
imwelcome reception from his disappointed master. Indeed,
in the first transport of his rage, the sultan ordered him to be
bowstrung, together with several of the other principal leaders
of the army. This stem decree was eventually mitigated into
banishment in Gallipoli, where he remained in disgrace until
the death of the emperor.

Mahomet consoled himself for the imfortunate issue of the
enterprise with the idea that his own presence was necessary in
order to insure the success of his arms. He immediately com-
menced preparations for the assembly of another and much
larger army, with which he proposed to renew in person his
attack upon the island. The news of the mighty equipment
he was organizing for this purpose filled the minds of the fra-
temity with dismay. The ramparte behind which the knighte
had made so stubborn a resistance were in ruins, their treasury
was exhausted, and their ranks thinned to a lamentable extent.
They felt, therefore, that a new siege, if pressed upon* them
before they had time to recruit themselves, must end fatally to
their cause.
At this critical juncture, as though to add to the calamities of

* It may here be noted that as all the records of the fraternity are in
foreign languages — either French, Italian, or Latin — the spelling of the
English names is very obscure, and often misleading.

28o A History of

their situation, Bhodes was visited by a succession of the most
terrifio earthquakes, accompanied by an inundation of the sea or
tidal wave. The result of this convulsion of nature was the
overthrow of several of the principal buildings in the town
and of large portions of the ramparts, which had already been
shaken and rendei*ed insecure by the battering they had imder-
gone. Many of the inhabitants called to mind the popular
tradition, that the island had originally sprung suddenly from
the sea during one of the volcanic upheavals so common in the
Levant, and they began to fear that these earthquakes were but
the precursors of an equally sudden disappearance. Such a
complication of disasters might surely have dismayed the
stoutest heart ; it required all the fortitude which even the
heroic D'Aubusson could simimon to his aid to bear him
through the dreadful crisis.

Desperate as the situation seemed to be, and hopeless as
was the prospect of a successful resistance to the gigantic force
which Mahomet was preparing, the Grand-Master nevertheless
continued to press forward such restorations as his limited
means and the shortness of time permitted. Had the sultan
lived to carry his project into execution, he would have been
met as boldly and resisted as firmly as his lieutenant was in
the previous year. That such resistance could have been for
the second time successful was, imder the circumstances, hope-
less, but he would have entered a city in ruins only over the
lifeless body of the last of its defenders. Providentially for
the knights, this sad catastrophe was averts. In his march
across Asia Minor at the head of his forces Mahomet was
taken suddenly ill of a colic, and died in the village of
Nicomedia, on the 3rd of May, 1481. Great as had been his
successes, and numerous his conquests, the haughty emperor
scorned to enumerate their catalogue upon his tomb. Looking
rather to the grand conceptions which were teeming within
his ambitious brain than to the acquisitions he had actually
made, he directed the following simple epitaph to be placed
over his grave, "My intention was to have captured Bhodes
and to have subjugated Italy."

The death of the sultan was hailed with joy throughout
Europe, and nowhere more so or with greater reason than at

the Knights of Malta. 281

Bhodes. A sense of relief pervaded every bosom. Now that
their potent and implacable enemy was no more, they felt
that the crisis of their danger had passed away. From that
moment, therefore, they prosecuted their labours of restoration
with an energy much stimulated by the auspicious occurrence.
Public thanksgivings were offered up in the conventual church
for the death of the most formidable foe £igainst whom the
Order of St. John had ever been called on to combat. It was
on that occasion recorded, with feelings of very natural
exultation, that in spite of all his power and all his efforts
this conqueror of so many provinces had never, during
the whole course of his reign, succeeded in wresting one
single island or even fort from the possession of the
Hospitallers.

Mahomet's sudden death brought with it the result so
common in newly-organized empires, a disputed succession.
He had originally been the father of three sons, Mustapha,
Bajazset, and Djem, Zaim, or Zizim, for by all three of these
names has the youngest been called. His eldest son, Mus-
tapha, had been strangled for having violated the wife of his
favourite minister, Achmet pasha, thus leaving Bajazet and
Djem to dispute the empire between them. Bajazet, the
elder of the two, had been bom prior to his father's
elevation to the imperial dignity. He was of quiet and
sedate demeanour, mild in character, and gentle in disposition.
For him the excitement of the camp and the tumult of war had
no charms. Although sufficiently ambitious to be desirous of
ascending lus father's throne, which he justly considered his
birthright, his was not the mind to have contemplated any further
extension of empire. Djem, on the contrary, young, ardent
and ambitious, bred in a camp and delighting in war, sought to
usurp his father's sceptre, more that he might make it the
instrument for further conquests than for the quiet enjoyment of
its actual dignities. Although a Mahometan he was by no
means bigoted, and having during his youth been thrown in
contact with the knights of Rhodes whilst arranging a truce on
behalf of his father, he had conceived a warm admiration for the
fraternity, and more especially for its Grand-Master, D' Aubusson.
As he was bom after Mahomet's assumption of the imperial

282 A History of

orown he considered himself the legitimate heir, as being
porphyrogenitua^ or bom in the purple. He was consequently
prepared to dispute the sucoession with his elder brother. The
career of this unfortunate prince is so interwoven with the later
years of D'Aubusson's rule that it will be necessary to enter
into some detail concerning him, the more so since his fate has
cast a most undeserved slur upon the fair fame of that Qrand-
Master.

The rivaby which had sprung up between the brothers caused
a division amongst the magnates of the empire at Constanti-
nople, where the relative claims of the two princes were warmly
contested. Neither of the candidates was in the city at the
time, but Bajazet's faction succeeded in overruling the pre-
tensions of the partisans of Djem, and crowned one of the
sons of the former, a child named Coracut, as locum tenena for his
absent father. Bajazet, who, immediately upon hearing of the
death of Mahomet had hurried to the scene of action, speedily
arrived at Oonstantinople, where he assumed in person the
imperial dignity, and his claim was peaceably admitted by the
inhabitants.

The news of this event reached Djem whilst he was journey-
ing from the seat of his government in Asia Minor towards
Constantinople. Hastily collecting such troops as favoured his
cause, he pushed forward to the town of Broussa, trusting by
the force of arms to overthrow the government of his brother.
Unfortunately for him the principal supporter of Bajazet's
claims was the renowned chieftain Achmet pasha, a man whose
successful career and brilliant achievements had made him the
idol of the army. He had during the lifetime of Mahomet
captured the city of Otranto, where he placed a garrison
capable, as he considered, of holding the place against all oppo-
nents. The Neapolitans, terrified at this advanced post of
Islamism so near to Home, were engaged in its siege at the time
of the emperor's death. Achmet was pushing forward to relieve
the town with an army of 25,000 men, when the defenders, dis-
mayed at the death of their sultan and ignorant of the approach
of the pasha, surrendered to the duke of Calabria. Achmet
was consequently compelled to retrace his steps and return to
Constantinople. When he arrived the cabals of the rival

the Knights of Malta. 283

factions were at their height. The weight of his influence,
backed by a force of 25,000 men, thrown into the scale in
favour of Bajazet, at once determined the result.

When the new sultan heard that his brother had raised the
standard of revolt at Broussa he despatched Aohmet with a
strong force to oppose him. The first conflict terminated in
favour of Djem, and he thereupon caused himself to be pro-
claimed as the new Ottoman ruler. On this, Bajazet arousing
himself to meet the exigencies of the case, advanced in person
against him. His forces being far superior both in num-
bers and discipline, completely overthrew Djem's army, and
the young prince himself was compelled to seek safety in
flight. Accompanied by a very slender escort, he extricated
himself from the field of battle and made good his escape
into Egypt. There he was received with every demonstration
of respect and hospitality. Encouraged by these friendly
sentiments, he used his utmost exertions to induce the sultan
Kaitbai to embrace his cause. In this he was imsuccessful,
the sultan not being willing to assist him in any other capacity
than as a mediator with his brother.

Whilst fruitless negotiations were being carried on, Djem
received an offer from Easim Bey, the chief of Caramania, who
had been despoiled of much territory by Mahomet, to assist
him in securing the Ottoman throne provided that Djem
would on his side pledge himself to restore to the Bey the
captured provinces. The prince eagerly accepted these t^rms,
and joining Easim Bey, again strove to make headway against
his brother. Achmet, however, advanced a second time against
him, and the new levies melted away at the approach of the
Ottoman army, Djem himself taking refuge amongst the
moimtain passes of the district. Feeling his cause hopeless in
his own country, he despatched an embassy to Bhodes seeking
to place himseU imder the protection of the fraternity, and
demanding for that purpose a safe conduct from the Grand-
Master. The propriety of acceding to this request was warmly
debated in council at Bhodes, but the permission was eventu-
ally granted, and a safe conduct despatched to Djem by the
hands of the grand-prior of Castile, Don Alvares de Zimiga.
This envoy met the prince at Corycus, on the borders of Cilicia,

284 A History of

and haying given him the required guarantee, they returned
together to Rhodes.*

Every preparation had there been made to receive the illus-
trious fugitive with due respect and honour. A bridge, eighteen
feet in length, covered with rich tapestry, was thrown out into
the harbour opposite St. Catherine's gate, to enable him to land
from his vessel on horseback. Upon the mole he met the
Gband-Master mounted on his charger, accompanied by the
bailiffs and other leading knights. Escorted by this chief in
person he proceeded through the town to the auberge of the
langue of France, which had been prepared for his reception.
The streets through which he passed were decorated with
banners, flowers, and myrtle. Ladies in their gayest attire
appeared in the balconies overlooking his route, and their beauty
drew from the gallant Ottoman the observation that " it was
with great justice that the Khodians were considered the loveliest
women in Asia." The personal appearance of Djem was not
prepossessing, if we may judge by the description of him given
by Matthew Bosso, who was an eye-witness. He says he was a
little over middle height, thickly built, broad shoxddered, with
very protuberant stomach, long and powerful arms, large head,
his eyes squinting, the nose aquiline and much bent, his thick
lips hidden by a large moustache, his general appearance giving
the eflPect of barbarity and ferocity.

However unattractive his personal appearance may have been,
it was a great triumph for the knights that within so short a
time after their destruction had been decreed by the powerful
sultan, they should be receiving Ids son as a helpless wanderer
and a pensioner on their bounty. They were, however, far too
ohivalric to allow a trace of such feelings to appear in their
behaviour towards the young prince. Djem found himself
treated with the same deferential hospitality as though he had
been a powerful monaix5h instead of a destitute fugitive. Every

* The story recounted by all the older historians of the Order of the
letter which Djem wrote on this occasion to his brother is quite apocryphal*
It is by them stated that he attached the letter to an arrow, which he shot
into the midst of the spahis who were in pursuit of him. In this document
he is supposed to have reproached his brother in such touching terms as to
draw tears from that prince. No mention is made of such a missive by
any of the Oriental historians of the period.

the KnigJUs of Malta. 285

effort was made to render his stay agreeable to him. Tourneys,
hunting parties, spectacles, and feasts followed one another in
rapid succession ; nothing was omitted which could serve to
distract him from the gloomy thoughts natural to his position.

It was in vain, however, that they strove to divert his
mind from the danger with which he felt he was surrounded
even in the hospitable city of Rhodes. From the fraternity
he knew well he had nothing to fear. Indeed, on the first day
of his arrival the custom in European courts was carried out, of
having every dish tasted before it was set on his table. He, as
an Eastern, was not acquainted with the regulation, and was
scandalized at the suspicion which the act implied ; so much so
that he insisted on partajdng only of such dishes as had not
been previously tasted. Still he felt that in spite of all the
precautions D'Aubusson might take, he was surrounded by
a population many of whom would not scruple at any act
of treachery against Ids person. He was well aware that
his brother Bajazet was only too ready to make use of any
such tool as might present itself for the purpose, and that
playing as he did for so magnificent a stake he would not
grudge ample recompense to any one who could remove the
fugitive from his path. Filled with dread of some such result,
Djem suggested to the Gfrand-Master that he might receive
permission to retire to France, putting forward the reasons which
had led him to prefer the request.

D'Aubusson could not but recognize the justice of the plea ;
indeed he was himself' tormented with a constant dread lest
some calamity should befal the prince whilst imder Ids pro-
tection. At the same time the proposed change of residence
was a matter of so great moment that he did not feel justified
in giving his permission without the sanction of the coimcil.
Here a very warm debate arose on the question. Those who
regarded the presence of Djem merely in the light of a political
weapon to be turned to the best advantage, strongly urged his
retention in the island. They argued that as long as he re-
mained within their power Bajazet would be kept in such a state
of dread and imeasiness that he would never dare to undertake
any operation to their prejudice, so that in their hands the
young prince would prove a most valuable ally. Those, on the

286 A History of

other hand, who were more dismterested, and who felt that the
interests of their Order could never be permanently benefited
by a breach of faith, were equally urgent that he should be
permitted to follow his own inclinations. The danger which he
hourly ran from the attempts of an assassin whilst at Bhodes
was so imminent, and at the same time so difficult to guard
against, that they thought it most important he should be re-
moved as soon as possible from the chance of such a contin-
gency. This argument was warmly supported by D'Aubusson,
and ultimately prevailed in the council. Sanction was given to
Djem to retire to France, and a suitable escort was appointed,
imder the command of two knights of high rank to act
as a guard to himself and his retinue in the new home of his
adoption.

At this juncture ambassadors from Constantinople, despatched
by Achmet pasha on behalf of Bajazet, arrived at Bhodes with
pacific overtures, and with a request that plenipotentiaries might
be sent by the Ghrand-Master to arrange with the sultan the terms
of a durable peace. There can be no doubt that the presence
of Djem at Bhodes had much disquieted his brother. Bajazet
felt that unless he could secure a treaty of peace with the fra-
ternity he would be constantly liable to the risk of the rival
claim which, supported by its arms, the prince might be tempted
again to put forward. This embassy, so contrary to Mussulman
pride, proved to Djem that his brother would leave no means
imtried to secure himself against aggression ; he became, there-
fore, more than ever anxious to quit a spot in which he was
surrounded by so many dangers.

On the 1st of September, 1482, he embarked with his retinue
and escort on board one of the largest galleys in the fleet of the
Order, and set sail for France. Before leaving, he placed in
the hands of the Qrand-Master three documents, the contents
of which form an ample refutation to the calumnious assertion
that Djem was sent to France as a prisoner in furtherance
of the political views of the fraternity. In the first paper
he gave full authority to the Ghrand-Master to treat with his
brother in his behalf, and to secure for him such appanage
as could be extorted from the Ottoman emperor. During his
residence at Bhodes the expense of his entertainment had

tfie Knights of Malta. 287

fallen entirely on the public treasury. His residence in France
would also become chargeable to the same source, unless an
allowance suited to his dignity could be obtained from his
brother. The second document was a declaration, drawn up by
himself, that his departure from the island and retirement to
France were steps taken at his own express desire. The third
contained the terms of a treaty of alliance between himself and
the knights, which was to take effect should he ever ascend the
Ottoman throne. By this he bound himself to pay them an
annual contribution of 150,000 gold crowns, to throw open the
ports of his empire to their trade, and to release annually 300
Christian slaves, who were to be transferred to Rhodes.

The scene between Djem and D'Aubusson at the moment
of parting was touching in the extreme. Casting aside for the
moment the proud reserve with which he had hitherto veiled his
feeUngs, he fell at D'Aubusson's feet in a paroxysm of grief,
and bathed them with tears. The Gfrand-Master was not proof
against this ebullition of tenderness and sorrow on the part
of the young prince. Whether his keen and politic eye could
trace in the dim future some foreshadowing of the miserable fate
to which the unfortunate Djem was doomed, or whether his
emotion arose merely from a feeUng of sympathy with the
distress of his guest, certain it is, as an eye-witness has recorded,
that D'Aubusson — ^the calm, fearless, intrepid D'Aubusson —
wept upon his neck tears of paternal affection. Was this the
parting between a prisoner and his jailor ? Was this a scene
likely to have been enacted had Djem been leaving Rhodes on
a compulsory journey to France, and had D'Aubusson been the
traitor who was driving him to that step with a view of making
for himself political capital with Bajazet P The whole scene has
been depicted with such minuteness and detail by Caoursin as
to leave no rational doubt on the mind of the unprejudiced
reader as to the terms upon which the Ottoman prince and the
Grand-Master bade their last adieu to one another.

The departure of Djem in no way affected the treaty of
peace which was being arranged between Bajazet and the
fraternity. D'Aubusson succeeded in securing for his protig4
a revenue of 35,000 gold ducats (about £15,000 of English
money). Bajazet further covenanted to pay the .knights an

288 A History of

anniial sum of 10,000 ducats in compensation for the extra-
ordinary expenses which they had incurred during the war with
his father. Upon these terms, so highly favourable for the fra-
ternity, peace was concluded. It has been alleged, as a reproach
to D'Aubusson, that the allowance nominally made to Djem
was in reality paid to the Order as an annual bribe for his
safe custody. This was, however, not the case. The whole
amount was regularly remitted to Djem, and expended by him
partly in the maintenance of his household and partly in sup-
port of the envoys whom he was continually despatching to the
various courts of Europe. Indeed, that the amount paid was
noi sufficient to meet his expenditure is clear from the fact that
in the chapter-general held at Bhodes on the 10th September,
1489, it was decreed that D'Aubusson should be repaid out of
the treasury the sum of 60,749 gold crowns which he had
advanced to Djem over and above the annual income allowed
him by his brother. There is but little doubt that the yearly
payment of 10,000 ducats to the Order, although nominally
supposed to be a repayment of expenses caused by Mahomet's
warlike operations, was in reality a tribute to prevent any
hostile action being taken in support of Djem.

The young prince's first intention on landing in France was
to proceed at once to the court of the French king, and en-
deavoiu: to enlist the sympathies of that monarch in his behalf.
Charles VIII. was at the time about to undertake an expedition
to Naples, and therefore felt very indisposed to embroil himself
imnecessarily with the Ottoman sultan. The envoys whom
Djem had despatched to him were received with the most
studied coldness, a personal interview with the young prince
was declined, and the king contented himself with vague
offers of assistance, coupled with the impossible condition that
Djem should embrace the Christian religion. Disheartened at
the ill-success of his envoys the prince proceeded to the com-
mandery of Bourgneuf, situated on the confines of Poitou
and La Marche, the official residence of the grand-prior of
Auvergne. Here he endeavoured to while away the time in
such rural sports and amusements as the locality afforded.

He was, however, a personage of too much importance to the
political interests of Europe to remain even there undisturbed.

the Knights of Malta. 289

All the princes of Christendom gradually began to covet the
possession of one whose name would prove such a powerful
auxiliary in a war against the Turks. Plots were therefore
set on foot in various quarters to withdraw him from the
protection of the knights of St. John. At the same time
designs of a baser nature were skilfully concocted, at the
instigation of Bajazet, to deprive the young prince of his life.
Vigilant indeed was the watch which his escort were compelled
to maintain to protect their charge from the attempts both of
friend and foe ; and this precaution has been distorted into an
accusation that Djem was all the time a prisoner. That he was
carefully guarded is no doubt a fact ; but that this was against
his own wishes is at variance with aU trustworthy contemporary
endence. In a letter which he wrote to the Ghrand-Master
from Bome on the 27th October, 1494, when he was no longer
under the control of the fraternity, and when he could have
had no object in disguising his sentiments towards it, he thus
expresses himself on the subject of the protection afforded to
him whilst at Bourgneuf : — " Most kindly and faithfully have
I been served by the said knights, without being able to testify
my gratitude in the slightest degree by remimerating them
in the manner which I should most ardently have desired.
With the warmest and most aflfectionate cordiality I beg of
your very reverend lordship kindly to' look upon them all as
persons peculiarly commended to you by your love for me.
I will think every favour and benefit which you bestow upon
them as conferred, through your condescension, on myself
personally."

During D Jem's residence at Rhodes the Grand-Master had
written a letter to the Pope, in which he defined very clearly
the conditions imder which the Order had consented to grant
its protection to the prince. The safe conduct stipulated for
by him was TutuB aditu% exitmque^ a safe entry into Rhodes,
and an equally safe departure therefrom. D'Aubusson pro-
ceeds to say: — "We have brilliant expectations, and are de-
termined to do all that is in our power. If we succeed, well
and good ; but if not, we must consult the interests of our
island, taking care to preserve our public faith, since this must
be kept inviolably even towards our deadliest enemy, whatever

20

290 A History of

may be his unbelief." This was the line of conduct pursued
by the fraternity throughout the trying period of Djem's resi-
dence in Europe. He heid been promised safe entry into, and
departure £rom Rhodes, and this pledge heid been redeemed.
He left Bhodes voluntarily, and the risk incurred by the
measure feU on his own responsibility. The knights, scorning
to adhere to the bare letter of their guarantee, had continued
their protection to the hapless prince for many years, without
which it is not too much to say that he would soon have fallen
a victim to either the open or secret attacks of his enemies.
That this duty was performed in a manner honourable to
themselves and beneficial to the prince is proved by the letter
already quoted, which was written after his abandonment of
the Order's protection, and his removal to the papal court.

That event took place in the year 148§. The Pope had
long been very urgent that Djem should be transferred into
his own hands, inasmuch as he was organizing an expedition
against Bajazet. He was aware of the support which the
presence of the prince would aflford him, and so tempted him
to exchange the protection of the knights for his own by
the offer of placing him on the Ottoman throne. D'Aubusson
knew that it would have been safer for Djem to remain
the guest of the fraternity; still he felt it was impossible for
him to thwart the wishes of his ecclesiastical superior, when
supported by the urgent desire of Djem himself. The transfer
was effected with great splendour in the month of March,
1488, the king of France being a consenting party. It has
been cwlduced as a proof of dishonourable dealing on the part
of the Order, that the possession of the person of Djem was
purchased by the Pope at the expense of numerous important
concessions. Such concessions were undoubtedly made, but
they appear to have been the result of the Pope's gratitude
to the fraternity for compliance with his wishes, tardy and
reluctant though that consent had been. Moreover, a glance
at the benefits conferred will show that they were only such
as the knights had a right to claim as an act of justice,
and not as a favour, being merely the abandonment of pre-
tensions which haji been usurped by the pontiff's predecessoi's.
He now pledged himself never again to interfere in the

the Knights of Malta. 291

nomination to commanderies, even when vacated in his own
dominions. He also merged the two effete Orders of St.
Sepulchre and St. Lazarus into that of St. John. How far
this union could be considered a boon to the latter is not
very apparent, inasmuch as both in wealth and public estima-
tion it was immeasurably superior to the two fraternities now
incorporated with it.

It has also been stated that a cardinal's hat was conferred
on D'Aubusson as a mark of personal favour on the occasion.
The fact is, that D*Aubusson was made a cardinal in 1485, three
years before Djem waa transferred to the court of Eome. That
appointment was moreover an honour of a very questionable
kind. The position which the Grand-Master enjoyed as the
head of the Order of St. John and supreme ruler at Rhodes
was not in any way enhanced by the acquisition of the red
hat. It would, indeed, have been better for his reputation
could the historian have recorded that he had rejected the
bauble. The real reason for his investiture was that the
Pope had need of his great diplomatic talents in dealing
with the nations of the East. The cardinal's hat was coupled
with the title of papal legate, a post which insured for
the service of Innocent one of the most efficient agents
possible for the delicate task of intercourse with the Turkish
court.

Before the Pope had matured any of those projects for
the reconquest of the East which were teeming within his
ambitious brain he died, and his place was filled by the in-
famous Alexander VI. During his sway the position of the
unfortimate Djem was very different from what it had been
in the lifetime of Innocent. The knights who had been
permitted to reside with him at the papal court were sum-
marily dismissed, and he was confined as a close prisoner
in the castle of St. Angelo. The last vestige of control
over the fate of the miserable prince was thus taken away
from the fraternity, and it can in no way be held responsible
for what followed. Alexander, feeling himself secure in the
possession of his prize, at once opened up communications
with Bajazet, who made an ofEer either to continue to the
Pope the payment of the allowance hitherto made to Djem

20*

292 A History of

on condition of his keeping the prince in close confinement,
or else to pay down the sum of 300,000 crowns if he would
once for aU make away with his prisoner.

Alexander's notoriety as a poisoner was already spread over
Europe; Bajazet, therefore, did not hesitate to propose in
plain terms to the head of the Christian church the cold-
blooded murder of a defenceless refugee. The Pope would
rather have retained Djem aUve aiid a prisoner, preferring the
annual payment to the sum offered for the murder; but the
option did not long remain open. The steps which Alexander
had taken caused the most lively indignation not only to
D'Aubusson, who was powerless to interfere in the matter,
but also to the king of France, who was in a very different
position. It had never entered into his calculations that the
Pope should retain the Turkish prince a close prisoner merely
for his own pecuniary benefit. Advancing, therefore, at the
head of a considerable force which he hfiwl assembled for the
purpose of an attack on the kingdom of Naples, he appeared
at the gates of Home before Alexander had been able to
make any preparations to resist him.

The iniquities of the Pope's career had become a public
scandal, and everywhere his deposition was ardently desired ;
at this moment those wishes seemed certain to be gratified,
and his doom appeared inevitable. Alexander, however, was
a very expert politician. By means of lavish bribes he bought
over the most trusted advisers of the yoimg king, and a
treaty was concluded which secured him in his pontificate.
One of the clauses of this treaty bound him to surrender
Djem into the hands of Charles. Vainly did he resist the
insertion of this condition, but the kiag was inexorable. The
presence of the Turkish prince was necessary for the pro-
secution of his enterprise, and provided he carried that
point he cared but little for the other iniquities of which
Alexander had been guilty. The annual stipend paid by
Bajazet was now clearly lost to the Pope for ever. The
time had therefore arrived to earn the 300,000 crowns for
the murder of Djem. The age in which Borgia lived was
notorious for the perfection to which the art of poisoning
had been brought, and that pontiff had earned for himself

the Knights of Malta. 293

the reputation of being a most skilful adept in the practice.
In the present case his talents were brought to bear with
his usual cunning upon the person of the unfortunate pri-
soner. Djem, at the moment when he was handed over to
Charles, bore within his frame the venom which was slowly
but surely compassing his end. 80 skilfully had the potion
been administered, that it was not until the king had
arrived with his proUgi at Terracina that the crisis de-
veloped itself. Every finger at once pointed to the murderer,
nor has any serious attempt ever been made to refute the
charge.

A sad fate, indeed, was that for which the unfortunate prince
had been reserved. After a sojourn of thirteen yeara in strange
lands, far away from his native country, and at the very
moment when his prospects appeared to brighten, he was smit-
ten by the hand of the secret poisoner, from whose fell grasp
he had just been torn. In subsequent years we find his son
Amurath, who had been left in Egypt as an infant, residing
at Rhodes under the protection of the fraternity, and receiving
from its treasury a pension of 36,000 fiorins a year. This
young prince had abandoned the faith of his father and
become a Christian, for which reason he was held in great
esteem by the Older.

The miserable end of Djem caused the most poignant anguish
to D'Aubusson, to whom he had endeared himself through
man7 years of kindly feeling and affectionate correspondence.
The disgrace which this foul murder had cast upon Christianity
affected the Grand-Master deeply, and his utter inability to
avenge the dastardly act added weight to his grief. Age, too,
had been creeping upon him, and was rendering him less able
to bear up against his sorrow. It is from this time that we
may date the commencement of that decline which ere long
brought the noble old man to his grave. Throughout the
remaining years of his life his position was one much to be
envied. Universally admitted to be the greatest soldier and
first statesman of his age, he bore a part in the politics of
Europe far more influential than his rank would have appa-
rently warranted. When Alexander, anxious to remove the
stigma cast upon him by the murder of Djem, had organized

294 ^ History of

a league against the Turks, composed of all the leading powers
of Europe, D'Aubusson was unanimously selected for the chief
command of the combined forces. The league, it is true, eflfected
nothing ; the numerous conflicting interests of its members, the
inertness of some and the obstinacy of others, all combined to
render barren an enterprise which might have had the most
vital consequences for Europe. Doubtless, had it been per-
severed in, it would at least have saved the island of Rhodes
from the sad fate which was impending. Still, the nomination
of D'Aubusson as its chief marks the high estimation in which
he was held; nor can its futile termination be in any way
attributed to him. Indeed, before accepting the command, he
had foretold, with that keen sagacity for which he was famed,
that it would prove utterly useless.

In the year 1499 an envoy was sent to Rhodes from Henry
VII., king of England, with a very flattering letter to the
Grand-Master, accompanied by a present of horses of a breed
much prized for their pure blood and extreme docility. They
were stated in the letter to have been reared in the island of
Ireland, and to have been called Eburi. The king at the same
time sent several pieces of artillery for the defence of Rhodes,
which he requested might be given into the charge of the
English knights, to be placed on that part of the fortress which
was in their guardianship.

In these later years no less than five chapters-general had
been convoked, in which many enactmentfl highly beneficial to
the discipline of the convent were passed. Reforms of the most
searching kind were introduced, and the island was weeded of
numerous unworthy characters from amidst the Ghreek population
with which it had previously swarmed. The only drawback to the
peaceful end which D'Aubusson felt approaching arose from the
conduct of the Pope, who, heedless of the pledge of his pre-
decessor, bestowed on members of his own family all the
more important offices of the Order as they fell vacant.
Remonstrances were utterly disregarded, and D'Aubusson was
powerless for any more effectual action. In the midst of the
acrimonious correspondence engendered by these illegal acts, he
breathed his last on the 30th June, 1503, at the ripe age of
eighty years.

the Knights of Malta. 295

His loss was keenly felt by the members of the fraternity, nor
was he less regretted by the inhabitants of Rhodes generally, to
whom he hed endeared himself by the undeviating justice of his
rule and the liberal policy he invariably maintained towards
them. He had held the baton of Gh-and-Master for a period
of twenty-seven years, and this lengthened rule was marked by
the magnanimity, piety, and heroic deeds with which it was
adorned. Beloved by his Order ; revered by all the princes of
Europe ; respected and dreaded by the enemies whom he heid
either worsted in the field or baffled in the council chamber ;
munificent in his public acts, as the numerous buildings, founda-
tions, and other charities which he established amply prove;
affable and gracious in his demeanour towards those with whom
he was brought in contact ; he was a man who had no enemies
save those whose misdeeds heid merited his chastisement, or
in whose jaundiced eyes the mere existence of such virtues was
in itself an offence.

The day of his funeral was one of general mourning. His
body lay in state in the council hall, beneath a canopy covered
with doth of gold. It was dressed in the robes of his office,
with gloves of silk and shoes of golden cloth. On his breast lay
a crucifix of gold ; at his right hand were the emblems of his
cardinal's rank; on the left were his armour, lance, and sword, the
latter the same he had used on the occasion of the last Turkish
assault on the Jews' quarter, and which was still covered with
the Moslem blood in which it hcwl been bathed on that memor-
able day. Around the body stood seven knights dressed in deep
mourning, one of whom bore his cardinal's hat, another his
legate's cross, a third the standard of the league of which he
had been appointed generalissimo, whilst the others carried
banners on which were emblazoned the arms of his family,*
quartered with those of the Order.

When the hour of interment arrived, the whole population
followed their late prince to the tomb. First in the pro-
cession came the religious fraternities of Bhodes, next the
Ghreek patriarch with his clergy, then the Latin clerics of the
convent followed by 200 of the principal citizens of Hhodes,

* It is somewhat curious that his arms bore an eight-pointed cross,
in form not xmlike that of the Order, but blazoned gules on a field or.

296 A History of

dressed in black and carrying lighted torches ; after these the
knights bearing his banners, which they now trailed upon the
ground ; then came the bier with the corpse, borne on the
shoulders of grand-crosses, none others being allowed tliat
privilege. Immediately following the body came the members
t)f the Order generally, whose extended files completed the
melancholy procession. As the revered remains were lowered
into their last resting place, the baton of his office and the
gold spurs of his knighthood were broken over the grave
by the officers appointed for that purpose. After a long
look at all that now remained of one who had gained the.
love of so many hearts, and achieved so much for the welfare
of his brethren, the grave was slowly and sadly closed, and
the touching ceremonial brought to an end. He was gone
out of their sight, and another would shortly occupy the
place he had so worthily filled, but his memory was to remain
green and unfading. Wherever the annals of the Order
are recorded there will ever be foimd, high amongst those
who even in that fraternity of chivalry and renown had
raised themselves above their fellows, the name of Peter
D'Aubusson.

It was during his rule that the relic so highly prized by
the knights was first brought to Ehodea After D'Aubusson
had succeeded in arranging the treaty with Bajazet, that
monarch, anxious to testify liis gratitude, presented the Qrand-
Master with the right hand of St. John the Baptist, which
had fallen into the possession of his father at the capture of
Constantinople. This relic, which was enclosed in a magnificent
casket of Cyprus wood lined with crimson velvet and richly
studded with precious stones, was addressed to D'Aubusson in
the following terms : — " Bajazet, king of Asia and emperor of
emperors, to the very wise and illustrious Grand-Master of
Rhodes, Peter D'Aubusson, most generous prince and father
of a very glorious empire."

Few of the relics which during the middle ages were
scattered throughout Europe can have their authenticity traced
with such minuteness of detail as the one thus presented to
the GFrand-Master. Its history runs as follows : — The body of
St. John the Baptist had been buried in the town of Sebasta

the Knights of Malta. 297

after his execution by Herod. St. Luke the Evangelist is
stated to have been very desirous of removing the holy corpse.
Joining with some of the other disciples of St. John, they
together opened the grave under cover of night, but dreading
the risk of discovery should they attempt, the removal of the
whole body, they severed the right hand, which they considered
the most sacred portion, as having been employed in the
baptism of our Lord. St. Luke carried the hand to Antioch,
and when he left that city to preach the gospel in Bithynia,
he placed the precious relic in charge of the church he had
established there. The hand remained at Antioch until the
reign of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, who, as a devout catholic,
was extremely desirous of transferring it to the city of Con-
stantinople. Any open attempt on his part would have been
in vain, for the people of Antioch prized their treasure highly,
and guarded it most carefully. Constantine, in his religious
zeal, had no delicate scruples as to the means he employed
for the attainment of his purpose. He bribed a deacon of the
church of Antioch to steal the hand and to bring it to Constan-
tinople, where as soon as it arrived it was placed in the church
of St. John. It remained there imtil the capture of the city by
Mahomet, when, owing to the value of its casket, it was placed
in the imperial treasury, whence it was withdrawn by fiajazet
for presentation to D'Aubusson.

The following account has been given by an old chronicler
of the ceremony of translation of this precious relic to the
cathedral of St. John : — " On the 25th May, 1484, the anniver-
sary of the disembarkation of the Turks at Ehodes, the clergy,
the monks, and the people started in procession from the church
of St. John to the chapel of the palace, where the Ghrand-Master
awaited them with the dignitaries of the Order. D'Aubusson
presented the precious hand to the prior of the church, and
from there they marched in solemn procession to the square,
where a platform had been erected covered "v^dth a dais, in the
form of a throne or altar, upon which the holy reKc was
deposited, enclosed in a casket of ivory enriched with precious
stones and placed under glass, through which the hand of the
saint was visible. An Augustine monk delivered a sermon
on the occasion, after which the prior of the church took the

298 A History of the Knights of Malta.

hand and elevated it for the adoration of the people. It was
then carried with the same ceremony to the church of St.
John, where, after it had been kissed by the Grand-Master,
the knights, and others, the prior deposited it on the grand
altar, chanting psalms to the accompaniment of musical
instruments."

CHAPTER XII.
1503—1521.

Election of D*Amboise — Futile descent of Camalis — Capture of Turkish
galleys and of the ** Queen of the Seas "—Defeat of the Turkish fleet in
the Gulf of Ajaccio — Election and death of Blanchefort — ^Accession of
Carretto — Usurpation of Selim — Conquest of Egypt by the sultan —
Death of Selim and accession of Solyman — Death of Carretto—
Description of Rhodes in 1521, and at present.

The death of D'Atibusson was speedily followed by that* of the
Pope, to the inexpressible relief of the whole Christian world,
the scandalous iniquities which had disgraced his pontificate
having excited the abhorrence of every one. Nowhere was the
event hailed with greater joy than at Rhodes. The Pope had in
his grasping rapacity seized upon aU the appointments and emo-
luments in the possession of the fraternity as they successively
became vacant, and either bestowed them on members of his own
family or openly sold them to the highest bidder. Eemon-
strances had proved utterly unavailing, and nothing seemed
left to the Order but either tamely to submit to this wanton
infraction of all their rights and privileges, or else to cast ofP
their allegiance to the pontiff, who, vile though his personal
character might be, was nevertheless recognized as the head
of the church and their own immediate ecclesiastical superior.
Happily the death of Alexander obviated the necessity for such
an alternative, and the knights were permitted to continue their
maritime Warfare against the Moslem under their new chief
without further hindrance from the court of Rome.*

* The date quoted in the last chapter for the death of D'Aubusson as
having taken place in 1503 is that given by aU the older historians of the
Order, but it has lately been disputed. Colonel Rottiers, who has carefully

300 A History of

This Ghrand-Master was Almeric D'Amboise, grand-prior of
Fraaoe. He was the younger brother of George D'Araboise,
archbishop of Eouen, cardinal legate of the Holy See, and
prime minister to the French monarch. At the time of his
nomination Almeric was at the court, where in his position of
grand-prior he was an honoured adviser of the king. Indeed, so
much were his services appreciated that on his departure to
assume the reins of government at Rhodes, Charles presented
him with the sword which his ancestor St. Louis had carried at
Damietta, together with a piece of the true cross. The nine years
during which his sway extended were marked by a series of
naval combats, in which the Order reaped much distinction.
The death of Djem having freed Bajazet from all necessity
to remain on good terms with the fraternity, he at once entered
into a treaty with the sultan of Egypt, the object of which
was the attack of Rhodes and the annihilation of the naval
supremacy of the knights in the Levant. In pursuance of
this treaty, he despatched a celebrated Turkish corsair named
Kemal, or Camalis, with a powerful fleet to ravage the islands
of the religion. This expedition proved a complete failure.
Driven successively from Rhodes, Symia, Telos, Nisyrus, and
Lango, he at length directed his efforts against Leros, an

studied the remains of the knights in Rhodes, places it at 1505, and his
opinion is shared by Biliotti. The argument upon which this change of
date is based is as follows : — The tower of St. Paul, in which stands one
of the gateways leading into the town of Rhodes from the harbour, was
unquestionably built by D'Aubusson, and bears a Latin inscription stating
that fact. Over the gateway in this tower is a shield bearing the arms of
D'Aubusson, and by its side another with those of Pope Julius II. As this
latter is surmounted by the keys and tiara, it is clear that it was not fixed
there until after its bearer had become Pope. That event did not take
place until the year 1504, and it is argued that some time must have elapsed
after his elevation to the Papacy before he could have done anything in
favour of the Order sufficient to merit the distinction of having his arms
coupled with those of D'Aubusson over the gateway of St. Paul. They
therefore fix 1505 as the earliest date when D'Aubusson's death could have
taken place. This argument seems very weak when brought against the
general agreement of all the older historians in fixing the earlier date.
The gate, though undoubtedly built by D'Aubusson, might not have been
completed at the time of his death, or the armorial bearings might have
been a subsequent insertion. I cannot accept the argument as sufficient
by itself to warrant an alteration in the year.

the Knights of Malta. 301

insignificant post which had been hut feebly fortified and
slenderly ganisoned. At the moment of attack there was but
one knight in the fort, a youth named Paul Simeonis, a
member of the Italian langue^ by birth a Piedmontese. His
gallantry and presence of mind saved even this petty station
from the aggression of the Turk. Dressing up all the in-
habitants of the place, women as well as men, in the robes of
knights of St. John, with red surcoat and white cross,
he caused them to line the ramparts in every direction. The
corsair, perceiving, as he thought, a large body of the fraternity
awaiting his attack, was under the impression that a strong
reinforcement had been thrown into the place. He therefore
declined the attempt, and returned to Constantinople without a
single trophy to mark the prowess of his arms.

The knights shortly after obtained several other advantages
over the enemy. Upon one occasion a Turkish fleet of seven
vessels, well-armed and fully equipped, having been de-
spatched to the attack of Lango, fell into their hands by
a stratagem. Two of these vessels had been sent in advance
by the commander of the expedition for the purpose of re-
connoitring the island, and had approached so near as to be
discovered by the inhabitants. There were at the time only
two galleys in the harbour, but these were at once sent out
with instructions to intercept the advancing enemy, if pos-
sible. They succeeded in creeping out of the harbour un-
perceived, and contrived to cut o£E the retreat of the Turks
so effectually that these were compelled to nm their vessels
ashore and seek refuge within the woods of the island. The
knights promptly floated their new acquisitions, and having
embarked a sufficient crew from amongst the ranks of the
garrison, they set sail to the encounter of the remainder of
the Turkish fleet, followed at some distance by their own two
galleys. The Turks, perceiving their vessels returning, and
having no suspicion of what had occurred, advanced to meet
them in perfect security and confidence. Gbeat was their
dismay when the first broadside from their insidious opponents
revealed the calamity that had befallen them. Ere they had
well recovered from their surprise, and prepared for a hos-
tile encounter, the two Ehodian galleys were descried bearing

302 A History of

rapidly down upon the scene of strife. With this reinforcement
the victory wajs speedily accomplished, and the remaining five
ships carried in triumph into port. The crews, including those
who had already landed in the island, were sold into slavery.

This advantage was followed shortly afterwards by another,
involving the capture of a carrack which trafficked annually
between the ports of Egypt and the north coast of Africa.
This vessel, which was called the Mograbiney or " Queen of
the Seas," was of so great a size that it was said six men
could scarcely embrace her mainmast. She had no less than
seven decks, and carried 100 guns, with a crew of 1,000 men.
Ghistineau, commander of limoges, undertook to attempt
the capture of this leviathan, freighted as she was with an
enormous quantity of costly merchandise. Having succeeded
in running his galley close alongside of the carrack under
cover of a parley, he suddenly opened a murderous discharge
upon her crowded decks. The effect was tremendous, the captain
of the carrack being amongst the killed. Whilst the Turks
were in a state of panic at this unlooked-for assault, and
without a leader, Gastineau, followed by his crew, dashed on
board and secured the prize, which he carried safely into
Bhodes. The proceeds of this capture were very large. Not
only did the rich merchandise afEord an ample plunder, but
the ransoms which the sultan of Egypt was compelled to pay
for the release of the captured merchants brought a most
welcome addition to the funds of the treasury.

Three years later a still more important advantage attested
the naval superiority of the knights of Ehodes. The sultan
of Egypt had, with the sanction of the Ottoman emperor,
despatched into the gulf of Ajaocio a colony of shipbuilders
under the protection of a fleet of twenty-five vessels, com-
missioned to construct ships to be employed against the
galleys of Ehodes. The Grand-Master at once fitted out
an expedition against this colony. The conduct of the enter-
prise was confided to a Portuguese knight called Andrew
d'Amaral, whose name subsequently attained a melancholy
notoriety during the second siege of Ehodes. Associated in
the command with him was another knight named Villiers
de L'Isle Adam, who was destined to achieve a very different

the Knights of Malta. 303

reputation during the same struggle. The attack upon the
Egyptian colony and its protecting ships was eventually com-
pletely successful, although the issue of the day hung for a long
time in the balance. The fleet was utterly destroyed, many
of the vessels being sunk, and the remainder captured, whilst
their crews and the shipbuilders who were seized on land were
brought as slaves into the harbour of Bhodes.

It was during the rule of D' Amboise that the gate which bears
his name was completed. Newton thus speaks of this structure :
" The casteUo is entered from the west by a noble gateway
commenced by the Grand-Master D'Aubusson after a great
earthquake, and finished by his successor D'Amboise, from
whom this gate takes its name. Over the door within an
ogee frame is a slab of white marble, on which is sculptured
in relief an angel holding the escutcheon of D'Amboise, with
the inscription Amboyse mdxii."

The completion of this gateway must have been the last
important act in the career of the Gfrand-Master, as he died on
the 8th November, 1512, at the age of seventy-eight years,
much honoured and regretted.

Guy de Blanchefort, nephew of Peter D'Aubusson, and grand-
prior of Auvergne, became the forty-first Grand-Master, a post
for which he was highly qualified, and to which his numerous
important services had justly entitled him. It was to his
care that Djem had been intrusted during the lengthened
residence of that prince in France. He had subsequently been
nominated to the office of lieutenant to the Grand-Master, in
which position he had rendered much important assistance both
to D'Aubusson and to D'Amboise. The high reputation which
his talents had gained for him raised a general expectation
that his tenure of office would be a distinguished one. He was
not, however, fated to realize these flattering aspirations, his
career having been cut short by death within a few months of
his accession.

He was at the time of his nomination residing in his
grand-priory, and the Turks took advantage of the absence of a
Ghrand-Master from Rhodes to develop a plot amongst some of
the Greek inhabitants and Turkish slaves. They had made
preparations by which, on a given signal, one of the gates of

304 A History of

the town should be seized, and handed over to a Turkish force
to be secretly landed on the island. Fortunately the plot was
discovered, but owing to the determination of those who were
arrested not to betray their accomplices, very few were brought
to justice. The news of this attempt made Blanchefort hurry
his departure from France, although he was at the time in a
very feeble state of health. As the voyage progressed his illness
became more £md more pronounced, and when off the coast of
Sicily he was so evidently in a dying state that the knights who
accompanied him urged him to land there. The heroism of
Blanchefort supported him in this trying hour. At all times
ready to maintain the interests of the Order, even at the risk
of his own life, he was now prepared to forego the comfort of
spending his last moments on shore, fearing that by so doing
he might cause an injury to the fraternity of which he was the
chief. He felt that were he to die so close to the court of Kome
the Pope would be sure to avail himself of that event to secure
the nomination of a creature of his own, without reference
to the council at Rhodes. He persisted, therefore, in holding
on his course, and when he felt his last hour approaching, he
directed that the swiftest galley in the fleet which accompanied
him should be held in readiness to push on for Rhodes the
instant that life had become extinct, so that the earliest
intelligence of the event might be received there.

His decease occurred off the island of Zante, and in ac-
cordance with the instructions he had given, the sad intelligence
was at once sent on to Rhodes, where it became known on the
night of the 13th of October, 1513. The kuights immediately
assembled for the election of a new chief, and we find it recorded
that upon this occasion there were present in the island the
following numbers:— Of the langue of France, 100; Provence,
90 ; Auvergne, 84 ; Castile and Portugal, 88 ; Aragon, 66 ;
Italy, 60; England, 38, and Germany, 5, making a total of
631 knights, without counting chaplains or serving brothers.
Fabricius Carretto, the conventual bailifE of the langue of Italy,
and consequently grand-admiral of the Order, a knight who
had greatly distinguished himself in the late siege of Rhodes by
his defence of Fort St. Nicholas, was nominated to the vacant
oflSce.

the Knights of Malta. 305

Very important changes had of late years been taMng place
in the East, which threatened the island of Bhodes with a
renewed attack from the Ottoman power. The emperor Bajazet
was the father of three sons, of whom the two elder partook
greatly of his own inert and peaceable disposition. The
youngest, whose name was Selim, inherited all the ambition
and warlike aspirations of those ancestors who had raised the
Turkish empire to its existing state of grandeur. Being as
politic as he was warlike, Selim, the sole dream of whose life
was to ascend the throne to which by birth he had no daim,
exerted all his powers to ingratiate himself with the janissaries
of his father's army. In this attempt he succeeded so well that
wth their aid he contrived to depose his aged parent. He
followed up this step by murdering him, as well as his two elder
bi-others, and the youthful parricide, having thus deaxed the
way, mounted the throne without fear of rivalry.

The accession of this fierce and warlike prince caused the
utmost dismay amongst the neighbouring nations. With just
reason they dreaded that before long they would become the
victims of the same aggressive policy which had seated him on
the throne of his father. In this fear the knights of Ehodes
warmly participated, and they consequently at once cemented a
treaty of alliance with the king of Persia and the sultan of Egypt.
The storm burst, in the first instance, over the latter kingdom,
and despite the efforts of the allies carried everything before
it. The power of Selim, assisted by the treachery of the two
Mamelouk governors, to whom had been confided the defence of
the frontier, enabled him in the course of four years to overrun
the whole of that country, and to add it to his own dominions.
The traitorous Mamelouk chiefs were invested, one with the
government of Egypt, the other with that of Syria, and the
conquest being thus completed, Selim turned his attention
towards Rhodes, for the reduction of which he commenced
immediate and formidable preparations. Whilst thus occu-
pied he died suddenly of malignant cancer, and so afforded
another respite to the fraternity, of which the members were
not slow in availing themselves for the still further protection
of their island.

His only son, Solyman, ascended the throne precisely at the

21

3o6 A History of

Bame time that Charles V. was crowned emperor of Germany
at Aix-la-Chapelle, and he was destined, during the course of
his long reign, to become the most illustrious of that race of
conquerors from whom he sprang, and to earn for himself the
title of Solyman the Magnificent.

He had not long enjoyed his sovereignty when he was com-
pelled to advance against the newly-appointed governor of Syria.
Gazelles, the Mamelouk traitor, who had been placed over the
province by Selim, conceived that as that redoubtable chieftain
was dead, the opportunity was favourable for a revolt against
his youthful successor, and for his own establishment in in-
dependent power. In aid of this project he besought the
alliance of Carretto, who, overjoyed at the prospect of a dis-
sension which might divert the menacing attitude of the
Ottoman emperor, assisted him with both men and materiel.
The power of Solyman proved too great for Gazelles to with-
stand ; in the very first engagement which ensued his forces
were routed, and he himself killed on the field of battle.

This was the closing political incident in the life of Fabricius
Carretto, and he breathed his last in the month of January,
1521. His tomb was placed beneath one of the windows in
the nave of the church of St. John. It is thus described by
Newton : — " In the pavement of the nave are the remains of
the tomb of the Grand-Master Fabricio del Carretto. His
effigy, which must have been sculptured in low relief on a flat
slab, has been destroyed, but the border still remains (1853)
with an inscription at the foot recording his name, titles, and
services, with the date 1520* (this should be 1521). At
the head of the slab was his escutcheon. Carretto was the
last Grand-Master buried at Bhodes."

The knights had now been resident in the island for a period of
upwards of 200 years, and the hour was close at hand when they
were to be driven from its shores. It seems, therefore, a suitable
time to enter into some detailed description of its state in this
the last year of their dominion. A general account of the
town and fortifications has already been given as they stood at

* The actual inscription ran thus : — " R. et HI. D. F. Fabricius De
Carretto Magnus Rhodi Magister Urbis Instaurator et ad Publicam Utilita-
tem per Septennium Hector Hie Jacet Anno mdxxi.'*

tJu Knights of Malta. 307

tliG time of the first siege. Since then many additions and
developments had been carried out. The English archseologist
Newton, and the Freuch writer Biliotti, a native of Rhodes,
have both given graphic descriptions of the present state of the
city and island, the latter writer in very considerable detail.
The bulk of what follows is gathered from these sources.
Newton thus portrays the Castello, that part of the town
which, forming the upper horn of the crescent made by the
line of ramparts, was the residence of the knights. After
describing the entrance by the Amboise gate already quoted,
he continues as follows: — "A drawbridge connects this gate-
way vrith a stone bridge which here spans the fosse with
three arches. Passing through this gate, a vaulted passage
leads through the counterscarp over a second and third
fosse, which defend the palace of the Gfrand-Master on the
west. After crossing the third fosse the road enters the Castello
between the church of St. John and the palace of the Grand-
Master, opposite to the upper end of the street of the knights.
This street, which runs east £md west, divides the Castello
into two nearly equal parts. On the south is the church of
St. John the Baptist, which seems to have been enlarged and
altered by successive Grand-Masters, and was probably founded
by Foulkes de Villaret on the first establishment of the knights
at Ehodes. The outside has no architectural feature. Its plan is
a regular basilica, containing a nave and two aisles with a clock
tower, the upper part of which was destroyed in the siege (the
second siege is here alluded to) . The interior dimensions are 1 50
feet in length by 52 feet in breadth. The columns dividing the
aisles from the nave are chiefly of granite, and are probably
taken from several ancient bmldings. The roof is of wood ; the
beams and ceiling blue, spangled with gold stars."

This church replaced a Byzantine chapel, which, in its turn,
had been raised on the ruins of an ancient Greek temple. The
simplicity of the exterior was in striking contrast with the rich-
ness of the interior fittings. Nimierous valuable pictures, gold
and silver ornaments of all kinds, and rich ecclesiastical vest-
ments were to be found therein. There were fifteen of these
pictures, gorgeously framed and each adorned with the cross of
the Order in solid gold, statues of the twelve apostles in silver

21*

3o8 A History of

gilt, a lamb in gold, statues of the Virgin Mary and of St. John
the Baptist also in gold, a golden chalice valued at 320 crowns,
superb missals and rich reliquaries, chief amongst which was
the magnificent ivory casket containing the hand of St. John.
The windows were filled with stained glass, adorned with the
escutcheons of the most celebrated knights; in many cases,
probably, the arms were those of the donors of the windows.
This church was, unfortunately, completely destroyed at the
end of the year 1856 by an explosion of powder stored in the
vaults beneath the building. This powder is supposed to have
been left there by the knights at the close of the siege in
1522, and it is asserted that its existence was unknown to the
Turkish authorities until the explosion took place. It seems
somewhat doubtful whether gunpowder would retain its ex-
plosive qualities for a period of 334 years, the more so as in
those early days it was probably of a rough and inferior manu-
facture. Be this as it may, an explosion did undoubtedly take
place on the date named. The descriptions, therefore, of the
building given to us by Newton and Biliotti are all the more
interesting and valuable.

The clock tower referred to by the former was, in reality, a
campanile, quite distinct from the church. It was used as a
military observatory in both sieges. It wiU be seen further on
that it was on this account subjected to such heavy fire in the
siege of 1522, that it was nearly destroyed. It bore the
escutcheons of several Ghrand -Masters who had at different
times restored and adorned it.

Newton continues his description with the following account of
the present condition of the Grand-Master's palace : — ^^ Opposite
the church of St. John is the entrance to the palace of the
Grand-Master, through a gateway flanked by two towers facing
the south. On entering under this gateway we come to an open
space covered with cisterns, in which the Turks keep stores of
grain.* In front is a confused mass of numerous buildings, of
which the plan can no longer be made out. On the left are

* These cisterns are probably the same in character as the fosses used
in Malta for a similar parpose, which are excavations in the soft stone rock
and cemented. Their shape is usually the frustrum of a cone. They
contain about fifty quarters of wheat.

the Knights of Malta. 309

strong square towers defending the citadel on the west. On the
right a staircase leads to an open gallery oommimicating with
many small rooms. In these the garrison probably dwelt. On
the north the palace is defended by a tower overlooking a broad
and lofty platform, which is raised by solid masonry out of the
depth of the fosse. It was from artillery planted on this plat-
form that the Turks suffered so much during the first siege
in their attack on Fort St. Nicholas, from the church of St.
Antonio, now a smaU mosque near the Lazaretto. Returning
from the Grrand-Master's palace, we look down the long and
narrow street, which is well known to travellers by the name of
Strada dei Cavalieri, or street of the knights. In no European
city, perhaps, can be found a street so little changed since the
fifteenth century. No Vandal hand has disturbed the perfect
repose and keeping of the scene by demolition or repairs ; the
very pavement has a mediaeval look, as if it had known no
thoroughfare since its broad marbles were trodden by Christian
warriors three centuries ago. No sound of near or distant
traffic breaks in on the congenial stillness. We might almost
suppose the houses to be without inhabitants were it not for the
rude Turkish jalousies which project on either side, flinging long
slanting shadows across the richly-sculptured f a9ades, and lending
mystery to a solitude only disturbed when from the gloom of
some deep archway a veiled form glides by with averted face,
scared at the unwelcome presence of the Frank traveller.*'

Starting from St. John's Church, the street of the knights
slopes towards the church of St. Catherine, and contains through-
out a long series of most interesting monumental records.
The first object to meet the view is the ruin of the arccuies
which originally supported the great chapter hall. This
building had been gradually falling into decay, and was
completely destroyed by the explosion before referred to, but
there was enough left prior to that event to give a very
good idea of the grandeur and elegance of the original
structure. On the foundation can be traced an old Greek
inscription, showing that it had been erected on the ruins of
a temple to Jupiter Sotirus. The first of the auhergea or inns
of the various langiies was that of Spain, which occupies an
angle in the street. This building was covered with armorial

3IO A History of

eficutcheons, most of which have been lately removed by a
Turkish officer, supposed to have been an aide-de-camp of
the sultan, and by him taken to Constantinople. Imme-
diately beyond the aubcrge, a narrow staircase leads to a stone
pulpit, from which the decrees of the council were promul-
gated. Most probably it was from this pulpit that the
Ghreek archbishop called the inhabitants to arms during the
siege of 1522, when the Turkish forces were driven from the
bastions which they had carried.

Towards the middle of the street, the most striking object
is the auberge of France, which is a very highly ornamented
structure. Over the principal entrance are escutcheons bearing
on one side the arms of the Order, and on the other those of
the Grand-Master Amboise. On the first floor are the arms of
France side by side with those of D'Aubiisson. Over the former
is the motto Montjoie Sainct Dents, and over the latter the
cardinal's hat. Beneath these escutcheons runs the legend
Voluntas Dei Est, 1495. The arms of L'Isle Adam appear
twice, dated 1511, whilst he was grand-prior of France. The
arms of the celebrated engineer, Peter Clouet, whose talents
had been so much in request at Rhodes, also appear in two
separate places. The cornices, window-labels, and architraves
are most elaborately ornate. The coping is battlemented, the
line being broken by corbelled turrets, and by gargoyles in
the form of fantastic dragons.

A little farther on, hidden at the end of a gloomy court,
stood a sombre-looking building, bearing the quotation from
the 74th Psalm, Exiirge Domine judica causam tuam. This
was the court of justice of the convent. It has recently been
destroyed by fire.

The avberges of Italy and England stood, the one by
the side of the church of St. Catherine, the other opposite
the Hospital. The auberge of Italy bore the arms of the
Grand-Master Carretto, with the date 1519, but they have
been removed by some unknown despoiler. The English
auberge was also adorned with the arms of the kingdom and
with those of several distinguished knights of the langve.
These have all been removed of late years.

Newton describes the decorations of the auberges thus ; —

the Knights of Malta. 3 1 1

"The style of architecture throughout the street is an in-
teresting modification of the modem Gothic. The escutcheons
are generally set in a richly-scidptured ogee arch. Most of
the windows are square-headed, with labels and upright
mullions, while the pointed arch is constantly employed in
the doorways. In the rich and fantastic ornaments we
recognize the Flamboyant style so generally prevalent in
Europe in the fifteenth century, but these ornaments are
but sparingly introduced, so as not to disturb the noble
simplicity of the general design. In all the edifices built by
the knights at Bhodes we see the same tendency to temper
the stem and naked ruggedness of military masonry, as far as
possible, with rich ornaments, such as we generally find asso-
ciated with ecclesiastical architecture. No fitter symbol could
have been adopted than this mixed style, to express the
character of an Order at once military and religious. The
last building on the south side of the street is the hospital of
the knights. This is a large square edifice, with a very
simple external facade. The entrance is under a kind of
vestibule facing the eajst. The original doors, which were of
Cyprus wood, richly carved, were given to the prince de
Joinville on the occasion of his visit to Ehodes. On either
side are large vaults, now used as warehouses. The inside is
a quadrangle, supported on vaults, above which are open
arcades, formed of round arches resting on pillars. Adjoin-
ing the arcades are four long rooms, corresponding with the
four sides of the quadrangle. These saloons and the open
galleries are covered with a roof of Cyprus wood, in very
fine condition. The four rooms were evidently for the sick,
and the open galleries for the convalescent to walk in. In
one of the vaulted magazines in the basement the chain which
served to close the entrance to the harbour was formerly kept,
and was seen by Boss in his visit in 1843. He describes it
as 760 feet in length, each link being \\ foot long. Since his
visit it has been removed to Constantinople. The hospital was
commenced by Villeneuve, and completed by the Grand-Master
Fluvian, and seems to have been well planned for its purpose."
Such were the leculing features of the Castello, so far as
they can be judged from what still exists. We will now

312 A History of

o

take a general survey of the town, considered as a fortress.
First in importance was the fort of St. Nicholas, built, as has
already been mentioned, by Raymond Zacosta. This work
was so placed as to command both the inner and outer ports.
The exterior trace is polygonal; a drawbridge leads under a
low archway into the interior, where two ramps give access to
the platform. Beneath this are the magazines, stores, tanks,
&c., all arched. In the middle of the platform rises a round
tower, two stories in height, on the summit of which is
another platform, which, like the lower one, was armed with
artillery. The tower and fort were seriously injured by
Paleologus pasha, in the siege of 1480, and still more by the
eaaiihquakes in 1481. They were subsequently restored, and
were in perfect repair before the siege of 1522 took place.
There are still guns mounted in this work, some bearing the
date of 1482, and others of 1607, as also the arms of the
various langues. The fort was connected with the north-
eastern comer of the Castello by a mole and covered way
leading to the gate of St. Paul. Next in importance was
the tower of St. Michael, built by the Q-rand-Master de
Naillac, which has already been described. This tower is
now in ruins, only the foimdations and a portion of the
arcade by which it was joined to the gate of St. Paul are left.
The tower of St. John, on the opposite side of the inner
port, was not a strong work, being merely a battery, not
capable of much defence, but well swept by the guns of the
other works. These two last-named towers were connected
with the enceinte by long moles, which were themselves armed
with guns, and made into covered ways. The ports were thus
well protected, and the defences sufficient to render an attack
by water impracticable.

Starting from the gateway of St. Paul, the enceinte took a
semi-circular sweep. From that point to the Gfrand-Master's
palace was the post of Auvergne, in a tower of which is still
to be found a small magazine of powder. After passing the
ramparts of the palace itself, the line sweeps southward, forming
the post of Q-ermany, in which stands the gateway of Amboise
already described. This post reached as far as the gate of
St. George, where that of France began. The gate of St.

the Knights of Malta, 3 1 3

Q-eorge was walled up by the knights between the first and
second sieges. The post of France terminated at the Spanish
tower, from whence the line was occupied by the kingue of
Spain as far as the tower of St. Mary. The English post
was from the tower of St. Mary to that of St. John. In this
line still appears a memorial to the English knight, Thomas
Newport, with his escutcheon enclosed in a wreath, beneath
which is the inscription " Hie Jacet F. Thomas Newport
Podatus Aglie Miles Qi Obiit, 1502, xxii. Die Mesis,
Septembris Cuius Anima Eequiescat in Pace. Amen, 1502."
Below the inscription is a death's head and crossbones. This
monument is somewhat important, as it clearly shows that
there were 'about this time two dignitaries of the English
langue bearing those names. It has been always imagined that
there was but one, who being Turcopolier was transferred to the
bailiwick of Aqmla in the year 1502, and was drowned in
1522, off the coast of Spain whilst en route for Rhodes. It is
quite clear that no such transfer took place, but that the
Turcopolier Thomas Newport died in 1502, whilst in the
same year another Thomas Newport was appointed bailiff
of Aquila, who was drowned as aforesaid.*

By the side of St. John's tower is the gateway of that name,
forming the principal entrance into the town from the south.
It was through this gate that the emperor Solyman made his
triumphal entry after the capture of the fortress in 1522. A
tablet in the entrance bears a Turkish inscription recording
this fact. Over the gateway is a bas-relief of St. John the
Baptist above the arms of the Order, by the side of which are
the arms of D'Aubusson, who appears to have delighted in
affixing his escutcheon at every available point. It must be
admitted that this was an act of pardonable vanity on the part
of a Q-rand-Master who had done so much in the way of
additions and restorations to the fortifications. From St. John's
gate to the tower of Italy was the post of Provence, and from
the latter point the post of Italy extended, making two bends
until it reached the gate of St. Catherine.

This gateway has two entrances — one into the Castello, the
other into the lower town. It is flanked by two large towers

* See List of Turcopoliers and Bailiffs of Aquila, in Appendix No. 11.

314 A History of

oontaming on each floor spacious halls which are now in-
accessible, the stairs leading to them being destroyed. On the
outside of the gate are the arms of the Order, and also those of
Peter Clouet, the engineer, above which is a bas-relief of St,
Catherine with the wheel and knife, St. Peter with the keys,
and St. John with the lamb. The latter has been much defaced.
These figures are protected by a canopy. There is the following
inscription on the gate : — " Reverendus D. F. Petrus Daubus-
sonis Bhodi Magnus Magister Hanc Portam et Turres Condidit
Magisterii Anno Primo." From the gate of St. Catherine to
that of St. Paul was the post of Castile.

Such was the city of Rhodes at the commencement of
the sixteenth century, and it is strange how little injury has
been done to the decorations by the Turks, who have been its
inhabitants for upwards of 300 years. The escutcheons have
nowhere been wilfully damaged; even the crosses have been
left intact. The only wanton destruction of which they
appear to have been guilty has been in the bas-reliefs and
tombs of the Gtrand-Masters and other dignitaries. Most of
these have either disappeared, or have been so defaced as
to be quite undecipherable.

Next to the fortress of Rhodes the most important post in the
island was the castle of lindos, where it will be remembered
that Fulk de Villaret retired when he set at defiance the decrees
of the council. Biliotti thus describes it : — " The fort built by
^'^ knights stands on the same site as the old acropolis, in a
position almost impregnable. It is in truth an eagles' nest
perched upon the summit of a crag. A steep path leads to the
fort, thence a wide flight of steps leads to the outer enceinte and
enters by a gate opening on to a platform of 120 paces in length
by 80 in breadth. This platform is surroxmded by a thick
battlemented wall. After surmounting long flights of steps and
numerous galleries, perpetually intercepted with machioolated
gateways, we reach one leading to the second platform, the site
of the old temple of Minerva. This temple had been succeeded
by a Grreek acropolis, so that the eye can now dwell on three
different epochs of structure. The residence of the present
governor and some small houses for the garrison are the work
of the architects of the Order. The materials of the older

tlie Knights of Malta. 315

btdldings have been largely used in their construction, and in
m£tny places precious fragments of old marbles occupy the
position of humble masonry. The original palace of the Order
at present only exists in shell, and it would be very difficult to
trace its internal construction. The ceilings have fallen in, the
pavements are torn up, the partition walls thrown down; but
patches of fresco still remain, from which can be guessed some
of the subjects which adorned the walls. The chisel contributed
as well as the brush to the severe type of ornamentation which
accords faithfully with the ideas of those times. Mouldings of
a sober elegance surrounded the escutcheons of the Order and
of D'Amboise which are still existing. Over the mantlepiece
of a fireplace, of which the ample dimensions mark the great
dining hall, may be seen the fleur de lys of France."

Connected with the palace are the ruins of a chapel dedicated
to St. John. This building consisted of three naves terminating
with an apse, the length eighty feet and the width fifty feet.
The population of lindos in the time of the knights amounted
to 2,500 souls, which number is now reduced to 650.

The village of Castellos, on the western side of the ialand,
took its name from the fortress erected there by the knights
as a look-out station. It is now in a state of ruin ; still, enough
remains to trace its construction. The castie is square ; on one
side it is flanked with two round and on the opposite angle by
one square tower. On the wall at the eastern side are the arms
of D' Amboise and of Carretto side by side. The angle between
the east and south has been cut away for flanking purposes, and
on the plane thus formed stand the arms of Carretto alone.
Those of the Order on two escutcheons appear on an internal
wall. The work was on two levels, and from the upper tower a
view was obtained over a wide extent of sea. It was so con-
structed as to be capable of a lengthened defence, and was quite
secure against a coup de main.

The village of Cremasti is so called from having been the
summer residence of the Grrand-Masters, the corruption of
the Turkish name from Orand-Maktrie being evident. The
palace was erected by Carretto, whose arms appear in several
directions. It was square in form and not intended to
resist any serious attack. In addition to these posts there

3i6 A History of

were many forts of a minor character placed in advantageous
positions all over the island. These were garrisoned by a few
soldiers only, and trusted for their defence principally to the
peasants, who flocked thither for shelter upon the alarm being
given of an enemy's approach.

The chapel of Our Lady of Philermo was undoubtedly
the most important and interesting * building left by the
fraternity outside the city of Bhodes. It was built to contain
a picture of the Virgin Mary, which they held in especial rever-
ence, and supposed to have been from the brush of the evangelist
St. Luke. In an arched crypt about twenty feet long and eight
wide are the remains of a large number of frescoes, the work of a
member of the Order who had been a pupil of Cimabue. Two
represented the Annunciation and the angel appearing to Joseph.
Separated from these by mosaics came others in which were
Elyon de Villanova, Fulk de Villaret, Roger de Pins, and
Antonio Fluvian, all kneeling on cushions fully armed and
accoutred, supported by St. Michael, St. Catherine, the Virgin
Mazy, and an apostle. They are gazing at a representation at
the end of the crypt of Our Saviour seated on a throne showing
his five wounds, having on his right hand St. Peter and St. Paul,
and on his left the Blessed Virgin, who is laying her hand on
the head of a kneeling knight, and by her side St. Mary
Magdalene. Under this picture are two others of St. Michael
and St. George, each in the act of overcoming his adversary, and
between them the cross of the Order. *

Other frescoes have as subjects — Our Lady with the seven
swords ; our Saviour on the cross, with the Virgin Mary and
St. John (over this picture are two knights of St. John in
prayer) ; the Passion is represented in seven pictures ; the
agony in the garden ; the taking of our Lord by torchlight; the
scene in the pra3torium ; the scourging ; the crowning with

* The presence of this cross, which is eight-pointed and precisely similar
to that known as the Maltese Cross, and a corresponding one on the shoidder
of the knight referred to in the fresco as kneeling, with the hand of the
Virgin Mary on his head, sets at rest a question which Biliotti has
mooted, whether the Order bore the eight-pointed cross, as now known,
whilst they were at Rhodes. He asserts that nowhere in the armorial
bearings and other remains at Ehodes could he find that cross. He
has quite overlooked these frescoes.

the Knights of Malta. 3 1 7

thorns ; St. Veronica and the handkerchief ; and lastly, the
crucifixion. To the east of this crypt stood the church
itself, of which only the ruins of a portion remain, but from
these it may be seen that the building was grand and
important, being probably richly sculptured and ornamented.
It consisted of two long naves separated by a row of fluted
columns whose capitals carried the vaulted roof, which was
groined. Behind the nave, and connected with it by "a small
door, are the remains of the sacristy, also divided in two.
From traces still to be seen it may be gathered that
the building was constructed so as to serve for purposes of
defence.

During the two centuries in which the knights were settled
in Ehodes, the manufacture of faience was much encouraged.
This pottery is still greatly sought after, and is known as
Lindos ware. It partakes somewhat of the character of
Majolica. It is supposed that it was introduced into the
island by Persian prisoners, who were employed at this work
instead of being chained to the oar of a galley. One of
these dishes of Lindos ware bears the inscription in Persian,
" 0 God, how long shall we remain in this land of exile P "
which seems to corroborate the supposition. Cotton stuffs,
embroidered in silk, were also a staple trade of the island.
The cotton and silk were both produced there, and the em-
broidered material in the form of curtains, cushions, and other
furniture was much prized. It was supposed that the silk-
worms were fed on brilliantly - coloured flowers, thereby
imparting to the silk natural dyes, which resisted the fading
influences of light.

It is impossible now to trace the principles of government
adopted towards the native population. It can only be sur-
mised that since no tradition remains of dislike to the memory
of the knights, their rule was probably fairly lenient. It
must, of course, be assumed that, living as they did in a condition
of constant warfare, the island was more or less in a permanent
state of siege. Still the people apparently flourished imder a
government which, if rigid, was at all events tolerably just.
In the absence of any more direct testimony, we may argue
favourably from the fact of the extraordinary fidelity of the

3i8 A History of

peasantry during the two long and perilous sieges, when their
privations and snfEerings were very great. The enormous
increase in the population of the island during the fourteenth
and fifteenth centuries may also be taken in proof of the
beneficence of the government. The tradition remains of one
admirable regulation made by the fraternity. A certain portion
of the grain harvest was taken from each farmer, and stored in
the granaries of the fortress. Should a siege take place, this
amount of grain sufficed to feed the population who fiocked into
the town. Should the year pass without such misfortune, it
was returned intact to the owner, and a corresponding portion
of the new crop taken in its stead. The farmer, therefore,
under ordinary circumstances, might consider that he merely
stored a portion of his harvest in the public granaries for
a twelvemonth, at the expiration of which time he received
it back uninjured. By this simple means the fortress was
kept permanently provisioned. There can be no question of
the religious tolerance of the knights. Living as they did
in the midst of a population mostly professing the Gfreek
faith, it would have been difficult, if not impossible, for
them to have kept the inhabitants loyal, had they not in
every way remained on good terms with the Greek priest-
hood. It is one of the few cases in which members of the
Eioman and Greek faith were cooped up within such narrow
limits, and yet maintained such great friendship.

The Order coined its own money from the earliest time of
its settlement in Rhodes. It is impossible now to compile
a complete list of the various coins thus issued. Enough,
however, remain to illustrate the subject. The silver coins
consisted of crowns, ducats, and florins. The earlier ones
carried on one side a cross, on the other a kneeling knight.
Later on they bore the arms of the GFrand-Master. Thus we
find coins of Elyon de Villanova representing him kneeling
before a cross ; on the others side a ^^fleitr de lisee^* cross. On
one side the legend Fr. Elton De Vila nova M.R.j on the other
Ospital 8. Ion leros : Rodi, Coins struck by D'Amboise
bore on the one side the arms of that Grand-Master with the
legend F. Etnericus Damhoise Magn, Mag. JK., and on the
other the lamb of St. John, with the words Agn. Dei Qui

tJie Knights of Malta. 319

ToUu Pecca Man Mm No. Those issued by L'Isle Adam
bore his head with the words F. Phus De Lik-Adaniy M.
Sosplis Hieri M. ; on the reverse his arms, with the motto
Da Mihi Virtutem Contra Hosteit Tuos.

The measures of length, capacity, and weight were probably
the same as were at the time used throughout the Levant,
and these were Greek.

Such was the state of the island of £>hodes during the last
years of the Order's sway. From that time its decadence has
been steady and continued. Its natural beauties still remain,
but all that depended on the energy of man has gradually fallen
into decay* Khodes has partaken of the blight which seems to
fall on everything subjected to Ottoman rule, and lives on now
in the memory of the past.

CHAPTER Xni.

The career of a knight as a noyice, professed knight, commander, and
bailifp — The auberges — The chaplains — The chapter-general — The
councils of the Order — The question of slavery.

From the period when the Order of St. John was first divided
into languesj and the leading dignities in the gift of the fra-
ternity were apportioned to those langueSy no confusion or inter-
mixture was ever permitted between them. A postulant for
admission preferred his request either at the chef-lifu in the
convent to the head of the langue of which he was a native, or
at one of the grand-priories in his own country. If he sought
admission into the ranks of the knights of justice, the necessary
proofs of nobility were required from him, which proofs varied
in the difEerent langues, and have been already described. When
it had been satisfactorily ascertained that his descent was
sufficiently aristocratic to entitle him to admission, he was, if
old enough, admitted at once as a novice. After the expiration
of a year spent in probation he was duly received into the body
of the Order as a professed knight.

The age at which a postulant was accepted as a novice was
sixteen. He was thus enabled to be a professed knight at
seventeen, but he was not required to begin his residence at the
convent until he was twenty years of age, and in many cases he
received a dispensation postponing still later the necessity for
that step. The pages of the Ghrand-Master were, however,
entitled to the exceptional privilege of admission when only
twelve years old, and their service in that capacity counted
towards the term of residence which every knight was bound to
complete at the convent before he was qualified for nomination
to a commandery. In times later on than those of which we
are now writing, knights were received "in minority " even in

A History of the Knights of Malta. 321

their cradles, a far larger amount of entrance money, termed
" passage," being in such cases paid. This was, however, a
modem innovation on the established rule, and only introduced
to raise additional funds for the assistance of the treasury.

A knight having become professed, was bound to proceed to
the chef-lieu^ as soon as he had reached the age of twenty years,
and to reside there for a certain term. During this time he
performed such military and naval duties as were required of
him. Each complete year of this service constitute what was
called a " caravan," and the number required for qualification
as a commander was three. In later years that number was
raised to four. In addition to these three years of what may
be termed active service he was bound to reside for two
more years at the convent before he could be made a com-
mander, so that the earliest age at which he could attain to that
office was twenty-five. Before a knight could be elected a
bailiff, either conventual or capitular, he must have been pro-
fessed for fifteen years, of which ten had to be in residence
at the convent. It was very rarely, however, that these digni-
ties were conferred on a knight until he had attained far riper
years than were laid down for his qualification. During his
residence he was attached to the auberge of his langue, where
he lived at the table furnished by the conventual bailiff, as will
be more fuUy detailed presently. After he had completed his
term of service he was eligible for promotion to a commandery,
and sooner or later received that appointment. The principle
recognized in these nominations was a system of seniority
modified by selection. No doubt in those days, as at present,
interest carried great weight, and the young aspirant whose
advancement was looked after by influential friends received the
coveted appointment to a commandery somewhat sooner than
his more friendless conjrire. This promotion transferred him
back again to his native province, where he resided upon the
estate intrusted to his charge. He there fell under the direct
supervision of the grand-prior within whose district his com-
mandery was situated. In many cases, however, knights who
were qualified to become commanders received appointments at
the chef-lieUy either in the Grand-Master's household or in some
other official capacity, which necessitated a continued residence

22

322 A History of

in the island, and which was considered as an equivalent. After
having presided over one of the inferior commanderies for a
period of five years the holder was eligible for translation to
a post of superior value, provided he had administered that
originally entrusted to his charge with due prudence and
care. He thus continued rising in dignity and emoluments
imtil he had attained such seniority as rendered him qualified
for the oflSce of conventual bailiff, upon nomination to which he
was called upon to resign his commandery and return to the
convent to assume the duties of his new station.

The conventual bailiffs were, as has been said, eight in
number, and ranked in precedence immediately next to the
Grand-Master. Their duties are thus defined in the statutes : —
" In order that the Gfrand-Master may be enabled to watch over
the governance of our Order with greater prudence and modera-
tion our predecessors have appointed as assistants in his senate
men of worth and good repute, who shall each be invested with
a separate office. For this purpose have been established the
several councillors of our Order, such as the grand-conmiander,
the marshal, the hospitaller, the admiral, the gitmd-conservator,
the Turcopolier, the grand-bailiff, and the grand-chancellor, who
are all called conventual bailiffs, because each is the president
of his languey

These dignitaries each resided in the palace or auherge appro-
priated to his langxie, which were large and stately edifices
erected for that purpose out of the public funds. The treasury
issued an allowance to every bailiff for the expenses of his
office, and it also granted a fixed daily ration for every person
entitled to a seat at the tables which he was obliged to main-
tain for their use in the auberge. Every member of the langue
resident at the convent, whether knight, chaplain, or serving
brother, had this right, excepting only a conmiander, who,
being a knight, held a benefice of £200 a-year, or a chaplain
or serving brother holding one of £100. In such oases they
were considered provided for, and therefore excluded from the
table of their auherge.

The allowance issued by the treasury waa by no means
sufficient to cover the expense of these tables; a large proportion
fell consequently upon the private resources of the bailiffs.

the Knights of Malta. 323

Burdensome as this charge undoubtedly was, the post of con-
yentual bailiff was nevertheless eagerly sought after. Not
only did it confer upon its holder a very high position, second
only to that of the Grand-Master himself, but it was also,
invariably, and as a matter of right, the stepping-stone to the
most lucrative dignities in the gift of the langue. If either of its
grand-priories or bailiwicks fell vacant the conventual baiKfE
had the option of claiming the post ; or if he preferred waiting
for one of greater value he might retain his position and allow
the vacant nomination to pass to those junior to himself, until
one fell in of sufficient value to meet his expectations. Not
unfrequently the selection of a Grrand-Master was made from
amongst the conventual bailiffs, who, by being present at the
chef'lieu at the time of the election, had many advantages in
the way of canvassing, and otherwise making themselves
popular and acceptable to the electors.

The amount of the allowance given to the bailiffs to support
their tables whilst the Order was at Rhodes is not recorded. It
may, however, be aseimied to have been not very different from
that which was fixed for them a few years later, when they
were settled in Malta. It then consisted of sixty gold crowns
a month in money, and the ration in kind was, for each person,
one rotolo* of fresh meat, either beef, mutton, or kid, or two-
thirds of that amount of salt meat ; and on fast days, in lieu of
the above, a due portion of fish, or four eggs, together with six
loaves of bread and a quartuccio* of wine. Members were
entitled to three meals a day, viz., breakfast, dinner, and supper.
They were permitted to absent themselves from dinner three
times a week, and in such case to draw an allowance in its
stead. Should they be absent from either the breakfast or
supper meal no compensation was given. The bailiff was sup-
posed to provide for his guests only simple meals, such as the
above-quoted rations would have afforded, but it rarely hap-
pened that he restricted himself within those limits. The
sumptuousness and prodigality of the tables actually maintained
depended on his disposition and private means. If he were
a generous and wealthy man, and anxious to gain popularity,

• The rotolo weighed 1 J lb. avoirdupois, and the quartnccio was about
three pints.

22*

324 A History of

he knew that the surest way to attain this end was by a liberal
entertainment of those who were dependent on him for their
daily sustenance. A spirit of rivalry was thus engendered
between the various languesy and he who could obtain a reputa-
tion for maintaining his auberge on the most open handed scale
generally found his account in the popularity which he thereby
gained. It is somewhat difficult to estimate the numbers
accommodated in each auberge. It varied much, not only in
the several langueSy but also in the same langue according to
circumstances. It may, however, fairly be assumed to have
usually lain between 100 and 150. Amongst the regulations
laid down in the statutes for the maintenance of order at the
auberges was one prohibiting the introduction of dogs, under
the plea that they consumed too much food. Another strictly
forbade the members, under severe penalties, from striking the
servants. These latter were most probably slaves captured during
their numerous cruises. Doubtless the post of servant at an
auberge was a far less repulsive lot than that of a galley-slave
chained to an oar, and was consequently sought after by
such captives as were of gentle birth. Hence, probably, the
stringency of the regulation as to their treatment.

The title of " pilier " was given to the conventual bailiffs,
symbolical of their being pillars of the Order, and it was by
this name that they were designated in all official records.
They were bound to reside at the convent as long as they
held the post, and were compelled to make their first
appearance there within a period of two years from the
date of their election. Failing in this, the Qrand-Master
in council waa entitled to proceed to a fresh election, annul-
ling that which had been thus rendered useless. Three out
of the eight were permitted to obtain leave of absence at
the same time. This was granted by the Grand-Master
in council upon good cause being shown, but could not be
demanded as a right. Five were bound under all circum-
stances to be present, and those who had obtained leave were
called on to nominate lieutenants to act for them during their
absence, and to supply their places at the council.

The nominations to all commanderies were made by the
Orand-Master in council, the principle of seniority, as has been

the Knights of Malta. 325

already said, being usually adhered to. There were, however,
the following exceptions : — In every grand-priory there was
one commandery, the revenues of which belonged to the
Grand-Master, and the nomination to this rested exclusively
with himself. He had also the privilege of nominating to a
vacancy in every priory once in each five years. This privi-
lege was also held by the grand-prior. The exercise of the
patronage was fixed in the following manner. The first com-
mandery which fell vacant during the quinquennial period
was in the gift of the Grand-Master, the second in that of the
council, the third in that of the grand-prior, and all succeeding
vacancies till the close of the period in that of the council.
Should there not be three vewjancies during the five years,
the grand-prior lost his patronage ; but this rarely happened,
as translations and promotions were of very frequent occur-
rence, and the commanderies grouped in each grand-priory
niunerous. A commander appointed to a bailiwick or grand-
priory at once surrendered his office to take possession of the
new dignity, unless he were the holder of a magisterial com-
mandery. This he was permitted to retain in connection with
his new appointment.

The chaplains of the Order of St. John were received without
any of those restrictions as to birth placed on the admission of
the first class, or knights of justice. It was sufficient to prove
that they were of respectable origin, and that their parents had
been united in lawful wedlock. They were accepted at the age
of sixteen years as clerks, and were ordained as sub-deacons two
years afterwards. They could not attain to the rank of deacon
imtil they had reached the age of two-and-twenty, or to that of
chaplain earlier than twenty-five. They were then available
for all the religious offices of the convent. They performed
divine service in the conventual church of St. John, or were
attached either to the household of the Grand-Master, the
auberge of their langue^ or to the Hospital; or else they performed
their caravans on board the galleys to which they were posted
during a cruise. It was from this class that the prior of the
church of St. John and the archbishop of Ehodes (or later on
the bishop of Malta) were selected, the former by the Grand-
Master in council, the latter by the Pope.

326 A History of

With regard to the election of the prior of the church, the
statutes are thus drawn up: — "The more closely a dignity
approaches to spiritual matters, with the more care and con-
sideration should the selection of its holder be made. Bearing
this in mind, we decree that whenever the priory of our church
becomes vacant, the Grand-Master and the ordinary council
shall assemble and proceed to a new election with calm and
serious deliberation. Having with this object carefully exa-
mined into the manners, life, doctrine, and qualifications of
our chaplains in every langue^ they shall elect and nominate
as prior a chaplain of upright life and of approved conduct,
learned and well-versed in the practice of things ecclesiastical.
It is essential that after this election he should reside con-
tinuously at the convent, and if on account of any urgent
necessity he should ever be sent therefrom, the Grand-Master
and ordinary council must fix a definite period for his return."

In addition to the conventual chaplains thus appointed, the
Order received into the second or ecclesiastical division of its
fraternity another class termed priests of obedience, who were
not called upon to reside at the chef-lieu^ but performed the
duties of their office in the various continental grand-priories
and commanderies. These priests received the emoluments
of their several benefices like other clergy, and where such
revenues were too small for their due and honourable main-
tenance, they were entitled to a further provision from
the local treasury. They were ineligible for either of
the great offices which were appropriated to the conventual
chaplains, and they were never appointed to the position of
commander, as the latter were. They were usually natives
of the province in which they i>erformed their duties, and
to the hngue of which they were attached. After the Order
had become settled in the island of Malta, its conventual
chaplains were mainly recruited from the inhabitants of that
island, and the posts of bishop and prior, both of which ranked
with the conventual bailifPs, were constantly held by Maltese.
This, however, was not the case at Rhodes. There the natives,
belonging almost all to the Greek Church, were unable to
enter the ranks of the fraternity, and although there was
much toleration and even cordiality between the members

the Knights of Malta. 327

of the two churches, the Order was compelled to seek else-
where for Eoman Catholic priests to fill the ranks of its
conventual chaplains. ^

It has already been mentioned that all legislative powers were
exclusively vested in the chapter-general, whilst the executive
functions were intrusted to the Grrand-Master in coimcil. It
will be well now to enter into some detail as to the composition
both of the chapter and of the different classes of council.
The chapter-general, the great parliament of the Order, was,
during the earlier years of its existence, held regularly every
five years, and in cases of emergency was often convened even
between those periods. GrraduaUy a longer time was allowed
to elapse. The interval between them extended first to ten
years, and later on still longer, until they were eventually
almost entirely discontinued, one only having been held
throughout the eighteenth century.

Many reasons may be alleged for the abandonment of this
ancient council. The great expense attending its convocation ;
the extreme inconvenience and detriment to the interests of
the commimity necessarily arising from the calling away
of so many of its provincial chiefs from the seats of their
respective governments; the turbulence which often charac-
terized thd sessions ; and the difficulty which the Grand-
Master invariably experienced in carrying out his views and
policy in an assembly where his influence predominated but
slightly ; all of these were causes to check their frequent con-
vocation. In the absence of a chapter-general the Grand-
Master conducted the government with the aid and intervention
of a council only, and in this assembly he was enabled to
exercise a far greater influence, and to obtain a more complete
subservience to his wishes than he could ever expect from
the chapter.

The summoning of a chapter-general lay entirely with the
Grand-Master or Pope. We have adduced reasons to show why
the former should, as far as possible, neglect to assemble them.
Similar views, to a great extent, actuated the pontiff, since, in
the absence of a chapter-general, all legislative powers were
vested in himself in the same way as the executive were
in the Grand-Master and council. The court of Eome has

328

A History of

never been backward in asstuning Buoh powers to their fullest
extent whenever it has been in a position so to do.

The following is a list of the dignitaries who held a seat in
the chapter-general in the order of their precedence. The
Grand-Master, either in person or by a lieutenant nominated by
himself, presided. The others were as follows : —

1. The Archbishop of Rhodes.

2. The Prior of the Church.

3. The Bailiff of Provence.

4. The Bailiff of Auvergne.

5. The Bailiff of France.

6. The Bailiff of Italy.

7. The Bailiff of Aragon (Spain).

8. The iJailiff of England.

9. The BaiUff of Germany.

10. The Bailiff of CastUe (Portugal).

11. The Grand-Prior of St. Gilles.

12. The Grand-Prior of Auvergne.

13. The Grand-Prior of France.

14. The Grand-Prior of Aquitaine.

15. The Grand-Prior of Champagne.

16. The Grand-Prior of Toulouse.

17. The Grand-Prior of Rome.

18. The Grand-Prior of Lombardy.

19. The Grand-Prior of Venice.

20. The Grand-Prior of Pisa.

21. The Grand-Prior of Burletta.

22. The Grand-Prior of England.

23. The Grand-Prior of Capua.

24. The Castellan of Emposta.

25. The Grand-Prior of Portugal.

26. The Grand-Prior of Messina.

27. The Grand-Prior of Navarre.

28. The Grand-Prior of Germany.

29. The Grand-Prior of Ireland.

30. The Qrand-Prior of Bohemia.

31. The Grand-Prior of Hungary.

32. The Bailiff of St. Euphemia.

33. The Grand-Prior of Catalonia.

34. The Bailiff of Negropont.

35. The BaiUff of the Morea.

36. The Bailiff of Yenusia.

37. The Bailiff of St St^hen.

38. The Bailiff of Majorca.

39. The Bailiff of St. John of
Naples.

40. The Bailiff of Lyons.

41. The Bailiff of Manosque.

42. The Bailiff of Brandenburg.

43. The Bailiff of Caspa.

44. The Bailiff of Lora.

45. The Bailiff of the Eagle.

46. The Bailiff of Lango.

47. The Bailiff of St. Sepulchre.

48. The Bailiff of Cremona.

49. The Grand-Treasurer.

50. The Bailiff of Neuvillas.

51. The Bailiff of Acre.

52. The Bailiff of La Rocella.

53. The Bailiff of Armenia.

54. The Bailiff of Carlostad.

55. The Bailiff of St. Sebastian.

Such of the above as were not able to attend in person were
bound to send thither proxies to act in their stead. All com-
manders had seats in the chapter below the above dignitaries,
and in order of seniority. The time and place of meeting were
fixed by the GFrand-Master, and after having been approved by
the Pope, were duly notified to the various members whose rank
entitled them to a seat in the coimcil. The first step taken
after divine service had been performed was the nomination of a
committee of three commanders of different langues to verify the

the Knights of Malta, 329

proxies and to guarantee their validity. That ceremony having
been gone through, every one took his place in accordance
with the foregoing list, and the chapter-general was declared
duly open. In token of homage to its sovereign authority, each
member tendered as tribute a purse containing five pieces of
silver. The marshal brought into the council hall the grand
standard of the Order, which he surrendered into the keeping of
the chapter, and the other dignitaries in succession also de-
livered up the symbols of their various offices. These were not
returned until the assembly had passed a fresh grant for that
purpose. Another committee of three members, each of a
separate langue^ was also nominated to receive petitions, and to
organize the questions to be brought before the chapter. *

In order to expedite the business, for the despatch of which
they had been convened, a committee of sixteen commanders
was selected, two from each langue. It was felt that in so large
an assembly discussion would have been most inconveniently
protracted. To this committee, therefore, the real working
powers were entirely delegated. They were sworn to legislate
honestly and fearlessly for the public weal, and the remain-
ing members, induding the Ghrand-Master, also took an oath
binding themselves to abide by the decisions and decrees of the
committee. The vice-chancellor, the secretary of the treasury,
and the Grand-Master's legal adviser, all took part in its
meetings and debates, but had no vote, that privilege being
reserved exclusively to the sixteen members nominated by the
chapter.

The statutes laid down what should be the general order of
the business to be transacted by the committee. They were,
first, to examine into the incidence and pressure of the various
imposts decreed by previous chapters, and to make such
alterations and revisions as the state of the revenue and the
exigencies of the treasury might render possible or advisable.
They were afterwards to look strictly into the management
of the treasury, and satisfy themselves of the correctness
of its administration. The records were then to be passed
in review, after which they were to proceed to reform any
abuses that had crept in, and to pass such new laws as they
might consider necessary, abrogating all existing statutes which

330 A History of

appeared to them to be no longer suitable to the organization of
the fraternity. In conclusion, they were to deal with any ques-
tions of a special nature which might be brought before them,
but which did not come under any of the preceding heads.

The matters having all been debated and decided on by a
majority of votes taken by ballot, the chapter was once more
assembled, and the decrees of its committee ratified and pro-
mulgated. The business then closed with divine service, when
the following prayers were offered in succession — ^for peace,
for plenty, for the Pope, for the cardinals and prelates, for all
Christian kings and princes, for the Grand-Master, for the
bailiffs and priors, for the brethren of the Hospital, for the
sick and captives, for sinners, for benefactors to the Hos-
pital, and lastly for the confrmHa and all connected with the
Order.

The duration of a chapter-general was very wisely limited
to sixteen days, so as to check any spirit of opposition or
factious debate by means of which it might otherwise have
been indefinitely prolonged. If, at the conclusion of that time,
any business remained unsettled it was disposed of by a ooimcil
of reservation elected by the chapter prior to its dissolution.
The chapter-general was the ultimate court of appeal from the
decisions of the various councils, and in its absence that appeal
lay with the court of Rome.

Provincial chapters, were held in every grand-priory, presided
over by the grand-prior or his lieutenant, at which all
commanders attached thereto t^ere bound to attend either in
person or by proxy. The local interests of the fraternity were
brought under discussion at these assemblies, and such matters
were there disposed of as did not concern the Order at large,
but only that branch of it embraced within the district.
The appeal from these courts lay with the council at the
chef-Ueu.

The code of laws known as the statutes of the Order were
the result of the decrees of a succession of chapters-general, no
additions to, alterations in, or omissions from this code having
been permitted by any authority short of that which originally
called it into existence. The duty of the Grand-Master as head
of the fraternity consisted merely in enforcing obedience to the

the Knights of Malta. 331

laws thus laid down, and even in tliis comparatively subordi-
nate duty he was not permitted to act alone, but was associated
with a council. Without the concurrence and sanction of that
body none of his decrees had any legal effect, and he himself
was rendered practically powerless.

The councils of the Order in its chef-lieu were of four
kinds, viz., the complete, the ordinary, the secret, and the
criminal. The latter was sometimes also called the council
of state. The composition of the complete council differed
from that of the other three, which were similar to one
another.

The complete council consisted of the Gband-Master or his
lieutenant, the archbishop of Bhodes, the prior of the church
of St. John, the eight conventual bailiffs or their lieutenants
acting for them, the grand-treasurer or his lieutenant, and any
grand-cross who might chance to be present at the convent
on the occasion. To these were added two members from each
langue^ who were boimd to be knights of justice and resi-
dent in Bhodes for at least eight years. The seniors of each
langue below the rank of grand-cross were usually elected to
this office, the nomination resting with the langues themselves.
The time for the assembly of the court lay at the discretion of
the Ghrand-Master, but the place of meeting was invariably
in the coimcil-chamber of the magisterial palace. In this it
differed from the other three councils, which might be convened
wherever the Grand-Master thought fit. Before the complete
council were brought all appeals against the decisioQS and
sentences of the ordinary and criminal councils, the ultimate
appeal being with the chapter-general or in its absence with
the papal court.

The following was the order of procedure on the occasion.
The Grand-Master having fixed the hour at which the council
was to meet, his master of the horse gave due notice to that
effect to all the members authorized to be present. The great
bell of St. John's church toUed for the half -hour previous to the
appointed time, during which interval the coimcillors assembled
within their hall. When the beU ceased the Grand-Master
took his seat imder the canopy which marked his place as
president, and the business of the council commenced. Should

332 A History of

any of the oonventual bailiffs be absent and his lieutenant as
well) the master of the horse announced the fact and called for

the senior member for the langue of , the commander

, whereupon the knight so named took his seat with the

other councillors.

The court being duly organized, the vice-chancellor
announced the various matters to be brought under discus-
sion, which usually consisted of appeals from the decisions of
the inferior courts. In any case requiring pleading the rival
parties were bound to appear in person unless they could show
a good and suflBcient reason for employing a deputy. The
following exceptions were made to this general rule. Members
of the English and German langues were permitted to employ
advocates, as they would not have been able to make themselves
intelligible in their own tongue. Ejiights who were unavoid-
ably absent from the convent at the time when their cases came
on for hearing might provide duly authorized substitutes to
appear on their behalf. The same privilege was accorded to all
knights of the grand-cross, who were never called on to plead
in person. It appears to have been a main object in framing
the regulations to throw as many obstacles as possible in the
way of needless Utigation amongst the fraternity. The " cus-
tom " or preamble which is attached to the statutes relating to
these councils marks this principle very distinctly. It says —
"In order that our brethren may study hospitality and the
noble exercise of arms rather than embroil themselves in
litigation and legal discussions, our predecessors have handed
down the following very laudable custom — ^whenever differences
shall arise between our brethren they shall be decided in council
summarily — that is to say, there shall be no writings upon the
subject in dispute, the parties shall plead their cause in person
and state their cases simply, after which, judgment shall be
passed. Writings which have been previously made and which
have not been prepared expressly for the purpose may be
produced in evidence, as also such witnesses as may be required,
and, if necessary, the depositions of these latter may be reduced
to writing."

The case under consideration having been pleaded and
responded to, the court was cleared for deliberation, and after

the Knights of Malta. 333

the members had debated the matter under the seal of seorecj,
a ballot was taken, the result of which decided the case. The
court was reopened and the sentence announced by the vice-
chancellor who recorded it in the archives.

The other three councils were composed of grand-crosses only,
the two senior members of each langue below the rank of grand-
cross being omitted. The ordinary council was considered to
have a quorum provided the eight conventual bailiffs or their
lieutenants were present, the attendance of the other grand-
crosses being optional. It was in this council that all nomina-
tions to vacant oihces were made, all disputes arising therefrom
decided, and the ordinary business connected with the govern-
ment of the island transacted. This was the council usually
employed by the GFrand-Master, who might assemble it at any
time and in any place he thought proper. No subject could be
introduced without his sanction and approval, and as all grand-
crosses had a voice in the council he was enabled, by the crea-
tion of a fresh batch of honorary grand-crosses, to carry any
measure which he had at heart, but upon which opinions were
divided in the convent. The secret council was similarly con-
stituted, and took cognizance of such matters of internal and
foreign policy as were not considered fit subjects for publicity,
its proceedings were therefore never made known. The criminal
council, also composed of the same members, received and
adjudicated upon all complaints lodged against individuals con-
nected with the fraternity. The accused persons were arraigned
before the court ; evidence was taken openly, and sentence was
passed in accordance therewith.

The institution of slavery flourished in the Order from the
earliest days of its existence until the close of the eighteenth
century. During the residence of the knights in Palestine
it had been their invariable rule, in accordance with the
usages of eastern warfare, to reduce to a state of slavery all
prisoners taken in action. This system had been in full opera-
tion long before the crusaders had introduced a European
element into the warfare of Asia. It was only natural that a
spirit of retaliation should have led to the adoption of the same
practice. After their establishment in the island of Ehodes
the knights continued to enforce the penalty which long custom

334 A History of

had legalized in their eyes. Both in that island, and afterwards
at Malta, their galleys were invariably propelled by gangs of
Turkish captives told off for that purpose, and driven to constant
laboiur by the dread of punishment. A gangway ran along the
centre of the vessel on which paced an official armed with a
cruel whip, which he mercilessly applied to the back of any one
of the unfortunate victims whom he considered was not putting
forth his full strength. During the cruise the slave was never
released from his seat at the oar, but as several men were
attached to each, they took it in turns to obtain what rest and
repose was possible under such miserable conditions. When
not required on board the galleys, they were housed in a
prison on shore established for the purpose. They were then
employed either in the dockyard or on the fortifications. No
one can have examined the stupendous and elaborate defences
either of Rhodes or Malta, without perceiving that such works
could have only been created under conditions of labour very
different from those of the present day. The extraordinary
width and depth of the ditches, so far beyond what seem actually
necessary for purposes of defence, show that in their construc-
tion labour was a drug. It is true that in both instances these
ditches were the quarries from which most of the stone used in
the building of the respective towns was taken ; still, but for
the fact that there was a constant and never-failing supply of
the cheapest manual power, the work would never have been
carried to such vast depths.

There can be no doubt that great cruelty was often practised
against these unfortunate captives, and the treatment which they
received at the hands of their Christian masters was, as a rule,
disgracefully barbarous. Their lives were held as of little
or no value, and the records teem with accounts of the very
thoughtless and cruel manner in which they were sacrificed
to the whims and caprices of those who held control over their
lives and persons. During the first siege of Rhodes a gang of
these miserable beings was returning from the perilous labour
of repairing the breaches made in the ramparts by the enemy^s
artillery when a party of young knights chanced to meet them,
and began to amuse themselves at their expense. A slight scuffle
ensued, the wretched slaves endeavouring to shield themselves

the Knights of Malta. 335

from their tormentors. The noise thus caused attracted the
attention of a body of the garrison, who were patrolling near
the spot, and these, imagining that the slaves were rising in
revolt, fell on them, and without pausing for a moment to
ascertain the truth of their suspicions, slew upwards of
150 of the poor defenceless creatures before discovering their
error. So also we find it recorded at a period somewhat later
than that at which we have arrived, viz., during the siege of
Malta, that some hesitation having been shown by the slaves
in exposing themselves during their pioneering labours to a fire
more than ordinarily deadly, the Ghrand-Master directed some to
be hanged, and others to have their ears cut off.* We also find
an English knight, named Massinberg, brought before the
council in the year 1534 for having without cause drawn his
sword and killed four galley slaves. Upon being called on
for his defence, this turbulent Briton replied — " In killing the
four slaves I did well, but in not having at the same time killed
our old and imbecile Grand-Master, I confess I did badly." The
Qrand-Master referred to was Peter Du Pont, and the defence
was not considered satisfactory ; we find, therefore, that Massin-
berg was deprived of his commandery, and stripped of his habit
for a period of two days. That such a crime should have been
dealt with in this manner shows that the insolence towards the
Grand-Master was more thought of than the murder of the
four slaves.

Having touched upon the question of slavery as it existed
amoxLgst the fraternity up to the time of which we are speaking,
it may be well to complete the subject, although what remains
refers to a later period of histoiy. By degrees a system sprang
up of not simply retaining the slaves for the service of the Order,
but also of selling any number that might be demanded. The
truth was, that eventually the convent of St. John became
neither more nor less than a vast slave mart. The evil began
at Ehodes ; but it did not reach its full development until after

* The contemporary chroniolers record this as having been done "pour
encourager lea autrea,'^ The writer has more than once seen a claim made
as to the original authorship of this phrase at a far later date than that now
alluded to, which was in the latter part of the sixteenth century. Doubt-
less the quaint expression was even then no novelty.

336 A History of

the establishment of the knights at Malta. There the mise-
rable trade flourished without a check. When the demand
was brisk, and the supply of slaves within the bagnio scaroOy
the galleys of Malta scoured the seas, and woe betide the
unfortunate Moslem who came within their grasp. The
war which they unceasingly waged against the Ottoman
maritime power was not maintained purely for the glory of
the struggle, or from religious conviction as to its necessity;
they found other attractions in the strife. In thus gratifying
their privateering propensities, they were swelling at one and
the same time their own private fortunes and the cofiers of
their Order. Honour there was none; religion there was
none; it had degenerated into a pure mercenary speculation,
and the only excuse which could be offered for this degradation
of warfare, lay in the fact that it was an act of reprisal. The
northern coast of Africa was one vast nest of pirates, who
scoured every comer of the Mediterranean, and whose detested
flag always brought with it the horrors of bloodshed, rapine,
and slavery. With such a foe as this, it was but natural that
there should be but scant courtesy shown. Had the fraternity
confined its efforts to the exteimination of this noxious
swarm, the historian need not have been very severe in his
criticisms on its treatment of its captives. It is, unfortu-
nately, a matter of fact that in their anxiety to keep their slave
mart at Malta well supplied, the knights of St. John were
by no means careful to discriminate between the piratical
corsair and the peaceful eastern merchant, and that the latter
too often had to endure the fate which should have been
reserved for the former only.

There exists in the Record Office of Malta a letter from the
English king Charles II. to Nicholas Cottoner, at that time
Qrand-Master, which bears upon this question, and clearly
proves the traffic in human flesh then subsisting, and by
which it appears that the knights were purveyors of slaves,
not only to the king of England, but also to the monarchs
of France and Spain: —

" Charles the Second by the grace of God of Great Britain
France and Ireland King Defender of the Faith &c. To the
most illustrious and most high prince the Lord Nicholas

the Knights of Malta. 337

Cottoner Grand-Master of the Order of Malta our well beloved
cousin and friend, greeting.

" It having appeared to us a matter of interest not only to
ourselves but likewise to the whole Christian world that we
should keep in the Mediteiranean Sea a certain number of
galleys ready to afford prompt aid to our neighbours and allies
against the frequent insults of the barbarians and Turks ; we
lately caused to be constructed two galleys, one in Genoa and
the other in the port of Leghorn. In order to man these we
directed a person well acquainted with such affairs to be sent, as
to other parts, so also to the island of Malta subject to the rule
of your highness in order to huy slaves and procure other neces-
saries. He having purchased same slaves it has been reported
to us that your highness's collector of customs demanded five
pieces of gold of Malta money before they could be permitted
to embark, under the title of toll at which proceeding we were
certainly not a little astonished, it appearing to us a novel
arrangement and one contrary to the usual custom, especially
since it is well known to us that our neighbours and aUies the
kings of France and Spain are never accustomed to pay any-
thing under the title of toU for the slaves whom they cause yearly
to be transported from your island. We therefore beg your
highness by the good and long friendship existing between us
to grant to us the same privilege in regard to this kind of
commerce within the territories of your highness as is enjoyed
by both our said neighbours and allies which, although it ought
to be conceded to us simply on account of our mutual friendship
and our affection towards your highness and the illustrious
Order of Malta, still we shall receive it so gratefully that if at
any time we can do anything to please your highness we shall
be always ready to do it with all attention and most willingly.
In the mean time we heartily recommend your highness and all
the members of the illustrious Order of Malta as well as all
your affairs to the Divine keeping.

" GKven from our palace at "Westminster on the 12th day of
February in the year of our Lord 1673 and of our reign the
twenty-fifth. Your highness's good cousin and &iend Charles
Eex."

From the terms of this letter it is clear that the deportation

23

338 A History of tfie Knights of Malta.

of Blavee for the use of the kings of Franoe and Spain was of
annual oocurrenoe, and that the merry monarch of England
craved to be admitted to the same privilege. The results of
this traffic must have been most profitable, not only from the
proceeds of such as were sold, but also from the labour of those
who were retained in the island. It has already been said that
the fortresses of Ehodes and Malta show marked signs of the
abundance and cheapness of labour. The numerous gangs
of slaves who were awaiting the requirements of the wealthy
potentates of Europe were, in the meantime, amply repaying
the slender cost of their maintenance in the bagnio, by toiling
at the vast defensive works for which the Order became so
celebrated. Those ramparts have been reared by the drudgery
and amidst the anguish of countless thousands, who, torn from
their homes and their country, were condemned to drag out
the remainder of their miserable life as mere beasts of burden.
No existence can be conceived more utterly cheerless or more
hopelessly wretched than that of the Moslem captive, whose
only prospect of change from daily slavery on the public
works was to be chained to the oar of a galley. Sometimes,
however, it did happen that the f ortime of war favoured these
poor victims, and that the enslaved crew of a galley encountering
a friendly antagonist were recaptured and liberated from their
thraldom. In such a case piquancy was added to their joy by
the fact that the haughty masters who had so long made them
toil, were, in their turn, condemned to the same retributive
misery and an equally hopeless degradation.

CHAPTER XIV.
1521—1522.

Election of L'Isle Adam — ^Fall of Belgrade — Gorreapondenoe with Solyman
— ^Preparations for defence — Detail of the Turkish forces — ^Arrival of the
Ottoman army at Rhodes — Commencement of the siege — ^Plot hy a
female slave within the city — Detail of Turkish artillery — Construction
of cavaliers — ^Mining operations — Assault on the tower of St. Mary —
Repeated attacks and their repulse — Accusations against the chancellor
D'Amaral — His trial and execution — ^Devotion of the Rhodian women —
Negotiations for surrender — ^Terms offered hy Solyman — Their accept-
ance, and close of the siege hy the surrender of the island.

On the death of Carretto, as recorded in Chapter XII.,
a warm contest ensued for the election of his successor, the
names of three candidates having been brought forward by their
respective partisans. One of these was Andrew D'Amaral, or, as
he was sometimes called, Del Miral, who was at the time the
chancellor of the Order. His arrogance and haughty temper
had, however, created him too many enemies to render his
success in the slightest degree probable. The weight of the
struggle lay, therefore, between the other two candidates, Thomas
Docwra, or Dooray, the grand-prior of England, and Philip
Villiers de L'Isle Adam, grand-prior of France. Dooray was a
man whose experience in diplomacy had rendered his name
celebrated amongst the fraternity. He was, moreover, in the
possession of a magnificent private fortune, a fact which added
greatly to the weight of his claims; but as the whole of
the French interest was centred in L'Isle Adam, and as that
interest was overpoweringly great, the vote was decided against
Docray, and L'Isle Adam was proclaimed the forty-second
Grand-Master.

Docray was among the first to offer his warm congratula-
tions to his successful rival, all the more sincere possibly, as the

23*

340 A History of

post was at the moment one of the most serious responsibility
and difficulty. D'Amaral, on the other hand, felt so keenly
the slight which he considered his rejection had cast on him,
that he gave way to the most unwarrantable bitterness of
temi)er. Whilst in this mood he is reported to have uttered
a speech which was subsequently quoted against him, and
which materiaUy aaaiflted in bringing him to the scaffold.
He was supposed to have remarked, upon hearing of the
election of L'Isle Adam, that he would be the last Gband-
Master of Ehodes.

L'Isle Adam was residing in his priory at the time of his
election, but sensible of the importance o£ the crisis, and the
imminence of the danger which threatened the convent, he set
sail at once for Ehodes in the great carrack which had been
despatched to Marseilles for his conveyance. A succession of
disasters overtook the little squadron during the voyage. On
one occasion the carrack caught fire, and was only saved by the
Btrenaons exertione of the crew. Immediately afterwards tiiey
were assailed by a violent tempest, in the midst of which the
ship was struck by lightning. Nine of the crew were killed,
and L'Isle Adam's sword, which was hanging by his side, was
destroyed, without, however, causing the slightest injury to
his person. Such a combination of untoward circumstances
excited the superstition of his attendants, and they earnestly
besought him to abandon the voyage. L'Isle Adam was
not the man to be deterred from his purpose by vague
terrors, and so in spite of every obstacle he held steadily on
his course. Whilst at Syracuse, he learnt that the pirate
Curtoglu was hovering around Cape St. Angelo with the object
of effecting his capture. Passing the point of peril under
cover of night, he succeeded in evading the treacherous corsair,
and reached Ehodes in safety.

In the summer of that year Solyman brought the siege of
Belgrade to a successful conclusion, and his banner waved in
triumph over its ruined ramparts. This victory accomplished,
the Ottoman emperor found himself at leisure to turn his
attention once more to that dream of his youthful ambition, the
capture of Rhodes.* The recollection that the forces of his

* His father's last words to him had been, *' You will be a great and

the Knights of Malta. 341

ancestor had been driven in confusion from its shores only
rend^ the project aU the more attoaotive in his eyes. In
addition to the desire which he naturally felt to remove the
stigma cast on the Turkish arms by the former failure, it would
be to him a great enhancement of glory to succeed in an under«-
taking in which so mighty a monarch as Mahomet had failed.
In this ambitious view he was warmly seconded by many of his
courtiers, although in the divan opinions were much divided
on the subject.

The more cautious amongst his counsellors remembered with
bitterness the stupendous preparations made on the former
occasion by Mahomet. They recalled to mind the tempting
inducements and promising assurances then held out by the
traitorous adventurers in his confidence, all of which only
resulted in the most miserable failure. The tide of invasion had
rolled ignominiously back from those island bulwarks which
the knights of St. John rendered an impassable barrier. These
sage advisers pointed out that the garrison of Ehodes was very
differently composed from those of the numerous fortresses
which had succumbed to the Ottoman arms; that the town
itself was at this time fortified far more completely and
elaborately than it had been in 1480 ; that the recollection of
their former success would nerve the knights ajid inhabitants to
resist to the death any aggression on their island ; and, lastly,
that the powerful force necessary for such an undertaking could
be far more usefully and brilliantly employed in other direc-
tions. To these arguments the supporters of the entexprise
retorted that the failure of Mahomet's attack was mainly due
to the fact that he was not himself present ; they urged that
that very failure rendered it highly advisable to wipe away
the reproach cast on the military fame of the empire, and they
further added that they had received trustworthy notification
that the bastion of Auvergne had been thrown down with a
view to its reconstruction on a better line. It seemed, there-
fore, that the present opportunity of attacking the place should
be seized, whilst a breach was open through which they might
enter with facility.

powerful monarch, provided you capture Belgrade, and drive away the
knights from Rhodes*"

342 A History of

This pieoe of information had been forwarded to Constanti-
nople by a spy who had been maintained in Ehodes for some
years in the pay of the Ottoman government. He was a Jewish
physician who had been despatched thither by the emperor
Selim for the express purpose of obtaining intelligence as to the
state of the dty. His profession had secured him a ready
entrance and a warm welcome at Khodes, where the impending
prospect of a siege seemed to render him a yaluable acquisition,
and he maintamed his clandestine correspondence with the Porte
for a considerable time unsuspected. It was only at the very
crisis of the siege that his treachery was discovered, and he
himself rendered incapable of inflicting any further mischief.

Chief amongst those who urged Solyman to undertake an
attack on Ehodes were his brother-in-law, Mustapha pasha,
and the pirate Curtoglu, both of whom trusted to derive wealth
and distinction by the enterprise. Their counsels, which accorded
so well with the promptings of his own ambition, decided the
emperor to carry out the project. As a preliminary measure,
and to test the determination of his antagonists, he wrote to the
new Qrand-Master a letter couched in the following terms : —
'^Solyman the sultan, by the grace of Gk)d, king of kings,
sovereign of sovereigns, most high emperor of Byzantium and
Trebizond, very powerful king of Persia, of Arabia, of Syria,
and of Egypt, supreme lord of Europe and of Asia, prince of
Mecca and Aleppo, lord of Jerusalem and ruler of the universal
sea, to Philip YiUiers de L'lsle Adam, Grand-Master of the
island of Ehodes, greeting, I congratulate you upon your new
dignity and upon your arrival within your territories. I trust
that you will rule there prosperously and with even more glory
than your predecessors. I also mean to cultivate your favour.
Eejoice then with me as a veiy dear friend that, following in
the footsteps of my father, who conquered Persia, Jerusalem,
Arabia, and Egypt, I have captured that most powerful of
fortresses, Belgrade, during the late autumn, after which,
having offered battle to the Giaours, which they had not the
courage to accept, I took many other beautiful and well-f ortifled
cities, and destroyed most of their inhabitants either by sword
or fire, the remainder being reduced to slavery. Now, after
sending my numerous and victorious army into their winter

tlie Knights of Malta. 343

quarters, I myself have rbtumed in triumph to my court at
Constantinople." L'Isle Adam was not slow in perceiving the
covert menace of this letter. He therefore returned a reply
breathing a still more open spirit of hostility. It ran as
follows: — ^Brother Philip Villiers de L'Isle Adam, Qrand-
Master of Ehodes, to Solyman, sultan of the Turks, I have
right weU comprehended the meaning of your letter, which has
been presented to me by your ambassador. Your propositions
for a peace between us are as pleasing to me as they will be
obnoxious to Curtoglu. This pirate, during my voyage from
France, tried to capture me unawares, in which, when he failed,
owing to my having passed into the Ehodian Sea by night, he
endeavoured to plunder certain merchantmen that were being
navigated by the Venetians; but scarcely had my fleet left their
port than he had to fly and to abandon the plunder which he
had seized from the Cretan merchants. Farewell."

To this bold epistle the sultan again replied, and endeavoured
to inveigle the Gband-Master into sending a dignitary of the
Order as an ambassador to Constantinople. He was in hopes
that he might thus be enabled to extort valuable information
with respect to the island and fortifications. L'Isle Adam was
too well acquainted with Turkish treachery to intrust any
member of his fraternity to the power of the wily Solyman, and
the event shortly proved the wisdom of his precaution. A native
of Ehodes, who had been despatched by his fellow-townsmen to
open a negotiation with the Turks on the Lycian shore, was
treacherously made captive and carried away to Constantinople.
There, with the most complete disregard of the laws of civilized
nations, he was, by order of Solyman, cruelly tortured, and a
confession extorted from him of all that he knew concerning the
f ortiflcations of Ehodes.

It was now clear that no negotiation could any longer stave
ofi the impending blow, and L'Isle Adam prepared himself with
prompt energy to resist it manfully. Envoys were sent to all
the courts of Europe to implore assistance in a struggle the
result of which might prove a matter of so great moment to
Christendom. Unfortunately, the emperor Charles V. and the
French king Francis were too deeply engaged in their own
broils to give any heed to the cry for assistance which arose

344 A History of

from the shores of Ehodes. The oommanderieB had all fur-
nished suoh contingents as it was in their power to contribute,
and it became clear to L'Isle Adam that he would haye to trust
for success far more to the spirit of his troops than to their
numbers. Only one of the numerous embassies which he had
despatched was prosperous in its issue, and this was the mission
to Candia, which he had intrusted to Anthony Bosio, a serving-
brother of considerable talent and sagacity, and related to the
celebrated historian <A the Order. This able negotiator suc-
ceeded in bringing back with him not only an ample supply of
stores, but also 500 Cretan archers, in those days highly
esteemed for their skill with the cross-bow. He had likewise
attracted into the service of the knights the Venetian engineer,
G-abriel Martinigo, whose reputation as a master of that science
stood so high that his presence in Shodes was hailed with
enthusiasm.

Martinigo was so much impressed with the devotion and zeal
which he noticed on every side, that he formed a desire to join
the ranks of the fraternity, and made an application to that
effect to the Gband-Master. As Martinigo was a man of good
family and unmarried, no obstacle was placed in the way of
accomplishing his wishes, and the knights greeted with joy this
important acquisition to their ranks. He was at once named a
grand-cross, and a large pension assigned to him, the whole
charge of the fortifications being vested in his hands. Various
additions were at his .suggestion made to the defences; the
gates were covered with ravelins, casemates were constructed in
the flanks of the bastions, and the counterscarps were mined at
such points as seemed most likely to be made use of by assault-
ing columns. Within the town barricades were erected in the
principal streets, in the hope of protracting the contest even
after the ramparts had been penetrated.

L'Isle Adam now caused a careful inspection to be made
of his little garrison. The members of each langue were drawn
up in front of their respective auberges, fully armed and
accoutred, each being inspected by a knight of a different
langue. Every individual was called on in turn to swear with
his hand on the cross hilt of his sword that the equipments in
which he was then paraded were his own property, and had not

the Knights of Malta. 345

been borrowed for the oooasion. In this manner L'Isle Adam
satisfied himself of the complete preparation of his little f oroe.

The number of English knights present at the siege has not
been recorded. Mention has only been made of the names of
twenty, but this must have fallen far short of the number
actually present. Conspicuous among these stands John Bouch,
or Buck, the Turoopolier, who was selected as one of four
leaders of supporting bodies destined to act as reserves, to be in
readiness to carry succour wherever their services might seem to
be most urgently needed. The commander of the English
bastion, or tower of St. Mary, was Nicholas Hussey, whibt the
leader of the troops apportioned for the defence of the English
quarter was William Onascon.*

In like manner L'Isle Adam himself undertook the defence

* The names of the English knights which have been preserved are as
follows : —

John Bouch, or Buck, Turoopolier,

kiUed.
Nicholas Hussey, commander of the

English bastion, or tower of St.

Mary.
William Onascon, commander of the

English quarter.
Thomas Sheffield, commander of the

palace postern.
Nicholas Farfan, in the suite of the

Grand-Master.
Henry Mansel, in the suite of the

Grand-Master, killed.
William Weston.

John Ranson, or Bawson;

William Tuest (? West).

John Baron.

Thomas Remberton, or Pemberton.

George Asfelz.

John Lotu.

Francis Buet (? Butt).

Giles Rosel f? Russell).

G^rge Emer (? Aylmer).

Michael Rous.

Nicholas Usel.

Otho de MontseUi, or Monteflli.

Nicholas Roberts.

The last-named knight wrote an account of the siege to the earl of Surrey
{vide Appendix No. 8). It has been suggested, and with much probability,
that the William Onascon, commander of the English quarter, is the same as
the William Weston who stands a little below him on the list. The latter
was a very distinguished knight, and was not long after made grand-prior of
England. He would, therefore, have been a likely person to be selected as
commander of the quarter for that Umgue, If this be so, the number of
names would be reduced tO' nineteen. Although there is no record of the
deaths of any of these knights except Buck and Mansell, it is probable that
the majority of them lost their Hves in the siege, as it is stated that,
owing to the numerous casualties amongst the members of the English
lanffue, the defence of the tower of St. Mary had eyentually to be transferred
to knights of other languea*

346 A History of

of the quarter of St. Mary of Victory, the point where the last
and most desperate struggle had taken place in the previous siege,

A commission was appointed, consisting of the chancellor
D'Amaral, the Turcopolier John Buck, and Gabriel de Pomeroys,
whose duty it was to examine into the stores of provisions and
ammunition contained within the arsenals of the city. They
reported that the supply of both was ample, and that no further
provision of either was necessary. As a matter of fact the
ammunition of the besieged soon fell short, and this deficiency
was one of the main causes which led to the loss of Bhodes.
This report, by which the Ghrand-Master was misled as to the
state of his magazines, was brought forward against the unf or-
timate D'Amaral as an additional proof of the treason of which,
as we shall presently see, he was convicted. The absurdity of
the accusation is apparent ; the treason, if such it were, must
have been shared in by his brother commissioners, against whose
fair fame no suspicion has ever attached. Nothing, in fact, is
more likely than that the commissioners should have imder-
estimated the expenditure of powder. The siege was much
more protracted than the former one, whilst the amount of
powder consumed in the mining operations of Martinigo, emi-
nently successful as they were, went far towards exhausting the
supply, and could hardly have been foreseen or provided for
by D'Amaral or his associates.

D'Amaral, unfortimately for himself, was of so haughty
and turbulent a disposition, that he was perpetually adding
to the number of his antagonists, and giving them some fresh
pretext upon which to fotmd additional accusations against
him. Thus, at this critical moment he headed a cabal which
broke out amongst the knights of the Italian langt^e^ who,
under the excuse that the Pope was assuming the patronage of
their commanderies, requested permission to depart for Rome
so as to plead their cause in person before his Holiness.
This request was very naturally refused by L'Isle Adam, who,
at the moment he was expecting to see the whole power of
the Ottoman empire arrayed against him, could ill spare the
services of a single knight. D'Amaral, stiU undoubtedly smart-
ing tmder a sense of jealousy at the preference shown for
Xi'Isle Adam, prompted them to take for themselves the leave

the Knights of Malta. 347

which had been refused by the Grand-Master. . They followed
his suggestions, and, departing by night, secretly proceeded to
Candia.

L'Isle Adam was dismayed at this serious defection from his
force, abeady too feeble for its duties. His was not, however,
the character to swerve from the path of duty through any
motive of expediency. In the present dilemma his course was
prompt and decisive, and, as is usually the case, when men
guide themselves by the strict rules of justice, it was in the
end eminently successful. He at once smnmoned a general
ootmcil, before which he arraigned the recusant knights, and in
their absence judgment was passed by default. They were
sentenced to be deprived of their habit, and expelled the
fraternity as unworthy members who had treacherously and
pusillanimously abandoned their brethren during a crisis of
extreme danger. This sentence soon brought the fugitives to a
sense of their duty. They had abandoned the island, not from
cowardice or from disinclination to share the common peril, but
simply from a feeling of insubordination, aroused in a moment
of pique and irritation against the Grand-Master. The view
which had been taken of their conduct by the coimcil touched
their honour deeply. Instantly hiirrying back to Ehodes they
threw themselves at the feet of L'Isle Adam, imploring a remis-
sion of the sentence, and that they might be permitted to wash
away in the blood of the infidel all recollection of their miscon-
duct To this petition L'Isle Adam at once assented. He was
naturally overjoyed at the prospect of recalling so many gallant
spirits to his standard, and during the lengthened struggle
which ensued the conduct of the Italian knights was such that
he had no cause to regret the leniency he had shown.

The total strength of the garrison, the inspection of which
L'Isle Adam had caused to be made, amounted only to 600
knights and 4,500 men-at-arms. In addition to this force of
regular troops, many of the inhabitants had enrolled them-
selves as a voltmteer body, and were formed into battalions.
The sailors of the galleys were also landed, and composed a
naval brigade. The peasants who flocked into the town from
the surrounding country were made useful as pioneers, perform-
ing most of the manual labour which the small number of the

348 A History of

troops rendered them unable to execute for themselves. A
desoription of the fortress has been given in Chapter XII.,
showing what portion of the general line was attached to each
langue. It remains only to say that the reserve was divided
into four bodies, commanded respectively by the chancellor
D'Amaral, who was to support the quarters of Auvergne and
Germany; the Turcopolier, John Buck, for Spain and England;
the grand-prior of France, Peter de Cluys, for France and
Castile; and the grand-prior of Navarre, George de Morgut,
for Provence and Italy. The Grand-Master himself, with his
lieutenant, Gabriel de Pomeroys, at the head of his body-guard,
was reserved for general purposes. The tower of St. Nicholas
was placed tmder the command of Guyot de Castellan, a knight
of Provence, and was garrisoned by twenty knights and 300
men-at-arms.

L'Isle Adam did not content himself with merely making
these military dispositions. He also directed prayers and
intercessions to be offered in all the churches, invoking the
intervention of the Almighty to rescue them from their
enemies. The town was divided into two creeds, the Latin
and the Greek At the head of each was an archbishop, the
Latin dignitary being Leonard Balestin, and the Greek,
Clement. Fortunately these ecclesiastics zealously co-operated
with each other for the public weal, and maintained the most
complete harmony between their respective flocka They both
issued most earnest exhortations to secure faithful and un-
swerving obedience to their common chief. The address of
the Greek archbishop has been recorded by Fontanus, and
is an excellent specimen of the declamation of the period.
L'Isle Adam was certainly fortunate in possessing, at this crisis,
two .such able and energetic coadjutors, men whose position
gave them ample power to sway the opinions and feelings of
their countrymen.

The emperor Solyman was, during this time, busily en-
gaged in collecting his forces in readiness for an attack on
the island, and when all was prepared he, as a last measure,
prior to commencing operations, despatched the following
summons to surrender : — " The sultan Solyman, to Villiers de
L'Isle Adam, Grand-Master of Ehodes, to his knights and to

the KnigJUs of Malta. 349

the people at large. Your monstrous injuries against my most
afflicted people have aroused my pity and indignation. I
command you, therefore, instantly to surrender the island and
fortress of S>hodes, and I give you my gracious permission to
depart in safety with the most precious of your effects, or if
you desire to remain under my government I shall not require
of you any tribute, or do aught in diminution of your liberties
or against your religion. If you are wise you will prefer
friendship and peace to a cruel war. Since, if you are con-
quered, you will have to undergo all such miseries as are
usually inflicted by those that are victorious, from which you
will not be protected, either by your own forces, or by external
aid, or by the strength of your fortifications, which I will
overthrow to their foimdations. K, therefore, you prefer my
friendship to war there shall be neither fraud nor stratagem
tised against you. I swear this by the God of heaven, the
Creator of the earth, by the four Evangelists, by the 4,000
prophets who have descended from heaven, chief amongst whom
stands Mahomet, most worthy to be worshipped, by the shades
of my grandfather and father, and by my own sacred, august,
and imperial head."

This letter was read by L'Isle Adam in full cotmcil. It
was at once decreed that no other reply should be accorded
than such as could be borne by the guns of the town. Any
further parley would, indeed, have been fruitless, for by the
time that this letter was being read at Bhodes, viz., on
the 14th June, 1522, every preparation for the immediate
commencement of the siege had been completed by Solyman.
Mustapha pasha had been selected as the leader of his
land forces, and Curtoglu, as admiral of the fleet, had the
management of everything connected with their transport.
The question of the strength of the Ottoman army is some-
what difficult to determine. Vertot, and most of the other
European historians, place it at 140,000 men-at-arms, sup-
plemented by 60,000 peasants from WaUachia and Bosnia,
who were destined to execute the pioneering operations of
the besieging force. These figures sound incredibly large
when .placed in comparison with a garrison which could only
count from six to seven thousand men of all ranks and

350 A History of

descriptions. When we look to the Turkish historians the
matter does not become much dearer. Ahmed Hafiz speaks
of 40,000 rowers for the galleys, with 25,000 infantry on
board ; but these figures only refer to the force which originally
started from Constantinople, and take no account of those which
the sultan afterwards broiight up with him when he proceeded
in person to Bhodes. It may therefore well be that even if a
liberal discount be taken o£E the numbers given by the Christian
historians, enough will remain to show that the disproportion
between the forces of the besiegers and besieged was far greater
than usual.

The naval armament by which the troops were transported,
together with the maUriel and stores, numbered, according
to Hafiz, 700 sail, of which 500 were galleys. Curiously
enough, these figures are far larger than thosS given by the
Christian writers, who specify only 400 sail, of which 100
were galleys. An advanced detachment, consisting of thirty
vessels, piloted the way to the scene of action, and pouring
upon the smaller islands, the defenders of which had been
withdrawn, carried sword and ravage in every direction. In
the island of Lango, however, the fortress of which was still
maintained, they met with a decided repulse. The com-
mandant, a French knight named Prejan de Bidoux, at the
head of his force, dashed at the disembarking marauders
and drove them back in confusion to their ships. Awed
by this act of determination they sheered off, and bore away
in the direction of Ehodes.

Early on the morning of the 26th of June a signal from
St. Stephen's hill conveyed intelligence into the city that
the Turkish fleet was in sight. It was within the octave
of the feast of St. John, during which period it had always
been the custom at Bhodes for a procession to pass through
the principal streets of the town. L'Isle Adam, anxious as
far as possible to calm and reassure the terror-stricken popula-
tion, directed that this procession should pursue its usual
course, although the hostile fleet was at that moment studding
the horizon. The procession over, high mass was celebrated
in St. John's church. At its conclusion the Gfrand-Master
approached the altar, and moimting its steps he elevated

the Knights of Malta. 351

the Host in the presence of the assembled multitude, and
poured forth a prayer on behalf of the people committed to
his charge, that the Almighty would deign to give them
fortitude to defend His holy religion, and that the fire and
sword, the slaughter and rapine, the destruction and slavery
with which they were menaced, might through His infinite
mercy be averted. L'Isle Adam was recognized as one of
the first soldiers and most trusted leaders of the day. He
was at the same time equally eminent for the fervour of his
piety and the earnestness of his religious zeal. When, there-
fore, on this eventful morning he thus consecrated his cause
to Heaven, and appealed to the Most High in terms of
eloquent and touching supplication against the foe by whom
his dty and Order were menaced, all felt that under the
leadership of such a man they were in good hands, and that
if it were decreed that they should prosper, none could better
carry the fiat into efiect.

The religious ceremony concluded, the doors of the church
were closed and the garrison directed to repair to their
respective posts. The gates were shut, the bridges raised,
banners were hoisted on the various bastions, and all stood
awaiting the first scene of the bloody drama. The Gfrand-Master,
clad in magnificent gilt armour, rode at the head of his guards
with three knights beside him, one bearing the grand standard of
the Order, the second a banner presented to D'Aubusson by the
Pope, and the third a fiag emblazoned with his own coat
of arms. This latter was borne by a young English knight
named Henry Mansell, who was killed early in the siege.

Not a man, woman, or child on that eventful morning
remained within doors. Every point from whence the motions
of the hostile fieet could be observed was thronged with anxious
gazers. Many there were within that crowd, men whose hair
time had sprinkled with silver, who, looking back throiigh a long
vista of years, could call to mind a scene very similar to that
on which their eyes were now bent, when forty-two years since
their seas had been covered with the fleet of that proud empire
between which and themselves an undying animosity was ever
burning. Then the G^od of battles had declared for their side,
and they had triumphed gloriously. He had aided them to

352 A History of

hurl baok the ruthless invader from their shores, and the bones
of thousands who had onoe mustered in that proud array lay
whitened beneath their soil. The husbandman still, in the
preparation of his land, every now and again turned up some
relic to remind him of that strife of which he was so justly
proud, and amidst those verdant plains with which the city
was surrounded, many a patch of green more brilliant than the
rest was pointed out as the spot where lay one of those numerous
masses of slain, buried in haste and confusion after the retreat
of their fellows.

"With all these memoriaLs of their former victory before their
eyes, with the knowledge that the Ehodes of to-day was far
more powerful and capable of resistance than that which had
maintained itself so successfully forty years before, with the
strains of martial music filling the air and exhilarating their
hearts, with the summer sun flashing its rays upon many a
knightly crest and broidered pennon, it was natural that they
should enjoy a sense of confidence amoimting to exultation, and
that they should look with a feeling well-nigh of certainty for
the moment when the foe, once more recoiling in dismay from
their ramparts, should seek an ignominious safety in flight.

Some there were, however, whose hearts, in spite of all these
brilliant auguries of success, were filled with dread. They well
knew that the might of Mahomet was, even at its zenith, far
inferior to that of the emperor who now occupied his throne.
Solyman's career had, to the present moment, been one unbroken
succession of triumphs; the power had not as yet appeared
which could withstand the vigour of his attack ; the army which
was now pouring its endless battalions upon the shores of their
fair isle far exceeded that which they had before successfully
resisted, not in mere numbers only, but in every detail of its
equipment, and was led by generals trained to victory beneath
the redoubted banner of their sultan. Under these conditions
it might well prove that the constancy and bravery even of the
knights of St. John would be unavailing, and that they might
yet live to see the day when the Moslem standard should wave
over those ramparts whereon they were now standing, and which
had been for upwards of 200 years maintained in proud and
honourable security.

the Knights of Malta. 35

*%

The chief difficulty against which L'Isle Adam had to
contend was the paucity of his garrison. Numerous tempting
opportunities presented themselves for opposing the besiegers
whilst they were disembarking. Any such efforts, however,
must have involved a certain amount of loss, and as, considering
the enormous disproportion between the Turkish forces and his
own, no comparatively minor advantage could compensate for
any diminution of his strength, the Grand-Master was obliged
to curb the ardour of his followers, and to permit advances to
be made which had his numbers been greater he would have
been able to check.

It is recorded by Fontanus, in his history of this siege, that
a Florentine named Girolamo Bartolini brought forward a
project whereby the whole Turkish navy was to be destroyed
at a blow, presumably by means of some explosive substance.
L'Isle Adam declined the preferred aid, and this refusal has,
by many of the contemporary writers, been attributed to the
malign influence of D'Amaral. "We may, however, safely
assume that the clear judgment of the Ghrand-Master had dis-
covered the chimerical nature of the proposal, and that he did
not allow himself to be weakly guided by others when declining
its adoption.

The disembarkation of the besieging army, which extended
over several days, proceeded without interruption from the
defenders, who were busily engaged throughout this period in
making their last preparations to meet the coming storm. All
preliminary measures having been taken, the Turks broke
ground imder cover of a cannonade, and conmienced the con-
struction of trenches with the aid of the Wallachian peasants,
whom they had brought for the purpose. The knights, on their
side, harassed the advances of the working parties by constant
sorties. These checks greatly impeded the operations of the
besiegers, whilst vast numbers of the defenceless pioneers fell
beneath the swords of their assailants.

From the very commencement of the expedition disaffec-
tion had shown itself in the Turkish army. Upon the first
appearance of the fleet a deserter had succeeded in making his
escape from one of the ships, and reached St. Nicholas's tower,
swimming a distance stated to be between six and seven miles,

24

354 A History of

under cover of the night. This fugitive, after having given
correct information as to the magnitude of the force, stated that
there was great reluctance on the part of the janissaries to
engage in the operation. The failure of the former siege was
well known to them, and the almost superhuman valoiu* dis-
played on that occasion by the knights of St. John had lost
none of its terrors by constant repetition. They were well
aware that since that day much had been done to strengthen
the fortress, and they looked upon Ehodes, defended as it was
by such a frowning mass of batteries, and held by the lion
hearts before whom their forefathers had so often recoiled, as
almost impregnable.

The ill success of their first attempts in pushing forwcord the
siege works, and the fearful slaughter of the pioneers by the
harassing sorties of the knights, completed their disaffection.
Murmurs and remonstrances soon became loud throughout the
camp, and it was with difficulty that the troops could be
induced to advance to what they considered certain destruc-
tion. Pir Mehmed pasha (called in most of the European
histories Pyrrhus pasha), a general and counsellor in whom
Solyman placed the greatest confidence, deemed it necessary
to report this disaffection to his master, informing him that
nothing short of his own immediate presence on the spot could
control the turbulence of the mutineers. Solyman had from
the first intended to take part in the siege in person, but this
message hastened his movements, and he soon appeared on the
scene at the head of a large body of troops.*

By a judicious mixture of clemency and severity, he rapidly
restored the spirit of his army, and the late mutineers, ashamed
in the presence of their sultan of the murmurings and in-
subordination in which they had so lately indulged, now became

• The Turkish account of the sultan's arrival at Rhodes differs somewhat
from the above, which is taken from the narratives of the European his-
torians. According to Ahmed Hafiz, the force which first landed only
consisted of the troops usually carried in the fleet, together with the
Wallachian peasantry. The sultan advanced by land at the head of the
real army, and the fleet having returned to Asia Minor for the purpose,
he embarked with his forces, and was conveyed to Rhodes. The date
of his landing is uncertain, but it must have been somewhere about the
middle of July.

the Knights of Malta. 355

fired with an anxious desire to distinguish themselves and
merit his approbation.

Meanwhile a plot of the most dangerous character had
been discovered within the city,* the details of which
had been arranged, and were to have been carried into
execution, by a woman. She was a Turkish slave, who, eager
for the success of her countrymen, and at the same time
anxious to regain her own freedom, devised a scheme for setting
fire to the town at several points, and giving admission to the
besiegers during the confusion that would ensue. This design
she communicated io several of her fellow-slaves, and had
even been able to establish communications with the Turkish
leaders. The hour for the attempt was fixed, and all the
necessary arrangements made to insure success, when by
some inadvertency on the part of one of the confederates,
the plot became revealed to the authorities. The conspirators
were at once seized and subjected to torture, under the pressure
of which a confession was extorted from all concerned, excepting
only the daring female who had devised the scheme, and who
stoutly maintained her innocence. Her constancy remained
unshaken to the last, and she suffered the extreme penalty of
the law without having uttered one word to inculpate either
herself or others. Of her guQt, however, if such an attempt can
be called guilt on the part of one who was suffering all the
cruelties and privations of slavery, there can be no doubt. Her
severed limbs were exposed on the ramparts, where they served
as a warning to deter others similarly situated from any further
projects of the kind.

Suspicions of treason throughout this siege appear to have
been very prevalent, and the rumours to that effect which
were constantly circulating engendered a universal feeling
of distrust highly prejudicial to the maintenance of good
discipline. Many of these suspicions were entirely groundless ;
but there lurked within the ramparts an amoimt of treachery
amply sufficient to account for their existence. The Jewish
doctor was still residing within the town,* and he succeeded in

* The name of this person has not been recorded. It has by some
writers been supposed that he was a myth, and that it was D'Amaral who
was guilty of the treasonous acts imputed to the Jew. This, however,

24*

356 A History of

maintaiiiing intercourse with the besiegers whereby much
valuable information was made known to them. It was by
his suggestion that the Turkish artillery was turned against the
campanile beside St. John's church, from which elevated spot
the besieged had been able to overlook the whole Turkish camp
and to trace their operations in the trenches. A few days'
practice at so elevated a target sufficed to achieve its overthrow,
and the knights were thus deprived of a post of observation
which they had found extremely useful.

The numerous sorties in which the garrison had indulged
during the construction of the trenches materially impeded, it
is true, the operations of the Turks, and caused the slaughter
of vast numbers of their WaUachian pioneers, but these suc-
cesses had not been gained without loss. The same feeling
which prompted Ij'Isle Adam to refrain from any attempt
to check the disembarkation of the Turks made him now
again give strict orders that ^ further sorties were to be
abandoned. The Turks were thus able to complete their works
without any other hindrance than that which was caused
by the ceaseless play of artillery brought to bear on every
part of the trenches, and, as Ahmed Hafiz admits, with
wonderful precision and accuracy. The cessation of these
sallies prevented the capture of any more prisoners, and
L'Isle Adam was no longer made acquainted with the move-
ments taking place within the enemy's camp. In this
dilemma a party of sailors undertook to obtain the required
information. They dressed themselves as Turks and left the
harbour during the night in a boat. They coasted along the
shore, and speaking the enemy's language with facility,
proceeded fearlessly into the midst of the Turkish camp.
Thence they succeeded in inveigling two genuine Moslems into
their boat and carried them off undiscovered into the town.
The prisoners were taken to tjie top of St. John's tower,
which had not as yet been demolished, and there they were
questioned by Martinigo, the Venetian engineer, and two other
knights. They were given plainly to understand that on

could not be the case, as it will be seen further on that the doctor was
discovered and suifered the penalty of death before the conclusion of the
siege.

tJie Knights of Malta. 357

displaying the least hesitation or prevarication in replying to
their questioners, they would at onoe be hurled headlong from
the dizzy height on which they stood. Under the pressure of
this menace they disclosed all they knew.

The order in which the besiegers' forces were posted thus
became known to L'Isle Adam. Between the shore of Arohan-
dia bay and the bastion of St. John were the troops of the vizier
Fir Mehmed pasha ; to his left was Cassim pasha, who com-
manded the division of Anatolia ; then that of Mustapha pasha,
next to whom was Achmet pasha, whose division reached as far
as the Amboise gate, the circuit being closed towards the north
by the troops of the Beglier Bey of Roumelia, and the janis-
saries under their chief, Baly Aga. Solyman had established
his head-quarters on St. Stephen's hill. From the same source
Martinigo learnt the strength of the battering train which had
accompanied the Turkish army. This train included six brass
guns with a calibre of 3 J palms,* fifteen others of from 5 to 6
palms, twelve large bombards of from 9 to 10 palms, and two
others still larger of 11 palms. In addition to these there were
twelve basilisks of 8 palms and fifteen double cannon for throw-
ing iron shot. There were also twelve brass mortars for vertical
fire, throwing shot and shell of from 7 to 8 palms. From these
mortars the gunners of the Turkish army anticipated great
results, and an incessant fire was kept up from them upon the
town. Bourbon records that they discharged 1,713 stone shot
and eight brass balls filled with artificial fire during the early
part of the siege. These latter were probably the first shells of
which history has recorded the use, and from the fact that so
few were thrown, we may perhaps conclude that they were not
found to answer as well as was expected.

The sultan had not long continued the direction of the siege
when he discovered that, from the level of the ground in which
his trenches were formed, he could gain no command over the
works he was attacking. To obviate this diflBculty he directed
two large cavaliers to be raised, one in front of the bastion of
Italy, the other between the posts of Spain and Germany, near
the gate of St. George. As the sites selected for these works

*It has abeady been mentioned that these palms are supposed to be 2*9
inches long.

358 A History of

were completely commanded by the guns of the town, and as,
from the rapid manner in which the operation was pushed
forward, it became evident that something of more than ordi-
nary importance was contemplated, every battery which could
be brought to bear on them was called into requisition, and the
losses consequently sustained by the unfortunate pioneers were
prodigious. Heaps of slain marked the rise of the structures,
but as Solyman held the lives of these wretched peasants in
no esteem, the labour was pushed forward with undiminished
energy. In spite of every effort on the part of the defence, the
mounds continued to rise higher and higher until at length they
dominated over the ramparts in their front, and exposed the
defenders to a galling fire from their summit. It is rather
curious to see how differently the same events are described by
the two sides. This is what the Turkish historian, Ahmed
Hafiz, says on the subject : — " Mehmed pasha, without loss of
time, directed Mustapha pa^ha to have a number of sand-bags
filled, and to have them piled up as close as possible to the
fortress in order to raise redoubts, which should reach the height
of the crest of those works, for in this manner only did he hope
to be able to carry them. The infidels, doubtless understanding
the design, concentrated all their fire on the workmen, but their
shot had no effect in the soft earth, killing, it is true, some
persons, but not damaging the mounds, which soon reached the
level of the parapets, so that the defenders could no longer man
them with impimity." It is easy to see from this description
that the slaughter of the WaUachian peasants made no impres-
sion on the mind of the historian — some persons, it is true, were
killed, but the raising of the mounds was the main object, and
that was not impeded.

Meanwhile a heavy fire was brought to bear against the tower
of St. Nicholas and the post of Auvergne, but without success*
The artillery directed against the besieging batteries by the
skill of Martinigo, utterly annihilated their efficiency. A more
general distribution of the besiegers' guns was then decided on,
and for a whole month the air resounded with the roar of
the cannonade, which in all directions was being concentrated
upon the devoted town. The bastions of St. Mary and Italy
soon began to show signs of the vigour with which they were

the Knights of Malta. 359

being attacked. At the former a new rampart had been con-
Btructed, covering the old one, and this it was which gave way.
The older escarp in its rear proved the better defence, and
resisted the pounding of the hostile guns long after the other had
been breached into ruins.

Wherever the works showed signs of yielding to the cannonade,
the unflagging energy of the defenders was called into play to
repair the damages almost as rapidly as they were caused. In
all directions new ditches were simk, and behind them reti'ench-
ments were raised within the vulnerable points. Solyman at
length perceived that with antagonists such as these, a simple
war of artillery might last for ever. He determined, therefore,
on pushing forward his attack upon different principles, and in
accordance with the advice of his most trusted generals, he had
recourse to mining. Shafts were sunk in various directions,
and galleries driven forward beneath the principal bastions.
Martinigo had foreseen the probability of this mode of approach,
and the numerous countermines which he had prepared before
the commencement of the siege materially assisted him in
opposing it. By the simple aid of the distended parchment of
a drum he was able to detect the vicinity of the enemy's miners
through the vibration of the earth, and took his defensive
measures accordingly.

Unfortunately, two galleries which had been driven beneath
the bastion of St. Mary, eluded his vigilance, and the first
warning the defenders of that post received was an explosion
wliich threw down the entire salient of the work. A battalion
of Turks, which had been drawn up within their trenches, as soon
as they heard the crash which betokened the downfall of the
rampart,' dashed forward with a wild shout of triimiph, and
mounting the still smoking breach, gained the summit before
the defenders had recovered sufficient presence of mind to
withstand the onslaught. Here they planted their victorious
standard, and flushed with success, pushed forward with re-
doubled ardour to secure the remainder of the work. They
were, however, brought to a check by the retrenchment, behind
which the knights, now recovered from their momentary con-
fusion, opposed a steady and obstinate resistance. At this
critical juncture the Grand-Master made his appearance on the

360 A History of

Boene, followed by his body-guard. He had been engaged in
the celebration of mass in the chapel of St. Mary of Yictory.
The alarm caused by the explosion arose at the moment when
the officiating priest had intoded the prayer, "Dew* in ad-
jutorium meum intended " I accept the augury," said the
Grrand-Master, and turning to his followers, he exclaimed,
"Come, my brethren, let us exchange the sacrifice of our
prayers and praises for that of our lives, and let us die, if God
so wills it, in defence of our religion." Eoused by this noble
exhortation, they rushed to the scene of strife, hurled themselves
into the midst of the contending battalions, and in a little
while carried all before them. Foremost in the fray was
L'Isle Adam, his gigantic frame conspicuous amidst his com-
peers, as, armed with a short pike, he dashed at the foe, and
by word and deed encouraged his followers to drive ba.ck the
invading Moslem. A few moments of desperate strife sufficed
to attest the superiority, both moral and physical, of the knights
of St. John. Cowering under the withering storm, the Turks,
no longer able to advance, nor even to maintain themselves
upon the ground abeady gained, gradually gave way, and
were driven back in confusion through the breach which they
had so shortly before entered in triumph. Mustapha pasha,
whose division had furnished the assaulting columns, was
watching the fortunes of the day from the advanced trenches,
and had been congratulating himself with the idea that
Rhodes was won. He was not permitted to indulge long
in this pleasant dream, and his fury as he beheld his re-
ceding battalions fleeing timiultuously from the scene of
' strife knew no boimds. Hastily drawing his scimitar he
rushed upon the foremost of the fugitives, and in the
vehemence of his rage cut down several with his own hand,
and thus checked the flight. Rallying the remainder he led
them in person once more to the attack, and the struggle was
again renewed. The advantage, however, had now been lost,
so that it was not possible even for the valour of Mustapha to
restore the fortunes of the day. Bravely he strove to penetrate
within the ruiued rampart, but in vain. The breach was now
crowned by those who were well able to maintain it, and the
baffled and discomfited columns of the Moslem were eventually

the Knights of Malta. 361

forced to relinquish the strife, and to retire in despair to the
shelter of their trenches.

It would be a tedious task to describe the constant succession
of assaults by which Solyman endeavoured to regain the advan-
tage which had been lost on the first attempt. In each case, the
means employed, both in the attack and defence, were always
the same. The sudden alarm caused either by the explosion of a
mine or the rush of a storming column, the hasty call to arms,
the ringing of the beUs, whereby the impending danger was noti-
fied to the garrison generally, the onset of the Moslem, the firm
stand of the knights, the fiercely-shouted war-cry ringing out
on either side, the roar of artillery, the incessant rattle of small
arms, the fiashing of Greek fire, and the fatal hissing of the
seething pitch poured on the foe as they clambered over the
breach ; such were always the leading features of the picture ;
what need therefore to repeat the tale P The results are the
only real points of importance, and these were invariably the
same. Though the assaulting colimms numbered thousands
and tens of thousands selected from the flower of the Ottoman,
army, whilst the defenders consisted of but a handful of
Christians, harassed, exhausted, and weakened by their previous
efforts, still upon each occasion the swarms of the infidel were
forced to recoil from the impassable barrier.

It is thus that Ahmed Hafiz describes some of these assaults :
** The Mussulmans descended into the ditch, carrying their
fascines with them, whilst the best marksmen fired on all who
dared to show their heads above the crest of the parapet.
Clinging to the walla like polypi, the assailants mounted
steadily under the storm of fire and steel, which rained on them
from the ramparts ; the noise of musketry, the discharge of
cannon, the cries of the combatants filled the air with a con-
fused tumult. Not content with receiving the victorious* with
fire and steel, the besieged also poured on them caldrons of
boiling pitch and tar. The brave soldiers of Islam fell by
hundreds, and the angels opened the gates of Paradise to their
souls, for from the summit of the fortress were hurled masses
of rock and of metal upon the ladders crowded with men. By

• Hafiz always speaks of the Ottoman forces as " the victorious," even
when impartially recording their failures.

362 A History of

midday the number of the dead had become so great that it
was necessary to suspend the attack, the corpses of the Mussul-
mans were so numerous that they were huddled into trenches
without counting them, but God certainly kept a pitying record
of the number of the faithful whom He that day received into
Paradise." And again, on another occasion — " In obedience to
the orders given, the victorious of Islam rushed to the assault
full of ardour; the fight was bloody; the dead of the Mussulman
armv fell like rams destined to the sacrifice, under the terrible
fire of the enemy's guns; the number of the victims was untold;
still the fortress resisted the heroic efforts which were made
against the infidels, so that exhausted at length the victorious
of Islam were compelled to retire." Once more — " The division
of Mustapha pasha having completed a mine, fired it; the
damage done was considerable; all the infidels who defended this
post were hurled up into the third heaven, and their souls were
plunged into hell ; a large piece of wall having fallen, the road
was open for the victorious, they threw themselves into the
ditches, strove bravely to moimt the breach, and fought like
heroes ; vain effort ; they were compelled to retire, leaving the
ditch choked with the dead, and inundated with their generous
blood."

It was thus that on the 13th, the 17th, and the 24th of Sep-
tember the most furious attempts were made to carry the town.
Upon the 13th the attack was on the Italian quarter; on the
17th the English bastion of St. Mary withstood the violence
of the assault, the Turcopolier, John Buck, falling gloriously at
the head of his langue. Upon the 24th, in accordance with the
proposals of Pir Mehmed, the attack was made simultaneously
on aU sides. Even this gigantic effort of superior numbers
failed utterly in its purpose. Although several temporary
advantages enabled the besiegers to gain a footing upon the
rampant and to plant their standard on its eimimit, still
the success was in every instance but momentary, and the
impetuous onset of the defenders ended by restoring the fortunes
of the day. In order to encourage his troops by his own imme-
diate presence, the sultan had caused a scaffold to be erected,
from the height of which he might witness the assault. He
had fired his soldiery with the prospect of booty, having given

tlie Knights of Malta. 363

•
up to them the whole plunder of the city. This offer, combined

with the knowledge that they were fighting under the imme-
diate eye of their sovereign, had roused them to a pitch of
enthusiasm such as he fondly hoped must prove the precursor
of victory. If the assailants were stimulated with the hope of
gain and the prospect of distinction, the defenders, on the other
hand, were equally nerved to the combat by their religious de-
votion and by the energy which despair had brought to their aid.
Solyman had, in consequence, the mortification of witnessing
from his lofty post of observation the utter discomfiture of
his forces. Sounding a retreat, he descended to his tent, and
in the bitterness of his mortification resolved to wreak his
vengeance on those who had originally counselled the expe-
dition. Both Pir Mehmed and Mustapha were condemned to
death, and the sentence woi^d have been carried into effect had
not the other leaders interceded and persuaded him to reverse
the decree. They were, however, banished from the camp,
and compelled to return to Asia, whilst the siege was still in
progress. The pirate admiral, Curtoglu, was reserved for a
more humiliating fate, having to undergo the degradation of
corporal punishment on the poop of his own galley, after
which he was ignominiously expelled from the fieet, the reason
alleged for this severity being that he had neglected to aid the
land forces by making a naval diversion.

Whilst these successes were enabling the garrison to main-
tain their resistance, the first seeds of those disastrous results
which eventually led to the loss of the town began to show
themselves. Although before the commencement of the siege
it had been reported to- L'Isle Adam by the commissioners
appointed for that purpose, that the quantity of powder
in the magazines was amply sufficient, even if the siege
were protracted for a year, little more than a month had
elapsed before it became manifest that the supply was too
limited for the occasion. In addition to the powder in the
magazines, there were large stores of saltpetre within the
town, and L'Isle Adam promptly established a manufactory
of gunpowder under the superintendence of two knights and
a committee of citizens. Even with this aid it soon be-
came necessary to practise the most rigid economy in the

364 A History of

expenditure of ammunition, and the efforts of the garrison
were much impeded by this vital want. Curiously enough,
we leam from Ahmed Hafiz that a similar difficulty arose
in the besiegers' camp, and that their operations were for some
time suspended whilst a portion of the fleet was engaged
in fetching further supplies.

Treason also shortly began to display itself. The incident
of the female slave already recorded had created a dread of
some similar attempt on the part of her feUow-slaves. Every
one was on the alert, and whispers of treachery passed from
ear to ear. At length the Jewish doctor, who had been placed
in Rhodes as a spy by the sultan Selim, and who had contrived
to maintain a correspondence with the Turkish leaders during
the siege, was detected in thfe act of discharging a treasonable
communication into the enemy's camp attached to an arrow.
The evidence against him was positive and conclusive ; he was,
nevertheless, subjected to torture. Under its influence he con-
fessed to having informed the enemy of the scarcity of ammuni-
tion, together with many other details tending to induce them
to continue the siege. His fate was such as he richly deserved,
but the mischief he had caused did not end with him. But for
the information he had imparted, in all human probability
Rhodes would not have fallen.

As it was, the constant ill success which attended his
efforts, and the fearful carnage which had decimated his troops,
caused Solyman to pause and ponder weU the advisability of
abandoning the enterprise. At that moment the fate of the
town hung suspended in the balance, and a mere trifle would
have inclined it either way. It was, indeed, a glorious sight to
see an army which, on the most moderate computation, must
have exceeded 100,000 in number, thus baffled and held at
bay by a force reduced through its many casualties to little
more than 3,000 fighting men. Those fortifications with which
they had at such cost surroimded their city were now crumbling
beneath the artillery and the mines of the enemy. Gaping
breaches laid it open in every direction, and yet, destitute
as they had become of even the ordinary necessaries of life,
short of powder, food, and wine, they still protracted the
defence with undiminished obstinacy, determined to maintain

the K^iights of Malta. 365

•

themselves whilst yet there remained a knight to oppose the
entry of the Moslem.

It is not surprising that in this desperate condition men
should lend a ready ear to tales of treason. It was evident to
all that spies were in the town ; everything that occurred was
soon made known to Solyman, and many points in his attack
had been altered in conformity with the information he had
received. They knew not where to look for the traitor, and
each one glanced fearfully at his neighbour, as though feeling
that at such a moment no one could be trusted. At this crisis
suspicion was directed against some of the chief dignitaries by a
Spanish pilgrim, a female of great reputed sanctity, who was
then residing at Rhodes, having lately returned from Jerusalem.
This woman traversed the streets with bare feet, denouncing the
leaders and asserting that the calamities then befalling the town
were due to the vengeance of God called down by the iniquities
of some of those who ruled over their fortunes. No names were
mentioned, but the general suspicion being thus turned in a
particular direction it required but little to create a victim, and
this was ere long effected.

Whilst the ferment was at its height a servant of the
chancellor D'Amaral, named Blaise Diaz, was detected on tlie
bastion of Auvergne with a bow in his hand. As this was
not the first time he had been seen under similar circumstances
he was arrested and brought before the Grand-Master. By
his instructions the man was interrogated before the judges of
the castellany, and imder the influence of torture averred that
he had been employed by his master to discharge treasonable
correspondence into the enemy's camp. D'Amaral was at once
arrested and confronted with his accuser, who repeated the
charge to his face. No sooner had the name of the chancellor
become bruited abroad than numbers rushed forward, eager
to add corroborative testimony. His arrogant conduct had
created him enemies in every sphere of life, and now, when
suspicion had fallen on him, all were ready to lend a helping
hand to complete his destruction. A Greek priest deposed
that he had seen the chancellor with Diaz on the bastion of
Auvergne, and that the latter had discharged an arrow with a
letter attached to it. The statement was also recalled that at

366 A History of

the election of L'lsle Adam, D'Amaral had asserted he would
be the last Grand-Master of Rhodes. On this testimony he
also was subjected to torture, which he bore with unflinching
fortitude, asserting that he had nothing to reveal, and that at
the close of a life spent in the service of the Order, he would
not disgrace his career by the utterance of a falsehood so as
to save his aged limbs from the rack.

His firmness and constancy did not avail to save him from
those who were clamorous for his death. Diaz, of whose
guilt there could be no doubt, was hanged and quartered on
the 6th November. D'Amaral, whose rank forbade so
degrading a death, was sentenced to be beheaded. He was
stripped of his habit in the church of St. John on the 7th
November, and, on the following day, executed in the great
square.

Of the two contemporary writers who have given accounts of
this siege, both of whom were eye-witnesses of the events
they record, one, the chevalier de Bourbon, asserts the guilt of
the chancellor without doubt, and may fairly be taken as the
mouthpiece of the general opinion within the town. The other,
Fontanus, who was one of the judges appointed to investigate
the charge, is very reticent and obscui'e on the point. A
careful study of his work leads to the impression that he found
no proofs of guilt in D'Amaral. Never, perhaps, was man
condemned on weaker evidence. The deposition of his own
servant, who had been detected in a treasonable act, and might
naturally try to save himself by fixing the guilt on another,
should have been received with grave suspicion. The testimony
of the Ghreek priest was absolutely worthless. Why, if he had
previously witnessed the transmission of treasonable commtmi-
cations, did he not denounce the criminals sooner, when
treason was known to be fraught with such imminent danger ?
The explanation which D'Amaral gave of this man's evidence
was probably correct, viz., that it was the effect of spite, owing
to his having had to find fault with the looseness of the priests'
life. The improbability of a man in the position of the chancellor
risking his life and reputation by employing a servant in such
open treachery seems too great for the fact to be readily
accepted. Much has, of recent years, been said as to the guilt

the Knights of Malta. 367

of D'Amaral being confirmed by the fact that the church of
St. John was destroyed by an explosion of powder stored in
the vaults beneath, unknown to the authorities. This incident
seems to add but little, if anything, to the evidence. It is a
matter of great doubt whether powder would explode after a
storage of upwards of three centuries. It is much more probable
that it was placed there by the Turks themselves at some con-
siderably later period. Even if it could be traced as far back
as the siege of 1522, there seems nothing to connect it with
D'Amaral. He was one of three persons appointed to report
on the quantity of powder and other stores within the fortress,
but it is nowhere alleged that he had charge of it. At all
events, had a laxge quantity been stored in these vaults at a
time when its scarcity was so well known, there must have
been many persons acquainted with the fact who would all
have been privy to the treason, if treason there were. It
seems, therefore, that the chancellor D'Amaral fell an un-
fortunate and, as far as history can judge, an innocent victim
to popular clamour.

Meanwhile, the sultan was weighing in his own mind the
advisability of abandoning the siege, and this design he would
in all probability have carried into effect, had he not been
informed by an Albanian deserter of the state of destitution
to which the town was reduced. This intelligence tempted
him to persevere, and Achmet pasha was appointed to the
command of the forces. Under his directions several fresh
assaults were made, and in every case successfully resisted.
Day by day the breaches became wider, and the ramparts more
untenable ; the defenders fewer, and their strength more ex-
hausted ; hope had given way to despair, and the prospect of
relief from Europe had grown less and less ; still the opposition
remained as stubborn as ever, and Solyman began to dread
that he would only enter the ruined city when the last of its
garrison had fallen.

It was not the men only who were thus covering themselves
with glory ; the women also, in this fearful emergency, proved
worthy helpmates in the heroic defence. Many incidents
are narrated of their courage and devotion, and through-
out they seem to have aided materially, both by precept and

368 A History of

example, in maintaining the constancy of the besieged. One
woman, a Grreek by birth, and either the wife or mistress of
an officer, earned an imperishable renown by her sad, though
brilliant, fate in one of these latter assaults. She had been
engaged in bringing food to the defenders, when, in one of
the sudden Turkish onslaughts, she saw her husband struck
dead. Overwhelmed with despair, she rushed into the thickest
of the struggle and there fell, covered with wounds, not, however,
before she had amply avenged the fate of him who had been so
dear to her.

With women capable of acts such as these the glorious
defence which Rhodes made ceases to be a matter of surprise.
The resistance still offered was as indomitable as ever.
Although the Turks had established themselves permanently
on two distinct points in the ramparts, they were not yet masters
of the place, for as each successive bulwark was lost a fresh one
sprang up in its rear. Well might Solyman despair of ever
calling the city his own ; for six months he had hurled aU the
gigantic resources in his possession against its bulwarks ; 60,000
men, it is computed, had fallen by sword and pestilence, and
yet he still found himself advancing step by step only in the
face of ever-renewed obstacles.

Then, too, he could not expect that succour for the besieged
would be much longer delayed. Owing to the disturbed state of
Europe he had been permitted to carry on his operations for six
months unmolested. Now, however, that the gallant resistance
of the knights was arousing the admiration of Christendom;
when men were gazing breathlessly upon this noble spectacle
of heroism and devotion, he could not hope to be left much
longer imdisturbed. Under these circumstances he acquiesced
eagerly in the proposal of Achmet pasha, that the town should
be invited to capitulate. Unwilling that such a suggestion
should appear to emanate from himself, he directed a Genoese
named Monilio, who was in his camp, to undertake the mission.
Matters were prepared for him by the transmission of sundry
letters which were shot into the town, and in which the people
wore urged to surrender; life and liberty for all being promised
in case of speedy compliance, and dire vengeance being threatened
in the event of protracted resistance.

the Knights of Malta. 369

When these letters had had sufficient time to oreate the
intended effect, Monilio presented himself one morning before
the bastion of Auvergne, desiring an interview with Matteo
de Via, one of the leading citizens of Bhodes. This request
being refused, he began to urge those whom he was addressing
to seek terms of capitulation. His proposals were repulsed, and
he was informed that the knights of St. John only treated with
the infidel sword in hand. Two days after he again made his
appearance, bearing, as he said, a letter from the sultan to
L'Isle Adam. This letter the Grand-Master refused to receive,
and Monilio was informed that if he attempted any further
parleying he would be fired on. L'Isle Adam had long since
decided that if he failed to receive help from Europe he would
make the ruins of Bhodes the common grave of himself and
his brethren.

Had the town contained none others than members of the
Order, this resolution would indubitably have been carried into
effect. It no sooner, however, became noised abroad that the
subject of capitulation had been mooted from the Ottoman camp
than a cabal arose in the town to urge its acceptance. There were
not wanting those who preferred life to the glory of further
resistance ; and, indeed, it is clear that to men unfettered by
religious obligations, continued opposition must have appeared
perfect madness. The principal citizens therefore commissioned
their metropolitan to urge upon the Gfrand-Master the necessity
for treating with the enemy.

L'Isle Adam now found that it did not depend only on
himself to carry his heroic resolutions into practice. Without
the concurrence of the citizens this would be impossible, and
that concurrence the archbishop positively assured him he would
not obtain. A council was therefore summoned to deliberate on
the matter. Whilst it was sitting a deputation appeared to
present a petition signed by the principal inhabitants, in
which they implored the Order to provide for the safety of
their wives and children, and to rescue from the profanation
of the infidel those holy relics which they all held in such high
veneration. The petition closed with a threat that if the knights
neglected to comply with its request the inhabitants would feel
themselves bound by every law, divine and human, to secure by

25

370 A History of

their own efforts the safety of those dearer to them than life.
On hearing this petition L'Isle Adam called upon the prior of
St. Gilles and the engineer Martinigo to report on the state of
the town and fortress. Thereupon the latter rose and asserted
on his honour and oonscienoe that he did not consider the place
any longer tenable ; that the slaves and other pioneers had been
all either killed or wounded, so that it was no longer feasible to
muster sufficient labour to move a piece of artillery from one
battery to another ; that it was impossible without men to carry
on the repairs necessary to the ramparts; that their ammu-
nition and stores were exhausted, and farther, seeing that the
enemy were already established within the lines at two points,
without any power of dislodging them, he was of opinion that
the city was lost, and should be surrendered. The prior of St.
Grilles corroborated this statement in every particular.

The debate was long and stormy ; there were many who, like
the Grand-Master, were desirous of emulating the self-devotion
of their predecessors, and of burying themselves beneath the
ruins of Bhodes. Had the knights not been encumbered by
the presence of a large and defenceless population, this line of
policy would unquestionably have been adopted. As it was,
however, there were present in the council-chamber others, who
perceived that by such a decision they were dooming to destruc-
tion those who had stood faithfully by them through the long
struggle, and were now entitled to consideration at their hands.
Moreover, the question was not, they felt, left only to them to
decide. Should they attempt to continue the defence, would
the people stand tamely by and see themselves thus doomed to
slaughter, simply because the council had so decreed P If the
town were to be yielded, it was far better that it should be by
the unanimous act of the besieged, as they would thereby insure
more liberal terms from the sultan than he would grant if he
once knew there were divisions in their councils. It was there-
fore decreed that the next offer of parley should be accepted,
and that the Gfrand-Master should be authorized to. secure the
best conditions procurable.

The chiefs of Solyman's array were too desirous of putting a
stop to the fearful effusion of blood which had now been going
on for six months, and of obtaining possession, upon almost any

the Knights of Malta. 371

terms, of the city, which seemed, as it were, to recede from their
grasp as they advanced, to keep the inhabitants long in suspense.
Upon the 10th December a white flag was hoisted at the top of
a church standing within the Turkish lines, and this was at once
' answered by another raised on a windmill near the Cosquino
gate. Two Turks then advanced from the trenches for the pur-
pose of opening a parley, and they were met at the above-named
gate by Martinigo and the prior of St. Gilles. They tendered
a letter containing the conditions on which the sultan would
consent to a capitulation. In consideration of the instant sur-
render of the town he was prepared to permit the Gh^d-Master,
with his knights and such of the citizens of all ranks as might
wish to leave, to do so unmolested, taking with them all their
household property. Those who elected to remain were guaran-
teed the undisturbed exercise of their religion, and were to be
free from paying tribute for five years ; the churches were to
be protected from profanation ; and aU property secured from
pillage. The letter concluded with the most fearful threats if
these terms were not accepted immediately.

The council decided on despatching an embassy to the
Turkish camp, and for this purpose selected Anthony Groll^e,
the standard bearer of the Order, and a Bihodian named Robert
Perrucey. These envoys at once proceeded to the tent of
Achmet pasha, who, on behalf of the Turks, sent into the
city two hostages of high rank as a guarantee for their safe
return. On the following day Solyman admitted them to
an audience, but commenced by ignoring the contents of his
letter, conceiving it to have been beneath his dignity that he
should have taken the initiative in proposing terms of capitu-
lation. He, however, added that he was willing to adhere to the
conditions therein offered, and required an immediate reply. A
truce was agreed on for three days, and one of the envoys sent
back into the town to announce the fact, the other being still
retained as a hostage.

Meanwhile L'Isle Adam, who was daily looking for suc-
cours from Europe, determined on protracting the negotiations
as far as possible. With this object he, the next morning, des-
patched a fresh embassy into the Turkish camp, the real object
of which was simply to gain time, but ostensibly to try and

25*

372 A History of

persuade Soljman to offer the knights better terms. The
envoys took with them a letter which had been received by
D'Aubusson from Bajazet, the grandfather of Solyman, in
which that prince invoked the malediction of Heaven upon
any of his successors who should attempt to disturb the Order
in its peaceful possession of the island of Ehodes. Achmet
pasha, to whom this document was shown, at once destroyed
it, feeling sure that if it came under the eye of his master
it would only stimulate his rage against the fraternity by re-
calling to his memory an incident which in no way redounded
to the glory of his race.

At this juncture, and whilst the terms of the treaty were
being discussed, an unfortunate collision occurred between
some portion of the garrison and the Turks, in which several
of the latter lost their lives. It is not clear how this arose.
The Turkish writer Hafiz states that on that night a relieving
force of fifteen gaUeys filled with troops had arrived in the
harbour, and that the attack was made by them. No allusion
to such a reinforcement is made by any of the other his-
torians, nor is it easy to see from whence they came. Be this
as it may, the outbreak brought the truce to a premature close,
the batteries were reopened, and everything replaced on a
hostile footing. Some prisoners who fell into the hands of
the Turks were mutilated by having their finders, noses, and
ears cut off. and in that mLrable plight sen? l4k int^ the
town with the message that such was the treatment the
besieged might now expect at the hands of the sultan. L^sle
Adam was overjoyed at the failure of the negotiation. He
had entered into it most reluctantly, nothing but a stem sense
of necessity having induced him to countenance the attempt.
Now that it had been made and had failed, he was free to
continue the defence, and to carry out his original project of
burying himself and his fraternity beneath the ruins of the
city.

The recommencement of hostilities was followed up by an
assault on the retrenchment of the Spanish bastion still held
by the knights. This took place on the 17th December, and
although the struggle was continued throughout the whole day,
the Turks were once more worsted and compelled to retire dis-

the Knights of Malta. 373

comfited. On the following day, however, they were more
Buooessful, for the assault being renewed, they gained undis-
puted possession of the whole of the work. Unable to control
the panio of the multitude, who were now clamouring for uncon-
ditional Buirender, and feeling sure that they would take
action themselves if longer opposed in their views, L'Isle
Adam was again compelled to open negotiations. Fresh
envoys were despatched to Solyman with carte blanche to
surrender the town on the best terms they could secure.
Solyman received the messengers in his pavilion in all the
splendour of imperial pomp, surrounded by the janissaries X>i
his body-guard. On hearing the errand which brought them
into his presence, he consented to renew the offers he had pre-
viously made, and these were at once accepted by the envoys.
The principal stipulations were that the citizens should remain
in perfect freedom, both as to their persons and religion ; that
the knights should be allowed to leave the island in their own
galleys, bearing with them all their personal property; that
such of the citizens as preferred to follow their fortunes rather
than remain at Hhodes under Ottoman dominion should have
free permission to do so, and that twelve dear days should be
granted for the embarkation. The churches were guaranteed
from profanation, and all their sacred relics were to remain the
property of the Order. That the due execution of the treaty
might be insured, the Turkish army was to be withdrawn from
the vicinity of the town, and only a select body of janissaries
was to enter the gates and take possession on behalf of the
sultan. In return for this demency, so unusual in those days
of bloody reprisal, the knights were to yield up peaceable
possession, not only of the city, but of all the islands dependent
on Sihodes, as well as the castle of St. Peter on the mainland.
Twenty-five knights, of whom two were to be grand-crosses,
and the same number of citizens, were to be given as hostages
for the due execution of the treaty. As soon as these persons
made their appearance in the Ottoman camp, the aga of the
janissaries, with the spedfied number of troops, entered the
town and took formal possession of it.

Thus the island of llhodes, after having remained for two
centuries in the occupation of the knights of St. John, once more

374 ^ History of tlte Knights of Malta.

reverted to the power of the Moslem. All the skill which
engineering science had developed upon its massive fortifica-
tions, all the beauties which art had lavished on its buildings,
were now lost to the Order and to Christianity. That lovely
island, the garden of the East, that city whose ramparts had so
long frowned with proud disdain upon its foes, now no longer
acknowledged the sway of the friars of the Hospital. Still
bearing the traces of its former grandeur, and still displaying
in its buildings the magnificence of those who had raised it to
what it was, it passed for ever from the rule of those gallant
warriors, who were once more doomed to seek their fortune
on the wide .world.

To the nations of !£!urope the loss of Ehodes was a subject
of the deepest shame. Apathy and indifference had been
suffered to continue during the six long months that this
memorable struggle lasted, and its unfortunate issue remains
a blot on the history of the sixteenth century. To the knights
of St. John the event bears with it no such memory of
disgrace. The gallantry which had so long withstood over-
whelming and desperate odds was everywhere recognized and
enthusiastically hailed by admiring nations. As the struggle
progressed, and its ultimate issue became more and more
certain, men gazed with astonishment and awe upon that
touching scene of heroism and endurance. When at length,
driven from their home, sadly reduced in number, and
ruined in prospects, the relics of that gallant band wandered
westward in search of a new resting-place, they were every-
where greeted with rapturous welcome. The feeling of all
was well expressed by Charles V., who, on hearing of the
disastrous issue of the siege, turned to his courtiers and
exclaimed, "There has been nothing in the world so well
lost as Ehodes."

CHAPTEE XV.
1522—1534.

Surrender of Rhodes and departure of the Order for Candia — Arrival at
Messina — ^Departure for Civita Yecchia — Project for bestowing
Malta on the Order — Hopes of regaining Rhodes— L' Isle Adam
proceeds to Madrid — His negotiations — ^Visits Paris and London —
Returns to Italy — Malta ceded to the Order — ^Antecedent history of
that island — Tripoli — Its disadvantages and dangers — ^Description of
the harbour of Malta — ^Expedition to Modon — ^Disputed appointment
to the bishopric of Malta — English Reformation — Insurrection in
the convent — Death of L'Isle Adam.

The surrender of Ehodes took place on the 20th December,
1522, and by the terms of the capitulation a period of twelve
days was granted to the knights within which they were to
carry out its stipulations. Messengers were despatched to the
castle of St. Peter at Budrum, and to the island of Lango,
the only two outposts which had been maintained during the
siege, directing the immediate withdrawal of the garrisons,
which were to retire to the island of Candia. -

The provisions of the treaty were not at first carried out by
the Turks with much exactitude ; many foul outrages were per-
petrated by the janissaries after they had obtained possession
of the city; churches were desecrated, women violated, the
inhabitants plundered, and other excesses coiomitted. For these
acts of barbarity the sultan can in no way be held responsible,
for the moment he heard of what was taking place, he at once
issued a most peremptory mandate to the aga of the janissaries,
intimating that that officer should pay the penalty of any
further infractions of the treaty with his head. Solyman, indeed,
appears throughout this transaction to have been moved by
a desire of showing magnanimity and clemency. That such
clemency was not one of his usual attributes, the horrors per-

376 A History of

petrated with his sanction at the capture of Belgrade fully
testify. He was evidently actuated by some unusual motive in
pursuing so different a line of conduct with the defenders of
Ehodes. The stubbornness of their resistance during a period
of six months, and the gigantic losses they had inflicted on
his army, must have exasperated him greatly. It redoimds,
therefore, much to his credit that he did not allpw himself to be
carried away by any feelings of animosity when the time came
for their gratification.

On the day succeeding that on which the capitulation was
signed a large fleet was descried on the horizon, bearing down
on Bhodes ; the idea prevalent in both armies was that this was
the long looked-f or succour arriving from Europe. The feelings
of L'Isle Adam and his fraternity may be conceived as they
reflected that had they held out but for two days longer they
could have saved their beloved city. When, however, the fleet
drew nearer it was seen that the vessels bore the Turkish flag.
Solyman had, in fact, some time previously summoned a fresh
body of troops from the frontiers of Persia. This reinforce-
ment, amounting to 15,000 men, had now arrived, and it reflects
honour on the sultan that he took no advantage of its presence
to alter the terms of the capitulation, the ink of which was as
yet scarce dry.

It seems from the narrative of Ahmet Hafiz that Solyman
made his first entry into Rhodes on Christmas-day. That
writer thus describes the event : — " Then the sublime sultan, pre-
ceded by the second regiment of janissaries and by his banners,
which were adorned with fringes of gold, escorted by 400 of
the Solouk body-guard, by four Solouk chiefs, four Kehayas,
and forty Odabaohis, all robed in white, with turbans glit-
tering with rich jewels, entered the town to the sound of
salvoes of artillery, and in the midst of a dense crowd. The
rest of the body-guard, the musicians, the officers of all the
various corps followed the glorious Padishah, crying Allah!
Allah ! by Thy will the glorious scimitar of Mohammed
has captured this proud fortress ! In this manner the sultan
went as far as the temple of San Qivan (the church of St. John),
and there, where the infidels adored an idol, he, the blessed
conqueror, addressed a prayer to the true God."

the Knights of Malta. 377

The sultan made a second entry on the 29th December,
which Hafiz thus describes : — " On the 29th December, the
sultan, on horseback, entered the town by the gate of Kyzil
Capou (the St. John or Cosquino gate), with the same pomp as
on the first occasion ; he visited the harbour, and admired the
massive chain which closed it, and the engines of war which the
infidels had made use of during the siege."

After this visit to the town, L'Isle Adam received a notifica-
tion through Achmet pasha that he was expected to pay his
respects to the sultan in person. Unwilling as he was to submit
to what he considered an act of degradation, the Grand-Master
felt that at such a critical moment it would be most imwise to
create any irritation in the mind of Solyman. He therefore, on
the last day of the year, presented himself in the Ottoman camp,
and demanded a farewell audience of his conqueror. Turkish
pride kept the poor old man waiting at the entrance of the
sultan's pavilion through many weary hours during that winter
day, and it required all the fortitude of L'Isle Adam's character
to bear with composure the slight thus cast on him. At length,
the vanity of Solyman having been sufficiently gratified, the
Grand- Master was admitted, when the courtesy of his reception
in some measure atoned for the previous slight. An eye-witness
of the interview states that, on their first meeting, each gazed in
silence on the other. The sultan was the first to speaL After
some words of condolence and praise for his gallant and pro-
tracted defence, Solyman proceeded to make the most brilliant
offers to L'Isle Adam, urging him to abandon his religion and
to take service under himself. Against such ofPers the mind of
the Grand-Master revolted with horror. " After," replied he,
" a life spent not ingloriously in combating for my religion and
maintaining its cause, I could not cast so foul a slur upon my
later days as to abandon that religion for any worldly prospects
whatever. Even the sultan himself must feel that I should be no
longer worthy of that esteem which he has been pleased so gra-
ciously to express towards me. I only crave of his magnanimity
that the terms of the capitulation may be maintained inviolate,
and that I and my followers may be freely permitted to seek our
fortunes in a new home." On this head Solyman assured him
that he need have no uneasiness, and the Grand-Master left the

3/8 A History of

imperial presence with every mark of respect. The sorrow of
the old man, so natural on abandoning the cherished home of
his Order, touched the sultan greatly, and he could not forbear
exclaiming to his vizier, ^'It is not without some feelings of
compimction that I compel this venerable warrior at his age to
seek a new home." The interview is thus narrated by Hafiz : —
" On the 31st December, the chief of the fortress, Mastori Mialo
(a corruption of Meghas Mastoris, or Gfrand-Master), having
obtained permission, came to take leave of the sublime sultan
at a divan. The sultan desired to make him a gift of a large
nimiber of ingots of gold, precious stones, and other valuable
offerings, and renewed his permission that the Order might make
use of the galleys and other craft which had belonged to them,
on condition, as he added with tears in his eyes, that the next
day should see them quit the island. On this the chief of the
infidels withdrew with a pensive mien, and left for Frengistan."

On the night of the 1st January, 1523, this sad event took
place. Four thousand of the Christian inhabitants of Rhodes
preferred to follow the fortunes of the knights into exile rather
than remain under the sway of the Turk. Amidst a general
display of grief the fleet sailed and made its way to Candia.*
Misfortune seemed to dog the wanderers on their road. A
severe hurricane overtook them, and several of the smaller craft
were lost. Others were saved by throwing overboard the little
property which the unfortunate refugees had rescued from the
town, so that when the scattered fleet reassembled at Spinalonga
there were many on board who were reduced to actual beggary.
The governor of Candia welcomed the fugitives with every mark
of hospitality, and urged on them the advisability of wintering
in the island ; but L'Isle Adam felt that he had much before
him requiring prompt decision and immediate action. He
therefore only remained long enough to refit and to repair,
as far as practicable, the damages his fleet had sustained in
the late storm.

Whilst waiting for this purpose he was joined by the gar-
risons of Budnun and Lango, and he also heard of the

* It is worthy of note that one of the vessels, the great carrack of
Rhodes, was commanded by William Weston, who was elected Turcopolier
immediately on their arrival at Candia.

the Knights of Malta. 379

miserable fate of his protigi Amurath, the son of Djem. This
young prince had been unable to elude the vigilance of . the
sultan, and to make his escape with his protectors. His dis-
guise having been discovered he was captured and brought be-
fore Solyman, to whom he boldly announced himself a member
of the Christian faith. On this the sultan, who was only too
glad of an excuse to make away with him, ordered him to be
strangled in front of the troops. The incident of Amurath's
fate has been but lightly touched upon by the historians of the
siege of Ehodes, probably because it seems to cast a slur on
the otherwise fair fame of L'Isle Adam. Amurath had many
years before thrown himself on the protection of the Order;
he had embraced the Christian religion, and had ever since
lived peaceably at Bhodes. It was well known that his resi-
dence there was a constant source of disquietude and anxiety
to the Ottoman sultan. The Grand-Master could not, there-
fore, have been ignorant of the risk the young prince ran,
should he ever fall into that monarch's power. Tet we find
the capitulation of Bhodes agreed on without any mention
of his name, and no precautions taken to shield the illus-
trious convert from the vengeance of his implacable foe. The
city was handed over to the sultan, and with it the unfor-
tunate victim who had intrusted his all to the good faith of
the knights of St. John. The result was what must have been
foreseen, and the feelings of L'Isle Adam, when he learnt
the sad fate of the young prince, must have been painfully
remorseful.

True, he had much excuse for his conduct. Not only the
lives of his own fraternity, but those also of thousands of
the citizens, hung upon the terms which he could obtain from
the Turks. It is possible that he may have endeavoured to
indudo Amurath in the general amnesty, and that the condi-
tion was peremptorily rejected by the sultan. If this were
BO, L'Isle Adam would have had a very difficult point of
conscience to decide. Either he must have given up the lives
of all within the city to maintain inviolate his honour towards
his guest, and that, too, without by such action saving the
young prince, who would have fallen with the others; or,
on the other hand^ he must sacrifice him for the general

380 A History of

weal. In doing the latter he Beems to have acted with more
prudenoe than chivalry.

L'lflle Adam hastened to quit Candia as soon as possible,
being anxious to place himself in close proximity to the court
of B>ome. He therefore selected the port of Messina as the
next point of rendezvous. The larger vessels proceeded there
direct, under command of the Turcopolier, William Weston,
whilst he himself, with the great mass of his followers, pursued
his course more leisurely. In token of the loss his Order had
sustained, he no longer suffered the White Cross banner to be
displayed, but in its stead he substituted an ensign bearing the
e%y of the Virgin Mary, with her dead Son in her arms, and
beneath it the motto, " Afflictts spes mea rebus J^

The Qrand-Master was welcomed by the Sicilian authorities
with the same hospitality as had been displayed in Candia,
and the viceroy announced that the emperor invited the mem-
bers of the fraternity to make their residence in the idand for
as long a time as they found convenient.

L'Isle Adam's greatest fear had been that his knights, find-
ing themselves deprived of their convent home, might follow
the fatal example of the Templars and retire into their various
European conmianderies. One of his first steps, therefore, after
quitting Ehodes, had been to solicit special authority from the
Pope to prevent the dispersion of the homeless wanderers.
Adrian, who recognized the wisdom of the request, lost no
time in acceding thereto, so that when L'Isle Adam entered
the port of Messina he found already awaiting him a bull, in
which the Pope, imder the severest penalties, enjoined the
members of the Order to remain with him wherever he
might lead them.

Having established a Hospital, and taken such steps as were
in his power to provide for the comfort of his followers, L'Isle
Adam caused a rigid investigation to be made into the reason
for the non-arrival of reinforcements during the siege. He had
himself upon several occasions despatched envoys from the
island to hurry on these much-required succours, but none had
ever returned. Now that he found them all reassembled at
Messina, he called for a full explanation of their conduct.
The cause alleged was the unprecedentedly tempestuous state

the Knights of Malta. 381

of the weather. From various points efforts had been made to
bring up the necessary reKef, but the incessant violent and
contrary winds which had prevailed prevented their departure.
One English knight, indeed, Thomas Newport, the bailiff of
Aquila, had persisted in the endeavour to force his way to
Bh^des in spite of every obstacle, and he fell a victim to his
temerity, the vessel with all on board having been lost on
the voyage. The explanation was accepted as satisfactory, and
the Ghrand-Master in council pronounced a fuU acquittal of the
accused.

The plague having at this jtmcture broken out amongst the
exiles, the authorities of Messina ordered L'Isle Adam to leave
the port. With the permission of the viceroy the refugees were
all transferred to the gulf of Baiae, where they remained for a
month. At the expiration of that time, the pestilence having
disappeared, they proceeded to Civita Vecchia, whence the
Grand-Master pushed on to Eome to pay a personal visit to
the Pope. He was received with the greatest distinction,
and Adrian pledged himself to use every possible exertion to
obtain for the knights a new home, where they might establish
themselves on a footing as advantageous to themselves and to
the support of Christian power in the Levant, as that which
they had held at Rhodes. These promises were unfortunately
rendered futile by the death of the pontiff, which occurred
shortly after. The honour of guarding the conclave which
was assembled for the election of a successor once more
devolved upon the knights of St. John. Qiulio di Medici
ascended the papal throne tmder the title of Clement VII.,
and great hopes were entertained that he would prove a
powerful support to the fraternity from the fact that he had
himself been a knight of St. John, the first Hospitaller who
had ever attained to the chair of St. Peter. These hopes
were to a large extent fulfilled. Clement had no sooner
assumed his new position than he reiterated all the promises
of his predecessor, and pledged himself to exert his infiuence
in obtaining a suitable home for the convent. The islands
of Elba, Cerigo, and Candia were severally named, but the
objections to each seemed insurmountable. At last the idea of
the island of Malta, with its dependency Gozo, was suggested,

382 A History of

and this seemed the proposal which met with the most general
consent.

A request was consequently made by the Gbund-Master,
supported by the authority of the Pope, to Charles V., emperor
of Germany, in whose possession these islands then were as an
ofEshoot of the kingdom of Sicily, for their transfer to the '

Order of St. John. To this application the emperor returned ^

a favourable answer, as he was delighted at the prospect of
setting up a new and formidable barrier against the aggressions
of the Turk, who, now that Ehodes had fallen, appeared likely
to threaten the kingdom of Sicily. He fettered his ofEer,
however, by two very impalatable conditions; one that the
city of Tripoli on the north coast of Africa should be coupled
with the islands, and the other that the Order should render
fealty to him. The city of Tripoli was a charge which would
greatly impede the free action of the knights, and exposed as it
was would lock up a large portion of their available force. As
regarded the question of fealty, one of the main principles
involved in the foundation of the Order was its cosmopolitan
character. Embodying within itself, as it did, members of every
nation in Europe, it was impossible that fealty should be
rendered to any one sovereign without oflEence to the others.
Still, the emperor's gift was not to be hastily rejected, and
L'Isle Adam trusted that with a little patience he might
succeed in softening the severity of the conditions.

Meanwhile a body of commissioners, eight in number, one of
each langucy was appointed to visit the islands in question, and
to report to the council then residing at Viterbo on their capa-
bilities. L'Isle Adam was the more disposed to let matters
take their course quietly and slowly, since a prospect had
suddenly developed itself of his being able to recover possession
of the city of Ehodes. Achmet pasha, to whom, as we have
already seen, the command of the Turkish army was intrusted,
upon the degradation of Mustapha, had been despatched into
Egypt to quell an insurrection there. Having succeeded in
this, his ambition prompted him to renounce allegiance to
the sultan, and to establish himself as a sovereign prince over
the kingdom. As a support in his new and insecure position,
he sought the assistance of such European powers as he con-

the Knights of Malta. 383

sidered likely to lend their aid in a movement tending to
enfeeble the Ottoman empire. To L'Isle Adam he addressed
himself more particularly, informing him that he had it within
his power to restore to the fraternity its lost stronghold of
Rhodes. The new commander of fort St. Nicholas was, he said,
a creature of his own, who, if an adequate force were landed on
the island, would surrender his post and join the invaders.
L'Isle Adam was so struck with the plausibility of the scheme
that he despatched the commander Bosio to Ehodes dis-
guised as a merchant, that he might inquire into the general
state of the island, and enter, if possible, into a negotiation with
the conmiandant of fort St. Nicholas.

This knight performed his mission with admirable tact, and
on his return to Viterbo gave a promising picture of the feasi-
bility of the enterprise. The fortifications had been left un-
repaired since the siege, and were consequently in a ruinous
condition. The Christian inhabitants of the island had found
the Turkish yoke very different from the just government of
the knights, and were eager to enter into any project for the
recovery of the fortress. The conmiandant of St. Nicholas had
pledged himself to join the movement provided it were supported
by an adequate force; it therefore only remained for L'Isle
Adam to collect sufficient troops and at once take possession of
his old home. TJnfortimately this, simple as it seemed, was
a matter involving much delay, since the Order, in its then
beggared position, did not possess the means of raising such
a force, but was compelled to seek assistance for the purpose.
This there was but little present hope of obtaining, owing to the
distracted condition of European politics. The king of France
was at that moment a prisoner in the hands of the emperor,
having been captured at the battle of Pavia, and a league was
being formed between the Pope and the rulers of France and
England to check, if possible, the overpowering advance of
Charles.

At this juncture, L'Isle Adam was requested by the regent
of France to act as an escort to the duchess of Alen^on, the
sister of the captive monarch. That fair lady trusted to her
charms, which were very great, for she was one of the most
beautiful women in Europe, and to her wit, to obtain terms for

384 A History of

the liberation of her brother less rigorous than those which the
emperor seemed determined to extort. L'Isle Adam gladly
accepted the commission, as it would enable him to obtain a
personal interview with both monarohs, an object he had much
at heart. He proceeded to Marseilles, for the purpose of
escoiiing the lovely princess to her destination. This action
gave great umbrage to the emperor's ministers in Italy, who
conceived that such a step was a declaration of support to the
French cause; they therefore at once sequestered the whole of
the Order's property in that country^. L'Isle Adam did not
aUow this arbitrary act to prevent him from pursuing the course
he had proposed; he therefore accompanied the duchess to
Madrid, and aided her with all the keenness of his political
sagacity in treating for the liberation of her brother. In this
matter he was, in fact, the more successful of the two. At the
expiration of her safe conduct she was compelled to return to
Prance, and it was after her departure that L'Isle Adam
succeeded in concluding a treaty between the two kings,
whereby Francis regained his Hberty. The favourable issue
of this negotiation, which had in vain been attempted by the
leading politicians of Europe, reflected the highest credit on
the tactics of L'Isle Adam, who now added the character of a
talented diplomatist to that he already had acquired of being
one of the leading captains in Europe. *

A heavy ransom having been one of the conditions upon
which the liberty of the French monarch depended, a general
levy was made throughout his dominions to raise the necessary
funds. The privileges of the Order of St. John exempted
its property in France from any share in this contribution,

* On the occaaioii of the first interview which took place between the
rival sovereigns after the conclusion of the treaty, L'Isle Adam being
present, both monarchs having to pass through a doorway, the emperor drew
back, offering the precedence to the king. This the latter declined.
Charles immediately appealed to the Grand-Master to decide this subtle
point of etiquette, and he extricated himself from the difficulty by the
following ingenious answer addressed to the king of France: — '*No one,
Sire, can dispute that the Emperor is the mightiest prince in Christendom,
but as you are not only in his dominions, but within his palace, it becomes
you to accept the courtesy by which he acknowledges you as the first of
European monarchs.''

the Knights of Malta. 385

still the knights were anxious to join in the good work of
releasing a monarch who had always proved himself a friend to
their interests. They therefore waived the right of exemp-
tion, and joined in the taxation on the same terms as the
other ecclesiastical bodies in the realm, merely requiring from
the king letters patent, declaratory of the fact that this contribu-
tion was perfectly voluntary, and was, under no circumstances,
to be treated as a precedent. A deed to that efPect was signed
by the king at St. Germain, on the 19th March, 1527.

This matter having been settled, L'Isle Adam availed him-
self of the opportunity afforded by the presence of the two
sovereigns, to submit his project for the recapture of Ehodes.
The emperor entered warmly into the scheme, and ofEered a
contribution of 26,000 crowns, at the same time informing the
Grand-Master that, should this design fail, he might still
accept the island of Malta. Gladdened by the success of his
mission, L'Isle Adam left Spain in 1526 and proceeded to France,
where he trusted to obtain additional assistance for the under-
taking. Whilst there he was informed that Henry VIII. was
much piqued at the fact that he should neglect to pay a personal
visit to the court of England as he had done in Spain and
France, and was therefore seizing upon the revenues of the
Order, and also demanding from the knights of the English
langue military service in his garrison of Calais. Undeterred
by the severity of the winter and his own age, L'Isle Adam
decided on at once proceeding to London to mollify the offended
potentate. He therefore despatched the commander, Bosio, to
cardinal Wolsey, to inform him of the intended visit. Henry,
appeased by this mark of deference, directed that he should be
received with all honour, and every preparation was made to
give a hearty welcome to the hero of Rhodes. After having
reposed for some days at the priory of Clerkenwell, L'Isle
Adam paid his respects at the palace, where he was received
with the most gracious cordiality. To assist him in his design
upon Rhodes, Henry promised him the sum of 20,000 crowns,
which he afterwards gave in the form of artillery. He at the
same time suspended all his obnoxious proceedings against the
fraternity.

The Grand-Master now returned to Italy, trusting to be at

26

386 A History of

length enabled to organize his expeditionary force. There he
found everything in a state of the utmost confusion. The Pope
had drawn down upon himself the vengeance of the emperor by
joining in the league against him. The constable de Bourbon,
who was that monarch's commander in Italy, had imder Charles's
direction led his troops to Eome, where, having carried the city
by storm, he handed it over to pillage. After holding out for a
month in the castle of St. Angelo, the Pope was himself cap-
tured and taken away prisoner to Naples. This political storm
completely destroyed the prospects of the knights, and it was
not until nearly two years afterwards, when peace had been
signed between the emperor and the Pope, that the Qxand-
Master was able to gain any further hearing on behalf of the
interests of his fraternity. During this protracted interval the
favourable opportunity was lost. Achmet pasha had been
assassinated, the plots of the Ehodians discovered, and con-
sequently all hope of success in that quarter was over. It only
remained to revert to the original project of the occupation of
Malta, and the Pope, who was now reconciled to the emperor,
exerted his influence for the abatement of the distasteful
conditions on which the islands had been originsJly offered.

The result of his interposition was that an act of donation
received the imperial signature at Syr£M3use on the 24th of
March, 1530, by which deed Charles vested in the Order of St.
John the complete and perpetual sovereignty of the islands of
Malta and Grozo, and the city of Tripoli, together with all their
castles and fortresses. The only conditions attached to the gift
were that the knights should never make war upon the kingdom
of Sicily ; that they should annually present a falcon to the
viceroy as an acknowledgment; that the nomination to the
bishopric of Malta should be vested in the emperor from
amongst three candidates to be selected for that purpose by the
Grand-Master; that this dignitary should have a seat in the
council ranking next in precedence to him ; together with several
other minor clauses touching the extradition of Sicilian criminal
refugees, and the selection of commanders to the galleys of the
Order in the Mediterranean. The whole concluded with a
proviso that should the brethren at any time desire to abandon
the islands, they were not to transfer them to any other power

the Knights of Malta. 387

"without the previoufi knowledge and consent of the emperor.*
Such were the terms upon which, after much negotiation, Charles
was at length induced to surrender the then almost valueless
islands of Malta and Gozo to a community whose indefatigable
perseverance and lavish expenditure were destined to convert the
former into one of the most powerful fortresses in the world.

This deed was presented to the commander Bosio by the
emperor in person, and that knight instantly hurried off to
place the precious document in the hands of the Grand-Master.
During the journey he met with an accident from the over-
turning of his carriage, and the ignorance of an unskilful
surgeon caused a comparatively trivial injury to terminate
f ataUy. Feeling his end at hand, and knowing the anxiety of
his chief on the subject of the Maltese donation, he sent the
deed forward imder charge of a Ehodian gentleman by whom
he had been accompanied.

The gift of the emperor was promptly confirmed by a papal
bull, on the receipt of which L'Isle Adam sent two knights of
the grand-cross to Sicily to receive from the viceroy a formal
investiture of the territory. Ab soon as this ceremony was
completed, they proceeded to take possession of their new
acquisition, and to place members of the fraternity in command
of the various posts when handed over to them. A dispute
arose with the viceroy on the subject of the free exportation
of com and the privilege of coining money within the new
possession, which prevented the Grand-Master from proceeding
to Malta for some months. These difficulties were at length
adjusted, and then he at once set sail from Syracuse, and
landed safely in his new home.

The fixBt view which greeted the wanderers wae certainly not
reassuring or attractive. Accustomed as they had been to the
luxuriant verdure of Rhodes, the fertility of which had gained
it the title of the garden of the Levant, they were but ill-
prepared for the rocky and arid waste which met their eyes in
Malta. Few persons who now behold the island, occupied as it
is with the commerce of Europe and Asia, presenting a busy
scene of wealth and prosperity, with its massive defences rising
in frowning tiers around its harbours, can picture to themselves

• Vide Appendix No. 9.

26*

388 A History of

the desolate and unprotected rock which fell into the possession
of the Order of St. John in the year 1530.

The antecedent history of Malta is not important, and may be
very briefly narrated. It was originally colonized by the Phoeni-
cians, and in many parts it is rich in remains of that people.
About 765 B.C. the Grreeks, returning from the siege of Troy,
overran the Mediterranean, founded some cities in Calabria,
and amongst other acquisitions established themselves in Malta,
driving out the Phoenicians. Prior to this event the island
had been known by the name of Ogygia, which was now
changed into that of Melitas. It remained in the undisturbed
possession of the Greeks for 200 years, at the expiration of
which period the Carthaginians disputed with them its
sovereignty, and eventucdly succeeded in wresting it from
their hands. In the second Punic war Sempronius established
the dominion of Rome in Malta, driving out its Carthaginian
inhabitants. The Greeks were, however, allowed to remain,
and their laws and customs were not interfered with. The
island was attached to the government of Sicily, and was ruled
by a pro-prsetor or deputy governor, dependent on that pro-
vince. Whilst under Roman sway, Malta attained a high pitch
of civilization and refinement. Situated in the centre of the
Mediterranean, within a short distance from the shores of three
continents, it speedily became a thriving mart for much of the
commerce of Rome. Its manufactures of cotton and linen, and
its public buildings — chiefly temples erected in honour of its
favourite deities — were justly celebrated throughout that part of
the world. On the division of the Roman empire, the island of
Malta fell to the lot of Constantino, and from that moment its
decadence may be flrst dated. In the fifth century it was seized
successively by the Vandals and Goths; and although in
the next century, Belisarius, the general of Justinian, drove out
the barbarians, and once more established Roman dominion,
the island never recovered its former prosperity.

The rapid spread of Mahometanism in the eighth and ninth
centuries brought Malta imder the sway of the Saracens, who,
in the early portion of the latter century, exterminated the Greek
population, and established a government in their place depend-
ent on the emir of Sicily. Much that is Saracenic, both in

the Knights of Malta. 389

building and language, still remainB to mark this period of
occupation. Indeed, the Maltese may be'said, as a race, to par-
take more of the Arabic than of the Italian type to this day.
At the close of the eleventh century, count Rdger, the Norman,
expelled the Saracens, and established a principality in Sicily
and Malta, which was subsequently converted into a monarchy
imder his grandson. From that time the island followed the
fortunes of the kingdom of Sicily through many changes of
dominion, until at length both f ^11 into the possession of Spain
after the tragedy of the Sicilian Vespers.

Its decadence during these successive stages had been con-
tinuous, and when the emperor handed it over to L'Isle Adam
there was not much left to tempt the cupidity or aggression of
neighbouring powers. It contained neither river nor lake, and
Ivas very deficient in springs. Its surface was almost bare
rock, with but little earth, and its vegetation was in consequence
poor and insignificant. Scarce a tree was to be seen throughout
the islemd, with the exception of a few caroubas and shumacks,
and the eye roamed in vain for a patch of green to relieve the
glare of the white rock.* The wretched villages in which the
inhabitants dwelt, termed casals, partook of the general air of
poverty and misery which everywhere prevailed. Its western
side was rugged and inhospitable, offering no shelter to ship-
ping, or even to boats, but the east and north were broken up
into numberless creeks and harbours, some of which were of
sufficient capacity to afford anchorage to the largest fleets.

This was, indeed, the great point of attraction to the
knights. They had for so many years been accustomed to
look to maritime enterprise as the principal source from whence
their wealth and prosperity were to be derived, they had made
their name so widely known, and so highly esteemed in the
waters of the Mediterranean, that they were not prepared
willingly to resign the position which their naval superiority
had given them by the establishment of their new home in any

* This deficiency of trees still exists to a great extent, although of
late years efforts have been made by successive governors to supply the
want, by which it is hoped to mitigate the severity of the summer drought.
These efforts are not very warmly seconded by the inhabitants, nor,
indeed, looked on with much favour by them, as they hold strongly by the
doctrine that much foliage breeds fever.

390 A History of

locality •which did not afford them facilities for pursoing their
favourite calling. This, and this alone, was the motive which
induced them to accept the island of Malta, and to establish on
it their convent. Nature had done everything, both in the
central position of the island and in the configuration of its
eastern coast, to render it suitable for naval enterprise, and L'Isle
Adam determined to strain every nerve to remedy the numerous
disadvantages under which it otherwise laboured.

It would have seemed a sufficiently desolate outlook for the
Order had it received these islands without conditions, but the
emperor, who well knew how to make the best of a bargain,
had insisted on the occupation of the city of Tripoli as an
absolute condition of their transfer. The report of the com-
missioners despatched to inspect this new acquisition was
eminently discouraging. Situated at a distance of more than
200 miles from Malta and surrounded by piratical enemies, it
was not only scantily fortified at the time, but what was far
worse, seemed incapable of receiving much accession to its
strength. The sandy nature of the soil, presenting a very
treacherous foundation, rendered the erection of ramparts and
the sinking of ditches a matter of extreme difficulty, if not
absolutely impracticable. It was to be feared, therefore, that
any garrison which the knights might despatch for the
protection of the place would run great risk of being over-
whelmed before succour could reach them. They felt, how-
ever, that in this matter they had no choice. The only
course for them to pursue, was to endeavour, by the utmost
exercise of skill and energy, to counterbalance the natural
disadvantages of this most unwelcome addition to their re-
sponsibiUties.

The day on which L^Isle Adam landed in Malta was the
26th October, 1530, and he at once assumed sovereign power
over the islands. At the entrance to the Citti Notabile,
an insignificant collection of small houses, surrounded by a
feeble fortification on the summit of a hill, but which ranked,
nevertheless, as the chief town, he was arrested by the
authorities imtil he had sworn upon the holy cross, the symbol
of his religion, that he would preserve the privileges of the
inhabitants, and govern them in accordance with their ancient

the Knights of Malta, 39 1

laws. The keys were then presented to him, and he made
his entry amidst the acclamations of the people, who trusted,
and not without reason, that a new aera was about to dawn
on them under the vigorous sway of the Hospital.*

The first care which occupied L'lsle Adam on his arrival at
Malta was the selection of a suitable and defensible position for
his convent.. The fortifications which he found existing were
of the most paltry description. The Oitti Notabile was indeed
surrounded by a rampart and ditch, but of so miserable a
character as to be almost worthless. The only other attempt
at a defensive work was a little fort, called St. Angelo, which,
although considered the main protection to the island and its
harbours, was very feeble, and only armed with two or
three smaU pieoes of artiUeiy.

In order the better to comprehend the locality here referred
to, and the alterations which were carried into effect under the
directions of the Grand-Master, it will be well to enter into a
short description of this part of the island. The main harbour
is divided into two parts by an elevated and rugged promontory
projecting from the mainland in a north-easterly direction,
and called Mount Sceberras. The height of this tongue of
land is such as to give it command over all the surroimding
points. The eastern of the two ports thus formed is in its turn
divided into three creeks by two minor promontories which jut
out from the mainland on its eastern shore. Of these two
peninsulas the one nearest the entrance of the harbour was that
on the extremity of which stood fort St. Angelo. Behind the
fort, and extending back as far as the mainland, was a small
town, or rather village, known by the name of the Bourg. The
other promontory was called St. Julian, and was not in any
way occupied. The western harbour, which did not present
such facilities for safe anchorage as the main port, contained
within it an island which greatly interfered with its use. It
was further much subdivided by the sinuosities of its coast line.
On this side there was no attempt at any work of defence or
even habitation.

The practised eye of L'lsle Adam was not long in perceiving

* A picture hangs in the palace ut Malta representing this scene, an
engraving from which is here given.

392 A History of

the advantages of the positioii of Mount Soeheiras, dominating,
as it did, both harbours, and owing to its formation secure from
attack, except on the land side. Here he naturally thought
of establishing his convent, and fortifying the promontory,
but unfortunately the funds necessary for such an undertaking
were not forthcoming. The Order had for the preceding eight
years led a wandering life, accompanied by a large body of
Ehodians, to the number of nearly 4,000. Most of these had
subsisted. mainly on the charity of the fraternity, which was
distributed to them under the name of the bread of Bhodes.
This expenditure had gone far towards exhausting the public
treasury, so that L'Isle Adam now found himself absolutely
imable to carry out any work of magnitude, even though it
might clearly prove to be of the most vital necessity. He
therefore decided upon establishing himself, aa a temporary
measure, in the fort of St. Angelo, and fixing the convent in the
adjacent Bourg. Such additions to the defences of the fort as
his means permitted were at once constructed, and a line of
intrenchment was drawn across the head of the promontory
where it joined the mainland, so as to enclose the Bourg, and
cover it as far as possible from the surrounding heights.

The Qrand-Master was at this moment the less disposed to
undertake any costly work in Malta because he still clung to
the hope of establishing his convent in some more advantageous
position. When the commander, Bosio, had visited Rhodes with
the object of ascertaining the feelings of its inhabitants, he had
at the same time opened negotiations in the town of Modon.*
This was a port in the Morea which had been captured by the
Turks some few years before the last siege of Bhodes. The
position of the town rendered it well adapted for maritime
enterprise, and L'Isle Adam was the more anxious to obtain
possession of it since its proximity to Rhodes would enable him
to take the first favourable opportunity for recovering his old
home. Two renegades, one the commandant of the port and
the other the head of the custom house, had notified to Bosio
their willingness to assist the knights in seizing the place, pro-
vided a sufficient force were despatched to make success a
certainty.

* Now called Methone. It is a Httle south of Navarino.

the Knights of Malta. 393

On the 17th of Augiist, 1531, L'lale Adam sent forth a fleet
of eight galleys, under the oommand of Salviati, grand-prior
of Borne, to attempt the capture. On arriving near Modon,
Salviati hid his squadron in a sheltered creek in the island of
Sapienza, which lies oS the mouth of the harbour. He at the
same time smuggled into the port two brigantines, ostensibly
laden with timber, beneath which lay concealed a body of
soldiers. The renegades, faithful to their promise, admitted
these vessels, and the commandant, in order further to facili-
tate the seizure of the town, plied the janissaries of his
garrison with wine until they were reduced to a state of
helpless intoxication. At break of day the troops landed from
their hiding places, massacred the drunken guard, and obtained
possession of the principal gate of the city. A gun was then
fired as a signal to the rest of the fleet to shew themselves and
follow up the advantage which had been gained. A strong
south-west wind was blowing, and this being directly con-
trary, prevented Salviati from hearing the report. Several
hours were thus lost before any succour arrived. Meanwhile,
the governor of the city, recovering from his first panic, and
seeing how slender the force was by which he was attacked,
collected the townspeople and led them on against the intruders.
These were well-nigh overpowered, when at length, Salviati,
who had been summoned from his hiding place by a boat des-
patched for the purpose, made his appearance, and once more
turned the fortunes of the day. The Turks were driven into
the citadel, and the remainder of the town fell into the hands
of the knights. Unfortimately, a body of 6,000 men lay
encamped within a few miles of Modon. A request for aid
having been sent to them by the governor beleaguered in the
citadel, they soon made their appearance and compelled the
invaders to retire. Before embarking on board their gaUeys,
however, they completely sacked the town and carried off a
vast amount of plimder, as well as 800 unhappy Turks as
prisoners. Thus laden they returned to Malta.

The failure of this enterprise destroyed the last hope which
L'Isle Adam had entertained of finding a more congenial home
than Malta. Nothing, therefore, remained but to take such
further measiires as should best insure security to his convent.

394 ^ History of

Many additions were made to the fortifications and armament of
St. Angelo. The ramparts surrounding the Bourg, now begin-
ning to grow from a poor little village into a considerable town,
were strengthened by the addition of detached works. The
fortifications of the Cittd. Notabile were restored and increased,
and its protection intrusted to an ample garrison. At Tripoli
similar precautions were taken. A vessel having arrived from
England laden with artillery, the present of Henry VIII. to
the Order, which has been already mentioned, a portion of its
cargo was despatched thither to add to the armament of that
exposed station.

A chapter-general was at this time convened in which were
decreed several reforms rendered highly necessary by the
degeneracy of the fraternity. A material change had been for
a long time past gradually developing itself in the feelings and
aspirations of those who sought to assume the badge of the
White Cross. The religious element, which had for so long pre-
dominated in the constitution of the brethren and in the lives
of the members, had almost entirely died out. True, there was
the same outward observance of the ceremonies of their creed.
Each postulant still took the three monastic vows. He was still
told to consider himself a poor soldier of Jesus Christ, and to
dedicate his life to the defence of his faith and the relief of the
poor. These exhortations, however, had gradually come to be
regarded in the light of a mere form. The knights of St. John
had, on so many a battle-field and behind so many a well-de-
fended rampart, earned for themselves a glorious reputation, that
the badge of their founder, the White Cross of Gerard — originally
assumed as a token of Christian humility, and an emblem of the
eight cardinal virtues — ^was now coveted as a decoration which
marked its wearer as a member of one of the proudest and most
celebrated institutions of the age. Worldly aspirations and
worldly dignities had long since taken the place of those
celestial rewards which in earlier times had been the object of the
postulants' ambition. It is true, that whenever an attack was made
either on their religion or their home, the knights of St. John
were still ready to shed the last drop of their blood in defence of
both, but the religious enthusiasm which had nerved so many of
their predecessors during the desperate struggles of the twelfth

the Knights of Malta. 395

and thirteenth oenturies had vanished, or at most, only shewed
itself in very feeble and fitful flashes. In its place, the haughty
bearing and the arrogant assumption of a prosperous military
fraternity, priding itself as much on its wealth and territorial
power as on its warlike achievements, gradually became the
distinguishing characteristics of the Order.

L'Isle Adam had watched with sorrow the rapid advance of
this decadence, which the events of late years had much accele*
rated. The last days of his life were, from this cause, doomed
to be spent amidst scenes of domestic strife and political discord.
Well would it have been for him had he fallen gloriously during
the memorable siege so imperishably connected with his name.
It was, however, otherwise decreed, and he was fated to pass
his last hours in the midst of turmoil most distressing to his
noble heart.

One subject of dispute sprang from the succession to the
newly-created bishopric of Malta. By the act of donation
already referred to Charles had reserved to himself and his
successors the right of nomination to this post by selection from
amongst three candidates to be named by the fraternity. When
the first vacancy occurred the Qrand-Master was most desirous
that the dignity should be conferred on Thomas Bosio, the
brother of the commander whose diplomatic services have been
BO frequently mentioned. He was already vice-chancellor of
the Order, but L'Isle Adam thought that the late commander's
services should be repaid by raising his brother to a stiU higher
dignity. He therefore named him as one of the three candi-
dates for the vacant post, and at the same time wrote a pressing
letter to the Pope, entreating him to use his influence with the
emperor to obtain the appointment for Bosio. This the Pope
promptly did, and received a reply from the emperor assuring
him that his request should be complied with. A considerable
delay, however, took place before the nomination was made
public, but eventually the deed selecting Bosio for the vacant
office was deposited in the hands of the ambassador of the
fraternity then resident at the court of the emperor. All seemed
now satisfactorily arranged. The Gfrand-Master despatched Bosio
to Eome with the emperor's deed of nomination, and with in-
structions to tender his chief's thanks for the share his Holiness

396 A History of

had taken in the matter. What was the oonstemation of the
bishop designate when the Pope announced to him that he had
abready appointed another person.

The object Clement had in view by thus nullifying his own
request is not very clear. It probably arose, in the first place,
from pique at the delay of the emperor in acceding to his
wishes, and afterwards from a desire to retain so valuable a
piece of patronage in his own hands. All remonstrance on the
part either of the emperor or the Gband-Master was unavailing,
and the dispute remained imsettled until the death of the Pope
three years later. His successor, Paul III., anxious to conciliate
the emperor, eventually confirmed the appointment to Bosio.

This solution of the afPair did not, however, take place till

after the death of L'Isle Adam, so that the disappointment he

experienced in his attempt to provide for the brother of one who

had rendered such great services to the fraternity still remained

to embitter his last moments. Another dark cloud which at

this time gathered over him was the loss with which the Order

was threatened in England through the religious revolution

then taking place in that country. Long before Henry VHI.

had renounced his allegiance to the Church of Bome he had

displayed symptoms of greed against the English langue. The

haughty monarch could iU brook that so many broad acres should

be held in his own land by a power which yielded him no

allegiance, and he had more than once availed himself of the

most flimsy pretexts to encroach upon the property of the

Hospital. Now, however, he had thrown aside the mask

and placed himself at the head of the religious movement which

had for years been fermenting within his kingdom, and he soon

shewed that he purposed nothing short of the complete spoliation

of the langue. His measures to that effect did not receive

their final development during the life of L'Isle Adam; stiU,

enough was apparent to leave him full of anxious forebodings

for the future.

He was further fated before his death to become the witness
of a disturbance within his convent of a nature so serious as
almost to endanger the existence of the brotherhood. The
quarrel originated in a dispute between one of the secular
retainers of the grand-prior of Eome and a young knight of the

tJie Knights of Malta. 397

langue of Provence. A duel ensued, in which the knight was
killed, not without grave suspicions of treachery on the part
of his opponent. Several of the Proven9al knights, under this
impression, sought out the ofEending party. Finding him
surrounded by his friends, a struggle ensued, in which some of
the Italians were wounded and the remainder driven to seek
refuge in the palace of the grand-prior. The members of that
dignitary's household, who were very numerous, enraged at this
attack upon their countrymen, armed themselves and sallied
forth for vengeance. Without distinguishing the ofEending
Proven9al knights from those of the other French hngues^ they
assaulted them all indiscriminately. As there was always an
under-current of discontent at the predominance of the French
element permeating the convent, the Italians soon found them-
selves joined by the members of the Spanish and Portuguese
kngues, and thus a regular civil war broke out. The prior of
Eome did his best to appease the tumult. He placed under
arrest and confined in his galley those of his suite who had been
guilty of this breach of the peace. That step was not, however,
considered by the French knights to be a sufficient reparation.
They therefore attacked the galley of the prior, and laying
hands on the prisoners murdered four of them in cold blood.
This lawless proceeding at once revived the discord, and a
regular engagement between the antagonistic langues took
place in the streets of the Bourg. In vain the Grand-Master
despatched message after message to the combatants directing
them to disperse under threat of the severest penalties. His
menaces were unheeded, and the remainder of the day was
spent in strife and confusion. Towards night, however, the
bailiff of Manosque, who was possessed of great influence with
both the rival factions, succeeded by personal intervention in
quelling the disorder and dispersing the combatants.

Severe measures were necessary for the punishment of so
serious an outbreak, and L'Isle Adam directed a searching
investigation to be made to detect the ringleaders. The result
of this inquiry led to the expulsion of four knights on account
of the murders committed on board the galley of the grand-
prior of Rome. Bosio, the Italian historian, asserts that several
of the most guilty were condemned to death, and thrown into

398 A History of the Knights of Malta.

the sea in sacks. None of the other historians, however, make
such a statement, nor is it confirmed by the criminal records
of the Order. There it appears that four French knights,
named respectively de Fisde, Begnault, d'Orleans, and de
Vareques were deprived of their habits in the month of May,
1533, the two first for having killed four men in a galley, and
the other two for being ringleaders in a tumult, and causing
the death of the above four men. Ab, however, it was the
custom of the fraternity, when capital punishment was deemed
advisable, to deprive the culprit of Us habit, and then to hand
him over to the civil tribunal to be dealt with as an ordinajy
malefactor, it is possible that in the present instance that step
was taken. In any case, the punishment inflicted seems to
have had the required effect of restoring peace to the convent.

It was amid scenes such as these that L'Isle Adam brought
his long and glorious life to a close. A violent fever eventually
induced that end which he had so often braved, but always
escaped, at the hand of the Moslem. On the 22nd August, 1534,
he expired, aged upwards of seventy years, to the intense grief
of the whole community. Never had the fraternity sustained so
signal a loss, and never was a chief more sincerely mourned.
The heroism and grandeur of his character were such that the
clouds of adversity only set it forth in greater lustre. The
gallant defence of Ehodes, although ending in the worst
disaster that had occurred since the loss of Jerusalem, has been
so imperishably connected with him, that he has become more
distinguished by his conduct during that calamitous epoch than
many a successful leader. The skill in diplomacy which gained
for his convent its new home in Malta has associated him
inseparably with that island. Amid the long list of Gfrand-
Masters whose names are written on the page of history, none
have excelled, and but few have equalled, John VUliers de
L'Isle Adam.

CHAPTEE XVI.
1534—1665.

Election of Peter Dupont — Expedition against Tunis — ^Didier de St. Gilles —
John D'Omedes — Expedition against Algiers — Turkish descent on
Malta — ^Jioss of Tripoli — Destruction of the Order in England — Leo
Strozzi — ^Attack on Zoara — Death of D*Oniedes and election of La
Sangle — ^Hurricane at Malta — Accession of La Valette — Expedition
to Galves — Siege of Mers el Kebir by the Turks— Preparations by
Solyman for an attack on Malta — Arrangements for defence.

The council assembled for the purpose of electing a successor to
their deceased chief, nominated Peter Dupont, a member of a
Fiedmontese family, to that office. At the time of his election,
Dupont was residing in his grand-priory of Calabria, and it
was with extreme reluctance that he accepted the supreme
dignity. He felt that his great age made him unfit for the
onerous duties of a Grand-Master at the periloiis crisis in which
the affairs of the Order were then involved. Eventually his
scruples were overcome, and he set out for Malta to assume
his new dignity.

The dangerous position in which the garrison of Tripoli stood
rendered the maintenance of that post a subject of anxious
consideration to the new Gh*and-Master, and he turned his eyes
towards Charles V., then by far the most powerful potentate in
Europe, for assistance in its protection. Charles had originallj
bestowed this unwelcome gift on the knights, partly to escape
the expense of its maintenance, and partly in the hope that the
establishment of the Order of St. John in that spot might act
aa a check upon the piratical enterprises of the surrounding
princes. He was therefore well disposed to render every
assistance in his power, and as a matter of fact the appeal of

400 A History of

Dupont reached Madrid at a moment when the emperor was
himself actuallj contemplating a descent upon Africa.

The northern coasts of that continent abutting on the
Mediterranean had first been occupied by the Arabs during
the latter part of the seventh century. The coimtry had since
then graduaUy become subdivided into several Hngdoms, of
which Morocco, Algiers, and Tunis were the most important.
These principalities were now inhabited by a mixed race
comprised of Arabs, negroes, and Moors, the latter having been
driven there from Spain during the preceding two centuries.
Until of late these petty kingdoms had not interfered in the
politics of Europe, and their very existence was but little
known and as little cared for.

At the commencement of the sixteenth century a revolu-
tion took place which materially altered their position. Two
of the four sons of a Turkish inhabitant of Mitylene, named
Home and Hayradin, prompted by a love of adventure, had
abandoned their father's island and joined themselves to a
crew of pirates. Their daring and skiU in this new calling soon
raised them to the command of the band, and they gradually
augmented their forces imtil they became masters of a fleet of
twelve large galleys, besides smaller craft. Calling themselves
the Friends of the Sea and Enemies of all who sailed thereon,
they scoured the Mediterranean and rendered their names
terrible in every part of its waters. These brothers were known
by the surname of Barbarossa, from their red beards. Home
Barbarossa was recognized as the supreme chief ; at the same
time the power of Ha3n:adin Barbarossa was but little inferior.
Increasing in ambition as their control extended, they at length
sought the acquisition of a new port whence they might carry
on their buccaneering expeditions in security.

An opportimity was not long in presenting itself. The king of
Algiers had called in Home to support him in a war with a
neighbouring chief, and the freebooter took the opportunity of
dethroning and murdering his ally, and of establishing him-
self in his place. To render his position the more secure, he
placed his new acquisition imder the protection of the Turkish
sultan, to whom he tendered the homage of a tributary prince.
It accorded well with the ambitious views of the Ottoman emperor

r

the Knights of Malta. ^--^^^ 401

to add these extensive provinces to his power; he therefore
accepted the proffered homage, and promised his support to
the self-elected usurper.

In the year 1618, Homo fell in an action against the marquis
de Comares, the Spanish governor of Oran, and his brother
Hayradin ascended the vacant throne. The fame of his naval
exploits having reached Constantinople, the sultan appointed
him commander-in-chief of the Turkish fleet. Thereupon
Barbarossa repaired in haste to that city, full of a new project
of aggrandizement which had presented itself to his ambition.
The king of Tunis had died leaving behind him a flourishing
family of no less than thirty-four sons, of whom the youngest,
named Muley Hassan, had been named by the late king as his
successor owing to the influence of his mother. As soon as
the nomination had been declared, Muley Hassan poisoned his
father, and ascending the throne promptly put to death as
many of his brothers as he could get into his power.

Al Baschid, one of the eldest, succeeded in making
his escape, and fled to Algiers to implore the protection of
Barbarossa. This wily chief at once promised his support,
and took the fugitive to Constantinople, where he trusted to
obtain means from the sultan for the prosecution of his design,
which was simply to make use of the claims of Al Easohid to
secure the kingdom of Tunis for himself. The sultan readily
adopted his scheme, and gave him the command of a powerful
fleet, with an ample land force. Thus armed, Hayradin
set sail, the unfortunate Al Easchid being meanwhile retained a
prisoner in the seraglio at Constantinople. Arrived off Tunis,
he succeeded in obtaining possession of the fort of G-oletta,
through the treachery of its commander. That work com-
manded the bay, and on it the protection of the town entirely
depended. Possessed of this important point, Barbarossa soon
effected an entrance into Timis, asserting throughout that
the object of his attack was the restoration of Al Easchid.
Once fairly established he threw off the mask, and caused
himself to be proclaimed king. Muley Hassan, who had fled
at his approach, proceeded direct to Madrid, and there implored
Charles to aid him in the recovery of his kingdom.

This application was made at the same time that the Qrand-

27

402 A History of

Master Dapont was also requesting assistanoe in the same
direction. The emperor, therefore, was induced to imdertake
an enterprise with the object of establishing a friendly power
in the neighbourhood of Tripoli, in lieu of that of the dreaded
Barbarossa. This expedition he determined on directing in
person, and the whole power of his empire was laid under con-
tribution to insure its successful prosecution. The army was
composed of contingents from Italy, Germany, and Spain,
whilst the fleet, commanded by Andrew Doria, the greatest
naval officer of the age, was numerous and well equipped.
The knights of St. John contributed to the force, four large
galleys, eighteen smaller vessels, and the great carrack of the
Order.

The army, which numbered 30,000 men, landed without
opposition on the shore of Tunis, in close proximity to the
fort of Goletta. This work was now garrisoned by 6,000
Turks, imder the command of a renegade Jew named Sinan,
the most able and daring of Barbarossa's lieutenants. The
siege was opened in form, and after its ramparts had been
duly breached, it was carried by storm, the knights as usual
occupying the van, and rivalling their ancient fame by the
valour with which they headed the assaulting columns, and
seized the obstinately defended breach.

Barbarossa was both surprised and dismayed at the loss of
this bulwark. Garrisoned as it was by the flower of his anny,
and defended by so daring a spirit as his lieutenant Sinan, he
thought it impregnable. Now that it had fallen, the road
to Tunis lay entirely open to the conqueror. The whole of
Barbarossa's fleet, together with an enormous accumulation of
military stores, fell, by this success, into the hands of Charles,
who, as he entered the fort, turned to Muley Hassan, then
in attendance on him, and said, " Here is the gate open for
you by which you shall return to take possession of your
kingdom."

Barbarossa had assembled a large force, principally composed
of Moors and Arabs from the neighboiLring tribes, but he soon
found that little confidence was to be placed either in their
valour or fidelity. With such an army he considered that it
would be unwise to attempt a defence of Tunis, or to await the

1

the Knights of Malta. 403

emperor's arrival before its walls. He determined, therefore,
upon advanoing boldly to meet the Christians on the open plain,
where his wild horsemen might be made more available than
they oould be behind the ramparts of the town. He had,
however, one great source of uneasiness in the presence of
no less than 10,000 slaves within the place. Barbarossa
dreaded that they would avail themselves of this critical
juncture to rise and regain their freedom, imless he left a large
force to guard them. This, under the circumstances, he did
not feel able to afford. So, with the ruthless barbarity which
had marked every step in his career, he proposed a general
massacre of the whole body, as the quickest and safest method
of overcoming the difficulty. To this sanguinary suggestion
he encountered a strong opposition from all his partisans.
The atrocious and cowardly brutality of the scheme was
too great even for the piratical horde whom Barbarossa
had assembled beneath his banner; added to which their
interests were as much opposed to the measure as their
humanity. The Jew Sinan was the owner of many of them,
and several other leaders were in a similar position. They
therefore resisted this suggestion for the wholesale destruction
of their property so strenuously that Barbarossa was forced
to abandon the idea, and to sally forth to meet the emperor,
leaving the body of slaves as well guarded as his limited
means permitted.

The action which ensued was hardly worthy of the name.
Although the forces of Barbarossa far exceeded those of the
emi)eror in point of numbers, they were not to be compared
with the latter in discipline or steadiness. The very first onset
decided the day, nor could the utmost efforts of the Algerine
rally his flying battalions. The rout became general, and
the usurper hastened to re-enter Tunis so as to take proper
measures for its defence. Here he found that his original
fears with regard to the Christian captives had proved well
founded. As soon as they discovered the departure of the main
f oroe, they had risen on their g^uards, recovered their freedom,
and seized upon the citadel, which they now held against the
retreating Barbarossa. Amongst these captives was a knight
of St. John, named Simeoni, the same who, in earlier youth,

27*

404 A History of

had greatly distinguished himself in the defence of the island
of LeroB against a Turkish force. This knight immediately
placed himself at the head of the revolting slaves, and took
such prompt measures that the whole city fell into his hands.
Barbarossa was compelled to fly, and his troops rapidly dis-
persed.

Simeoni advanced to meet the emperor, and informed him
of what he had done. Charles, who was overjoyed at this
unlooked-for assistance, embraced him with warmth, and
praised him in the most emphatic manner for the intrepidity
and discretion with which he had acted. Muley Hassan
was restored to his throne as a tributary of Spain, and the
expedition being thus happily ended, the knights returned to
Malta laden with substantial marks of the emperor^ satisfaction.
They arrived there in time to see the last of their chief, who
died shortly afterwards, having wielded the baton of Grrand-
Master for little more than one year.

lie was succeeded by Didier de St. Grilles, a French knight,
whose short reign was tmdistinguished by any event of im-
portance beyond the destruction of a fort called Alcade, which
the Algerines had constructed close to Tripoli. Botigella, to
whom had been confided the command of the fleet of the Order
in the late expedition, was intinisted with this enterprise, and
the complete success which crowned his efforts marked the
wisdom of the choice. The fort was utterly destroyed in
spite of every effort on the part of the Algerines to save it,
and the expedition returned in triumph to Malta.

St. Gilles himself never reached the ch^-lieu after his nomina-
tion, but died at Montpellier, where he was residing for the
benefit of his health. The vacancy which thus occurred gave
rise to a warm contention in the election of a successor. The
two commanders, Botigella and De Qrolee, the latter of whom
had led the assault on the fort of GFoletta, were considered to
have an equally good claim upon the suffrages of the electors.
The Spaniards, however, whose influence in the convent had
of late wonderfully increased, owing to the power of their
emperor, were determined that a knight of their own langtie
'fehould be chosen. They succeeded in oairying their point,
and John D'Omedes, of the langvs of Aragon, was nominated

the Knights of Malta. 405

to the post. Although his claims were by no means equal to
those of either Botigella or Dq Grol^e, he had nevertheless
greatly distinguished himself during the siege of Ehodes, where
he had lost an eye whilst defending the Spanish quarter.

The memory of D'Omedes has been much vilified by the
French historians, and apparently somewhat undeservedly.
These writers had evidently been imbued with warm feelings
of partisanship in the struggle between the emperor and their
own king. Everything Spanish was, therefore, regarded by
them with a jaundiced eye, and the memory of D'Omedes,
whose election was of itself calculated to awaken jealousy, has
borne the brunt of this unfavourable bias. At the same time
it must be admitted that some of his acts were arbitrary and
unjustifiable, and that he was too often influenced by a partiality
for his own nation.

A feeling of jealousy against his late rival Botigella,
prompted him to remove that knight from the command of
the galleys. In his place he appointed a yotmg Florentine,
named Strozzi, who in after years became notorious as one
of the most adventurous and daring corsairs in the Mediter-
ranean. At the time of his appointment he had done but little
to distinguish himself, and his claims for the post were not
for one moment to be compaxed with those of Botigella. The
real reason of the change was that D'Omedes did not consider it
safe to continue so important a trust in the hands of a man who
had been his disappointed competitor, and whom he suspected
of being still violently inimical.

The condition of the city of Tripoli had never ceased to give
rise to feelings of anxiety. Though everything had been done
that the limited means of the Order admitted, the place was
still but feebly fortified. Each succeeding governor, as he
returned to Malta, impressed upon the council the necessity of
taking further steps to strengthen the place. These represen-
tations became at length so urgent that the Qrand-Master
appealed to the emperor either to assist in increasing its
strength or to permit the knights to abandon it. The reply of
Charles to this petition was a demand on them to join him in
an expedition which he was contemplating against Algiers,
still the stroDghold of Barbarossa, and the chief haunt of the

tmr

406 A History of

pirates* whose depredations kept the coasts of the Mediter-
ranean in a state of constant alarm. He trusts by crushing
them in their nest to insure the safety of Tripoli without
further outlay, and at the same time relieve his maritime
subjects from an incubus which had long weighed upon
them.

Four hundred knights, each accompanied by two armed
attendants, formed the contingent which the Order contributed
to the army of the emperor, who, inflated by the success of
his late expedition against Tunis, determined once again to lead
his forces in person, and directed a general rendezvous in the
island of Majorca. In vain his veteran admiral Doria remon-
strated with him on the imprudence of attempting a maritime
expedition so late in the year, when the storms which, at that
season, are so violent and frequent in the Mediterranean, might
at any moment disperse his fleet. Charles was not to be
diverted from his purpose by any such prudential considerations,
and he persisted in prosecuting the enterprise. The result
proved the sagacity of Doria and the foolhardiness of the
emperor. The army landed before Algiers, and commenced
operations against it, but two days after they had broken
ground a fearful storm arose from the north-east (known in the
Mediterranean as a gregaJe). This not only deluged the camp
and prostrated the army, but caused the far more irreparable
loss of the greater part of the fleet, which had been lying off
the coast, and the bulk of which was driven ashore. Fifteen
galleys and 140 transports and store ships were lost in this
dreadful tempest.

Doria, who, by the exercise of superior seamanship, had
succeeded in rescuing some of his ships, took shelter imder
cape Matifu,* whence he despatched messengers to the emperor
announcing his whereabouts. After a most harassing march,
Charles at length brought his prostrate force to the spot,
hampered during the retreat by the hostile action of the Moor-
ish cavalry. During this movement the knights of St. John
had ample opportunity for distinction, as the task of covering
the march of the army was intrusted to them. Their losses
in carrying out this duty were most severe, and the number

* About nine miles east of Algiers.

the Knights of Malta, 407

who survived to bear the tale of the disaster to Malta was but
comparatively small.

The failure of this expedition rendered the position of Tripoli
still more precarious. In this crisis the Gfxand-Master and
council selected for the onerous post of governor a knight
of the langue of Provence, called John de la Valette, a name
which subsequent events rendered one of the most illustrious in
the annals of his fraternity. Even at that time La Valette had
distinguished himself by his bravery and zeal in numerous
cruising expeditions against the Turks. He had never quitted
the convent from the day of his first profession, except on the
occasions of these caravans or cruises, and he had gradually
risen from post to post within its ranks imtil he had attained
a high position.

The fate of Tripoli was destined, however, to be postponed
for yet a little while, and La Valette avoided the painful
duty of its government before the blow fell. Meanwhile,
Malta itself had a very narrow escape from suffering a similar
catcustrophe. Barbarossa had died at Constantinople, and was
succeeded in the command of the Turkish fleet by his lieutenant,
Dragut. This man had attained a notoriety in the Mediter-
ranean, second only to that of his chief, and this addition to
his power was followed by prompt and decisive measures.
He possessed himself of the town of Mehedia, a port situated
nudway between Tunis and Tripoli, where he established a
naval depot in the most dangerous contiguity to the latter
stronghold. D'Omedes viewed with very natural alarm the
fresh danger which menaced his feeble outpost, and he per-
suaded the emperor to direct an expedition against this new
foe.

Charles was the more readily induced to accede to this
request because he was desirous of wiping out the stigma of
his late failure in the attack on Algiers, and also because the
proximity of the Turkish corsair menaced the coasts of Naples
and Sicily. The Order of St. John despatched a contingent
to join the main force, which was under the command of
Doria. This auxiliary body consisted of 140 knights and
500 hired soldiers, the whole being imder the command of the
bailiff De la Sangle. The siege of Mehedia took place in

4o8 A History of

June, 1550, and, after a desperate resistance, ended in its
capture. As it was not intended to hold the place, the fortifica-
tions were destroyed and the post abandoned.

This success, in which the knights had the principal share,
brought down on them the anger of the sultan, and he forth-
with began to prepare an expedition for the purpose of driving
them from Malta. Neither time nor means were available
for D'Omedes to place the island in a proper state of defence.
When, therefore, the Turkish fleet under Dragut anchored off
the Marsa Muscetto on the 16th July, 1551, very few additions
had been made to the feeble fortifications with which the Bourg
and the castle of St. Angelo were protected. The commanders
of the Turkish armament landed upon Moimt Sceberras, and
from that elevated spot surveyed these several works. The
natural strength of the position seems to have daimted the
Turks, for they abandoned the idea of an assault at that point,
and decided instead to commence operations against the Citti
Notabile. The troops were disembarked and marched directly
into the interior, taking with them artillery for the siege
of the town. The garrison was not prepared to yield
tamely, and stoutly maintained its resistance, although the
prospect seemed somewhat desperate. Fortimately intima-
tion reached the Turkish commander that Dona had set sail,
with a large fleet, for the relief of the island. This intelli-
gence, which was completely false, so far terrified Dragut, that
he decided upon abandoning his attempts on Malta, and re-
emborked his troops with the utmost expedition. As a last effort,
he made a descent upon the island of Gozo, which he ravaged
without resistance, the governor, De Lessa, behaving on the
occasion with the most abject cowardice.

The descent upon Malta having thus failed, Dragut directed
his course towards the city of Tripoli, fully determined to
capture and destroy it, so as not to return to Constantinople
empty-handed. At this time the governor of Tripoli was a
French knight, named Gaspard la Vallier, the marshal of the
Order. To the summons of the Turks he returned a disdainful
reply, and the siege was commenced in due form. Dragut
made the greatest possible efforts, and the works were pushed
forward with the most ominous rapidity. Treachery within the

the Knights of Malta, 409

town aided the designs of those in its front, and before long
La Vallier was forced to treat for a capitulation. The most
honourable terms were granted, but when the time came for
their fulfilment they were basely violated, and the garrison,
together with many of the citizens, were made prisoners,
D'Aramont, the French ambassador at the Porte, had visited
the Turkish army during the siege, hoping to divert its attack
from Tripoli, and had been compulsorily detained. He now
exerted himself to the utmost, and partly by his influence,
partly by the expenditure of a large sum of money, he procured
the release of all the prisoners, and set sail with them for
Malta, where he anticipated being received with the grati-
tude he so richly deserved. The general feeling in Malta
at the loss of Tripoli was so very bitter that D'Aramont
soon found that he was regarded with distrust and anti-
pathy. He was compelled, therefore, to return to Constan-
tinople, saddened with the conviction that his kindness
to the unfortimate garrison had been entirdiy miscon-
strued.

D'Omedes, feeling that he himself was not without blame in
having left the beleaguered city to its fate, became anxious to
divert the popular wrath into another channel. He there-
fore caused the marshal to be arrested, with three of his late
companions in arms. Never were innocent men more basely
sacrificed to popular clamour. They were all stripped of their
habits, and La Vallier, than whom a braver man or more skilful
captain did not exist, was further handed over to the civil
power and imprisoned. He would undoubtedly have met with a
still worse fate, but for the bold and indignant remonstrances of
a knight named Yilligagnon.

Whilst these events were taking place, the course of the
religious revolution in England had been gradually reaching
its climax. The quarrel between the king and the Pope had
already assumed the most threatening aspect even before the
death of L'Isle Adam, and fears for the security and per-
manence of the English langue had embittered the last
moments of that venerable chief. Since then matters had
rapidly developed, and the Reformation had become an accom-
plished fact. An institution like the Order of St. John, still

4IO A History of

maintaining fealty to the papacy, was not likely to remain long
undisturbed xmder the new riginie. Henry VIII., even before
his quarrel with the Pope, had shewn a strong inclination to
interfere in the affairs of the fraternity in England, and to
possess himself of much of its property. Now the moment
had arrived when a plausible pretext was afforded of laying
hands on it all.

There still exists in the Record Office of Malta a document
addressed by the king to the Grand-Master, which deals fully
with the subject. This document is dated on the 7th July, 1538,
at Westminster, and is in the form of letters patent. It begins
by styling Henry the supreme head of the Anglican church,
and the protector of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem. It
then goes on to declare, first, that for himself and his successors,
he gives license to brother William West,* grand-prior of the
priory of England, to confer the habit and receive the pro-
fession requisite to admit such English subjects as may desire
to enter the Order under the usual conditions, provided always
that such postulant shall have been previously required to t-ake
an oath of allegiance to the said monarch as his supreme lord,
in accordance with the form duly instituted for that purpose,
which oath the king exacts from all his subjects, whether lay or
clerical ; secondly, that any person nominated by the Qrand-
Master in cotmcil to a commandery, situated within the limits
of the kingdom of England, shall of necessity obtain a con-
firmation of his appointment from the king. Such newly-
appointed commander will be required to pay the revenues of
the first year accruing from his commandery into the king's
treasury, nor will his nomination to the commandery be ratified
imtil he shall previously have taken the oath of allegiance, and
have paid the said year's revenue, or, at all events, have given
due security for its future payment. Thirdly, it shall not be
lawful for the Order of St. John to make eleemosynary col-
lections t within the realm of England, unless in virtue of a
royal warrant, which warrant shall contain the express clause
that such collection was not made in pursuance of any buU

* This name should be Weston, as Sir William Weston was the grand-
prior at the time,
t Alluded to in Chapter VII. under the title of confraria.

the Knights of Malta, 4 1 1

from the Boman pontiff, but Tinder letters patent emanating
from the king of England. Fourthly, those brethren holding,
or hereafter promoted to commanderies within the realm of
England, shall not recognize, support, or promote the jurisdic-
tion, authority, rank, or title of the bishop of Rome. Fifthly,
those brethren holding, or hereafter promoted to commanderies
within the realm of England shall, after payment of the first
year's revenues into the king's treasury, transfer those of the
second year to the treasury of the Order for the general main-
tenance and support of the convent with the reservation of such
annual tithes as the king retains to himself from all the com-
manderies within his kingdom. Lastly, that every year a
chapter of the priory shall be held, in which all crimes
committed by the fraternity within the realm of England
shall be examined into and duly punished ; and if any offend-
ing brother shall consider himself aggrieved by the sentence of
the chapter, he shall appeal either to the vicar of the king, or
to the conservator of the privileges of the Order of St. John
duly appointed by the king.

A very cursory study of the clauses contained in this docu-
ment will show both the subtlety and rapacity of those by whom
it was drawn up. The fourth clause was in itself amply suffi-
cient to prevent any member of the Boman Catholic Church
from holding office or emolument within the kingdom of Eng-
land ; but as though the monarch feared lest the members of
the Order nught be possessed of consciences sufficiently elastic
to take the oath, he secures for himself an ample provision from
the revenues of the commanderies, payment of which would
be enforced even upon the most compliant of the fraternity.
Had the knights of St. John been in the habit of yielding any
annual tithes or contributions to the See of Bome, it would
have been but natural that the king of England, when he
assumed to himself the papal functions within his realm, should
at the same time have transferred to his own treasury all such
payments. This, however, had never been the case. From the
earliest period of ita institution, the brotherhood had been
exempted by papal authority from any demand for ecclesiastical
tithe or contribution, and this exemption had been continued
and confirmed from time to time ever since. Henry, therefore,

412 A History of

in exacting the payment of tithes, was arrogating to himself

a privilege such as had never been assumed by the pontifis of

Rome, even in the days of their most dictatorial authority.

One of the great sources of revenue enjoyed by the treasury

was the payment of the first year's income by the successor to

a vacant commandery. It was this of which Henry contem- |

plated the spoliation. It is true that he substituted the second

year's revenue for the benefit of the treasury, but in so doing

he only mulcted the imfortunate commanders by so much

additional taxation.

It is greatly to the credit of the members of the English langue
that they did not permit the natural desire of retaining their
large possessions in England to outweigh their sense of religious
duty. Hard as the terms were which Henry was endeavouring
to impose on them, they were such as many men would have
deemed preferable to absolute confiscation ; but the Order of
St. John was not prepared to admit any such compromise
between its duty and its interests. It had been reared in
the bosom of the Church of Rome, it had been nurtured
by the protection of each successive pontiff, and now that
a storm had burst over the head of the father of the Church,
which bid fair to deprive him of the spiritual allegiance of an
important section of his flock, the knights were not prepared
to abandon his cause for the sake of retaining their worldly
advantages. The terms offered by Henry were peremptorily
declined, and the langue of England — ^which had been so long
considered one of the brightest adjimcts of the Order, and
of which the historian Bosio, himself an Italian, and there-
fore an imbiassed witness, has recorded **co«i ricco nohile
e principal membro come sempre era statu la venerabile lingua
d'lnghilterra " — ^was lost to the fraternity. A general seques-
tration of its property took place, accompanied by much per-
secution. Some perished on the scaffold, others lingered in
prison, and the remainder, homeless, destitute, and penniless,
found their way to Malta, where they were received with all
brotherly kindness and consideration. By an Act of Parlia-
ment, dated in April, 1540, all the possessions, castles, manors,
churches, houses, &c., of the Order of St. John, were vested
in the Crown; out of this revenue, pensions to the amoimt

the Knights of Malta. 4 1 3

of £2,870 were granted to the late Lord-Prior and to other
members of the institution.*

It has already been stated that at the oommencement of
his rule D'Omedes had appointed to the oommand of the
galleys a young Florentine knight named Leo Strozzi, who
had attained the dignity of grand-prior of Capua. The father
of this knight had been imprisoned by the emperor Charles,
and had ended his life by suioide. Leo, burning with resent-
ment at his death, abandoned the service of the Order and
entered that of the king of France. He trusted that xmder
that flag he would have an opportunity of avenging himself
upon the emperor. For some time he served in the French
navy with much distinction, and had risen to the chief com-
mand of ^ the fleet. Being naturally of an imperious and flery
temper, he had in that position made for himself many
powerful enemies in the French court, and was, in conse-
quence, eventually compelled to resign his command and leave
the kingdom. He then applied for readmission into the
fraternity at Malta, but D'Omedes, who, as a Spaniard, was
a warm partisan of the emperor, declined to permit hiTn
to land on the island.

The abandonment of his post had closed to him all French
ports ; his antagonism to the emperor prevented his flnding
shelter within any of the harbours of Sicily, and now that
he was refused admission to Malta he was compelled to cruise
in the Mediterranean without any means of refltting his
galleys. Under these circumstances, he was in a measure driven
into acts of piracy in self-defence, and for some time he became
the scourge of the Mediterranean, under the title, assumed by
himself, of " The friend of God alone." Charles, who was too
wily a politician to permit his resentments to interfere with
his interests, now that he saw this able captain quarrelling
with his former protector, at once opened negotiations to
induce him to enter his own service. It is doubtful whether
Strozzi, whose anger at the imprisonment of his father
appears never to have subsided, seriously contemplated the
acceptance of this offer; but he permitted the negotiation to

* For further details of the suppression of the langue of England, see
Chapter XXII.

414 A History of

be oarried on, as during its progress he was freed from all
hostility on the part of the emperor.

His daring deeds. had raised for him a host of friends
amongst the fiery spirits who dwelt in Malta. Prom some
of these he received an invitation, whilst his parleying
with the emperoi: was still continuing, to present himself once
more in their island, pledging themselves that he should not
again receive an inhospitable rebuff. Strozzi had now become
very desirous of once more entering the ranks of the Order.
He trusted that from his celebrated name and high interest
he might one day attain to the supreme dignity. He therefore
promptly accepted the invitation, and again presented himself
ofE the harbour. The Ghrand-Master had by this time become
acquainted with the overtures of Charles to the Florentine.
He also knew how warmly Leo was respected by the knights,
and therefore no longer refused him readmission into the
fraternity; but, on the contrary, welcomed him into its
ranks with every possible honour. The extreme ability of
Strozzi was now freely displayed for the benefit of his cow-
frirea, and by his judicious counsels and suggestions he
rendered them the greatest possible assistance.

In conjunction with two other knights, he was appointed
to inspect and report upon the state of the fortifications,
and to suggest such additions as might be considered necessary
for the complete security of the island. The commissioners
pointed out that, although the Bourg was enclosed by a
rampart and ditch, it was, nevertheless, commanded by the
rocky extremity of the peninsula of St. Julian, which. ran
parallel to that on which stood the castle of St. Angelo.
They therefore strongly urged the necessity of establishing a
fort on this promontory of sufficient capacity to hold a con-
siderable garrison. Mount Sceberras also required occupation,
in order to deny to an enemy the use of the harbour on the
other side, called the Marsa Musceit, or Muscetto. Their
recommendations on this head included the occupation of the
entire peninsula, but the funds in the treasury did not admit
of so extensive a work. Forts were, however, erected at the
extremity of each promontory, that on Mount Sceberras being
called St. Elmo, and that on the peninsula of St. Julian, St.

the Knights of Malta. 415

Michael ; their further recommendations as to an increase in the
works of the Bonrg and St. Angelo were also adopted.

In order to carry out these additions with the greater vigour,
the three commissioners each took charge of one of the works,
and assisted by other knights, pushed forward the construction
with the utmost rapidity, stimulating the workmen by their
constant presence. Don Pedro Pardo, a celebrated Spanish
engineer, designed the forts, to the rapid completion of which
every one devoted his utmost energies. The bailiffs and other
grand-crosses contributed the gold chains from which the
insignia of their rank were suspended, as also a large portion
of their plat«; other knights followed their example, sub-
scribing liberally from their private means in aid of the
treasury. The galleys also were retained in port so that
their crews, which were principally composed of slaves, might
be employed upon the rapidly rising ramparts. The result
of these exertions was so satisfactory, that in the month of
May in the following year, 1553, the forts of St. Michael and
St. Elmo, and the bastions at the head of the Bourg, were
completed and armed.

The last event of importance which marked the rule of
D'Omedes was an unsuccessful attack upon Zoara, made under
the command of Strozzi. This ill-fated expedition ended in
the destruction of almost the entire force, and Strozzi him-
self only escaped being taken prisoner by the valour of a
Majorcan knight named Tordllas. D'Omedes died on the 9th
September, 1553, at the advanced age of ninety. It has
already been stated that the French historians have omitted
nothing which could blacken the memory of this chief. To
the vices of avarice and favouritism they add a charge of
general incapacity. That the French languea, long accustomed
to see the Gband-Master selected from amongst their number,
should feel it a grievance that this monopoly had been broken
through, was but natural. It was also to be expected that the
langue of Spain, suddenly brought into prominence and sup-
ported by the overwhelming influence of the emperor, should
assume somewhat on its new position, and should arrogate
to itself many of those good things which it had never
before had the power of obtaining. Parsimony was doubtless

4i6 A History of

a vice of D'Omedes, nor can he be altogether acquitted of
nepotism ; still in neither partionlar was he worse than many
of his predecessors, nor would he, but for the circumstances in
which he was placed, have been treated with the virulent abuse
which has been poured upon him. During his later years
extreme old age rendered him personally almost irresponsible
for the acts of his government, and the Ghrand-Master, who sank
into the tomb a dotard of ninety years of age, was a very
different man from the hero who had so bravely held the post of
Spain during the siege of Ehodes, and who lost an eye in that
memorable struggle.

The general feeling at the death of D'Omedes was that
Strozzi, the grand-prior of Capua, should be his successor, but
it having been pointed out to the council that he would
probably use the power thus intrusted to him in furtherance of
his private quarrels, which were many and bitter, the choice
ultimately fell on the grand-hospitaller Claude de la Sangle,
who was at the time acting as envoy at Rome. This nomina-
tion, so contrary to his anticipations, gave dire ofEence to Strozzi.
He at once resigned the command of the galleys, and set sail
on a private adventure of his own, in which he was accom-
panied by several of the yoimger knights, who expected to
earn renown under so distinguished a leader. Their anticipa-
tions were never destined to be realized, as Strozzi lost his life
almost immediately afterwards before a small fort in Tuscany.
TTiR successor in the command of the galleys was La Valette,
in which position that gallant leader added to the reputation he
had already won.

During the first year of La Bangle's rule an evanescent
prospect sprang up of the restoration of the English langue.
The death of the young king, Edward VI., having placed his
sister Mary on the throne of England, that princess being a
zealous Boman Catholic, at once despatched ambassadors to
Malta to treat for the revival of the English langue^ promising
at tbe same time the restoration of its sequestered lands. To
this proposition the council of the Order naturally gave a
prompt and joyful assent, and for a few brief years it seemed
as though that venerable langue was about to resume its former
status. But tbis was not to be. The death of Mary crushed

the Knights of Malta. 417

all the rising hopes of the fraternity, for on the accession of
Elizabeth it was again suppressed in a still more formal and
complete manner.

The successful forays which the galleys of Malta had carried
out imder the able command of La Valette, so far enriched the
public treasury that La Sangle determined to add still further
to the fortifications erected by D'Omedes. Both at St. Elmo
and the Bourg considerable additions were made, but his
main eJEEorts were directed to the further strengthening of the
promontory of St. Julian. D'Omedes had, it is true, erected at
its extremity a fort called St. Michael, but this was not deemed
sufficient, as the whole peninsula was much exposed to the
neighbouring height of Coradino. To remedy this. La Sangle
constructed a bastioned rampart along the side of the pro-
montory facing those heights, and he enclosed its neck in a
similar manner. These works were carried out principally at
his own expense. The fraternity, in grateful commemoration
of the fact, named the enceinte thus formed, and the town
which rapidly sprang up within it, after its public-spirited chief.
From that day it has always been known as the Isle de la
Sangle, since Italianized into Senglea.

The prospects of the island of Malta were every day
improving; the maritime successes of the Order not only
enriched the treasury, but added so considerably to its
already ' widely-spread renown that its ranks became rapidly
recruited with much of the best blood in Europe; In the
midst of this prosperity, however, a calamity occurred which,
but for prompt assistance on all sides, nught have proved
irreparable. The island was visited by a furious hurricane on
the 23rd September, 1555. The violence of this tornado was
such that numbers of the houses were laid in ruins. Almost
all the Vessels in harbour sank at their anchorage, and many of
the galley slaves forming their crews were drowned. The most
prompt and energetic measures were necessary to restore the
lost fleet, and, f orttmately for the Order, it found friends both
within and without its own ranks to aid it at this crisis.
Philip n. of Spain instantly despatched two galleys, well
armed and fuUy manned, as a present to his protigi^. The

Ghrand-Master, at his own expense, caused another to be built

28

41 8 A History of

at Messina, and the Pope, not to be behindhand in the good
work, furnished its orew from amongst his own galley slaves.
The prior of St. Q-illes forwarded a galleon laden with ammimi-
tion and troops, and the grand-prior of France proceeded to
Malta in person, with two galleys, and tendered his services to
the Gfrand-Master.

These patriotic efforts proved to be of vital importanoe. The
corsair Dragut, trusting to find the island in a defenceless
state, made a descent on it, and even attempted a landing.
He was repelled with great loss by the aid of the new
fleet, and the prior of France promptly carried the war
into the enemy's country by ravaging the coasts of Barbary.
In this operation he was so successful that he returned to
Malta with a vast accumulation of valuable spoil.

La Sangle died on the 17th August, 1557, and was suc-
ceeded by John Parisot de la Valette, who, during the last year
of his predecessor's rule, had filled the office of lieutenant of
the Mastery, holding, at the same time, the grand-priory of
St. GKlles. His name of Parisot was derived from his father's
fief, which was so called, but he is far better known to posterity
by the family name of La Valette, which his deeds have
rendered so illustrious. He was bom in the year 1494, of a
noble family of Quercy, and entered the Order at the age
of twenty ; he had been present at the siege of Rhodes in
1522, and followed the fortunes of the knights through
their various wanderings after the loss of that island. Lideed,
it is recorded of La Yalette that, from the day of his first
profession to that of his death, he never once left the convent
except when cruising with the fleet. His successes as a naval
commander soon singled him out from amongst his compeers,
and he had, by his own imaided merits, raised himself step
by step through the various dignities of the Order, imtil he
now found himself elected its forty-seventh Grand-Mcuiter.

He had once been taken prisoner in an encounter with a
Turkish corsair named Abda Bacman, and during his captivity
suffered great hardships and many indignities at the hands of
his victor. Curiously enough, in later years he succeeded in
capturing a galley commanded by Abda Bacman, who thus,
in his turn, became the prisoner of his former captive. History

the Knights of Malta. 419

hajs not recorded how the Turk was treated, or whether
La Yalette avenged himself for the indignities he had sufiPered
at the hands of Abda. He was in due course ransomed
from his slavery, and was shortly afterwards appointed
governor of the fortress of Tripoli, at a time when it was
difficult to find a man qualified, and at the same time will-
ing, to accept that onerous post. After his recall from thence,
he attained successively to the position of bailifE of Lango,
chief-admiral of the fleet, and grand-prior of St. Gilles. On
the arrival of the grand-prior of France, after the hurricane of
1555, La Valette resigned in his favour the post of com-
mander of the fleet, and the Gfxand-Master, La Sangle, was
so struck by this disinterested act, that he named him his lieu-
tenant, an office which La Yalette continued to fill until he
was himself elected Grand-Master in August, 1557.

His first eiforts, on assuming the magisterial office, were
directed towards the recall of the chiefs of the Bohemian and
Venetian priories to the allegiance which for many years they
had cast off. In this he was so successful that a deputation
was despatched to Malta from the recusant priories, praying to
be once more received into the bosom of the fraternity, and
pledging themselves to the punctual payment of their annual
responsions for the future. By this wise and politic measure
the influence and stability of the Order were largely increased,
and its revenues much augmented, at a time when the course of
events seemed to forebode a great strain upon both. La Valette
also reversed the sentence which had been passed on the
marshal La Vallier, for the loss of Tripoli. His discriminating
judgment perceived from the first that this unfortunate knight
had been sacrificed to popular clamour. The Grand-Master
La Sangle had so far recognized the injustice of the original
sentence as to release the prisoner from the close confine-
ment in which he had been kept by D*Omedes. It was now
the privilege of La Valette completely to wipe away the stain
upon the honour of La Vallier, and in restoring to him the
habit of which he had been stripped, publicly to proclaim his
total innocence of the crime laid to his charge, and the conse-
quent injustice of the sentence that had been inflicted.

At about this time the viceroy of Sicily, acting under the

28*

420 A History of

directions of Philip II., who had lately suooeeded to the throne
of Spain, vacant by the abdication of his father, Charles Y.,
assembled a force for the recovery of Tripoli, the importance
of which for the protection of Sicily and Spain had become
more than ever apparent since its capture by the Turks. A
strong contingent from Malta joined this army, numbering
upwards of 2,000 men, of whom 400 were knights, under
the command of de Tessieres, the new admiral of the
fleet. The viceroy, who was at the head of the expedition,
caused its utter failure through his obstinacy and vanity.
Instead of directing his first attack against Tripoli, as had
originally been intended, he captured the little island of Galves,
upon which he began the construction of a fortress, intending
that it should bear his own name. The delay proved fatal ;
disease spread rapidly amongst his forces, and the knights,
perceiving the futility of the entire operation, abandoned the
enterprise, by order of La Valette, and retuomed to Malta.
Heedless of all warnings, the viceroy persisted in remaining
within his new acquisition, where he was surprised by a power-
ful Turkish squadron, and with difficulty escaped the capture
which awaited the remnants of his force. No less than fourteen
large vessels and twenty-eight galleys, the flower of the
Spanish fleet, were captured and carried off by Piali to Con-
stantinople. It is computed that altogether 14,000 men peiished
in this unfortunate and mismanaged enterprise.

The exultation of the Barbary Moors at their success knew
no bounds ; indeed, it seemed as though of late years the Cross
had been fated always to suffer hxmiiliation at the hands of the
Orescent. The tide was now, however, about to turn. Encou-
raged by the reverses the Spaniards had sustained in their late
expedition, as well as in a fearful storm which at about this
time — viz., 1562 — overtook a squadron of twenty-four galleys,
whilst carrying supplies to the Spanish colonies, and in
which 4,000 men and nearly the whole fleet were lost, the
Algerines determined on making a bold effort to sweep the
Christians entirely from the coast of Africa. Since the fall of
Tripoli, the principal possessions of the latter in that quarter
were the fortresses of Gran and Mers-el-Kebir, which were
in immediate contiguity to each other. It was against these

the Knights of Malta. 421

neighbouring strongholds that the first efforts of the Algerines
were directed. On the 15th March, 1563, Hassan, their
leader, commenced the attack on Mers-el-Kebir, detaching a
small portion of his force for the investment of Oran, which
was only three miles distant. For nearly three months the
siege was carried on with the utmost vigour, and the assaults
delivered by the Algerines were both frequent and desperate.
The governor of Mers-el-Kebir, Don Martin de Cordova, was
a man equal to the emergency, and his resistance was so firm
that when, on the 8th June, a relieving force despatched by
Philip hove in sight, the fortress was still in his possession.
Hassan was compelled at once to abandon the siege and retire
in haste. Great were the rejoicings at this success, and a feel-
ing of exultation spread through the maritime provinces of
southern Europe, to which they had for some years been
strangers.

Philip was not slow in following up his advantage, and
carrying the war into the enemy's country. He wrested several
important acquisitions from the hands of his discomfited antago-
nist, in doing which he was warmly supported by the knights of
St. John. The Moors appealed to the sultan for aid, and sug-
gested that he should wreak his vengeance on the Order in its
island home. At this crisis an event occurred which, though
apparently insignificant in itself, sufficed to determine the
enraged sultan on immediate action. The Maltese galleys had
succeeded, after a desperate struggle, in capturing a Turkish
galleon armed with twenty guns and manned by 200 janissaries.
This galleon was the property of the chief eunuch of the sultan's
harem, and several of its fair inmates held shares in the valuable
cargo, which Spanish historians have estimated at over 80,000
ducats. All the power of the seraglio was therefore exerted to
induce Solyman to avenge the affront by a signal chastisement;
and the attack on Malta, when pleaded for by bright eyes and
rosy lips, was at length decreed by the amorous sultan. He
determined as a fitting close to that long and glorious reign which
had earned for him the title of Magnificent, to drive the knights
from their new acquisition as he had in the commencement of
his reign driven them from Bhodes. His preparations for this
imdertaking were made upon a most formidable scale, and the

422 A History of

attention of Europe was speedily drawn to the vast armament
oolleeting in the port and arsenal of Constantinople. The un-
certainty as to its destination filled the maritime provinces of
the Mediterranean with alarm, and on every side precautions
were taken for defence in case of need.

La Valette, who, in accordance with the practice of his pre-
decessors, always maintained spies in Constantinople, was not
long in discovering that Malta was the real point of attack. He
at once despatched emissaries to the powers of Europe to crave
assistance, but with the exception of the Pope, who contributed
10,000 crowns, and Philip, who sent a small body of troops,
these appeals were unavailing, and he soon found that it was
to his own Order alone that he would have to trust for the
defence of the island ; still, undeterred by the lukewarmness of
those who should have been earnest in the cause, he promptly
set himself to meet the storm as best he might. The front of
Senglea on the land side was greatly strengthened, terrepleins
were added to the rampeurts, and the ditches of the Bourg were
completed. La Yalette also constructed a small battery for
three guns beneath the fort of St. Angelo, nearly on a level
with the water's edge, to flank the front of fort St. Michael.
This battery, during the siege then impending, proved a work
of the utmost importance at a very critical moment. A huge
chain was fixed so as to close the entrance to the port of the
galleys, one extremity of which was secured to the platform of
rook below St. Angelo and the other to the point at Senglea.

So anxious was La Yalette to hurry these works and to
insure their completion before the arrival of the enemy, that he
and his knights laboured themselves constantly at them. It is
recorded that the Grand-Master, although at the time seventy
years of age, joined with the other officials of the Order in
taking his place among the long file of labourers who were
carrying materiab to the ramparts. By the suggestion of the
viceroy of Sicily, who at that moment visited the island, a
raveUn was also constructed at fort St. Elmo on the side
nearest to the Marsa Musoetto.

Meanwhile, La Valette had summoned his confrh^es from all
their European oommanderies ; and the call was obeyed with the
utmost enthusiasm. They poured into Malta from all quarters;

the Knights of Malta. 423

and contributions also came in from those who were unable to
render personal service either on account of age or infirmity. The
Maltese militia was organized and drilled, and soon became
a veiy effective body of soldiery, numbering upwards of 3,000,
and 500 galley slaves were released under pledge of per-
forming faithful service during the coming siege. The Sicilian
viceroy, Don Qurcia de Toledo, who was still prolonging his visit
to the island, concerted with La Valette a project of mutual
defence, and from this dignitary the Grand-Master received the
most earnest pledges of assistance as soon as a sufficient force
could be collected. He left his own illegitimate son under the
chaise of the knights, so that he might gain his first experience
of war in the strife now about to commence.

La Valette was deeply gratified at the eagerness with which
the flower of his Order had flocked to the island in the hour of
danger. He assembled them all together, and in that glowing
language which is ever the utterance of true earnestness,
called upon them to stand firm in the good cause they had
adopted at their first profession. They had then volimtarily de-
voted themselves to the defence of their religion, and if they were
now called on to sacrifice their lives, it was their duty and
their privilege cheerfully to lay them down. At the close of
his address he led the way into the chapel of the convent, where
they solemnly partook of the Holy Gommimion together.

Although the lapse of four centuries and a half had done
much to weaken the simple and earnest religious feeling which
had characterized the f oimders of the Order, it needed but a call
like this to awaken something of the spirit of old. As they
stood round their venerable chief the remembrance of many a
gallant struggle was warm within their hearts. The scenes
which had been witnessed at Jerusalem, at Acre, and at Bhodes,
were once more to be enacted, and the devoted band determined
with one heart that the renown of their predecessors should
suffer no diminution by their conduct during the coming crisis.

CHAP TEE XVn.

1565.

Enumeration of the garrison of Malta — Description of its defences — ^The
Turkish army and fleet — ^The janissaries — Disembarkation of the force
— Siege of St. Elmo commenoed — Arrival of Dragut — Repeated
assaults— The fort cut off from succour — Its fall — Massacre of the
garrison.

A CAREFUL examination of the forces within the oitj was made
under the orders of La Valette. With this view, a general
parade of the languea was held, at which each was inspected by
two knights selected from the other langt^a. At this parade the
following numbers were present : —

Knights. I

Servants-at-arms

Provence

... 61 ...

... 15

Auvergne

... 25 ...

... 14

France

... 67 ...

... 24

Italy

... 164 ...

... 5

Aragon

... 85 ...

... 2

England

1 ...

... 0

Germany

... 13 ...

... 1

Castile

... 68 ...

... 6

making a total of 474 knights and 67 servants-at-arms. The
solitary Englishman was Oliver Starkey, Latin secretary to
La Valette, and author of the inscription on the tomb of
that Gtrand-Master, by whose side his own remains are laid
in the crypt of St. John's church in Malta. The number of
knights present at the siege was eventually increased by
nearly 100, many having been imable to reach the island be-
fore it began. They consequently mustered at Messina, and

A History of the Knights of Malta. 425

awaited opportunities for penetrating into the fortress. There
were also several conventual chaplains present, but they can
hardly be counted as part of the garrison. It has been
stated that the militia had been trained and organized into bat-
talions; the same measures had also been adopted with the
crews of the galleys. It was found, therefore, on a general
muster, that, in addition to the members of the Order, the
strength was as imder: —

Eegular Forces.

Hired Spanish troops 800

Garrisons of St. Elmo and St. Angelo ... 150

Household and guard of Gtrand-Master . . . 150

Artilleiy 120

Militia and other Forces.

Militia of the Bourg 500

Ditto of Burmola * and Senglea 300

Ditto of remainder of island 4,560

Crews of the galleys t 700

Volunteers from Italy, Sicily, Genoa,
Piedmont, &c 875

From these figures it will be seen that, including the Order,
La Valette might count upon a force of rather less than 9,000
men for the defence of the island.

A general description of the configuration of the ground
forming the two great ports of Malta has been already given.
It will now be well, before entering into the detail of the
impending memorable siege, to describe more particularly the
means of defence which the knights had, during a period of
thirty-five yeiurs, been' able to develop. For this purpose the

* After the foimdatioii of Senglea by the Grand-Master La Bangle, a
suburb had gnradually formed itself between that town and the Bourg,
which was called Burmola. The three towns of the Bourg, Qurmola, and
Senglea are now commonly known as the three cities, in contradistinction
to Yaletta.

t This number includes the 500 slaves who were released on promise of
faithful service.

426 A History of

reader is referred to the map showing the state of the for-
tress in the year 1565.

The castle of St. Angelo, situated on the most northerly of
the promontories which subdivide the grand harbour on its
eastern side, occupied only its extremity, and was cut off from
the mainland by means of a wet ditch running from sea to sea.
In addition to the castle itself, which rose to a considerable
height, and presented three tiers of batteries to the entrance of
the harbour, there was an enceinte behind the ditch containing
four bastions. The Bourg itself, which occupied the remainder
of the peninsula, was protected on the land side by a line of
rampart broken into two bastions in the centre, and two demi-
bastions at the extremities; this had been strengthened by
a ditch of considerable width and depth, but had no ravelin or
other outwork. On its northern side, facing the entrance
to the harbour, it was enclosed by a bastioned rampart
extending to the ditch of St. Angelo, but on the side looking
towards Senglea, the line was a mere curtain without flanks.
The land front of the Bourg was allotted to the three French
langues^ as it was considered the most vulnerable part, and con-
sequently the post of honour. The Germans were stationed on
the sea face from St. Angelo half way towards the point where
it joined the land front. The remainder was taken by the
langtie of Castile. This post became, during the latter portion
of the siege, one of the principal points of attack. The inner
face, looking towards Senglea (which has since been destroyed
as useless), was manned by the Spanish langue. The garrison of
St. Angelo consisted of 50 knights and 500 men, and here, as
the citadel of the whole fortress. La Valette took up his abode.

The promontory of Senglea was defended by a very respect-
able sea front, formed by what had originally been the detached
fort of St. Michael. The remainder of its enceinte was an
irregular figure, little more than an indented line, except on the
land side, where it threw out a bastion. It was garrisoned
along its land front by the langue of Aragon, the remainder of
the line being taken by the langue of Italy, and the whole being
under the command of the grand-admiral de Monte, who in
after years became Gtrand-Master. The extremity of Mount
Soeberras was protected by fort St. Elmo, which was on a star

PLAN OF THE

F(D)]R,TMESS ©F MALTA

•X. Hm time of the Siege Ij^ the Ixurks in 1565.

•^

77te Tosituma of ^u. Tiirtash. Battaru are. colound. Green

MAR GAR ITA
HEIGHTS

MO U N T

S A L V A T 0 R

:~^ ^

_J

ji

the Knights of Malta. 427

trace of four points, to the seaward of which was a cavalier
dominating the work, and on the western side a ravelin con-
nected with the main work by a bridge. The usual garrison
for tiiis post, which, owing to its peculiar trace, was very con-
tracted, consisted only of sixty men, who had hitherto been
imder the command of a knight named de Broglio. The
Gh:^nd-Master, in this crisis,- augmented that number by two
companies of foreign troops under the command of *a Spaniard
named La Cerda, as well as by sixty knights under the bailiff
of Negropont, whose name was D'Eguaras. De Broglio, the
original governor, was a man of great age, which rendered him
imsuited for the post at such a critical time ; still, La Yalette
felt it a very ungracious act to one who had been so dis-
tinguished to supersede him altogether. The bailiff of Negro-
pont was therefore selected to aid him under the somewhat
ambiguous title of captain of succours.

There yet remained the Citti Notabile and the island of G-ozo
to protect. Opinions were much divided in the coimcil as to the
proper measures to be adopted in these cases. Some were for
abandoning both points, and withdrawing their troops to in-
crease the strength in the Bourg ; others again, whilst anxious
to abandon Gozo, deemed that it would be prudent to retain
possession of the Citt& Notabile, which might act as a diversion.
Either a most seasonable delay would be caused should the
Turks decide upon capturing it by siege, or in case they at once
sat down before the Bourg, it would prove a constant annoyance
in their rear. La Valette ultimately decided upon retaining
both posts. Their garrisons were therefore reinforced and
placed under the command of knights in whose determination
he could confide, and who he felt sure would hold out to the
very last.

The commander Bomegas, then one of the most daring
naval captcdns the Order possessed, undertook the defence of
the port of the galleys. This harbour was the portion of water
enclosed between the Bourg and Senglea, and here all the
galleys were drawn up at anchor. The entrance to this port
was closed by a massive chain, which stretched from point to
point.

On the morning of the 18th May, 1565, a signal gun from

428 A History of

the oastle of St. Angelo, answered from the forts of St. Michael
and St. Elmo, announced to the people of Malta that the
enemy's fleet was in sight. At this signal all the inhabitants
who had not previously abandoned their homesteads flocked
into either the Bourg or the CittA Notabile, knowing well that if
they were surprised in the open coimtry their doom would be
slavery if not death.

The Turkish fleet consisted of 130 galleys and 50
vessels of smaller size, together with a number of transports
which were laden with the battering train and stores of the
army. The troops embarked on board this fleet consisted of
upwards of 30,000 men, of whom 4,500 were janissaries. It
may be well here to say a few words on the subject of this
redoubtable body, for so many years the chief support of the
Turkish empire. Once in every five years a general conscrip-
tion was levied upon the children of all Christians resident
within the empire between the ages of seven and twelve. Such
of them as displayed any pre-eminence either of mind or body
were carried away to Constantinople, and from that moment
became lost to their parents for ever. Those amongst this
selected body who exhibited the greatest promise of bodily
strength were chosen for the corps of janissaries. Every effort
was made from the moment of their selection to endue them
with the martial spirit of their calling. Marriage was strictly
forbidden; they had therefore no family ties to divide their
affections. The esprit de corps thus fostered increased with
their age, and they formed a body of troops upon whom the
strictest reliance could be placed in the most desperate
emergency. Such were the men who composed an important
part of the force which Solyman had despatched against Malta.
The direction of the fleet was intrusted to Piali, the same
admiral who had captured so many Spanish galleys in the late
unfortunate expedition of the Sicilian viceroy. The army was
placed under the command of Mustapha, a veteran general in
whose skill and judgment the sultan placed the utmost reliance,
but who mingled with his warlike virtues much ferocity and
cruelty of disposition.

After some little cruising backward and forward, the Turks
eventually disembarked, partly in the Marsa Sciroooo, and

the Kmghts of Malta. 429

partly in St. Thomas's bay. A small body of knights, under
the marshc^l Coppier, had been sent out to watoh the
proceedings of the enemy and to cut off stragglers. One of
these named De la Bivi^re fell into the hands of the Turks and
was brought before Mustapha, who questioned him closely as
to the resources of the place. Bivi^re assured the pasha that the
most complete preparations had been made for the defence, and
that the garrison was determined to hold out to the last, being
in full assurance of relief from Sicily. On this Mustapha
directed that he should be submitted to Tx>rture, which for some
time he bore with the most unflinching resolution. At length,
feigning to be overcome by the agony, he informed the pasha
that the post of Castile, at the eastern angle of the land front of
the Bourg, was the weakest part of the fortifications. Helying
upon this information Mustapha advanced towards the town,
intending to make an immediate attack at that point ; but on
reaching Mount Salvator, a considerable eminence to the south-
east of the Bourg, he perceived at a glance that his prisoner had
deceived him, and that the angle indicated was in reality the
most invulnerable part of the works. The unfortunate knight
fell a victim to his constancy, as Mustapha immediately
directed him to be put to death.

The appearance of the Turkish army in front of the town
was the signal for a number of skirmishes between their
advanced posts and small parties of the garrison. La Yalette
permitted these desultory encounters to be carried on for some
time to accustom his troops to the appearance and weapons of
the enemy. When he considered that this end had been fairly
attained he directed them to remain behind their ramparts,
knowing that he could but ill spare any of his slender force in
combats which led to no decisive result.

Counsels were divided in the Turkish camp as to the course
which should now be pursued. Before leaving Constantinople
Solyman had enjoined both Mustapha and Piali to pay the
utmost attention and to give the greatest possible weight to
the advice of Dragut, who was to join the expedition after its
landing. The corsair had not as yet arrived, and in his absence
Piali was of opinion that no active measures should be taken,
but that they should simply entrench their position. Mustapha,

430 A History of

on the other hand, dreaded the loss of valuable time which
might aUow sueoours to reach the garrison, and urged pushing
on at once with the siege. He pointed out that the fleet lay in
a very exposed situation in Marsa Scirocoo, and that it would be
a most important advantage to obtain possession of the Marsa
Musoetto, within which they would find ample shelter. To
do this it was necessary to capture fort SI. Elmo, which
commanded the entrance to that harbour. He therefore pro-
posed that they should at once lay siege to this work, leaving
to Dragut the responsibility of deciding upon their future
measures. These views prevailed, and the attack on St. Elmo
commenced in due form.

Mount Sceberras being but a bare rock, the Turkish en-
gineers were unable to open their trenches in the ordinary
manner. Gabions, fascines, and even earth had all to be
brought from a distance, a task of enormous labour; but by
dint of perseverance and at a great sacrifice of life from the
galling and incessant fire of the fort, the work was at length
accomplished. The siege operations at this point were very un-
skilfully designed. For the purpose of sheltering the trenches
from the fire of St. Angelo, they were kept on the reverse side
of the hill, and thereby left the communication between that
fortress and St. Elmo open. Of recent years a subterranean
communication has been discovered, the mouth of which was
concealed amongst the rocks at the foot of Moimt Sceberras,
facing St. Angelo. An outlet has also been foimd in that part
of St. Elmo which formed the original fort. Although the
passage way has not been traced throughout, it being filled up
with dibriSy there can be little doubt that it was by this channel
intercourse was so long kept up between the two forts imder
cover of night. This would have been impracticable had
the Turkish lines overlooked the harbour, and the error led
to a protracted and bloody siege before a work which should
have been taken in a few days.

The trenches being at length completed, a battery was con-
structed to bear against the points selected for attack, at a
distance of a little less than 200 yards from the fort. It was
armed with ten gims throwing 80 lb. shot, three oolumbrines
for 60 lb. shot, and one basilisk for 160 lb. shot. The guns

the Knights of Malta. 43 1

and columbrines were mounted on wheels, but the basilisk
required complicated machinery for pointing and checking
recoil. The Turks in that age made more use of artillery
than any other nation, and their gims were of enormous calibre ;
the labour of placing them in position was consequently very
great, and their fire by no means rapid ; still, at short ranges
their battering power was terrific. The result speedily memi-
f ested itself in the breaches formed both in the fort and ravelin,
the ditches of which were choked with the ddbris.

The slender force which defended the fort was clearly in-
sufficient to hold it in its present state. D'Eguaras therefore
despatched an envoy to the Gtrand-Master demanding further
aid, and the Spanish knight La Cerda was selected for the
purpose. A worse choice could scarcely have been made. In a
garrison where nearly every man was a hero the slightest taint
of cowardice became instantly apparent, and unfortunately
La Cerda was not free from this weakness. Exaggerating
the injuries the fort had sustained, he not only strenuously
pressed for immediate reinforcement, but further announced
in open council that even under the most favourable circum-
stances the place could not hold out many days. La Valette
was justly irritated with the injudicious envoy for thus pub-
lishing what, at all events, should have been reserved for the
ear of his chief alone. He was, moreover, much disappointed
at this speedy demand for succour before any assault had been
delivered, and consequently before many casualties could have
occurred. He had coimted upon the delay which the attack on
St. Elmo would occasion as the salvation of the island, since it
would enable the Sicilian viceroy to redeem his pledge, and to
huny to the rescue. If, however, as La Cerda had proclaimed,
the fort could only be held for a few days, he might expect to
see the siege of the Bourg opened long before Don Garcia
could possibly arrive. Turning, therefore, towards La Cerda,
he demanded what their loss had been since they had so soon
been brought into such a desperate condition. This was a
difficult question to answer ; La Cerda had been despatched for
aid not on account of any serious losses, but because the breached
ramparts required a larger force to hold them. His exaggerated
account of the state of the work was due to his own desire to see

432 A History of

•

the garrison withdrawn into the Bourg, and he himself thus
released from a position of peril to which his courage was
unequal. Whilst he was hesitating for a reply, La Valette
sternly remarked, " I myself will bring you succour, and if I
am not able to remove your terrors, at least I trust to save the
fort." It required the most urgent remonstrances of the
council to dissuade the irate chief from making good his words,
and himself leading the reinforcements into St. Elmo. He was
at length induced to be content with sending fifty knights
and 200 Spanish troops under a commander of that langue
named Gonzales de Medrano, in whose intrepidity and con-
stancy La Yalette felt he could place implicit reliance.

It was at this moment that Dragut made his appearance with
thirteen galleys, having on board a reinforcement of 1,500 men.
Much to the. mortification of Mustapha he condemned the steps
that general had taken. He considered the island of Gt)zo should
first have been seized, and that they should then have advanced
upon the CittA Notabile and secured that point. They would
thus, when attacking the Bourg, have had their rear protected,
and the knights would have been unable to draw in any rein-
forcements, either of men or provisions, from the rest of the
island. Now, however, that the siege of St. Elmo had actually
commenced, he decided that it should be persevered in, and pro-
secuted with vigour. Under his directions a second and still
more formidable battery was erected on one of the highest points
of Mount Sceberras io play both on St. Elmo and St. Angelo.
He also constructed a small battery for four guns on the point
of land opposite St. Elmo, and forming the other side of the
entrance to the Marsa Muscetto. This point has, in consequence,
ever since been called point Dragut, and on it now stands a
strong work called fort Tign^, from the name of the engineer
under whose direction it was erected.

Medrano had not long entered the fort before he proposed
a sortie to destroy the enemy's batteries. This operation he
headed in person. At first the attack wbjs completely successful ;
the Turks were routed, their parapets thrown down, and the
result of much labour destroyed. Before long, however, the
besiegers rallied, and returned to the attack in overwhelming
numbers. Medrano was in consequence compelled to draw o£P his

the Knights of Malta. 433

slender force, and to retreat into the fort. The wind, which at
the time was southerly, had blown the smoke in the direction of
St. Elmo, and concealed the movements of the Turks from the
view of the garrison. To their dismay they perceived, when it
had cleared away, that the besiegers had advanced unnoticed,
and taken possession of the covered way, within which they
were busily engaged entrenching themselves. A heavy fire was
at once opened on them, but in vain; the covered way was
lost, and from that time became included in the Turkish lines,
which were thus brought close to the walls.

A few days later a gross act of carelessness on the part of
the besieged caused the loss of the ravelin itself. Some Turkish
engineers were engaged, under cover of the night, in making a
reconnoissance from the ditch, to which they were able to gain
access after the covered way had fallen into their possession.
Anxious to discover the strength of the ravelin, one of their
number had the hardihood to climb into an embrasure, trusting,
in the darkness of the night, to elude the vigilance of the
sentries. To his amazement, he found the work apparently
untenanted, and certainly unguarded. It has never been
clearly imderstood whence this carelessness arose. Some assert
that the sentries, exhausted with the work of the day, were
asleep ; others, again, suggest that the one in the salient had
been killed by a shot, and that the casualty had not been
observed by the guard. Be this as it may, the result was most
disastrous. The engineer instantly hastened back to camp,
informed Mustapha of what he had discovered, and offered
to lead a party to the attack of the unprotected ravelin. A
chosen band of janissaries was quickly assembled, and, guided
by the engineer, stole silently into the work. The defenders
were taken completely by surprise, and unable to offer any
effective resistance. Driven back by the fierce onset of the
janissaries, and their commander slain, they were forced to seek
refuge in the fort, whither they were hotly pursued by the
Turks. But for the heroic efforts of one of the Spanish officers,
of a jimior grade, who, standing at the entrance of the draw-
bridge, withstood for some moments almost single-handed the
rush of the enemy, and maintained his post, until he was
supported from within, like Horatius in the Boman story, St.

2y

434 ^ History of

Elmo would on that day have fallen. D'Eguaras, Medrano,
and other knights *had, on the first sound of the tumult, hur-
ried to the scene of action, and by their exertions eventually
succeeded in preventing the enemy from penetrating into the
fort. The most powerful efiPorts were made on either side, the
knights striving to retake the ravelin, the Tiu-ks to push their
advantage still further. Both were, however, imsuccessful.
In spite of the most desperate sallies, aided by the fire of
two guns which were brought to bear on the outwork, the
Turks established a lodgment in the ravelin, but were unable
to gain any further ground.

One body of the assailants having thus, at a fearful cost of
life, secured a great advantage, the next morning another
detachment, stimulated by that success, rushed into the ditch and
made a most determined effort to carry the fort itself by escalade.
This was an operation not likely to succeed against such men
as those who were maintaining St. Elmo. The ladders, more-
over, were too short to reach the crest ; yet still they struggled
on with the most invincible resolution. Here and there a Turk,
more daring and more agile than his fellows, would obtain a
momentary footing on the parapet, but before his comrades
could come to his assistance, he was invariably hurled headlong
down. Boiling pitch and wildfire streamed upon the mass
congregated in the ditch ; huge rocks were hurled upon them,
and all the savage ferocity of war was let loose. The castle of
St. Angelo was thronged with anxious spectators, eagerly strain-
ing their eyes to discover the issue of the fight. Amidst the
roar of artillery, the volleys of arquebuses, the screams, shouts,
and yeUs of the combatants, little could be distinguished to
mark how the tide of battle turned, as a dense canopy of smoke
hung over the fort, rent at intervals by the flashes of the guns,
but obscuring from sight all that was taking place. It was not
until the sun had declined far towards the west that they were
enabled to understand the real state of things. The Turkish
standard was then seen waving over the captured ravelin,
whilst, on the other hand, the White Cross banner still floated
over the fort and cavalier. Finding all efforts to carry the
work unavailing, a retreat was sounded, and the Turks with-
drew sullenly to their trenches. The gain of the ravelin was.

the Knights of Malta. 435

however, an immense advantage to the besiegers, and though
the success was purchased at the cost of 2,000 men, Mustapha
had cause for congratulation. The loss of the garrison did
not exceed 100 men, but of these twenty were knights, whose
scanty numbers could LU afford such a diminution. A touching
incident is recorded in connection with this day's struggle. A
French knight being mortally wounded, one of the brethren
turned to assist him in leaving the spot, but the dying
man refused the pro£Eered aid, saying that he was no longer
to be counted amongst the living, and crawled unaided away.
At the dose of the fight his body was discovered in front of
the chapel of St. Elmo, whither he had dragged himself to
breathe his last before the altar of the Virgin.

As soon as the darkness permitted. La Yalette sent boats from
the Bourg to remove the wounded and to replace them by a
second reinforcement, commanded by a knight named Miranda,
who had recently arrived from Sicily; On one of the first
days of the siege, whilst the batteries and trenches were being
constructed, the Turkish admiral, Piali, had been struck by a
splinter of rock. The wound was severe enough to spread
consternation, and La Valette took advantage of the con-
fusion to despatch an envoy to Sicily, urging the viceroy to
forward instant succour. The messenger returned with a
pledge from Don Garcia that he would arrive in Malta by the
middle of June if La Valette would send him the fleet of
galleys then cooped up in compulsory idleness in the port. It
was in company with the bearer of this message that Miranda
arrived at Malta. He instantly volunteered his services to join
the defenders of St. Elmo. As he had already achieved a high
reputation for military genius and courage. La Valette gladly
acceded to a request which added to the occupants of that post
so experienced a soldier.

The Grand-Master was grievously disappointed at the condi-
tion with which the viceroy had hampered his proffer of aid. To
despatch the galleys thus demanded he would be obliged to man
them with their crews, whose services within the fortress were
urgently required. Moreover, although the bulk of these men
had been released from slavery on condition of faithful service
during the siege, it would have been dangerous to trust them on

29*

436 A History of

board in such close proximity to the Turkish fleet. Had they
been sent they must have been accompanied by an ample
guard. Such a diminution of his abready too scanty force could
not for a moment be contemplated. La Valette therefore sent
off a fresh appeal for unconditional assistance.

Meanwhile he spared no effort to prolong the defence of St.
Elmo. Fresh troops were every night introduced into the work
to replace casualties. D'Eguaras and de Broglio had both
been severely wounded in the last assault, and La Valette had
directed their immediate return to the convent. All the
writers who have described this siege have united in recording
that both these knights refused to abandon their post. With
respect to D'Eguaras, there is no doubt that such was the case,
as his name appears in the list of the killed in the fort, but the
evidence as regards de Broglio is different. Li the first place
there is no record of his death ; but the strongest testimony that
he availed himself of La Valette's permission to retire into the
Bourg is the fact that on the 13th June the Grand-Master, in
council, appointed Don Melchior de Montserrat governor of
St. Elmo, which he could not have done had not de Broglio
resigned the post.* The Spanish knight. La Cerda, who had
previously shown so much panic, took this opportimity of
returning to the Bourg amongst the other wounded, although
his injury was so slight that it need in no way have incapaci-
tated him from remaining at his post. The Grand-Master
was so indignant at this second exhibition of cowardice that he
caused him to be imprisoned. Before the close of the siege,
however. La Cerda had, by an honourable death in the face of
the enemy, wiped out the stain thus cast upon his fame.

Now that both the covered way and ravelin had fallen into
the hands of the besiegers, on the latter of which two guns had
been mounted that enfiladed many parts of the rampart, it was
difficult for the garrison to find shelter from the pitiless storm

* This appointment was discovered by the anthor in a manuscript book,
one of many yalnable documents lying in the Hoyal Engineer Offioe at
Malta. This book is entitled, " Decreti provisionali del Ven Consiglio in
materia di guerra et altre diligenze fatte da Ven. Commis. delle Fortifio
Agozzini Reali Cap"* d*armi di queste Cittsl & altri Offic" militari in
esec»« delle d» decreti del V. Consiglio dal 1654, fin ol 1645."

the Knights of Malta. 437

of missiles that rained upon them. Had it not been for the
promptitude with which La Valette poured his reinforcements
into the fort its defenders would have melted away before tha
murderous fire of the besiegers. In this emergency Miranda
proved himself a valuable acquisition, and his ingenuity dis-
played itself in the numerous devices with which he succeeded
in constructing shelter from the Turkish artillery. Meanwhile
the fire from the large batteries which played upon the exposed
scarps of the work from the summit of Mount Sceberras, aided
by that from point Dragut, as well as from some Turkish
galleys at long range, which were lying outside the harbour^
speedily reduced the whole enceinte to a mass of ruin. It was
not a breach of any particular part of the rampart ; it was
practically ahnost a demolition of the whole. The bravest
now felt that all had been done that was possible to retard
the capture of the crumbling fort, and that the time had
arrived when, unless they were to be buried beneath the ruins,
they should be at once withdrawn and the post abandoned
to the enemy.

The reputation of Medrano being such that his report would
be free from all suspicion of panic, he was selected to return to
the Bourg and explain to the Grand-Master the de6perat^ state
of affairs. La Yalette could not in his heart deny that all had
been done which ingenuity could devise to protract the defence,
and that the fort had been maintained against overwhelming
odds, with a constancy and devotion worthy of the highest
praise. It was also but too evident that, if the lives of these
gallant men were not to be deliberately sacrificed, they should
be now recalled. Still he could not bring himself to direct
the abandonment of the post By its maintenance the siege of
the Bourg was being deferred, and the time prolonged during
which the succours so anxiously expected from Sicily might
arrive. Toledo had in his last communication to La Valette,
insisted on the retention of St. Elmo as one of the essential
conditions of his support. Unless, he said, that point were
maintained, he should not feel justified in hazarding the
emperor's fleet in any attempt to raise the siege. La Valette
felt, therefore, that so much himg on the issue of this struggle,
that he was compelled to suppress all feelings of compassion,

438 A History of

and leave his brethren to their fate by maintaining St.
Elmo at all costs, until it should be wrested from him bj
actual capture.

He therefore directed Medrano to return to his post and point
out to his comrades the absolute necessity for their holding
out to the last extremity. When this stem decree became
known, the garrison perceived that they were being deliberately
sacrificed for the general safety. Many among them, particu-
larly those who, having grown grey in the service of the Order,
were perhaps the more ready to lay down their lives at the
will of their chief, prepared to obey the mandate. Others,
however, there were of the yoimger knights — and also of those
who, whilst serving under the White Cross flag, were not
enrolled in its ranks — who were by no means so willing to await
in calm obedience the fate to which the decree of La Yalette
had doomed them. They were perfectly ready to brave an
honourable death in the face of the enemy, with the prospect
of striking one last blow in the good cause before they fell ; but
the present was a very difEerent case. They conceived that they
were being needlessly sacrificed merely to prolong the resistance
of the fort for a few days ; loud exclamations of astonishment
and indignation arose therefore amongst their ranks when
Medrano delivered his message.

This insubordination did not find vent merely in idle mur-
murs. That same night a petition was forwarded to the Ghrand-
Master, signed by fifty-three of their number, urging him to
relieve them instcuitly from their untenable post, and threaten-
ing, in c€kse of refusal, to saUy forth and meet an honoiLrable
death in open fight rather than suffer themselves to be buried
like dogs beneath the ruins of St. Elmo. La Yalette was
highly incensed at the insubordinate tone of this document.
He informed the bearer that, in his opinion, the vows of the
Order imposed upon its members the obligation, not only of
laying down their lives when necessary for its defence, but
further, of doing so in such a manner and at such a time as he,
their Grand-Master, might see fit to appoint. Fearful, how-
ever, lest the recusants might be driven to desperation, and in
reality execute the threat they had held out, and being, more-
over, anxious to prolong, if only for a day, the retention of the

the Knights of Malta. 439

•

fort, he despatched three commissioners to inspect and report on
its condition and power of further resistance.

The advent of these knights was hailed by the besieged with
the most Kvely satisfaction, as they deemed it a preliminary
step to their being withdrawn into the Bourg. Indeed, they
had already begun to make preparations for that event, and
when the commissioners arrived were employed in throwing
the shot into the wells to prevent their being utilized by the
enemy. They pointed out the desperately ruinous state of the
ramparts, and appealed with confidence to the inspectors for a
justification of their conduct. Two of the commissioners, struck
with the demolition which met the eye on all sides, decided,
unhesitatingly, that the place was no longer tenable. The
third, an Italian knight named de Castriot, was of a different
opinion. He stated that although the fort was in a shattered
state, and the whole interior exposed to fire, still it was,
he thought, feasible, by means of further retrenchments, to
maintain it. This unsupported statement appeared to the
malcontents little better than an insult, and high words ensued,
de Castriot asserting that he was prepared to back his opinion
by personally undertaking to conduct the defence. This offer
raised such a storm of indignation that a general tumult
seemed about to break forth, when the governor, with much
presence of mind, caused the alarm to be sounded, on which
each one rushed instantly to his post, and the irritating; con-
ference was brought to a close.

The commissioners returned to the Bourg, where de Castriot
still maintained the views he had already put forth. He
requested the permission of the Grand-Master to raise a body
of volunteers, with whose aid he guaranteed to maintain St.
Elmo against any odds. This gallant offer met the views of
La Valette, who foresaw the result that would inevitably fol-
low. Permission was granted to de Castriot to raise his corps,
and there were so many applicants that numbers were of
necessity rejected. Meanwhile a cold and sarcastic letter was
forwarded to the garrison of St. Elmo, informing them of the
steps that were being taken, and stating that they would be
shortly relieved from their post.

The consternation caused by this letter was great, as every

440 -^ History of

one felt that it would be impossible to accept the offer of safety
ihus ignominioiisly tendered. They had requested permission to
abandon the fort, but they were not prepared to yield their
places in so honourable a struggle to others. An earnest letter
was therefore instantly forwarded to the Bourg, imploring
pardon for their previous rebellious conduct, and begging to be
peimitted still to retain the post of honour. This was the result
which La Valette had foreseen, but he did not deem it prudent
to accept the submission too promptly. He coldly declined
their offer, and once more directed them to prepare for instant
relief. This refusal increased the general dismay, and a still
more pressing request was forwarded, again imploring that they
might have an opportunity of wiping out in their blood the
memory of what had passed. They pledged themselves, should
they be permitted to remain at their post, to hold it to the very
last. This was all that La Yalette had desired ; the garrison
were now roused to such a pitch of enthusiasm that the continufd
defence of St. Elmo could with safety be intrusted to them.
Contenting himself, therefore, with sending into the work a
further strong reinforcement, he prepared to await the issue.
These incidents had all occurred on the nights of the 13th and
14th of June.

The incessant cannonade of the besiegers had destroyed vast
masses of the ramparts, and at length instructions were given
by Mustapha for a general assault. During the whole of the
15th of June their artillery played so furiously that the defenders
were imable to repair any of the damages. This cannonade was,
towards evening, still further increased by fire opened from the
fleet. Mustapha, confident of carrying the work on the follow-
ing day, had directed his ships to be in readiness to force the
entrance of the Marsa Muscetto as soon as the assault com-
menced, and for this purpose they arrived from Marsa Scirocco
that afternoon.

These and other unmistakable symptoms warned the besieged
of the impending attack They therefore took every precaution
that their limited means permitted to resist it to the death.
Huge piles of rock were collected on the parapets, to be hurled
on the besiegers' columns when in the ditch. The knights were
told off so that one of them should stand between every three

tJie Knights of Malta. 441

solcHers to direct the defence. Three small bodies were kept in
reserve to render assistance at any point which might be hard
pressed, and a few who, from wounds or age, were considered
the least available for active duty, were appointed to convey
ammunition and refreshments to the combatants, so that no one
might on any account leave his post. Various descriptions of
fireworks were provided. Pots of earthenware, so baked as to
break easily, were filled with wildfire ; they were of a size that
admitted of their being thrown by hand from twenty to thirty
yards, and had a narrow orifice closed with linen or thick paper
secured by cords dipped in sulphur. Before throwing the missile
these cords were lighted, and as on falling the earthenware pot
broke in pieces, the contents became at once ignited. This
wildfire was composed of saltpetre, ammoniacal salt, pounded
sulphur, camphor, varnish, and pitch ; it burnt with the utmost
fury, dinging to the bodies of those with whom it came in con-
tact. The same material was also placed in hollow cylinders of
wood called trumps, which, when lighted, poured forth streams
of flame. These trumps, attached to the ends of halberds or
partisans, became a most formidable obstacle to the advance of a
storming party. Another missile used with great e£Eect at this
siege was a hoop of considerable diameter surrounded with flax
steeped in inflammable matter and ignited. This, when hurled
from above on to a crowded mass of men, often enclosed several
in its fiery embrace, and easily succeeded in igniting their
clothes, which, after the eastern fashion, were flowing and of
light material.

Before dawn on the morning of the 16th, the knights
detected the sounds of a religious ceremonial, which they rightly
judged was the precursor to an assault. Mustapha's flrst step
was to line his trenches with arquebusiers to the number of
4,000. These men had already displayed their skill as marks-
men, and during this day's struggle they were of immense use
in checking the defenders from exposing themselves on the
parapets. At the appointed signal, given by Mustapha himself,
a body of janissaries, the leaders of the column, rushed into the
ditch at a point where the ruins of the escarp promised the
greatest facilities for ascent. During the interval, brief as it
was, whilst they were crossing the open ground, the guns of St.

442 A History of

Angelo, directed by the watchful La Valette himself, opened
with great steadiness and effect upon their dense masses.
Indeed, throughout the day, the artillery of that fort rendered
the most efficient assistance by raking the flank and rear of the
Turkish forces as they advanced to the attack. That of St.
Ehno itself was no less vigorously served. From the instant
the enemy first showed himself, its guns opened upon the
storming battalions, and before the foot of the breach had
been attained, many a turbaned head was laid low.

The janissaries, however, were not troops to be diverted
even by this deadly fire. "With yells of defiance, and shouting
the war-cry of their faith, they dashed forward with reckless
intrepidity, and as the iron hail ploughed deep furrows in their
ranks, they closed in with invincible steadiness, still pushing
their way towards the breach. Here they met with fresh ob-
stacles and a new foe. Its summit was crowned with men
who had despaired of saving their lives, and who stood there
prepared only to sell them as dearly as possible. Against this
impenetrable phalanx it was in vain even for the redoubtable
janissaries to attempt an entrance. Though they threw them-
selves again and again upon the enemy, they were as often
forced to recoil, and the mass of killed and wounded with which
the breach lay strewn marked at once the vigour of the assault
and the desperate gaUantry of the defence.

Whilst this main attack was going forward on the land
front, two other attempts were being made to carry the fort by
escalade, one on thB side of the Marsa Muscetto, the other on
that of the grand harbour. The first was repulsed without
much difficulty. The huge fragments of rock which the
defenders hurled from the parapet broke several of the ladders,
and the assailants were thereby thrown backward into the
ditch, numbers of them being crushed to death. On the grand
harbour side, however, the attack was led by a forlorn hope of
thirty men, who, with a fanaticism not unusual to their nation
and creed, had bound themselves by a solemn oath either to
carry the fort or to perish in the attempt. They made their
rush at the rampart in full view of St. Angelo, and succeeded
in planting their ladders. The defenders were in truth some-
what taken by surprise, never having contemplated that a spot

the Knights of Malta. 443

80 open to the fire of that fort could be selected for attack.
The determined fanatics, followed by a column of janissaries,
had well-nigh effected a footing on the works, when the guns
of St. Angelo opened upon them. La Valette, who had been
watching the conflict from his post of observation, soon per-
ceived the desperate character of the attempt, and at once
prepared to render assistcuice to the defenders. The first shot
was, however, most unfortunate, for, instead of falling amongst
the assailants, it raked the interior of the parapet, and killed or
wounded eight of the garrison. The succeeding discharges were
more effectual, the storming party were thrown into confu-
sion, the ladders destroyed, and their fanatical leaders having
all met that fate which they themselves had decreed should be
the consequence of failure, the remainder abandoned the
attempt, and retired into the trenches.

Still the main attack continued to rage with imabated
violence. Fresh battalions were harried in succession to the
foot of the breach by the impetuous Mustapha, and as con-
stantly driven back with great slaughter. Time after time
shouts of encouragement and admiration were borne across the
harbour from the anxious spectators who crowded the ramparts
of St. Angelo, and as those cheering sounds reached the
harassed combatcmts at St. Elmo, they were nerved to redouble
their efforts and to continue steadfast in their resistance. They
felt, indeed, that their recent insubordination had, to a certain
extent, lowered them in the eyes of their comrades, and they
rejoiced in having this opportunity of recovering their good
fame. For six hours the attack was sustained, and yet the
assailants had failed tx) penetrate at any single point. At
length the intolerable heat, combined with the exhaustion of so
lengthened a struggle, rendered further efforts impossible, and
Mustapha was reluctantly compelled to sound a general retreat.
A loud shout of victory arose from the midst of that heroic
band, and a responsive echo came floating over the waters from
their brethren in the Bourg.

Great as had been their success, it had been dearly purchased,
17 knights and 300 men having fallen. Chief among the
former was the gallant Medrano, who was killed in the act
of wrenching a standard from the grasp of a Turkish officer.

444 ^ History of

His corpse was removed with all honour into the Bourg, where
it was interred in a vault in St. Leonard's church, set apart
for the dignitaries of the Order. The loss of the Turks has
not been recorded, but it must have reached a very high figure.
Baked as they had been throughout the day by the fire from
St. Angelo, and exposed on all sides to that from St. Elmo
itself, it is impossible that the struggle could have been main-
tained for so many hours without fearful havoc in their ranks.

As soon as night had set in, boats were once more despatched
from the Bourg with reinforcements, and to remove the woimded.
The gallant D'Eguaras was again amongst the latter, but he
still refused to leave his post. A most generous rivalry had
sprung up in the garrison of the Bourg, each striving to
form one of the succouring detachment. Although it was clear
to all that the post they sought was almost certain death,
the brave volunteers crowded forward, and La Valette's only
difficulty was whom to select when all appeared so eager. The
choice was, however, made,' and the fort once more placed in
as favourable a position for defence as its desperate condition
permitted.

In the Turkish camp anxious consultations were held as to the
steps to be taken to bring this protracted siege to a conclusion.
Dragut, who appears to have been the only commander among
the Turks of any real talent, pointed out that so long as the
garrison of the Bourg was permitted to keep up a communica-
tion with St. Elmo, and to pour in fresh bodies of troops after
every assault, the knights would succeed in maintaining the
defence. Under his advice, therefore, the headland opposite
point Dragut, which forms with the extremity of Mount
Sceberras, the entrance into the grand harbour, was occupied,
and a battery constructed on it. He also extended the trenches
in front of St. Elmo well across the promontory towards
St. Angelo, and here he also raised a small battery, which
effectually swept the water and precluded the possibility of
any boat landing on the rocks beneath the fort.

The construction of these works was attended with great
difficulty and much loss of life, the pioneers being fearfully
exposed to the fire from St. Angelo. Amongst the casualties
was Dragut himself, who was struck on the head by a splinter.

the Knights of Malta. 445

and mortally wounded. By dint of perseverancje the line was
at length finished, and on the 19th of the month the invest-
ment was completed, and the garrison of St. Elmo cut off from
all further reinforcement.

For three days more, viz., the 19th, 20th, and 21st Jime, an
incessant fire was kept up from thirty-six guns, which were
now mounted in the various Turkish batteries. Had the ram-
parts been constructed entirely of masonry, they would have
been almost swept away by the effect of this overwhelming
fire, but in many parts they were formed in the solid rock of
which the peninsula is composed, and these portions withstood
the battering they received. For the same reason no mining
operations were practicable, and thus the knights were spared the
additional dread of having to contend against an invisible foe.

With the earliest dawn on the 22nd, a fresh assault burst
upon St. Elmo. Exhausted as its defenders were with constant
watching, short of ammunition, and exposed on their ruined
ramparts to the deadly fire of the Turkish arquebusiers, they
stiU met the foe with the same indomitable resolution as before.
Three times was the attempt renewed, and as often successfully
repulsed, but on each occasion that gallant little band became
still further reduced, and the prospect of continued resistance
more and more hopeless. In breathless suspense La Yalette,
from his post of observation, watched the scene of strife, and
great was his exultation when once again he heard the sound
of retreat issuing from the midst of the Turkish host. Again
had the Moslem recoiled in defeat from that blood-stained rock.
Still was the White Cross banner waving defiantly from its
summit, and the slender relics of its noble garrison once again
raised a feeble shout of victory. It was, however, their last
expiring efEort. Begirt by foes on every side, cut off from all
support or aid, and reduced to little more than half their original
number, they felt that their last triumph had been gained, and
that the morrow's sun would see the standard of the infidel
waving over the ruins of St. Elmo.

In this desperate emergency an expert swinmier contrived to
carry a message to La Valette, conveying intelligence, of the
truth of which he was, alas ! too well assured. All that human
effort could accomplish had been done to save that vital point.

1

446 A History of

Ite defence had been protracted far beyond what even the most
sanguine could have anticipated, and now there remained not
the shadow of a doubt that it wanted but the light of another
day to insure its destruction. La Valette felt, therefore, that
the moment had arrived when, if it were not too late, the
remnant of the garrison should be withdrawn from their post,
and the ruins of St. Ehno left to the enemy. For this pur-
pose he despatched five large boats conveying a body of
volunteers, who were even then willing to share the fate of their
comrades, and with this succour he forwarded a message to the
governor, Don Melchior, leaving to him the option of abandon-
ing the fort and retiring with his gallant little band into the
Bourg. The permission came too late. La Valette had sternly
refused all suggestions of surrender whilst the road for a retreat
lay still open ; he had deliberately chosen to sacrifice the brave
defenders of St. Elmo for the sake of protracting the siege, and
now it was impossible for him to recall that cruel fiat. The
road of retreat was closed for ever. In vain did the relieving
force attempt to approach undetected the rocky inlet where the
mouth of the subterranean communication lay hidden, and from
whence the ruined fort loomed indistinctly in the darkness of
the night. The wary Turk too surely suspected that a last
effort would be made to save the victims whom he had now
securely enclosed within his grasp, and his watchful sentries
gave speedy notification of the approach of the boats. The
alarm was instantly sounded, and the battery which Dragut had
constructed to sweep the point, opened with deadly precision.
Thus discovered, it was, of course, manifestly useless to perse-
vere in the attempt, and with heavy hearts they were com-
pelled to return to the Bourg, leaving their comrades to their
fate.

Anxiously had the attempt been watched by the garrison,
and when the fire of the Turkish battery told them that it had
been discovered and foiled, they felt that aU was over. Silently
and solemnly they assembled in the little chapel of the fort, and
there once more confessed their sins and partook of the Holy
Eucharist for the last time on earth. It was a sad and touch-
ing sight that midnight gathering around the small altar of St.
Elmo's chapel. Scarred with many a wound, exhausted with

the Knights of Malta, 447

days of strife and nights of vigil, every hope of rescue aban-
doned, that little band of heroes stood once again and for the
last time consecrating themselves, their Kves and their swords, to
the defence of their faith and of their Order. It is only within
the last few years that this chapel has been discovered. Until
recently, it was supposed that a building now used as a school
in the centre of the fort had been the scene of this touching
incident. That structure, however, shows by its armorial bear-
ings and other decorations that it is of considerably later date.
The newly-discovered original chapel is a little casemate, on the
right of the entrance. It has no light except what is derived
from an open archway at the back. There are recesses for two
altars, one at the back of the casemate, and the other in the centre
of the left side. Enough remains of the altar and of the eccle-
siastical decorations to mark its original purpose. These had
all been covered in, and an intermediate floor had hidden its
roof. It is now once more restored, and forms an object of the
deepest interest to those who know its history.*

The religious ceremoijy concluded, they proceeded to take
such measures as were stiU within their power to retain the post
until the last moment, and then to sell their lives dearly. Such
of their mmiber, and they were by no means a small proportion,
as were too severely wounded to stand, caused themselves to be
conveyed in chairs to the breach, where, sword in hand, and with
their face to the foe, they prepared to meet their fate.

• This discovery was made by General Montague, of the Royal Engineers,
who carried out the restorations that have been effected. The following fact
connected with the chapel, though having no direct bearing on the history
of the Order of St. John, may not be without interest. General Sir Ralph
Abercrombie having been killed in the battle of Alexandria in the year 1801,
his body was brought to Malta, where it was interred outside and beneath
the walls of St. E]mo. This ground was afterwards taken into the general
line of the fortifications, and the vault where Abercrombie lay was embraced
in the salient of what was, for that reason, called Abercrombie* s bastion.
Alterations in the work necessitated the disturbance of his remains, and the
author was employed to superintend the operation. On opening the vault
the lead coffin was found in good preservation, excepting that the joints
had somewhat given way at head and foot. It was placed in a new oak
coffin prepared for the purpose, and taken to the little chapel in St. Elmo
above referred to, where it lay for several days until a new resting-place
was prepared for it.

1

448 A History of

With the first glimpse of dawn the Turks, who had been
anxiously awaiting its appearance to seize upon their prey,
rushed fiercely at the breach with frantic shouts. Baffled in so
many previous attempts their rage had increased with each new
disaster, and now every passion in their hearts was aroused to
avenge the fearful losses they had sustained. For four long
hours the strife raged wildly around that fated spot, and though
each moment lessened the number of the defenders, still the
dauntless remnant stood firm. At length, incredible as it may
seem, the Turkish force, exhausted with its efforts, once more
suspended the assaidt. No shout of triimaph at this unexpected
respite arose from the ranks of the garrison, nor did any en-
couraging voice find its way across the water from St. Angelo.
Only sixty men, mostly wounded, remained to dispute the
entrance of the foe, and to their imperishable renown be it told,
that it was from the almost exhausted efforts of these sixty men
that the Turkish columns had recoiled.

The knights took advantage of the interval to bind up their
wuimds and prepare for a renewal of the conflict. Don Melchior,
who was still among the survivors, perceived that the handful
remaining within the fort must be overwhelmed by the first
rush of the enemy. He therefore recalled the few defenders
of the cavalier to reinforce the slender remnant, trusting that
his abandonment of that dominating point might remain
unperceived, at all events for some time. But in this he
imderestimated the vigilance of Mustapha. That chief had
been too often worsted in his attempts on St. Elmo not to
maintain a watchful eye upon all that was passing within its
ruins. He detected the movement at once, and despatched a
body of janissaries to occupy the abandoned work, which, from
its dominant position, commanded the whole interior of the fort.
This done, he gave the signal for a renewal of the assault.
The defenders were taken by surprise at the suddenness of the
onset, and before they had time to rally the fort was lost. All
combined action was now over, and it only remaiaed that the
last scene should be enacted of that sad tragedy, which has cast
such a melancholy interest over the name of St. Elmo.

No quarter was asked or given. Desultory combats in various
parts of the enclosure ensued, until the last of the besieged had

tlie Knights of Malta. 449

fallen. A few of the Maltese soldiery, then, as now, expert in
the art of swimming and diving, succeeded in making good
their escape to St. Angelo amid a storm of missiles. Another
body of nine men (whether members of the Order or soldiers
is not quite clear) were saved from death by falling into the
hands of Dragut's corsairs. These pirates, realizing the fact
that a live Christian was a more valuable article of merchandise
than a dead one, and actuated rather by a love of gain than by
such fanaticism as stimulated the other Turks, preserved the
nine men they had captured for the purpose of utilizing them
as galley slaves. The tattered White Cross banner was torn
ignominiously from its staff, and on the 23rd of June, the
eve of the festival of St. John, the standard of the Moslem was
reared in its place.

The natural ferocity of Mustapha's character had been aroused
to the utmost by the desperate resistance he had encountered.
Even the senseless and bleeding corpses of the enemy were not
sacred from his revengeful malice. lie directed that the bodies
of the knights should be selected from amongst the other slain,
and that their heads should be struck off and erected on poles
looking towards St. Angelo. The trunks were then fastened on
planks extended in the form of a cross, the same emblem being
deeply gashed upon their breasts. Thus mutilated, they were
cast into the harbour, on the surface of which they floated.
The action of the wind carried them across to St. Angelo, and
its garrison was aroused to a frenzy of indignation by the sad
spectacle. By La Valette's direction the poor disfigured remains
were reverently raised from their watery bed, and as it was
impossible in their then condition to identify them, they were all
solemnly buried together in the conventual church of the Bourg.
The revenge taken by La Valette was unworthy of his character
as a Christian soldier, since he caused all his Turkish prisonera
to be decapitated, and their heads to be fired from the guns of
St. Angelo. Repulsive as this act seems to modem thought
and feeling, it was too much in accordance with the spirit of
the age to have been regarded with the slightest disapprobation
by the chroniclers of the time.

The intelligence of the capture of St. Elmo was promptly
conveyed to the woimded Dragut, who lay at the point of

30

450 A History of the Knights of Malta.

death in his tent. A gleam of satisfaction passed over the
oountenance of the dying man, and as though he had lingered
upon earth only to assure himself of the success he had so
materially assisted, he no sooner heard the news than he
breathed his last. His loss, which in itself was a great
blow to the Turks, was by no means the principal price they
had to pay for the purchase of St. Elmo. No less than 8,000
of their number fell in the attack from first to last. The
loss of the Christians amounted to 1,500, of whom 100 were
knights, and 30 servants-at-arms of the Order.

Thus fell that ruined bulwark, after a siege of upwards of a
month, shedding, even in its fall, a bright ray of glory over
its heroic defenders. Though Mustapha had achieved his
object, yet much precious time had been sacrificed, and there
can be no doubt that the protracted resistance of St. Elmo was
the main cause of the ultimate failure of his enterprise. The
losses the Turkish army had sustained, severe though they were,
counted but little in Mustapha's calculations, compared with
this great and unexpected waste of time. He had been
thus taught the resistance he must expect in every subsequent
stage of the undertaking, and even his bold mind quailed
beneath the difficulties with which his path was still beset.
Well might he, standing upon the ruins of the fort he had
gained at such an outlay, and gazing at the lofty ramparts of
St. Angelo, whose rising tiers of batteries were still crowned
with the White Cross banner, exclaim, in an agony of doubt and
perplexity, " What will not the parent cost us when the child
has been purchased at so fearful a price?"

CHAPTER XVIII.
1565.

Siege of Malta continued — Arrival of the first reinforcement — Investment
of the Bourg — Attack on Senglea — Repeated assaults on both points —
Exhaustion of the garrison — Arrival of a succouring force from Sicily —
dose of the siege.

Thk festival of St. John the Baptist, on the 24th June, was
celebrated by the inhabitants of the Bourg with very gloomy
feelings. The sad tragedy enacted at the capture of St. Elmo
had struck a panic into the hearts of all, and the horrifying
spectsLcle of the headless and mutilated corpses which greeted their
sight on the first dawn of their patron saint's day increased the
general despondency. To overcome this feeling La Valette
exerted all his eloquence, and in a public address which he
delivered, he urged them rather to emulate the deeds of those
massacred heroes, than to mourn their fate. " What," said he,
" could a true knight desire more ardently than to die in arms ?
And what could be a more fitting fate for a member of the Order
of St. John than to lay down his life in defence of his faith P
Both of these precious boons have been vouchsafed to our
brethren; why, then, should we mourn them P Rather should we
rejoice at the prospect of the glorious future which they have
earned. They have gained a martyr's crown, and will reap a
martyr's reward. Why, too, should we be dismayed because the
Moslem has at length succeeded in planting his accursed standard
on the ruined battlements of St. Elmo P Have we not taught him
a lesson which must strike dismay throughout his whole army P
If that poor, weak, insignificant fort has been able to withstand
his most powerful efforts for more than a month, how can he
expect to succeed against the stronger works and more numerous
garrison of the Bourg ? With us must be the victory. Let us
then, on this holy day, once more renew before the altar of God
those vows of constancy which our slaughtered brethren have so

30*

/ — —

452 A History of

nobly fulfilled.'* After this Btimulating address, a procession
was formed to the conventual church of San Lorenzo, and the
same solemn scene of consecration was re-enacted which had
before been witnessed there.

Whilst these ceremonies marked the festival on the part of
the Christians, the camp of the Turks was, on its side, filled
with sounds of rejoicing at the victory. The Marsa Muscetto
was now open to their fleet, and a long line of galleys, gaily
decorated, triumphantly rounded Point Dragut to the strains
of martial music resounding from the poops, and came stream-
ing in succession into the newly-acquired haven. The works
of St. Elmo were dismantled, and the guns captured on its
ramparts despatched to Constantinople as a token of the suc-
cess that had been achieved.

Mustapha now turned his attention towards the new and far
more formidable undertaking which still awaited him. The lines
which enclosed the two peninsulas jutting out into the main
harbour had been fortified as strongly as time and means would
permit. The lengthened period spent by the Turks before
St. Elmo had not been passed in idleness by La Valette.
Wherever new works could be made to impart additional
security to his enceinte he had carried them out. Men and
women, high and low, the noble and the peasant, the knight
and the private soldier, all had laboured with energy and
goodwill at their construction. A floating bridge was thrown
across the inlet between the two peninsulas, and thus free
communication was established between the Bourg and
Senglea. The garrison of the Cittd Notabile was reduced
by five companies of soldiers, who were called in to aid in the
defence of the Bourg, and all private stores and provisions were
seized for the public ubo, the owners being duly compensated
from the treasury. It was decreed that no further prisoners
should be made, and thus a war d outrance was declared, no
quarter being either asked or given. When these instructions
reached CittA Notabile, where the garrison, from its position
in rear of the besiegers had constant facilities for cutting off
stragglers, the practice was established of hanging a prisoner
every day, and this was continued without intermission until
the end of the siege.

the Knights of Malta, 453

Now that Mount Sceberras was in possession of the Turks,
Mustapha moved the greater portion of his army round to the
other side of the grand harbour, and enclosed the two peninsulas.
A glance at the map will shew that two bold promontories of
very high land jut out one on either side of the Bourg and
Senglea, that on the south, which is the larger and most dominant,
being the Coradin Hill, the one on the north being called Bighi.
The trenches of the Turks were traced so as to stretch from one
of these hills to the other, and when they were completed the
garrison was completely cut off from succour. Before this was
accomplished, however, four galleys, under the command of Don
Juan de Cardona, had reached Malta, and landed their forces on
the north of the island. This reinforcement consisted of forty-two
knights, twenty gentlemen volunteers from Spain, eleven from
Italy, three from Germany, two from England (whose names
have been recorded as Edward Stanley and John Smith), fifty-
six gunners, and a body of 600 imperial troops under the
command of Don Melchior de Robles.

Taking advantage of a thick mist which most fortimately
overspread the island (an event very unusual at that time of
the year), de Bobles succeeded in passing the Turkish lines in
safety with his little force, and joined his brethren in the Bourg
on the 29th of June. This reinforcement, slender as it was,
greatly raised the spirits of all, the more so that the new comers
brought the intelligence that a far more efficient force was being
assembled in Sicily, which would shortly make its appearance in
Malta. In proportion as the spirits of the garrison were raised,
those of the Turkish army were depressed. They soon learnt
that fresh troops had entered the Bourg, and their fears greatly
exaggerated the number. Rumours also reached them of the
large preparations going forward in Sicily, so that they felt
they might at any moment be called upon to meet a new
foe.

Mustapha entertained much dread at the thought of an
interruption to his enterprise, and the disastrous consequences
likely to ensue therefrom. He had no great confidence in the
staunchness of his troops, so many of the best of them having
been already sacrificed during the various assaults on St. Elmo.
He therefore thought it advisable, if possible, to bring matters to

454 ^ History of

an issue by means of negotiation. For this purpose he selected as
an envoy a Greek slave, whom he despatched, under a flag of
truce, as the bearer of most liberal terms should the Grand-
Master consent to capitulate. These conditions included all that
had been granted on the surrender of Ehodes, and the Order was
guaranteed security both for life and property. To La Valette this
mission was very unacceptable. He had from the first determined
either to carry his defence to a successful issue or to bury
himself and his Older beneath the ruins of his fortress. His
eloquent exhortations and his own example had roused a similar
feeling in the minds of all his knights, and he was most
unwilling that their firmness should be shaken by the offer of
such alluring terms as those proffered by the pasha. To
prevent, therefore, any further repetition of these messages,
he directed that the envoy should at once be hanged. The
unfortunate Grreek implored mercy on the ground that he had
been compelled to undertake the office. For some time La
Valette remained obdurate, but at length he relented, and
pointing to the ditches surrounding St. Angelo, bade the envoy
inform his master that there lay the only groimd within the
island of Malta which he was prepared to surrender, and that
only as a grave for the Turkish army.

This defiant reply shewed Mustapha that he had nothing to
gain by negotiation, and that if the fortress was to be won it
must be by force of arms alone. He therefore pushed forward
his siege works with the utmost vigour, and early in July had
completely surrounded both the Bourg and Senglea. The
latter, secured at its extremity by the fort of St. Michael,
was the object of his first attack, and he opened batteries upon
it from every available point. Both from Mount Sceberras and
the Coradin hill a tremendous fire was brought to bear upon
that portion of the work which it had been determined to
breach. The point selected was called the Spur bastion,
which formed the extreme end touching the harbour.* It

• The portion of the defences of Senglea here alluded to formed part of
the original fort of St. Michael. As first constructed that fort was an
enclosed and isolated work like St. Elmo. When, however, de la Sangle
fortified the whole peninsula, he connected the fort with his lines, removing
that part which had formed the inner face. The remainder was still
known as fort St. Michael, of which the Spur bastion was the extreme point.

the Knights of Malta. 455

was therefore open to assault by water as well as by land.
As it was impossible for Mustapha to bring his galleys to the
attack of this work by the ordinary channel through the entrance
of the grand harbour without subjecting them to a deadly fire
from the batteries of St. Angelo, he determined on the adoption
of a novel expedient. From the upper extremity of the Marsa
Muscetto to the head of the other harbour across the isthmus of
Mount Sceberras the distance is not great. Mustapha caused a
number of galleys to be transported by land across this neck,
and relaunched under the Qoradin hill. This service, which was
necessarily most laborious, was performed by the Christian slaves,
of whom a large number were retained in the Turkish camp
for duties of this nature. In a few days La Valette beheld no
less than eighty vessels of various sizes floating in the upper
portion of those waters whose entrance he had so sedulously
guarded.

About this time a very welcome addition was made to the
garrison in the form of a deserter of high position from the
Turkish army. This man, whose name was Lascaris, was a
Greek of good family, who in early youth had been captured
by the Turks, and being brought up as a Mahometan, had
attained high rank in their army. A sense of the shame
which overshadows the career of even the most brilliant rene-
gade had long haunted Lascaris, and now, when he beheld
the votaries of that faith in which he himself had been bom,
so nobly fighting in its cause, he determined upon sacrificing
all that he had gained, and joining their fortunes. One evening,
therefore, he descended Moimt Sceberras opposite St. Angelo,
and made signals by waving his turban to show his desire to
be taken into the fort. Before this could be done, he was
discovered by the Turkish sentries, and a body of men
sent to seize him. Li this jimcture Lascaris, though a very
poor swimmer, plunged into the water, and contrived to keep
himself afloat until he was picked up by the boat which the
Grrand-Master sent to his aid. On his arrival at St. Angelo
he informed La Valette of the motives which had prompted
him to desert his colours, and also gave information of the
attack that was impending on the spur of St. Michael. There
was much in the incident that must have reminded La Yalette

456 A History of

of the case of Maitre Georges during the first siege of Ehodes,
the history of which was, of course, well known to him. He
does not, however, appear to have had his suspicions in any
way aroused by the ominous similarity, but on the contrary,
was so struck with the noble sacrifice made by Lascaris^ that
he appointed him a pension from the treasury. He had no
cause to regret his confidence. Throughout the remainder of
the siege the fugitive proved himself not only a valiant captain
in the field, but also a most able adviser in the council.

Following out the suggestions of Lascaris, La Valette took
every precaution to avert the impending storm. The seaward
ramparts of St. Michael's were all strengthened, additional
guns were planted at every point where they could be brought
to bear upon the approaching foe, and as a last step a strong
stockade was constructed, running from the spur of St. Michael
parallel to the line of ramparts which faced the Coradin hill, at
a distance of some six yards from the shore, and only termi-
nating at the neck of the peninsula.* This stockade was
formed of huge piles driven into the bed of the harbour,
and connected together by chains passing through iron
rings fixed into the head of each. Large spars were also
fastened from pile to pile, and a barrier thus constructed
which would materially impede any boat attack on Senglea
from the side of the Coradin hill. A similar obstacle was
erected in front of the posts of Germany and Castile.
This work could, of course, only be carried on by night,

* In all former liistories of the siege this stockade is described as stretch-
ing from the point of Senglea to the foot of the Coradin hill. The author
followed the general error in the first edition of this work, it having been
so positively and universally recorded. It had always, however, seemed to
him an almost impossible undertaking to construct such a stockade passing
through deep water for so great a length and terminating at a point so close
to the enemy's lines. He has since examined a work in the public library
of Valetta, not generally known, which was published soon after the
siege. In this book there is, among other illustrations, one in which the
stockade is shown as now described. There can be no doubt that this
position is the correct one. It answers thoroughly the purpose for which it
was constructed — viz., to prevent the enemy's boats from landing on the
rocks at the foot of the ramparts throughout any part of the line. It is in
comparatively shallow water, and in close proximity to the defenders'
works.

the K^iights of Malta, 457

but the Maltese, who have from a very early period been
celebrated as divers, were able to complete it in an incredibly
short time. Mustapha was dismayed at perceiving so novel
and formidable an obstacle rising to impede his projected
attack, and anxious, if possible, to prevent its completion, he
selected a body of the most expert swimmers in his army, whom
he provided with axes, and despatched with instructions to
destroy the barrier. The admiral de Monte, who commanded
at St. Michael's, met this attack by a similar saUy. His Maltese
divers, with their swords between their teeth, dashed into the
water, and their superior activity in that element giving them
a great advantage over their opponents, the latter were soon
overcome, and but few succeeded in regaining the opposite
shore.

Whilst the assault was still pending, the viceroy of Algiers*
named Hassan, son of the redoubtable Hayradin Barbarossa,
and son-in-law of Dragut, arrived with a reinforcement of
2,500 men, all of whom had served a long apprenticeship in
the desperate piratical warfare of the Mediterranean. Hassan,
whose great success as a leader had made him very vainglorious,
sneered at the numerous failures which had hitherto taken
place. A survey of the ruins of St. Elmo led him to express his
amazement that Mustapha should have allowed himself to be
baffled for such a length of time by so insignificant a work.
Following up the taunt, he volunteered, with the troops he had
just brought with him, to lead the assault against Senglea.
The Turkish general was only too glad to give the young
braggart an opportunity of making good his words. He was
therefore appointed to head tlie attack on the land side,
whilst his lieutenant, Candelissa, led that upon the spur
by water.

At a given signal, early on the morning of the 16th of
July, the action commenced by the advance of the Turkish
flotilla. Its progress was enlivened by the strains of martial
music, and the sun on that summer's morn flashed upon many
a glittering weapon, and lighted up many a gay and fluttering
pennon. It was a beautiful sight, and but for the fearful stake
at issue, would have struck with admiration the gazers who
crowded the bastions around. The war had, however, been

458 A History of

•
carried on with so much ferocity, and such extreme venom on

both sides, that the only feeling aroused by the display was

one of rancorous hatred. Men called to mind the barbarous

outrages which had been perpetrated on their brethren at St.

Elmo, and each one, as he gazed upon the proudly advancing

foe, registered a vow that he would avenge that fatal day. In

advance of the squadron came a boat containing two Turkish

priests, who recited from the Koran such texts as were most

likely to arouse the enthusiasm of their followers. When

they neared the scene of strife, these holy men cared no

longer to occupy their conspicuous position, but resigning

their post to Candelissa wisely returned to camp, and watched

the conflict from a safe distance.

Candelissa's first attempt was on the stockade, through which
he endeavoured to force a passage. He had, as an alterna-
tive, provided himself with a number of planks with which
he proposed to bridge over the space between it and the
rocks. Both attempts proved complete failures. The barrier
was too strong and the intervals were too small to permit him
to push his boats through, whilst the planks were not long
enough to form a bridge. Galled by the fire from the ramparts,
Candelissa felt that he could not remain where he was.
Plxmging, therefore, into the water, which reached to his neck,
he forced his way through the stockade, and calling on his men
to foUow him, waded to the shore, where he drew his sword and
made a dash at the breach.

At this moment, unfortunately, a store of combustibles,
which had been accumulated on the rampart for the use of the
defenders, suddenly became ignited and exploded, killing and
woimding a number of those who were crowded around. All
was for a time in hopeless confusion, and when the smoke
cleared away the Turks were found to have established them-
selves on the summit of the breach, where they were planting
several small banners in token of triumph. The dismay of
the defenders speedily gave way to feelings of rage, and
determination to regain the lost ground. Rallying his forces
the commander Zanoguerra dashed into the midst of the enemy,
and the conflict once more raged with doubtful success. Long
and desperate was the struggle, the tide of battle turning first

tfu Knights of Malta. 459

to the one side and then to the other. At last the force of
numbers began to prevail, as more and more of the assailants
forced their way through the breach, and in spite of their
indomitable determination the defenders were driven back step
by step.

La Valette and Mustapha were both watching the course of
events, the one from St. Angelo, the other from the summit of
the Coradin hill, and they decided, at the same moment, upon
sending reinforcements to the scene of action. Mustapha, who
had seen with exultation the progress made by Candelissa,
determined to complete the success and overcome all further
opposition. He therefore embarked a body of 1,000 janissaries
in ten large boats, and despatched them to the assistance of the
assaulting column. To avoid the obstacle of the stockade, this
flotilla steered well round to the northward, and thus exposed
itself to the fire of St. Angelo, from which the first attack had
been screened by the point of Senglea. It has been already men-
tioned in Chapter XVI. that La Valette, amongst other works of
defence, had constructed a small battery for three guns, dfleitr
iVeau^ upon the rooks at the foot of St. Angelo, for the express
purpose of protecting the spur of St. Michael. The knight who
had command of this post, when he saw the advance of the
hostile force, caused his guns to be loaded to the muzzle with
grape, musket-shot, and other missiles, and then waited quietly
until the boats had approached within easy range. At a given
signal the battery, which had, from its position, escaped the
notice of the Turks, belched forth its fire at a distance of little
more than 200 yards, lashing the surface of the water into a
foam with its iron hail. The result was awful. The boats were
all crowded together, and the discharge had taken effect in their
midst. Nine out of the ten sank instantly, and such of their
occupants as were not killed were seen struggling in the water.
The wondrous effect of this deadly discharge has been described
with great unction by contemporary annalists, and the loss
sustained by the Turks variously computed at from 400 to
800 men. For days after, the bodies of the killed floated
on the water, and were seized by the expert Maltese swimmers,
who reaped a rich harvest from the plunder found on them

Meanwhile La Valette had on his side despatched a powerfid

460 A History of

reinforcement from the Bourg by means of the temporary bridge
connecting that point with Senglea, and this sucooor reached
the scene of action at the moment when the Ttirks were
paralysed by the incident they had just witnessed. Their
appearance at this critical juncture decided the fortunes of the
day. With fierce shouts they dashed at the enemy, and drove
them headlong over the breach. Even Candelissa, whose repu-
tation for courage and daring had till that moment been above
suspicion, was seized vnih. panic, and was among^ the earliest to
turn his back on the scene of strife. When first landing on the
rock he had directed the boats, as their occupants left them, to
draw away from the stockade into deep water, so that his troops
might fight the more desperately from feeling that their retreat
was cut off. He now found this valiant direction highly
inconvenient, and as he stood up to his waist in the water
beckoning them back again, he presented a spectacle not
very edifying to the spectators on the Coradin hill. He hurried
ignominiously into the first boat that reached the spot, and was
followed by such of his troops as were able once more to
scramble through or over the stockade. The remainder fell
almost unresisting victims to the fury of the besieged. Their
cries for quarter were met with the stem reply, " Such mercy as
you showed to our brethren in St. Elmo shall be meted out to
you and none other." From that day similar acts of vengeance
became known amongst the knights by the name of St. Elmo's
pay.

Candelissa and his fugitive comrades having made good their
escape, the defenders employed in their work of butchery
became exposed to the fire from the enemy's batteries, which
now opened furiously on the point. In this cannonade, the
young son of the viceroy of Sicily, Frederic de Toledo, was
killed. La Valette had hitherto, out of consideration for his
father, studiously kept him from the more exposed and
dangerous posts, but the enthusiasm of the young soldier could
not tamely brook this state of inglorious security. When,
therefore, the reinforcement left the Bourg for Senglea, Toledo
contrived to join its ranks unnoticed, and bore himself right
gallantly in the short but decisive struggle that ensued. His
untimely fate, whilst fighting for a cause in which he had no

the Knights of Malta. 46 1

personal interest, created a universal feeling of deep regret,
even the stem and impassive La Valette himself exhibiting the
most poignant sorrow at his loss.

Whilst Candelissa had been thus engaged, Hassan had, on his
side, made several desperate but futile attempts to penetrate into
the defences on the land front of Senglea. Wherever the
assaulting columns shewed themselves they were met by an
impenetrable array which no efforts could dislodge. The young
Algerine exerted himself to the utmost to urge on his followers.
He was mindful of the scornful boast he had uttered whilst
standing on the ruins of St. Elmo, and strove hard to accom-
plish what he had then undertaken. He now discovered, to
his cost, that he was fighting an enemy very different in power
from that with whom he had hitherto come in contact, and at
length, exhausted with his fruitless efforts, he was compelled
sullenly to withdraw his troops and acknowledge the bitterness
of defeat.

Thus ended this memorable day. Nearly 3,000 of the flower
of the Ottoman army perished on the occasion, most of whom
were either janissaries or Algerine corsairs, whilst the loss of
the defenders did not exceed 250. Amongst these, however, in
addition to the son of the viceroy, was the commander Zano-
guerra, who fell at the moment of victory. La Valette caused
a solemn thanksgiving for this important success to be offered
up in the conventual church of San Lorenzo. Mustapha, on
his side, felt that still greater exertions were necessary to atone
for the failure. The strength of the garrison being now much
reduced, he conceived that he could best take advantage of his
own superior numbers by carrying on an attack against Senglea
and the Bourg simultaneously. He therefore retcdned the
direction of the siege against the first-named place in his own
hands, whilst he confided the other to the admiral Piali. As
regards the former, it was found impracticable, owing to the
stockade, to reijew the attack on the spur of St. Michael. All
further efforts were therefore directed solely against the land
front. Candelissa, whose conduct during the late assault had
not raised him in public estimation, was placed in charge
of the fleet, with directions to cruise off the mouth of the har-
bour and intercept any attempts at reinforcement. This

462 A History* oj

division of command created great rivaliy and emulation. Each
felt that if he were the fortimate man to gain a first footing
within the enemy's defences, the whole glory of the expedition,
and consequently its reward, would fall to him. Piali, there-
fore, determined to push forward his attack on the Bourg with
the utmost vigour. A battery had ah^ady been constructed on
Mount Salvator, which played upon the post of Castile and
on part of that of Auvergne. To this Piali added another,
still larger, on the bluff of Bighi, containing both guns and
mortars. He thus enclosed the post of Castile between two
fires, and soon reduced its ramparts to a state of ruin. At the
same time he pushed forward his trenches so that he was quite
close to the bastion by the time matters were ripe for a storm.

Mustapha, meanwhile, had employed the time in increasing
the number of his guns in battery, and in harassing the de-
fenders of Senglea by a constant and galling cannonade. On
the 2nd of August, being anxious, if possible, to forestall the
operations of Piali, he delivered an assault at the point where
Hassan had previously failed. For six hours the struggle was
maintained with equal obstinacy on both sides. Five times
were the Turks driven from the breach, and as often were they
rallied by their indomitable general. At length, owing to
the sheer exhaustion of his men, he was compelled to abandon
the attempt, and the wearied garrison was once more permitted
to enjoy a brief repose.

Piali was on his side ready to assume the offensive within a
few days of Mustapha's failure, and on the 7th of August a
fresh attack was made on both points simultaneously. Piali
exerted himself to the utmost to penetrate through the gaping
breaches established by his batteries in the ramparts of Castile,
but in vain. Retrenchments had been formed in rear of the
exposed points, and so galling a fire was maintained upon the
assailants that they were unable to face its intensity. Whilst
thus thrown into confusion, the disorder being* rendered still
more complete by the various obstacles strewn upon the breach,
the knights suddenly assumed the offensive, and dashing from
their cover drove the Turks headlong backward. No efforts
on the part of Piali could succeed in rallying his men, and
he was compelled eventually to relinquish the attempt. Mus-

tJie Knights of Malta, 463

tapha's attack was at first attended with better success. His
columns obtained a footing on the summit of the breach, and a
desperate hand-to-hand encounter ensued, in which his superi-
ority of nimiber gradually made itself felt. He himself was
to be seen in every direction, sword in hand, cheeiing on his
forces with promises of reward and booty, and eventually he
succeeded in driving the defenders back from the contested
rampart.

At this time, when all appeared lost, and when a few
moments more must have decided the fate of Senglea, Mus-
tapha, to the amazement of the combatants, soimded the
retreat. This step on his part seemed at first inexplicable,
but the cause which led to it was in reality veiy simple.
The commandant of the Citt& Notabile had heard the cease-
less din, which, since early dawn, had raged around the fortress,
and rightly conjectured that the Turks were delivering a
fresh assault. He determined, therefore, on making a diver-
sion. Mustering all his cavalry, he sent them forth with
the general instruction to make an attack wherever they might
find a suitable opportunity. The knight in command advanced
cautiously towards the head of the harbour, where the sick and
wounded of the Turkish army were lying in camp. The guards
had all left their posts, and were on the neighbouring heights
gazing intently upon the conflict that was raging around. The
little band, seeing the advantage thus offered, rushed upon the
camp, and commenced an indiscriminate massacre of the help-
less creatures lying there. Shrieks, yells, and groans resounded
on all sides, and a panic spread through the army. It was
supposed that the relieving force from Sicily had landed,
and that its advanced guard was already in their rear. The
news spread like wildfire. Terror and dismay were on every
face, and each one, without waiting to meet the enemy, bethought
him how he could best escape from the general massacre. The
intelligence reached Mustapha in the thick of the contest at,
Senglea, and at the very instant of victory he saw the prize
torn from his grasp. An immediate retreat was sounded, and
he assembled his disheartened troops to meet the new enemy
supposed to be at that moment on their fiank. To his astonish-
ment and rage, when he reached the scene of action, he dis-

464 A History of

covered the true state of the case. The cavalry of the Citta
Notabile, having attained their object and created a diversion,
wisely retired in time, and Mustapha found, to his unspeak-
able indignation, that he had abandoned a victory already in his
grasp on a false alarm.

From this time he resolved to carry his point rather by the
harassing frequency of his attacks than by their intensity. Each
day, therefore, witnessed a repetition of the struggle at one or
both points of attack. It would weary the reader to enter into
a detail of all the incidents by which these constant assaults
were marked. Their general character was always the same.
At the appointed signal the besiegers would rush forward ^dth
shouts and yells, and would make a dash at the gaping breach,
the shrill notes of the atabal ringing forth with inspiriting
tones. But there they would be met by an enemy who cared
little either for the notes of the atabal or the shouts of the
Moslem. Then would ensue that hand-to-hand encoimter, in
which the chivalry of St. John, standing on the summit of the
breach, invariably proved superior to the assailants struggling
up the rugged pathway. Less and less obstinately would the
combat be maintained, until the signal of retreat, rising above
the din of battle, announced one more failure to the Turk, and
one more triumph to the Christian.

After each of these victories, however, La Valette beheld his
numbers steadily diminishing. His thoughts, therefore, turned
more and more anxiously towards the relief expected from
Sicily, where his ambassador had not been idle. That envoy's
task was, indeed, no easy one, and it required the most skilful
diplomacy to carry his instructions judiciously into effect.
Whilst, on the one hand, it was urgently necessary that he
should stimulate the dilatory viceroy to increased exertion, it
was, on the other hand, equally incumbent on him to say or do
nothing which could by any possibility be construed into a
cause of offence. When the news had reached Sicily, first
of the fall of St. Elmo, then of the blockade of the Bourg, and
lastly of the repeated assaults that were being made at that
point and at Senglea, he could no longer refrain from indignant
and vehement remonstrances at a delay which seemed certain to
entail the loss of the island.

the Knights of Malta. 465

It is very difficult to account for the conduct of the viceroy
at this juncture. It is a well-known fact that he was warmly
attached to the Order, and especially so to LaValette himself. He
had even intrusted his son to the knights through the perils of the
siege. It cannot, therefore, be supposed that under such circum-
stances he would be indifferent to the fate of the island. "Whether
he feared, by too hasty an intervention, to compromise the safety
of the Spanish fleet, or whether, as is very probable, he was
acting under secret instructions from Philip himself, can never
now be ascertained. It is, however, quite clear that, but for the
indomitable nature of La Valette's rtBsistance, the succour by
means of which the island was eventually relieved would have
arrived only to find the Turkish flag waving over the castle of
St. Angelo, and the sad scenes of St. Elmo re-enacted on a larger
scale. The remonstrances of the ambassador induced the vice-
roy to summon a special ooimcil to deliberate on the steps to
be taken. A proposition was actually made at the board,
and supported by several voices, to leave Malta to its fate.
Fortunately for the reputation of both Philip and his vice-
roy, other and nobler counsels prevailed, and an assurance
was forwarded to La Valette that if he could hold the fortress
until the end of August he should most positively be relieved
by that time.

Meanwhile, the daily assaults continued without intermission,
but on the 18th of August they assumed a more important
character than ordinary. Both points were, as usual, to be
attacked, but the attempt upon the post of Castile was deferred
for some time after that upon Senglea had been commenced,
partly with the hope of inducing some of its defenders to with-
draw to the assistance of their friends, and partly to enable Piali
to spring a mine, which had, with incredible labour, been suc-
cessfully driven through the rock beneath the bastion. Finding
that the delay did not tempt any of the knights to leave their
stations, Piali fired his mine, and a large extent of rampart
was thrown down by the explosion. The solid nature of the
rock upon which the works stood had led the garrison to con-
sider any attempt at mining an absolute impossibility, and the
idea of such a mode of attack never occurred to them. The panic
caused by so imlooked-for an event was consequently extreme,

31

466 A History of

and whilst it was paralysing the defence the assailcuits made
their onset. When the dense smoke caused by the explosion
had cleared away, the Turks were masters of the post. The
alarm spread instantly, and the great beU of the conventual
church pealed forth to notify the peril. A terrified priest,
rushing into the presence of La Yalette, besought him to take
refuge in the castle of St. Angelo, as the Bourg was irretriev-
ably lost. All was fear and confusion, and but for the presence
of mind displayed by the Orand-Master at that critical moment
the place must have fallen. Instead of following the advice
of the priest La Yalette seized a pike and rushed to the scene
of action, calling upon his brethren to die manfully where they
stood. A desperate encounter ensued, in which the Qrand-
Master was wounded, but he succeeded in attaining his object ;
the breach was re-taken and cleared of the enemy.

The catastrophe thus averted had been so imminent, and
appeared so likely to threaten them again, that La Yalette
determined upon taking up his quarters permanently dose to
the exposed bastion. In vain his knights remonstrated with
him; in vain they pointed out the inestimable value of his Ufe
to the defence ; he persisted in his determination, and the
result proved that he was right. That same night the Turks
renewed the attack, and then the spirit inspired amongst the
besieged by his presence materially aided them in successfully
resisting it. The 19th, 20th, and 21st each beheld an assault
upon some point, and, although on every occasion it failed, the
steadily reducing numbers of the garrison proved clearly that
they would be unable to sustain many more such efforts.
Scarce a knight of that little band remained unwounded, and
lia Yalette was each day called on to mourn the death of some
one whose gallantry had endeared him to the hearts of his
comrades. Nor was he spared the pang of a nearer loss. His
own nephew, Parisot de la Yalette, was struck down during a
daring sortie, which he had led, in company with another
knight named Polastron, who was also killed. It was only
after a long and fiercely-contested struggle that their com-
rades succeeded in rescuing the corpses. La Yalette himself
was an eye-witness of the scene, and rejected all attempts at
condolence by assuring his hearers that the whole fraternity

the Knights of Malta. 467

was to him as kindred, and that he did not mourn the loss
of his nephew more than that of any other knight who had
fallen.

Whilst the besieged were being reduced to this pitiable con-
dition the position of Mustapha was but little better. The
incessant attacks he had persisted in making had, it is true,
harassed the besieged beyond all endurance, but their constant
failure at the same time produced the worst possible effect
upon his own troops. He had lost the flower of his army,
partly on those deadly breaches, which they had in vain
endeavoured to storm, and partly by a pestilence which had
latterly raged with the most frightful violence throughout their
camp. The power of the sun in Malta during the month of
July is very great, and at all times likely to produce disease unless
the most stringent sanitary precautions are insisted on. The
Turkish camp had remained stationary for nearly two months,
and, as is well known, the habits of Easterns are not sufficiently
cleanly to stave ofiE sickness under such conditions. It is not,
therefore, to be wondered at that by the time August had
been reached a very large proportion of the force was laid
low. Further, their ammunition was running short, and a
scarcity of provisions had long been felt. It appears strange
that with so large a fleet as that which Piali had at his com-
mand, they should have found any difficulty in maintaining
their communications with the African coast, but certain it is
that whilst the ships were lying in idleness in the Marsa
Muscetto, Sicilian cruisers were permitted constantly to inter-
cept supplies. The only explanation possible for this anomaly
seems to be that the Turkish commander lived in perpetual
dread of the arrival of such a powerful succouring force from
Sicily as might necessitate his abandonment of the siege. He
did not, therefore, wish to run the risk of having his retreat cut
off by such an event taking place during the absence of any
considerable number of his galleys.

Long and anxious consultations were held between Mustapha
and Piali. The former, who felt that his reputation — nay,
most probably even his life — depended upon the successful
issue of the enterprise, strongly urged that the army should,
if necessary, winter upon the island ; but Piali declared that he

31*

468 A History of

could not allow his vessels to run so great a risk. That fleet
had been pla^oed under his own especial command, and he alone
was responsible to the sultan for its safety ; he announced,
therefore, that as soon as the summer began to break up he
should quit Malta and return to Constantinople, either with or
without the army. A constant jealousy had, indeed, from the
first existed between the rival commanders of the Ottoman
forces. So long as Dragut lived that feeling had been kept in
check, and the Algerine had, by mutual consent, been peimitted
to take the lead in conducting the attack on St. Elmo, but
after his death the ill-will between the two chiefs broke out
with increased rancour. Each was more intent upon depriving
his colleague of the honour of success than carrying on the
main object of the expedition, and each felt that if he were not
himself the principal actor at the capture of the island he would
rather the attempt were a failure than that the other should
reap the fruits of success.

Mustapha felt greatly dismayed at the now openly expressed
opposition of his coadjutor ; still, he retained the secret of his
despondency within his own breast. Instructions were issued
for a fresh general assault at all points on the 23rd August.
Some friendly hand among the besiegers shot into the town an
arrow, to which was attached a piece of paper having on it
the word Thursday. The hint was sufficient, and La Valette
at once guessed that on that day an attack of more than usual
importance was to take place. A general council was sum-
moned to deliberate upon measures of defence. It was there
strongly urged that both the Bourg and Senglea should be
abandoned, and that the garrison, which was so fearfully
reduced, should be withdrawn into the castle of St. Angelo.
The Grand-Master, however, would not listen to this proposi-
tion. He pointed out that St. Angelo was far too small to
contain all the persons who would require shelter, also that the
supply of water would be insufficient for their wants. Both
the Bourg and Senglea must, he said, be maintained to the
last, and, with the view of shewing that he was determined to
carry his ideas into execution, he withdrew from the castle the
greater portion of its strength to reinforce that of the two
towns. Early on the morning of the 23rd the assault took

the Knights of Malta. 469

place as anticipated. Every member of the Order whose
wounds were not so severe as positively to incapacitate him,
had on this occasion left the infirmary and once more resumed
his post upon the shattered ramparts. Yet even with this aid
the number of the defenders had dwindled to a comparative
handful. Nothing but their indomitable spirit and the de-
moralization which had so destroyed the vigour of the Turks,
could have enabled them to maintain a successful resistance
before the overwhelming odds which were brought against
them. Once again, however, they were victorious, and the
baffled Mustapha was compelled to withdraw his troops, now
utterly cowed, from the scene of their latest failure.

For a week aftor this defeat the Turks attempted nothing
further, but contented themselves with keeping up a sullen
cannonade from their batteries. At length on the 1st of Sep-
tember Mustapha once more essayed his fortune at a last des-
perate assault, and on this occasion he used every incentive
in his power by which his troops could be stimulated and
their flagging vigour aroused. It was, however, all in vain;
a spirit of disorganization and despondency had spread itself
through their ranks; they declared that it was evidently not
the will of Allah that they should become the masters of Malta,
and loudly demanded to be carried away from the dreaded
island where so many of their comrades had either foimd a
bloody grave or were dying of pestilence like rotten sheep. It
was not by men imbued with such feelings as these that victory
was to be snatched from the determined and now utterly
desperate garrison. Mustapha's quailing and reluctant bat-
talions recoiled ahnost without a blow from the firm front still
maintained against their advance. The feebleness of this last
effort spread the greatest exultation and the most sanguine
expectations of ultimate success amongst the besieged. They
began to hope that they should themselves be able, alone and
unaided, to drive the enemy from their shores, as their pre-
decessors at Rhodes had done in the glorious siege of 1480, and
they almost ceased to wish for the presence of that relieving
force whose coming had till then been looked for with such
earnest desire.

This long-expected aid was, however, at length on its way to

470 A History of

their rescue. On the 25th of August a fleet of twenty-eight
galleys, containing 8,500 troops, of whom nearly 300 were
members of the Order, the remainder being Italian and Spanish
soldiery, set sail from Syracuse and appeared o£E Malta. Whilst
the viceroy was reconnoitring the island with a view to deciding
upon the most prudent measiures to adopt for the relief of the
fortress, one of those sudden and violent storms so frequent in
the Mediterranean arose and dispersed his fleet, compelling
him to return to Sicily to refit. His troops were so eager to be
led to the rescue that the repairs were speedily completed, and
on the 6th of September he again set sail, and anchored that
same night between the islands of Comino and Qozo. The
next morning he landed his army in Melleha Bay, a small
but commodious inlet on the north of the island ; and having
witnessed the commencement of its march towards the Cittal
Notabile, he returned to Sicily for a further body of 4,000 men
who were still at Syracuse awaiting transport.

Meanwhile Mustapha had remained in his camp, after his last
failure, in a state of the most abject despondency. Every effort
which his ingenuity could devise had been made to overcome
the obstinate resistance of the knights; their works had been
battered by a train far more powerful than had ever been
previously used at a siege ; they had been subjected to a series
of the most desperate and prolonged assaults; and in spite
of the difliculties of the ground mining had been resorted to.
All, however, was useless. A cavalier had been raised in front
of the post of Castile, from the summit of which the interior of
that bastion could be overlooked, but it had been captured by
the defenders, and actually converted by them into an outpost.
At the last assault a cask had been thrown into the town filled
with combustibles with an ignited slow match attached to it,
but the knights had succeeded in hurling it back into the
midst of a column which was at that very moment advancing
to the attack ; the cask exploded, and the column was shattered
and dispersed by a missile devised by themselves. An attempt
had been made against the Citta Notabile, but had been baffled
by the determination of the commandant. Nothing seemed to
succeed, and Mustapha felt that he had been thwarted at every
point. It was at this moment, whilst he was plunged in the

tlie Knights of Malta, 471

depth of despondency, and whilst his troops were olamorous
for the abandonment of the siege, that he received the first
information of the landing and advance of the succouring
army.

Intelligence had, indeed, long before reached him that this
relieving force was assembling, but its lengthened delays
and procrastination lured him into the hope that it would
never really set sail. He had, moreover, decided, in his own
mind, that, even if it did arrive, its efforts would be directed
towards forcing the entrance of the grand harbour, and against
such a step he had taken ample precautions. Qreat was his
dismay, therefore, when he learnt that an army had actually
landed on the island, and was marching rapidly towards the
Bourg. Humour had, as usual, greatly magnified the numbers of
the advancing force, and Mustapha began to fear lest he should
be surprised in his intrenchments, and the whole of his troops
cut to pieces. He, in consequence, gave the order for inmiediate
embarkation. The artillery and stores were at once removed,
as far as was practicable, from the batteries, and throughout
the night of the 7th of September his soldiers laboured with
far more zeal and diligence in carrying off their guns than they
had originally shewn in landing them. The sounds of depar-
ture were not lost upon the inhabitants, and with glad hearts
they listened to the constant rumbling of wheels, which for
many hours marked the movement going on in the Turkish
camp.

With the first dawn of the next day the actual embarka-
tion began. St. Elmo was abandoned; all the trenches and
batteries which it had taken so many months, and so fearful
an expenditure of blood to construct, were relinquished. La
Valette's measures on this joyiul morning were as prompt
and decisive as those of Mustapha had been injudicious.
The whole town poured forth into the trenches, and in a few
hours the labour of months had been destroyed. The banner
of the Order was once more triumphantly raised over the
ruins of St. Elmo, and Piali was driven to hurry the departure
of his galleys from the Marsa Muscetto, which was no longer
a safe shelter now that Mount Sceberras was again in
possession of the enemy. The embarkation of the Turkish

472 A History of

armj had not been completed when Mustapha received more
acciirate intelligence as to the numbers of the advancing force.
Hifl proud spirit was struck with indignation at the thought
that he should thus hastily have abandoned his position upon
the approach of a body of troops so far inferior in number to
his own. A council of war was promptly summoned, in which
it was decided, by a slender majority, that the troops should be
again landed and marched into the interior of the island to
encounter the new enemy. This decision caused the greatest dis-
may and consternation amongst the disorganized Turks, who had
trusted that their labours and perils were at last ended. They
were, with the utmost difficulty, torn from the ships in which
they had hoped to be borne away from the scene of so many
hardships and privations. Mustapha was a man endowed
with too much determination of purpose to allow the discontent
of a mutinous soldiery to divert him from his aim. A body of
about 9,000 men was, therefore, landed in St. Paul's Bay, to the
north of the island, and with this force he advanced to meet the
enemy, now lying between him and the town.

The viceroy had placed his army under the command of an
Italian officer named Ascanio Comeo, second to whom was
Alvarez Sandeo, a Spanish knight who had on several occasions
greatly distinguished himself. La Valette sent timely notice to
these officers that a body of Turks was being once more landed,
and would probably advance against them. Comeo, upon
receipt of this intelligence, took decisive measures to meet the
attack. He secured a veiy strong position on the summit of a
ridge in front of the casal or village of Nasciar, where what is
geologically termed the great fault of Malta runs almost across
the island, dividing it into two nearly equal parts with a sudden
and very considerable drop of level between them. Along the
crest of this line he hastily threw up intrenchments, behind which
he proposed to await the approach of the Turks. He had,
however, those under his command who could ill brook such a
defensive policy. A body of 200 knights, each accompanied by
several armed followers, had been formed into a battalion which
was by far the most efficient in his little army. These knights
were burning with eagerness to cross swords at once with their
hated enemy, and to avenge in the blood of the Moslem the loss

the Knights of Malta. 473

of 80 many of their comrades who had fallen in the defence.
No entreaties, no commands could restrain their impetuosity,
and they openly declared that if the force were not at once led to
the attack they would rush on the enemy unsupported. Comeo
perceived that he could not hold them back ; he therefore
decided upon making the best possible use of the enthusiasm by
which they were fired, and which had spread through his troops.
No sooner had the Ottoman army reached the foot of the hill
than he ordered a general advance. Down rushed the battalion
of knights, the White Cross banner waving ia the van, and
their brandished weapons gleaming in the sun as though eager
to be bathed in the blood of the enemy. The Turks, who had
with difiiculty been brought thus far, were struck with awe at
the furious onset. Without waiting for the shock they turned
and fled with precipitation.

In vain did Mustapha strain every nerve to rally his flying
soldiers ; twice he was unhorsed, and several times did he with
bis own hand cut down the foremost of the fugitives, in his vain
endeavour to stem the torrent of the flight. The general terror
was too universal for him to withstand, and he was at length
himself carried away by the stream. On came the pursuers,
heedless of aught but revenge. Every precaution was neglected,
all discipline lost, even their very armour was cast aside that
they might act with greater vigour and activity against the
unresisting adversary. In tumultuous disarray they reached
the shore and strove to prevent the embarkation of the Turks.
Here, however, they were brought to a check. Mustapha, before
advancing into the island, had left Hassan, the Algerine corsair,
with 1,500 men to cover the place of embarkation. This force
was judiciously posted, so that when the knights came streaming
in confusion to the spot, they were received with so deadly a
fire as almost to threaten their annihilation. Surrounded by
this new enemy, and exhausted by their rapid advance, they
must inevitably have been cut to pieces had not Comeo
quickly made his appearance with the main body of his
troops. As it was, many fell, and a few were for the moment
taken prisoners. These, however, were speedily rescued by
the advancing force, the Turks driven on board their galleys,
and the island at length cleared of all its foes.

474 -^ History of

The siege was now over; the shattered remnants of that
powerful army which a few short months before had landed
with all the pomp and circumstance of war, were wending their
way homeward to Constantinople, there to meet the angry
frowns of a sovereign who, till that moment, had scarcely
known defeat. It now only remained that the victors should
advance upon the town and greet their friends in the Bourg-
A joyful meeting it was between those enfeebled war-worn
soldiers and the gallant comrades who had so opportunely come
to their rescue. Their wan and haggard faces, attenuated with
vigils and hardships, were lighted up with the proud conscious-
ness of the glorious victory they had gained. Alone cuid
unaided, they had for months withstood the shock of one of the
most powerful armaments that had ever left the port of Con-
stantinople. Their ruined and blood-stained ramparts could
tell a tale of heroism and endurance that would long linger in
men's minds. As friend met friend and was clasped in fraternal
arms, each felt that another triumph had to be emblazoned upon
the banner of the Order, before which all previous victories
seemed poor and trivial. Well might La Valette be excused
the natural exultation of the moment when he directed that the
name of his town should be changed from its old appellation of
the Bourg, to the proud and well-earned title of the*Citt4
Vittoriosa.

The troops which accompanied Mustapha to Malta had
originally consisted of upwards of 30,000 men, mostly picked
from the flower of the Ottoman army. The successive re-
inforcements brought by the corsairs Dragut and Hassan had
increased that number to nearly 40,000. Of this vast force
little more than 15,000 survived to return with their leader to
Constantinople. On the other hand, the original garrison of
the fortress had barely reached 9,000 men. The reinforcement
received shortly after the fall of St. Elmo added only 700 to their
strength. Of this small body only 600 remained unwounded.
The process of exhaustion had been carried on by Mustapha
almost to the point at which he had aimed. It had been his
design to harass them by constant assaults in order to reduce
their numbers so much that they would fall an easy prey to
his arms. This policy had proved successful at St. Elmo, and

the Knights of Malta. 475

would undoubtedly have answered equally well at the Bourg
had the means at his command been sufficiently imlimited.
His own forces, however, suffered so much from both sword
and pestilence, that when the critical moment arrived he was
unable to reap advantage from the weakness of the enemy.

The defence of Malta has justlj*^ been considered one of the
most brilliant feats of arms recorded in the sixteenth century,
and the historian naturally seeks to trace the causes of so
glorious a victory. Foremost amongst these must be ranked
the jealousy which existed between the military and naval
commanders of the Turkish armament. Mustapha and Piali
were each eager to prevent the other from reaping too large a
share of the glory and reward to be anticipated from the cap-
ture of the fortress. They were therefore ill-prepared for that
mutual concession and good-will so essentially necessary for the
success of their arms. The engineering tactics of the Turks
were, moreover, faulty in the extreme. Their oversight in per-
mitting the defenders of St. Elmo to maintain uninterrupted
oonmiunication with the Bourg detained them before its
walls many weeks longer than would otherwise have been
possible. Untaught by the results of that siege they subse-
quently neglected to complete the investment of the Bourg
until after a considerable reinforcement had succeeded in mak-
ing its way into the town from Sicily. Dragut, moreover, was
undoubtedly right when he asserted that Mustapha should, in
the first place, have made himself master of the Citt4 Notabile.
The defences of that town were comparatively insignificant,
and it must, after a few days' investment, have fallen into his
hands. His rear would then have been secure from disturbance,
and the garrison cut off from the assistance derived from it
during the early part of the siege.

Thus far the successful result of the struggle has been traced
to the errors of the Ottoman tactics, but it would be a wanton
robbery of the renown which had been so justly earned to deny
that that result was mainly owing to the heroic and indomitable
spirit of the garrison, led by so gallant and determined a chief
as La Valette. It was indeed fortunate for Malta that, at a
moment when its inhabitants were called on to maintain so
desperate a defence, they were governed by a man who, from

476 A History of

his energy of disposition and determination of purpose, was
eminently qualified to guide them through the ciisis. The
character of La Yalette was one calculated to elicit respect
and fear rather than love. There was a stem impassiveness in
his temperament, a steady and firm resolution which marked
how utterly he excluded all personal feeling from the g^danee
of his actions. His mind was cast in a mould so rigid and
unflinching that he extorted an imwavering ohedience from
those who, perhaps, had they loved him more, would have
followed his injunctions less implicitly. His cold and uncom-
promising sacrifice of the defenders of St. Elmo, in order to
insure the prolongation of the siege, marks the character of the
man; whilst the obedience to death which he extorted from
that gallant band, even after they had broken out into open
mutiny, proves the extraordinary ascendency he had gained over
them. The crisis required a man who could sobordinate all
considerations of feeling to those of duty. An utter disregard,
not only of self, but also of others when the exigencies of the
case demanded it, was imperatively called for, and in La Valette
was to be found one capable of such sacrifice. He had also the
comparatively rare faculty of arousing in others that deep
religious enthusiasm which was the principal motive power of
his own life ; and the meanest soldier imbibed from his chief
a lofty determination to conquer or to die, which was the great
secret of their stubborn and successful resistance.

The Order was, moreover, most ably seconded and supported
by the bravery and resolution of the Maltese inhabitants. It
must be borne in mind that the bulk of the soldiery was com-
posed of the native element. Had this help failed no amount
of individual heroism on the part of the knights could in the
long run have secured success. The Maltese, whenever they
have been tested, have shewn themselves steady and resolute
soldiers, and on this memorable occasion were not found
wanting. No single instance is recorded throughout the siege
in which they failed to do their duty, and on many occasions,
notably when the Turks attempted to destroy the stockade of
Senglea, proved themselves capable of the most devoted heroism.
It is necessary to dwell somewhat strongly on this fact, because,
as most of the histories of the siege have been compUed by

the Knights of Malta.

477

writers in the Interest of the Order, everything has been sacri-
fieed to add to its glory. The history of the struggle must,
in justice, be indissolubly interwoven with that of the Maltese
inhabitants, and they have cause to this hour to remember
with feelings of pride and satisfaction the noble deeds of their
ancestors in 1565.

The 8th of September, the day on which the siege was raised,
was always subsequently celebrated with great rejoicings by
the knights. It was already a high festival of the church, as
the day of the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin Mary, but from the
year 1565 it became to them the most important anniversary in
the calendar. On that day a solemn mass was celebrated for the
souls of those who had fallen. The names of such amongst
them as had attained to any dignity in the fraternity were
registered in the records of the conventual church. The follow-
ing is the number of knights of the various langues who fell
either at St. Elmo or subsequently : —

Langue.

Provence
Auvergne
France . . .
Italy

Aragon ...
Germany
Castile ...

KiUed
at St. Ehno

12

9

14
31
17

6
10

EjUed at the
Bourg and Senglea.

17

4
16
48
14

4
16

Total.

29
13
30
79
31
9
26

Only three Englishmen were present, viz., Edward Stanley,
John Smith, and the knight Oliver Starkey ; neither of these
was killed. The total, therefore, was 217 out of 516 who
are known to have been present, including the reinforcement
which arrived \mder de Eobles. Possibly some others had
also foimd their way into the fortress during the siege of
St. Elmo.

The heroic spirits who conducted the defence have long since
returned to dust, and the names even of but too many of them
have been lost to the world, but the memory of their great
deeds remains as fresh and green as though it were a thing of
yesterday; and the island of Malta is never mentioned even in

478 A History of tke Knights of Malta.

the present age without recalling to the mind the picture of
the scenes enacted there during the summer of 1565. English
hearts and English swords now protect those ramparts whereon
the ensigns of the Order of St. John fluttered; and should occa-
sion ever demand the sacrifice, the world would find that the
blood of Britain could be poured forth like water in the defence
of that rock which the common consent of Europe has intrusted
to her hands.

CHAPTER XIX.
1565—1601.

General exultation at the successful defence of Malta — Rumours of a new
Turkish expedition — Death of Solyman — Commencement of the city of
Yaletta— Disturbances in the oonyent — Death of La Yalette — Accession
of de Monte — Transfer of the convent to Valetta — Battle of Lepanto —
Death of de Monte — Election of La Cassi^re — Seditions aroused agamst
him — His deposition and restoration — His death, and election of Verdala
— Arrival of the Jesuits — Death of Verdala — Close of the century,

Europe had looked on with breathless interest whilst the siege
of Malta had been going forward. From time to time, as
intelligenoe was brought of the Continued maintenance of the
fortress, a loud acclaim would arise, and prayers were offered
in many a Christian congregation for the success of the Cross
against the Crescent. When at last it became known that
that success was indeed assured, the universal exultation knew
no bounds. In the courts of Eome and Madrid these feelings
foimd vent most freely. The island of Malta was looked upon
as an advanced post by both these powers, and had Solyman
been able to establish himself at that poitlt, the kingdom of
Sicily and the States of the Church would have been continually
exposed to the piratical incursions of his Algerine subjects.

The king of Spain despatched a special ambassador to Malta
with congratulations to La Valette upon the auspicious result of
the siege. The envoy bore with him, as a present from Philip,
a magnificent poniard and sword, the hilts of which were of
chased gold studded with gems. At Bome a salute was fired
from the castle of St. Angelo, whilst a general illumination of
the city testified to the exultation of the inhabitants. Pope
Pius IV., as a special mark of favour, offered La Valette a
cardinal's hat, a dignity which had in previous years been

480 A History of

offered to, and accepted by, the Grand-Master Peter D'Aubusson.
La Valette, however, considered, anl with reason, that his
position was already far more elevated than that of a cardinal.
The offer of the pontiff was therefore graciously declined on the
plea that the office of the Grand-Master involved functions so
diametrically opposed to those of a cardinal, that he did not
consider they could well be combined.*

Meanwhile the rage of Solyman, upon learning the disgrace
which had befallen his arms, was such as might have been
anticipated in one who throughout a lengthened career had
hitherto been almost invariably the favoured child of victory.
Tearing the despatch which contained the impalatable in-
telligence into fragments, he pledged himself to lead in person
a fresh expedition against Malta at the commencement of the
ensuing summer, when he vowed that he would not leave one
stone standing upon another. Preparations were instantly
begun in the arsenals of Constantinople for the construction of a
fleet large enough to carry out the project of the sultan, and
every nerve was strained to collect such a force as should
effectually wipe away the stain cast upon the military renown
of the empire.

The position of the Order was at this moment critical in the
extreme. It became, therefore, necessary for La Valette, in the
midst of the general rejoicing, to consider what steps should be
taken to avert the renewed attack as to the imminence of which
his spies at Constantinople had given him early intimation.
The state of the island was deplorable. The fortifications were
more or less in ruins, the arsenals and storehouses empty, the
treasury exhausted, and the ranks of the fraternity so fearfully
diminished that an adequate garrison could not be provided
even had the fortress been in a proper state of defence. The
general feeling of the council leant in favour of an abandon-
ment of the island, and the withdrawal of the convent to Sicily,
La Valette, however, felt that his renown and that of his knights
had become too intimately connected with Malta to brook such
a^ sacrifice in the very hour of triumph. He expressed his

* La Valette at this time addressed a letter to the grand-prior of Germany ,
giving a short account of the siege, and appealing for help to restore the
fortress. Sec Appendix No. 10.

the Knights of Malta, 48 1

resolution to bury himself beneath the ruins he had hitherto
so successfully defended, rather than permit them tamely to
fall into the hands of the infidel. The same strong will and
inflexible determination which had so often before overruled the
opinions of his council, once more gained the day, and it was
decreed that they should stand or fall in the defence of the
island where they had already achieved so brilliant a success.

The crisis was, however, imminent, and La Valette, feeling
that he was imable to oppose force by force, decided- on having
recourse to stratagem to avert the danger. He availed him-
self of the services of some of his spies at Constantinople to
cause the grand arsenal of that city to be destroyed by fire.
Large stores of gunpowder had been accumulated for the
purposes of the approaching expedition, the explosion of which
utterly wrecked the dockyard and the fleet which was being
equipped within it. This blow put a complete stop to the
imdertaking, and the death of Solyman, which occurred on
September 5th, 1566, whilst invading Hungary, prevented any
renewal of the attempt. Most writers, in narrating this event,
have deemed it necessary to speak apologetically on the subject,
and to lay great stress on the critical position in which La
Valette was placed. There does not appear to be any real
occasion for making excuses in the matter. The sultan was
notoriously and ostentatiously preparing a large armament for
the capture of Malta, and he had boasted that he would not
leave in it one stone upon another. It seems, therefore, to have
been a perfectly legitimate act of war to compass the destruction
of the fleet whilst still lying in the arsenal of Constantinople, and
La Valette was only exercising prudent foresight in averting a
blow which he would otherwise have been powerless to resist.

All immediate danger of an invasion being thus happily at
an end, the Ghrand-Master turned his attention to the restora-
tion of his ruined defences. The siege had clearly demonstrated
the importance of the fort of St. Elmo. La Valette deter-
mined, therefore, not only to restore and develop it, but also to
carry out the project, so often before mooted, of occupying the
entire peninsula with a new town, and surrounding it with for-
tifications of such strength as should render it safe from attack.
Experience had shewn that the Bourg, or, as it was now called,

32

482 A History of

the CittA Vittoriosa, was but lU-Buited to be the head-quartern of
the convent. Exposed on all sides to hills by which it was over-
looked, the difficulty of maintaining it during a lengthened
siege had been so clearly shewn that some change wajs impera-
tive. No other spot within the island afforded so many advan-
tages as Mount Sceberras. The expense, however, of suoh a
design was imdoubtedly enormous, and the treasury being
utterly exhausted, it was necessary to look for foreign assist-
ance to carry out the project. Ambassadors were therefore
despatched to all the leading courts of Europe, furnished with
plans of the proposed scheme, and requesting aid for carrying
it out. The Order at this moment stood in very high favour
throughout all the Catholic countries of Europe. The good
services it had rendered to Christendom by averting the
dreaded inroads of the Moslem were everywhere recognized
and appreciated. La Valette received in consequence the pro-
mise of such liberal contributions that he was able at once to
begin the realization of his project. The Pope guaranteed a
subsidy of 15,000 crowns ; the king of France, 140,000 livree ;
Philip, 90,000 livres ; and the king of Portugal, 30,000
crusadoes. Whilst this assistance was being rendered from
without, the members of the fraternity vied with one another
in the extent of their gifts. Many of the wealthiest com-
manders, not satisfied with forwarding the. entire revenues of
their oommanderies, stripped themselves of much of their per-
sonal property, which they cheerfully tendered in aid of the
good work. Thus encouraged. La Valette summoned the most
able engineers and architects then in Italy, and no longer
delayed the commencement of the town. The Pope, not
content with the contribution he had made in money,
despatched his chief engineer, Francesco Laparelli, to aid the
Grand-Master by his advice and professional skill. The design
of most of the principal works of Valetta may be attributed
to this officer, the general idea only having been sketched
out by La Valette.

Matters being thus prepared, the 28th -of March, 1566, was
selected as the day on which to lay the first stone of the new
city. The name to be given to it was Valetta, and the Qrand-
Master added thereto, as was the common practice in those days.

the Knights of Malta. 48

*>

the epithet TJmilmima, The Bourg, in memory of the recent
triumph enacted within its walls, had received the proud title of
Citta Vittoriosa, and the CittA Notabile, the ancient capital of
the island, was from this time destined to sink into comparative
insignificance under the name of CittA Veochia. The cere-
mony of inauguration was performed with the utmost pomp.
The entire extent of Mount Sceberras was covered with
pavilions, whose snowy whiteness shone clear in the bright
sunlight, their gay pennons fluttering in the breeze. From every
quarter strangers had flocked to the island, eager to witness the
ceremonial, the brilliant scene forming a striking contrast to the
sad tragedy enacted on the same spot in the previous year. At
an early hour La Valette left the Bourg in solemn procession,
accompanied by all the grand-crosses and other functionaries of
the Order then at Malta. They were preceded by the clergy,
at whose head was Dominick Cubelles, bishop of the island,
the leading ecclesiastical dignitary of the fraternity. Arrived
at Moimt Sceberras, the Gfrand-Master took up his station
beneath an ample pavilion erected for the purpose on the
appointed site, and there performed the ceremony of laying the
first stone at the comer of St. John's bastion. Loud rang the
trumpets to announce the auspicious fact to the thousands
crowding round the spot, but louder far than the shrillest
note of the clarion burst forth the shout with which that
enthusiastic multitude hailed the event.

The chivalric heart of La Valette must have glowed within
him at this spontaneous note of acclamation. Well indeed
might the noble veteran and those aroimd him rejoice, for that
shout was a knell to all the hopes the infidels might till then
have entertained of ever seeing their banner floating in triumph
over the fortress of Malta. It was the commencement of a new
8dra, during which the island was to rise in importance until it
attained a foremost rank amongst the strongholds of Europe.
Beneath the newly-laid stone had been deposited a number of
coins in gold and silver, bearing on the one side a representation
of the intended town with the motto Meliia renascenSj and on
the other the date of inauguration. It is also recorded that a
tablet was affixed to the stone bearing a Latin inscription, to the
effect that the Grand-Master, La Yalette, in memory of the late

32*

484 A History of

siege, and for defence agcdnst future attacks, had determined
to found a new city, which he had commenced on the 28th
March, 1566. As a precisely similar tablet stood over the old
Porta Eeale, it seems probable that it had been moved there,
when the gate was built, as being more conspicuous to pubUc view
than the original position, since none now exists on St. John's
bastion. When the Porta Eeale was rebuilt in 1853, this tablet
was replaced on the new structure as an interesting relic of the
foundation of the city. The inscription is an extract from the
records of the council, which bear the following entry: —

" Die -y^ii mensis Martii mdlxvi Fr. Joannes de Valletta^ Sacrce
Domus Hosp. Hier. M. Magtstery pef*iculoi'um anno superiare a
8uis milifibiis populoque Meliteo in obsidione Turcica perpessarum
memor, de condenda urbe nova eaque mcBniis arcibus et propugnaculis
muntenda inito cum proceribm comilio die Jovis xxviii, Martiiy
MDLXVI. Deum Omnipotentem Deiparamque Virginem numenque
tutelare D. Jo, Baptiatam Diwsque cceteros muUa precatus ut
fauaium fcelixque religioni Christianas fieret^ ac Ordini suo quod
inceptabat bene cederet prima urbis fandamenta in monte ab incolis
Xeberas vocato jedty eamque de suo nomine Vallettamy dato pro
insignibus in parma miniata aurato leone^ appellari voluit,"

It may be interesting to add the names of the dignitaries of
the Order who were present on the occasion when this im-
portant decree was registered. They were as follows: —

Reverendus Dominus Magnus Magister Frater Joannes
De Valletta.

Admodum Reverendus Dominus Episoopus Melitensis Frater
DoMiNicus Cubelles.

Reverendus Prior EcclesisB Dominus Frater Antonius
Cressinus.

Reverendus Maresciallus Dominus Frater Gulielmus

COPPIKR.

Reverendus Hospitalarius Dominus Frater Jacobus Der-

QUEMBOURG.

Reverendus Magnus Conservator Dominus Frater Petrus
De Junyent.

Reverendus Admiralius Dominus Frater Ludovicus Broglla..

Reverendus Prior Sancti -^Bgidii Dominus Frater Ludovicus
Du Pont.

the Knights of Malta. 485

Eeverendus Prior AlvemisB Dominus Prater Ludovicus
De Lastic.

lleverendus Prior Campanise DominuB Frater Joannes

AUDEBERT DiT LaUBUGE.

Reverendus Baiulivus Caspis Dominus Frater Ludovicus Db
Lalzedo.

Locumtenens Beverendi Magni Commendatorii Dominus
Frater Joannes De Montagu.

Locumtenens Eeverendi Tiux5opolerii Dominus Frater
Oltverius Starchi.

Locumtenens Keverendi Magni Baiulivii Alemanie Dominus
Frater Conrard Scoulbach.

Locumtenens Beverendi Cancellarii Dominus Frater Don
Fbrdinandus D'Alascon.

Locumtenens Beverendi Thesaurarii Dominus Frater
Carolus De La Bama.

The record of the ceremony of the 28th March follows
immediately after the above decree, and runs thus: —

" Inchoatio Civitatis ad Montetn Sancti Elmu Die xxviii.
Mensis Martii mdlxvi fidt incepta et inchoata Civitas ad Montem
Sancti Elmiy cuiquidem civitati VaUeitienomenimposiiumfuityfaxit
D€U% illud /austum et felix,^^

Doubtless the pious aspiration with which it concludes found
a warm response within the hearts of all present on the occasion.
An amusing controversy has long raged in Malta in connection
with these and other contemporaneous entries as to whether the
name of La Valette should be spelt with one or with two /'s.
These entries shew the letter doubled. In the few signatures by
La Valette himself, not only the / but the t also is single. The
explanation would probably be that in French the name was
spelt with only one /, whilst in Latin and Italian, in accordance
with the common practice, the consonant was doubled.

The foundation of the new city was not effected without
considerable opposition, and for some time after, La Valette was
frequently called on to defend the prudence of the work he had
tmdertaken. On the 3rd of April the viceroy, Don Gurcia,
arrived in Malta, accompanied by several engineers and other
officers whose judgment on such matters might be considered
valuable. The opinion which they expressed was that the step

486 A History of

taken had been injudicious, and that the project as it stood was
far too stupendous. They thought the scheme should have been
restricted to the enclosure of a much smaller space, so as simply
to cover fort St. Elmo. These objections were overruled by La
Valette. He pointed out that the ground within the line as now
proposed would be far too restricted, as it would be impossible to
construct within it a town large enough for his requirements,
since he not only contemplated the transfer of the convent to
the new city, but also that a considerable portion of the inhabit-
ants who were crowded into the Bourg and Senglea should move
there as well.

The work now went bravely on ; ditches were sunk, and with
the material thus raised the ramparts were constructed. For
the first year nothing was attempted except the fortifications, no
one being willing to build within the town until its defence had
become somewhat assured. As already stated, the Papal engineer,
Francesco Laparelli, had the general control, assisted in all
details by Jerome Cassan, the resident engineer of the Order.
La Valette watched the progress of his favourite design with the
warmest interest and the keenest anxiety. He took up his
abode in a wooden hut on Mount Sceberras, and spent his
days in the midst of his workmen. The example thus set
was followed by other members of the fraternity, and each
strove by precept and example to urge forward the progress of
the work. All the leading towns of Sicily, and even Italy, were
ransacked for artificers, at one time no less than 8,000 labourers
being employed to assist the masons.

The original design had contemplated that the ridge of rock
which formed the summit of Mount Sceberras should be cut down
to a nearly level platform, on which the city was to stand,
surrounded by its ramparts, the latter consisting to a great
extent of the live rock scarped down to the water's edge.
Before this work had become far advanced, rumour reached
the island of a new expedition preparing at Constantinople, of
which the destination was supposed to be Malta. Selim, who
had succeeded his father Solyman on the Ottoman throne,
was a man of pacific sentiments, and too much immersed in
luxury and sensuality to take delight in those ambitious
projects which had been so constantly cherished by the late

the Knights of Malta. 487

emperor. He ruled, however, over a nation eminently warlike
in character, and with whom enmity to the Christian, and a
craving for supremacy in the Mediterranean, had long become
ruling passions. Unable entirely to restrain the aggressive
prox>en8itieB of his subjects, Selim was compelled apparently
to meet their wishes, by fitting out expeditions without any
fixed ideas as to their ultimate destination. False alarms
were thus being constantly spread throughout his reign, and
precautions taken on all sides to resist attacks which the
sultan never seriously contemplated. The only result of the
preparations he was now making was to destroy the symmetry
of Yaletta, which, instead of being on a comparatively level
site, was hurried on, and built on the slopes as they existed,
a small central strip only, upon which runs the present
Strada Eeale, having been levelled. Hence those interminable
flights of steps which in the present day weary the pedestrian,
and have invoked the metrical malediction of Byron.*

La Valette had not progressed far with his new city before
the want of money began to make itself seriously felt. He had
received promises of large amounts, but those pledges were very
tardily fulfilled, and the funds upon which he coimted from his
own fraternity could only be paid in annual instalments, as the
revenues of the commanderies fell due. Under the pressure
of these difficulties he decided upon a measure, the successful
working of which proved how high the credit of the Order
stood in the eyes of the inhabitants. He caused a great
quantity of copper money to be made, carrying a fictitious
value. These coins bore on one side the symbol of two hands
clasped, and on the other the words, " Hon ces sed fides " —
" Not money but credit : " they were freely accepted at their
nominal value by the artificers, and passed current throughout the
island. The treasury, as remittances were received from Europe,
faithfully redeemed this fictitious money until it had been en-
tirely withdrawn from circulation. When the island of Malta
fell into the possession of England, there was a large quantity

• Adieu, ye joys of La Valette !
AdieUi Bcirocoo, sun, and sweat !
Adieu, ye cursed streets of stairs —
How surely he who mounts you swears !

488 A History of

of similar false money circulating, which was reclaimed hy
the home government at considerable loss, the nominal value
being nearly £17,000, whilst that of the copper was only
£400. It was at the time generally stated that this coinage
was a portion of that issued by La Valette, which had not been
redeemed. A little consideration, however, should have shewn
that it would be impossible for copper coins to remain in circu-
lation for 260 years. The fact was that the experiment so
successfully tried by La Valette was repeated by several of the
later Grand-Masters. None resorted to it more freely than De
Kohan, who circulated large quantities whilst he was erecting
fort Manoel. There exists in the public library at Valetta a
collection of dies from the local mint, and several of these, of
different dates, shew the same symbol and legend as that described
above, and were evidently used for a similar purpose.

When the ramparts had been raised and the streets of the
town laid out, private individuals were invited to erect houses.
As an incentive to members of the Order to join in the work, it
was expressly decreed that any one building for himself a house
within the city of Valetta, should have the power of disposing of
it at his death, a concession not enjoyed by him with regard to
the rest of his property. This privilege induced many knights
to erect mansions in the new town. Such houses shew traces of
having been originally designed for men who, not being per-
mitted to marry, and consequently having no families, did not
require much sleeping accommodation. In these houses we find
a general stateliness of architecture; the apartments devoted
to reception, which are spacious, lofty, and handsomely decorated,
occupy by far the larger part of the building, whilst those
intended for sleeping-rooms are narrow, confined, and far fix)m
numerous.

The aged Ghraind- Master continued, throughout the brief
remainder of his life, to take the deepest interest in the new city
which was thus springing up before his eyes. He was not,
however, permitted to spend that limited period in the peace and
quiet to which he had so justly entitled himself. The general
exultation which had naturally followed on the repulse of the
Turks rapidly degenerated into a spirit of license which La
Valette found himself unable to check. This was especially the

the Knights of Malta. 489

case amongst the younger members, who seemed to consider that
the heroic deeds so lately performed at the siege absolved
them from all the other obligations of their profession. The
wildest debauchery and the most reckless libertinism prevailed,
and the orgies which constantly took place were a public
scandal. In some of these, ribald songs were sung reflecting
not only on the character of virtuous ladies in the island,
but on the Grand-Master himself. Pasquinades and libels
circulated freely, and nothing was too high or too sacred to be
made a subject of ridicule. In one of these, which is still
extant in Malta, La Valette is accused of cowardice during the
siege, and of hiding himself behind a beam during one of
the assaults on the post of Castile. Matters were at length
brought to such a pitch that it became necessary to resort to
strong measures of repression. A prosecution was instituted
against the most notorious of the offenders, and they were
summoned before the council. The insubordinate knights
treated the entire affair with ridicule; they rushed into the
council chamber in tumultuous array, the pen was plucked from
the hand of the chancellor who was recording their sentence,
and the inkstand thrown out of window. Then, feeling that
they had compromised themselves so thoroughly that they were
certain of the severest punishment, they hurried off to the
harbour, and seizing upon one of the galleys, set sail for Sicily.
Deprivation of habit was, of course, the natural consequence of
this gross act of rebellion.

Meanwhile a dispute which threatened the most grave
consequences sprang up between the fraternity and the court
of Rome. For many years the pontiffs had arrogated to
themselves the power of nomination to most of the vacant
dignities in the langue of Italy. In his first outburst of
gratitude after the successful defence of Malta the Pope had
pledged himself to interfere no more in the giving of these
appointments. Before long, however, this pledge was again
broken, and he became as anxious as ever to claim the
privilege he had so expressly renounced. La Valette, in
consequence, addressed to his Holiness a letter of urgent
remonstrance upon the subject, and at the same time despatched
an envoy to Kome to seek reparation for the wrong which was

490 A History of

being inflicted. The Pope, irritated at the tone of the Ghrand-
Master's letter — ^and indeed it must be admitted that he had
expiW himself in no meaaured terms-was glad of an excuse
to avoid receiving the envoy ; using the objectionable letter
as a pretext, he not only refused him an audience, but dismissed
him from the court.

This marked slight deeply afiPected La Yalette. The
accumulated troubles which weighed upon him both from
within and without the convent overcame the firmness of the
gallant old man. He sank into a condition of the most painful
despondency, from which it was impossible to rouse him. One
day towards the end of July, 1568, with the object of distracting
his mind from the anxieties preying upon him, he started on a
hawking expedition in the direction of St. Paul's bay. The
powerful summer sun overcame him, and he was brought
home suffering from a sunstroke. A violent fever followed,
and after an illness of nearly a month he died on the 21st of
August, 1568.

His body was in the first instance placed in the chapel
attached to the castle of St. Angelo, but four days later,
namely, on the 25th August, his successor having in the mean-
time been elected, a grand funeral corUge was formed for its
transport to a small chapel which he had built and endowed
in the city of Valetta, and which was dedicated to Our Lady
of Victory. The corpse was placed upon the deck of the
great carrack, which, richly decorated and dismasted, was towed
in solemn procession by two other galleys draped in black
cloth. They bore at the stem the Turkish banners captured
during the late siege, and which were now trailed ignominiously
in the water. The body having been taken into the Marsa
Muscetto was there landed when, the procession being re-
formed by land, it was conveyed with similar solemnities to
the pltwe of burial, where it was lowered into the grave amid
the lamentations and regrets of all who witnessed the
melancholy ceremony.

The memory of La Valette has always been held in the
highest veneration by his fraternity. The Order had, during
the five centuries of its existence, enrolled but few who could
have the slightest claim to be compared with him in all those

the Knights of Malta. 491

qualities which should distinguish the leader of so powerful an
institution. In his early life he had been present at the siege of
Bhodesy under L'Isle Adam, and had borne an honourable part
throughout that long and desperate struggle. Prom that hour
he had followed the fortunes of his brethren in all their wander-
ings, and had raised himself step by step through the various
dignities, until at length he was called to the supreme authority
at a time of the most imminent pubUc danger. History has
shewn how fuUy qualified he proved himself to meet the crisis.
In his public character he earned a reputation and .a position
such as has fallen to the lot of but few. Stem and inflexible, he
was rigidly just and honourable. Throughout his long career
he proved himself invariably the terror of evildoers, and the
implacable enemy to disorder of every kind. By his brethren
he was respected even more perhaps than he was loved; his
character was imdeniably such as to excite the former rather
than the latter feeling. The crisis during which he was placed
at the head of affairs demanded a man of iron will, and in
La Yalette that man was found; so long, therefore, as the
necessity for such qualifications continued, he was pre-eminently
the right man in the right place, and as such received the
willing obedience and warm admiration of his fraternity.
During the last two years of his life, when peace was once
more assured to the convent, that austerity was no longer
recognized as a virtue, so that at the time of his death, there
were not a few, who having felt the rigidity of his rule to
be very irksome, hailed the event as a relief ; and, though out-
wardly mourning the loss of one who had been so brilliant an
ornament, were at heart not ill-pleased to look forward to a
new government, which might prove less stem and inflexible to
their shortcomings.

The decease of La Valette having been expected for some
weeks before it took place, various intrigues had been set on
foot with reference to a successor. La Valette had himself
named Antonio de Toledo, the grand-prior of Castile, but the
influence of two grand-crosses, La Motte and Maldonat, secured
the election of the grand-admiral Peter de Monte, of the iangue
of Italy. The lengthened services of this knight had fully
entitled him to the post. Indeed, it seems somewhat strange

492 A History of

that he should not have been named by La Valette in preference
to de Toledo, and it has been suggested that there was a little
jealousy in the matter, an idea which seems not improbable, as
the career of de Monte had up to this point been curiously
similar to that of his predecessor. like him the grand-admiral
had served at the siege of Bhodes, and after that event had also
established for himself a high reputation by his naval exploits.
The Pope, in consideration of his services, had appointed him
governor of the castle of St. Angelo at Rome. He had sub-
sequently been named general of the galleys by the council, and
had eventually become the conventual bailifE of his langur. It
was whilst holding this office that he was selected by La Valette
to conduct the defence of Senglea during the late siege. His
services in that post were sufficiently brilliant to have ranked
him in general opinion second only to La Valette himself. At
the conclusion of the war he was sent as envoy to Rome, and
when there, the Pope, as a mark of respect for his great
services, would not permit him to kneel in his presence.

De Monte was strongly impressed with the value of the
work going forward on Moimt Sceberras. He had no sooner,
therefore, assumed the reins of government, than he announced
his intention of pushing forward to a speedy conclusion the
labours of his predecessor. Towards the end of 1570, the fortifi-
cations being in a very advanced state, the Papal engineer,
Laparelli, took his final, departure, leaving the completion of the
works to Jerome Cassan, the engineer of the Order, under the
control of the commander de la Fontaine, to whom that branch
of superintendence had been specially delegated. So eager was
de Monte to bring his new city into a forward condition, that
although it was still in an imfinished state, even as regarded
the fortifications, he determined to move the head-quarters of
the convent there as soon as possible, and on the 17th March,
1671, the transfer was effected. This event was celebrated with
much magnificence, and may be considered as the date when the
town of Valetta was first inhabited. It was, even at that time,
far from ready for permanent occupation, and the Ghrand-Master's
residence was as yet only a wooden structure, containing a
hall and two rooms. It had been originally intended to build a
palace for him upon the site where the auberge de Castile now

the Knights of Malta. 493

stands. The nephew of de Monte had, however, at about this
period, erected a large pile of buildings in front of the Piazza
San Q-eorgio, which appeared well adapted for the purpose,
and this was purchased from him, and appropriated as a
palace. It is most probable that, when the young de Monte
undertook this building, he contemplated its eventual appro-
priation as a palace for his uncle, since it is hardly conceivable
that he should have required so extensive and palatial a pile
for his own use.

When the Une of fortifications around the new city had
been sufficiently advanced, the usual division of posts was
made for each 1-angue. The land front consisted of four
bastions. That of St. Peter, on the left, was told off as the
post of Italy ; St. James's bastion, containing a cavalier which
dominated all the surroimding works, was the post of France ;
St. John's bastion, with a similar cavalier, was that of
Provence; and St. Michael's bastion, on the right, that of
Auvergne. To the right of this latter bastion, overlooking
the Marsa Muscetto, was St. Andrew's bastion, which was
allotted to the langue of Aragon. The line of ramparts from
that point to St. Elmo was the post of Germany, whilst the cor-
responding line on the grand harbour side, from the St. Peter's
bastion to St. Elmo was the post of Castille ; St. Elmo itself was
garrisoned by detachments from all the langues, as was also St.
Angelo. The old posts of the various langues in the Bourg and
Senglea were still retained by them, in addition to their new
lines of defence. Each langue also constructed for itself an
aubei^gfy as they had done at Rhodes. The auberge of
Provence stands in the Strada Reale, the main street of Valetta,
and is now a naval and military club. The auberge of
Auvergne, also in the Strada Reale, is a police office and court
of justice. The auberge of France, in the Strada Mezzodi, is
in the hands of the Commissariat department. The auberge
of Germany was pulled down many years ago, and on its site
the collegiate church of St. Paul wajs erected, through the
munificence of Adelaide the late Queen Dowager, widow of
William IV. The auberge of Aragon, which stood near that
of Germany, was allotted as a palace to the bishop of Gibraltar,
of whose see Malta is the head-quarters. The auberge of Italy

494 -^ History of

Btonds at the head of the Strada Mercanti, and is in the hands
of the Royal Engineers. The auberge of Castile stands by
the side of that of Italy, and is appropriated as a joint mess
establishment for the Boyal Artillery and Boyal Engineers.
This building possesses far more architectural pretensions than
any of the other auherges^ its magnificent site adding materially
to its grandeur. Until of late it ranked indubitably as the
finest structure in Malta, but some twenty years ago a grand
opera house was erected in its immediate vicinity, in a very
ornate and florid style, the result of which, whatever its own
merits may be, has been greatly to injure the effect of the
auberge of Castile. This opera house, which was utterly
destroyed by fire, so far as its interior was concerned,' in 1872,
and since restored, stands on the site originally set apart for the
auberge of England. From the time when that langue was
suppressed by Henry VIII. until the latest days of the residence
of the Order in Malta, hopes were entertained of its revival.
Care was therefore always taken that everything connected with
it should remain intact. Thus, when the general arrange-
ments for the new city were being mapped out, a site, and
that one of the best in Yaletta, was set apart and religiously
preserved for the use of the langue of England. Towards the
end of the eighteenth century a new langue^ called Anglo-
Bavaiian, was created, and for its oise an auberge was erected
facing the Marsa Muscetto, near St. Elmo. This structure,
which, though extensive, is far plainer than any of the others, is
now an officers' barrack.

Under the fostering care of de Monte the navy of the Order
was greatly augmented. With the object of stimulating a spirit
of enterprise, he gave permission to members of the fraternity
to imdertake cruises on their own responsibility and for their
own benefit. This permission was largely taken advantage of,
and many knights returned from their privateering expedi-
tions against the Turkish corsairs laden with booty. In
the midst of these private successes, a disgraceful disaster
occurred. The general of the galleys, named St. Clement,
whilst in command of four vesseb laden with provisions, was
overtaken by the Tunisian corsair TTcciali. St. Clement by no
means distinguished himself; two of his vessels having been

the Knights of Malta. 495

captured, he ran aground the one on board which he himself
was, and having reached the shore fled ignominiously. In
this unfortunate engagement no less than sixty-two knights
perished. St. Clement, as soon as he reached Malta, was
brought before the council to answer for his conduct during the
fight. The evidence adduced proved his cowardice too clearly,
and the public indignation ran so high that he was stripped of
his habit and then handed over to the secular power for further
punishment. By its decree he was strangled in prison, and his
body, enclosed in a sack, thrown into the sea.

The year 1571 was marked by the glorious victory which the
combined Christian fleet gained over the Turks at the battle
of Lepahto. In this action only three Maltese galleys were
present, under Pietro Qiustiniani, the whole expedition being
mider the command of Don John of Austria. The action was
fought on the 7th of October, and after a desperate struggle,
ended in the complete rout of the Ottoman fleet. The three-
Maltese galleys were on the extreme right of the centre division
of Don John's line-of -battle. Aluch Ali, the viceroy of Algiers,
who had been manoeuvring against the right wing, had suc-
ceeded in penetrating between it and the centre, and had thus
gained the rear of the Christian line at a point in the immediate
vicinity of Qiustiniani's galleys. Perceiving that they flew the
White Cross banner, he at once dashed at them. The undying
hatred to the Order common to the corsairs of Algiers was
burning fiercely in his bosom, and he thought that he now saw
his enemies delivered into his hands. The three Maltese ves-
sels were no match for the division he was lecuiing, and for the
moment they were cut o£E from support. The struggle was
fierce, for the knights fought with their usual impetuosity.
Maxwell, ia his life of Don John, gives a most graphic account
of this incident. He says: — "The knights and their men
defended themselves with a valour worthy of their heroic Order.
A youth named Bemadino de Heredia, son of the Coimt of
Fuentes, signally distinguished himself, and a Zaragoz€ui
knight, Geronimo Bamirez, although riddled with arrows like
another St. Sebastian, fought with such desperation that none
of the Algerine boarders cared to approach him until they saw
that he was dead. A knight of Burgundy leaped alone into

496 A History of

one of the enemy's galleys, killed four Turks, and defended
himself until overpowered by numbers. On board the prior's
vessel, when he was taken, he himself, pierced with five arrow
wounds, was the sole survivor, except two knights, a Spaniard
and a Sicilian, who, being senseless from their wounds, were
considered as dead."*

Aluch Ali succeeded for the moment in capturing the prior's
galley, and having secured its banner he took the vessel in tow,
hoping to make his way out of the battle, which, by this time,
he saw was lost. Fortunately his manoeuvre was perceived by
the squadron of reserve, which had not yet been engaged, and
its commander at once bore down on him to intercept the move-
ment. Aluch Ali felt that if he remained encumbered with his
prize he must inevitably be captured; so, cutting the galley
adrift, he left the wounded prior to be rescued by his friends.
They found on board of her the bodies of no less than 300
Turks who had been killed whilst boarding. There were also
a few living Algerine sailors and Turkish soldiers, who had
been put on board to assist in the navigation.

The results of the victory were so great that for many years
the naval power of the Turks in the Mediterranean wew ahnost
annihilated. De Monte had in his last years felt himself so
oppressed by the responsibilities of his office, that he earnestly
besought the Pope to permit him to resign it. Pius V., how-
ever, persuaded him to remain, which he very reluctantly con-
sented to do. He died on the 27th of January, 1572, at the
age of seventy-six years.

It was during his rule that the Spanish convent of Dames
Chevalieres, or Hospitaller ladies, became once more united to
the Order of St. John. This establishment, which was situated
at Sixena, a small town midway between Saragossa and
Lerida, had been founded by Sancha, daughter of Alphonso II.,
king of Aragon. Her mother, also called Sancha, sumamed
the Chaste, had previously created a convent for noble ladies
of the Order of St. John, at the time when the loss of. Palestine
had deprived them of their homes. The establishment at

• "The Life of Don John of Austria," by Sir William Stirling Maxwell
(vol. i. p. 417). I have quoted the writer*s words, as they bear such
signal and unbiassed testimony to the gallantry of the knights.

tlie Knights of Malta, 497

Sixena was formed on a scale of princely magnificence, and
resembled a palace rather than a religious house. Sixty noble
young ladies of the kingdoms of Aragon and Catalonia were
admitted into this institution without dower, and the munifi-
cence of its foundress, as well as that of the kings of Aragon,
soon raised it to a high position. It was subjected by Pope
Celestin III. to the rules of the Augustine Order. The
ladies wore a scarlet robe with black mantle, bearing the
white eight-pointed Cross, and in honour of their royal
foundress they each carried a silver sceptre during Divine
service. For many years the sisters remained associated with
the Order of St. John, acknowledging the Grand-Master as
their superior, and the prioress of the convent took her seat
at all provincial chapters, next in rank to the castellan of
Emposta. Towards the close of the fifteenth century they
withdrew their allegiance from the fraternity and placed
themselves imder the direct authority of the Pope. This
secession lasted imtil the time of de Monte, when, in 1569,
Hieronyma d'OUbo, then grand-prioress of the convent, at
the request of her nuns, signified their desire to become once
more attached to the Order. Her demand was acceded to, the
schism was healed, and from that date the ladies of Sixena
annually presented a silver vase to the convent at Malta in
token of fealty.

The vacancy caused by the death of de Monte was filled by
the election of John L'i^veque de la Cassiere, conventual bailiJBE
of the langue of Auvergne, and consequently grand-marshal of
the Order. The rule of this Ghrand-Master was an sera of
turbulence and confusion from beginning to end. Although he
was a man who, by dauntless courage and many gallant actions,
had gained a high reputation amongst his conJHreH^ still, from
his arrogant temper and the violence and obstinacy of his cha-
racter, he proved himself but ill-suited for the dignity to which
he was now raised. Ere long he became involved in so many
disputes, and had created such a host of enemies, that the island
was thrown into a state of the utmost confusion. An alterca-
tion which he had with the bishop of Malta touching the
extent of the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the latter, led to the
introduction into the island of an accredited member of the

33

498 A History of

Inquisition, who, under the title of grand-inquisitor, became
ever after a source of discord and uneasiness. This official was
originally despatched in consequence of an appeal made by
La Cassiere to Gtregory XIII. against the bishop. DifEerenoes
had before this sprung up between the Gfxand-Masters and
the bishops of Malta, as the functions and powers of the latter
had never been very clearly defined, and were often the
cause of a collision between themselves and the government.
The intervention of the gi'and-inquisitor, so far from alle-
viating this evil, added yet another most fertile source of
quarrel to those already existing. Instead of two there were
now three heads in the island, and although both the bishop
and the inquisitor acknowledged the supremacy of the Ghrand-
Master, yet, by their acts, they almost invariably proved that
that recognition was more nominal than real.

At the time when this new ecclesiastical authority was first
despatched to Malta, the Pope had, at the request of the council,
directed that he was not to act independently, but that in all
matters affecting church discipline a tribunal was to be formed,
in which he was to be associated with the Grand-Master, the vice-
chancellor, the bishop, and the prior of the church. It was not
long, however, before the ambitious grand-inquisitor, supported,
as he was, by the Pope, gradually usurped for himself an indepen-
dent and separate tribunal. With the object of extending his
authority, and to free it from all control on the part of the Qrand-
Master, he adopted the following method. Any Maltese who de-
sired to throw off his allegiance was given a patent, issued from
the office of the inquisitor, by which he became a direct subject
of the Inquisition, and was no longer liable to any of the
secular tribunals of the island. The rbishop of Malta, in his
turn, gradually adopted a similar measure, and by a simple
tonsure freed even laymen from all other control than his own.
These abuses did not, of course, spring into full vigour at once,
but they became by degrees so glaring that it appeared as though
the chief of the Order would eventually lose all authority in the
island of which he was the nominal sovereign.

Whilst La Cassiere was contending with these rival function-
aries the external relations of his government were at the same
time giving him much cause for uneasiness. A dispute broke

the Knights of Malta. 499

out with the repubKo of Venice upon the question of some
property of Venetian Jews, which had been seized by the
cruisers of Malta. This very nearly led to the confiscation of
their possessions within the territories of the republic, and was
only accommodated by the most ample concessions and complete
reparation on the part of La Cassiere. Another source of dis-
pute arose from the nomination, through the interest of the
king of Spain, of the archduke Winceslas of Austria to the
grand-priory of Castile and the bailiwick of Lora immediately
after his reception into the fraternity. Remembering the
powerful assistance which that monarch had invariably accorded
to the Order, it was practically impossible to refuse any request
when strongly put forward by him. Still this appropriation of
the leading dignities in the langue of Castile naturally gave the
greatest possible dissatisfaction to its members, and a sedition
* sprang up which was only quelled by the interposition of the
Pope. The mutinous knights were by his decree condemned
to present themselves before the Ghrand-Master, in council, with
wax tapers in their hands, and there publicly ask pardon for
their turbulent behaviour.

The spirit of insubordination having once broken out, was
not to be permanently quelled by a mere decree from the papal
court, nor was the conduct of La Cassiere, during these
troublous times, such as to conciliate the brethren or
restore a spirit of obedience to their ranks. His arrogance
and haughty bearing only rendered matters worse, and multi-
plied the nimiber of his enemies until, in the year 1581, the
mutinous feeling once more shewed itself openly. The knights
of the langue of Aragon had again become jealous of the
influence which the nummcal superiority of the French invari-
ably gave them, and in this discontent they were joined by the
Italians and Germans. The former had not, in their opinion,
supplied to the roll as many Grand-Masters as their numbers
would warrant, whilst the latter langue had never furnished a
chief at any time. They now, therefore, joined the Spanish mal-
contents in plotting for the deposition of La Cassiere. To veil
their real designs they intrigued with a French knight named
Kom^gas, who held a high position in the estimation of the
convent, and had been nominated to the dignities of grand-

33*

500 A History of

prior of Toulouse and general of the galleys. Being an
ambitious man he was seduced from his allegianoe imder the
idea that he would be named La Cassiere's suocessor. That
Grand-Master had issued a decree banishing all women of loose
character from Y aletta and the neighbouring casals, with a view
to checking, if possible, the gross and open licentiousness then
prevalent at the convent. This decree was alleged as one of
the causes for dissatisfaction which they entertcdned against
their chief. Such a complaint in itself marks the very low tone
of morality which must at that time have been prevalent in
the fraternity.

All being at length ripe for the movement the mutineers
openly declared themselves. They held a public meeting, in
which they stated that the Grand-Master was, from age and
infirmity, unable to continue in the active exercise of his
functions. They therefore proposed that he should be called on
to nominate a lieutenant to assist him in his duties. La Cas-
siere, who, although old, was still in full vigour, both of mind
and body, rejected the suggestion with the utmost disdain, on
which the mutineers once more met together, and, taking the
law into their own hands, ' nominated Eom^gas to the post
of lieutenant. By selecting a French knight they evaded the
suspicion which would have attoiched to their proceedings had
they chosen a member of one of their own langu^^ and
thus induced a considerable number of French knights to join
the cabal. Not content with this appointment, they further
decreed that La Cassi^re should be placed in close confinement
in fort St. Angelo. This resolution was at once carried into
effect, and the aged Grand-Master, surrounded by his rebellious
confreres, was conveyed through the streets like a criminal to
his appointed place of imprisonment. During the journey he
was assailed with the grossest abuse, not only by the knights,
but also by the frail ladies who had been banished from the city,
and who now, on the subversion of his authority, had returned
thither in great numbers.

These turbulent proceedings were insidiously fomented by
the king of Spain. Trusting to support the mutineers, that
monarch had despatched a fleet to Malta ostensibly to protect
the island from a supposed invasion by the Turks, but in reality

the Knights of Malta. 501

to render aseistance to the Spanish faction in the disturbance
then raging. An appeal was made to the Pope, both by the
insurgents and the Grand-Master, the latter of whom also
informed the French ambassador at Rome of the situation
in which he found himself. The greatest indignation was
excited in the papal court at the lawless proceedings of the
Spaniards, and the Pope instantly despatched an envoy to
Malta to prosecute an inquiry into the causes of the insurrec-
tion. The French king also took the matter up warmly, and
directed his ambassador to see the Grand-Master righted, and
the intrigues of the Spanish faction thwarted.

The papal envoy, Visconti, as soon as he reached Malta,
commenced an investigation into the causes and results of the
disturbance. He had received directions from his Holiness to
reinstate La Cassi^re in his dignities, provided he found that
step could be taken without endangering public tranquillity.
A very brief insight, however, into the state of popular
feeling led Visconti to perceive that such a measure would be
fraught with the greatest possible danger; he therefore con-
tented himself with procuring the release of the imprisoned chief,
and summoning him, as well as the leaders of the malcontents,
to Bome, that the dispute might be settled by the pontiff in
person. He also succeeded, after some negotiation, in inducing
the Spanish fleet to leave the island, and trust the settlement of
the question entirely to the hands of the Pope.

The entry of La Cassi^re into Rome, which took place on the
26th October, 1581, was attended with great pomp. Gregory
seemed determined to mark, by the cordiality and magnificence
of his reception, the sense he entertained of the ill usage to
which the aged chief had been subjected. Romegas, on the
other hand, was treated with such studied neglect, that his
proud spirit sank beneath the insult, and he died on the 4th
of November of a fever, brought on by agitation of mind.
The Pope decreed the immediate restoration of the Grand-
Master to his office, but at the same time privately cautioned
him to act with greater moderation, and with more urbanity in
the future governance of his fraternity. La Cassi^re, however,
did not survive to resume the active duties of his station. The
cares and anjdeties of the last year had proved too much for

502 A History of

his feeble frame, and he died at Kome on the 2l8t of December,
1581, aged seventy-eight years.

It was during his rule that the church of St. John the
Baptist was erected in the new city of Valetta, and became
the conventual cathedral. The expense of its construction
was entirely defrayed by La Cassiere out of his magisterial
revenues, and he further endowed it with an annuity of
1,000 crowns. By a decree of the first chapter-general, held
after the erection of this church, a separate chapel was assigned
within its precincts to each langue. These chapels form the
side aisles, and are filled with stately monuments erected in
honour of members of the respective langues. The entire
pavement is one of the most beautiful specimens of mosaic
work in Europe. It is composed of a succession of records
to the memory of the most celebrated among the bailiffs,
grand-crosses, and commanders. It glistens with an endless
variety of coloured marbles, representing the blazonry of the
arms of the illustrious deceased; jasper, agate, and other
similar valuable stones being plentifully introduced. The
treasury of the church was enriched with numerous costly gifts
in gold and silver, the quinquennial offerings of the Grrand-
Master and other leading dignitaries. In addition to the
inagnificent reliquary enclosing the hand of St. John, there were
statues in silver of the twelve apostles, an exquisite golden
chalice presented by Henry VIII. to L'Isle Adam, the sword
and poniard given to La Valette by Philip of Spain, numerous
crosses and censers in gold and silver, together with several very
large candelabra of the latter metal. The chapel of the Virgin
was lighted with a lamp of soKd gold, suspended by a massive
golden chain, and several of the altars were richly decorated and
adorned with costly vessels. The whole of this treasure was
plundered by Napoleon when he seized the island in the year
1798, and carried off to Egypt. It had been placed on board
the French man-of-war, L^ Orient ^ and was all lost with that
vessel when she blew up at the battle of the Nile. Below
the church La Cassiere caused a crypt to be constructed,
to which he transferred the remains of L'Isle Adam and La
Valette, and it is there that these two heroes now rest, be-
neath handsome monuments erected at his cost. It was his

the Knights of Malta. 503

intention, in designing this crj'pt, that his own body should
lie by the side of those two great men, who had reflected such
glory on the title of Grand-Master, and he prepared everything,
including his tomb, accordingly. His death at Eome seemed at
first to render it imlikely that his wishes would be carried out.
It was, however, ultimately decided to transport the corpse to
Malta for interment in the sepulchre he had constructed,
and he now lies in the place he himself desired. At
the foot of the tomb of La Valette lie the remains of Oliver
Starkey, his faithful Latin secretary, and the last Englishman
who held the Turcopoliership and the bailiwick of the Eagle
before the suppression of the langue. The Latin inscription
on the tomb of La Valette is from the pen of Starkey : —

" Hie AsicR Libiceque pavor tutelaque quondam
EurojXB et domitk sava per arma Getis
Primus in hoc alma quam condidit urhe sepuHtcs
Valetta ceterno dignus honorejacef.*^

The heart of La Cassi^re was removed from the body
and embalmed before his remains were taken to Malta, and
it is still preserved at Rome. As soon as the death was
notified to the Pope he despatched a mandate to the council at
Malta prohibiting any steps being taken in the election of a
successor until the members should have received further instruc-
tions from him. He intended originally to take the nomination
entirely into his own hands, considering himself the head of the
Order, and as the Ghrand-Master had died within the limits of his
own immediate jurisdiction that he should be entitled to that
prerogative. A little thought, however, led him to adopt a
middle course. He therefore sent one of the knights then at
Home to his nuncio Visconti, intrusted with two separate briefs,
and with full instructions how to make use of them. The
messenger having arrived at Malta, the first of the briefs was
presented to the council by the nuncio. Ldl this the Pope
averred that the peculiar circimistances attending the death of
the late Grand-Master had left him the right to nominate a
successor, but that from friendship for the Order he waived his
claim to the privilege, and desired that the election should
proceed in the usual manner. The langues were therefore

504 A History of

convoked aooording to custom, and the electors nominated.
Thereupon the nuncio presented liis second brief, which simply
restricted their powers to the choice of one out of three candi-
dates named by the Pope. These were Chabrillan, bailiff of
Manosque ; Verdala, the grand-commander ; and Panissa, the
grand-prior of St. Qilles. The papal mandate, irregular find
unauthorized though it was, received no opposition, and Hugh
Loubenx de Verdala was elected to the vacancy.

Although the death of La Cassifere had brought to a close the
dispute of which he was the subject, the king of France was
well aware that the sedition had originally sprung from the
ambition and jealousy of the langues of Aragon and Castile,
fomented and encouraged by the king of Spain. He therefore
directed his ambassador at the court of Rome to insist that the
memory of the late Grand-Master should be vindicated from the
aspersions which had been cast upon it. The Pope readily-
complied with this request, and nominated a commission, con-
sisting of five cardinals and some of the leading lay officials in
E-ome, to investigate the accusations brought against La Cassi^re
by Rom^gas and his party. Visconti having returned to Rome
from Malta with the results of the inquiries which he had there
made, the congress gave judgment. This was to the effect that
the accusations against the late Gfrand-Master were malicious
and unfounded ; that all the proceedings taken against him
were, from their manifest injustice, to be annulled, and that he
was to be considered honourably acquitted of all the crimes laid
to his charge. They at the same time recommended to his
Holiness that he should pronounce a decree that the Order did
not possess the power of deposing its chief, that authority being
vested in the Pope alone. On the 3rd of September, 1582, this
sentence having been ratified, was published in the consistory.
Thus closed a schism which had, whilst it lasted, created a
great disturbance within the convent at Malta.

The character of Verdala was eminently suited to the temper
of the time which witnessed his elevation. Gentle, mild, and
affable, an earnest lover of peace and concord, he strove hard
to soften the bitterness which recent events had caused, and to
reconcile those differences through which a spirit of disunion
was still kept up in the convent. In this, however, he was not

^■waa

the Knights of Malta. 505

very successful. During the whole of his career as Grrand-
Master — a period of thirteen years — he was constantly troubled
and harassed by the dissensions fomented against him. No
conciliation on his part availed to appease the angry feelings
that were aroused, and every decree which his sense of justice
compelled him to promulgate, was cavilled at, and made the
subject of seditious opposition. In 1587 the grand-marshal
Sacconai dared to rescue by open force one of his valets who had
been arrested on a charge of theft. The pimishment which this
audacious act brought down on him created such a ferment that
Verdala deemed it advisable to proceed in person to Rome and
request the intervention of the Pope against his mutinous
fraternity. He was received with every mark of approval by
Sextus v., who, to mark his sense of the undeserved attacks
made on him, presented him with a cardinal's hat, trusting that
this accession of dignity would induce the turbulent knights
to receive their chief with greater respect. It is to be doubted,
however, whether the honour was a judicious one either for him
to ofEer or for Verdala to accept. The position of a Gtxand-
Master was such as entitled its holder to rank far higher than
a mere cardinal, and when a similar proposal had been made to
La Valette he declined it for that reason. Be this as it may,
the cfiu:dinars rank did not in any way tend to improve the
position of Verdala; he became so harassed by the factious
conduct of the knights that he once more returned to Eome,
where he expired on the 4th of May, 1695.

It was during his rule in 1592 that Gurgallo, bishop of Malta,
hoping to strengthen his power and gain additional support in
the constant warfare he was maintaining against the autho-*
rity of the Grand-Master, summoned the Jesuits to the island.
There they speedily established themselves, and in their turn
endeavoured to form a separate jurisdiction of their own. Malta
was from this time destined to be the seat of four distinct reli-
gious powers — the bishop, the inquisitor, the Jesuits, and the
Grand-Master — a source of endless dispute and jealousy, and one
which much aided in aggravating the discord between the
rival nationalities of France and Spain. Pope Gregory XIII.
had already decreed that the offices of the bishop of Malta and
prior of the church were to be held exclusively by conventual

5o6 A History of

chaplains. As most of these were natives of the island, who
had no opportunity of attaining to the dignities monopolized hy
the various langneSy this decree was received by them with the
greatest favour, since it reserved to Maltese ecclesiastics two of
the leading offices in the gift of the Order. It had, however, the
effect of rendering both the bishop and the prior somewhat less
amenable to the authority of their chief than they would have
been had they been members of other langues.

Verdala has left several memorials of his sway in the fortifi-
cations which he constructed in the island of Q-ozo, and also by
the erection of a country residence near the CittJt Vecohia for
the use of the Grand-Masters, and which has ever since borne his
name. This tower, on the acquisition of the island by the English
in the year 1800, was for some years used as a pla,ce of confinement
for French prisoners of war, after which it was left unoccupied
until Sir William Reid, when governor of Malta, restored it as a
summer palace. He added much to the ornamental grounds
which surround it. In its immediate vicinity is the Boschetto,
a grove which, owing to the scarcity of trees in Malta, is much
prized by the inhabitants. Verdala was the first Grand-Master
who bore the dignity of Turcopolier in connection with that office.
The Pope felt that all immediate prospect of a return of the
English nation to Boman Catholicism was at an end, and that,
in consequence, there was no further hope of an early revival of
the English langue. To prevent the ancient dignity belonging
to the conventual bailiwick of England from becoming altogether
lost, he attached it to the Grand-Mastership, so as to preserve
it intact until brighter days for the langue should arise. It was
also in Verdala*s time that the compilation of an authorized
history of the Order was intrusted to Bosio, the materials
having been collected by Anthony Fossan, who had died in
the midst of his labours. Bosio's work is very voluminous,
and, therefore, somewhat tedious; it is, nevertheless, the most
trustworthy and authentic narrative extant as far as it extends.
The author was nephew to the Anthony Bosio whose able
services as a negotiator prior to the last siege of B>hodes have
already been detailed.

The successor of Verdala was the castellan of Emposta,
Martin Garces. He was seventy years of age at the time of his

the Knights of Malta. 507

election, and during his brief rule of six years, no event of im-
portance occurred. His death, which took place on the 6th of
February, 1601, closed an epoch in the annals of the Order
marked by a glorious succession of heroic deeds. From the
year 1476, when Peter D'Aubusson was elected Grand-Master,
down to the last years of the century just expired, the fra-
ternity had maintained its position in the eyes of Europe with
the most brilliant success. During this period of its existence it
had witnessed the rule of three chiefs, whose names have attained
a European renown. The history of that time could record
no names more distinguished than those of Peter D'Aubufl-
son, Yilliers de L'Isle Adam, and John de La Yalette. That
age had now, however, passed away, and though, during the two
centuries through which the Order yet struggled, it could boast
of many a chief whose skill in administration and talents in the
council chamber were of a high class, ^till the deeds of these
later times will bear no comparison with those that had gone
before, which must be always considered as the golden age of
the institution.

CHAPTER XX.

Political position of the Grand-Master — His revenues — Ceremony of elec-
tion and installation — Details of his household — Ceremonials of the
table — Festivals —The lieutenant — The navy — ^The land forces — The
chancery — The conservatory — The revenue — Details of the European
property — The expenditure— The Hospital.

Before entering into the history of the Order of St. John for
the last two centuries of its existence as an organized fraternity —
a period marked by but few events of real importance — it will be
well to break off the chain of the narrative, and discuss with
some detail its social habits and observances at the time of its
greatest prosperity.

The institution, though under the rule of a Grand-Master,
partook rather of the nature of an oligarchy than a monarchy.
Very little of the actual control was left in the hands of the
chief alone, all legislative powers being vested in the chapter-
general, and all executive fimctions appertaining to the council.
Over this latter he presided, and in it he possessed a double vote,
with a further casting vote in case of equality. Whilst, how-
ever, his powers were thus jealously limited by the constitution,
he practically exercised more influence than such restrictions
would seem to render possible. No subject of debate could be
introduced, except by himself or his lieutenant, nor was any
enactment valid until it had received his sanction. He was
thus able to exclude even from discussion any measure to which
he was opposed, and as the council consisted of grand-crosses,
the nomination to which dignity lay in his gift, he could at any
time by fresh creations secure a majority at the board.

The position and powers of the Ghrand-Mastership had
gradually become much changed and enlarged from^, what
had been contemplated in earlier years. Peter Gerard,

A History of the Knights of Malta, 509

the first " Custosy^ or Master of the Hospital, was nothing
more than the superior of a monastic establishment of but little
consideration and less wealth. Under Raymond du Puy the
dignity of the office was greatly raised. Much wealth had
poured into the coffers of the institution, and extensive terri-
torial possessions in most of the countries of Europe had
materially increased the consideration in which the Order was
held, and consequently improved the social and political status
of its head. The change which Du Puy introduced by adopting
a military character added also to the political importance of
the Cu8to8, He was no longer merely a monk, the superior
of a body of monks ; he was the leader of a select band of
warriors, a corps which comprised in its ranks all that was
knightly and noble. The chief of such a fraternity must
naturally have held a very different position in the feeble
monarchy of Jerusalem to that of the cowled monk who pre-
ceded him. Ere long the Master of the Hospital of St. John
became a personage of no mean importance, consulted and
courted bv the monarch, and treated with the most deferential
respect by the people. As time rolled on, and grant after grant
was made to the Order, its wealth, numbers, and political con-
sideration increased, imtil in the later days of the unfortunate
kingdom the chiefe of the Hospital and Temple occupied the
highest position in the state next to the monarch himself. It
was in these times that the simple appellation of Master was
exchanged for the more ambitious and high-sounding title of
Magnus Maguter^ or Gtrand-Master. The change was in itself
of trivial importance, but it marks the gradual advance the
office had made in social distinction.

The expuLsion of the fraternity from Palestine, and its retire-
ment to Cyprus, seemed at first likely to reduce, if not utterly
to annihilate the political importance of its chief. For some
years its fate for good or ill hung in the balance. The bold and
successful conception of Villaret determined favourably the
doubtful question, and from that time we find the Grand-
Master occupying a far more influential position than even in
the most palmy days of Christian domination in the East. The
acquisition of the island of Rhodes, without divesting him of
any of the prestige, which as the head of a powerful military

5IO A History of

body had been his, gave him, in addition, the dignity and privi-
leges of a ruling prince. Though his dominion was but small
and his subjects few, the military colony at Bhodes was not
unimportant. The powerful navy which the brethren organized,
and with which they scoured the Levant to the terror and
hindrance of the Ottoman pirates with whom those waters
swarmed, rendered most valuable assistance to the commerce
and general interests of Europe. The knights ere long, there-
fore, raised themselves to a far higher position than they had
held in Palestine, and the Grand-Master, in his new rank of
sovereign prince, entered into communication with the various
courts of Europe very much on teims of equality. The
transfer of the convent to Malta, and the terror inspired on all
sides by the establishment of the Algerine corsairs upon the
northern shores of Africa, enhanced this consideration. The
island, when garrisoned by the knights of St. John, became an
advanced post ajid bulwark of Cliristianity. Sicily and Italy
were protected by this barrier from the aggression of the
Moslem. The Pope and the Spanish monarch, both feeling
the importance of the services rendered, invariably held out
the right hand of friendship to its ruler, and treated him
with a consideration and respect which his position - would
scarcely otherwise have warranted.

Having thus assumed sovereign functions and dignities, we
find that he also, by degrees, surrounded himself with much of
the state usually attendant on royalty. The revenue attached
to his office during the last century of its existence at Malta
amounted to upwards of £40,000 a year. This sum was derived
from the following sources : —

1st. In every priory one commandery was set apart for the
benefit of the Gi-and-Master, and was called the magisterial
commandery. He was entitled to nominate its holder with-
out reference to seniority, and its revenues for the first two
years after each appointment were appropriated to him, and a
pension therefrom afterwards.

2nd. He was entitled to nominate to a commandery in
every grand-priory once in each five years, and the first year's
revenue of such commandery, termed an annate, was paid to
him.

the Knights of Malta. 5 1 1

3rd. He received customs, excise, and stamp duties to the
amount of upwards of £20,000 a year.

4th. He was paid a table allowance from the treasury of
£600 a year.

The election of a Grand-Master took place on the third day
after the occurrence of a vacancy. The reason for this prompt
action was that the Pope assumed the right of nomination so
long as the post remained vacant, but his claim lapsed as soon
as a successor had been duly appointed by the Order. The Pope
also possessed the privilege of vetoing the candidature of any
knight, provided such veto were announced before the election
had been completed, but not otherwise. Immediately on the
death of a Gh'and-Master a lieutenant was nominated, and in
his hands the government was vested during the interregnum.
The qualifications for a voter at the election were, that he must
be eighteen years of age, and have resided in Malta for three
years, that he had performed three caravans, and that he was
not in debt to the treasury for a larger sum than ten crowns.
Lists of such members as had complied with these conditions
were prepared for each langue separately, and affixed to
the door of St. John's church for verification and general
information. A board of three knights was also named by
the council to receive payments on behalf of the treasury from
those who, being in its debt, were desirous of freeing themselves
of liability in time to participate in the coming electioif.

On the third day the proceedings commenced by the
celebration of mass in St. John's church, the whole of the
electors being present. After this the members of the various
langues retired into their respective chapels, with the exception of
the one to which the lieutenant of the Mastery belonged, and that
remained in the body of the church. Each langue then elected
by ballot three of its members, into whose hands it confided
the further conduct of the election. The three thus selected
were all bound to be knights of justice. The only exceptions to
this rule were the bishop of Malta and the prior of the church,
who, although belonging to the class of conventual chaplains,
were, nevertheless, permitted, on account of the dignity of their
offices, to join with the knights on this occasion. Should the
lieutenant of the Mastery be selected as one of the electors for

512 A History of

his langue^ he resigned the lieutenancy, and the council
immediately proceeded to a new nomination for that oflBloe,
it being a fimdamental principle in the Order that its
government should never be without a duly constituted head.
It was considered necessary that each elector must have
received a clear fourth part of the votes given. Should no
candidate have gained that majority fresh ballots were held
until the required qualification was attained. After the
suspension of the langiie of England, the three electors who
were to represent it were selected in the following manner.
Each of the others, in addition to its own three representa-
tives, nominated a fourth to act for England. The twenty-one
electors then assembled, and chose from amongst the seven
candidates thus put forward, three who were to act for the
dormant langue.

The twenty -four knights thus selected then assembled together
and appointed from their number a president, who thereupon as-
sumed the duties of the lieutenancy, the knight who had previously
held the office surrendering it to him. Under his guidance the
electors proceeded to name what was called the triumvirate,
consisting of a knight, a chaplain, and a serving brother. These
three having taken the regulated oaths were invested with the
further conduct of the election, the original twenty-four electors
being relieved of all further connection therewith. The trium-
virate then nominated a fourth member to join them. Should
they be unable to come to an agreement as to the nominee
within an hour, they summoned the original twenty-four
electors, and submitted the three names that they had respec-
tively brought forward, one of whom was chosen by ballot.
The fourth member took the oaths, and in concert with the
original triumvirate nominated a fifth, the five a sixth, and so
on until the original trio had been increased to the nimiber of
sixteen, there being no restriction as to langue. These sixteen
then elected the Grand-Master, and should there be an equality
of votes between two candidates, the knight of the election who
was the senior member of the triumvirate had a casting vote. The
nomination having been duly made, the original trio advanced
towards the general body of electors, who were assembled in the
nave of the church ; the knight in the centre with the chaplain

the Knights of Malta. 5 1 3

on his right hand and the serving brother on his left. The
senior member then asked whether all were prepared to ratify
the nomination that had been made, and the assembly having
answered in the affirmative he thereupon announced the name
of the new Gband-Master.

If the knight so chosen chanced to be present he immediately
placed himself beneath the magisterial canopy and took the
following oath, which waa administered by the prior of the
church : — " I swear solemnly before Gbd to observe the estab-
lished and ancient laws of our Order, and to act in all state
affairs by the advice of the members of the council, so help me
Grod." He then received the homage of all present, and was
conveyed in triumphal procession to the palace. The complete
council was convoked as soon afterwards as possible, when the
new chief was invested with the sovereignty of Malta and its
dependencies. By an old custom the house of the late Grand-
Master had been given up to piUage. Of later years this con-
cession was found most inconvenient and objectionable. Its
discontinuance was piirchased by an issue from the treasury of
three crowns to every member of the fraternity on the event
of every fresh accession.

The statutes are very particuleu: in defining the nature of the
obedience to be rendered to the Gfrand-Master. After having,
in a flowery preamble, laid down the main proposition, " That
every member of the Order of Jerusalem, of whatever condition
or quality he may be, is bound to obey the Master for the love
of Our Saviour Jesus Christ," the follovring qualification is
made in the next clause : — " Should the superior give the brother
any direction which does not seem to him in accordance with the
statutes and the customs of the fraternity, he shall be permitted
to demand the judgment of the court of Egard. It is thus
that the obedience which has been vowed is to be understood ; it
is not to be held binding against the statutes and customs, which
the superior is equally bound to obey. If he break his oath
he cannot constrain the fraternity to continue its obedience
to him.'* The powers of the Grand-Master in granting
privileges, and in pcu:doning offenders, were also strictly defined
and limited by the same statute. He might give members
leave to go on a pilgrimage, to dine privately in their own

34

514 ^ History of

houses instead of at the auberge of their languCy to quit the
convent, to bestow the habit of the Order, or to assemble the
several langues. He could also confer on the conventual
bailiffs the power of restricting the drink of any member to
cold water. This penalty, however, having been once im-
posed, no one except the Grrand-Master coiild revoke it after
the clock had struck. His powers of pardon ceased as soon as
the sentence of the council had been pronounced. Afterwards
the power was transferred to that body. In the case of a
knight stripped of his habit for hf e, no authority short of
a chapter-general could reinstate him. The Grand-Master was,
as an exception to this rule, permitted to commute the sen-
tence of total deprivation when inflicted as a punishment for
fighting a duel, in which the opponent had not been injured,
into the loss of seniority for a year or more, according to the
circumstances of the case. Immediately after his election the
Gtrand-Master was bound to provide a leaden seal bearing on one
side his efiigy, and on the other the arms of the Order. This
seal was to be used in all documents requiring his authority or
attestation. Such were the principal regulations laid down in
the statutes on the subject of the Orand-Master.

His household was superintended by twelve knights, who held
various posts in the different departments, and over whom was
a dignitary termed the seneschal. This officer acted for the
Gfrand-Master in all cases where the latter did not choose to
appear in person. He was commandant of the militia of the
island, and in that capacity held an annual review of the forces
under his command. In time of war two graud-crosses were
appointed to aid him in this department of his duties, under the
title of lieutenants- general, but they were strictly subordinate
to him, and bound to obey his orders implicitly. Should the
Grand-Master at any time be taken seriously ill, it became the
duty of the seneschal to secure his official seals, and retain
them until either the recovery or the death of his chief. In
the latter event the sacrament of extreme unction was ad-
ministered by him. He ranked as a grand-cross, ex officio^ even
though he should not have attained to that dignity. Both his
table and equipage were furnished at the cost of the Gxand-
Master. Next in rank to the seneschal were the maitre d'hotel,

the Knights of Malta. 5 1 5

the master of the horse, and the treasurer. The maitre d'hotel
had the entire management of the internal economy of the
palace, and regulated all its ceremonies. The master of the
horse controlled the stable department, and was in command of
the cavalry. No horse, mule, or donkey could be exported
from the island without a permit from him. He also took
possession, on behalf of the Grand-Master, of the equipages of
all knights dying in Malta, the disposal of which was super-
intended by him. The treasurer had charge of the finances,
and made all payments. The remaining officers of the house-
hold were of inferior rank. They were the chamberlain, the
deputy mattre d'hotel, the under cavalerizze, the falconer, the
captain of the guard, the three secretaries for France, Italy, and
Spain, and the deputy mattre d'hotel for the country palaces.
The falconer was intrusted with the charge of the preservation
of game. No one was allowed the privilege of shooting without
a written permit from him, and this did not extend to either
partridges or hares, the shooting of which was strictly forbidden
under pain of the galleys ; he was bound to proclaim the close
of the shooting season at Ea.ster, and its opening at the feast of
the Magdalen ; he had charge of the Grand- Master's preserves,
and reared and trained the falcons which it was the custom
to present annually to the kings of Spain, France, and Naples.
At the commencement of the shooting season he was instructed
to send presents of such game as the island produced to the
grand-crosses, the members of the council, the officers of the
household, and the inquisitor. The duties of the three secre-
taries embraced the carrying on correspondence in the three
several languages of their respective nationalities, all Latin
documents falling under the cognizance of the secretary for
Italy.

The Grand-Master was attended by sixteen pages, who
were received as knights of justice at the age of twelve instead
of the ordinary limit of sixteen. Their term of service was
three years, during which time they were entirely maintained
by their friends. Although the expenses of the post were
large, there were always numerous candidates awaiting vacan-
cies, owing to the seniority gained by being professed at so
early an age. Their sorvice as pages counted towards the time

84*

5i6 A History of

of residence in Malta, which every member was obliged to com-
plete before he could become eligible for office. Two of these
pages were in daily attendance at the palace, and accompanied
the Grand-Master wherever he went. Should he return after
dark, six others lined the staircase with torches. When he
dined in public they waited on him at table, and one of them
performed the duties of taster. The guests were permitted to
give them sweetmeats from the board, but no other kind of food.
During the carnival, which was always observed with great
magnificence, these youths formed one of the most attractive
features of the display. They were mounted on a splendidly
decorated car, drawn by six richly caparisoned mules, and pre-
ceded by two trumpeters and a kettle-drummer on horseback.

The ceremonial of the table, when the Ghrand-Master dined
in public, was very elaborate, the grandest occasions being at
the festivals of Christmas and Easter. The private invitations
to these banquets were given two days beforehand, but on the
morning itself the principal maitre d'hotel gave a public invi-
tation during the celebration of high mass at St. John's church.
For this purpose, immediately after the collection of the ofFer-
tory he rose, staff in hand, and saluting the members of the
coimcil, invited them to partake of a repast which the Gfrand-
Master proposed to give on that day in honour of the Order.
At half-past ten a.m. the guests proceeded to the palace, where
they were ushered into the audience-chamber; here they
found their host waiting to receive them. The dinner was
served at eleven o'clock. At the entrance to the dining-hall
the cup-bearer tendered a basin in which the Ghrand-Master
washed his hands, the seneschal holding the towel. Whilst this
ceremony was proceeding, the prior of the church advanced to
the head of the table and said grace. ' He then retired into the
ante-chamber, where the guests were also washing their hands,
in readiness to return with them as soon as his Eminence
was seated. That dignitary, having completed his ablutions,
took his place at the head of the table, upon a couch of crimson
velvet, beneath a canopy. The guests then entered the apart-
ment, seated themselves according to rank on either side, placed
their caps on their heads, and the dinner commenced. It was
a point of etiquette that no one should drink until the Grand-

tfu Knights of Malta. 5 1 7

Master had set the example. As soon, therefore, as the soup
was removed, his eminence called for wine, and rising, cup in
hand, bowed and drank to the health of those who sat at table
with him. The guests thereupon also rose and removed
their caps, remaining in that position until he had finished
his draught, when he once more bowed around and reseated
himself. The guests then in their turn drank to their host,
rising as they did so and bowing to him. The second toast
given by the Grand-Master was that of the officers of the
household, and the guests took this opportunity of pledging
one another. At the conclusion of the repast the Grand-
Master gave the health of the Pope, which was the signal for
the close of the banquet.

The public fetJ^s, which were frequently held at the palace,
resembled in their etiquette that usually adopted in the courts
of Europe, and need no special description. The religious
ceremonials in which the Ghrand-Master took part were very
numerous, and the rules laid down for their conduct minute
in the extreme. This was probably owing to the bickerings
and jealousies which had gradually sprung up between the
principal functionaries and the ecclesiastics, the latter consider-
ing themselves exempted from the authority of the Grand-
Master, and under the control of the Pope alone. Most of these
solemnities were in honour of the ordinary anniversaries of the
church, and had no particular connection with the Order itself.
There were, however, two functions held in peculiar veneration,
a description of which is interesting as a type of the religious
ceremonials adopted in the island. One of these was the festival
of the Virgin Mary, on the 8th of September, being also the
anniversary of the raising of the siege of Malta by the Turks.
The other was St. John the Baptist's day, the 24th June. This,
as being the feast of the patron saint of the Order, was held
in high esteem.

On the 8th September, all the grand-crosses then in Malta
assembled in the palace at eight o'clock in the morning in full
dress, with their mantles d, bec^ and accompanied the Gband-
Master in solemn procession to St. John's church. The street
between the palace and the church, a distance of about 200
yards, was lined by a double file of militia dressed in the

5i8 A History of

ancient Maltese costume, which, from its gay colours, added
much to the effect of the scene. Arrived at the church, high
mass was celebrated by the prior of St. John's. At the dose
of the epistle the service was interrupted by the arrival of the
grand-standard. It was the privilege of the langue of Auvergne
to have chcu:ge of this banner, and the knights of that langue
took their turn in regular succession as standard-bearers during
those festivals in which it made its appearance. In time of
war, however, no such roster was preserved, but the grand-
marshal selected any member of his langue whom he pleased for
the honour. Upon the present occasion, the standard-bearer
entered the church arrayed in full armour, with scarlet sopra
vest and a silver helmet, surmounted by a nodding plume,
forming, as the manuscript from which this account is taken
says, '' a magnificent spectacle." He was accompanied by one
of the Gtrand-Master's pages, bearing the sword and poniard
presented to La Valette by the king of Spain, and was
followed by the whole langue of Auvergne, headed by the
grand-marshal carrying the rod of justice in his hand. The
standard-bearer and page proceeded up the church until they
arrived at the high altar, which they saluted three times ; they
then turned towards the Grand-Master, who was seated on his
throne, and also saluted him the same number of times, after
which they mounted the dais, and placed themselves, the
standard-bearer on his right, and the page on his left. The
mass was then proceeded with, and wlulst the gospel was being
read, the Ghrand-Master took the sword and dagger from the
hands of the page, and imjaheathing them, held them aloft till
the gospel was concluded. This ceremony was a relic of the
ancient custom (which had fallen into disuse before the dose of
the sixteenth century) of the knights to draw their swords
during the reading of the gospel, as a token of their readiness
to fight in its behalf. When the host was elevated, the
standard-bearer knelt and embraced his banner, and at the con-
clusion of the ceremony, it was borne to the chapel of Our
Lady of Victory, built by La Valette, after which it was again
taken to the palace, accompanied by the Gfrand-Master. On the
occasion of this festival, ten young women received a dowry
of forty crowns each from the treasury. Upon its vigil

the Knights of Malta. 5 1 9

a solemn mass was celebrated for the repose of the souls of
those who had fallen in the siege. Yisits were on that day
paid to the tomb of La Valette in the crypt of the church, as
well as to that of a Spaniard named Don Melchior de Eobles,
who had greatly distinguished himself at the post of Castile,
and fell gloriously at that point. Although not a member
of the Order, a monument was erected to his memory by the
Grrand-Master Raphael Cottoner, in the chapel of the langue
of Auvergne.

During the afternoon of this vigil, the 7th September, the
ceremony of uncovering the celebrated picture of Our Lady
of Philermo took place. This relic has been frequently
mentioned in previous pages, and it maintained its ancient
renown to the last. When L'Isle Adam left Ehodes he
carried it away with him, and on the arrival of the Order at
Malta it was placed in the church of St. Laurence. On the
completion of St. John's cathedral it was removed thither, and
lodged in a magnificent chapel prepared for its reception.
Until 1598 it remained always covered with a thick veil, but
in that year it was for the first time exposed to view on the
festival of the Yirgin, and for long afterwards continued to be
uncovered on that day only. Latterly it remained constantly
visible, but in order to preserve the old custom, a transparent
veil was placed over it. This was solemnly withdrawn by
the Grand-Master, in presence of the members of his council,
on the evening of the 7th September, and replaced at simset on
the following day.

The other ceremonial to which allusion has been made, was
the exposure to public adoration of the hand of St. John the
Baptist. This precious relic, which was given to the Grand-
Master D'Aubusson by the sultan Bajazet, had been brought
from Bhodes by L'Isle Adam, and was deposited by La Cassi^re
in a chapel of St. John's church called the Oratory. It was
enclosed in a magnificent silver cmtodey or casket, secured by
eight locks, one of the k^ys of which was deposited in the hands
of the Qrand-Master in his capacity of Turcopolier, the other
seven being held by the remaining conventual bailifis. On the
vigil of the feast of St. John these keys were all collected by the
master of the horse, who, in the presence of the Gband-Master

^ 520 A History of

and council, opened the cuafode. The prior of the church then
took the relic with great state to the high altar, where it remaLaed
throughout the next day, except whilst being carried in pro-
cession. The hand itself was contained in a gold reliquary
richly studded with diamonds and pearls. It also bore a mag-
nificent diamond ring, presented to it by the grand-prior of
Burletta.

It was contrary to etiquette for the Grand-Mfitster to pay any
visits; this rule was seldom broken, and then only on most
important occasions. He was, however, sufficiently gallant to
pay a visit of congratulation to the three convents of St. Ursula,
St. Catherine, and St. Magdalen, both at Christmas and Easter.
He also called upon the Benedictine nims of the Cittil Yittoriosa,
when he took formal possession of that city upon assuming the
magisterial dignity. He was bound to inspect the Hospital of
the fraternity periodically, and on these occasions he tied an
apron round his waist and personally distributed the portions
of food to each patient. He was supposed in this manner to
fulfil his duties as a knight Hospitaller.

Should the Grand-Master fall dangerously ill, the prior of the
church was informed of the fact, and the host was brought into
the palace. During this time the great bell of St. John's church
tolled forth at intervals ; and, as the palace was not far from the
chiirch, the dying chief could plainly hear his own passing bell«
After his death the body was embalmed, and lay in state until
the burial. The funeral procession was thus formed : — ^First the
governor of the city, followed by the battalion of guards, with
drums and fifes playing a dirge ; then the clergy of the island
according to their respective grades; otter them the corpse, borne
by the senior knights of justice, the conventual bailiffs holding
the pall, and f OTir pages with standards surrounding the coffin ;
then followed the officers of the household, the grand-crosses,
and other dignitaries, the procession being closed by the mem-
bers of the Order and the public generally. The funeral
service over and the body lowered into its last resting-place, the
seneschal advanced, and breaking his wand of office, threw it
upon the coffin, exclaiming, " Gentlemen, our Master is dead,*'
The master of the horse followed in the same manner, breaking
the spurs of the deceased, and after him the treasurer, who

tfve Knights of Malta. 5 2 1

threw a purse into the grave. With these incidents the service
closed. All the details of these ceremonials have been taken
from a manuscript work now in the pubUc Hbrary of Malta,
drawn up in the beginning of the eighteenth century, and pur-
porting to lay down, by authority, all necessary rules for the
etiquette of the Magisterial court.

The Ghrand-Master had the right, should he desire it, of
naming a lieutenant to whom he might delegate such of his
functions as, from age or disinclination, he was unwilling to
exercise in person. This nomination rested entirely with him-
self, the council merely receiving intimation of the fact. It
was customary for him, whenever he fell seriously ill, to
appoint a lieutenant, whose authority lasted imtil either his
recovery or his death. Some, however, named lieutenants in
permanency, to relieve them of all the more onerous duties of
government, retaining in their own hands only such authority
as was necessary for the maintenance of their dignity. As an
example of the petty squabbles fomented by the ecclesiastics, it
may be mentioned that to the lieutenant was allotted a seat in
St. John's church, above the seneschal, and with a carpet. The
bishop, to whom also was allotted a seat above the seneschal, had
no carpet. Being unwilling to admit the precedence of the
lieutenant, even in this trifling matter, he never attended church
when such a functionary was present.

The navy was imder the command of the bailiff of Auvergne
as grand-marshal, the bailiff of Italy being the second in
command with the title of grand-admiral. These two digni-
taries had charge of the land forces as well as the navy;
indeed, the two services were so mixed up that it would be
difficult to draw any line between them except that neither the
miUtia of the island nor the battalion of the guard served on
board ship. The other troops were used indiscriminately ashore
or afloat as they were required. Every knight, during his
residence at Malta, was boimd to complete four caravans, which
involved cruises at sea of at least three months in each caravan.
During this time he was attached to one of the battalions either
of the galleys or ships. As the two above-named dignitaries
(the grand-marshal and the grand-admiral) held their offices
ex officio as heads of their respective langues^ the actual duty of

522 A History of

govemanoe and superintendenoe of the navy would often have
been but ill-performed had it been left solely to them. An
officer was consequently selected who, whilst subordinate to
their authority, had the real control in all naval questions. This
knight was called the general of the galleys. He was elected by
the council after ballot, on the nomination of the Grrand-Master.
That body thus possessed the power of veto only. The general
of the galleys was always a grand-cross. If he had not attained
that dignity prior to his appointment, it was at once conferred
upon him.

As soon as his election was decided, the newly-appointed
general named an officer to serve under him as commander of
the capitan-galley, or flagship. This appointment was decided
in the same manner as his own, the nomination resting with
him, and the veto with the council. He also appointed a
padrone^ or sub-officer, to his galley, who, in case of a vacancy
whilst cruising, would succeed to the post of captain. The
general of the galleys was invested with absolute authority on
board his fleet when at sea. He had imcontroUed power of life
and death over the crews, and was permitted to suspend any
officer from duty, even though appointed directly by the
council. He received the title of excellency when absent from
the convent, as well from members of the fraternity as from
strangers, and had also the privilege, when attending the
council, of appearing in red with sword and cane, whilst all the
other members were robed in the " cloccia," or black mantle
of the Order, and were not permitted either a weapon or stick
when in the council hall.

Until near the latter end of the seventeenth century the
fleet consisted exclusively of galleys. It was with a navy thus
composed that the knights earned that brilliant reputation which
gained for them the supremacy of the Mediterranean, with the
privilege that the flag of every other nation upon those waters
saluted theirs. Even Louis XIV., a monarch most unyielding
in questions of ceremony and precedence, admitted the right
of the Hospitaller galleys to a salute from his vessels. About
the close of the above-named century, an addition was
gradually made of vessels of other types. These eventually
became sufficiently numerous to warrant a division in the

the Knights of Malta. 523

organization and duties of the marine force, as also in its super-
intendence. For this purpose an officer was appointed in the
same manner as the general of the galleys, whose title was com-
mandant of the ships and lieutenant-general of the galleys. He
was, as the name infers, subordinate to the general, and when
that officer was present the direction of the ships as well as of
the gaUeys was in his hands. As, however, the two rarely acted
together, the commandant usually enjoyed complete power.
He was not necessarily a grand-cross, but should he be one, he
wa« accorded the same privilege as his chief, of appearing at
council in red with sword and stick. The control of these two
branches of the navy was vested in two boards, named respec-
tively the congregation of the galleys and that of the ships.
The former, which was the most important, was composed of the
conventual bailiff of Italy as grand-admiral (or his lieutenant),
the general of the galleys, and four commissioners, knights of the
four nations ; these were France, Spain, Italy, and Germany.
The other board, which was subordinate, was presided over by a
grand-cross, deputed to that duty by the council, together with
the commandant of the vessels and four commissioners, also
knights of the four nations. The number of galleys varied
greatly according to circumstances. During the warlike times
of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries they had been
very numerous. Of later years they gradually dwindled,
until at length only four were left. The fleet of ships had
at first consisted of three, to which a fourth was afterwards
added, and eventually, besides these, three frigates were also
built.

It has been pointed out that the supreme control of the
naval and military forces being under the conventual bailiffs of
Auvergne and Italy ex officio^ it was found necessary to appoint
a skilled officer under them to imderta^e the actual duties. In
the same way, we find that, although the conventual bailiff of
Castile was grand-chancellor, the most important and respon-
sible portion of the duties attached to that office was i)er-
f ormed by the vice-chancellor ; this officer becoming, in fact, the
secretary of state to the Order. He was in the fibrst instance
selected by the grand-chancellor. That official was not
restricted in his choice to the members of any particular langiiey

524 A History of

Btilly being himself either a Castilian or a Portuguese, he
generally appointed a knight of one of those nationalities for
the post. The name thus chosen was submitted to the Grrand-
Master for approval, and he laid it before the council, where the
candidate was balloted for. The vice-chancellor was not neoee-
sarilj a grand-cross, but usuallj had attained that dignity.
Indeed, the emoluments and patronage of the office were so
considerable that it was much sought after, even by knights
of the highest position. It is undoubted that in the roll of
Grand- Masters several may be found who had attained that
position solely from the great facilities they had enjoyed of
ingratiating themselves with the electors whilst holding the
office of vice-chancellor.

We also find the bailiff of Aragon, as grand-conservator,
relieved of the most arduous of his duties by the conventual
conservator. The seven langues took it in turn to supply the
holder of this office, the tenure of which was for three years.
Six months before the expiration of each term the bailiff of the
lavgue whose turn it was to supply the next vacancy, submitted
to the Grand-Master a list of such of his members as he con-
sidered most eligible for the post. Grand-crosses were not
admitted into the number, but in the event of the conventual
conservator attaining that dignity during his term of office,
he nevertheless retained his position until the three years had
expired. The Grand-Master selected from the list whoever lie
chose, and submitted the name to the council, with whom, as in
all the cases before mentioned, the power of veto rested. The
duties of the conservator embraced the taking charge of all gold
and silver, whether plate or jewellery, left by a knight at his
death, either at the convent or in any of the provincial oom-
manderies. He held the treasury chest, and all payments
therefrom were made by him. In fact, all the pecuniary
transactions of the Order passed through his hands. Although
he had no seat in the ordinary council imlesa he were a grand-
cross, he was admitted into the complete council by virtue of
his office.

The revenues of the Order were controlled by a committee
called the camera, or chamber of the treasury. This consisted
of the bailiff of Provence, the grand- commander, as president,

the Knights of Malta. 525

three procurators, one of whom was appointed by the Gband-
Master, and the other two by the council, the conventual con-
servator, two auditors, and two secretaries. In the absence of
the grand-commander, his lieutenant took his place. No dis-
cussion could be carried on without the presence of one of them ;
they could, therefore, at any time close a debate by the mere act
of leaving the chair. The revenues of the Order consisted of
the following items, whence its ordinary income was derived : —

1. Responsions. — The nature of these payments has already
been fully explained ; the proportion to the rental of each com-
mandery, and consequently of each grand-priory, had been fixed
by chapter-general ; but in the event of war, or other pressing
necessity, power had been reserved to the council to raise the
amount. It was usually fixed at about one-third of the net
income of the commandery.

2. Martuary and Vacancy, — Whenever a commander died, the
entire net revenue of his commandery, from the day of his death
till the 1st of May following, was paid into the treasury. This
was termed the mortuary. The revenue of the next year was
also devoted to the same use, and was termed the vacancy.
Whenever the finances of the Order required extra support, a
second year's vacancy was appropriated to its aid. During the
last century of its existence at Malta, this additional tax became
permanent.

3. Passages. — This was a sum paid to the treasury by can-
didates for admission into the Order. It was of two kinds, the
majority and the minority. The amounts payable had varied
greatly at different times. During the eighteenth century the
m&joTiiy passage which was paid by knights at the age of sixteen,
or by pages at the age of twelve, was £100 ; a chaplain paid £80 ;
a servant-at-arms (or esquire) £92. Donats, or brothers d^itage
paid £26 8s. The minority passage was an increased rate
paid for the privilege of entering the Order at an earlier age
than laid down by law. It was origumlly devised in the middle
of the seventeenth century, as a means of raising money to build
additional accommodation for the convent at Malta. It was,
however, never appropriated to that use, and gradually became a
recognized and continuous source of revenue. Its amount for the
first class was £388, and for either of the two other clases £330.

526 A History of

4. Spoils. — ^This ooijtsisted of the produce of the effects of a
deceased knight, which fell to the treasury, except only one-fifth
part, which, with the sanction of the Grand-Master, the owner
was permitted to dispose of by will.

6. Priory Annates and Priory Presents. — These were trifling
items. The former consisted of the first year's revenue of a
oommandery, the nomination to which was made by the grand-
prior, who had that privilege once in each five years. The latter
was the commutation of the gift which every grand-prior was
bound to make to St. John's church once at least during his
tenure of office. The commutation had been fixed at j£40
for priories of the first class, and £32 for the smaller ones. It
also included gifts by knights.

6. Timber. — The timber on every commandery belonged to
the treasury, and was paid direct thereto when sold. At one
time this item realized a large annual amount, but it fell off very
considerably during the latter days of the Order's existence.

7. Renounced pensions. — Many commanderies were encum-
bered with pensions. These were subject to the vacancy and
mortuary like the general revenue of the commandery. In
order to avoid the inconvenience of the loss of two years' pen-
sion on every vacancy, many of the pensioners commuted the
loss by the annual payment of ten per cent, of their pensions to
the treasury, thereby insuring the continuous payment of > the
remainder in spite of vacancies.

8. Rents. — This item arose from property held in Malta.

9. Fo7indations. — ^Various foundations had at different times
been established by members towards the maintenance of the
Hospital, fortifications, galleys, etc., and as in process of time
the funds allotted to this purpose became no longer sufficient to
meet the end proposed, the treasury tindertook the cost, receiv-
ing the amount of the foundations in part payment.

10. Sundries. — These consisted of lazaretto dues^ ransom of
Turkish slaves, fees for permission to eat eggs and butter in Lent,
interest on money lent, secret restitution money, and other
trifling payments, none of which require special description.

It is difficult to form any opinion as to the totals of these
various items, the records not being such as to shew them. The
following was the annual amount averaged in the last decade

the Knights of Malta.

527

of the residenoe of the Order in Malta, of which the figures
are forthcoming, as given by the commander Bansijat: —

1. Responsions ...

2. Mortuary and Vacancy

3. Passages

4. Spoils ...

5. Priory annates and presents

6. Timber

7. Renounced pensions ...

8. Rents ...

9. Foundations ...

10. Sundries .

£47,520

21,470

20,334

24,755

723

4,798

161

3,428

8,986

4,300

— making a total of £136,475. The reader may perhaps be
inclined to smile at the idea of a revenue as small as this. It
must, however, be borne in mind that these figures only represent
the amount available for expenditure at Malta, and even then
without including the civil list of the Grand-Master, which was
derived direct from the commanderies. It will be seen that
the whole of the provincial property of the Order only con-
tributed £47,000 to the exchequer. This was the balance
available for that purpose after the due maintenance of all the
members of the fraternity not at the convent, including the
provincial dignitaries. The gross income of the fraternity must
probably have reached nearly a million sterling.

The European property was divided in the following
manner : —

The iangue of Provence consisted of the two grand-priories
of St. Gilles and Toulouse and the bailiwick of Manosque. The
grand-priory of St. Gilles contained fifty-three, and that of
Toulouse thirty commanderies.

The Iangue of Auvergne consisted of the grand-priory of
Auvergne and the bailiwick of Lyons, the priory containing
fifty-two commanderies.

The iangue of France consisted of the tliree grand- priories of
France, Aquitaine, and Champagne, the first containing fifty-
eight, the second thirty-one, and the thiixl twenty-four com-
manderies.

The langtie of Italy comprised seven grand-priories and five

•528 A History of

bailiwicks. The priories were Lombardy, oontaming thirty-six
oommanderieSy Biome nineteen, Yenioe twenty-eight, Pisa
sixteen, Capua twenty, Burletta twelve, and Messina eleven.
The bailiwicks were St. Euphemia, St. Stephen, Holy Trinity
of Yenonsa, St. John of Naples, and St. Sebastiaji.

The langue of Aragon comprised the three grand-priories of
Aragon (commonly called the castellany of Emposta), Catalonia,
and Navarre. The first was divided into thirty commanderies,
the second into twenty-nine, and the third into eighteen.
There were also the bailiwicks of Majorca and Caspa, and the
alternate patronage with the langue of Castile to the bailiwick
of Negropont.

The langue of Germany comprised the three grand-priories
of Germany, Bohemia, and Dacia, or Hungary, containing
between them fifty-six commanderies.

The langue of Castile and Portugal was divided into the
three grand-priories of Castile, Leon, and Portugal, containing
between them seventy-five commanderies.

The langue of England was, as will be hereafter described,
combined with that of Bavaria, under the title of Anglo-
Bavaria, in the year 1782. Although coupled in name with
England, it was practically exclusively Bavarian. Its two
grand-priories of Ebersberg and Poland were divided into
twenty-nine and thirty-two commanderies respectively. It
had also the bailiwick of Neuberg.

It will thus be seen that the European property of the
Order contained nearly seven hundred distinct estates, each of
which maintained several members of the fraternity, afforded a
liberal income to its commander, and contributed its quota to
that of its grand-prior. The balance only, after all this had
been extracted from its resources, fell to the treasury of Malta.

Having dealt with the question of revenue, it will be well
to give a brief glance at the expenditure, which may be classed
as under : —

1. Efuhames, — This charge not only included the salaries of
the envoys themselves, but also of their secretaries and estab-
lishments. Once more taking the figures of Bansijat, we
find the annual charge under this head averaged the sum of
£3,800.

the Kf^ights of Malta. 529

2. Remvi*r8. — As already st«,ted, the Order had fouud it
necessary, from an early time, to appoint special receivers, wliose
duty it was to collect and remit to the treasury the responsions
as they fell due from the oommanderies and priories. Including
travelling and law expenses, they figured in the estimates for
£6,600.

3. Churches. — ^The expenses connected with the conventual
churches of St. John, St. Anthony, and the Conception amounted
to £1,160.

4. Alms, — ^A sum of £1,700 was expended imder tliis head.

5. Hospitah. — The grand Hospital, the hospital for women,
and the foundling establishment were maintained at a joint cost
of £10,400.

6. Navy, — The charge under this head was £47,500, which
was thus divided : galleys, £22,500 ; ships, £23,600 ; and other
charges, £1,400.

• 7. Land Forres, — The land forces cost £17,000, of which the
Maltese regiment took £12,600 ; the artiller}% £1,000 ; the staff
£280 ; the OKlnance, £1,500 ; the fortifications, £1,300 ; sundry
other minor amounts making up the balance. In considering
the charges for both navy and land forces, it must be remem-
bered that they were officered by knights, and that nothing
accrued for the pay or maintenance of these. Also that dock-
yard work and repairs to fortifications were carried out at very
slight cost by the labour of the slaves who swarmed in the
island.

8. Table tnonep. — The tables kept at the auberges cost the
Order £5,400, which sum included the £600 allowed to the
Grand-Master for his own table. It will be remembered that
the conventual bailiffs drew an allowance or ration for each
person entitled to dine at the table of the auherge. The sum
here charged formed but a small part of the actual cost of the
tables ; the remainder came from ih.Q bailiffs themselves.

9. Offices. — The expenses of the treasury and of the chancery
amounted to £1,050.

10. Slaves, — The maintenance and clothing of the slaves,
when employed on shore, cost nearly £3,000, exclusive of those
who, having embraced Christianity, were kept separately, and
were supported at an expense averaging about £1,000. About

35

530 A History of

£oOO a year was also spent in the purchase of slaves from
members of the Order.

11. Agtieducfji. — The maintenance of the public aqueducts,
cisterns, fountains, etc., caused a charge of £300.

12. Postage. — The postage of letters for those persons who
were exempted from such payments, cost the treasury £2,000.
The persons thus privileged were the Grand-Master, his receiver-
general, his three secretaries, the inquisitor, the members of the
ordinary chamber, six in number, the commissioner of the post-
office, and all the ambassadors of the Order resident at foreign,
courts.

13. Pensions,— ^hQ pension list, chargeable to the treasury,
varied greatly at different periods. At the close of the
eighteenth century it had been reduced to £1,100.

14. Loans. — The interest of loans contracted by the fraternity
amounted to £5,000. This interest was at different rates, com-
mencing at 2 per cent., and rising to 2J, 2^, 2J, up to 3 per
cent., which was the highest paid for any loan.

15. Sfor(s, — The establishment for stores was chargeable to
the amount of £18,000.

There were also sundry minor charges which swelled the totAl
to a sum ranging between £120,000 and £130,000, thus nearly
balancing the income.

The next point of interest in connection with the Order was
its Hospital establishment, and as regards this it will be neces-
sary to 'enter into some detail. As the fraternity originally
owed its existence to the Hospitaller functions established by the
charitable merchants of Amalfi, and as it was to the exercise of
hospitality they owed their name, it was but natural that it
should take a high place amongst the duties inculcated by their
statutes. We find it thus spoken of under the heading of
Hospitality : — " It is very certain that by common consent of
all Christian people, hospitality holds the first place amongst
works of piety and himianity as that which embraces all
others. If, therefore, it be thus observed and revered by all
well-disposed persons with such zealous care, how much the
rather ought those to practise it, who honour themselves with
the title of knights Hospitaller, and who wish to be regarded
as such? Since the thing of all others which we ought to

the Knights of Malta. 531

desire should be to carry into full effect that of which we
bear the name.'*

In accoidance with the views thus laid down, the earlier chiefs
of the fraternity spared no pains and no expense to render
themselves entitled to the name they had assumed. Even in
the midst of the bloody wars in which the Order found itself
constantly involved, and at times when its reverses had almost
threatened its utter annihilation, the doors of the convent
were ever open for the reception of the worn and weary
wanderer, and the pilgrim found there a ready welcome. Should
his health have given way under the hardships and toil to which
he had been exposed, he received within the walls of this charit-
able institution every care and attention that Christian benevo-
lence could suggest. The knight returned from his deeds of
daring on the battle-field, and regardless of the renown which
he and his brethren had there gained, doiled his harness,
laid aside his trusty sword, and assuming the peaceful black
mantle of his Order, proceeded to devote himself to those
acts of charity which were ever being carried on within his
convent walls.

As long as the brethren remained in Palestine did this state of
things continue. During that period they had amassed from the
donations and bequests of the pious enormous and ever-increas-
ing wealth. This had undoubtedly brought in its train many
evils and much degeneracy. It had made them many bitter
enemies, and rendered indifferent many of their warmest friends ;
still, we never hear among the numerous crimes laid to their
charge, even by the most rancorous of their foes, that of negli-
gence in the fundamental obligation of their profession. After
their expulsion from Palestine, no doubt, a change took place ;
established in the island of Ehodes, the great demand which
had once existed for this charity and hospitality fell off. There
were no longer sick and weary pilgrims to cheer on their way ;
the requirements of their Hospital in the island home they had
adopted soon became only what the slender population in the
midst of which they were living demanded. Thus we find the
noble establishment, which in previous ages had called forth the
enthusiastic admiration of all Christians in the Holy Land,
dwarfed down to a very limited charity. Members of the

35*

532 A History of

fraternity, and indeed strangers of every description, oould still,
when sick, procure needful assistance from the Hospital of
the Order, and care was taken to render that service as perfect
and convenient as possible. It will be remembered that a
description of its present condition has already been given, as
quoted from Newton, in Chapter XII. This shews that it
was but a pigmy ailair compared with the comprehensive and
extensive establishment the knights had originally reared within
the precincts of the sacred city.

The translation of the fraternity to Malta produced no great
change in this respect. Mindful of their old traditions, one of
their earliest measures, when establishing their convent upon
the rocky islets of their new home, was to found a Hospital.
There was already existing at Cittd Vecchia a small establish-
ment, which doubtless sufficed for the limited wants of the
island population prior to their advent. This was at once
adapted to suit their temporary requirements. It was afterwards
entirely rebuilt by the Grand-Master Manoel de Vilhena. In
addition to that Hospital they founded another in the Bourg.
This building exists, and is now part of the monastery of St.
Scholastica, the chapel being still used for ecclesiastical pur-
poses. On it is the date 1533, with the arms of L'Isle Adam.
It must therefore have been completed within three years after
the arrival of the Order in the island.

On the transfer of the chef-lieu of the convent to Valetta, the
main Hospital followed it. The selection of the new site was
most unwise, being at the lower extremity of the promontory of
Moimt ScebeiTas, not far from the fort of St. Elmo, where it is
sheltered from all the cooler breezes, and exposed to the south-
east or scirocco wind, which, in Malta, is most trying and dele-
terious to the sick. It has received the unqualified condemnation
of modern sanitary scientists, and although we do not look foi
the same knowledge in the sixteenth century as now prevails
still it does seem strange that such elementary errors should
have been committed in the selection of a site, the more so
when it is remembered that the city was as yet unbuilt, and
therefore any part of the entire promontory available. The
Barrack and Hospital Conunission of 1863 thus reports on the
matter : — *' The hospital is situated on the south-east side of

■JO*

the Knights of Malta. 533

Valetta, close to the great harbour. The site is the lowest on
that side of the town^ and all the ground falls towards it.
There is an apparent advantage of position derived from the
proximity of some of the sick wards to the sea, but in a
climate like that of Malta, where sanitary condition depends
so much on the nature of the winds, this advantage is neutral-
ized and converted into a disadvantage by the circumstance that
aU healthy winds are cut oil from the building partly by its
bad construction, partly by its being enclosed on three sides by
a densely-packed neighbourhood of lofty houses. (This latter
objection may probably not have been foreseen when the site was
originally selected.) Also because the lofty works of St. Elmo
intervene between the site of the hospital and the north and
north-westerly winds, which are the really healthy ones. The
only wind that blows directly on the sick wards is the scirocco,
a well-known cause of indisposition at Malta, and the effect of
which is immediately perceived by the sick. The site is hence
exposed only to unhealthy winds, and at all other times there is
more or less stagnation of air about it, unless there is stormy
weather." This building, which has been used by the military
as a hospital ever since the island was transferred to England,
remains very much what it was when originally constructed.
It consists of two squares or courts, one on a much lower level
than the other. The far side of the lower square is pro-
longed in one direction until it reaches a length of upwards
of 500 feet, with a width of thirty-five feet. One of the other
sided of the square is also a single ward, at right angles to
this. The lower square with the long ward was probably the
first portion of the Hospital constructed. The Rev. W. Bed-
ford, in his preface on the Gbeat Hospital at Valetta, says : —
"The first erection seems to have been the great hall, now
divided by partitions, which do not reach more than half its
height, but containing under one roof a room 503 feet long, 34
feet 10 inches broad, and 30 feet 6 inches high. The beams of
the roof appear to be red deal, although common report states
Sicilian chesnut to be the wood employed in their construction.
The apartment at right angles also formed part of the same
great hall, though now divided by another partition of about
twelve feet in height. There seems to have been a oonmiunica-

534 ^ History of

tion with the sea by means of a vaulted passage, a portion of
which, out off by rough masonry, was brought to light last
spring during the sewerage excavations. At the end of this
large apartment is a small oratory, and there are traces of an
altar, above which now hangs a large picture, representing the
reception of the hand of St. John by the Gband-Master
D'Aubusson. All down the wall on the sea side of the apart-
ment are little recesses, which were used as latrines in former
days. The windows were high and small, so that the apartment
was (and is even with its additional windows) very dull and
somewhat close. The dreariness of the room was relieved in
former times by tapestries and pictures, the work of Matteo
Preti and others. To those who look at sanitation with the
eyes of the seventeenth century there is nothing but admiration
to be given to the costly, nay lavish, arrangements and service
of the hospital. The bjiildings were extended in 1662, and
again by the Gfrand-Master Perellos in 1712. In Perellos'
time also the chapel of the Holy Sacrament was erected opposite
the ward for the dying."

Such was the Hospital of the Order in Malta. It now remains
to discuss the statutes relating to its maintenance. Supreme
in its governance was the conventual bailiff of the langue of
Trance, who held, ex officio^ the post of grand-hospitaller. He
nominated from amongst the knights of his own langue an
overseer of the infirmary, under whose immediate charge the
whole institution was placed. The statutes thus define his
duties : — " The infirmarian is a professed knight, to whose zeal
the care of the sick is intrusted, for whom he must provide beds
according to their condition and need. He resides in a separate
apartment in the infirmary. Early in the morning he has the
bell rung for the visitation, at which he is present to see that
the sick are carefully attended by the physicians, and that what
is necessary is ordered for them. The time for dining arrived,
he has the dinner bell rung to summon all the ofiicials, and he
is present to make sure that each bed is supplied with the proper
allowance, and that each of the subordinates does his duty. He
does the same in the evening at the visitation and supper.
Above aU, he must have perfect quietness observed, and there-
fore he must often visit the wards by night, to see after

the Knights of Malta. 535

the ward keepers, lights, etc. It is his duty to see that the
doors and great gate of the Hospital are locked at the usual hour
at uight, and to take care that all the officers on duty have
retired."

The religious functions of the establishment were performed
by a prior, a vice-prior, and eight priests of obedience. Of these
the vice-prior was always a native of Malta. A Greek pope
also received an annual gratuity to administer the sacrament to
such of the sick as belonged to the Greek church. The medical
staff consisted of three physicians, two assistant-physicians, three
surgeons, two assistant-surgeons, a lecturer on anatomy, and six
medical students called " harherotti; " also a barber-surgeon for
phlebotomy, and an experienced female nurse for oases of scurvy.
The physicians and surgeons were each on duty for one month
in three, residing during that time in the Hospital. The assist-
ants were also on duty each alternate month. The statutes lay
down that " Physicians shall be employed for the cure of the
sick, experienced and talented, who shall be bound to take a vow
before the eight brethren of the languea that they will watch
over the sick with great care and according to the prescribed
rules of medical science ; that they will visit them twice daily ;
that they will order such things as are necessary for their cure,
and will do everything without delay in spite of all obstacles.
They shall receive their salaries from the funds of the common
treasury, and are strictly forbidden to receive any remuneration
for their services from the sick."

As a conmiittee of inspection over all these officials, the
Grand-Master in council appointed two ^^prud'hommesy*' or con-
trollers of the infirmary, who were held responsible for its proper
management. Their duties were thus laid down : — " They must
attend to the wants of the sick, looking after the quality and
quantity of the allowances, the distribution of the medicines and
all necessary provisions and food. They must also note the
daily expenses and consumption of articles in the infirmary,
signing with their own hand the vouchers for payments. They
assist with daily alms many poor incurables who are incapable of
providing for themselves, and distribute to others, in addition to
what remains in the cauldrons, a large quantity of soup and ma-
caroni which is cooked expressly every day. They also give away

536 ^/ History of

to poor women old sheets and coverlets, as well as bandages and
crutches to cripples." Among the inferior officials were a seure-
tary to the "//r//fl?V<oyw;«<'«," a " clerk of the habit," or steward,
a "/inceVre" to take charge of the linen and furniture, a ^^botte^
gliere " for the wine, bread, oil, etc., two cooks, one purveyor,
and fourteen ward servants. Also an " armoriere^^ who had
charge of all the silver plate. This latter was considerable in
quantity, most of the utensils being of that metal, less as a matter
of ostentation than of cleanliness. The following list shows of
what the plate of the hospital consisted in the early part of the
eighteenth century : — 2o0 bowls, 356 dishes, 1 large dish, 167
cups, 3 large basins, 12 basins, 256 spoons, 10 large spoons, 10
forks, 43 quart measures, 4 drinking cups, 1 drinking vessel, 1
casket, 13 lamps, 8 pots in sizes, 4 jugs, 1 salver. The whole
weighed nearly 15,000 ounces. The following is a list of the
wards: —

A ward for knights and members of the Order.

Two good rooms for the wounded of the Order.

A ward for laity, priests, and pilgrims.

A large ward for fevers and other mild cases.

A small ward for very serious cases, and for the dying.

A ward for those suffering from dysentery, and for lithotomy
eases.

A ward for the woimded not of the Order.

A large ward for galley slaves.

A ward for maniacs.

Two wards for patients undergoing mercurial treatment.

A ward for those who take hot baths outside the infirmary.

In every ward a chapel was fitted for the celebration of mass,
in addition to the chapel of the Holy Sacrament.

The beds numbered 370 with curtains, and 375 without cur-
tains ; total, 745. The average total of sick in the hospital
was about 400 at the beginning of the eighteenth century.

For the comfort of the invalids in winter, the walls of the
wards were hung with woollen curtains (evidently in utter
ignorance of all sanitary knowledge). In simimer these were
taken down, and pictures placed on the walls, " representing the
history of the Holy Religion." There were eighty-five of such
pictures. The regulations about food were as follow : — " The

the Knights of Malta, 537

^ prufThommea^ look after the good quality of the materials
used in the preparation of the food, selecting always the best of
everything. The sick, therefore, are given the best soup made
of fowls, herbs, vermicelli, rice, etc., and every sort of meat that
had been ordered for them, such as chicken, pigeons, poultry,
beef, veal, game, hashes, fricassees, stews, sausages, etc., in such
quantities as are necessary; also fresh eggs, pomegranates,
plums, and grapes, and every kind of refreshment allowed to
sick people, such as biscuits, apples, fruit, sugar, and all sorts of
confectionery, each one according to his wants. Membera of the
Order receive a double portion."

The following regulation shewed that the duties of the
Hospital were considered incumbent on all members : — " The
training of the brethren of the Order prescribes religious
hospitality ; therefore, at the dinner hour, they must come to
wait on the sick, and bring to their beds the portions prescribed
for them from the place where the food is issued, and if the
siok do not fancy what has been prepared for them, they
exchange it with the sanction of the physician. They must
also warm up the portions, and render all necessary assistance.
But as all being present together might create confusion, each
langue has a day assigned to it for the service of the Hospital.

" Sunday for the langue of Provence.
Monday for that of Auvergne.
Tuesday for that of France.

" Wednesday for that of Italy.

" Thursday for that of Aragou.

" Friday for that of Germany.

" Saturday for that of Castile and Portugal.

" The novices are bound to assist in the Hospital as above, each
on the day fixed for his langue^ and that none may omit such a
proper work of charity, a check is kept by the grand-cross,
master of the novices and by two commissaries, his colleagues,
of different languen, who bring with them a clerk to note the
names of those who fail to come, so as to admonish them. On
Holy Thursday the grand -hospitaller, with all the knights of
the langue of France, assemble in the room where the sepulchre
is represented, and with exemplary charity wash the feet of
twelve poor men, to whom large alms are afterwards given."

538 A History of

The burial of such as died within the establishment was decently
and carefully ordered. Fotir men dressed in mourning robes
carried the corpse to the grave, and with a laudable economy,
it was especially provided that these robes, which were kept for
the purpose, " shoidd be preserved for another time." No
mourning was permitted to be worn at the funeral of any
member of the fraternity, either by the knights themselves, or
even by strangers attending the ceremony. The corpse was
buried in the mantle of his Order, as it was considered proper
that in his grave he should wear the distinctive costume with
which he had been invested during his life.

The regulations proceed : — " Summing up the charities of the
Hospital, these will be found considerable for quality and quan-
tity. In the first place, it is the duty of the prud^hommea to
provide daily allowances to aU the poor, blind, lame, leprous,
scrofulous people, and other sick persons, which amoimt at
present to 100 scudi a month. Soup and macaroni are dis-
tributed morning and evening to the beggars and invalids;
and bandages, crutches, sticks, linen, and old coverlets are given
away freely to every one. Deserted children are taken in and
provided with wet nurses, who receive a monthly allowance, and
are also given clothes. If the girls remain till they are grown
up, seven of them are settled in marriage every year, recei\dng
fifty scudi as dowry; others are placed in the conservaiario,
and others in private service. Besides these there are a large
number of poor children, left without relations, or unable to be
supported by them, who are helped like the foundlings, and
eventually sent back to their homes. To the sick of the Capu-
chins is given as much as they want in the way of food, and
also to those of St. Theresa, in the Borgo. All Maronites,
Grreeks, and pilgrims from the Holy Land are lodged till they
embark again. To all missionary Capuchins, Theresians, and
Franciscans, bread and eggs are given, and also assistance for
the journey both ways. Fifty scudi are also given every year
to the poor of Burmola, and in Holy Week, at the supper,
various other doles are dispensed. Including all these charities,
it is calculated that the expenditure of the Hospital costs the
Order 60,000 scudi annually."

The Hospital of St. John had, from its earliest foimdation,

the Knights of Malta. 539

been esteemed a sanctuary within which fugitives from justice
might escape the fangs of the law. The exceptions to this
right of sanctuary became, however, by successive decrees, so
numerous that it is difficult to conceive what crimes remained
for which it continued to afford shelter. The exceptions were
these : — " No assassins shall find protection there, nor those
who pillage and ravage the country by night, nor incendiaries,
nor sodomites, nor thieves, nor conspirators, nor those who have
been found guilty of having caused the death of any one, either
by secret treachery, or in cold blood, or by poison, or by treason.
No servant of any of the brethren shall find sanctuary there, nor
those who have offered any violence either to them or to our
judges or other ministers of justice, nor debtors, nor such mali-
cious persons as may have committed crimes within the infirmary
under an idea that it was a sanctuary ; nor, lastly, lawyers or
witnesses convicted of perjury, nor murderers who infest the
roads to rob and kill the passers by.'*

It has already been pointed out how objectionable the site of
the Hospital was from a sanitary point of view. The internal
arrangements evidently were also not all that could be desired.
Howard, the philanthropist, in his "Lazarettos in Europe in
1789," thus speaks of it : " The pavement is of neat marble or
stone squares. The ceiling is lofty, but being wood, now turned
black, the windows being small, and the walls hung round with
dusty pictures, this noble hall makes but a gloomy appearance.
All the patients lie single. One ward is for patients dangerously
sick or dying, another for patients of the middle rank of life,
and the third for the lower and poorer sort of patients. In this
last ward (which is the largest) there were four rows of beds, in
the others only two. They were all so dirty and offensive as to
create the necessity of perfuming them, and yet I observed that
the physician, in going his rounds, was obliged to keep his
handkerchief to his face. The use of perfume I always reckon
a proof of inattention to cleanliness and airiness ; and this
inattention struck me forcibly on opening some of the private
closets with which this hall is very properly furnished. The
patients are twice a day, at eight and four, served with pro-
visions, one of the knights and the under-physician constantly
attending in the two halls and seeing the distribution. From

540 ^ History of

the kitchen, which is darker and more offensive than even the
lower hall to which it adjoins, the broth, rioe, soup, and vermi-
celli are brought in dirty kettles, first to the upper hall, and
there poured into three silver bowls, out of which the patients
are served. Those who are in the ward for the very sick and
• those of the middle rank of life are served in plates, dishes,
and spoons of silver ; but the other patients (who are the most
numerous) are served on pe\i'ter.* I objected to the sweet
cakes and two sorts of clammy sweetmeats which were given
to the patients. The number of patients who were in this
hospital during the time I was at Malta (29th March to 19th
April, 1786) was from 510 to 532. These were served by the
most dirty, ragged, unf eeHng, and inhuman persons I ever
saw. I once saw eight or nine of them highly entertained
with a delirious dying patient. The slow hospital fever (the
inevitable consequence of closeness, uncleanliness, and dirt)
prevails here."

Such is the description given of the arrangements of the
Hospital by a man who was far before his age in all that
appertained to sanitary knowledge. No doubt that at the
time when Howard made his visit, viz., 1786, matters had
greatly degenerated. Discipline had become very lax, and as
one of the consequences institutions like the Hospital had been
neglected and left to the sole charge of officials, many of whom
were very sparing of their time and trouble. Still, with all its
faults, and they were faults common to the time and not
peculiar to the institution, the Hospital of the Order of St.
John was freely open to all who sought its shelter, and the
kindly ministrations of its officials. Patients flocked to it
from Sicily, Italy, and other countries whose shores were washed
by the Mediterranean. None who craved admission were ever
turned from its doors, and although many of the arrangements
were rough, and its sanitary appliances rude, still they were
equal in efficiency to what was usual at that period. They
must be judged, not by the knowledge of the nineteenth
century, but by that of a former age. Men lived in those

• This remark of Howard's is the result of a misapprehension. A larjre
number of the patients of the hospital were galley slaves, and it was these
onl}' who were served on pewter.

the Kitights of Malta. 541

times a harder life, and expected less in the way of com-
fort and luxury than now. They found in the Hospital
at Malta certainly as much, and probably far more, care and
attention than they would have received elsewhere. It
consequently maintained to the last a very high reputation,
and reflected great credit on the fraternity.*

• For further details of this Hospital the reader is referred to a work
entitled ** The Regulations of the old Hospital of the knights of St. John
at Valetta," hy the Rev. W. K. R. Bedford.

CHAPTER XXI.

The panishments of the fraternity — List of prohihitions — Criminal records —
Local government of the Maltese — ^The bailiwick of Brandenburg.

In a previous chapter a description has been given of the
various tribunals held at the chef-lim^ one of which was
the criminal council or council of state. The name of this
court naturally leads to an account of the crimes and punish-
ments common amongst the fraternity.

The pimishments to which a member of the Order was
subject were as follow: — First, the Septaine. This penalty
obliged the offender to fast for seven successive days, on the
Wednesday and Friday of which his diet was restricted to
bread and water only. He was not permitted to leave his
dwelling during the period except for the purpose of attending
Divine service. The statutes laid down that on the Wednes-
day and Friday he was to receive corporal discipline at the
hands of a priest (usually the vice-prior) in the conventual
church during the recitation of the psalm Dfus miaereatur no8fn\
etcy but this latter portion of the punishment fell into disuse
after the sixteenth century. The Quarantaine was similar to
the Septaine^ excepting that it lasted forty consecutive days,
the restrictions as to food being the same. In both oases the
culprit was forbidden to wear arms. If a more severe measure
than either of the above were required, imprisonment was
resorted to, no limit in duration being affixed by the statutes.
Loss of seniority was another penalty to which offending
members were frequently sentenced, and if a still more severe
punishment were necessary they were deprived of their habit
either for a certain definite time or for ever. The latter
sentence was, of course, equivalent to expulsion from the ranks
of the fraternity.

A History of the Knights of Malta, 543

No sentence of death was recognized in the code, hut if a
knight were guilty of a crime so heinous as to require such a
penalty he was stripped of his habit as a preliminary measure,
and then being no longer a member of the Order, he was handed
over to the civil power, and treated like an ordinary criminal.
The records of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries mention
several instances of capital punishment which had been inflicted
in this manner on quondam members of the fraternity. The
method most usually adopted for ccurying out the last sentence
of the law was borrowed from the Turks, and consisted in
fastening up the condemned criminal in a sack, and throwing
him alive into the Marsa Muscetto. The application of torture
was not expressly authorized by the statutes, but, at the same
time, it was nowhere forbidden, and the criminal records show
that it was resorted to very frequently for the purpose of extorting
confessions from suspected persons. No rank was so elevated as
to save a prisoner from this cruel test. It will be remembered
that during the second siege of Rhodes the chancellor D'Amaral
was subjected to the question in order to eUcit a confession of
traitorous correspondence on his part, and that this was by no
means a soKtary instance may be seen by a study of the criminal
documents now in the Record Office at Malta.

The eighteenth division of the statutes is devoted to an
enumeration of the various acts forbidden to the brotherhood,
and the pimishments which were to follow their perpetration.
No member was to make a testamentary disposition of more
than the one-fifth part of his property, the remainder
reverting to the public treasury. Ho was never to become a
partisan in the quarrels of secular persons, whether princes
or private individuals. He was not to interfere in the
administration of justice by interceding for an offending
brother. He was not to wander from his commandery, or
priory, so as, in the words of the statute, " to make a vagabond
of himself." This regulation prevented members from leaving
the precincts of their own commanderies or priories, except on
good cause shewn, and then only with the written permission of
the commander in the case of a simple knight, of the grand-prior
in the case of a commander, and of the Gh*and-Master himself in
the case of a grand-prior. Any person connected with the Order

544 ^ I/isfo7y of

finding an offender against this statute "enacting the vagabond"
was bound to secure him and give notice of his imprisonment to
the grand-prior under whose jurisdiction he was. The same
regulation held good in the convent at Malta.

Members were strictly prohibited from making use of letters of
recommendation, either to the Grand-Master or to members of his
ODuncil, with a view to secure priority of nomination to any oifice
or dignity, xmder the penalty of the loss of ten years' seniority.
No privateering expeditions against the infidel were permitted
without sanction having previously been obtained from the
Grand-Master and council. This sanction was, however, always
readily granted, and the time spent in such cruises allowed
to count as part of the necessary caravans to be fulfilled by each
knight during his stay at the convent. No safe conduct was to
be given to any infidel or corsair except by the Grand-Master
and coimcil, who alone were authorized to establish truces with
the natural enemy of the Order. No member was to inter-
meddle in the wars of Christian princes, or to take any part
therein, even on the side of his own native country.

Any member appearing in public without the distinctive
dress of his profession — that is, the Cross in white linen
sewn upon his robe — ^was for the first offence to undergo the
quaranfawe, for the second to be imprisoned for three months,
and for the third to be stripped of his habit. The following
decree was made against turbulence in the auberges: — "If any
of the bretliren behave insolently and in a turbulent manner
in the auberges where they dine, and if amidst the tumult and
noise they break the doors, the windows, the chairs, or the
tables, or any articles of that nature, or if they upset or dis-
arrange them with reckless audacity, they shall be punished by
the Grand-Master and council in such manner as may be
decreed, even to the loss of their seniority. If they conduct
themselves still more outrageously, and beat the pages, the
ser\'^ants, or the slaves of the conventual bailiffs, for the first
offence, if no blood be spilt, they shall be punished with the
quarantaine, for the second they shall be imprisoned, and for
the third they shall lose two years' seniority. If, on the other
hand, blood shall have been spilt, no matter how slight the
wound may have been, for the first offence they shall undergo

tlu Knights of Malta. 545

six months' impriBonment, and if the wonnd be serious and
dangerous they shall lose seniority. If any member shall insult
another in the palaoe of the GraJid-Master, he shall lose three
years' seniority if he has it already, or if not, then as soon as he
shall have attained it ; for an insult in an auberge he shall lose
two years. If the disputants oome to blows they shall be
stripped of their habit, and if either party be wounded they
shall lose their habit without remission, and if he be killed
the survivor shall be handed over to the secular power."

The following are the crimes for which the statutes decreed
the loss of habit in perpetuity : — " Those convicted of being
heretics, guilty of unnatural offences, assassins, or thieves ; those
who have joined the ranks of the infidel, amongst whom are to
be classed those who surrender our standard or other ensign
when it is imfurled in presence of the enemy ; also those who
abandon their comrades during the fight, or who give shelter
to the infidel, together with all who are parties to, or cognizant
of so great a treason." Privation of habit for one year was to
be infiicted upon any one who, " when under arms, shall have
left the ranks to plunder, also upon any one who brings an
accusation against another without being able to substantiate
his charge." ^' A knight who has committed a murder shall be
deprived of his habit in perpetuity and kept in prison in order
to prevent others from becoming so hardened as to commit a
similar* crime, and that the company of our brethren may be
quiet and peaceable. Whoever wounds any person treason-
ably in secret or by malice prepense shall lose his habit in
perpetuity."

The question of duelling was rather curiously dealt with in the
statutes and customs of the Order. It was strictly forbidden by
the former, and the severest penalties were attached to any in*
fringement of the law which ran thus : — " To check the impiety
of those who, neglecting the safety of their souls, invite others to
a duel and expose their bodies to a cruel death, we decree that
if one brother provoke another, or if he defy him either by
speech or in writing, by means of a second, or in any other
manner, and that the one who is called out does not accept the
duel, in addition to the penalties decreed by the sacred council,
and by the constitution of Gregory XHI. of blessed memory,

36

546 A History of

the appellant shall be deprived of his habit in perpetuity without
anj remiflsion. If his antagonist aooept the challenge, even if
neither part j appear on the ground, they shall nevertheless both
be deprived of their habits without hope of pardon. But should
they both have proceeded to the place of assignation, even
though no blood should have been spilt, they shdl not only be
deprived of their habit, but shall afterwards be handed over
to the secular power. In addition, we decree that whoever shall
have been the cause of any such duel or defiance, or who
shall have given either advice, assistance, or counsel, either by
word or deed, or who upon any pretence whatever shall have
persuaded any one to issue a challenge, if it shall be proved that
he accompanied him to act as his second he shall be condemned
to lose his habit. The same penalty we likewise attach to those
who shall be proved to have been present at a duel, or of
having posted or caused to be posted a cartel of defiance in any
spot whatever."

The above law relates only to a regular premeditated duel,
but brawls and fracas are punished under the following
statute : — " If a brother strike another brother, he shall per-
form a quarantaine; if he strike him in such a manner that
blood be drawn elsewhere than from the mouth or nose, he shall
be stripped of his habit ; if he shaU have attempted to wound
him with a knife, a sword, or a stone, and has not succeeded
in doing so, he shall perform a quarantaine.'^ This statute was
moderated by a subsequent one, passed at a chapter-general
during the rule of La Cassi^re, giving the Gfrand-Master and
council authority to mitigate the rigour of the penalty.

The laws against duelling were, in practice, found to be so
severe, and the difficulty of checking the evil so great in a
fraternity which embraced in its ranks so many young and hot-
headed spirits — ^men keenly alive to an affront and ever ready
to resent it, and who regarded personal courage as the first of
all human virtues — ^that some modification or evasion was abso-
lutely necessary. It became gradually tacitly recognized that
duels might be held in a particular locality set apart for the
purpose without incurring the above-mentioned penalties. It
had been expressly stipulated that no fighting was permitted
either upon the ramparts or without the town. There exists,

the Knights of Malta. 547

however, in the town of Valetta, a street so narrow as to be
called, par excellence ^ the "Strada Stretta," and this was the
spot marked out as a kind of neutral territory in which irascible
cavaliers might expend their superfluous courage without fear of
incurring the severer penalties of the law. The fiction which led
to this concession was that a combat in this street might be
looked upon in the light of a casual encounter — ^the result of
some jostling or collision brought about by the extreme narrow-
ness of the road. The Strada Stretta consequently became
eventually the great rendezvous for affairs of honour. The
seconds posted themselves one on either side at some little distance
from their principals, and, with their swords drawn^ prevented
the passers-by from approaching the scene until the conflict had
been brought to a conclusion. The records of the criminal
council in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries teem with
entries of stabbing, wounding, and killing, most of which were
the result either of premeditated duels or of casual encounters.
When they were the former the punishment depended greatly
upon whether or not the duel had taken place at the authorized
spot, and if so the penalty was comparatively trifling, being
either a quarantaxne or two months' imprisonment.

The pimishment for duelling being thus severe, it was neces-
sary for the statutes to provide some protection to the peaceably
disposed from the violence of passion and ill-temper and from
the insult of hatred or jealousy. We consequently flnd the
following decree under the head of insults : — " If a brother, in
the heat of his anger, whilst quarrelling with another brother,
shall make use of insulting language, he shall be punished by
the quaraniainey even though he shall subsequently admit that
he has spoken falsely and shall apologize for the insult. If he
shall boldly give him the lie direct, he shall lose two years'
seniority, and if he strike him with a stick or give biTn a blow
with his hand, he shall lose three years."

The questions of quarrelling and duelling having been dis-
posed of, the statutes proceed to provide agsdnst the nuisance
to respectable and steady-going householders of midnight
revellers disturbing their slumbers. The following regulation
proves that fast young men in the middle ages were as great a
nuisance to their neighbours, and committed much the same

36*

548 A History of

olass of follies, as in tho present day : — " Whoever shall enter
into the house of a citizen without being inyited, and against
the wish of the head of the family, or who shall disturb the
social gatherings of the people during their festivals, dances,
weddings, or other similar occasions, shall lose two years of
seniority without hope of pardon ; and if, either by day or by
night, they do any damage to the doors or windows of the
people, then, in addition to the above-named penalties, they
shall suffer a rigid imprisonment for as long as may be decreed
by the Gh-and-Master and council. Any member of the Order
joining in masquerades or ballets shall suffer loss of seniority."
This statute was still further defined by an addition made by
the Qrand-Master Claude de la Sangle, probably in consequence
of the prevalence of the practices alluded to : — " If any one
shall be so bold as to damage doors or windows by night, or
shall stop them up with plaster or stain them with dirt, or shall
throw stones at them, shall lose three years of seniority, leaving
it to the discretion of the Grand-Master and council to decree, if
they see fit, a severer punishment."

The original profession of a member of the Order of St. John
having included the three vows of obedience, poverty, and
chastity, the statutes, after having decreed such penalties as
were necessary to check any transgression of the two first of
these vows, proceeded to deal with the last. The question of
chastity was one not so easy to legislate for in an institutions
constituted like that of the Hospital. On the one hand,
as a religious fraternity devoted to the service of God and
the practice of charity and all good works, it was impossible
to recognize any license or infraction of the strictest laws of
continence and chastity. The monk, in his cloistered retreat^
mortifying all sensual appetites by constant fasts and ever*
recurring vigils, was not supposed to be more free from earthly
passions than the knight of St. John. We all know, however,
how widely even the secluded inmates of the monasteries con-
stantly strayed from the strict paths of virtue, and it was not
to be anticipated that the members of the military Orders, sur-
rounded as they were with such vastly increased temptations,
could have maintained themselves more free from vice and
immorality. Even Eaymond du Puy, in his original rule.

t}u Knights of Malta. 549

drawn up at a tiine when religious enthusiasm and monastic
austerity were at their height, dealt with this question some-
what tenderly. lie first of all strove to guard his members from
temptation. " Whenever they may be in a house, or in church,
or wherever else women may be present, let them mutually
protect one another's chastity. Nor let women wash either
their (the brethren's) hands or their feet, or make their beds, and
so may the God that dwelleth on high watch over them in that
matter. Amen." Afterwsurds he deals with the sin when
committed, and it will be observed that punishment is
awarded not for the commission of the sin, but for the being
found out. " If any of the brethren shall have fallen by the
force of his evil passions into any of the. sins of the flesh, which
Grod forbid, if he have sinned in secret, let him repent in secret,
and let him impose upon himself a suitable penance ; if, how-
ever, his sin shall have been discovered publicly and beyond
contradiction, let him in the same place where he may have
committed the sin, on the Sabbath day, after mass, when the
congregation shall have left the church, be stripped in the sight
of all, and let him be scourged and beaten most severely with
thongs or rods by his superior, or by such other brethren as the
superior shall depute to perform this duty, and then let him be
expelled from our institution. Afterwards, however, if God
shall have enlightened his heart, and he shall return to the
Hospital, and shall confess himself to have been a guilty sinner,
and a transgressor of the laws of God, and shall promise amend-
ment, let hiTn be again received, and a suitable penance be
imposed upon him, and for a whole year let him be considered
as on his probation, and during this period let the brethren
observe his conduct, and afterwards let them act as seems best
to them in the matter." If such were the rules made in the
first years^ of the Order's existence, when the monastic element
greatly overpowered the secular, we may suppose that, as time
went on, more and more latitude was allowed. Composed as
the fraternity was of the youth of high and noble families, not
secluded, like their predecessors of the days of du Puy, from
female society, but mingling with the gayest of either sex,
taught to look upon military renown rather than ascetic
piety as the rightful adornment of their profession, it was not

550 ^ History of

to be expected that they would, or even oould, act up to the
strict letter of the vow they had taken. The statutes of the
later times do not, therefore, attempt to forbid a dereliction of
ohastitj; thej content themselves with checking all open display
of immorality. ''It has been very rightly ordained that no
member of our brotherhood, of whatever position or rank he
may be, shall be permitted to support, maintain, or consort with
women of loose character either in their own houses or abroad.
If any one, abandoning his honour and reputation, shall be
so barefaced as to act in opposition to this regulation, and shall
render himself publicly infamous, after having been three times
warned by his superior to desist from this vice, we decree, after
the expiration of forty days from the date of his first warning,
he shall, if a commander, be deprived of his commandery, and
if a simple brother of the convent, he shall lose his seniority.
If any member of our Order shall be so barefaced as to
recognize and publicly to adopt as his own a child who may
be bom to him from an illegitimate connection (such as is not
recognized by law), and attempt to bestow on him the name of
his family, we decree that he shall never hold either office,
benefice, or dignity in our Order. We further decree that all
associates of loose women who may be ranked as incestuous,
sacrilegious, and adulterers shall be declared incapable of
possessing any property or of holding any office or dignity in
our Order. And we designate as an associate of loose women
not only those who are notorious evil livers and have had
judgment passed on them as such, but also any one who, without
sense of shame or fear of God, and forgetting his profession,
shall entertain and support a woman of doubtful character,
notorious for her bad life and evil conversation, or who shall
reside with her constantly."

These statutes were so ambiguously worded, and left so many
loopholes for evasion, that it is not surprising they should
gradually have become a dead letter. The presence of a large
number of women of light character within the convent became a
public scandal at a very early period, and many Gh-and-Mastera,
even during the residence of the Order at Ehodes, sought by the
most rigorous measures to mitigate the evil. Their efforts were,
however, fruitlefls, and as the fraternity lost more and more of the

the Knights of Malta. 551

religious enthusiasm which had stimulated its first members, so
did the dissolute conduct of the knights become more outrageously
opposed to the principles of their profession. After the success-
ful termination of the siege of Malta had left the brethren in
imdisputed sovereignty of that island, and had raised their
military renown to the highest possible pitch, they appear to
have become intoxicated with the admiration they had
excited throughout Europe, and throwing off all restraint, to
have abandoned themselves to the most reckless debauchery.
At this period the city of Yaletta was positively teeming with
women of loose character. The streets were thronged with the
frail beauties of Spain, Italy, Sicily, and the Levant, nor were
the dark-eyed houris of Tripoli and Tunis wanting to complete
an array of seduction and temptation too strong for aught but
a saint to resist. Saints, however, there were but few in the
convent in those days, so that the demireps and their supporters
had it all their own way. We have seen that during the
governance of La Cassiere the attempt of that Grand-Master to
check the evil led to an open revolt, and his own imprisonment,
a sentence which was carried into effect amidst the derisive
jeers of crowds of flaunting Cyprians whom he had in vain
endeavoured, for decency's sake, to banish into the neighbouring
casals.

This period may be noted as the worst and most openly
immoral epoch in the history of the fraternity. The evil, to a
certain extent, brought with it its own remedy, and after a
while the knights became themselves scandalized at the notoriety
of their licentiousness. Still, the morality at Malta remained at a
very low ebb, and up to the latest date of the Order's residence
there its society abounded with scandalous tales and sullied
reputations. The vice prevalent in the island was probably
no more than that of any other locality where the bulk of the
population was young and unfettered by the obligations of
marriage. The error lay in supposing that a vow of chastity,
rendered compulsory upon aU seeking admission, could by any
possibility act as a check upon the natural depravity of youth,
unrestrained as it was in any other manner.

The following extracts from the records of the criminal
council during the sixteenth century have been selected as

552 A History of

samples of the yarious sorts of crimes brought before that
tribimal. Many of them were of frequent ooourrence, the most
constant being those of homicide from duelling and stabbing.
Indeed, the entries of these two crimes seem interminable, and
mark a most disorderly and quarrelsome spirit. This is, perhaps,
not surprising when it is remembered that youths of so many
different nations were congregated together, who could ill brook
even an idle jest when uttered by a member of a rival langue.

Cay. Giugliochico Bois Langue, for the theft of a golden
chalice of the value of 360 ducats and other jewels from the
sacristy of St. Laurence Church, which he pledged with the Jews,
was sentenced, in 1526, to be deprived of his habit in perpetuity.

Cav. GKovanni de Cerdan, for stabbing Cav. Ghdcerano Torres,
was sentenced, in 1531, to be deprived of his habit.

Cav. Galcerano Palan, for deserting from the convent, was
sentenced, in 1532, to be deprived of his habit.

Cav. Carlo de Piscie and Cav. Godofredo Eegnault, for
killing four men in a galley (vide Chapter XY.), were sentenced,
in 1533, to be deprived of their habits and handed over to
the civil power.

Com. d'Orleans and Com. Antonio de Vareques, for being
concerned in the same tumult, were sentenced to be simply
deprived of their habits.

Cav. Femcino Cheron, for sacrilege and the theft of pearls
and a ring from the chapel of Our Lady of Philermo, was
sentenced, in 1536, to be deprived of his habit.

Cav. Pietro de Onaya and Cav. Sanchio Longa, for creating
a disturbance during the eve of Christmas day, by disguising
themselves as ladies and mixing with the ladies during the
midnight mass, were sentenced, in 1536, to be imprisoned until
the arrival in Malta of the Grand-Master (D'Omedes).

Clement West, Turcopolier of England, for want of respect
to the Grand-Master and council (tnde Chapter XXII.), was
sentenced, in 1539, to be placed in dose arrest until the arrival
of the Grand-Master (D'Omedes), who added four months to
the sentence.

Cav. Pietro Neglia, for breaking into a nunnery in tha
night time, was sentenced, in 1539, to be banished to G020 for
six months.

the Knights of Malta. 553

The Marshal Oaspar La Yallier, Cav. Simon de Losa,
captaiii of cavalry, Cav. Pietro de Feixere, treasurer, and
Cav. Antonio Poster, for the loss of Tripoli (vide Chapter
XVI.), were sentenced, in 1551, to be deprived of their
habits, and the marshal to be further handed over to the civil
power.

Cav. Oswald Massingberd, for the theft of a slave (Chapter
XXn.), was sentenced, in 1552, to be imprisoned for two months.

Cav. Filippo de Amico, for the theft of a silver salver from
the palace of the Ghrand-Majster, was sentenced, in 1553, to be
deprived of* his habit.

Cav. Alfonso de Madrigal, for the falsification of letters from
the Grand-Master, for a sum of 3,050 scudi, was sentenced, in

1554, to be deprived of his habit.

Cav. Emanuel Yillaframe, for murder, was sentenced, in

1555, to be deprived of his habit and handed over to the civil
power.

Cav. Pietro Dalspone and Cav. Ludovico Marsilla, for
stabbing, were sentenced, in 1555, to imdergo the qtuirantaine.

Cav. Carlo Pleury, for the rape of Gerolama Olivier, wife
of Agostino, was sentenced, in 1555, to imprisonment for one
year.

Cav. GKacomo Sandilandes, for suspected theft and sacrilege in
the church of St. Antonio, was sentenced to undergo torture till
the crime be confessed, and then to be deprived of his habit and
handed over to the civil power.

Com. Yincenzo Lobello, for abandoning the convent and
entering another Order (just prior to the siege of Malta),
was sentenced, in 1565, to be deprived of his commandery.

Cav. Giovanni de Pegna and Cav. Gaspar de Samano, being
suspected authors of libels against the Grand-Master (La
Yalette, tnele Chapter XIX.), were sentenced, in 1567, to ten
years' imprisonment, with immunity to whoever betrays the
author.

Cav. St. Clement, for the loss of two galleys to the Turks,
(vide Chapter XIX.), was deprived of his habit in 1570.

Cav. Antonio Melo, Cav. Emilio Fossati, and Cav. Giovanni
Perea, for introducing themselves in disguise and under feigned
names to Cav. Giorgio Correa, attacking and treacherously

554 -^ History of

killing him, were sentenced, in 1577, to be deprived of their
habits. This was the first punishment carried into efiect in the
new conventual church of St. John at Yaletta.

Cav. Pompeo Marmillo and Cav. Mugio Delizorri, for passing
false money, were sentenced, in 1584, to be deprived of their
habits.

Fr. Vincenzo La Monti, priest of obedience, for incest,
was sentenced, in 1602, to serve on board the galleys for four
years.

Alexander Price, servant-at-arms, for clipping money, was
sentenced, in 1609, to be deprived of his habit and handed over
to the civQ power.

Caesar Eusso, servemt-at-arms, for becoming a Moslem, was
deprived of his habit in 1611.

Sister Mary Ghrazia Ghisoni, of the Order of St. John at
Florence, for poisoning Sister Porgia de Bartolini of the same
Order, was sentenced, in 1583, to be deprived of her habit and
handed over to the civil power.

Of course in some instances these punishments were mere
formal decrees, the delinquents being out of reach at the
time. Whenever the conduct of a member once professed
became such as to render him imworthy to continue on the
roll, he was, as a matter of form, arraigned before the council
and stripped of his habit, even though he had previously
absconded.

Before the islands of Malta and Gozo fell into the possession
of the Order through the act of donation granted by Charles
v., they had been an appanage of the Spanish monarchy, and
attached to the viceroyalty of Sicily. Their local government
had consisted of a hakem^ or governor, who was commemdant of
the military within the islands, and intrusted with ample power
to maintain public tranquillity. Under him were four giurati^ who
acted as a council on all questions of finance, and two catapani
for all matters relating to food, the bulk of which was imported
from Sicily. An officer, called il secrefo, received the duties pay-
able on imports, and another, called ilportolano^ was the superin-
tendent of the harbours. Once a year an assembly, or parlia-
ment, was convened, which was divided into the three dassee of
nobles, clergy, and commons. This assembly prepared Usts of

the Knights of Malta. 555

candidates for the variouB above-mentioned officeB, the viceroy
selecting from such lists the persons by whom they were to be
filled.

When the Order of St. John superseded the government of
the emperor, the leading features of the former administration
were retained. The assembly, it is true, soon became a dead
letter, and the nomination to the various offices was made direct
by the Grand-Master in council ; still the selection was inva-
riably from among the Maltese, and their ancient customs
and privileges were interfered with as little as possible. Their
code of laws remained in force, and was recognized by the
fraternity, the duty of carrying it into effect being left almost
entirely in the hands of the inhabitants. There were three
legal courts, each presided over by a native judge, the first for
criminal causes, the second for civil causes, and the third for
appeals from the other two. A knight was appointed to preside
over the entire department, which was called the castellany, but
he in no way interfered with the administration of justice. He
was replaced every second year by a fresh nomination. No
member of the Order was, as such, amenable to the native
tribunals, but in cases where the crime rendered it advisable
that he should be punished by the sentence of those courts, he
was stripped of his habit as a preliminary measure, and then
handed over to their jurisdiction as a secular person.

Throughout the residence of the knights in the island, a
broad line of demarcation was drawn between themselves and
the native population. The Maltese had always been a highly
aristocratic community, many of their families having been
ennobled at a very remote period, and the whole power of
government was vested in the hands of this upper class.
No more exclusive or oligarchical a body existed emywhere
throughout Europe, and traces of this state of things may
still be perceived. The Order of St. John, eminently aristo-
cratic though it was in its own constitution, and naturally
jealous of all encroachments upon that privileged class from
which its members were recruited, and whence all its power
and wealth had been drawn, appeared, in its connection with
Malta, to have been actuated by more liberal ideas and views
than its predecessors. The Grrand-Master and council no sooner

556 A History of

assumed the reins of government than they materially enlarged
the basis of power by extending the area from which they
selected their native employ^. One natural result of this
policy was a slight coldness and alienation on the jiart of the
class which had hitherto monopolized the entire government of
the island, and this, coupled with the natural reserve of the
Maltese character, always acted to prevent any real amal-
gamation between the two parties.

The Maltese, as such, were not admitted into the highest class
of the Order. Those of them who could bring forward the
necessary proofs of nobility, and were otherwise eligible, could,
it is true, be received as members of the langue of Italy. In a
few cases this was permitted, exceptionally, even after marriage,
on the condition that the ladies should retire from the island for
the period of their accouchement. The number, however, who
availed themselves of the privilege was but trifling ; and even
they were not ranked in the same category as the other members
of the langue^ being incapable of becoming either Grrand- Masters
or conventual bailiffs. The Order was, consequently, always
regarded by the natives as a foreign body, and but little friend-
ship or cordiality was to be traced in their social intercourse. It
must not be inferred from this that the Maltese were really
dissatisfied with the rule of the knights. That government was
certainly a despotism, and one of the strongest kind ; still, it
was well suited to the habits of the people, and usually main-
tained with equity and moderation. Those cravings for liberty
and freedom of personal action which characterize the Anglo-
Saxon temperament are not so strongly felt in southern latitudes.
The decrees, therefore, of the Ghrand-Master and his council met
with ready and cheerful obedience from those who felt no very
urgent desire to undertake the responsible duty of their own
control. The knights placed themselves on a decided eminence
over those they governed, and when the interests of the two
parties clashed, it was but natural that the Maltese, being the
weaker should be compelled to give way. Still, on the whole,
they had not much cause for complaint, and there can be no
doubt that the transfer of the island to the Order of St. John
had brought many very solid advantages to its inhabitants.

Instead of a few officials and a slender garrison, they now

the Knights of Malta. 557

saw Malta made the nucleus and the head-quarters of the most
powerful and wealthy fraternity in Europe. Every land con-
tributed its quota to the stream of wealth which from that day
began to flow thither. The hamlet of the Bourg became a
considerable town, and its suburbs extended themselves over the
adjacent peninsula and the intervening mainland. Ere long a
new city sprang up, exceeding in extent and magnificence
anything which the wildest flight of imagination could have
pictured in bygone years, adorned with auberges^ churches, and
other public buildings, by a brotherhood whose ample revenues
enabled it thus to beautify its capital. Stores of grain accu-
mulated in the public magazines ; ramparts and forts sprang up
to protect the island from the piratical descents of the Algerine
corsairs, and Malta gradually rose from the insignificant position
into which she had for so many years simk, to be ranked as the
most important fortress and the most flourishing community in
the Mediterranean.

These were not slight benefits nor small privileges. The Order
which had conferred such advantages on its subjects might well
stand excused for some display of arrogance and despotism.
After all, it was only with the highest class, the exclusive Maltese
nobility, that the new government brought itself into anything
approaching unpopularity, and even then it was not so much
the despotism of the ruling power as the liberalism which
had opened the way to office in favour of a lower grade than
its own, which had engendered the dislike. Below it
there was a rising class containing much of the talent and
ambition of the island, and it was amongst these that the
coimcil sought for candidates to fill the posts hitherto invariably
monopolized by the nobility. With them, therefore, the Order
stood in high favour, and whilst, on the one hand, the old
aristocracy held itself aloof, and, on the other, the lower
class bowed in uncomplaining submission to the sway of a
power sufficiently energetic to compel its obedience, this section,
comprising all the energy and activity of the country, became
faithful adherents to the system by which their own eman-
cipation from the dictation of the aristocracy had been
secured.

Into this portion of Maltese society the knights of St. John

558 A History of

found a ready and welcome admisBion. Even here, however,
there were distinctions drawn hetween the varioiifl languesy
some of which were far more popular than others. The French
members did not find much favour with the ladies who
swayed the empire of fashion within this coterie. They were too
arrogant, self-sufficient, and boastful ever to be received as
chosen favourites, or to find a ready welcome into the domestic
privacy of the Maltese. More than one case had occurred in
which this braggart tendency on the part of Frenchmen, ever
ready to suppose their attractions irresistible, had led to un-
pleasant results, and had clouded the fair fame of ladies whose
only fault had, perchance, consisted in permitting rather too free
an offering of adulation on the part of their knightly admirers.
Whilst the French were thus neglected, there were other
languen the members of which were more fortunate. The
Germans, in particular, seem to have borne the palm of
popularity. Their natural reserve and phlegmatic temperament
prevented them from falling into the errors of their more
vivacious confrkreSy and they were generally admitted to a
footing of intimacy and freedom which the latter were never
permitted to attain. The Spaniards were also great favourites,
for much the same reason, and unless the tales recorded on this
point are false, they were most successful in their intercourse
with the dames of the island.

With the lower class the rule of the knights was very
popular. The works of fortification on which they were
always engaged for the strengthening of their position yielded
a continuous source of employment to the labouring popula-
tion, whilst the ample stores of food retained in the magazines
of Valetta and Vittoriosa secured them from the miseries of
famine which in olden times had so frequently been the scourge
of the island. The Ghrand-Master also sought to ingratiate
himself by constantly providing them with amusements. Their
privileges in this respect were very numerous, and always
maintained with the utmost regularity. Indeed, even at the
present time, nearly a century after the departure of the Order,
distinct traces remain of this fact in the numerous /es to which on
every conceivable occa^on are held in all the towns and oasals.
The expenditure for these /<?«to, principally caused by the

the Knights of Malta. 559

elaborate illuminations which inyariably form their greatest
attraction, is now defrayed by collections and offerings from the
public in the vicinity. In the time of the knights the money
was to a large extent provided from the public treasury.

The most entertaining of these festivals was the carnival,
always observed in Malta with much splendour and variety of
costume. The privilege of holding a carnival was granted by
the Grand-Master not only on the three days immediately pre-
ceding the commencement of Lent, but at any other time when
the Order desired to celebrate an event of unusual importance.
These extra carnivals were called Babarro, On Shrove Tuesday
a Cocagna was given to the people. This was a vast wooden
structure reared in St. GFeorge's Square, in front of the Grand-
Master's palace, and decorated with flowers, ribbons, and flags.
The Cocagna was hung with provisions and fruits of all kinds,
live poultry, ham, eggs, sausages, joints of meat, etc., were
mixed with wreaths of flowers and clusters of fruit, the whole
presenting a most tempting display to the assembled multitude.
At a given signal there was a general scramble, emd the good
things became the property of those sufiS.ciently active and
fortunate to seize upon and carry them off. A master of the
ceremonies was appointed to superintend on this occasion, and
to give the signal for onslaught. He was termed // Gran
Visccmtiy and for the day the administration of the police was
intrusted to his care.

The great festival of the Order, St. John's day, was naturally
observed with much rejoicing. In the afternoon horse races
were held for prizes presented by the Qxand-Master. The
singularity of these races consisted in the course selected for the
purpose. The main street of Yaletta, the Strada Reale^ extends
in a straight line from Fort St. Elmo to the Porta Reaie^ a
distance of upwards of half a mile. This was the course over
which the races were run, and as it was in the heart of the town
all traffic had to be stopped during their continuance. They
differed from those run in the Corso at Home and in other
cities, inasmuch as the horses were not riderless. On the Ist of
May the old custom of the greasy pole was introduced, which
the Maltese were very expert in mounting. This was erected
in the square in front of the Qxand- Master's palace.

560 A History of

In short, every effort appears to have been made by the
executive power to render the people contented with their lot, so
far as that could be insured by a plentiful supply of amusement
and festivity. In this they acted with a due diBcrimination as
to the peculiar temperament of the Maltese. Docile and
tractable in the highest degree, they merely required the
excitement of a little innocent recreation to quell any feeling of
discontent that might have arisen against a government in
which their interests were invariably compelled to yield to those
of the fraternity, and where they had scarcely any voice in the
legislation. That that government was exercised beneficially,
as a general rule, the rapid progress made by the island clearly
proves; still, there were doubtless many laws enacted which
pressed hardly on the population. The character of the Maltese
is very simple and attractive. Frugal, sober, and industrious,
they seem to possess more virtues, and to be afflicted with
less vices than any other of the races of southern Europe,
so that a little liberality in the matter of sports and holidays
prevented any ebullition of discontent at their political disad-
vantages. It must not, however, be imagined that this docility
on their part arose from any spirit of craven fear or from
want of resolution. The events which marked the close of
the eighteenth century, during the brief rule of the French,
shew clearly that the islanders are not wanting in^ firmness or
courage, and that when roused by real wrongs and oppressions,
they are capable of the noblest exertions and the most heroic
constancy in their struggles for freedom.

There yet remains to describe a curious offshoot of the
fraternity, which, although it seceded from the parent stem at
an early date, always kept up a connection with it, and which
exists and flourishes at the present time. This is the Bailiwick
of Brandenburg.

The earliest establishment of the Order of St. John in that
part of Germany seems to have dated from the year 1160, when
the Margrave Albert the Bear returned thither from his
pilgrimage in Palestine. Its possessions at this time, which
were inconsiderable, were situated between the rivers Elbe and
Weser. They were superintended by a ]vice-preceptor, under
the supreme control of the grand-prior of Germany. That

the Knights of Malta. 561

priorate, in addition to Germany proper, included all the
countries in which the German language was spoken, viz.,
Bohemia, Hungary, Poland, and Denmark. On the sup-
pression of the Templars in the early part of the fourteenth
century, their possessions in Germany were transferred to the
Order of St. John, as had been the case in England and
elsewhere. The property of the latter Order was thus greatly
augmented in the provinces of Saxony, Pomerania, Mecklenburg,
and Brandenburg. The knights in those districts soon became
restless at the subordinate position which they occupied in the
grand-priorate, and eventually sought to form themselves into
an independent luiit. After a long struggle, in which they
were warmly supported by the Margraves of Brandenburg,
they definitely seceded from the priorate, and erected them-
selves into a bailiwick, imder the title of Brandenburg. For
many years they were treated by the Order as rebels, as they
refused to pay any responsions or to be under control. The
schism continued until the year 1382, when a reconciliation
was effected. The treaty was made between Conrad von
Braunsberg, as grand-prior of Germany, and Bemedt von
der Schulenburg, the bailiff of Brandenburg, and was in
the same year confirmed by the Grand-Master Ferdinand
d'Heredia. In this agreement it was decided that the knights
of the bailiwick should be allowed to select their own Master,
provided the choice were confirmed by the grand-prior of
Germany. On the other hand, responsions to the amount of
2,400 gold florins were to be paid to the treasury of the Order
in their chef-lieu. Things continued in this state till the
Eeformation, when the members of the bailiwick, having
embraced the Protestant religion, once more seceded and
placed themselves under the protection of the Margrave of
Brandenburg. Many attempts were subsequently made to
bring about a new reconciliation, for a long time ineffectually.
At last Frederick the Great, wishing to aid his brother
Ferdinand, who was the then bailiff of Brandenburg, succeeded
in effecting a reunion* The chevalier Manchon, an officer in
the Prussian service, was appointed negotiator in 1763. He
proceeded to the grand-priory of Germany, imder commission to
demand the confirmation of Prince Ferdinand in his dignity,

37

562 A History of

and to settle the dispute as to the disoontlnuanoe of payments
hy the bailiwick of Brandenburg. It was then agreed that the
ancient connection between the Order and the Lutheran knights
should be renewed, and that the latter should once more pay
responsions into the general treasury, in the same manner as
the Boman Catholic commanderies. From that time the knights
of Brandenburg were treated as brethren by the Order, and
recognized as knights of St. John *

Things continued in this state until the French Revolution
and the expulsion of the Order from Malta shattered its
organization. The bailiwick of Brandenburg underwent the
si^e fate as the other branches of the fraternity. By an edict
of the 30th October, 1810, it was ordained that in Prussia all
monasteries, chapters, commanderies, and bailiwicks should be
treated as the property of the state, and be gradually secularized.
With regard to the bailiwick of Brandenburg the king had
resolved to postpone the execution of the decree until the death
of the Herren Meiater, who was then in his 81st year, being the
same Ferdinand, brother of Frederic the Great, already referred
to as Master of the bailiwick in 1763. That prince, however,
declared that for the stfke of example he would not avail him-
self of the royal grace. A compact was accordingly entered
into between the commissioners of the state and the Master, by
which the details of the transfer were settled. By deed signed
in Berlin on the 12th January, 1811, the prince ceded and
renounced to the state the ~ Mastership of Sonnenberg and its
commanderies. The king accepted this act on the 23rd
January, 1811, and by a further deed, dated 23rd May, 1812,
•ratified the complete dissolution and extinction of the bailiwick
of Brandenburg, and the sequestration of all its property to the
state. He at the same time founded a new and royal Order of
the knights of St. John, making himself its sovereign protector,

♦ These particulars will be found fully recorded in Boisgelins' " Malta,"
vol. i., where the authorities for the statements are quoted. They indude a
letter from the grand-prior of Germany to Prince Ferdinand, and one to the
chapter-general, both dated 16th May, 1763| a letter from the procurator
of the treasury to the receiver of the Order in Germany, dated 11th
September, 1763, and a magisterial edict of the Grand-Master Emanuel
Pinto, dated 9th May, 1764.

the Knights of Malta, 563

and the aged Prince Ferdinand its Grand-Master. Into this
Order he received all who had been knights of the bailiwick of
Brandenburg.

The Royal Prussian Order of St. John existed in this form
till the year 1852, when King Frederick William IV., by a
mandate dated on the 15th October, restored the original
bailiwick of Brandenburg as far as the cancelling of the edict
of his predecessor could effect that purpose. Corporate rights
were bestowed on the revived bailiwick, and its internal con-
stitution was regulated by statutes. On the 13th February,
1853, the king, as patron and sovereign of the institution
nominated as commanders the eight oldest knights surviving
of those who had received the accolade at Sonnenberg. These
commanders assembled for the election of a Herren MeisteVy
two candidates having been named by the king, between
whom the selection was to be made. The choice fell unani-
mously upon Prince Charles of Prussia, and his nomination
was confirmed by the king on the 17th May, 1853. The
reception of the prince by the Order, and his installation
as Herren Mekter^ took place in the presence of the sovereign
in the royal chapel at Charlottenbur^ The old custom of
informing the grand-prior of Germany of the election of a new
Herren Meister was observed so far as practicable. The priorate
of Germany and its grand-prior no longer existed, consequently
the new Herren Meister addressed a letter to the lieutenant of
the Ghrand-Master, Count CoUoredo, at Home, informing him
that the bailiwick of Brandenburg was restored, and that he.
Prince Charles, had been elected Herren Meister. Since then
oorrespondenoe has always been maintained between the
bailiwick and the authorities of the Order at Home. This
revived branch has since become well known throughout Europe
under the name of the " Johanniter." It has performed noble
service on the lines of the parent institution by rendering aid
to the wounded in the German campaigns of 1866 and
1870, and it took an active part in carrying out the Geneva
convention.

37

•

CHAPTER XXII.

THE "LANOUe" of ENGLAND,

Foundation at Clerkenwell — Introduction of the fraternity into Scotland
and Ireland — ^Destruction of priory at Clerkenwell by Wat Tyler — ►
Restoration by Docwra — St. John's Gute — Lease of Hampton to
Wolsey — Suppression of the langue by Henry VIII. — Revival by
Queen Mary — Ultimate suppression by Elizabeth — Subsequent fate of
the Priory, Church, and Gate — Revival of the langue — Its objects and
present state — ^Brief biographies of important members of the old
langue.

Before again reverting to the political and general history of
the Order during the remainder of its residence in the island of
Malta, it may not be uninteresting to enter into some details
more particularly affecting the langue of England.

There can be no doubt that amongst the members of Godfrey
de Bouillon's crusading army who joined the establishment of
Gerard on the capture of Jerusalem in the year 1099, there
must have been a considerable British element, since very early
in the next century we find the Order spreading itself over
England. The first establishment of the fraternity in this
coimtry was certainly that founded by Lord Jordan Briset.
The actual date of this foundation is not clear. It has
generally been assumed to have taken place in 1 101. This
year is fixed by the fact that in the first charter of dona-
tion by the same benefactor to the adjacent nunnery of St^
Mary at Clerkenwell, which was not later than the year 1102,
it was expressly stated that his gift was free from all encum-
brances, so that the Hospitallers might claim nothing from them^
On the other hand, the Register of deeds and titles to the
possessions of the Order in England, dated in 1443, records
that Lord Jordan Briset, in the reign of Henry I., about the

A History of the Knights of Malta. 565

year of our Lord 1110, founded the house and hospital of St.
John of Clerkenwell. No separate deed can be traced for the
foundation, as in the above-quoted register the first charter is
only a recapitulation of that for the nunnery of St. Mary. No
record has been preserved of the erection of the first buildings, nor
of how the funds were procured for the purpose. The register,
after quoting the charter as above, proceeds at once to record
the dedication of the priory church by Heradius, patriarch of
Jerusalem : — "In ye yere of Christ 1185 ye vj of the Ides of
Merche, ye dominical lettre being F ye ohyrche of ye Hospitall
of S^ Johns of Jerusalem was dedicatyd to ye honor of S
John Baptiste by ye worshipful fader Araclius Patriarke of ye
ressurection of Christe; ye same day was dedyoated ye high
Altre, and ye Altre of S John Evangelist by ye same Patryarke."

Clerkenwell was then at a little distance from London, and
was quite suburban. Fitz Stephen, in his " Description of the
most noble City of London," written in the time of Henry II.,
speaks of it as having "fields for pasture, and a delightful
plain of meadow land, interspersed with flowing streams, on
which stand mills, whose clack is very pleasing to the ear."
Two of these mills appear to have belonged to the Order, as we
find the following entry, imder the heading Clerkenwell, in the
report of Philip de Thame, referred to in Chapter VII. : " Et
ij molendina aquatica dimissa • ad firmam Ffranciseo Bache
tempore fratns Thome Larcher pro C's." As poor Thomas
Laroher was accused of having wantonly made away with the
property of the priory without due value received, we may
presume that the rental of £5 for these two mills was a very
good bargain for Francis Bach. Fitz Stephen refers to the
"fons clerioorum," or clerks' well, as one "frequently visited
as well by the scholars from the schools as by the youth of the
city when they go out to take air in the summer evenings." Its
name arose from the fact that the parish clerks of London were
in the habit of acting miracle plays there.

The sisters of the Order were established at Bucklands in
Somersetshire. William de Erlegh had foimded at Bokeland
a house of " Regular Canons," which was suppressed by Henry
II. on account of their turbulence, the canons having, amongst
other offences, murdered one of his officials. In 1180 the king

566 A History of

granted the forfeited lands to the Order of St. John, on con-
dition that the knights should there establish all the ladies
attached to the fraternity.

Philip de Thame, in his report (already referred to in Chapter
YII.), states that the institution at Bucklands was at that time
a house for fifty sisters. They were entitled to the services of a
brother of the Order to act as seneschal, two chaplains, and a
lay assistant for their churches. Their property consisted of
three manors at Buckland, worth £6 ; one at Thele, in Devon-
shire, worth £2 ; one at Pruneslee, worth £2 ; and one at
Kynemersdon, worth £2 10s. Also a redditus ansiius (or rent
paid by freeholders) of 90 marks. They further held three
churches, one at Federton, which was worth 50 marks; one
at Kynemersdon, worth 20 marks ; and one at Bromfeld,
worth £10. The report adds that these possessions are not
enough for the support of the sisters, and that they have to look
for help to friends, and to confraria or charitable collections.

The establishment was suppressed by Henry VIII., and its
lands granted to the earl of Essex and James Eockby.

The first introduction of the fraternity into Scotland was due
to the generosity and zeal of king David I., who, shortly after his
accession to the throne in the year 1124, established a sacred
preceptory of the Order of St. John at Torpiohen, in Linlith-
gowshire, which continued to be the chef-lieu of the knights in
Scotland until their suppression in the sixteenth century. In
the year 1153, just before his death, he confirmed, by a tojbI
charter, the possessions, privileges, and exemptions with whioh
the Order had become endowed in Scotland. He looked with
so great favour on this institution, as well as on that of the
Temple, that the author of the " Book of Cupar " records that
^^Sanctm David deprcBclara militia Tewpli Sierosolomitaniaptimot
fratres secum retinens eos diebua et noctibua mo rum suorum feeit
cuatodetf.^' His successor, Malcolm IV., increased the privileges
of the Hospitallers within his kingdom, and incorporated their
possessions into a barony freed from most of the imposts levied
on the laity. William the lion also followed in the footsteps
of his predecessors, and made sundry additions to the munificent
foundation which they had established.

The Order was first introduced into Ireland through the

tfu Knights of Malta. 567

liberality of'GKlbert de Clare, earl of Pembroke, who, almost
immediately after the conquest of that oountry by the English,
endowed them with a priory at Kilmainham, near Dublin,
which in after years became their clief-lieu. This donation was
made in the year 1174. Its property in that oountry grew
gradually in extent, and at the time of the suppression of the
langue of England, in 1546, it consisted of twenty-one com-
manderies, viz :-In the county of Dublin, Kilmainham and
Clontarf ; in the county of Kildare, Kilbegs, Kilheel, and Tully ;
in the county of Carlow, Killergy ; in that of Meath, Ejlmain-
ham-beg and Kilmainham-wood ; in that of Louth, Kilsaran ;
in Down, Ardes ; in Waterford, Kilbarry, Killara, Crook, and
Minorioch ; in Cork, Mome or Mora ; in Tipperary, Clonmel ;
in Gal way, TTinalkin ; in Sligo, Teague Temple ; and in Wex-
ford, Kildogan, Bally-Uewk, and Wexford. The latter
commandery had been the seat of the grand-priory until it wa8
transferred to Kilmainham. There are no records of the value
of this property, most of which had originaUy belonged to the
Templars, and was transferred to the Order of St. John on the
suppression of the former fraternity.

The priory of Clerkenwell meanwhile grew apace. Many
additions were made in the time of Edward I. Between the
years 1274 and 1280 Joseph de Chauncy, the grand-prior, bmlt
a chapel for the use of the lord-prior in their house, and
William de Henley, who was made prior in 1280, erected a
cloister. The buildings went on developing in extent and
grandeur until the insurrection of Wat Tyler, in 1381, when
the priory was destroyed by fire. Grafton, in his " Chronide,'*
says : — " They went streight to the goodly hospital of Bhodes,
called St. John's beyond Smythfield and spoyled that and
then consumed it with fyre causing the same to bume for the
space of seven days after.'' At this time, '* the building, in
its widely-varied decorations, both internally and externally, is
said to have contained specimens of the arts both of Europe and
Asia, together with a collection of books and rarities the loss
of which in a less turbulent age would have been a theme for
national lamentation." The grand-prior himself. Sir Bobert
Hales, was beheaded by the mob.

The mag^nificent pile thus ruthlessly destroyed had witnessed

568 A History of

many a gay pageant and Bumptuous entertainment, and the
great hall of the priory was several times used for royal
eonnoils. On these occasions the grand-prior of England
occupied a position between the spiritual peers and the
barons, being considered either the last of the former or the
first of the latter. One of the earliest of these councils was
held in the year 1185. The king of Jerusalem had sent the
Grand-Masters of the Hospital and Temple, with the patriarch
Heraclius, to Europe, to solicit a new crusade (pde Chapter
II.). The Grand-Master of the Temple died on the way,
but the Hospitaller Boger des Moulins . and the patriarch
Heraclius come to England. The king (Henry II.) went as
far as Beading to meet them, and conducted them to the priory
at Clerkenwell, where he summoned the barons of the realm to
hold a council. Speed thus describes in his chronicles what
took place: — "At this meeting he (the king) declared that
Heraclius (then present) had stirred compassion and tears at
the rehearsal of the tragical afflictions of the eastern world, and
had brought the keys of the places of Christ's nativity, passion,
and resurrection, of David's Tower, and the Holy Sepulchre,
and the humble offer of the kingdom of Jerusalem with the
standard of the kingdom, as duly belonging to him, as grand-
son of Fulk of Anjou.'' The barons in council determined
that tl^e king should not risk his person in the crusade, but
should content himself with a donation in aid. Heraclius
thereon lost his temper, and with the arrogance common to
ecclesiastics in those days, broke out into abuse of the king,
vnnding up by exclaiming, "Here is my head; treat me, if
you like, as you did my brother Thomas (meaning k Becket).
It is a matter of indifference to me whether I die by your
orders or in Syria by the hands of the infidels, for you are
worse than a Saracen." The Master of the Hospital was
greatly hurt at the insolence of the patriarch, but the king
passed it by without notice.

In the year 1212 king John stayed at the priory during
the whole month of March, enjoying the hospitality of the
prior, and on a Sunday in Lent he there knighted Alexander,
son of the king of Scotland. The following record of this
transaction has been preserved in the roll of the fourteenth

tfu Knights of Malta. 569

year of king John : — *' The expenses of Alexander, son of the
king of Scotland, which he incurred at Clerkenwell when he
was made knight on Sunday in Mid-Lent, 4th March, 1212,
amounted to £14 4s. 8d."

" In 1237," Matthew Paris records, " the Hospitallers sent
their prior Theodoric, a German by birth and a most clever
knight, with a body of other knights and stipendiary attend-
ants and a large sum of money, to the assistance of the Holy
Land. They, having made all arrangements, set out from
their house at Clerkenwell, and proceeded in good order with
about thirty shields uncovered, with spears raised, and pre-
ceded by their banner, through the midst of the city, towards the
bridge, that they might obtain the blessings of the spectators,
and bowing their heads with their cowls lowered, commended
themselves to the prayers of all."

In 1265 Prince Edward and his wife, Eleanora of Castile,
were entertained at the priory.

In 1399, only eighteen years after the destruction of the
buildings by Wat Tyler and his mob, we find that Henry,
duke of Liancaster, on the eve of his accession to the throne as
Henry IV., was entertained at the priory for a fortnight. Of
this fact there are two records, one, — " The Duke entered London
by the chiefe gate and rode through the Cheape to St. Paules
where he was after lodged in the bishops palace five or six
days and after at St. Johns without Smithfield where he
remained fifteen days right willingly." The other record is
metrical, and in French: —

" Quant le Due Henry arrive
Fu k Londres nouvellement
A Saint Pol alia droitement
Et puis cl Saint Jehan apres
Que est hors des murs assez pres
C'est un hospital des templiers
La fu le Due moult voulntiers
Quinze jours tons plains sans partir."

It is evident from these entries that a portion of the grand
pile had already been restored, enough, at all events, to admit
of princely hospitality being exercised.

570 A History of

In 1411, Henry V. resided in the prioiy for some time,
aooording to the " Grey Friars Chronicle " of London, which
records that " kynge was lyvinge at Sent Jones." In 1485,
Bichard III. held a royal council in the great hall of the priory
for the purpose of disavowing all intention of marrying his niece,
Elizabeth of York, a rumour of which had become prevalent.

These later entries all shew that the grand-priory had been
greatly restored since the calamity of 1381. It remained, how-
ever, for Sir Thomas Docwra to complete the work, and in addi-
tion, to erect the gate, now almost the only part of the structure
remaining. Camden, speaking of the priory in Docwra's time,
says ^^ that it resembled a palace and had in it a very f aire
church and a towre steeple raised to a great height with so fine
workmanship that it was a eingular beauty and ornament to
the city."

St. John's G-ate, above referred to, still remains a monument
of the grandeur of the fraternity before their suppression by
Henry VIII. The following description of it is given by
Pinks* : — " This building, the grand south gate of the priory of
St. John of Jerusalem, was erected on the site of an older
structure by Sir Thomas Docwra, who completed the splendid
work in which he was engaged, viz., that of restoring the ruined
priory, by the edification of St. John's Grate in 1504. The
characteristics of its architecture are those of the perpendicular
style, which the obtusely-pointed windows, Tudor-arched
doorways, embattled parapets, and the more minute details of
rib, boss, and moulding serve strikingly to exemplify. The
materials used in the construction of this beautiful edifice were
brick and freestone. The south, or principal front of the gate,
that facing towards the city, with its double projecting towers,
when in its pristine state, before the furrows of time had been
traced upon its surface, must have presented a very imposing
aspect, especially as it was loftier than it now is, the accimiala-
tion of the soil around it having lessened the height of the build-
ing. The gate and its flanking towers are pierced by numerous
windows, the principal one being a wide, obtusely-pointed arch,

* " History of Clerkenwell/' by Pinks. The author is indebted to the
antiqiiarian researches of this writer for much of the matter he has quoted
referring to the priory of Clerkenwell.

the Knights of Malta. 571

glazed with diamond panes, disposed by mullions of wood into
three lights. Beneath this window are several shields in gothio
niches. That in the centre is emblazoned in relief with the
arms of France and England, surmounted by a crown; this is
supported by two other shields, those of the priory bearing the
ensign of the cross ; right and left of these are two others, that
on the right bearing the arms of the founder, impaling the
arms of England, the same as appear on the central shield.
The shield on the left emblazons the insignia of Sir Thomas
Docwra in full. Underneath this series were formerly carved in
relief, the initials, T. D., separated by Maltese cross and the word
PRIOR. On the north side of the gate, facing the square,
are three shields in gothic niches the device on the centre one is
the cross, that on the left has the chevron, roundels, and cross in
chief, that on the right the same blazon with a cross moline as
an impalement ; beneath, in low relief, are the words, ^ ano dni
1504.' The last three figures of the year can be clearly dis-
cerned, particularly the five and four ; both these numerals
are of ancient form."

Whilst referring to Docwra, allusion may be made to a lease

granted by him to Cardinal Wolsey. In the year 1211, Joan

Lady Ghrey left by her will the whole manor and manor house

of Hampton to the Order. This manor, which contained about

1,000 acres of land, according to the return given by Philip de

Thame, was on the banks of the Thames, and, owing to the

proximity of the duke of Cornwall, was heavily charged under

the item of hospitality. The lease to Wolsey is dated January

12th, 1514, for a term of ninety-nine years, at a rental of £50.

It runs thus: — "This Indenture made between Sir Thomas

Docwra priour of the hospitall of Seynt John Jerusalem in

England and his bredem knights of the same hospitall upon

that oone partie and the moost reverend fader in God Thomas

Wulcy Archebisshop of Torke and Primate of England upon

that other partie Witnessith that the said priour and his

bredem with theire hole assent and auctorite of their Chapitur

have graunted and letten to fferme to the said Archebusshop

their manor of Hampton oourte in the countie of Midd with

all landes and tenementes medowes lesnes and pastures rentes

and services vewe of firanciplegis perquesites of courts ifiRhing

572 A History of

and ffishing weres and with the waren of oonys and with all
manner proufites and oommodites and other thinges whatso-
ever they be in any manner of wise to the foreseid manor
belonging or apperteigning. To have and to holde the foreseid
manor with the appurtenannoes to the foreseid most reverend
ffader in Qt)d Thomas Wulcy Archebisshop of Yorke and to
his assignes firo the ffest of the Nativite of Saint John
Baptist last past before the date hereof unto thend and tenne
of IxxYxix yeres than next folowing and fully to be ended
and paying therf or yerely to the seid priour and his sucoessours
in the tresoury of there hous of seynt Johns of Clarkenwell
beside London fifty poundes sterling at the ffestes of the
purification of our Lady and of Seynt Bamabe thappostle
by even porcions." The lease goes on to make an allowanoe of
£4 13s. 4d. for the maintenance of a priest for the chapel and
continues with provisions for due repair of the buildings, wecursy
etc., and penalties in case of non-payment of rent, etc. The
schedule attached to the lease is interesting : — '^ In the Chapel
First a chalesse of silver, a pix of copur for the sacrament, ij
alter clothes, a corporaxe, ij candlestikes of laton, a masse
booke, a porteux, a pewterbotil for wyne, a crewet of pewter,
a crosse of tynne, a paxbrede of tree, an alter clothe of whyte
and blue lyke unto armyn, an ymage of our lord of tree, an
ymage of our lady of tree, an ymage of saint John, an ymage
of saint Nicholas, an ymage of the crosse paynted on a horde, ij
alterclothes, ij pewes with a chest of wynscott, an holy water-
stok of laton with a Btr3aigel of laton, ij bells in the toure
one of them broken. Of bedsteddis in all xxti, eleven toumed
chyars. In the parlour a table of Estriche bourde with ij
tristells. In the haule ij tables dormant and oon long table
with ij tristells, a close cup board, iiij f ourmes, iiij barres of
yron about the harthe. In the kechen a pot of bras cent v
galons, a cadron sett in the foumace cont xx galons, a spyt of
yron, ij awndyrons a trevet, ij morters of marbil, a cawdron of
iij galons, a stomer of laton, a flesshe hoke, a frying pan, ij
pailes, a barre of iron in the kechen to hange on pottes, a grete
salting troughe, a steping f atte, an heire of the kyln of rxiii
yerdes, ij gretebynnes in the kechyn, a bynne in the buttiy, a
knedying troughe. In the stable a pitchfork, a dongfork. A

the Knights of Malta, 573

presse in the towrechambre a great ooffar in oon of the toure
chambres a parelose in the toure, a parclose in the parloure."
On securing this lease, Wolsey pulled down the manor house
and chapel and built a palace on the site.

It has already been recorded that in the year 1546 the priory
of Clerkenwell was suppressed, and the estates of the Order in
England confiscated to the crown. In the statute 32 Henry VIII.,
0. 24, it is enacted that '^ the Einges Majestic his heirs and
successours shall have and enjoye all that Hospitall, Mansion
house, Churche and all other houses edificions buyldinges €md
gardienes of the same belonging being nere unto the dtie of
, London in the Countie of Midd called the house of St. John of
Jerlm in England."

The reason given for this confiscation was that they had
" Unnaturally and contrarie to the duety of their allegaunees
sustayned. and maynteynid the usurped powere and auctoritie
of the Bishop of Ilome and have not only adhered themself es
to the said Bishop being comon enemy to the King our souy-
raine Lord and to his realme, untruely upholding, knowleging,
and affirmyng maliciously and traiterously the same Bishop to
be supreme hed of Christes Churche by Godds holy wourde,
intending thereby to subvert and overthrow the good and godly
lawes and statutes of this realme their naturall contrey made
and grounded by the auctoritie of the Holy Churche by the
most excellent wisedome and polyce and goodness of the Kinges
majesty." The members of the langue were forbidden to
wear the dress of the Order, or to assume any of its titleii
or dignities, as to which it said, 'Hhey shall be callid by
their awne propre chren names and surnames of their parentis
without any other additions towching the said religion ; ";
and the bill rescinded "all priveleges of Saincturies heretofore
used or claymed in mansion houses and other places coenly
called Saincte Johne's holde." The following pensions were
awarded out of the confiscated property: — To Sir William.
Weston, the grand-prior, £1,000; Qement West, £200;
T. Pemberton, £80; G. Eussel, £100; G. Ailmer, £100;
J. Sutton, £200; E. Belingam, £100; E. Browne, £60;
E. Huse, 100 marks; Ambrose Cave, 100 marks; W. Tirel,
£30; J. Bawson, 200 marks; to A. Hogers Oswald Massin-

574 ^ History of

berg and eight others, £10 each, amounting in the whole to
£2,870.

On this subject, Fuller, in his " Holy War," records :— " The
suppression of the Hospitallers deserveth especial notice, because
the manner thereof was different from the dissolution of other
religious houses, for manfully they stood out to the last in
despite of several assaults. The Knights HospitaUers (whose
chief mansion was at Clerkenwell, nigh London), being gentle-
men and soldiers of ancient families and high spirits, would not
be brought to present to Henry the Eighth such puling petitions
and public recognitions of their errors as other Orders had done ;
wherefore, like stout fellows, they opposed any that thought to .
enrich themselves with their ample revenues, and stood on their
own defence and justification. But Barnabas-day itself hath a
night, and this long-lived Order, which in England went over
the grave of all others, came at last to its own . • . . Their
deare friends persuaded them to submit to the king's mercie,
and not to capitulate with him on conditions, nor to stop his
favour by their own obstinacy. This, coimsel, harsh at first,
grew tunable in the eai's of the Hospitallers, so that, contented
rather to exchange their clothes for worse than be quite stript,
they resigned aU into the king's hands."

The bulk of the knights retired to Malta ; out of those who
remained several were executed. Sir Thomas Dingley, Sir
Marmaduke Bowes, and Sir Adrian Fortescue were attainted
together of high treason, for denying the king's supremacy, on
the 29th April, 1539, and were all beheaded. Sir David Genson,
for the same reason, was condemned to death, and having been
drawn on a sledge through Southwark, was hanged and quart^^ed
at St. Thomas Watering, on the Ist July, 1541.

A few years afterwiurds the king granted to John Dudley,
Lord Yiscount lisle and Lord High Admiral of England, " as
well in consideration of his service as for the sum of £1,000
vteriing, the site, circuit, and precinct of this hospital or
prioiy of St. John, only the lead, bells, timber, stone, glass, iron,
And other things of the church were specially reserved for the
king's majesty." Stow records that " the priory churdi, and
house of St. John were preserved from spoil or pulling down so
long as Henry VIII. reigned, and were employed as a store-

the Knights of- Malta, 575

house for the king's toils and tents for hunting and for the
wars." Edward VI. granted to his sister, the Princess Mary,
by letters patent, in the year 1548, " the seite, circuit, ambit,
precinct, capital messauge and house, late of the priory of St.
John of Jerusalem at Clerkenwell." In the following year, viz.,
1549, the greater portion of the church of St. John was blown
up, and the materials used in the erection of Somerset House.
No doubt this was an arbitrary act of the Protector Somerset
during the minority of the king.

On the accession of Queen Mary, the prospects of the sus«
pended langve seemed once more to revive. By royal letters
patent, dated April 2nd, 1557, the bailiffs, commanders, and
knights of St. John were once more incorporated by and imder
the name and title of the " Prior and Cobrethren of the Hospital
of St. John of Jerusalem in England," giving them, as a corpora-
tion, a common seal, and ordainixig for the crown, its heirs and
successors, that the knights of the Order in England should for
ever have and enjoy their name, style, and dignity, with all
their ancient privileges and prerogatives. Sir Thomas Tresham,
of Hushton, was appointed grand-prior of St. John Anglice.

It has been said above that Somerset had destroyed the
greater portion of St. John's church for the sake of the build-
ing materials. He, in fact, left only the chancel standing. As
soon as Queen Mary had decreed the revival of the langrie^
Cardinal Pole effected such repairs as were necessary to render
the church once more available for ecclesiastical purposes. This
he did by enclosing the space left undestroyed with a new west
wall. There is a fine crypt beneath, which is much in the
same condition as when abandoned by the Order. It is a very
handsome Gothic structure, and originally seems to have been
above ground, as in Hollar's view of it, as it appeared in 1661,
the entrance is shewn from St. John's-street up some steps. It
is thus described by Pinks in his " History of Clerkenwell " : —
"The crypt comprises a central avenue 16 feet 3 inches in
width, and 12 feet in height to the crown of the arch, with
oorresponding side aisles extending from east to west, and of
the same length as the present church above. The west end of
the crypt, at present bricked up, was found, when an excavation
was made in front of the church in the year 1849, to have

576 A History of

extended much farther westward than it at present does. The
central portion of the crypt consists of four severeys or bays ;
two are simple and plain, being semi-Norman, and two (towards
the east) are early English, and very perfect, the details and
mouldings being worthy of a careful examination. The ribs
of the early English bays spring from triple clustered columns,
3 feet 9} inches high, in each angle of the bays with moulded
capitals and bases. The upper moulding is horizontally fluted,
similar to some Greek Ionic bases. The central shafts of the
clustered columns are pointed, and the diagonal ribs have three
mouldings ; the centre one is pointed, and the outer are roUs.
This pointed bowtell occurs frequently in semi-Norman and
early English work, and is coeval with the introduction of the
pointed arch. Suspended from the keystone of each is an iron
ring. On each side of the two western bays of the centre aisle
is a deeply recessed pointed window opening." This crypt was
the scene of the celebrated Cock Lane ghost excitement, in the
year 1763. It is supposed by competent authorities that the
original church of St. John was about 300 feet long, extending
westward over the area of the present St. John-square, and that
its transepts stood in a direct line with the great south gate and
the north gate or postern.

The death of Queen Mary ended all hope of a revival of the
langue of England. One of the earliest acts of her successor,
viz., Statute 1, Elizabeth, c. 24, annexed to the crown all the
property of the Order in England, without, however, enacting
the dissolution of the corporate body established by the charter
of Mary. The old priory now fell to the basest uses, and
became the head-quarters of the Master of the Bevels to the
queen. The office of this functionary " consistethe," says
Edmund Tylney, "of a Wardropp and other several Boomes for
Artificers to work in viz. Taylors Imbrotherers Propertimakers
Paynters Wyredrawers and Carpenters together with a con-
venient place for ye Eehearsalls " (doubtless the great hall that
had been the scene of so many royal councils and other splen-
dours) "and settynge forthe of Playes and other Showes for
those services.'* This Edmund Tylney was appointed Master
of the Bevels on the 24th July, 1579, and the priory was used
as an office by him until 1607. It does not seem to have been

the Knights of Malta. 577

well adapted for the preservation of theatrical properties, since
there is a charge in the accounts for " ayringe/' represented to
be necessary in order "to keepe the same in redynes for
service wch els wold he mowldy mustie motheten and rotten
by meanes of the dankenes of the howse and want of con-
venyent Presses and places requysite.''

By letters patent dated May 9, 1607, " the scite or house of
the late Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem, etc., having therein
one great mansion and one great chapel, etc., containing by
estimation five acres,'* was granted by James I. to Ealph
Freeman and his heirs, "in free and common soccage." It
subsequently came into the possession of William Cecil Lord
Burleigh and earl of Exeter, whose countess, says Fuller,
"was very forward to repair the ruined choir." The chiux5h
then became a private chapel« and as such passed into the
hands of the earl of Elgin, on his marriage with Diana, the
daughter of the earl of Exeter. Fuller thus describes it in
1655 : — " At this day, though contracted, having the side aisles
excluded (yet so that the upper part is admitted affording con-
veniences for attention), it is one of the best private chapels in
England, discreetly embracing the mean of decency betwixt the
extremes of slovenly profaneness and gaudy superstition." It
was much injured in 1710 by a mob led on by Dr. Sacheverell.
In 1716 it was advertised for sale " as fit as any for a schoolroom
that will hold above 200 scholars." It was purchased in 1721
by a Mr. Mitchell, who once more restored it, and then sold it
for £3,000 to the commissioners for providing new churches
in and about London. It was consecrated on December 27th,
1723, by the bishop of London, as the church of St. John,
Clerkenwell. When it was being repaired in 1845 many
traces of the old building were discovered. Upon removing the
plaster from the east wall it was found that Docwra's masonry
still existed up to about the middle of the window, about 27
feet in height, all above that being rebuilt in brick by Mitchell.
It was also found, in the south aisle, that Mitchell had used
portions of the old church to support the pews, such as ribbed
mouldings, parts of shafts, portions of the groining capitals of
clustered columns coloured and gilt.

The priory itself has long since vanished, to make way for

38

578 A History of

the modem buildings which now occupy the space. Mr.
Griffith, the architect, thus describes what can now be found of
its remains : — '^ The enclosure walls can still be traced on the
north, south-east, and west sides, and the modem dwellings in
St. John-square are mostly built upon the old rubble walls
of the Hospital. Fragments of the ancient buildings are fre-
quently discovered. The northern boundary comprised the
north postern and the priory buildings, and walls extending
from the north postern westward towards Red Lion-street, and
from the north postern eastward towards St. John-street. The
foundation of the priory buildings and walls form the founda-
tions of the cellars under No. 19 and the basements of No. 21
and 22 on the north side of St. John-square. An opening
was made in the basement wall between Nos. 19 and 20,
St. John-square, in 1851, and the wall was found to be seven
feet thick, and formed of squared stone on the outer or north
side and chalk rubble within. Some of the stones had been
used for windows, etc. ; one stone was covered with black
shining flinty particles, as if it had been subjected to fire. The
north postern was evidently covered, and by a plan in the com-
missioner's book it appears to have been 17 feet 10 inches long
and 10 feet 1 inch wide at the south end, enclosed next St.
John-square by a light enclosure, with a gate 10 feet 7 inches
liigh, and at the other end by a gate 5 feet 5 inches wide and
8 feet high. This was an outer gate in the north boundary
wall. The priory was enclosed on the south side from St.
John-street towards Red Lion-street, with St. John's-gate in
the centre. Of the southern boundary there are St. John's-gate
and 67 feet of wall extending westward from the gate remain-
ing. Of the eastern boundary Hollar has given a view as it
appeared in 1661. It portrays the east end of St. John's
church with the Hospital gardens and boimdary wall, all
of which faced St. John-street. Kegarding the westward
boimdary, there are remains of the old priory wall in Ledbuiy-
place, being originally the west garden wall of Bishop Burnet's
house, and in the west garden wall of Dr. Adam Clarke's
house, which adjoins Burnet's house southward, and was the
western boundary."

It now remains to trace the tenure and occupation of St.

the Knights of Malta. 5 79

John's-gate. Like the prioiy, it was used in oonneotion with
the office of the queen's revels so long as that was maintained
in Clerkenwell. It then fell into private hands, Sir Morrioe
Dennys and Sir Roger Wilbraham having both been its pos-
sessors. In 1731 it became the property of Edward Cave, who
lived there and set up a printing establishment in a portion of
the space. It was here that the '^ Gentleman's Magazine " was
for many years published. The gate was, whilst in Cave's
hands, the scene of the memorable incident when Dr. Johnson
dined behind a screen at an entertainment given by Cave,
because he was so shabbily dressed that he did not wish to
join the company. It continued to be a printing establish-
ment till the end of the last century. Its subsequent career
was more ignoble, as it became a public-house. Fortunately
the landlord, Benjamin Foster, was a man who appreciated the
historical associations of the place, and during his tenure estab-
lished literary and archaeological meetings, and otherwise raised
its status beyond that of a mere tavern. It has of late
years recovered its original position, having been purchased
by the members of the revived English langue^ and by them
fitted up once more as a chancery and domicile for the Order.

This fact leads naturally to a detail of the circumstances
which have led to the revival of that langvey although it is
anticipating the general course of the narrative to touch on it
now. As it satisfactorily closes the sketch of the langue,
it is thought better to deal with it in this place rather than to
insert it in its proper chronological order.

The fall of Napoleon and the restoration of the Bourbons in
1814 removed the ban under which the French knights had
lain since their suppression by the Eepublican government in
1792. They at once reassembled in chapter-general at Paris,
and forming, as they did at that time, the most powerful branch
of the Order still surviving, elected a permanent capitular com-
mission in which was vested plenary power to act as might
seem best for the general interests of the fraternity. The
creation of this capitular commission was confirmed by a
pontifical bull issued by Pope Pius VII. on the 10th August,
1814, and recognized by the lieutenant of the Mastery and
sacred council, in an instrument dated the 9th October following.

38*

580 A History of

addressed to the bailli Camille prince de Bohan, prior of
Aoquitame;* the bailli de Clugny; the oommander de Bataille
(representing the langue of France) ; the commander de Peyre
de Chateauneuf (representing the langue of Provence) ; the
oommander de Dienne (representing the langue of Auvergne) ;
the commander Bertrand, and the bailli Lasterie du Saillent,
prior of Auvergne. It also received the recognition of the king
Louis XVIII.

This commission exercised important acts on behalf of the
Order in general during a series of years ; it negotiated, though
unsuccessfully, with the king for the restoration of the property
of the institution in France ; it treated, in 1814, with the con-
gress of Vienna for a new chef-lieu in the Mediterranean. In an
appeal to the French king and chambers it represented the
whole Order in 1816, and again at the congress of Verona in
1822. Also, as recorded by Sutherland, " in 1823, when the
Greek cause began to wear a prosperous aspect, the same chapter,
encouraged by the goodwill which the Bourbon family was
understood to entertain for the Order, entered into a treaty
with the Qreeks for the cession of Sapienza and Cabressa, two
islets on the western shore of the Morea, as a preliminary step
to the reconquest of Bihodes, to facilitate which arrangement an
endeavour was made to raise a loan of £640,000 in England."

Whilst engaged in these various negotiations for the benefit
of the Order at large, the question was mooted of a possible
revival of the English langue, and the matter speedily re-
ceived a practical solution. The commission placed itseH in
communication with the Bev. Sir Bobert Peat, D.D., Chaplain
Extraordinary to His Majesty Greorge IV., and other English-
men of position, to whom were submitted the documents by
which it was constituted. These gentlemen undertook to
give their aid in the resuscitation of so interesting a relic of
the ancient chivalry of Europe. The negotiations, which were
continued for some months, resulted in the revival of the English
langue of the Order of St, John of Jerusalem, for which pur-
pose articles of convention were executed on the 11th June,
1826, and on the 24th August and 16th October, 1827. These
documents thxis refer to the English people: —

** This brave and generous nation furnished formerly illus-

tfie Knights of Malta. 581

trious subjects who made part of the most formidable, the
most valiant, and the most renowned chevaliers of this ancient
sovereign Order, and whose successors are now invited to raise
that Christian and famous banner which was in former times
the pride and glory of their ancestors, and who can again form
part of this Order in climates and in countries the most
fortunate and most celebrated."

The articles of convention distinctly recite that in making
this revival the French langues are acting with the concurrence
and approval of those of Aragon and Castile, thus, by a repre-
sentation of five out of the eight divisions of the Order, giving
the weight of majority, if such addition were necessary, to the
powers of the associated French langues. This revival of the
Order in England was conducted and accomplished in the most
honourable spirit, and with the most chivalric intentions. The
English gentlemen whose interest was enlisted in the revival,
were men of the highest character, whilst the disinterested views
of the French chevaliers may be gathered from a passage in
one of their official communications, in which they declare that
the business of the English langue must be conducted in an
English manner, and so that the foreign members should not
interfere in the management of the funds, which were to be
solely and exclusively under the direction of the English
brethren. These communications further enjoin the greatest
caution in the nomination of chevaliers, and declare that, ^'to
revive so honourable an institution, it is most necessary to act
legally and according to the existing statutes, otherwise the
Order would not be esteemed and respected ; that the statutes
must be taken by the committee as its guide and direction in
the work, and that from this foundation no departure could
take place, except as regards the modifications necessary owing
to the religion of the United Kingdom."

The chevalier Philippe de Chastelain and Mr. Donald Currie
were appointed delegates for formally inaugurating the revival,
by deed dated 14th December, 1827.

On the 24th January, 1831, the chevalier de Chastelain
attended a meeting in London when the English langue was
formally reorganized, and the Rev. Sir Robert Peat, D.D.,
Knight Grand Cross of the Royal Order of St. Stanislaus of

582 A History of

Poland, and Chaplain Extraordinary to Greorge IV., was
invested with the functions and authority of grand-prior of
the revived English langue. The names of many English
noblemen and gentlemen were then inscribed on the roll of
the langue.

In 1834, acting under the advice of the Vice-Chancellor of
England, Sir Launcelot Shadwell (who himself shortly after
joined the Order), Sir fi.obert Peat sought to qualify for office,
and at the same time to revive the charter of Philip and Mary,
before referred to, by taking the oath defideli administratione in
the Court of King's Bench. He accordingly attended, on the 24th
February, 1834, and the Court, as the records of the langue state : —

" On its being announced by the Macer that the Lord Prior
of St. John had come into Court to qualify, rose to receive him,
and he did then and there openly qualify himself before the
Lord Chief Justice of England, Sir Thomas Denman, Knight,
to hold exercise and discharge the office of Prior of the langue
of England under the Charter of King Philip and Queen Mary."
The oath of qualification taken by Sir Bobert Peat in the
Court of King's Bench is now a record of the kingdom, and a
copy of the same, authenticated by the signature of the Lord
Chief Justice, is in the archives of the langue. The following
is the copy : —

" In the King's Bench

" I the Eight Reverend Sir Robert Peat Knight Vicar of
New Brentford in the County of Middlesex and Prior of the
Sixth Language of the Sovereign Order of St. John of Jeru-
salem in London do make oath and say that I will faithfully
truly carefully and strictly perform fulfil keep and obey the
ancient Statutes of the said Sovereign Order as far as they are
applicable to the government of the Sixth Language and in
accordance with the other seven languages and that I will use
the authority reposed in me and my best endeavours and exer-
tions amongst the Brethren to keep the said Statutes inviolable,
this deponent hereby qualifying himself to govern the said
Sixth Language as Prior thereof under the provision of the
Statute of the 4th and 5th of Philip and Mary in the case
made and provided.

" (Signed) Robert Peat.

the Knights of Malta. 583

" Sworn at Ghiildhall, in the City of London, this 24th day
of February, 1834, before me

'"(Signed) T. Denman."

From that time the langue has continued to advance in
numbers and prosperity, and has endeavoured by works of
usef uLiess and charity to follow in the footsteps of the parent
Order of old.

Those labours have not been unimportant, as may be seen by
the following list of the principal objects which have engaged
its attention : —

Providing convalescent patients of hospitals (without distinc-
tion of creed) with such nourishing diets as are medically ordered,
so as to aid their return, at the earliest possible time, to the
business of life and the support of their families.

The (original) institution in England of what is now known
as the ** National Society for Aid to Sick and Wounded in
War."

The foundation and maintenance of cottage hospitals and
convalescent homes.

Providing the means and opportimities for local training of
nurses for the sick poor; and the foundation of what is now
known as the metropolitan and national society for training
and supplying such nurses.

The promotion of a more intimate acquaintance with the
wants of the poor in time of sickness.

The establishment of ambidance litters, for the conveyance
of sick and injured persons in the colliery and mining dis-
tricts, and in all large railway and other public departments
and towns, as a means of preventing much aggravation of
human suffering.

The award of silver and bronze medals, and certificates of
honour, for special services on land in the cause of humanity.

The initiation and organization during the Turco-Servian
war of the " Eastern War Sick and Woimded Belief Fund."

The institution of the " St. John Ambulance Association "
for instruction in the preliminary treatment of the injured in
peace and the wounded in war.

The object of this association is for the purpose of dissemi-
nating information as to the preliminary treatment of the sick

584 A History of

and injured, and of thereby aUeviating to some extent the
enormous amount of human suffering at present so frequently
needlessly aggravated by the ignorance of those unskilled per-
sons with whom the patient is first brought in contact.

It is an undoubted fact, well enough known to medical men,
that the residts of such ignorance are often most deplorable.
By rough handling and bad management on the part of the
attendants, however well-intentioned, a simple fracture may be
converted into a compound, or even a complicated fracture.
Again, how many thousands of lives have been lost merely
from want of knowledge as to various extemporary methods of
arresting bleeding, or as to the immediate treatment of the
apparently drowned, or otherwise suffocated ! It woidd be
easy to multiply instances where knowledge of this kind is
invaluable, but a glance at the syllabus drawn up by the
medical comnuttee is sufficient to shew how well adapted
the course of instruction is to meet the requirements of the
cases of sudden illness and injury ordinanly met with in
every-day life.

The "British Hospice and Ophthalmic Dispensary," at
Jerusalem, which has been established by the langue for the
alleviation of the terrible sufferings caused in that countiy by
diseases of the eye, and the ignorance prevalent as to their
proper treatment. The sultan has aided in this good work by
granting a firman for a site for the hospital. He haj9 sLnoe
redeemed this promise by a pecuniary gift of £900 Turkish,
the langue having themselves purchased a site and building, and
having started the operations of the dispensary. Crowds of
afilicted Syrians flock thither for relief, and as the work is strictly
on a non-sectarian basis no opposition is encountered. Of all the
charitable operations now being carried on by the langue there is
none that promises to effect so much real good as this, or which
so closely copies the objects of the original founders of the
Order.*

* The langue is indebted for this establishment to the untiring energy
and zeal of Sir Edmund Lechmere, who has laboured most assiduously for
the attainment of the object. He has personally visited Jerusalem and
placed himself in communication with the Turkish authorities in order to
obtain the most suitable site for the hospice, and to carry on the necessary
and somewhat delicate negotiations for the purchase.

the Knights of Malta. 585

The langue now oonsists of the following members : —

The Lord-Prior, His Grace the Duke of Manchester.

The Bailiff of the Eagle, The Et. Hon. Lord Leigh.

1 Knight Commander.

64 Knights of Justice, including H.R.H. The Duke of
Connaught, H.E.H. The Duke of Albany, and H.S.H. The
Duke of Teck.

18 Chaplains, including the Et. Eev. the Bishops of St.
Albans, Gibraltar, and Tennessee.

29 Dames Chevalieres of Justice, including H.E.H. The
Princess of "Wales, H.E.H. The Princess Christian, H.E. & S.H.
the Duchess of Teck, and the reigning Grand Duchess of Baden.

17 Knights of Grace.

21 Esquires.

3 Serving Brothers.

There are also aflSliated to the langue, a considerable number
of Honorary Associates and Donats, who have aided in the good
works now being carried on.

In Appendix No. 11 will be found a list of the grand-
priors of England, Turcopoliers or conventual bailiffs, bailiffs
of Aquila, grand-priors of Ireland, and priors of Scotland,
so far as they can be traced.

All the historians of the Order who have treated of the
relative ranks of the dignitaries comprising the chapter-general
have been mistaken in the position which they allot to
the grand-prior of England. They have placed him below the
grand-prior of Messina, whereas his real place should be above
the Castellan of Emposta (vide Chapter XIII.). This is proved
by a document in the Eecord Office of Malta, which shews
that the matter was decided on in 1566. As this document,
which was written by the Englishman, Oliver Starkey, secretary
to La Valette, gives an interesting insight into the mode of
dealing with questions of etiquette in the sixteenth century, a
translation of it is given in Appendix No. 12.

This branch of the subject cannot be more appropriately
closed than by giving a brief accoimt of some of the knights of
the langue who have rendered themselves either celebrateki or
notorious.

Garnier de Napoli. — First grand-prior of England, at the

586 A History of

time when the Master Soger des Moulins and the Patriarch
Heraclius visited Clerkenwell. He must not be confounded
with the Gamier who became Master of the Order in 1187,
and was killed at the battle of Tiberias the same year, although
all the historians of the Order have fallen into that error.
The Ghrand-Master had been Tureopolier, and was probably his
brother. That they were two different persons is clear from
a manuscript in the possession of Canon Francis Smitmer,
at Yienna, which is dated Anno Domini Incamationis
MCLXXXix. apud London Ordinatio Fr Gamerii de
Neapoli Prions in Anglia. This document proves that
Gamier was exercising the office of prior two years after
his namesake the Gh:*and-Master was killed at Tiberias.

Walter Levinge, a companion in arms of Kichard Coeur
de Lion, in Palestine.

Henry Bayntun, son of Sir Henry Bayntun, Knight
Marshal to Henry 11. He was killed in Bretagne, in
1201.

Theodore de Nuzza, grand-prior of England about 1230.
The Grand-Master Bertrand de Comps having, in 1237,
invoked assistance to recruit the diminished ranks of the
fraternity in Palestine, a body of 300 knights, headed by de
Nuzza, left their priory at Clerkenwell with the banner of St.
John unfurled. Their ranks were swelled by the presence of
Richard earl of Cornwall, Simon de Montfort earl of Leicester,
and William Longsp^e, son of the earl of Salisbury. Their
arrival in Jaffa induced the sultan of Egypt to offer most
advantageous terms of peace to the Christians.

Alexander Welt.es. — His name appears amongst those
who swore fealty to Edward I. in the chapel of Edinburgh
Castle, July, 1291. He was killed at the battle of Falkirk, on
the 22nd July, 1298.

Giles de Arginttne. — He gained great renown m the
Holy Land. He was killed at the battle of Bannockbum, in
1314, having first succeeded in rescuing Edward II. from the
perils of that disastrous conflict.

Thomas Larcher. — In spite of the great accession of wealth
consequent on the suppression of the Templars and the transfer
of their lands to the Hospital, this grand-prior involved the

the Knights of Malta. 587

finances of his priory in such hopeless confusion that the
Grand-Master and council were compelled to supersede him, in
1329. The reckless manner in which he granted pensions
and created other incumhrances woidd, had he not been
suspended, have annihilated the property of the iangue.

Leonard de Tybertis. — Originally prior of Venice.
Being a man of much tact and skill in administration,
he was selected to succeed Larcher, in order to unravel the
tangled web which had become so complicated under his
predecessor. In this task he succeeded admirably.

BoBERT Hales. — He was in the suite of the Grrand-Master
d'Heredia when he escorted Pope Grregory XI. from Avignon
to Civita Vecchia in 1377. It was in his time that the priory
at Clerkenwell was burnt by the mob led on by Wat Tyler.
The prior's residence at Highbury was also destroyed.
Proissart records that " they went straight to the fayre
hospytalle of the Bodes called saynt Johans and there they
brent house hospytall mynster and aU." Such a strong
animosity was felt by the people against the Order, that Jack
Straw in his confession said, "specially would we have
destroyed the knights of St. John." Sir Robert Hales
was beheaded by the mob on Tower-hill in company with
Sudbury archbishop of Canterbury and other lords.

Robert Bootle. — ^At a grand wrestling match, held at
Clerkenwell on St. Bartholomew's day, 1456, at which this
grand-prior was present with the Lord Mayor and sherifFs of
London, a quarrel arose on a question of wrestling, in which
a servant of the prior was concerned. Bootle being discon-
tented with the decision of the Lord Mayor, fetched a party of
bowmen from the priory, and a conflict ensued, the Mayor's cap
being shot through. Eventually a party of citizens rescued
their chief, and bore him oft in triumph.

William Knolls, grand-preceptor of Scotland. He was
Lord Treasurer under king James IV., who raised him to the
peerage under the title of Lord St. John, which dignity was
held by the priors of Scotland until the Reformation. He was
killed in the battle of Flodden Field on September 11, 1513.

John Langstrother was bailifi of Aquila in 1466. He
had been the bearer of a letter from Gfrand-Master de Lastic to

588 A History of

Hemy YI., and took part with the house of Lancaster in the
Wars of the Roses. He was made prisoner at the battle of
Tewkesbury in 1471, and put to death in cold blood by
order of Edward lY . His near kinsman and predeoessor in the
bailiwick of Aquila was William Langstrother, who held that
rank at a chapter-general which sat at Borne in 1446. Both
these dignitaries were buried in the church of St. John at
Clerkenwell.

James IIetino, or Keating, was deprived of his dignity as
grand-prior of Ireland for not hastening to Rhodes when sum-
moned to take part in its defence in 1480.

Thomas Docwra, or Docray, was the second son of Richard
Docray, of Bradsville, in the county of TorL He was present
at the siege of Rhodes in 1480. During his priorate, the new
establishment at Clerkenwell, to replace that destroyed by Wat
Tyler, was completed. Docwra possessed considerable talents
in diplomacy, and was very wealthy. He was nearly elected
Gb^nd-Master, having only lost the nomination by one vote,
when L'Isle Adam was appointed. He died in 1527.

John Bawson was present at the siege of Rhodes in 1522.
He was afterwards made Turcopolier, and eventually, at the
special request of Henry YIII., appointed grand-prior of
Ireland. He died in 1647.

"WiiiLiAM Weston, grand-prior of England, time of Henry
YIII. By an act passed in 1533, it was made lawful for
" Yisoounts, the Piyour of Seint John of Jerusalem, and Barons
to wear in their dublettes or sleveless coates clothe of golde
sylver or tynseL" It has abeady been recorded that it was
during the priorate of Weston that Henry YIH. suppressed
the langue of England, granting Weston a pension of £1,000
a year. This pension, so liberally allowed to him out of his
own property, was not long enjoyed. Unable to bear up against
the calamities which had befallen his Order, he died of giief on
Ascension Day, 1540, in the very year when his pension was
granted. He was buried in the chancel of St. James's church,
Clerkenwell, where an altar tomb in the architectural style of
the age, representing him as an emaciated figure lying upon a
winding sheet, was erected over his remains.* Weever has thus

* See illustration of this monument in plate opposite page 571.

tfie Knights of Malta. 589

described this memorial, now iitteriy destroyed : — " In the north
walle of the ohancell is a faire marble tombe with the por-
traiture of a dead man lying upon his shroud the most
artificially cut in stone that ever man beheld. All the plates
of brass are sto]ne away only some few peeses remaining
containing these words : —

" Hospitalitate inclytus genere preeclams.
(Here are Arms.)
Hanc uma officii causa."

In the centre, on another plate, in old English characters,
was: —

^' Spes me non fallat quam in te semper habebam,
Virgo da facilem votis natum/'

And on another: —

" Ecce quem cemis semper tuo nomini devotum
Suspice in sinum Virgo Maria tuum.'^

In 1788, when the old church of St. James was pulled
down, this monument was taken away. " During the removal,"
says a contemporary writer, "the lead coffin was discovered,
which was deposited within a few inches of the surface. On
the breast part was a cross raised in lead. On raising the cover,
the skeleton appeared, but without any appearance of its having
been wrapped in cere cloth, or habit of his Order, nor did it
seem at first that ever any embalmment had been used ; but, on
more careful inspection, there was found a quantity of dark-
coloured mucilaginous substance between the thighs and the
lower parts of the body, of an \mctuous feel, but quite
inodorous. The bones were laid in the same order as when
the corpse was deposited in the lead coffin, which did not
appear had ever been enclosed in one of wood. The fingers
and toes were fallen off, but the other parts retained their proper
situation, and some teeth remained in each jaw. On measuring
the skeleton it was exactly six feet in length, wanting one inch."
When the monument was removed, the effigy was left, and for
many years stood upright in a comer of the vault below the
church. It has, however, recently been restored by a descendant

590 A History of

of the grand-prior, CoL Qt)uld Hunter Weston, himself a
knight of the revived langue. It now lies once more in its
original recumhent position, on a suitable base, in the north
side of the church. Sir William Weston had been present at
the siege of Khodes in 1522, where he greatly distinguished
himseU.

Adrian Fortescue was the second son of Sir John For-
tescue ; his mother was aunt to Queen Anne Boleyn. He was
created by Henry VIII. a knight of the Bath for his services
in the French wars. He was summoned to attend that king at
the field of the cloth of gold, when he was directed " not only
to put yourself in arreadiness with the number of ten tall
personages, well and conveniently apparelled for this purpose to
pass with you over the sea but also in siich wise to appoint
yourseK in apparel as to your degree the honour of us and
this our realm appertaineth." He was committed " to the
Knight Marshall's ward at Woodstock," in 1634, for denying
the king's supremacy, and released imder the general pardon
late in the autumn of the same year. He was again attainted
in the spring of 1539. Hull has the following entry in his
chronicle on the subject : — " Sir Adrian Foskeu and Sir
Thomas Dingley knights of St. John were the 10th day of
July beheaded." There are two pictures of him in the church
of St. John at Valetta, and a third in the CoUegio di San
Paulo at Kabato, Malta. The two first are by Matthias Preti,
called "H Calabrese," a knight who flourished in the latter
part of the seventeenth century. Sir Adrian Fortescue has
always been revered as a martyr in the island.

Clement West, Txircopolier. He rendered himself notorious
by the turbulence and disrespect of his conduct. In the chapter-
general held in 1532, he argued that the proxies for the grand-
priors of England and Ireland, and for the bailiff of Aquila,
should not be allowed to vote. The assembly having decided
against that opinion, he broke out into the most unseemly and
blasphemous language, calling the procurators Saracens, Jews,
and bastards. The latter then preferred a complaint against
him, and when called upon for explanation he merely stated
that it was impossible for him to know whether they were Jews
or not, for that they certainly were not Englishmen. The

the Knights of Malta. 591

oounoil thereupon enjoined him to ask pardon, but this he
positively refused to do, and, flying into a violent passion, began
cursing and swearing most vehemently, and throwing his mantle
upon the ground, said that if he deserved condenmation at all
he ought to be deprived of his habit and put to death. There-
upon he drew his sword and left the ooimcil chamber, to the
great scandal of all present. He was in consequence deprived
of his habit, and of the dignity of Turcopolier. As soon as
this news reached England great exertions were made to restore
West to his office. The knight, John Sutton, was despatched
by the grand-prior of England and the duke of Norfolk to beg
that he might be reinstated. From the letters which this envoy
presented to the council on the 23rd February, 1533, it appeared
that the feeling in England was that West had been unjustly
condemned, and that a bad feeling had sprung up against him
owing to his wearing an Order appertaining to the king of
England. The council feeling much aggrieved at this calumny,
a commission was appointed to inquire into the matter, con-
sisting of Sir Edward BeUingham (English), Aurelio Bottigello
(Italian), and Baptiste Villaragut (Spanish). The report of
these commissioners is not in existence, but by a decree dated
April 26th, 1533, West was reinstated as Turcopolier, he having
expressed contrition. The lesson bestowed on this turbulent
knight appears, however, to have been thrown away, for in
1537 he was again in trouble for acts of disobedience and for
provoking another knight to fight a duel, and in 1539 he
was once more placed in arrest by decree of the council for
disrespect to their body (vide list of crimes in Chapter XXI.),
and finally, he was again deprived of the dignity of Turcopolier,
on the 3rd September in the same year, at the instance of the
English knights then resident at the convent. He had, never-
theless, evidently been held as a person of consideration, for on
the death of Dupont, in 1534, he was nominated lieutenant
of the Ghrand-Mastery during the interregnum.

Sir Gyles Eussell, Turcopolier in 1539. At the death of
this knight in 1543, it was decreed that there should be no
further nomination to the dignity until the Catholic religion
should be re-established in England.

Nicholas Upton was appointed lieutenant of the Turco-

592 A History of

poller on the death of Eussell. He distinguished himself so
greatly in this offioe that in 1548 the Grand-Master D'Omedes
and council rescinded the resolution carried on the death of
Kussell, and appointed Upton Turoopolier. He died in 1551
from the effects of a coup de Boleil^ which he received whilst
resisting a descent on the island of Malta by Dragut. The
Grand-Master declared his death to be a national loss.

Oswald Massinoberd was the second son of Sir Thomas
Massingberd, of Sutton, in the county of Lincoln. He appears,
like West, to have been a' man of a most violent and insubordi-
nate temper, and to have been in continual trouble whilst
at Malta. On one occasion he was brought before the
council for the murder of four slaves, for which act he was
deprived of his habit for two days. The following entry
appears also amongst the records of the council in 1552 : — "The
right reverend Lord the Grand-Master and Venerable Council,
having heard the report of the commanders deputed to inquire
into the complaint preferred by the noble Paolo Fiteni against
the Lord Lieutenant of the Turcopolier, Brother Oswald
Massingberd, for having forcibly entered his house and
violently taken therefrom a certain female slave with her
daughter whom he had recently purchased from the Order,
and for having struck him with his fist, and also having heard
the said de Massingberd in contradiction, who pretended that
the above-mentioned Paolo coidd in no way have piurchased the
female slave as she had previously been branded with certain
marks in his name, as is customary and usual on similar
occasions, and that therefore the preference in the purchase of
the said slave appertained to him, de Massingberd, do now,
after mature deliberation, condemn the said de Massingberd
to restore the above-mentioned female slave with her daughter
to Fiteni, and order that they shall be restored accordingly.
Further, in consideration of the force and violence used, they
furthermore decree that he shall remain and be kept for two
months within his own residence, and that for this period he
shall not be permitted to leave it " (vide list of crimes, Chapter
XXI.).

George Dudley had been professed a knight in 1545,
but had shortly after become a Protestant, abandoning the

tJie Knights of Malta. 593

fraternity, and taking to himself a wife. In the year 1557,
however, the seceder demanded pardon for his errors of the
Grand-Master and council. On reconciliation to the church he
was readmitted into the fraternity, and in May, 1558, it was
decreed " that on account of the poverty of the brother George
Dudley, at present the only English brother of the venerable
langue of England, permission shoidd be granted to him to sue
for, exact, and recover all the revenues and rents of houses
belonging to the said langue from any and all of the tenants,
and to give receipts for the same."

Oliver Si'ahkey was Latin secretary to La Valette, and
was present at the siege of Malta. He appears to have
thoroughly enjoyed the confidence of his chief, and to have
been held in high estimation by all the members of the con-
vent. He was reduced to so great destitution whilst at Malta,
that a pension of 100 scudi (£8 63. 8d.) was awarded to him
from the treasury. He was buried at the foot of the tomb of
the chief he had loved and served so well, in the crypt beneath
St John's church at Valetta, being the only knight not a
Grand-Master who was so honoured.

James Sanuilands was preceptor of Torphichen and Lord
of St. John. He was the intimate personal friend of John
Kjiox, and by the persuasion of that reformer renounced the
Catholic faith in 1553. He, however, continued for sometime
longer to maintain his office and dignities. In 1560 he was sent
by the congregation parliament of Scotland to France to lay
its proceedings before Francis and Mary. Therre the cardinal
of Lorraine loaded him with reproaches, accusing him of vio-
lating his obligations ns a knight of a Holy Order. Notwith-
standing all his efforts to soothe the prelate, and the most
assiduous endeavours to recommend himself to the queen,- he
was dismissed without any answer. After this, feeling him-
self no longer authorized to retain his office, he resigned the
entire property of the Order of St. John into the hands
of the crown. Upon this, the queen, on the 24th January,
1563-4, was pleased, on condition of an immediate payment of
10,000 crowns and an annual duty of 500 marks, and in con-
sideration of ^'his faithful, noble, and gratuitous services to
herself and to her royal parents," to convert it into the

39

594 ^ History of the Knights of Malta.

temporal Lordship of Torphichen, creating him Lord of St.
John, and giving him the lands and baronies of Torphichen and
Listoun, Balintrodo, Thankertoun, Denny, Maiyculter, Stan-
house, Gultna, etc. He afterwards married Janet, daughter of
Murray of Polonaise, but had no issue, and at his death in
1596 his title and the possessions which he had plundered from
the Order devolved on his grand-nephew, James Sandilands, of
Calder, and have remained in that line ever since.

David Seton is said to have been the last prior of Scot-
land, and to have retired to Germany with the greater portion
of his brethren about 1572. In an old poem of that period
he is mentioned as the head of the Scottish Hospitallers.
The poem is entitled, "The Holy Kirke and his Theeves."
After apostrophizing Sir James Sandilands for his treachery
to the Order, it proceeds thus: —

" Fye upon the traitor then,
Quha has broucht us to sic pass
Greedie als the knave Judas.
Fye upon the ohurle quwhat soldo
Halie Erthe for heavie golde.
But the Order felt na losse,
Quhan David Setonne bare the Crosse."

David Seton is said to have died about 1591, and to have been
buried in the church of the Scottish Benedictines at Katisbonne.
He was of the noble house of Wintoun.

CHAPTER XXIII.

1601—1669.

Alof de Yig^aconrt — ^Ecclesiastical disputes — ^The Malta aqueduct — ^Anthony
de Faule — Chapter-general — Election of Lascaris — ^Disputes with
France and Spain — ^Battld of the Dardanelles — Expulsion of the Jesuits
— Commencement of the Floriana line — Acquisition in the West Indies
— ^Election of Redin — ^The brothers Cottoner — Siege and loss of Candia.

The seventeenth century opened with the aooession of Alof de
Vignaoourt to the dignity of fifty-second Gband-Master of the
Order of St. John. This knight, at the age of seventeen, had
joined the ranks of the fraternity at Malta, in the year 1564, at
the time when they were expecting an immediate attack by the
Turks, and in the following year he passed through all the
perils and hardships of the siege. He was subsequently named
governor of Yaletta, and as his length of service increased, so
he rose in rank until he reached the post of conventual bailiff,
as grand-hospitaller, and at the death of Garces, in 1601, he
was raised to the vacant office of Ghrand-Master. The disputes
which disturbed the sway of his predecessors appeared now to
have calmed down, and although on several occasions dissatis-
faction and turbulence still made themselves manifest, the peace
of the convent was not materially affected. Several naval
exploits of more or less importance graced the annals of his rule.
Successful descents were made on Bcorbary, Patras, Lepanto, and
Lango. Laizzo and Corinth also witnessed the daring inroads
of adventurous knights, who returned from these various expedi-
tions with a vast amount of booty, and were able in consequence
to store the bagnio in Malta with a lcu*ge additional number
of slaves.

That these exploits bore in any appreciable degree on the

39*

596 A History of

general issue of the struggle between the Christian and the
Moslem is more than the most partial historian oould venture to
assert. The days when the knights of St. John were content to
expend their energies and shed their blood simply in defence
of their faith without regard to gain had long since passed
away. Now they no longer sought in open field to crush the
foe against whom their profession engaged them to maintain a
constant warfare. Looking rather to their personal enrichment
than to the public advantage, they strove, by means of such
isolated and plimdering exploits as those referred to above, to
gain for their convent and themselves a rich reward.

Enraged at these repeated insults, the Turks strove, in their
turn, to carry the war into the enemy's country. In the year
1615, we therefore find them making a descent upon Malta
with sixty galleys, on which occasion they disembarked 6,000
men on the island. Due precautions had, however, been taken
by the inhabitants, who, on the approach of the enemy, all
retreated into the towns, and the Turks gained nothing by their
attempt, being driven ignominiously back into their ships with
some loss.

The rule of de Vignacourt, like those of his immediate pre-
decessors, was disturbed by the pretensions of the bishop of
Malta. This ecclesiastic, whose name was Cagliares, having had
recourse to a personal visit to Kome during one of his numerous
disputes with the Grand-Master and council in order to secure
a favourable decision on his pretensions, had appointed a deputy
to maintain the interests of his see during his absence. The
arrogance of this deputy far exceeded even that of his chief, and
the more youthful and hot headed amongst the knights were
unable to restrain their indignation at his intolerable assump-
tion. A band of these malcontents attacked the bishop's
palace by night, threatening to throw the offending prelate
into the Marsa Muscetto, and it was with no little difii-
culty that de Vignacourt was enabled to rescue him out of
their hands. He despatched him to the Pope with a complaint
of his conduct, and a request that he might be subjected to
reproof ; but Paul V., who was bent on supporting the clergy
to the utmost in their pretensions, took a very high tone
in the matter. So far from yielding to the request which

the Knights of Malta. 597

had been preferred, he acquitted the bishop's deputy of
all blame, and called upon the Ghrand-Master and council,
under pain of anathema, to make due reparation for the
indignities to which he had been subjected. Eesistance was in
vain ; de Vignacourt was compelled to submit, and to restore the
churchman to his position. Similar scenes occurred with the
grand-inquisitor, the incessant disputes which arose with these
turbulent dignitaries rendering the office of Grand-Master
by no means a bed of roses.

The name of de Vignacourt has in Malta become inseparably
connected with the aqueduct which he caused to be made.
Destitute as the towns of Valetta and Vittoriosa are of all
natural springs, the inhabitants were compelled, before his
time, to depend for their water supply entirely upon exca-
vated tanks; and consequently were, in the event of a dry
winter, sorely distressed during the following summer. To
obviate this evil, de Vignacourt constructed a very fine aqueduct,
carried principally on arches, which brought water into Valetta
from some springs in the Benjemma hills, near the Citt4 Vecchia.
This aqueduct is upwards of nine miles in length, and carries
the water into every part of the city, supplying numerous foun-
tains which succeeding Grand-Masters have erected in various
convenient localities. A worthier monument this than the most
costly sculptured tomb. The gratitude of posterity wiU recall
the memory of de Vignacourt so long as Valetta exists, as the
founder of one of the most useful and enduring works which
that city possesses.

Among the incidents of this time worth recording was the
reception of Alexander Monsieur, the illegitimate son of
Henry IV. by Gabrielle d'Estrees, into the Order, on the
2nd of February, 1604. For the purpose of this reception
Henry had summoned to Paris the grand-priors both of
France and Champagne, and arrangements were made for the
ceremony to take place in the church of the Temple, then one
of the most important in the possession of the fraternity.
Numerous commanders and knights had flocked into Paris
from the various provincial establishments in France, and
everything was done to enhance the splendour of the function.
On arrival at the Temple, the little prince was handed by

598 A History of

hifl father to the grand-priors, and was conducted up the
centre aide between these dignitaries, followed by an escort ci
twelve commanders and twelve knights. At the altar, which
glittered with plate and jewels, stood the cardinal de Gbndy,
the Papal nuncio, and a number of bishops. In the centre of
the choir was erected a throne for the king and queen, around
whom stood the other members of the royal family and the
principal officials of the court. The ceremony began with the
consecration of the young knight's sword, and the change
of clothing which was intended to typify the new duties
he was to undertake. His mantle and outer garment were
removed, and he was airayed in a vest of white satin, elabo-
rately embroidered in silver and gold, with a waist-belt studded
with jewels, a black velvet cap with a white plume and band
of large pearls, and over all a timic of black tafEeta. Thus
dressed, the prince was led by the grand-priors to the altar. Then
the bishop of Nevers delivered an oration in praise of the
Order, enjoining the young neophyte to emulate its good deeds.
High mass was commenced, and when the gospel had been
read Alexander Monsieur knelt before the bishop, holding
a waxen taper in his hand, and solicited admission into the
fraternity. On this the king rose from his throne, and saying
aloud that he for the moment surrendered his state as a monarch
in order to perform his duty as a father, placed himself by
the side of his son. The young knight, having been received
with the customary forms, the king pledged himseK that so
soon as his son had reached the age of sixteen he should renew
his vows and conform in every way to the regulations of the
Order. The young prince was theti nominated to one of the
best commanderies in the kingdom, and at once put in possession
of its revenues, which amounted to 40,000 livres.

The same fate befel de Yignacourt as that which had struck
down La Yalette. He was seized with an attack of apoplexy
whilst hunting, no doubt from the extreme heat of the summer
sun, it being the month of August, 1622, and on the 14th
September he died, at the age of seventy-five. His successor,
Louis Mendes de Yasconcellos only survived his election six
months, being nearly eighty years old at the time of his
nomination. It seems that at this period it was the practice

the Knights of Malta. 599

of the fraternity to eleot the most aged knights to the Bupreme
control, with a view to the frequent vacancy of the post, A
more suicidal policy could scarcely have been conceived. Men
worn out by a long life of excitement and enterprise (X)uld
hardly be expected to retain sufficient energy to conduct
with prudence and skill a government fraught with so many
difficulties both from within and without. Where inflexible
determination and vigorous promptitude in action were the
essential requisites to a successful administration, these feeble
and decrepit veterans, sinking almost into their dotage, were
utterly useless. It is mainly owing to this fact that during
the seventeenth century the power of the Grand-Master and
the vitality of the Order itself, suffered so rapid and marked a
diminution.

In pursuance of this short-sighted policy, Vasconoellos was
followed in 1623 by Antoine de Paule, grand-prior of St. Qilles,
who was seventy-one years old at the time of his election.
He, however, succeeded in disappointing the general expectations
of an early vacancy, by living to the age of eighty-five.
De Pauleys rule is celebrated as being the epoch in which the
last chapter-general was convoked until near the end of the
eighteenth century. The unpopularity of these great councils
had been steadily augmenting. The difficulty of maintaining
the magisterial authority during their session was so great
that no Grand-Master after de Paule felt disposed to call into
existence a council in which he himself had so little weight and
influence. Upon this occasion the Pope had insisted that the
grand-inquisitor should take his seat as president of the chapter.
De Paule and his council remonstrated, pointing out that it was
diametrically opposed to the constitution of their Order that a
stranger should assume the position of president in its chief
assembly, and stating that the fraternity would never tolerate
the intrusion. The Pope, however, was obstinate, and insisted
upon the appointment being acquiesced in. The aged Gband-
Master had not sufficient energy to support him in a broil with
the court of Home, so he yielded the point without further re-
monstrance. It is probable that the younger members of the
Order would, in some open manner, have resented the intrusion
thus forced on them, had not de Paule sent the majority of

6oo A History of

them away from the island on a oruiBe, holding the chapter
durixig their absence. The statutes were all revised during
this session, and the laws thus amended remained in force until
the dispersion of the fraternity at the close of the eighteenth
century.

Much dissatisfaction was caused by the repeated interference
of the Pope with the patronage of the iangite of Italy. Yacaociefi
were constantly filled up by him with his own relatives aod de-
pendents without the slightest regcord to the claims of seniority
or the wishes of the council. The Italian knights became
at length so discontented at this glaring misappropriation of
their rights that they broke out into open mutiny, and refused
to p^oim any of the duties of their profession, or to take their
turn of military and naval service, on the plea of the injuiy
which was being inflicted on their interests. Many abandoned
Malta altogether, and returning to their homes, threw off the
habit of the Order in disgust. Bedress was sought in vain,
and the Gfrand-Master was forced to submit to the usurpation
thus made on his most valued privileges and patronage.

Throughout his rule, expeditions simileu* in character to thoee
organized under de Yignacourt constantly took place. Useless
for all national purposes, and partaking largely of a piratical
character in the way they were conducted, they served only to
irritate the Turks without in the slightest degree enfeebling
their power. The knights of Malta were fast degenerating into
a race very similar in character and pursuits to the robber
hordes who swarmed within the harbours of Algiers and Tunis,
and their deviation from the noble and disinterested conduct of
their predecessors was apparent in every detail of their adminisr
tration. The worldly prosperity, however, of those over whom
they held sway was materially increased, and the influx of
wealth consequent on the many rich prizes they annually
seized, raised the island of Malta to a position of opulence and
commercial importance to which it had for centuries been a
stranger. In the yecor 1632, a census was held, and the
numbers then recorded as present in the island, with its
dependency of Gozo, amoimted to 51,750 souls. When L'lde
Adam, a century ecorlier, had first established his convent home
there, the population barely exceeded 17,000. The Maltese had

the Knights of Malta, 60 1

conBequently nearly tripled their numbers during that interval
beneath the flourishing sway of the Order of St. John, notwith-
standing the fearful losses they had sustained during the siege
of 1565.

Antoine de Paule died on the 10th of June, 1 637, and was again
sueoeeded by an aged knight. This was John Paul de Lasearis
Castellar, of the langue of Provence, who was seventy-six years
old when he was elected. He was at the time bailiff of
Manosque, and was not long in discovering that he had ex-
changed a very dignified and lucrative sinecure for a post
which was by no means equally desirable. A fierce war was
at this moment raging between France and Spain, and many
knights of both countries, contrary to the express terms of the
statutes, took part in the struggle. The French element then,
as always, preponderated greatly in the convent, and the sym-
pathies of the Order in consequence leant visibly towards that
country. In revenge for this partiality, the viceroy of Sicily,
espousing the interests of his master, the king of Spain, forbade
the exportation of grain to Malta. As that island was almost
entirely dependent on Sicily for it« supply of provisions, this
prohibition was tantamount to the creation of a famine. The
Grand-Master was therefore driven to mollify the offended
Spaniard by a strict enforcement of neutrality on the part of
the convent between the contending powers. In pursuance of
this resolve he caused a French vessel of wax to be fired on,
which, being commanded by one of his knights, had ventured to
anchor in the channel between Malta and Grozo. Pacified by
this act, the viceroy removed his embargo on the exportation of
com. On the other hand, however, the king of France was so
irritated at the open insult shewn to his flag, that he prepared to
seize all the possessions of the Order in France, and annex
them to the crown. Fortunately Lasearis was able to prove to
the king that he had only acted in the matter as he was bound
to do by his statutes, as well as by the treaty under which he
held the tenure of Malta. The affair was thus settled, and he
and his convent left in peace.

In the year 1638, an action was fought between the six
galleys of the Order and a Turkish squadron of three large ships
of war which were engaged in convoying a nimiber of merchant-

■''^%^

-^

6o2 A History of

men from Tripoli to Constantinople. In this engagement the
knights were completely suooessful, as they not only captured
the whole flotilla, but also the three men-of-war which formed
the convoy. Thiey purchased this advantage at the cost of a
large loss in killed and wounded, including some of their
most diatinguished captains. In 1640 six Barbary pimtes were
seized from the hcorbour of Groletta by the general of the galleys,
and in 1644 three galleys xmder Piancourt overcame a large and
formidable galleon after a most desperate conflict. In this
affair the Turks lost 600 men, whilst amongst the captives
was a sultana from the imperial seragUo, who was then on
a pilgrimage to Mecca. This loss, foUowing as it did the
other disasters, so incensed the sultan that he despatched a
herald to Malta, threatening instant war. Lascaris, on this,
took prompt measures to insure the security of the island.
Knights were summoned from all quarters to assist in the
defence, and volunteers in great numbers flocked there, anxious
to share in the renown of a second defence of Malta. Amongst
these was the coxmt D'Arpajou, who brought, at his own ex-
pense a reinforcement of no less than 2,000 men. The Order
was so grateful for this munificent aid that the count was
unceremoniously nominated commander-in-chief over all the
forces in the island, a post rightfully belonging to the grand-
marshal, the conventual bailiff of Auvergne. The alarm of
invasion having proved false, the Grand-Master, on the de-
parture of D'Arpajou, conferred several decorations on him and
his deecendsmts in commemoration of his zeal for the welfare of
the fraternity.

The naval war with Turkey was, however, by no means
suspended, for the Turks, having directed their armaments
against the Yenetian island of Candia, the galleys of Malta
hurried promptly to the assistance of the republic. Other sea
fights were also constantly occurring, in which the superiority
of the knights over their opponents was usually very decided.
In 1656 an engagement of greater importance than ordinaiy
took place between the combined fleets of Venice and Malta on
the one side, and that of the Turks on the other, at the entrance
to the Dardanelles. In a contemporary newspaper published in
London, called the Mercurius Politkusy there is the following

the Knights of Malta. 603

graphic aceoimt of this action, which may be regarded as a type
of most of those which about this period were of constant occur-
rence between the rival fleets : —

" London, September, 1656, from Venice, August 16, %Ul% novo.
The particulars of our last victory are now brought hither by
the Sieur Lazaro Mocenigo, who entered here on the 1st of this
month in a Turkish galley which was taken from those Infidels,
and all the men in her had turbans on their heads. At his
ajrrivall the people declared an extraordinary joy. All the
shops were shut up, and the duke, ckccompanied by the senators,
went and sang Te Deum, and the ringing of bells continued till
next day in all churches. On the third day a solemn mass was
celebrated by the duke and senators in the church of St. Mcu*ke,
where all the ambassadors of princes were present. And that
the rejoycing might extend to the very prisons, the senate took
order for the releasing of all persons imprisoned for debt, and
some of the banditi were also set at liberty.

^' In the mean time the said Sieur Mocenigo, who had
contributed so much of prudence and courage to the gaining of
this victory, had first the honour of knighthood conferred on
hJTn by the senate, with a chain of gold 2,000 crownes value, and
then was declared generallissimo in the room of the late slain
Lorenzo MarceUo, in memory of whom it is ordered there be a
publick service celebrated next week at the publick charge.

'^ Now that so renowned a victory may in some measure be
known, take the following relation : —

" A particular relation of the manner of the late victory ob'
tained by the Venetians against the Turk.

" After the Venetian fleet had made a month's stay at the
mouth of the Dardanelles to wait for and fight the enemy, in
the meanewhile arived the squadron of Malta, which consisted
of seven galleys. On the 23rd of June last past the Captain
Bassa appeared in sight of the castles; his fleet consisted of
twenty-eight great ships, sixty galleys, nine galeasses, and other
small vessels.

"The "navy of the republick was composed of twenty-eig^t
great ships, twenty-four galleys; and seven galeasses, to which
joyned (as was said before) the galleys of Malta, commanded
by the lord prior of Eoccelia. The. navy of the republick kept

6o4 A History of

in the narrowest part of the channel, so that the Turks could
not come forth without accepting the battel which was offered.

''At the beginning the Captain Bassa raised two batteries
upon land on both sides the river, the one on the part of
Natolia, the other on the part of Grrecia, thinking thereby to
oblige our ships and galeasses to forsake their station, and so
facilitate their own going forth. The courage of the Venetian
resisting their shot with undaunted boldness rendered the
advantage they had taken unprofitable, whereupon the Captain
Bassa, who had express order to attempt going out, upon the
26th of the same month in the morning, favoured with a
pleasant north wind, made all his greatest ships to advance in
good order, but, whether they durst not expose themselves, or
for what other reason is not known, they withdrew behind the
point of Barbiera, and thither also the Captain Bassa repaired
with his galleys.

" About ten of the clock it pleased God to send a small north-
west wind which occasioned the Venetian navy to move, and
the honorable Eleazer Mocenigo (who having finished the
charge of a captain of a galley would needs continue with the
fleet as a volunteer, and commanded the left wing) found means
to advance with the Sultana of St. Marke^ wherein he was, and
passing beyond the Turkish fleet, endeavoured to hinder its retreat,
keeping the mouth of the channel, and fighting valiantly.

" The battel being thus begun, the captain general, Laurence
Marcello, accompanied with the general of Malta, came up,
intermingling with the rest of the Venetian commanders and
vessels, fell to it pel mel. After the Turks had used their
utmost endeavour to avoid the fight, being hemmed in by the
Venetian fleet, and having no place left to escape, they were
forced to flght, with the more eagerness because they had lost
all hope of making a retreat, and so commended their safety to
the conflict, whereby they gave means to the Venetians the
more to exalt their triumph and gldry over their enemies, all
the enemy being totally routed by the sword, by fire, and by
water, the captain Bassa only saving himself with fourteen
galleys, which hath crowned the repubKck with one of the
greatest victories that ever was heard of in former times.

" The number of the enemies' dead cannot be known nor dis-

the Knights of Malta. 605

covered among so many ships and galleys taken and consumed
by fire and water. About the shore there were seen huge
heaps of dead bodies, and in the bay of a certain little valley
there appeared so great a quantity of carcases that it caused
horror in the beholders.

" The number of Christian slaves freed on this occasion is
near upon five thousand. That of the Venetians' men killed
and wounded doth not amount to three hundered, which makes
the victory memorable to all ages.

" The battel lasted from ten o'clock in the morning until
night, but the burning of the greatest part of the enemies' fleet
continued for two daies and two nights, on the first whereof the
Venetians were forced to maintaine the fight, to subdue some
Turkish vessels which stood out upon defence.

" The Venetians having reserved some of the enemies' ships
of all sorts in memory of the successe, besides eleven which those
of Malta had taken, it was resolved upon by the Venetian
commanders to bum the rest, to free themselves from the
trouble of sailing with so numerous a fleet, and to keep their
owne in readiness for all attempts.

" Three Venetian ships were burnt, two in the fight, and one
by some other accident which is not well known, and their fieet
received no other damage.

" The onely thing to be deplored in this successe was the losse
of the Captain-Generall Marcello, who was killed with a cannon
shot, and four men more who were next to him, after that
with his own galley he had subdued a potent sultana, and (by
the grace of God) seen the Turkish fleet in confusion, dispersed,
defeated, and by consequence the great victoiy secured, and her
upon the point of surprising another sultana. His soule hath
received her reward in heaven, and his name will live with
perpetuall glory in the memory of the world.

" Eleazer Moccenigo, by a new musquet-shot, lost one of his
eies as he at first was attempting to prevent the Turks passage,
notwithstanding which hee never failed to doe great things the
whole time of the conflict.

" The valour, courage, and magnanimity wherewith all the
Venetians and Malteses did behave themselves on this occasion
may better be understood by the action than by discourse."

6o6 A Histoiy of

The Lord-prior of Boccelia, alluded to in this report as in
command of the seven Maltese galleys, was Gregoiy GaraSa,
grand-prior of La Bocella, a member of the Italian hmqw.
There still exists in the auberge of Italy in Yaletta, a tablet
commemorative of the action. It runs as follows : —

"2>. 0. M.

" Divog : Joanni Sacrce leroaolymitancB MiUtuB Patrono oh
gloriosam a Veiietis de Turcica classe ad Dardanorum ora repor-
tatam eictoriam consilio opera et fmliciau^tu fris DOregorii Carafm
MoccellcB PrioriSf et septem Melitentium friremium duds. Quiprimm
in hoates mcectuSy ita eos deterruit ac profligatit ut ipsam etiam
Imperatoriam nisi ejus ratis scopulo hmsiaset in suam potestatm
redegisseL Viclt tameny et captis ex adveraariis prceter tree maiores
octo trireniibus aliis minoHbuSy innumerisq tormentis ceneiSy turn sexa-
ginta supra trecentos Turcis in servitutem redactis et ex Christianis
bisrnille ac sex centis libertati donatis ad suos triumphantis in
niorem reversus, vivit vitetq. Serenissinias Reipublicce et lerosoly'
mitancB Heligionis benemerentissimus ac suce familice decus immor-
tale. In tantce rei mernw^iam tenerabiUs lingua Italica uno cordc
multiplici nomine donat dicat consecrat Anno Domi MDCL F/." *

No action of greater importance than this had occurred Bince
the memorable day of Lepanto. The Maltese galleys^ although
not numerous, appecor to have done their duty nobly on the
occasion, as the eleven vessels captured by them and borne olf
in triumph to Malta amply prove.

Whilst these maritime successes were attesting to the naval
superiority of the Order, and increasing the renown in which

* ** To Saint John the Baptist, the patron of the knights of Jerusalem, on
account of the glorious victory gained by the Venetians over the Turkish
fleet at the mouth of the Dardanelles, by the advice, the care, and the happj
valour of Fr. Dom Gregory Caraffa, prior of RoceUa and commander of seven
Maltese galleys, who, being the first to attack the enemy, threw them into
such disorder that he would have secured their flagship had his own vessel
not run on a rock. He conquered, however, and having seized, in addi-
tion to three large ships, eight other smaller galley 6 with numberless braf«
guns, he captured 360 Turks, and liberated 2,600 Christians. He returned in
triumph where he lives, and will live eternally, meriting well of the serene
republic and of the Order of Jerusalem, and the eternal glory of his family.
In memory of so great a deed, the venerable langue of Italy, with unanimous
voice, has dedicated and consecrated this tablet in the year of Our Lord
1656."

I •

the Knights of Malta. 607

it was held throughout Europe, the convent still remained
the scene of acrimonious dispute and internal discord. The
inquisitor, the bishop, and the Jesuits, all sought their own
advancement, to the sacrifice of the authority of their common
lord, the Ghrand-Master. In . order to withdraw from their
allegiance as many of the inhabitants as possible the bishop
was in the habit of " granting the tonsure " to any one who
demanded that distinction. By this mark, and without in any
other way assuming the functions of the clei^y, men claimed
exemption from all but ecclesiastical authority, this being vested
in the bishop. They secured freedom fi*om all the imposts
and duties to which the laity were liable, and their position
became so favourable in comparison with that of their f eUow-
subjects that numbers flocked to the bishop to be received into the
community. Had this stat« of things been suffered to continue,
the Gband-Master would in time have found himself denuded
of all actual power in the island of which he was the nominal
sovereign. He therefore remonstrated most urgently with the
Pope upon so outrageous an assumption. Urban VHI., who was
at that time the pontiff, could not deny the justice of the com-
plaint ; he therefore issued instructions to the bishop forbidding
him in future to grant the privileges of the tonsure to any but
such as were bond fide ecclesiastics.

The embroilment with the Jesuits had likewise gradually
culminated in an open breach in consequence of the arrogance
and grasping ambition of the latter. The quarrel which led to
their expulsion from the island originated in the frolic of some
yoimg knights, who, during the carnival of 1639, disguised
themselves in the habit of Jesuits, and in that garb were guilty
of many scandalous disorders in the town. The reverend fathers,
highly irate at this open profanation of their distinguishing
costume, complained bitterly to the Grand-Master and council,
who caused the offending knights to be arrested. Public feeling
had gradually become so excited against the disciples of Loyola,
that this act of severity, just and necessaiy though it might be,
was very ill received. A tumult arose, in the course of which
the prison in which the yoimg knights were confined was broken
open, the offenders released, and the Jesuit college pillaged and
gutted. The insurgenta were so exasperated, and were so

6o8 A History of

numerically strong, that in obedience to the popular clamour,
the expulsion of the detested fathers was decreed. With the
exception of four of their number, who contrived to conceal
themselves, the whole body was at once compelled to leave the
island. The relief was, however, but temporary, as it was not
long before the reverend fathers once more found their way
back to the scene of their former exploits.

Meanwhile the Pope, who doubtless considered that he had
secured the eternal gratitude of the fraternity by his action
against the bishop, demanded the assistance of the Maltese
galleys in a war in which he was engaged against some of the
minor ItaUan princes who had formed a league against him.
To this request Lascaris and the council were so weak as t-o
accede, although such action was directly opposed to the funda-
mental principles of their institution. The princes, justly
irritated at this breach of neutrality on the part of the Order,
confiscated its possessions in their respective territories, nor did
they withdraw the embargo till ample satisfaction and apology
had been tendered.

Whilst thus engaged in political disputes, which materially
affected the prosperity of his fraternity, Lascaris did not neglect
the internal improvement of his convent and of the island over
which he ruled. The city of Valetta was, at its earliest founda-
tion, protected by a line of ramparts enclosing it, and cutting
off the lower portion of the peninsula of Moimt Sceberras
from the mainland. Not deeming this single line of works
a sufficient defence on the land side — the only direction from
which an attack was to be feared — Lascaris engaged an
eminent Italian engineer named Floriani to suggest such
additions as he might deem necessary. In due course Flo-
riani presented to the council a project for a new enceinte to
enclose a considerable space beyond the Valetta front, the pro-
posed line running across the peninsula of Mount Sceberras,
nearly at the point of its jimction with the mainland. This
report waa prefaced with a long list of the defects imder which
Floriani considered the defences of Valetta laboured, and
concluded with the remark that, although he had been engaged
during his professional career in the fortification of many towns,
and had, consequently, obtained considerable experience in the

the Knights of Malta. 609

art, he did not consider himself gifted with such high talents
as would enable him to convert a bad work into a good one, and
he was compelled, therefore, to suggest the enclosure of the first
line within a second, the trace of which should be more in
accordance with his ideas of perfection. The council was taken
completely by surprise at this unlooked-for report. The knights
had been accustomed to regard the enceinte of Valetta, with its
very deep ditch and stupendous escarp, as a most powerful front,
the whole of the stone for the building of the city having been
quarried there so that it had attained proportions greater than
those of any other similcu: work in Europe. They could not
conceive that a line which they had always looked on with
such high favour could, in reality, be so defective as was
reported by Floriani ; they therefore nominated a commission
to investigate the matter. The report of that body was
adverse to the scheme of Floriani, notwithstanding which the
influence of the engineer was so great with the Grand-Master
that the new project was adopted, and the work pushed forward
for a long time with much vigour. After that it was suspended,
and remained in an incomplete state until the year 1721, when
it was finally completed. The suburb enclosed between the
two lines has received the name of Floriana, after its designer.
Floriani was admitted into the Order by Lascaris as a reward
for the zeal and talent he had displayed in the work.

Malta is indebted to this GFrand-Master for the splendid
public library which he established in 1650, and which gra-
dually increased until it attained proportions exceeded by
few similar institutions in Europe. This rapid augmentation
was the result of a decree that on the death of a knight his
books should not be sold with the rest of his property for the
benefit of the treasury, but should be sent to the public library,
either to swell its extent, or, in the case of duplicates, to be
exchanged. This library is situated in a very fine building
erected for the purpose by Lascaris. In addition to the usual
assortment of works, it is particularly rich in old and rare
books, as well as in illuminated missals, some of them of the
most beautiful workmanship, and also in manuscripts of every
description.

In the year 1652 the Order of St. John for the first time

\

40 i

\

6io A History of

obtained possession of property in the New World. A knight,
named de Poincj, had established himself in the island of St.
Kitts, as commandant for a company of merchant adventurers
who held the station under a grant from the crown of France.
He persuaded the Grand-Master and council to effect a pur-
chase of the island, which he represented as capable of adding
materially to the wealth of the treasury. The cost of this
transaction amoimted to £5,000, for which sum the Order was
invested with plenary possession of St. Eatts and all it con-
tained, including slaves, provisions, and stores. This transfer
was ratified by letters patent issued by the king, Louis XIV.
De Poincy was appointed to the superintendence of the pro-
perty, which was raised to the position of a bailiwick, and
efforts were made to secure the islands of Martinique and
Guadaloupe on similar terms, but without success. The results
which de Poincy had foretold were never realized; the treasury
received no return whatever for the outlay which had been
made ; and when, ten years later, the new bailiff died, it
was found that the debts he liad incurred in the manage-
ment of the estate amounted to as much as its entire value.
The fraternity, therefore, hastened to disembarrass itself of
an acquisition rich in nothing but debts and encimibranoes,
and the unfortunate speculation was brought to a close by a
transfer of the island, with its liabilities, to a company of
French merchants in the year 1665, imder whose control the
plantations proved a far more lucrative investment.

Lascaris died on the 14th August, 1657, at the extraordinary
age of ninety-seven. His end had been so long anticipated
that intrigues without number were set on foot with re-
spect to his successor. On the one hand appeared the prior of
Navarre, Martin de Eedin, who had secured the support of a
very large party in the convent, whilst in strong opposition to
him was the grand-inquisitor Odi, who cherished an inveterate
antipathy to the Spanish knight, and sought in every way to
thwart his ambition. Eedin had been recently appointed by the
king of Spain to the viceroyalty of Sicily, and at the moment of
Lascaris' death was absent from the convent at the seat of his
government, but his party was too powerful for the inquisitor
to overcome, although he made every effort to do so. He

the Knights of Malta. 6i i

had even, with a view to eventualities, secured from the Pope
a brief, declaring that any knight who had been guilty of can-
vassing or bribery, or who had employed either promises or
threats to secure his election, should be ineligible for the post
of Grrand-Master. In pursuance of this decree, the inquisitor
denoimced Bedin, and proclaimed to the electoral body that
he was, on aocoimt of his various malpractices, which included
simony, debarred from competition for the vacant dignity. The
electors disregarded this notification, being, probably, not averse
from taking the opportimity of proving to the inquisitor that
his interference was distasteful. Bedin was duly proclaimed
Grrand-Master, and Odi, having vainly protested against the
election, appealed, as a last resource, to the Pope. Bedin did the
same, and mollified his Holiness by expressing readiness to resign
his office if he were personally objected to by the court of Bome.

The Pope was far too poUtio to proceed to extremities against
a knight who enjoyed the favour of the king of Spain so
strongly as to have been nominated viceroy of Sicily. He
therefore confirmed the election, and completed the mortifi-
cation of the inquisitor by requiring him to announce in
person to the Grand-Master and council the papal acquie£c:nc3
in the nomination. Whether Bedin had used any underhand
influence at the court of Bome to secure this ratification is un-
known ; but it is very certain that he was not ungrateful to the
Pope, since he shortly afterwards nominated the prior de Bichi,
the Pope's favourite nephew, to one of the richest commanderies
in the langue of Italy, in open violation of the rights of seniority,
and further presented him with a diamond cross of the value
of 12,000 crowns. Nor did he stop here, for during his brief
rule he continued to provide for various members of the Pope's
family, to the detriment of older and more worthy candidates.
It may therefore well be credited that the accusations originally
preferred against him by the inquisitor were well founded.

He did not remain long in his government, nor were his im-
mediate successors more fortunate, several changes occurring
within a very short time. Bedin died in the early part of
1660, and was followed by Annet de Clermont, bailiff of Lyons,
who only enjoyed his position during three months, and who died
from the effects of a wound which he had received at the capture

40*

6i2 A History of

of Mahometa during his younger days, and which opened a&esh
at this period. He was in his turn replaced by E^aphael Cottoner,
bailiff of Majorca, who remained Grand-Master for three years,
during which time he endeared himself to all classes of his
subjects.

Raphael died in the year 1663, and was succeeded by his
brother, Nicholas Cottoner, who had become bailiff of Majorca
when that office was vacated by him. Only once before had
two brothers been named in succession to the Grand-Master-
ship, the two Villarets having attained to that honour. On the
present occasion the pre-eminent virtues of the noble brothers
Cottoner amply justified the selection. A century had now
elapsed since Europe had rung with acclaim at the brilliant
defence the Order had made in its island stronghold of
Malta. From that time comparatively little had been done to
keep alive the reputation that had been gained, so that in 1663,
Nicholas Cottoner found himself ruling over a fraternity whose
position in public estimation was very different from what it
had been in the days of La Valette. Nevertheless, every now
and then some brilliant exploit was performed to shew that the
old spirit was not dead. Both at the battle of Lepanto and at
that of the Dardanelles the galleys of the Order, though few
in number, had been so handled as to cover t&e knights with
honour. Now we have to record one more glorious, though
unsuccessful, feat of arms ; this was the part they took in the
defence of Candia.

It has been mentioned that in the year 1644 the galleys of
the knights captured a Turkish ship, on board of which was a
sultana of the imperial harem with her infant son. The prize
was taken into the port of Candia, where the yoimg mother,
who had left Constantinople on a pilgrimage to Mecca, died
from the effects of slow poison administered to her before her
departure by one of her rivals. The child was brought to
Malta, where he was tenderly nurtured by the Grand-Master
Lascaris, and educated in the Christian faith. He eventually
took holy orders, and became a Dominican friar under the name
of father Ottoman. After a life spent in travelling throughout
Europe, he returned to Malta as prior of Porto Salvo, and dieil
there in the year 1676.

the Knights of Malta, 613

The capture of his sultana had caused Ibrahim the most
lively indignation, and he had in consequence threatened
the direst vengeance against the island. His wrath was,
however, eventually diverted to Candia, principally, as the
Venetians asserted, on account of the shelter which had there
been given to the knights and their prize. Whatever may have
really been the immediate subject of quarrel, the Venetians and
the Turks had ever held the most unfriendly relations towards
each other, and it required but a spark to kindle at any moment
the flame of war between them. Certain it is that before the
close of 1644 Candia had been invaded by a Turkish force, and
from that date the fight between the rival powers had raged in
the island with unceasing rancour. The knights had rendered
the most loyal assistance to the Venetians in this struggle, as by
their profession they were bound to do. If, as was alleged, it
was through an act of theirs that the horrors of war were called
down on the unfortimate Candians, they were doubly bound to
aid in the defence. Throughout the rule of Lascaris and that of
his three immediate successors the strife continued to rage with
alternating fortune, the chiefs of the Hospital maintaining
their support both on sea and land. The Turks had, however,
gradually gained the upper hand, and when, in 1663, Nicholas
Cottoner assumed the dignity vacant by the death of his
brother, the defence of Candia already presented a most un-
favourable aspect. He nevertheless continued to render such
aid as lay in his power.

The assistance which his predecessors had afforded during the
lengthened struggle had been gratefully acknowledged by the
doges of Venice. There is a letter from Bartuccio Valerie, the
then doge, dated December 9th, 1656, addressed to Lascaris, in
which he implores the Order to continue its usual aid to with-
stand the attacks of the Turks on the island of Candia, which
were becoming more fierce and unrelenting than ever, knowing
well that the extremity of the peril would be an additional induce-
ment to the noble knights of Malta to endeavour, both by sea
and land, to gain back what had been lost, not only on account
of their own thirst for glory, but als6 from their zeal for the
general interests of Christianity. Another letter was addressed
to Eaphael Cottoner, in the year 1661, by the doge Domenico

I

6i4 A History of

Contarini, in which he states that in that protracted war the
sacred cross of Malta had ever heen ready and faithful under
all circumstances to the standard of St. Mark, and that the
Venetian repuhlic would not be slow in expressing its gratitude
for the brilliant and glorious deeds of the Order, which were
worthy of the sincerest esteem and love.

The closing event of the war was the siege of the capital,
which withstood for twenty-seven months the efforts of the
Turks. Irritated at the protracted duration of the conflict,
the grand- vizier Achmet had in person led a numerous army
against the island, and at once commenced the siege of Candia.
Assistance was in this crisis rendered by almost every nation
in Europe. Reinforcements were poured into the city from
all quarters, and amongst others a body of 60 knights and
300 men arrived from the convent. The defence of the town
was maintained with an obstinacy and determination that gained
a celebrity almost equal to that of Malta, although it was
not destined to obtain so happy a termination. Step by step
the Turks advanced and won their way through the advanced
posts. The effusion of blood on both sides was fearful, but the
superiority of the besiegers, both in men and mafSriel, enabled
them to secure the advantage. At length it was resolved, by a
desperate sally, to endeavour to redeem the lost ground. The
duke de Noailles, who was in command of the French con-
tingent, undertook this operation, having expressly stipulated
that none but Frenchmen should be concerned in it. The sally
was attempted in the middle of August, 1669, and failed
utterly. The French were driven back into the town with
great slaughter, the duke de NoaiUes was wounded, and
his second in command, the duke de Beaufort, killed. The
situation now became utterly desperate, and after a long
consultation and warm debate, de Noailles determined on
abandoning the contest, and leaving Candia to its fate. In
pursuance of this resolve he embarked his forces on the 20tii
August, and set sail from the island.

The Maltese contingent had by this time become so muoh
reduced in numbers, owing to the casualties of a protracted si^e
in which they had occupied a very exposed post, that they were
no longer in a position to continue the defence. They

the Knights of Malta. 6 1 5

therefore made preparations for following the example of the
French, deeming all idea of further resistance futile. They
retired from St. Andrew's gate, the point which had been
intrusted to their charge, and embarked on the 29th August
for Malta. These defections left the place almost entirely
unprotected ; nothing, therefore, was left but to capitulate, and
on the 6th September, 1669, the city and island of Candia
passed into the possession of the Moslem.

The reputation for valour which the knights of St. John had
of old established did not in any degree suffer from their conduct
dining this memorable siege. The commandant of the town,
Morosini, thus alluded to their retirement in a despatch to his
government : — " I lose more by the departure of these few, but
most brave, warriors than by that of all the other forces.'*
Brussoni, in his ** Guerra dei Turchi," also states : — " Among the
objects that they seemed most to admire was the Ghrand-Master
of Malta, and whenever he passed they viewed him with extra-
ordinary veneration, and, looking on St. Andrew's gate, where
his knights had stood, they wondered and expressed to each
other their high respect." The Qrand-Master here aUuded to
must have been the knight in command of the Maltese contin-
gent, since Cottoner did not himself appear in Candia, the
duties of his government being far too responsible and onerous
to admit of his undertaking the service of a simple warrior in
any case where the defence of his own island was not ooncemed.
The republic of Venice entertained so high a sense of the assist-
ance rendered by the Order during this war that it passed a
decree authorizing aU knights within its territories to appear
armed at all times and in every place, a privilege which it did
not concede to its own subjects.

The prosecution of the siege in Candia had not prevented the
knights from continuing those cruises which had rendered their
flag so redoubtable in the Mediterranean. In the year 1664
they joined with a French force under the duke de Beaufort,
afterwards killed, as we have seen, in Candia, in an expedition
against Algiers ; but this result of the attempt was unfortunate,
and they were compelled to return to Malta without having
accomplished their object. This mishap was, however, speedily
atoned for by a succession of triumphs, in which the names of

6i6 A History of

Tremincourt, Crainville, and Hooquinoonrt attained for them-
selves tlie most brilliant reputations.

The fate of Tremincourt was a sad ending to a career which
had opened so gloriously, but it added a yet brighter lustre to
the fame of his memory. His vessel, during one of those
violent storms which arise so suddenly in the Mediterranean,
had been shipwrecked on the African coast, and he himfielf
captured by the Moors. The celebrity of his exploits having
become well known to the sultan he was forwarded to Adrian-
ople to be disposed of in accordance with the imperial
pleasure. Mohammed IV., who was at the time on the Otto-
man throne, was so captivated by the high reputation and noble
bearing of the youthful Tremincourt, that he made him the
most flattering and tempting ofEers to induce him to abandon
his religion and enter the Ottoman service. The hand of a
princess of the imperial line was o£Pered to him, together with
an exalted rank in the service, but in vain. No inducements
were sufiicient to tempt the noble youth to forsake the faith of
his forefathers. From persuasion Mohammed turned to cruelty,
and endeavoured, by a series of hardships, indignities, and even
tortures, to divert Tremincourt from the firmness of his resistance.
Harsh measures did not, however, prove in any degree more
successful than promises, and at length Mohammed, irritated to
the last degree at his obstinate refusal, directed that he should
be beheaded and his body cast into the sea, as unworthy of any
more suitable burial. It may seem strange that the Ottoman
rulers should so often have persevered in their endeavours to
induce members of the Order who had fallen into their hands
to abandon their faith and to brand themselves with the reproach
of becoming renegades and traitors. Several previous instances
of the kind have been recorded, in aU of which the Moslem
emperor was foiled by the firmness of his prisoners. Doubtless,
however, many instances have been left untold where a contrary
residt took place. It must have been a somewhat trying ordeal
to undergo, choosing between a high position, wealth, and dis-
tinction on the one hand, and the miserable lot of a galley-
slave, if not a cruel death, on the other ; and in cases where the
natural love of life, or the craving for position was strong, no
doubt the tempta,tion was too great for resistance. It was not

the Knights of Malta. 617

given to every one to have the faith or the courage of a martyr ;
all honour, then, to the noble Order which could count so many
within its ranks. Treraincourt was indeed only following in
the steps of his heroic predecessors, and in this sad ending
to his brilliant but brief career enrolled himself a member
of that glorious band who had sealed with their blood the
faith which they professed.

CHAPTER XXIV.
1669—1797.

Sir John Narbrough's visit to Malta — Construction of the Cottonera
lines — Death of Cottoner — Gregory Caraffa — Adrian de Vignaconrt —
Raymond Perrelos — Embassy from Russia — Mark Anthony Zondodari —
Manoel de Vilhena — Erection of Fort Manoel — Raymond Despuig —
Pinto de Fonseca — Plot of the slaves — His popularity — Condition of
the navy — Francois Ximenes — Priestly insurrection — Emanuel de
Rohan — Chapter-general — Earthquake in Sicily — Erection of Fort
Tign6 — The French revolution — Destruction of the French langues —
Death of de Rohan.

Although all connection between the kingdom of England
and the Order of St. John had ceased firom the time when the
property of the English langue was sequestrated, still an inter-
change of correspondence appears to have taken place on
matters connectiCd with the navigation of the Mediterranean,
and other kindred subjects, between Charles II. and the Grand-
Master. We have already, when treating of the subject of
slavery, quoted a letter from that king, dated in 1673. We
have now to deal with another, which was written in order to
secure a hospitable reception at Malta for a squadron which the
king was sending there. The letter is as follows : —

" Charles 11., by the grace of God of Great Britain, France, and
Ireland, King, etc., Defender of the Faith, To the most eminent
prince, the Lord Nicholas Cottoner, Grand-Master of the Order
of Malta our well-beloved cousin and friend — Greeting.

" Most eminent prince, our well-beloved cousin and friend.
The military Order over which your eminence most worthily
presides having always used its power to render the navigation
of the sea safe and peaceable for Christians, we in no way
doubt that our ships of war armed for the same purpose will

A History of the Knights of Malta. 6 1 9

receive from your eminenoe every office of friendship. We
therefore axe desiroufl of signifying to your eminence, by these
our letters, that we have sent a squadron of our royal fleet to
the Mediterranean sea, under the command of Sir John Nar-
brough, knight, to look after the safety of navigation and
commerce, and to oppose the enemies of public tranquillity.
We therefore amicably beseech your eminence that if ever the
above-named Admiral Narbrough, or any of our ships cruising
under his flag, should arrive at any of your eminence's ports or
stations, or in any place subject to the Order of Malta, they
may be considered and treated as friends and allies, and that
they may be permitted to purchase with their money, and at
just prices, and to export provisions and munitions of war, and
whatever they may require, which, on similar occasions, we will
abundantly reciprocate to your eminence and to your most noble
Order.

" In the meantime we heartily recommend your eminence
to the safeguard of the most high and most good God.

" GKven from our palace of Whitehall, the last day of
November, 1674.

"Tour highness's cousin and friend,

"Charles Eex."

In accordance with the instructions he had received. Sir
John Narbrough in due course made his appearance at Malta.
A dispute seems then to have arisen, the admiral declining to
salute the town unless he were assured of an answer, the Order
being imwiUing to pay that compliment to the British flag.
The Grrand-Master wrote a letter of complaint upon the subject
of this grievance to the king of England, and Charles replied
in the following terms : —

" We know not how it came to pass that our admiral in the
Mediterranean sea, Sir John Narbrough, knight, should have
given such cause of complaint as is mentioned in your
eminence's letters, addressed to us under date of the 5th
April, as to have refused to give the usual salute to the city of
Malta, imless, perhaps, he had thoiight that something had been
omitted on the part of the Maltese which he considered due to
our dignity and to the flag of our royal fleet. Be it, however,

620 A History of

as it may, your eminenoe may be persuaded that it is our fixed
and established intention to do and perform everything, both
ourselves and by our officers, amply to shew how much we
esteem the sacred person of your eminence and the Order of
Malta. In order, therefore, that it should already appear that
ve do not wish greater honour to be paid to any prince than
to your eminence, and to your celebrated Order, we have
directed our above-mentioned admiral to accord all the same
Bigns of friendship and goodwiU towards your eminence's posts
and citadels 6U3 towards those of the most Christian and Catholic
kings, and we no way doubt your Order will equally shew that
benevolence towards us which it is customary to shew to the
above-mentioned kings or to either of them.

" GKven in our palace of Whitehall, on the 21st day of June,
1675. Tour eminence's good cousin and friend,

" Charles Eex.**

This letter does not appear to have produced the desired
result, as may be gathered from the following, the original of
which is in the Record Office at Malta: —

" To the most eminent prince the Lord Nicholas Cottoner,
(jrand-Master of the Order of Malta.

"Most eminent Sir, —

" After the tender of my humble service with my hearty
thanks for the manifold favours vouchsafed unto my master
the king of Great Britain, etc., and for your highnesses extra-
ordinary kindness manifested to myself, and, most eminent sir,
since your favour of product {query ^ pratique), I have sent on
shore one of my captains to wait upon your highness with the
presentment of this my grateful letter, and withal to certify
to your eminence that I did and do expect a salute to be given
by your highness to my master's flag which I carry, ooixe-
spondent to the salutes which you give to the flags of the king
of Spain and of the king of France, which are carried in the
same place, it being the expectation of the king my master.
" Formerly your eminence was pleased to make some scruple
of my command as admiral, which I humbly conceive your
highness is fully satisfied in, since you received the last letter
from the king of Great Britain.

the Knights of Malta. 62 1

" Sir, I have, since my arrival at your eminence's port, often
employed the consul Desclaus to wait upon your highness con-
cerning • the salutes, but have not received any satisfactory
answer thereto, which I now humbly desire may be returned
unto me by my officer, and withal that your eminence will be
pleased to honour me with your commands, wherein I may
serve you, which shall be most cheerfully embra,ced and readily
performed by

" Most eminent Sir,

" Tour highness's most humble

" and faithful servant,

"John Narbrough.

"On board II.M.S. Henrwfta, Malta, October 17th, 1675."

It is not very clear of what this complaint of Narbrough's
consisted, since, by the journal of the Rev. Henry Teonge,
chaplain on board II.M.S. Assktancey one of Narbrough's
squadron, there appeared no reluctance on the part of the town
to return the salute, or, at all events, that they consented even-
tually to do so, and that, too, after considerable rudeness and
bluster on the part of the captain of the Ansisfance, such as
would not in the present day have been patiently tolerated by
the weakest power. This is the extract : —

" August 1st 1675. — This mom wee com near Malta; befoi-e
wee com to the cytty a boate with the Malteese flagg in it coms
to us to know whence wee cam. Wee told them from England
they asked if wee had a bill of health for prattick viz enter-
taynment, our captain told them he had no bill but what was
in his guns mouths. Wee cam on and anchored in the harbour
betweene the old toune and the new about nine of the clock,
but must wait the govemours leasure to have leave to com on
shoare which was detarded because our captain would not salute
the cytty except they woidd retaliate. At last cam the consull
with his attendants to our ship, (but would not com on board
till our captain had been on shoare,) to teU us that we had leave
to com on shoare six or eight or ten at a time, and might have
anything that was there to be had, with a promise to accept our
salute kindly. Whereupon our captain tooke a glass of sack
and drank a health to king Charles, and fyred seven gunns the

622 A History of

cyttj gave us five again, which was more than they had don
to all our men-of-warr that cam thither before."

It is evident from the date of this entry, which was the 1st
August, 1675, that this condescension on the part of the city,
although, according to the chaplain, it was more than had ever
been yielded previously, did not satisfy the punctilious admiral,
since his letter, as given above, is dated seven weeks later.
That the Grand-Master did eventually yield to his demands
and salute his flag to his heart's content is clear by the follow-
ing extract from Teonge's diary, under date February 11th,
1676 :—

" Sir John Narbrough cam in from Trypoly and four more
ships with him. The noble Malteese salute him with forty-
five guns, he answered them with so many that I could not
coimt them. And what with our salutes and his answers there
was nothing but fyre and smoake for almost two hours."

Indeed, the behaviour of the townspeople appears throughout
to have been courteous and even cordial, as witness the follow-
ing extracts : —

"August 2, 1675. — This cytty is compassed almost deane
roimd with the sea which makes severall safe harbours for
hundreds of shipps. The people are generally extremely cour-
teouse, but especially to the English. A man cannot demonstrate
all their excellencys and ingenuitys. Let it suffice to say thus
much of this place, viz Had a man no other business to invite
him, yet it were sufficiently worth a mans cost and paines to
make a voyage out of England on purpose to see that noble
cytty of Malta and their works and fortifications about it.
Several of their knights and cavaliers com on board us, six at
one time, men of sufficient courage and friendly carriage wish-
ing us good successe in our voyage, with whom I had much
discourse, I being the only entertainer because I could speak
Latine for which I was highly esteemed and much invited on
shoare again.

"August 3. — This morning a boate of ladys with their
musick to our ships syd and bottels of wine with them. They
went severall times about our ship and sang several songs very
sweetly; very rich in habitt and very courteous in behaviour, but
would not come on board though invited, but having taken their

the Knights of Malta, 623

friscs returned as they com. After them com in a boat four
fryars and cam round about our ship, puld off their hatts and
capps, saluted us with congjes and departed. After them cam a
boat of musitians, played severall lessons as they rowed gently
round about us and went their way.

"August 4.— This morning our captain was invited to dine
with the Grand-Master which hindered our departure. In the
meantime wee have severall of the Malteese com to visit us all
extremely courteous. And now wee are preparing to sail for
Trypoly. Dem vortat beney

Here the worthy chaplain, apparently excited with his sub-
ject, drops into poetry: —

''Thus wee the 'Assistance' and the new 8attee
Doe steare our course poynt blanke for Trypoly.
Our ship new rigged, well stord with pigg and ghoose-a,
Henns ducks and turkeys and wine cald Syracoosa."

This civility on the part of the Grand-Master and town was
amply requited, as the expedition to Tripoli referred to, ended
in the liberation of a large body of Christian slaves, amongst
whom were no less than fifty knights, who were rescued by the
gaJlant English. Cottoner appears to have taken advantage
later on of the powerful support of the British fleet to obtain
the liberation of another knight, a German named Robert von
Stael, who was languishing in chains at Algiers. He wrote on
the subject to Charles on the 15th August, 1678, when the
English were preparing a fresh expedition against the Algerines.
He received the following reply : —

" Most eminent prince, our well-beloved cousin and friend.
The thanks which your eminence, by your letters, written
under date of the 15th of August last, returns to us on account
of the fifty knights of your Order liberated. by our assistance
from the slavery of the barbarians, could hardly be more
acceptable to us than the prayers adjoined to the above-men-
tioned letters for the liberation from the slavery of the
Algerines of another member of your holy Order, the German
John Robert A. Stael. We, in consequence, in order that we
may not appear to be wanting either in the will or in affection
towards your eminence, have communicated our orders to our

624 A History of

well-beloved and faithful subject, Sir John Narbrongh, knight,
commanding our fleets in those seas, that if the city of Algiers
shoidd be constrained to agree to a treaty of just peace and
submission by the force of our arms, assisted by divine help, he
should use every efEort in his power so that the liberty of the
said John Robert A. Stael be obtained. Your eminence is
already well aware of the fidelity and zeal of our above-
mentioned admiral, and we have no doubt that he would
willingly and strenuously observe our orders on that head. It
remains for us to heartily recommend your eminence, and the
whole of your military Order, to the safeguard of the most high
and most good God.

" Given from our palace at Whitehall, the 2nd day of
November, in the year of our Lord 1678. Tour eminence's
good cousin and friend, Charles Rex."

The fleet of England at this period rendered the most vital
assistance in aiding to check the depredations of the African
corsairs. It was then establishing the flrst rudiments of that
supremacy in the Mediterranean which has since become so
indisputable. Neither Charles nor Cottoner could have dreamt
that the island fortress, whose guns showed such reluctance to
pay due honour to the flag of England, should some day be one
of the most valued possessions of that country.

The conclusion of the siege of Candia had left the Turks at
liberty to pursue their aggressions elsewhere, and as the knights
had during that war rendered much help to the Venetians,
Cottoner now began to dread lest his island should be the next
point of attack. He therefore lost no time in taking measures
for its further security, and with this object invoked the aid
of a celebrated Italian engineer, named Valperga. With his
assistance, and under his direction, a stupendous work was
projected and commenced, which was to sweep roimd in rear of
the two peninsulas of the Bourg and Senglea, so as to enclose
them and a large extent of ground behind them in one vast
enceinte. This line, which forms a complete semi-circle, is
little short of three miles in length, and includes nine
bastions, with two demi-bastions at the extremities. Great
opposition was raised to the undertaking, owing to the enor-
mous expenditure its prosecution would necessarily involve :

the Knights of Malta. 625

indeed, the whole soheme was suoh as to render it open to
much criticism.

Notwithstanding the objections urged against his grand
dengn, Cottoner was not to be deterred from canying it out,
and on the 28th August, 1670, he laid the first stone in the
bastion of St. Nicholas with much pomp and ceremony. Four
commissaries were appointed, who were charged with the
responsibility of providing everything requisite for carrying on
the work with vigour. For their acconmiodation houses were
built in the gorges of the bastions, so that they might remain
continually on the spot. All the artificers in the island were
assembled there, and others brought over from the neighbouring
countries ; bakeries and cisterns were established for their con-
venience, and every effort made to push forward the undertaking.
For ten years the building was carried on under the eye of the
Grand-Master, who felt his honour intimately bound up with
the fortification to which he had given his name, and during
that period a vast expenditure was incurred. At his death the
ramparts had been raised throughout to the level of the cordon ;
none of the outworks, however, had been begun. By this
time the treasury was almost exhausted, and his successor gave
directions that all further progress should be suspended. When
the island of Malta passed into the possession of the British the
lines of Cottonera, as they have always been called in honour of
their founder, were still unfinished. Indeed, it was not until
twenty years ago that the design, altered to suit the exigencies
of more modem warfare, was really completed. Many additions
were also made by Cottoner to the defences of Floriana,
which were considered to have been left by Lascaris in a very
defective state, and to add to the protection of the grand
harbour, a new fort was erected on the extreme point of its
eastern entrance, and received the name of Bicasoli, having
been constructed mainly at the cost of the chevalier Francesco
Bicasoli. It was designed by Valperga.

Nicholas Cottoner died in the year 1680, at the age of
seventy-three years, deeply regretted in the convent, where he
had been most deservedly popular, as well from the success of
his government as the courtesy of his demeanour. The public
works which he had carried on not only added materially to the

41

626 A History of

security of the island, but also afforded constant employment to
the inhabitants, many of whom, being relatives and dependents
of men who had fallen in conflicts with the Turk, would other-
wise have been left in a state of destitution. Although we shall
find this prosperity continuing, to a certain extent, under his suc-
cessors, still every year hastened the decadence of the fraternity.
The want which called the Order into existence had passed
away. 80 long as the Turkish power continued to flourish and
increase, and so long as the ambitious policy of its rulers had
caused it to be a perpetual source of uneasiness to Europe, the
knights of St. John, as its natural and sworn foes, were recog-
nized as a necessity. The reign of Solyman the Magnificent
had been the culminating point of Turkish prosperity. Under
him the nation had reached the climax of its greatness, and
after his death numerous causes contributed to bring about a
rapid diminution in the forces of the empire. For upwards of
a century this decline was too gradual and imperceptible to calm
the fears of Europe. Aggressions still continued, and had io
be met ; Hungary and Poland, Candia and the Levant, were
still the scenes of much bloody strife and many a hard contested
fight. In most of these the Order bore its part, and bore it
manfully, maintaining, so far as the altered conditions of the
times . permitted, its ancient reputation for constancy and
valour. From the middle of the seventeenth century it became
no longer possible to doubt the serious and rapidly accelerating
reduction of the Turkish power. True the Ottomans now and
again still rallied their energies. It was after this date that
they effected the conquest of Candia, and at a later time we find
them under the walls of Vienna, threatening the existence of
Austria. These, however, appear to have been the last expiring
efforts of their ambition, for from the date of their utter defeat
by the heroic John Sobieski they withdrew within the limits of
their own empire, and the fears they had excited throughout
Europe were quelled for ever. As a natural result of this
retirement, the Order of St. John, the decline of which had com-
menced with that of the Moslem, rapidly degenerated, and
eventually became so effete that when, at the close of another
century, it was swept away without a struggle, no friendly
voice was raised to prevent the act.

the Knights of Malta. 627

The new Grand-Master elected to supply the place of Cot-
toner was Gregory Garaffa, prior of La Bocella, and the com-
mander of the Maltese galleys at the battle of the Dardanelles.
This was the first time for 100 years that an Italian knight
had been raised to the supreme dignity ; his accession was con-
sequently hailed by his countrymen with the most lively satis-
faction. The peace and unanimity which had prevailed within
the convent in the days of the brothers Cottoner still continued,
and rendered the rule of CaraSa prosperous and happy. The
bishop who occupied the see of Malta was a prelate of liberal
views and enlightened piety. He did not, like so many of his
predecessors, interfere in political matters ; far less did he en-
deavour to subvert the authority of the Grand-Master in order
to increase bis own influence. Whilst peace thus reigned at
home, Caraffa was not an idle spectator in the war raging be-
tween the Turks and the Austrians, the galleys of Malta having
been most successfully engaged in the waters of the Levant
during this period. Thus we find the emperor Leopold, in
1683, addressing a special letter to Caraffa, in which he thanks
him in the warmest terms for preserving Christendom from the
Turkish fleet, and in the same year John Sobieski sent him
two letters, in which he related the particulars of the glorious
victories which he had gained over the Turks, one imder the walls
of Vienna on the 13th September, and the other crossing the
Danube, on the 10th October, 1683. The fact that this chief
should have deemed it advisable to forward a detailed account
of his movements to Malta proves that the knights of St. Jolm
still ranked high in public estimation as opponents of Turkish
domination.

The brilliant successes of John Sobieski led to the formation
of a new league against the Turks, the principal members of
which were the Pope, the republic of Venice, and the Order of
Malta. For several years this alliance subsisted in full force,
and the shores of Barbary and the Morea felt the weight of its
power from end to end. Previsa and Santa Maura both fell by
the prowess of the knights, and afterwards, in conjunction with
the Venetian and papal galleys, they attacked the port of
Coron, and notwithstanding a most desperate resistance, carried
it by storm. On this occasion Correa, the general of the galleys,

41*

i

628 A History of

commander of the Maltese contingent, fell glorionsly. A fort
had been seized by the allies, but was recaptured by the Turks,
when the gallant Correa, advancing at the head of his force,
amidst a storm of missiles, once more gained possession of the
disputed point. That moment of victory was, however, his
last, for in the very act of planting the White Cross banner on
the conquered rampart he was struck on the chest by a bullet,
and only lived long enough to know that Coron had fallen into
the hands of the league.

After the capture of old and new Navarino, siege was laid
to Napoli di Bomana, the chief town in the Morea. This last
stronghold of the Moslem was defended with the utmost
tenacity. Three separate times did they strive to effect its
relief from without, but each time they were routed with great
slaughter beneath its walls. At the end of a month, the town
despairing of relief, and harassed by the incessant attacks of
the besiegers, sturendered unconditionally, and thus the whole
of the Morea fell into the power of the allies. In 1687 the
Dalmatian coast became the scene of war, and Castel Nuovo, a
fortified town at the entrance of the gulf of Cattaro, was
carried in triumph. This success dislodged the Turks from the
Adriatic, and restored the command of its commerce to the
Venetians. It was principally effected by the instrumentality
of the grand-prior of Hungary, count Heberstein, who was a
general in the imperial service, and commander of the Malted
contingent to the aUied force. Letters from the Pope and
the doge of Venice speak in the highest terms of the services of
the knights in the strenua Castrinom. expugnatiOj and the doge
expressly specifies '* the general of the knights of Malta, count
Heberstein," as the principal agent in the victory.

In the early part of 1689, James II. of England, ihen a
fugitive in France, wrote the following letter to the Ghrand-
Master, relating to his illegitimate son, Henry Fitz James
Stuart, whose mother was Arabella ChurchiU, sister to the duke
of Marlborough.

" To my cousin the Ghrand-Master of the Order of St. John
of Jerusalem :

" My cousin. We are so strongly persucwied of your zeal for
the Catholic religion that we do not doubt you will readily

^

the Knighis of Alalia. 629

embrace every occasion which may present itself of manifesting
it. And as we have particular gratification in seconding your
good intontions in such laudable designs, we have resolved
to dedicate to the Order of the Knights of Malta Henry Fitz
James, our natural son, already well known to you. For your
kindness and civility extended to him when at Malta we have to
thank you sincerely. Although young, he is not wanting in
experience, for he has already crossed the sea, and for nearly two
years fought against the heretics. Wherefore, when you have
this attestation of his sanctity, which we have thought proper
to send you on the subject, we hope that in your goodness you
will kindly grant him the dignity of grand-prior of England,
enregistering binn according to the usual forms of that rank.
And as we doubt not that you will grant this favour, we promise
you all aid and assistance which is or shall be possible for the
glory and advantage of so illustrious and useful an Order in
the service of God and to the glory of His church. May God
keep UB in His holy care. My cousin, your affectionate cousin,
James E.

" Given at St. Germain en Laye, 24th February, 1689."
This request was naturally acceded to, as the dignity applied
for was at the time a practical nullity. Moreover, by this
appointment the Grand-Master felt that should James recover
his throne (and the battle of the Boyne had not yet been
fought), he would most certainly strive to render the defunct
grand-priory something more than a barren title. It does not,
however, appear that the young man, although duly made a
grand-cross and grand-prior of England, was ever professed as
a knight.

The last public event of Caraffa's Ufe did not end so success-
fully as those already recorded. The aUies, in 1689, attempted
the capture of Negropont, and met with a bloody repulse, in
which the Order had to mourn the loss of twenty-nine knights
and a large number of soldiery. Caraffa was already in a
failing state of health when the news of this disaster reached
Malta. The vexation and grief it caused brought on a violent
attack of fever, from which he never rallied, and on the 2lBt July,
1690, he died, at the age of seventy-three. He was succeeded
by Adrian de Vignaoourt, nephew to the former Grand-Master

630 A History of

of the same name, whose short rule of seven years presented
no incident worthy of record. He was in his turn succeeded,
in 1697, by Raymond Perrelos, a knight of Aragon, and bailiff
of Negropont, whose first efforts on assuming o£Soe were
directed towards the introduction of reforms into the mode of
life at the oonrent. Several sumptuary laws were by his
influence passed in council, as also strict prohibitions from
indulging in games of chance and other similar amusements.
These regulations were, however, totally imheeded. The days
when a Grand-Master could impress his own religious austerities
upon the knights were long past. The young, hot-headed, and
thoughtless cavaliers who were now living in Malta were not to
be deterred by any decrees in council from such roystering
joviality and dissipation as they considered adapted to their age
and social position.

In the year following the election of Perrelos the Order was
honoured by a special mission from an ambassador of Peter the
Great. The Czar, whose empire was in such near contiguity
to that of the Moslem, was anxious to secure support in his
frequent collisions with his aggressive neighbours. With this
view he determined to cultivate friendly relations witii the
knights of Malta, and, having selected a boyar named
Kzeremitz, one of his leading generals, as his envoy, he des-
patched him to the court of Home, with instructions to extend
his journey to Malta, and enter into negotiations with the
Grand-Master. Kzeremitz arrived in the island on the 12th
May, 1698, and remained there a week. During his stay he
was invested with the grand-cross by the hands of Perrelos
himself. The decoration was touched by a piece of the true
cross, then by the hand of St. John the Baptist, and eventually
placed round the neck of the Bussian, suspended from a massive
gold chain.

The naval exploits of the knights continued throughout the
rule of Perrelos, but they f oimd themselves no longer able to
compete, as they formerly did, with the Turkish fleet. It is
true that in the year 1701 a man-of-war of eighty guns was
captured, and this feat was considered to redound so greatly to
the fame of a knight named Bichard, to whose daring the result
was principally attributable, that it was decreed the oolours of

~1

the Knights of Malta. 63 1

the captured ship should be placed in the church of St. John,
at Aix, the birthplace of the hero. Still it was found that, as a
rule, the galleys of Malta were not of sufficient size to grapple
with the vessels now comprising the Turkish fleet, and it was
therefore determined to add larger vessels to aid them in their
expeditions. Three ships of considerable size were conse-
quently built in the dockyard of Malta, and were named the
&i, Raymond^ the &t, Joseph^ and the St, Vincent The
command of this new fleet was given to St. Pierre, a French
knight, who made his first cruise in 1706. On this occasion he
captured the Tunisian flag-ship, a vessel of fifty guns, which
was immediately added to his squadron imder the name of
the Santa Croce, In 1707, another knight, named de Langon,
succeeded in forcing his way through the Algerine fleet, then
blockading Oran, and throwing a supply of ammunition and
provisions into the fortress, upon which event the Pope wrote
a letter of congratulation to the Grand-Master. In 1708
de Langon captured the Algerine flag-ship. In this combat,
however, the Order had to mourn the loss of the conqueror, as
he fell at the moment of victory. His body was interred with
great honour under the high altar in the cathedral of Car-
thagena, and a tablet with a long laudatory inscription was
placed by the Grand-Master in the nave of St. John's church at
Valetta.

At this time the convent of Malta was in a most' flourishing
condition. The bailiff of Chambray, who has left a manuscript
record of the period, says that, '' in 1715, at the moment of the
declaration of war by the Turks against the Venetians; the
court of the Grand-Master Perrelos presents a most brilliant
aspect. No less than 1,500 knights, many of them general
officers in every army in Christendom, formed the main orna-
ment of the residence of the Order." From that date imtil
1718, when peace was once more declared between these two
powers, the knights of Malta continued to render the most
valuable assistance to Venice. So pleased was the Pope with
their exertions that he gave the title of lieutenant-general of
the papal armament to the admiral of the Order, that he
might be able, in case of separation, to take command of any
papal levies that. were acting in concert with him. The

632 A History of

peaoe which the Venetians concluded with the Turks expressly
excluded the Hospitallers from its action. They, therefore,
continued their naval exploits, and in 1719 captured two rich
galleons, one of which had on board the pasha of Boumelia,
who became their prisoner.

Perrelos died in 1720, and was succeeded by Mark Antony
Zondodari, of the langtie of Italy, brother to the cardinal of
that name. He only lived two years, when Anthony Manoel de
Yilhena, of the langtie of Castile, was appointed to the vacant
dignity. MandeFs rule lasted nearly fifteen years, and was
undistinguished by any stirring events. He died on the 12th
December, 1736, having realized to a great extent the some-
what pompous eulogy recorded on his tomb : — " Memento viator
quod ubi gressum in his insulis states pietatis ejus munificentim
securitatis arnenitatis monumenia ibi invenies^ '' Remember, tra-
veller, that wherever you place your foot in this island, there
you will find monuments of his piety, munificence, foresight, and
charity." Although the naval warfare conducted under his rule
had been unimportant, the Pope seemed to consider that it was
sufficient to warrant his sending to Manoel the consecrated
sword and casque, presented only to those who had distinguished
themselves by memorable actions against the infideL The
sword was of silver gilt, five feet in length, and the casque was
of purple velvet, embroidered in gold and enriched with an
emblem of the Holy Ghost embossed in pearls. Manoel, like
so many of his predecessors, was ambitious to leave a record of
his rule by some substantial addition to the defences of Malta ;
he, therefore, erected a fort on the island in the Marsa
Musoetto. This work, which in honour of its founder, has
been called Fort Manoel, commands the harbour, and covers
the fortifications of Yaletta on that side. It was designed by
the Chevalier de Tign^ in 1717, but no steps were taken in
regard to it until now. Owing to the peculiar nature of the
groimd on the island, Tign^ was compelled to adopt a square
trace, but he proposed several outworks to strengthen the fort ;
these have never been carried out.

Manoel's successor was Eaymond Despuig, whose rule lasted
only five years. He was followed, in 1741, by Emanuel Pinto
de Fonseca, of the langue of Castile, and bailiff of Acre. The

the Knights of Malta. 633

principal event which occurred to break the cabn and peaceful
monotony of this chief's reign was a conspiracy amongst the
Turkish slaves in Malta, and which was nearly bathing the
island in blood. The plot originated in the following manner.
The Christian slaves who manned a Turkish galley had risen
upon their officers, captured the vessel, and brought it in triumph
into the harbour of Yaletta, with the pasha of Bhodes a prisoner
on board. This dignitary was a man in high repute at the
court of the sultan, and the Order, fearful of drawing down
upon itself the animosity of the Porte, and anxious at the
same time to conciliate the court of France, placed him under
the protection of the bailiff du Boccage, the French envoy in
Malta. The pasha was treated with every attention and respect;
a house was given him with a pension of £125 per month ; he
was permitted to receive the visits of the Turkish slaves, and
his position was, in every respect, rendered as little irksome as
possible.

At the head of the conspiracy which had resulted in the
capture of the Turkish galley was a negro, who had planned the
whole affair, and consequently, anticipated a magnificent reward.
He was much disappointed at the sum allotted to him, and his
active brain speedily began to hatch a fresh plot, in which, by
way of a counter conspiracy, the island should be delivered into
the hands of the Turks. The number of slaves in Malta was
at this time very large. Independently of those who were
employed on the public works or as crews to the galleys, and
who, when on shore, were lodged in the bagnio, or slaves'
prison, there were many filling various domestic offices about
the persons of the knights, as well as of the Maltese gentry.
In fact, the great majority of the servants in the island were
Turks. They were almost uniformly treated with the utmost
kindness; their situation, indeed, was, in many cases, so far
superior to what it would have been in their own country, that it
was quite a common practice amongst them to refuse their liberty,
even when offered to them. Many filled positions of the highest
trust in the household of the Ghrand-Master, and two, who acted
as his confidential valets, slept in an adjoining room to himself,
and had free access to his apartment by day or night.

The plot which the negro first devised, and which he sub-

7

634 ^ History of

mitted for the approval of the pasha Mustapha, was to organize
a rising amongst this large bodj, massacre all the Christians,
and then transfer the government to the Porte. Mnstapha, with
the blackest ingratitude, entered warmly into the design. The
pasha of Tripoli was communicated with, and promised assist-
ance, and the slaves generallj were enlisted as confederates.
The festival of St. Peter and St Paul was selected as the most
appropriate day for carrying out this modem imitation of the
Sicilian Vespers. It was then that the bulk of the native
population was in the habit of flocking to the Cittel Yebchia,
where the ceremonies of the day were carried out with great
magnificence. It was thought that an opportunity would be
thus the more readily afforded of seizing the city of Valetta
whilst denuded of so many of its inhabitants. One of the two
confidential valets of the Grand-Master was appointed to give
the signal for the commencement of the insurrection by murder-
ing his master, and exposing his head on the balcony of the
palace. An indiscriminate massacre was then to ensue; the
axmouiy was to be forced, to supply arms, and the gate of the
city and other conmianding posts to be promptly occupied. The
troops of the pasha of Tripoli were to be landed as soon as the
successful issue of the enterprise was announced, and with their
assistance the island was to be held until the arrival of sucoouis
from Constantinople. Such were the principal details of the plot
to which the pasha Mustapha lent his name and support.

It was strange that the slaves in Malta should have been per-
mitted such ample liberty of action. Considering their great
numbers, and the natural discontent which a condition of
slavery, even in its most modified form, must have generated
within the minds of many, it is wonderful that stricter precau-
tions were not habitually taken to prevent the possibility of
treachery. Certain it is that on the present occasion, had it not
been for an accidental quarrel amongst themselves, the con-
spirators would most imdoubtedly have succeeded in murdering
every member of the Order within the convent. The discovery
of the plot was thus made. A certain tavern kept by a Jew
was the principal resort of the chief actors in the drama. One
day, shortly before the time selected for carrying it into effect,
a violent quarrel sprang up between two of them, and after a

the Knights of Malta. 635

fierce altercation they proceeded from words to blows, and, at
length, one of them drew a dagger and endeavoured to stab the
other. The latter succeeded in making his escape unhurt, but
vowing vengeance. In the blindness of his rage he proceeded
instantly to the commandant of the guard, and revealed the
plot. That officer lost not a moment in communicating with
the GFrand-Master, and took with him the faithless conspirator.
Meanwhile the Jew, who was also one of the traitors, having
heard the vows of vengeance which had been uttered, became
alarmed, and fearing that the discontented man might reveal
everything, determined to forestall him, insure his own safety,
and probably receive a reward by himself betraying the whole
affair to the Ghrand-Master. When, therefore, the commandant
of the guard, and his conspirator, sought an audience of Pinto,
they found him engaged in listening to the tale of the Jew.
The matter being thus corroborated, energetic steps were at once
taken to crush the affair; the leaders of the plot arrested
and subjected to torture, and by degrees all the particulars
were elicited.

A similar plan had been formed on board the galleys which
were cruising near the island, and this was to have been carried
into execution on the same day as the rising on shore ; but a
swift boat was at once sent after them, and the warning arrived
in time to prevent any attempt being made. The criminality
of the pasha was clearly proved. As, however, he had been
placed under the protection of the French ambassador, the
coimcil did not deem it prudent to proceed to extremities,
but confined him in Fort St. Ebno, until a French frigate
arrived from Toulon, which conveyed him to Constantinople.
It was with extreme difficulty that he was saved from the just
indignation of the Maltese, and had he not been very securely
guarded, they would certainly have torn him in pieces. Nearly
sixty of the conspirators suffered the extreme penalty of the
law, and in order to prevent the recurrence of such a design,
it was decreed that for the future all slaves employed in a
domestic capacity in the houses of knights or citizens, should
be compelled to retire to the bagnio every evening at sunset,
and remain in confinement there till the following morning.
The Jew, by whose treachery the discovery was made, received a

636 A History of

handsome pension, and from that time the anniyersary of the
day was regularly celebrated as long as the Order remained
in Malta.

The seoond expulsion of the Jesuits from the island was the
only other domestic event of importance which marked the sway
of Pinto. This decree was carried out through the interven-
tion of the marquis of Pombal, prime minister to the king of
Portugal, and of the marquis Tannuci, regent of the Two Sicilies
during the minority of Ferdinand lY., and the example was
shortly afterwards followed in ahnost every kingdom in Eiurope.
The rule of Pinto was very popular amongst his subjects, and
his name is still revered in Malta as a wise and energetic prince.
At the same time, he was imdoubtedly far more despotic than
any of his predecessors, and encroached materially on that
liberty which the Order had under former chie£3 permitted to
its subjects. The leading features of his government were,
nevertheless, salutary, and if he ruled the Maltese with an iron
hand, they did not the less respect him.

The naval superiority of the fraternity had, during these
years, dwindled imperceptibly, but steadily, and the fleet was
now becoming more an appanage of dignity than of real service.
The Ottoman empire had ahnost ceased to cause imeasiness in
Europe; her navy was no longer spreading terror along the
coasts of the Mediterranean, and so the caravans of the galleys
of Malta, there being no foe worthy of the name, degenerated
into mere pleasure cruises to the various ports in the south of
Europe. Sonnini, in his travels in Egypt, gives the foUowing
description of these galleys at the time : — " They were armed,
or rather embarrassed, with an incredible number of hands;
the general alone (or flag-ship) had 800 men on board. They
were superbly ornamented ; gold blazed on the numerous liasso-
relievos and sculptures on the stem, enormous sails striped with
blue and white carried on their middle a great cross of Malta,
painted red. Their elegant flags floated majestically. In a
word, everything concurred, when they were under sail, to render
them a magnificent spectacle. But their construction was little
adapted either for fighting, or for standing foul weather. The
Order kept them up rather as an image of its ancient splendour,
than for their utility. It was one of those ancient institutions

the Knights of Malta. 637

which had once served to render the brotherhood illustrious, but
now only attested its selfishness and decay." The truth of this
description was incontestable. The knights had reached that
stage of decline when it only required a bold hand, or a national
convxdsion, to sweep them away.

The fatal day was rapidly approaching which was to witness
this consummation, but it was to occur whilst the island was
under other and far feebler guidance than that of Emanuel
Pinto, who died on the 25th January, 1773, at the age of
ninety-two. His character was of that firm and determined
nature that had he been at the head of the fraternity twenty-
five years later he might, perhaps, have warded off, at least for
a time, the blow which was then struck. The following speech
marks well the despotic tendency of his ideas of government : —
" If I were king of France I would never convoke the states-
general ; if I were the Pope I would never assemble a council ;
being the chief of the Hospitallers of St. John of Jerusalem,
I wiU have no chapters-general. I know too well that these
assembUes almost always finish by destroying the rights of
those who have permitted their meeting." Jealous of his rank,
which he sustained with dignity and regal magnificence, he
claimed for his envoys at foreign courts the prerogatives of
those who represented the sovereigns of Europe, and for himself
insisted on the title of Most Eniinent Highness, whereas his
predecessors had all been contented with that of Eminence.

An anecdote about him is still current in the island which,
whilst it by no means reflects credit on his honesty, marks his
despotic character. An institution had been formed on the
principle of a friendly society, the funds of which were to be
devoted to the purchase of masses for the souls of those who,
having been members of the society during their lifetime, were
afterwards supposed to need this assistance. Of this fund Pinto
succeeded in obtaining the trust, and under his management
it gradually melted away. When struck down with his last
illness, questions began to be asked touching the balance, and
a deputation waited on him for some explanations as to its
whereabouts. Being introduced into his presence, Pinto boldly
avowed the misappropriation of the money. " But," added he,
" be not distressed, my brethren, I shall myself shortly be in

638 A History of

the same situation as our friends, and I promise you I will
make matters smooth with them when we meet."

Franoois Ximenes, grand-prior of Navarre and seneschal to
Pinto, was elected to succeed him. He did not long survive his
elevation, but he nevertheless in that short period contrived to
render himself universally hated. He was a man of haughty
demeanour and uncourteous address, and rapidly alienated the
affections of all classes; he irritated the clergy by passing
a law forbidding them to indulge in field sports and other
worldly amusements, whilst the lower orders oomplained
bitterly of a tax which he levied on bread to raise funds
for the liquidation of the debts contracted by his predecessor.

G-eneral discontent having been thus excited, a plot was laid
and carried into execution, principally by the priests. Availing
themselves of a moment when the galleys were absent,
blockading the port of Algiers, the conspirators, on the 1st
September, 1775, succeeded in surprising the guard at St.
Elmo and capturing that fort, making prisoners of the garrison,
which consisted of 200 of the Ghrand-Master's guard. They
also seized the cavalier within the bastion of St. James, and
then called upon the inhabitants to join them in expelling
the Order. Great as most undoubtedly was the influence
of the priesthood over the minds of the population, and
widely spread as was the general discontent, no movement
was made to second the violent measures which had been
adopted, and the conspirators soon discovered that they would
haye to fight their battle unaided. Under these circmnstances
the issue could not long remain doubtful. In spite of threats to
blow up the magazine which formed the basement of the cavalier,
they were at once attacked by a force under the bailiff de Bohan,
and made little or no resistance. Four himdred of the dis-
affected were captured, and tranquillity was speedily restored.
A few of the ringleaders were executed, and several others
condemned to imprisonment for life. When the French army
entered the city in 1798 several of these captives were still living,
and regained their freedom after a confinement of tweniy-three
years.

Various rumours were set afloat as to the origin of the plot
and its ultimate design. Many persons thought that Kussian

the Knights of Malta. 639

influence was at work. It was well known that that empire
was anxious to obtain a footing in the Mediterranean, and the
island of Malta would undoubtedly have been a very valuable
acquisition for that purpose. The Marquis de Cavalcado,
minister to Catherine II., was mentioned as the concocter of the
plot, the result of which was to have been the expulsion of
the knights, and the transfer of the island to Bussia. This,
however, was contradicted by him, and the statement has never
been substantiated. Whatever were the causes, and whoever may
have been the fomenters of this sedition, the danger through
which Malta had now for a second time passed within a few
years alarmed the court of France. In order to prevent any
future attempts of a similar character, the French government
persuaded the Ghrand-Master and council to establish a new
battalion of 1,200 men for the protection of Valetta, of whom
at least two-thirds should be foreigners. This regiment was
raised at Marseilles, Naples, and GFenoa, and was maintained
imtU 1796. Ximenes did not long survive the affair. The
annoyance and anxiety it created brought about a serious
illness, from which he never rallied, and he died on the 11th
November, 1775, at the age of seventy-two.

Francjois Marie des Neiges Emmanuel de Bohan Polduo, a
French knight of ancient lineage, was by acclamation raised to
the vacant dignity. His father, having been condemned for
treason, had succeeded in making his escape into Spain, where
his son Emmanuel was bom in 1721. The youth entered into
the service of the Spanish monarch, but anxious to revisit his
native land he eventually threw up his appointments at that
sovereign's court and returned to France. Being the only
surviving son of his father, his first endeavour was to obtain a
restoration of his forfeited rights, and with this object he pre-
sented himself at court. Here the princess de Marsan interested
herself warmly in his behalf, and it was by her persuasion that
he was induced to enter the Order. She afterwards used her
influence to have him raised to the dignity of grand-cross, and
obtaLaed for him the appointment of general of the galleys,
which post he held until he was elected Ghrand-Master.

Since the death of Vignacourt, in 1697, no French knight
had been raised to the supreme dignity; the three iangues of

640 A History of

that nation consequently celebrated the nomination of de Eohan
with the most brilliant festivities. His first act was to summon
a chapter-general. A period of 150 years had elapsed since the
last convocation of this assembly, and now de Bohan, who did
not deem the powers intrusted to him by the council sufficient
for the position in which the fraternity found itself, once more
called into existence this venerable parliament of the Order.
The Btatutes were revised, and additional stringenqjr given to
many of the prohibitions, especially those relating to duelling,
gambling, and loose living. On the whole, the chapter effected
but little in the way of reform, and when, at the close of its
sixteen days' session, it was dissolved, never more to reassemble,
the code of laws was left much as it had been found. De
Bohan himself, however, instituted many beneficial measures;
he established public schools, and made some very judicious
changes in the courts of law.

Whilst carrying out these internal reforms he was not
neglectful of external policy. The Order of St. Anthony, an
institution as ancient as that of 8t. John, was incorporated with
it, and its property divided between the latter Order and that of
St. Lazarus. In 1781 the whole property was made over to the
knights of Malta, who thus became possessed of a considerable
augmentation to their resources. In 1782 a new langue was
created in Bavaria, and joined to the dormant langue of England
under the title of Anglo-Bavaria. This new body was endowed
by the elector of Bavaria with the forfeited possessions of the
Jesuits, who had been suppressed in that country as elsewhere.
The value of this additional revenue was £15,000 a year, and
the assessment of responsions was calculated on the basis of this
sum. The dignities of Turcopolier and grand-prior of Bavaria
were attached to the new langue^ which comprised twenty com-
manderies for knights and four for chaplains. In Poland, de
Bohan succeeded in obtaining the restoration of some property
with which the Order had been originally endowed by a prince
of the family of Sangaszko, but of which it had subsequently
been deprived. By the negotiations and personal influence of
the bailiff di Sagramoso this property was once more restored.

De Bohan was interrupted in the midst of these reforms by a
calamity which occurred in 1783, and which filled the southern

tlie Knights of Malta. 641

provinces of Europe with consternation. A fearful earthquake
ravaged Sicily and Calabria, by the force of which whole towns
were prostrated, and numbers of the inhabitants engulphed in
the ruins. Those who escaped death were left houseless and
destitute, and a cry of misery arose on every side. Much as the
knights of St. John had degenerated from their original profes-
sion, they were not deaf to the call made to them on this occasion.
The galleys had been laid up for the winter at the time the news
reached Malta, but so great was the energy displayed by all
classes that in a single night they were got ready for sea and
stored with what was considered likely to be serviceable to the
unfortunate sufEerers. They first touched at Eeggio, where
they landed one half of the supplies with which they were
laden. They then proceeded to Messina, intending there to
distribute the remainder. On their arrival, however, they were
informed by the commandant that the king had already pro-
vided for the wants of his people, and he refused the succours
which the knights had brought, from a sense of im willingness to
place himself under an obligation to the fraternity. The galleys
therefore returned to Reggio, where the remainder of their
stores were landed, and were gratefully accepted on behalf of
the destitute people of that town.

The Order at this time seemed, to outside observers, to be in
a position of the greatest prosperity. Its territories had lately
been considerably increased ; a new langue had been added to
replace that of England ; its revenues were large ; and members
of the noblest families in Europe still sought entry into its
ranks. Profound peace reigned between the fraternity and its
old enemy, and if from this cause the zeal of the knights seemed
to be growing somewhat dulled, and if their galleys cruised in
the Mediterranean rather as a pleasure trip than a warlike
demonstration, the tranquillity of the times brought with it
many substantial benefits to the island. The town was bristling
with ramparts and gims. Maniiel had, as already stated, erected
a large fort on the island, which has since borne his name ; de
Itohan, following his example, and tempted perhaps by the
immortality which that act had bestowed on his predecessor,
determined on a similar measure. A new defence, therefore, soon
arose upon point Dragut to aid fort Ricasoli in protecting the

42

642 A History of

entrance to the harbours. If de Bohan designed in this way
to perpetuate his name he failed, since the work has been called
Tign^, after the grand-prior of Champagne, who contributed
largely towards its cost. It has been alleged with justice that
there was as much of display as of precaution in most of
these later additions to the fortress, and the duke of Rovigo
expressed himself truly when he observed that " all the Ghiund-
Masters since the establishment of the Order in Malta seem to
have craved no other title of glory than that of having added
some new defence either to the harbours or town. Being the
sole care of the government, it had ended in becoming a pure
matter of ostentation."

Such was the position of affairs at Malta when the first
mutterings of the storm, which was destined before long to
sweep the fraternity from its home, made themselves heard
in France. The history of the French revolution does not
enter within the compass of this work ; it will only be neces-
sary to touch upon such points of it as bear directly on the
fortimes of the Order. The property held by it in France
was, at this time, as indeed it always had been, managed
with a prudence and liberality which rendered its estates
models to the surrounding proprietors. The fact was recog-
nized and admitted that nowhere throughout the kingdom was
land so carefully cultivated and jnade to yield so large a return
as that under the management of the knights ; it was natural,
therefore, that at a time when general spoliation had become an
accepted maxim with the revolutionary party, these tempting
estates should attract its cupidity. The institution of the
Hospital was far too aristocratic in constitution to escape the
antagonism of the sans culottes, whose cry of " d bos les aristo-
crats ! '* was ringing through France. Everything, therefore,
marked the Order as one of the most fitting victims to revolu-
tionary fury and popular clamour.

Nor had the conduct of the knights during the few years
which immediately preceded the subversion of the monarchy
been such as was in any way likely to conciliate the ani-
mosity of the dominant faction. When Necker, the finance
minister of Louis XVI., demanded a volimtary contribution
of one-third of the revenue of every landed proprietor, the

the Knights of Malta. 643

Order of St. John was the first to come forward with its
quota ; and when afterwards the unfortunate monarch, reduced
to destitution, besought assistance from the fraternity, it
pledged its credit for the sum of 500,000 francs, to aid him
in his attempt at flight. No diplomacy could therefore avert
the fate impending over an institution which had added to the
crime of being wealthy that also of fidelity to the sovereign.
The steps by which its spoliation was consummated were
quickly taken, and met with no effectual resistance on the part
of the victims. In the first constituent assembly the Order
of St. John had been defined as placed in the category of a
foreign power possessing property within the French king-
dom, and as such subject to all the taxes imposed' on the
natives. This step was soon followed by a decree enacting that
any Frenchman becoming member of an order of knighthood
requiring proofs of nobility should no longer be considered a
citizen of France.

These preliminary measures having been taken, the great
blow was struck on the 19th September, 1792, when it was
enacted that the Order of Malta should cease to exist within the
limits of France, and that all its property should be annexed to
the national domains. At first mention was made of an
indemnification, in the shape of pensions to be granted to the
knights who were thus despoiled of their property ; but the
power of deriving benefit from this apparent concession was
taken away by the condition annexed thereto, which was that to
entitle a knight to his pension he must reside within the
French territory — an utter impossibility at a time when the
aristocracy was being exposed to the most cruel persecution.
This decree was the signal for a general plunder of the com-
manderies. Such members of the fraternity as were not for-
tunate enough to effect their escape were thrown into prison and
left to the fearful suspense incident to those dens of horror.
During these scenes of anarchy and bloodshed the knights
comported themselves with a dignity and firmness worthy of
their institution. Their ambassador at Paris, the bailiff de la
Brilhane, fulfilled his difficult and dangerous duties to the very
close with unexampled determination. In thus doing his duty
he naturally became liable to that imminent personal danger

42*

644 -^ History of

which the antogomsm of the ruling faction invariably brought
with it. He was warned that his life was in the greatest peril,
owing to the noble and daring efforts he had made in defend-
ing the cause of the Order, hopeless as it was. " I am under
no apprehensions," replied he, "for the moment has now
arrived when a man of honour who faithfxdly performs his
duty may die as gloriously upon the scaffold as on the field of
battle." At his death, which occurred shortly after, his place
was left imfiUed ; he was consequently the last accredited envoy
the fraternity ever possessed within the French kingdom.

Great as had been the provocation, the knights did not break
entirely with the French directory, nor did they openly join the
forces of those who sought to crush the dreadful outbreak. A
temporizing policy seems to have been their object, but in this
they certainly did not act with much discrimination. They
might have been sure that no concessions and no appearance
of neutrality would lead those who had destroyed the French
hngue% to regard the central government with a favourable
eye. Their principles were essentially monarchical, and there-
fore averse from the changes that had taken place. They had
so far avowed their sentiments and revealed their sympathies
with the fallen monarch of France, that when the news of his
execution arrived at Malta, a funeral service was performed in
St. John's cathedral, at which de Eohan presided; the nave
was hung with black, and the fraternity, in deep mourning,
offered up prayers for the soul of him who had been thus
sacrificed to popular fury. Had the knights openly and un-
reservedly thrown the whole of their influence into the alliance,
by which it was sought to stay the progress of the revolution,
they could not have found themselves in a worse position than
that to which their timid and temporizing policy had brought
them. They would then, at least, have had the consolation of
feeling that they had acted consistently, and in a manner suited
to an institution based on the principles which governed the
foundation of the Order of St. John.

Their chief was indeed unsuited to the perilous crisis in which
he was placed, and physical incapacity had latterly been added
to break down his energy and spirit. In 1791 he had been
struck with apoplexy, which at the time it was thought must

the Knights of Malta. 645

end fatally. Although he recovered to a oertam extent from
this illness, he never regained his vigour of mind, and his last
days were clouded with the knowledge that his Order was
doomed. The number of ruined Frenchmen who flocked to
Malta desiring admission into the ranks of the fraternity greatly
increased the poverty of the treasury, and the utmost efforts of
the Grand-Master, nobly seconded as he was by the languca
which had escaped confiscation, were unable to relieve so much
destitution. The conduct of de Rohan, under these circuiii-
stances, was most praiseworthy. Being remonstrated with by
an officer of his household for the extent of his charities,
which his diminished resources no longer permitted without
curtailing the dignity of his court, he replied, " Reserve one
crown daily for the expenses of my table, and let all the rest
be distributed amongst my distressed brethren."

The worst had not, however, as yet arrived, though the day
was near at hand on which the fatal blow was to be struck.
The directory had for some time looked with longing eyes on
the island of Malta, and had determined, if possible, to expel
the knights and attach it to the French territories. Spies and
other emissaries were set to work within the convent and island
generally, sowing those seeds of discontent and turbulence
which were so soon to bear fruit. The government of de Rohan
was most blameworthy for permitting this continuous tam-
pering with the fidelity of its subjects ; it seemed as though,
by some imaccountable fatality, the supineness of the Order
itself was destined to aid the designs of its enemies. In the
midst of this gloomy period de Rohan died, on the 13th
July, 1797.

Opinions have been much divided with regard to him.
Weak-minded he certainly was, and during the later years
of his life his physical infirmities augmented the evil. A
craving for flattery and adulation had caused him to seek the
society of those who were willing to gratify such weaknesses
rather than that of men of more sterling worth. These, however,
seem to be the chief faults which his enemies could lay to his
charge, and to coimterbalance them his life, public and private,
was adorned with virtues which secured him the esteem and
attachment of many sincere friends. Great goodness of heart

646 A History of tJu Knights of Malta.

an open-handed generosity, a cultivated mind, a quidk and
ready wit, such were some of the qualities which endeared him
to those with whom he was hrought in contact. Had not his
lot been cast in troublous times, he would doubtless have been
revered as one of the best beloved chiefs who had swayed the
fortunes of his Order.

CHAPTER XXV.

1797—1798.

Election of von Hompesch — ^Establishment of a Russian priory — Capture
of Malta decreed — Arrival of the French fleet before Malta —
Dispositions of Bonaparte for the attack — State of the town — Inefficiency
of von Hompesch — Surrender of the island — Departure of the knights
— Death of von Hompesch — The knights in St. Petersburg — ^Election
of the emperor Paul as Grand-Master — Subsequent wanderings of the
Order — Its present position at Rome.

Ferdinand Joseph Antoinb Herman Louis von Hompesch,
to whose name is attached the melancholy distinction of having
been the last Grand-Master of Malta, was elected to fill the
vacancy caused by the death of de Eohan. He was the first
knight of the langue of Germany who had ever been raised to
that ofiice. It is said that de Kohan during his last moments
demanded of those surroimding him who was to be his successor.
He was told that the baOifE von Hompesch appeared the most
probable candidate. " The German," remarked de Eohan, " is
not a bad selection, provided he be well advised ; but he is not
the man for such a crisis as this, and I shall be the last to die
Grand-Master of an illustrious and independent Order." It is
averred that von Hompesch did not desire the post, and that it
was with difficulty he was persuaded to allow himself to be
named as a candidate. This cannot be reconciled with the well-
known fact that he expended a large sum of money to secure
his election, and was ever after hampered by the debts he then
created. He had begun life as a page to the Grand-Master
Pinto, and had reached the dignity of a grand-cross at a
very early age, probably owing to his high connections, spring-
ing as he did from one of the noblest families of the Lower
Ehine. For twenty-five years he was envoy of the Order at

648 A History of

Yienna, and at the end of that time was made grand-bailiff of
Brandenburg. He was the youngest Grrand-Master elected for
centuries, being only fifty-three years of age.

His rule opened with a gleam of prosperity from the f avouxaLle
disposition of the emperor of liussia towards the fraternity.
I'aul I. had always been its enthusiastic admirer, and now that
he had reached the throne, he gave a practical proof of his friend-
ship. The Polish priory was largely augmented and converted
into a Eussian one, with a revenue of 300,000 florins. This
priory was divided into ten commanderies for knights and three
for chaplains, and was incorporated into the Anglo-Bavarian
Utngue, The emperor also assumed the title of " Protector of
the Order of Malta." In the ooimcil of S>astadt, which opened
in 1797, it was proposed to combine the Order of St. John wth
that of the Teutonic knights, but the project fell to the ground
in the midst of other more important matters. Indeed, there
WQB so strong a feeling amongst the revolutionary party in
favour of the destruction of both fraternities, that no measure
tending to strengthen them was likely to prove acceptable.

At length the year opened which was destined to remove the
Order from the home where it had dwelt during nearly three
centuries. The treasury was at this moment in an alarming state
of deficit ; most of its revenues had been confiscated, or were un-
Available ; the plate and jewels had been either melted down or
disposed of, and but little remained to defray the expenditure
necessary for placing the island in a proper state of defence.
At this time there were present at the convent the following
knights, viz. : — 200 of the three French langucs^ 90 Italians, 25
Spanish, 8 Portuguese, 4 German, and 5 Anglo-Bavarian, making
a total of 332 ; but of these only 280 were, from age and other
causes, capable of bearing arms. The garrison consisted of the
Maltese regiment of 600 men, the GJrand-Master's guard of 200,
the battalions of the men-of-war and galleys, 700; artillery,
100 ; chasseurs of the militia, 1,200 ; and sailors, 1,200, making
a total of nearly 4,000 men ; to which might be added 3,000 of
the simple militia of the island, who, under ordinary circum-
stances, might be counted on to do faithful service.

The destruction of the Order was determined on by the follow-
ing decree, which was drawn up by the Frcnch directory, datetl

the Knights of Malta, 649

Paris, 23 Germinal, an VI. (12th April, 1798) :— " Considering
that the Order of Malta has plaoed itself, of its own accord, and
from the very commencement of the war, in a state of hostility
against France ; that it has actually made an express declaration
of war by a manifesto of its Grand-Master of the 10th October,
1794 ; that he has even protested by this insolent proclamation
that he neither ought, nor could, nor would recognize the
French republic; considering also that the efforts which the
Order has made both before and since to aid the coalition of
the kings arrayed against liberty have always accorded with this
expression of its sentiments, and that even quite recently it
has attained the culminating point of its action against the
republic, by receiving into its midst and admitting to high
office numerous Frenchmen universally known as the most de-
termined enemies of their coimtry, disgraced for ever by having
borne arms against her. Seeing that everything announces on
the part of the Order an intention of yielding its territories to
one of the powers now at war with France, and by such means
to paralyse the naval power of France in the Mediterranean ;
that in all respects this Order is, as regards the French republic,
in the same position as all the other powers with whom at the
time of the establishment of the constitutional r^gmie the nation
had found itself in a state of war, without any declaration to
that effect on her part, but by the simple fact that they have
placed themselves in that position ; considering that there is,
therefore, no necessity for any enactment on the part of the
Cm-ps I^gis/af if to enable the directory to take such steps against
the Order of Malta as the national honour and interest demand,
the following decree is made : —

"Art 1, The General oommanding-in-chief the army of the
East is desired to take possession of the island of Malta.

" Art. 2. For this purpose he will at once direct against the
island of Malta the forces under his command, both military
and naval.

" Tins decree will not be printed."

A supplementary decree of the same date ran as follows : —

" Art. 1. The order given to General Bonaparte, commander-
in-cliief of the army of the East, by the decree of this day's
date, to obtain possession of the island of Malta, sliall not bo

650 A History of

carried into effect by him unless he considers it feasible without
risking the success of the other operations confided to his charge.
The executive directory leaves everything in this matter to his
judgment.

" This decree will not be printed."

These two resolutions show the intention of the French gOTem-
ment to seize upon the island of Malta if practicable, and prove
that the reasons for its attack subsequently put forward after
the island had fallen into its hands, were mendacious pretexts.
The matter was at the time a secret between the directory and
those to whom its execution was intrusted, and meanwhile the
world was thrown into general alarm by the rumours of an
extensive expedition preparing in the French arsenals of the
Mediterranean, the destination of which was as yet unknown.
The restless spirit of aggression with which the young republic
was imbued rendered every nation suspicious and uneasy on the
score of this vast armament, and arrangements were on all sides
set on foot for resistance.

One power alone continued careless and inactive in tiie midst
of the general alarm. Whilst the note of preparation arose in
every other coimtry in Europe the island of Malta remained in
a state of supine and indolent security. Warnings had been
despatched to the Grand-Master, but they were unheeded. An
ill-placed and incomprehensible confidence on his part, joined
to the most palpable treachery on that of his advisers, led to
the engendering of a fated sense of security, from which he
was not aroused until the enemy was at the door. He had
even received the most distinct notice of the destination of the
French expeditionary force from the bailiff de Schenau, the
ambassador of the Order at the congress of Rastadt. That
dignitary had written to him in the following terms: —

" I warn your Highness thdt the expedition now preparing
at Toulon is intended against Malta and Egypt. I have my
information from the private secretary of Mons. Treilhard, one of
the ministers of the French republic. You will most certainly
be attacked ; take, therefore, all necessary measures for defence.
The ministers of all the Powers in alliance with the Order who
are now here have received the same information as myself, but
they know that Malta is impregnable, or at all events in a

tfie Knights of Malta. 65 1

position to offer a resistance of three months' duration. Let
your eminent Highness, therefore, be on your guard. Your
own honour, and the preservation of your Order, are concerned
in the matter. If you yield without a defence, you will be
lowered in the eyes of all Europe. I may add that this
expedition is looked upon here as likely to prove a disgrace to
Bonap6«te. He has two powerful enemies in the directory,
who have taken this opportunity of getting rid of him —
Eewbell and Larevilliere Lepaux."

Such a letter as this, coming from a source so worthy of
credence, must, one would imagine, have placed von Hompesch
on his guard ; but this was not the case. He conceived himself so
secure in the friendly disposition of the French republic that he
scorned all preparations for resisting an armament which he felt
assured was not aimed against his fraternity, and the terror of
which was, he believed, merely a bugbear existing in the agitated
minds of nervous and timid politicians.

Such, then, was the comparatively imprepared condition of
Malta, when, on the 6th June, 1798, a French fleet, consisting of
eighteen sail, accompanied by seventy transports, appeared off
the island under the command of Commodore Sidoux. Permis-
sion was demanded for a few of the vessels to enter the harbour
and water; this was granted, two of the transports being
admitted for that purpose, as also one of the frigates for repair,
the remainder lying at anchor outside. Eveiy effort was made
by the knights to mark their strict neutrality, and their readiness
to offer hospitality and assistance as well to the French as to the
other powers whose fleets might approach their shores. On the
9th Jime the main portion of the expedition appeared, with the
rest of the forces, the whole being under the command of Q-eneral
Bonaparte in person. The squadron thus united consisted of
fourteen line-of -battle ships, thirty frigates, and 300 transports,
the commander-in-chief being on board the flagship V Orient.

On his arrival before Malta, Bonaparte at once despatched the
French consul Caruson to the Grand-Master, demanding free
entrance into the grand harbour for the whole fleet, and that
his troops should be permitted to land. Such a request of itself
proved the object which the French general had in view ;
to have yielded the required permission would have been simply

652 A History of

to surrender the fortress without an efiPort. Von Hompesch, by
the advice of his oounoil, returned for answer that it was oon-
trarj to the rules of his Order, and to the treaty which had been
made with France, Spain, and Naples in 1768, to permit the
entry of more than four ships of war at a time. This rule he
WQB not prepared to abrogate ; but any assistance which he could
render to the sick would be tendered with the utmost pleasure and
promptitude. The letter concluded with a hope that the Order
might still trust to the loyalty and good faith of the French
nation, with whom it had always lived in peace and harmony.
This refusal was taken on board the French flagship by
Caruson, who, at the same time, informed Bonaparte that
treason was rife within the town. Caruson did not return on
shore, but forwarded the following letter to the Grrand-Master
on behalf of Bonaparte, who did not condescend to correspond
with him personally.

" 9^A Jam, 1798.
" Your Highness, —

*' Having been nominated to proceed on board the admiral's
ship with the reply which your eminence made to my request
for permission to the squadron to water in your harbour, the
commander-in-chief Bonaparte is highly indignant that such
permission should have been restricted to four vessels at a time,
for how long would it not take for 500 sail at this rate to pro-
cure water and such other necessaries as they are much in want
of ? This refusal has the more surprised Greneral Bonaparte
since he is not ignorant of the preference you have shewn to
the English, and the proclamation issued by the predecessor of
your eminence. General Bonaparte has determined to obtain
by force what should have been granted to him of free will,
in accordance with the principles of hospitality which form the
basis of your Order. I have seen the stupendous armament
which is under the command of General Bonaparte, and I fore-
see the impossibility of the Order making any resistance. It
was to have been wished, therefore, that under such advert
(jircimistances your eminence, for the love of your Order, your
knights, and the whole population of Malta, had proposed some
measures of accommodation. The general has not permitted
me to return to a town which he considers himself obliged to

the Kftights of Malta. 65

'>

regard as hostile, and which has no hope save in his mercy. He
has, however, given strict orders that the religion, the property,
and the customs of the people shall not be interfered with."

Prior to thus openly declaring war, Bonaparte had given
the most detailed orders to the various generals who were to
take part in the attack, as to their respective proceedings.
General Baraguay d'HiUiers was to land at Melleha bay,
General Vaubois at St. Julian's, General Desaix at Marsa
Scirocco, and General Regnier at Gozo.

The force to be landed by Baraguay d'Hilliers was not
intended for the assault of the fortress. He was merely to
occupy that part of the island near Melleha bay, and to keep
the inhabitants in check. The actual attack was confided to
generals Desaix and Yaubois, and the orders to the former ran
as follow : —

*' The commander-in-chief desires General Desaix to start at
once in one of the ship's boats to reconnoitre this evening (the
9th June) the whole of the coast from St. Thomas bay to that
of Vie de Sciaat. He is informed that the admiral has directed
his convoy to proceed to the entrance of the harbour of Marsa
Scirocco. The general wishes you to select the most favourable
spot for landing at Marsa Scirocco. He desires that to-morrow
morning before daybreak 300 or 400 men should land in boats
at one of the spots you may have selected out of range of any
battery at the same time that three or four of the ships of
your convoy which draw the least water shall approach the
harbour of Marsa Scirocco under pretext of watering. By this
means you will secure your landing. The mGjine general du
Chayla, with four men-of-war, will anchor at the distance of a
mile from Marsa Scirocco to support the landing. The general
desires that directly you are master of all the batteries and
towers, so as to be able to anchor in security in the bay of Marsa
Scirocco, you should advance on the town and endeavour to
seize on a gate by surprise or to escalade at some point in the
Cottonera lines which has no ditch. But if the enemy be
vigilant the general desires that you should content yourself
with investing fort Ricasoli and the Cottonera lines, communi-
cating on your left with General Vaubois, who will land in St.
Julian's bay and invest the other side of the town. You will only

654 ^ History of

land the troops that are required for this operation, and no cavalry.
Ton will give orders that directly the convoy entCTS Marsa 8oi-
rocco bay they shall commence to water and secure forage for
the horses. You must be ready to leave again in three days. You
will make bread and feed your troops in the villages of Zabbar,
Zeitun, Ghidia, and Tarschien. You must prepare everything
for your landing to-night, but you must do nothing hostile until
you receive fresh orders. You will tell the inhabitants that the
French do not come to change either their customs or their
religion, that the strictest discipline will be maintained, and that
the priests and monks shall be specially protected. The general
oommanding-in-chief will issue a proclamation for the whole
island."

An order was also addressed to General Yaubois, who was to
undertake the attack of the fortress from the north, and was to
extend his force after landing at St. Julian's, so as to oonnect
with the left of that advancing from the south under General
Desaix. Further instructions were also issued to Greneral
Begnier, who was to land in Gozo and take possession of that
island. In all these much stress was laid upon the necessity of
informing the inhabitants that the French had no desire to
change their customs or religion, and that all priests and monks
would be specially protected.

Meanwhile, within the convent no one talked openly of sur-
render, and yet no prompt measures of defence were taken. Von
Uompesch himself was perfectly useless in the crisis, not prepared
indeed to yield, but at the same time imable to take the most
ordinary precautions for the general safety. Without the walls
of the palace treason stalked openly and undisguisedly. The
emissaries of the republic were to be seen everywhere dis-
couraging the loyal, seducing the vacillating, and pointing out
to all the folly of attempting a resistance when no preparations
had been made, and when the feelings of the garrison were so
divided on the point.

On the evening of the 9th June Bonaparte gave his final
orders to the generals who were to effect the landing, and on
Sunday, the 10th June, at four o'clock in the morning, the
disembarkation of the French army began. Eleven different
points were selected for this operation, and the towers of St.

the Knights of Malta. 655

George and St. Julian yielded without resistance. By ten
o'clock in the morning the whole outlying country was in the
hands of the French, and all the detached forts, with the
solitary exception of St. Lucian's tower, in the Marsa Scirocco,
had yielded to them. By noon 15,000 men had landed, and
the heads of their columns had advanced close to the defences
on the side of the Cottonera lines. Several knights, who had
heen taken prisoners during this operation, were brought before
Bonaparte, who expressed himseU highly indignant at finding
Frenchmen in arms against their country. He is reported to
have said, '^ How is it that I am destined constantly to meet
with knights who have taken up arms against their country P
I ought to give directions to have you all shot. How could
you believe it possible that you could defend yourselves with a
few wretched peasants against troops who have conquered the
whole of Europe P " Notwithstanding this outburst of anger,
he gave instructions that the prisoners should be well treated,
nor had they eventually anything to complain of on that score.

Treachery and panic had all this time been working their
way within the town. Yon Hompesch, instead of endeavouring
to restore discipline and confidence, remained buried in his palace
in the company only of a single aide-de-camp ; he did not even
name a lieutenant to aid him in the juncture. l?he com-
manders of the various posts, unwilling to take upon themselves
the responsibility of action, remained passive, and the French
were permitted to assume their positions unmolested. At
length a feeble attemjjt was made to check the advance of the
French by a sortie ; but the Maltese regiment, which was sent
out for this purpose, having been received by the enemy with a
heavy fire, soon gave way, and retreated into the town in such
confusion that they suffered the loss of their standard. At the
same time a knight named de Soubiras made a diversion with a
small fleet of galleys, with which he left the grand harbour.
On approaching the spot where the French were still continuing
their disembarkation he opened fire, but was speedily forced to
retire without having rendered any effectual opposition to the
operation.

Before night the division under Desaix had invested the
Cottonera lines and fort Ricasoli, whilst Baraguay d'Hilliers

656 A History of

was in possession of all the oentre of the island. Yaubois had
seized the Cittcl Vecchia, and Regnier was master of Gozo.
Night only added to the general confusion and dismay. Shots
were heard on all sides, and the garrison was called on to fight,
not only against the open enemy in its front, but also
the insidious treachery in its midst. Everywhere the most
complete disorganization was apparent; the soldiers deserted
their standards, the people collected together in threatening
crowds, cries of treason were heard on all sides. Throughout
this night of disorder the French emissaries were busied in
exciting the people to acts of violence, and in pointing out those
who were in reality the most zealous in endeavouring to pro-
tract the defence, as the traitors by whom they were being
betrayed. The infuriated multitude, stimulated to a pitch of
frenzy by these foul calumnies and scandalous aspersions, soon
proceeded to acts of violence, and several unfortunate knight-s
fell victims to their blind rage. Amongst the number may be
named de Vallin, who, after being stabbed, was thrown into
the sea; de Montazet, who was murdered by the troops at
Benissa point ; d'Ormy and d'Andelard, the latter of whom
was killed in the endeavour to save a confrire from the
fury of the populace. Many others were seriously wounded,
and the* mob, raging with the exditement of the moment,
dragged their bleeding victims to the square in front of the
Grand-Master's palace.

About midnight a deputation from some of the leading
Maltese proceeded to the palace, and in audience with the
Grand-Master demanded that he should sue for a cessation of
hostilities. They pointed out that there was palpable treason
at work ; that no orders were being executed ; that the pljm
organized for defence was not carried out ; that provisions,
ammunition, and despatches were all intercepted ; and that
the massacre of the knights which had already taken place
proved the hostility of the people. Unless, therefore, a speedy
surrender were determined on, there was every reason to fear
that a wholesale butchery would ere long ensue. To this
demand von Hompesch returned a refusal, without, however,
taking any active measures to render that decision effectual.
Before long a second deputation made its appearance, and

the Knights of Malta, 657

announced that if he did not promptly capitulate the Maltese
would open negotiations with Bonaparte themselves, and treat
for the surrender of the town without further reference to him.

Alarmed at this threat, von Hompesch simimoned his council
to deliberate upon the demand of the insurgents, and at that
dead hour of the night the dignitaries of the Order assembled
within the palace, and proceeded to debate the question. Whilst
the discussion was going on, and different views were being put
forward, a tumult outside the door of the council-chamber
betokened a fresh interruption. A few moments after, a body
of rioters rushed in, bearing in triumph on their shoulders Bois-
redont de Bansijat, the treasurer of the fraternity, who had, at
the commencement of hostilities, written to the Grand-Master
announcing that, as a knight of the Order of St. John, his
duty was to combat against the infidel, but not to take part in
a struggle again^ his countrymen, at the same time tendering
the resignation of his office. Von Hompesch had ordered the
recreant commander to be confined in fort St. Angelo, and now
the friends of the revolutionary party had released him by
force. This incident completed the panic of the members.
Alarmed less the city should be surrendered without reference
to them, they decided that a deputation should be selected to
wait upon General Bonaparte, and demand a suspension of
arms as a preliminary to capitulation. The persons named
for this duty were the bailiff Saousa, the knights Miari and
Monferret, the Maltese baron d'Aurel, and M. Fremeaux, the
Dutch consul. As soon as the mission had departed on its
errand, orders were sent by von Hompesch to the different posts
to cease firing, and ere long a complete silence reigned through-
out the town, broken only by the distant booming of the guns
of St. Lucian's tower, at the Marsa Sdrocco, commanded by
La Gnerivi^re, a valiant knight, who maintained an active
resistance in his little isolated post until the 11th June, when
he was forced to surrender, his garrison having been twenty-
four hours without food.

Bonaparte, who had all along been kept acquainted with the
course matters were taking, had awaited with impatience the
demand for an armistice. He was so certain that his friends
would secure the surrender of the place without much effort on

43

658 A History of

his part, that he had done little or nothing towards the actual
prosecution of the siege. He had, it is true, landed a few
pieces of artillery, and had begun to throw up a few batteries ;
but this was merely to terrify the inhabitants, and not mtli
much view to actual use. Indeed, his instructions from the
directory forbade the prosecution of his plans against Malta
if he should meet with any determined resistance. It was
feared, and with reason, that the safety of the expedition
would be compromised if lie were detained for any length
of time before the walls of Valetta, and that the dreaded
English fleet would be upon his track. Anxiously, there-
fore, had he looked for the first proffers of surrender, which
his emissaries within the town had assured hiTn were about to
be made.

Not a moment was lost after the arrival of the depu-
tation in securing the object of the mission. General Junot,
the aide-de-camp to the commander-in-chief, M. Poussielgiie,
in charge of the commissariat chest, and a knight of St. John,
named Dolomi^re, who formed one of a party of savants
accompanying the expedition in order to study the geology
of Egypt, were nominated to treat for the surrender. These
three at once entered the town to arrange the conditions.
Von Hompesch received them in due state, surrounded by
his council, and prepared to open the proceedings with all
the customary formalities. When, however, the secretaiy
demanded of the Grrand-Master what preamble he should draw
up, Jimot rudely intemipted him, exclaiming, " What preamble
do you want P Four lines will settle the entire business, and
these Poussielgue will dictate." It was evidently the intention
of the French envoy to carry everything with a high hand ; nor
was there any one present daring enough to oppose him. The
following armistice was therefore signed : —

" Art. 1. — ^A suspension of arms for twenty-four hours (to
count from six o'clock this evening, the 11th. June, till six
o'clock to-morrow evening) is granted between the army of the
French republic, commanded by General Bonaparte, represented
by Brigadier-General Jimot, aide-de-camp to the said general
on the one side, and his Most Eminent Highness and the
Order of St. John on the other side.

the Knights of Malta, 659

" Art. 2. — Within these four-and- twenty hours deputies shall
be sent on board V Orient to arrange a capitulation.
" Done in duplicate at Malta this 11th June, 1798.

" (Signed) Junot, Hompesch."

On the following day General Bonaparte entered the town,
where he established his head-quarters. As he passed through
the stupendous works of the Valetta front, and saw their gi'eat
strength, he exclaimed, " Well was it for us that we had friends
within to open the gates for us, for had the place been empty
we should have had far more difficulty in obtaining an en-
trance." Bonaparte had reason to congratulate himself; his
proverbial good fortune had certainly* not deserted him. Had
he been detained for a short time before Valetta, the British
fleet, imder Nelson, would have been upon him, and the battle
of the Nile would have been anticipated, and fought beneath
the ramparts of Malta. Bonaparte disgraced, his army
destroyed, his fleet scattered, would have made a very different
figure on the stage of Europe from that which he was destined
to occupy as the conqueror of Egypt. Fate had befriended
him. The capture of Malta and the expedition to Egypt Jiad
been contrived by his enemies as a trap to insure his downfall.
The cowardice of von Hompesch had turned the scale in his
favour ; and when Europe learnt, with stupefied amazement, that
the powerful fortress of Malta had surrendered to his arms in
two days, a fresh laurel was twined into that chaplet of glory
which already encircled his brow.

It may be well for a moment to glance at the events just
recorded, as they were seen from a French point of view. The
following narrative, written by Marmont, gives a graphic
account of that pturt of the operations in which he was engaged :

" Directed to land in St. Paul's bay with five battalions, I was
the first Frenchman who set foot on the island. Some com-
panies of the regiment of Malta, who were posted on the shore,
retreated without fighting. We followed them, and they retired
into the town. I invested the place from the sea as far as the
aqueduct, in order to connect myself with General Desaix, who
had landed on the south of the town. I approached the city
and came across a horn work, that of Floriana, covering the

43*

66o A History of

place on this side, but unarmed. I established posts as near to
it as possible, so as to confine the garrison. I had no sooner
oompleted these arrangements, than I saw the drawbridge
lowered, and a large and disorderly body of men marching
against me. I called in my outposts at once, and retired slowly
and in good order, firing from time to time on the head of the
column, that I might check its advance. I sent directions to
two battalions of the 19th Begiment, encamped beyond cannon
shot range from the town on the right and left of the road, to
place themselves under cover, and to show themselves only when
I arrived at the spot and gave the word. This was carried
out as I wished. The Maltese, seeing me retreat, took courage.
Arriving thus massed in column close to the spot where the 19th
was, this regiment shewed itself, and received them with a
deadly fire, which threw them into the utmost disorder. I at
once attacked them with my troops, and routed them. We
followed, charging with the bayonet, and killed a considerable
number. I carried off with my own hands the standard of the
Order, which was displayed at the head of the column. These
poor Maltese soldiers, simple peasants as they were, and only
speaking Arabic, argued thus with themselves : * We are fighting
against Frenchmen ; we are led by Frenchmen ; therefore the
Frenchmen who command us axe traitors.' In their rage they
massacred seven of the French knights who had led them in the
sortie, and yet it had been the French knights only who had
counselled resistance. Such treatment was not encouraging.
Consequently they sent me an emissary the next morning to
say that, if the negotiations then on foot did not lead to the
surrender of the town, they would hand over to me St. Joseph's
gate (now called the Porte des Bombes). The negotiations,
however, were successful, and the capitulation was signed. Thus
were celebrated the obsequies of the Order of St. John, fallen
from its ancient glory and splendour by its cowardice and
want of firmness. The Maltese were furious. We had at first
much uneasiness as to the carrying into effect of the capitula-
tion. These peasant soldiers were in possession of two inner
works, very lofty cavaliers, closed at the gorge, armed, and com-
manding the whole town, called forts St. John and St. James.
They refused to surrender even after we had entered the gate.

the Knights of Malta. 66 1

and penetrated within the enceinte. It was by the merest
chance thej did not continue their resistance, and if thej had,
it is impossible to say what eflEeot this one obstacle would have
had in the position in which we then were."

The capitulation, in virtue of which the island of Malta
passed for ever from under the dominion of the Order of St.
John, was signed on the 12th June. It was couched in the
following terms :—

" Art. 1. The knights of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem
shall give up the city and forts of Malta to the French army,
at the same time renouncing in favour of the French republic
all rights of property and sovereignty over that island, as also
over those of Gozo and Comino.

"Art. 2. The French republic shall employ all its credit
at the congress of lUstadt to procure a principality for the
Qrand-Master equivalent to the one he gives up, and the same
republic engages to pay him in the meantime an annual pension
of 300,000 French livres, besides two annates of the pension by
way of indemnification for his personal property. He shall also
be treated with the usual miKtaxy honours during the remainder
of his stay in Malta.

" Art. 3. The French knights of the Order of St. John of
Jerusalem, actually resident in Malta, if acknowledged as such
by the commander-in-chief, shall be permitted to return to their
native country, and their residence in Malta shall be considered
in the same light as if they inhabited France. The French
republic will likewise use its influence with the Cisalpine,
Ligurian, Eoman, and Helvetian republics, that this third
article may remain in force for the knights of those several
nations.

" Art. 4. The French republic shall assign an annual pen-
sion of 700 French livres to those whose age exceeds sixty
years. It shall also endeavour to induce the Cisalpine, Ligurian,
Sioman, cuid Helvetian republics to grant the some pension to
the knights of their respective countries.

"Art. 5. The French republic shall use its influence with
the different powers that the knights of each nation may be
permitted to exercise their rights over the property of the Order
of Malta situated in their dominions.

662 A History of

" Art. 6. The knights shall not be deprived of their private
property either in Malta o» Gozo.

^^ Art. 7. The inhabitants of the inlands of Malta and Gozo
shall be allowed, as heretofore, the free exercise of the Catholic,
Apostolic, and Holy Roman religion. Their privileges and
property shall likewise remain inviolate, and they shall not be
subject to any extraordinary taxes.

" Art. 8. AU civil acts passed during the government of the
Order shall remain valid.

" Done and concluded on board V Orient before Malta, on the

24th Prairial, the sixth year of the French Bepublic (12th June,

1798).

" The Commander Boisrebont de Raxsijat,

" Baron Mario Testaferrata,

" Dr. Giovanni Nicolas Muscat,

" Dr. Benedetto Schembri,

« The bailiff of Torio Frisari,

** without prejudice to the right of dominion belonging to my
sovereign the king of the Two Sicilies,

" The chevalier Felipe di Amati,
" Counsellor Bonani."

Such were the terms of the capitulation which transferred the
island of Malta to the French. The standard of the Order was
removed from its proud position, and the degenerate descendants
of L'Isle Adam and La Valette were doomed to the degrada-
tion of witnessing the substitution in its place of the French tri-
colour, without having even the satisfaction of feeling that they
had struck one good blow to avert the catastrophe. For nearly
three centuries successive Grand-Masters had lavished their own
fortunes and the treasures of the Hospital in rearing a frowning
mass of ramparts and batteries at all points. The opinions of
the leading engineers in Europe had been sought to suggest
fresh additions that should render the fortress of Valetta im-
pregnable. It had long been looked on as one of the most
powerful strongholds in Europe, and y^i^ in less than two days,
it had surrendered with scarce the trace of a struggle to the
army of France. The cowardice and negligence, the incapa-
city and blindness of von Hompesch, combined with the

tlie Knights of Malta. 663

treachery of those under him, had done all that Bonaparte
could have desired, and it must have been with feelings of no
little exultation, that on the 13th Jime he penned the despatch
to the directory, in which he announced his victory. As soon
as that despatch was received in Paris, the following state paper
was issued, addressed to the council, wherein are shewn the
grounds upon which the republic intended to justify this
wanton aggression in the eyes of Europe : —

" Citizens Representatives,

" The government of Malta has for a long time past dared
to manifest the most hostile intentions towards France ; it has
boldly received and greatly favoured not only the emigrants
who have retired to Malta, but also those amongst the knights
who have actually served in the army of Conde.

"The nature of its constitution demands the strictest
neutrality, but at the very moment when it publicly
professed to preserve it, permission was granted to Spain,
while at war with us, to recruit sailors in Malta, and the
same permission has since been given to England, though it
has constantly been refused to France in the most offensive
manner.

" Whenever any Maltese or French residing in Malta appeared
attached to the French cause, they were cruelly persecuted,
imprisoned, and treated like the vilest criminals. The hatred
of an inconsiderable state towards the French republic could not
well be carried to greater lengths, yet the Ghtind-Master has
declared, in his manifesto of the 10th October, 1793, that the
king of Naples having notified to him his situation in regard to
the war, he eagerly embraced the opportunity of shutting his
ports against all French vessels. lie even went still farther, and
declared, in the same manifesto, that the French agent then
residing in Malta should in future be entirely regarded as a
chargi d'affaires from the king of France, and concluded by
saying that having understood there was a new envoy on his
way to Malta, he would neither receive nor admit into
his dominions such a person, nor indeed any other as agent
from the pretended French republic which the Grrand-
Master (his own words) neither ought, could, nor would
acknowledge.

664 A History of

^^The goyemment of Malta could not oertamly at that
period prove itself more inixuical to France, and this state of
warfare has never ceased to subsist.

^' On the 21st Prairial of this year, the commander of the
French forces in those seas requested permission to water at
the various watering places within the island ; but this demand
was refused in the most evasive manner, the Grand-Mafiter
alleging that he could not permit more than two transports to
enter at the same time, so that it would necessarily have
taken up more than 300 days to furnish the whole of
the French troops with water. What efErontery thus to
insult the army of the republic commanded by General
Bonaparte !

"On the morning of the 22nd Prairial the French troops
landed on several different points of the island, and in the
course of the same day the place was invested on all sides. The
cannon from the city kept up a very brisk fire. The besieged
made a saUy, when the colours of the Order were taken by
the brigadier Marmont at the head of the 9th brigade.

" On the 24th, in the morning, the knights of the Order of
St. John of Jerusalem gave up the city and forts of Malta to the
French republic, and likewise ceded to the said republic their
rights of sovereignty and proprietorship, not only over Malta,
but also over the islands of Oozo and Comino.

" The republic made the acquisition in Malta of two men-
of-war, one frigate, four galleys, 1,200 pieces of artillery,
1,600,000 pounds of gimpowder, 40,000 muskets, and many
other articles not yet particularized.

" (Signed) Pechell, President.

"La Garde, General Secretary/'

General Bonaparte did not condescend to pay any personal
respect to the chief whose- sovereignty had been thus easily
torn from his grasp, nor did he honour him with a visit. Von
Hompesch, on the other hand, anxious to secure certain con-
cessions and privileges for himself and his fraternity, determined
to overlook the marked slight thus cast upon him, and to seek
himself the interview which the French general did not appear
disposed to demand. Accompanied by a body of his knights>

tfie Knights of Malta. 665

with downcast air and stripped of the insignia of their rank, he
presented himself before the victorious general. The interview
was brief, and, so far as he was concerned, highly unsatisfactory.
The requests which he preferred were refused, and he himself
treated with scant courtesy.

Von Hompesch had put forward a claim to all the plate and
jewellery belonging to the palace, and attached to the office of
Grand-Master ; but the demand was refused, upon the plea that
it was proposed to make hiTn an allowance of 600,000 francs as
an equivalent. Of this sum 300,000 were retained for the
ostensible purpose of paying his creditors, who were very
numerous, and who, since he had been stripped of his revenues,
were becoming clamorous for their dues. Of the balance,
200,000 were paid in bills on the French treasury, and 100,000
only in cash. At his special request he was permitted to carry
away with him the three relics which the Order had always held
in such high veneration, namely, a piece of the true cross, of
which it had originally become possessed in the Holy Land,
the right hand and arm of St. John the Baptist, and the
miraculous picture of Our Lady of Philermo. These, how-
ever, were stripped of their valuable cases and ornaments before
they were handed over to him. Von Hompesch embarked at
two o'clock in the morning of the 18th June, on board a
merchantman bound for Trieste, and was escorted by a French
frigate. The suite who accompanied him consisted of the two
bailifFs of Lombardy, Montauroux, and Sufirein de St. Tropez,
the commander de Lecondas, his grand-chamberlain, and seven
other knights, with two servants-at-arms.

A general dispersion of the fraternity now took place. Von
Hompesch for a short time resided at Trieste, where he pub-
lished a lengthy justification of his conduct, which had but
little effect in removing the stain cast on his reputation by his
weakness and cowardice. He was at length induced to resign
his office, and retire into private life. He left Trieste for
Montpellier, where he lived in the strictest seclusion, alike
shunning and being shunned. He died on the 12th May, 1805,
of asthma, a complaint from which he had been of late years a
great sufferer. A few months before his death he enrolled
himself a member of the fraternity of Blue Penitents of Mont-

666 A History of

pellicr, and he was buried in the chapel of that oommunitj. He
died in such extreme poverty that the physicians who attended
him in his last moments received no remimeration for their
services, and no funds of his own were forthcoming to defray the
expenses of his funeral.

The great body of the knights, who, on their expulsion from
Malta, were cast homeless and destitute on the world, proceeded
at once to Hussia, the emperor of which country still retained
the title of Protector of the Order, and was the only monarch
who of late years had shown any sympathy with them. By
him they were received in the most gracious manner, and with
the most flattering cordiality. His desire was to become Grand-
Master in lieu of von Hompesch, that he might with that title
found a claim to the island of Malta. This wish soon became
known to the knights assembled At St. Petersburg, and although
von Hompesch had not at the time sent in his resignation, they
summoned a council, and on the 27th October elected the
emperor their Grand-Master. The nomination was utterly
illegal, not only from the fact that the post was not yet vacant,
but also because none of the elements necessary for a valid
election were present. The proclamation of appointment itself
specifies that the members taking part in it were only the
bailiffs, grand-crosses, commanders, and knights of the E.ussian
priory, together with such of the fugitives from Malta as had
taken shelter in St. Petersburg. Invalid as the act was, Paul
graciously accepted the preferred dignity in a proclamation
dated on the 13th November, and on the 10th December he was
publicly invested with the insignia of his new ofiBce.

The emperor, however, did not consider his appointment free
from cavil as long as the election of Hompesch remained
unannulled. He therefore caused such pressure to be brought
to bear on that unfortunate chief, that on the 6th July, 1799,
a formal act of abdication was forwarded to St. Petersburg, and
Paul was henceforth left to enjoy his barren dignity xmdis-
turbed. His first step was to create a second Kussian priory for
such of his subjects as were members of the Greek church. The
now priory consisted of ninety-eight commanderies, and its
revenues amounted to 216,000 roubles, payable out of the public
troasm'y. He then announced to all the courts of Europe the

tfie Knights of Malta, 667

measures he had taken with regaxd to the Order, and invited
candidates from every nation to enrol themselves once more
beneath the White Cross banner. He also sent instructions to
Prince Volkouski, commanding the Russian troops in the Ionian
islands, to join the force which was then blockading the island
of Malta.

At his death, in 1801, his successor, Alexander, nominated
Field Marshal Count Soltikofi lieutenant of the Mastery, and
directed that he should convene a meeting of the council of the
Order at St. Petersburg to deliberate on its future action.
This assembly, which called itself the sovereign council of the
Order, met on the 22nd June, 1801, and proposed a sub-
stitute for the original mode of election to the Gfrand-
Mastership, such as was rendered absolutely necessary by the
altered condition in which the fraternity was placed. Local
chapters-general were to be convened in every grand-priory,
and lists were to be by them prepared of such knights as were
eligible for the vacant office, the actual nomination from
amongst the names thus put forward being vested in the Pope.
In accordance with this arrangement the bailifi de Kuspoli,
a member of the langm of Italy, and formerly general of the
galleys, was selected. This knight declined the empty and
barren dignity thus offered to him, and the Pope afterwards
named John de Tommasi in his place.

One of the first acts of the new chief was to assemble a
conclave of the Order in the priory church of Messina on the
27th June, 1802, where he formally promulgated his appoint-
ment as Grand-Master. Nothing, however, of any importance
to the interests of the fraternity was proposed at this < meeting,
nor, indeed, in the then unfortunate state of affuirs, were they
capable of much amelioration. Tommasi resided until his
death at Catania, and when that event took place, in June,
1805, the Pope, who declined any longer to take upon himself
the responsibility of nominating a Grand-Master, in violation
of the statutes of the Order, contented himself with namiog
the bailiff Innico Maria Guevara as lieutenant only. He was
followed, in 1814, by the bailiff Andi'ea di Giovanni, at whose
death, in 1821, Antonio Busca was appointed. During his rule
a project was set on foot for the establishment of the fraternity

668 A History of the Knights of Malta.

in Greece, with a view to the ultimate recovery of the island of
llhodeB. For this purpose attempts were made to raise a loan
of £400,000, but without success. Busca changed the locality
of the convent from Catania to Ferrara, by permission of
Leo XIL, dated on the 12th May, 1827, and he died in that
city in 1834. He was followed successively by Carlo Candida,
Filippo di Colloredo, Aleesandro Borgia, and Giovanni Battista
Ceschi di Santa Croce. This latter chief was appointed in
1872, and in 1879 Pope Leo XIII. raised him to the dignity
of Grand-Master, a title which had been in abeyance since
the year 1805, and which he still holds. During the rule of
Candida the fraternity removed to B>ome, where the mem-
bers still reside.

This branch of the Order at present consists of portions of
the Italian and German langues, with a few other scattered
fragments. Of the langue of Italy the grand priories of Borne,
of Lombardo-Venetia, and of the Two Sicilies still survive;
of the langue of Germany, only the grand-priory of Bohemia;
whilst the other fragments, which are affiliated to the convent
under the title of associations, ore the Rhenish-Westphalian,
the Silesian, and the British. The latter are,- of course, Eoman
Catholic, and have been professed in Bome.

It will be seen, therefore, that there remain at the present
day three distinct fragments which trace their parentage to the
Order of St. John — ^the convent at Home, with its Grand-Master
appointed by the Pope ; the Brandenburg branch, which has
been described in Chapter XXI. ; and the English langue^ the
revival of which was described in Chapter XXH. At present
these three fragments remain unconnected ; but it is to be hoped
that in time they may be drawn together, and that no difference
of rehgious opinions will stand in the way of their uniting to
carry out the principles embodied in the motto of their Order-
Pro utilitate hominum.

CHAPTER XXVI.
1798—1800.

French decrees on assuming possession of the island — Insurrection of the
Maltese — Blockade of the French within the fortress — ^Arrival of the
joint British and Portuguese fleet — Details of the blockade — Capitula-
tion of the French — ^The treaty of Amiens— Eyentual transfer of the
island to the British— Conclusion.

For seyeral years a feeling of dissatifif action and insubordination
had been growing up between the inhabitants of Malta and the
knights of St. John. The new and enticing doctrines promul-
gated by the revolutionary party in France had enlisted in
their favour a great number of the more youthful and enthu-
siastic of the Maltese. They had been insensibly attracted by
the hopes and aspirations which the new rigime professed to
realize, and they were too distant from the scene of action, and
too ill-informed as to the fearful events which had for some
years deluged France with blood, to discover the futility of
those professions. The time for which they had so earnestly
craved had now arrived, and they were at length called on to
enjoy the fruit of their labours. The White Cross banner had
been lowered from the standard where it had for so many years
waved in proud and undisturbed security, and in its place had
been raised the tricolour emblem of liberty, equality, and
fraternity. The despotism (for despotism it undoubtedly had
been) of the Grand-Master was exchanged for the free and
enlightened government of republican France, and the inhabit-
ants were now able to look with confidence for the realization
of those expectations which had been so sedulously nursed by
the emissaries of that country.

Bonaparte did not allow much time to elapse before he

670 A History of

Beciired himself in his new conquest, and developed the prin-
ciples upon which the French government was to be based.
The surrender of the fortress was completed as rapidly as
possible. At midday on the r2th Jime fort Manoel, fort Tigne,
the castle of St. Angelo, the Margarita and Cottonera lines were
all transferred to the French, and on the following day fort
llicasoli, St. Elmo, and the whole of Valetta. and Floriana
followed. The troops of the Order were permitted temporarily
to retain the barracks which they occupied, but merely as the
guests of the French republic until they were otherwise disposed
of. A commission of government was at once established com-
posed of the following nine persons, viz., the quondam knight
Boisredont de Ransijat, Vincenzo Caruasa, Carlo Astor, Paolo
Ciantar, Jean Francois Dorell, Grongo, Benedetto Schembri,
Don Saverio Caruana, and Cristoforo Frendo. The duties of
this commission were, by their deed of appointment, specified to
be the taking charge of the administration of the islands of
Malta and Gozo, the superintendence of the collection of aU
taxes and contributions, the arrangements for provisioning the
island, and for its sanitary regulation. They were also to
organijfe tribunals of justice on the model of the new French
courts. The two islands were to be divided into depaitments,
each containing 3,000 souls, and municipalities were to
be formed in the towns of Valetta and Vittoriosa. Each
country department was to be under the direction of a body
of five members, nominated from the district. Another decree
specified that aU armorial bearings were to be removed within
the space of twenty-four hours, that no liveries were to be worn,
and that all titles or other marks of nobility were to be at once
abolished. The consequences of this decree are still plainly
visible in the wanton defacement of all the armorial tablets in
the island.

Then followed a decree, directing that all persons, subjects
of any power at war with France, were to quit the island in
forty-eight hours. All knights under sixty years of age were
to leave within three days. To these decrees a number of
exemptions were made of knights or others who, having be-
friended the French, were to be regarded as Maltese citizens,
and were to be permitted to remain. One of the principal

the K7iights of Malta. 671

reasons given for the exemption was that they had made con-
tributions towards the invasion of England. The property of
all English, Eussian, and Portuguese merchants was seized.
Then came the plunder decree, which ran as follows: —

" Citizen Berthollet, controller of the army, accompanied by
a commissariat paymaster, will seize all the gold, silver, and
precious stones which are to be f oimd in the church of St. John
and other places connected with the Order of Malta ; the plate
belonging to the auherges, and that of the Grand-Master. They
will at once melt the gold into ingots for convenience of trans-
port, and they wiU make an inventory of all the precious stones,
which will be deposited in the army chest. They will sell plate
to the amount of from 250,000 to 300,000 francs to merchants
of the country for gold and silver coin, which will be deposited
in the chest. The remainder of the plate will be sent to the
Maltese mint to be coined, and the money so obtained will be
used for the payment of the garrison. Nothing is to be left in
the various churches beyond what is actually necessary for the
services of religion." *

All these decrees were published on the 13th June, and on
the 16th a further batch followed, the most important of which
was one directing the formation of a company of volimteers, to
be composed of young men, of from fifteen to thirty years of
age, taken from the principal families of Malta, to be named by
Bonaparte. These were to be clothed and armed at the expense
of their families, and were to accompany the army to Egypt.
Another body of sixty lads, from nine to fourteen years of age,
also belonging to the leading families, was to be sent to Paris
to be brought up in the colleges of the republic. Their parents
were to pay 800 francs a year for their maintenance, and 600
francs for the expenses of their journey. Six more youths,
similarly selected, were to be placed with the fleet to be edu-
cated for the navy. Numerous other decrees of a similar
character followed during the few days that Bonaparte remained
in the island, and marked the nature of the nde imder which
the Maltese were henceforth destined to dwell.

On the 21st June the expeditionary force left Malta, taking

* The whole of the plunder thus obtained was shipped on board V Orient ,
and was lost when she blew up at the battle of the Nile.

672

A History of

with them the Maltese regiment, the Grand-Master's guard,
and a great number of the sailors of the island. The garrison
that was to be left behind was plaoed under the oommand of
General Vaubois, and consisted of the following troops : —

7th Light Infaulry

... 900

6th Begiment of the Line ...

... 518

4l8t Ditto

... 285

80th Ditto

... 650

19th Ditto

... 700

Total 3,053

with five companies of artillery.

The departure of Bonaparte caused no relaxation in the
rigour and despotism of the French policy, and it gradually
dawned on the unfortunate inhabitants that the liberty, the
equality, and the fraternity, for which they had so fervently
prayed, were practical nonentities, and that these high-sounding,
philanthropic titles were but cloaks to a tyranny, compared with
which the rule of the Grand-Masters was mild indeed. Ban-
si j at himself, though a Frenchman, and warmly attached to the
new order of things, of which, moreover, he was one of the
leading agents in his capacity as president of the commission
of government, has enumerated a list of some of the principal
grievances under which the Maltese laboured during the few
weeks immediately succeeding the expulsion of the knights.
This list, drawn up by one not likely to exaggerate the evil,
shows the rapacious character of the French government. Chief
among them may be mentioned the following : —

1. When Bonaparte carried away the Maltese soldiers and
sailors, he engaged, on behalf of the French -government, that a
certain sum should be paid for the maintenance of their families.
This was not done, although a stoppage for the purpose was
made from the men's pay. The unfortunate women and
children were consequently reduced to utter destitution.

2. The sum of 300,000 francs had been kept back from the
indemnity guaranteed to von Hompesch, ostensibly for the pur-
pose of paying his debts, but the money was not devoted to that
purpose. Many other knights who had been expelled were

tJie Knights of Malta. 673

also debtors to a considerable amount. None of these liabili-
ties were ever recovered.

3. All the pensions which, under the rule of the knights,
had been granted for service, were suspended by the French.
Many charities, formerly supported by the treasury, were in
like manner abolished.

4. The payment of the interest on loans made to the trea-
sury of the Order was at once suspended, and the claim for
such loans repudiated.-

5. The quartering of the officers of the garrison upon the
families of the Maltese was a very unpopular measure, and
gave rise to much dissatisfaction, as did also the levying of
a tax for the expenses of the soldiers' barracks, which was in
direct contravention to the terms of the capitulation.

These were some of the principal grievances of which the
inhabitants complained. Still, although they were thus rendered
discontented, the French might have succeeded in maintaining
their sway, had they not insulted the feelings of the people on a
point where they were most sensitive. Had they refrained from
interference with the religion of Malta, they might possibly
have carried their other acts of spoliation with a high hand ; but
a grave error of policy was committed when they decided on
plundering the churches of the costly decorations and votive
offerings, in which the inhabitants took so great a pride.
From the moment they began these sacrilegious depredations,
all sympathy between them and the Maltese was at an end.
The latter looked with a sense of horror and detestation on a
nation which, openly regardless of all religion itself, was
guilty of such acts of wanton desecration, and the spirit of dis-
content, which had hitherto found vent in idle murmurs, was
now so roused that it soon broke out into open revolt. The
JVench had utterly mistaken the Maltese temperament, which is
naturally bright, cheerful, and submissive, and neglected to mark
the under-current of firm and determined courage which forms
the mainstay of their character. Hardy, temperate, and,
when excited, capable of deeds of the most daimtless heroism,
passionately attached to their island and religion, the Maltese
may be made, according to the manner in which they ai-e
governed, either the warmest friends and the most loyal

44

674 A History of

subjeotB, or the bitterest and most dangerous enemies. The
French oommitted the serious error of despising their new
subjects, and thej soon had cause to rue their shortsighted
policy.

The government had advertised the sale of some tapestry and
other decorations from a church in the Cittd YecchiflL, and the
crowd assembled on the occasion shewed the first symptoms of
revolt. This event took place on the 2nd September, I7989 and
brought on a riot of so serious a character that the sale was neces-
sarily postponed, a step which, for the moment, quelled the dis-
turbance. The commandant Masson at once despatched a message
to General Vaubois, in Valetta, informing him of what had
occurred, and praying for a reinforcement. This letter did
not reach the general until eight o'clock in the evening, so that
he was imable to send any assistance until the next morning.
This delay was probably one of the main causes of the loss of
Malta to the French. In the afternoon the riot, which had
been suppressed, once more broke out. The garrison, including,
the commandant, were all massacred, and the town fell into the
hands of the insurgents. The example thus set was speedily fol-
lowed in the neighbouring villages, and before night the revolt
had spread far and wide. Ignorant of this fact, early on the
morning of the 3rd September, Vaubois despatched a body of
200 men to the assistance of Masson. Before they had pro-
ceeded far on their route they were assailed on every side, and
met with so obstinate a resistance that they were forced to
retreat with all haste into the town, having lost several of
their number, who were cut off by the rebels.

The revolt now spread over the whole island, and the French
were dosely invested within their lines by the people of the
country. Even in Valetta the same spirit manifested itsdlf,
but here the superior power of the garrison enabled it to
check the outbreak, and a few summary executions of the
leaders reduced the mass of the inhabitants to a state of sullen
submission. These vigorous acts on the part of the Maltese
had been much encouraged, if not, indeed, originally prompted,
by the intelligence brought five days previously by the French
line-of-battle ship, QuUlaiime Tell, and the two frigates, Diane
and Justice, which had effected their escape from Egypt

tlu Knights of Malta. 675

after the battle of the Nile. These three vessels were ahnost
the only relies of that glorious fight, and thej had fled to
Malta for protection as soon as the issue of the conflict, so
disastrous to the French cause, had become decisive. It was,
therefore, with very gloomy forebodings that General Vaubois
found himself blockaded within his works by the Maltese at a
moment when the utter annihilation of the French fleet in the
Mediterranean had cut him off from all hope of succour. A
strict examination was at once instituted into the resources of
the fortress, when it was found that 36,000 sahns of wheat were
contained within the stores, a supply considered sufficient for
the whole island for seven months; should, therefore, the
country remain in a state of revolt, it was, of course, ample for
the town requirements for a much longer period. Every effort
was, nevertheless, made to recall the insurgents to their allegi-
ance, but in vain. An amnesty was even offered to the leaders ;
but the people were not to be cajoled, and sternly rejected all
offers of compromise.

One of the earliest steps taken by the Maltese, after they had
surrounded the French and completed the investment of the
towns, was to appeal to the king of Naples, as their sovereign,
for protection. In consequence of this request, a Portuguese
squadron was despatched to the island, under the command of the
Sicilian admiral, the marquis de Niza, who was joined by Cap-
tain Ball, with the British man-of-war, Alexander. This force;
which, together, consisted of four ships of the line and two
frigates, arrived before Malta on the 18th September, and at once
established a blockade. It was joined, on the 24th October, by
the British fleet, consisting of fourteen sail, in a very shattered
condition, having undergone no repairs since the desperato
battle in which it had been engaged in Aboukir bay. On
the day of his arrival off Malta, Nelson wrote a letter to Lady
Hamilton, of which the followed extracts affect our narrative : —

'^ After a long passage we arrived, and it is as I suspected ;
the ministers at Naples know nothing of the situation
of the island. Not a house or bastion in the town is in
the possession of the islanders, and the marquis of Niza tells
me they want arms, victuals, and support, and it is very certain,
by the marquis's account, that no supplies have been sent by

44*

676 A History of

the governors of Syracuse or Messina. However, I shall and
will know everything as soon as the marqius is gone, which will
be to-morrow morning."

On the following day, Nelson sent the marquis de Niza back
to Naples to refit, and himseU began, personally, to investigate
the state of affairs. This he found most unsatisfactory as far
as the Neapolitan government was concerned. The Maltese were
most determined and enthusiastic, but they were almost totally
destitute of the means necessary for maintaining their resistance.
Nelson had been led to believe that they had been furnished
from Sicily with supplies of arms and ammunition, but so far
was this from being the case, that, on the contrary, their vessels
had actually been placed in quarantine by the Sicilians. The
only assistance they had as yet received was from the British.
Sir James Saumarez, whUst taking home the Nile prizes, having
been detained off Malta, had seized the opportunity of supply-
ing them with 1,200 muskets and a quantity of ammunition.
Nelson found 10,000 men in arms under the command of three
leaders, Emmanuele Yitale, Xavier Caruana, then canon, and
afterwards bishop of Malta, and Vincenzo Borg. They had
already begun the construction of batteries for the annoyance
of the garrison. On the 5th October they had successfully
resisted a sortie in force, made by the French in the direction of
the village of Zabbar, when they drove the garrison back with
considerable loss. Since that date no further attempts had been
made to assume the offensive. Nelson at once despatched
Captain Ball to summon the island of Gozo, the result of which
was a capitulation on the 30th October. Two hundred and
thirty prisoners were taken, and sent to Naples in the Vanguard
and Minotaur, Before quitting Malta, the admiral intrusted to
Ball the duty of aiding the inhabitants, and organizing their
resistance, proposing that on the surrender of the fortress he
should assume the government, either on behalf of the king of
Naples, or jointly for him and the king of England. He
instructed Ball as follows : —

" In case of the surrender of Malta, I beg you will not do
anything which can hurt the feelings of their Majesties. Unite
their flag with England's if it cannot, from the disposition of
the islanders, fly alone."

the Kiiights of Malta. 677

Captain, afterwards Erear-Admiral Sir Alexander James
Ball, whose name is so linked with the fortunes of Malta at
this eventful time, was a younger son of Robert Ball, Esq.,
lord of the manor of Stonehouse, in Gloucestershire. He was
educated at Northampton, and entered the navy in the year
1768. His friendship with Nelson had been of long standing,
and a very interesting incident is related of him in connection
with that hero. In a violent storm o£P the island of Sardinia,
on the 20th May, 1798, the Alexander, commanded by Ball,
was in company with the Vanguard, bearing the flag of Nelson.
The Vanguard, being disabled, was taken in tow by the Alexander,
but the storm was so furious that the towing could not be con-
tinued without imminent peril to Ball's ship. Considering the
case as desperate. Nelson seized the speaking trumpet, and,
with passionate threats, ordered Ball to cast him loose. To
this, however. Ball responded by saying, " I must not, and by
the help of Almighty God, I will not leave you." He suc-
ceeded in rescuing the Vanguard, and on their arrival in
harbour Nelson hailed him as the preserver of his life.

At this time it was the general opinion that the French
would not hold out long, and Ball wrote as follows to Lady
Hamilton, on the 19th October, five days before Nelson
arrived : — "I trust a very short time will put us in possession
of the French ships in the harbour of Malta, viz., Le Ouillaunie
Tell, of eighty guns. La Diane and La Justice, frigates of
forty guns, besides two ships, formerly Maltese. The French
would be glad of a sufficient excuse to surrender, which they
will soon have, as they are firing away their powder very fast.
The Maltese have gone too far ever to recede.'* Events, how-
ever, proved how fallaciouB this opinion was, as the blockade,
which Ball anticipated would soon be brought to a close, had
to be maintained for a period of two years, before the constancy
of the garrison was subdued by force of sheer starvation.
The narrative of this blockade does not come strictly within
the province of this work. It will, therefore, be sufficient to
touch upon merely a few of the most salient points. The
journal of Ransijat, which contains a very full and minute
account of all that took place, is the principal authority extant
on the subject. His book is full of complaints as to the total

678 A History of

dearth of intelligenoe from France, whioh, in those eventful
timef , must have been yery trying ; constant dread of bom-
bardment, which was every now and again threatened by the
besiegers, but never carried out ; a series of summonses from
the hostile admirals, invariably rejected with contempt, and at
intervals the arrival of some sLu vessel, laden with <^. wine,
oil, or brandy, which had evaded the blockading squadron.

The inhabitants of the town had not openly joined the
insurrection ; still, the bulk of them were naturally eager for
the success of their compatriots, and were only kept from an
open manifestation of their feelings by the superior French
force in their midst. Amongst them a plot was hatched whidi
at one time bid fair to curtail the tedious duration of the
blockade, and to achieve at one blow that triumph which they had
hitherto only hoped for from the effects of starvation. It was
arranged that the chief conspirators were each to lead a body
of some fifty or sixty men to the attack of the principal posts
within the city, as it had been observed that the sentries were
not very vigilant, and it was believed that they could be sur-
prised and poniarded without raising an alarm. A Corsican,
called Ghiglielmo, who had been a colonel in the Russian
service, was at the head of the plot, and he undertook to sur-
prise the Gfrand-Master's palace, then the head-quarters of
General Vaubois. An ex-officer of chasseurs under the late
r4gimPy named Peralta, was to sei^e on the Marina gate ;
Damato, a farrier in the Maltese regiment, was to lead a party
against the Porta Beale, the principal entrance to Yaletta ; and
a barber named Pulis, another, against the Marsa Musoetto
gate. Other detachments were to seize St. Elmo and the
auberge de Castile. The assaults were all to be made simxil-
taneously on the 11th January, 1799, and were to be supported
by a general attack from without on several points of the
enceinte, so as to distract the attention of the garrison.

The discovery of the plot was purely accidental. On the
morning of the appointed day a Oenoese barque had entered
the harbour, having eluded the blockading squadron, and had
brought intelligence of important successes obtained by the
French over the Sardinians and Neapolitans. Oeneral Vaubois
ordered a salute to be fired in honour of the occasion from the

the Knights of Malta. 679

principal batteries. The Maltese outside the fortress, who were
on the qui rive for the signal, at onoe rushed to the attack of
Floriana and the Cottonera lines, but were so warmly received
at both points that they were compelled to retire with con-
siderable loss. This premature advance disarranged all the
plans of the conspirators, and they decided upon postponing
their venture till a more favourable opportimity. Having no
means of communicating this alteration of design to their
friends outside, the latter remained in uncertainty as to what
steps they should take. A number of volunteers, trusting that
the outbreak might be attempted during the night, found their
way, under cover of the darkness, to the rocks beneath the
walls of the town near the Marsa Muscetto gate, and there
awaited the course of events. Unfortunately for them the
same ill-fate which had marred the morning's project pursued
them still. General Yaubois had determined to celebrate the
French successes not only by salutes, but also by an extra
performance at the theatre, which, as the day was Friday,
would not, under ordinary circumstances, have been open. The
commandant of fort Manoel, and one of his officers, obtained
leave to attend this representation, and at its close pro-
ceeded to the Marsa Muscetto gate to return to their post.
Whilst taking boat the attention of the commandant was
attracted by a light and the sound of whispered conversation
beneath the walls. He took no notice of these suspicious
incidents at the moment, but on reaching fort Manoel he sent
off a patrol to search the place. The Maltese were discovered
croudiing amidst the rocks, patiently awaiting the signal of
onslaught and the opening of the gate. The alarm was at
onoe given, and they were all seized. Eventually most of the
details of the plot leaked out, and forty-four persons, including
the leaders, were executed. The terror which was thus inspired
amongst the inhabitants relieved the French from all fear of a
repetition of the event.

On the 21st May, 1799, the garrison was agreeably surprised
to find that during the previous night all the blockading ships had
vanished. The cause of this sudden movement was the escape of
the French fleet from Brest, and its appearance in the Mediter-
ranean, joined by the Spanish vessels from Corunna. Nelson's

68o A History of

first determination on receiving this intelligence was to raise
the blockade of Malta and concentrate all his ships off Mari-
time. For this piu^ose he wrote to Captain Ball to rendezvous
with all his squadron at that point. It soon, however, appeared
that the French fleet, although it had entered the Mediter-
ranean, had no intention of fighting, but had made its way
as rapidly as possible to Toulon. Under these circumstances.
Ball's orders were countermanded, and he was directed to
resume the blockade with the Alexander^ 74 ; the Atidaciou^y
74 ; the Bonne Citoyeiine^ 20 ; the Sfromboliy bomb ship, 10 ;
and the Portuguese ship the Benjamin^ 18. To these were
afterwards added the Xf'ow, 64 ; the SuccesiSj 32 ; and the El
Corso, 16, English ships; and the Principe Ii4>al, 92; the
Affbnsn, 74 ; the Rainha, 74 ; and the 8t. Sebastian, 64, Portu-
guese ships. The squadron reappeared before Malta on the
6th June, to the great dismay of the defenders, who had taken
advantage of the suspension of the blockade to despatch several
small craft for the purpose of harassing the communioations
of their besiegers with Sicily. Now, however, all was once
more changed, and the Maltese hailed with joy the return of
the fleet, which enabled them to prosecute the land attack
without fear of interruption.

Throughout the blockade the greatest unanimity prevailed
between the Maltese and the English. Ball, who was in
command during this time, had endeared himself to the
inhabitants, and had acted as their principal leader, organizing
their forces, superintending the erection of their batteries, and
supplying them, as far as his means permitted, with food and
munitions of war. With the exception of this aid the land
attack was maintained almost exclusively by the Maltese, who
are entitled to claim that they, and they alone, confined the
French within the fortress, and kept them there for a
period of two years. This is clearly proved by the fact that
during the fifteen days when the fleet was absent no attempt
at a sortie was made by Vaubois.

"Whilst such was the determined spirit shown by the Maltese
against the French, their feelings on the subject of the return
of the knights were by no means so unanimous, there being
many amongst them who would have hailed that event with

the Knights of Malta. 68 1

pleasure. Fears were therefore entertained lest a counter-
revolution might break out, with the object of bringing about
such a consummation. The following letter, addressed to Ball
by one of the lieutenants of his ship, who was stationed on
shore at St. Antonio, shews the state of public feeling at the
time : —

" For several days the minds of the inhabitants have been
worked up to a degree of alarm that foreboded something very
unpleas€uit, and a number of reports have been in circulation
of the probability of a counter-revolution, which it was hinted
would most likely take place on the 29th (June), the day of the
celebration of the feast of St. Paul, when all the chiefs would
be assembled at Cittd Vielle, assisting at the religious cere-
monies. On the evening of the 28th the captain of the port of
St. Paul's came up to report to me the arrival of three knights
of Malta, two of them Grand-Croix, in a speronaro. They
were from Trieste, but last from Messina. He had allowed
them to land, but immediately lodged them in the tower of
St. Paul until he had received orders how to proceed. One of
them, the bailli Nevens, was almost the only knight who had
been popular with the Maltese ; he had commanded the regi-
ment of chasseurs in the country, most of whom are now acting
as soldiers with us. From the existing circumstances, and a
knowledge of the late Grand-Master having a strong party in
the island who were ready to act in any way that could tend
to restore him to his former government, I did not hesitate one
moment in determining to send them out of the island without
any loss of time, and in doing which I had not a doubt but I
should meet your wishes. I therefore immediately sent the
officer to St. Paul's bay again, with orders to take any papers
the knights might have brought, and to send an armed spero-
naro to see them some leagues from the island. In the course
of a very few hours I found that the arrival of these persons
had already caused a general movement and confusion in the
island, and the captain of the port the next morning reported
that during the few moments they were between the boat and
the tower they had contrived to distribute upwards of fifty
crowns among the crowd who assembled there, telling them at
the same time that they had brought plenty of money, and that

682 A History of

they would be followed in a few days by some veBsels laden
with oom to relieve their distresses. Among their baggage
was found 5,000 or 6,000 Maltese crowns. These we did not
touch. I felt myself in a very awkward situation, being
obliged to act in so decisive a manner, and have not a doubt by
so doing but that I saved the island from becoming the scene
of much greater confusion than already existed, and perhaps
from the effusion of much blood."

This was the only attempt on behalf of the Order, either to
aid in expelling the French or to secure the possession of the
island to themselves. Arrangements were meanwhile made by
the governments of England, Russia, and Naples that, in cajse
of a surrender, the fortress should be occupied by the three
powers jointly, pending the decision by a general congress as to
its ultimate destination. The wishes of the Maltese do not
appear to have been in any way consulted in the matter,
although the whole onus of the land attack had fallen on them,
and they were suffering with the most heroic endurance hard-
ships and privations but little inferior to those of the belea-
guered garrison. They had erected no less than fifteen batteries,
stretching from the coast in front of Bicasoli round to the higb
groimd in the rear of fort Manoel. The principal points were
the Coradin hill ; that at Tarxien, from whence shot were fired
into the centre of Valetta ; the hill of Samra, which commanded
the Porte des Bombes, where the effects of the fire may still be
traced ; and the hill behind fort Manoel, whence that work and
also fort Tign^ were battered.*

As time wore on, and the scarcity of provisions became more
and more felt in the town, large bodies of the inhabitants left
Valetta, with the consent of General Vaubois, and sought refuge
amongst their countrymen. No impediment was placed in the
way of these departures, except in the case of those who, from
their political influence or wealth, were likely to be serviceable
to the garrison. Bansijat, in his " Siege et Blocus de Malta," gives
some very interesting statistics as to the price of provisions, and

* A plan exists in the Rojral Engineer Office at Malta originally forming
one of Tign^'s projects, but which had been used by the French engineers
during the blockade. On this map the Maltese batteries are all approxi-
mately laid down, and distinguished by letters.

tlie Knights of Malta.

683

also 08 to the mortality at different periods during the siege.
The following was the tariflf at which food was procnrahle at
certain dates : —

Fel

•ma

ry, 179(

). August, 1799.

July, 1800.

B.

d.

£ B. d.

£ 8. d.

Freah pork, per lb.

2

10 .,

,. 0 6 0.

..072

Cheese, per lb. ...

2

6 .,

.. 0 7 4.

Fish, per lb.

1

6 ..

.. 0 3 2.,

.060

Oil, per bottle ...

2

6

,. 0 10 0 ..

..134

Sugar, per lb. ...

6

0

,. p 17 6 .,

.200

Coffee, per lb. ...

4

0 ..

1 0 10 ..

.284

Wine, per bottle .

2

6

0 3 4..

Eggs, each

0

4

. 0 0 8..

It will be seen that during the latter months many articles
ceased to be procurable at any price, the garrison and few
remaining inhabitants being forced to content themselves with
the reduced rations issued to them from the public stores. Eats
and other vermin became recognized articles of consumption,
and those that were found in the granaries and bakehouses
were, from their superior plumpness, much esteemed. In order
to eke out their scanty rations, the soldiers had, in the early
part of the siege, cultivated gardens in the various ditches and
other suitable places, and had by this means added to their food.
So long as oil and vinegar were procurable, the salads which
they were thus able to produce reconciled them to the loss of
meat, which was issued in very small quantities, and then only
salted, all the fresh meat having been from the first reserved
for the use of the hospitals. The cultivation of these gardens
was latterly abandoned, not only owing to the want of oil and
vinegar, but also from the scarcity of water. Ball, in a report
to Nelson on the 18th July, 1799, says: — "I have the honour
to acquaint your lordship that a deserter is this moment come
out of La Valetta, who corroborates the distressed state of the
French garrison, and in addition he says that there is very little
water left on the Cotonaro side, and that they get their supply
from La Valetta. General Vaubois has given orders to clear all
the gardens of vegetables, to prevent any water being used there."
The following table shews the mortality that took place. It

684

A History of

will be perceived that the numbers were far higher during the
first year than the second. This was owing to the fact that
nearly 30,000 of the. inhabitants left the fortress during the
course of the blockade: —

1798—1799.

1799

—1800.

Garrison.

Inhabitants.

Garnson.

Inhabitants.

8 .

.. 108

. 33 .

.. 102

14

. 108

.. 30 .

.. 100

20 .

.. 107

.. 19 .

... 99

25 .

,. 160

.. 11 .

.. 60

35 .

.. 213

.. 23 .

.. 44

20 .

.. 200

.. 13 ,

... 42

37 .

.. 230

6 ,

... 30

40 .

.. 319

.. 14 .

... 27

98 .,

.. 338

6 .

19

131 ..

. 311

3 .

... 16

79 .

.. 233

7

... 25

48 .

,. 131

5 .

.. 22

September
October
November
December
January
February
March
April . . .
May ...
June ...
July ...
August

Making a total of 725 soldiers and 3,044 inhabitants. At one
period the soldiers suffered severely from moon-blindness, losing
their sight during the bright moonlight nights of summer, and
recovering it again in the daylight.

Up to a late period a company of Italian comedians had
continued to reside in the town, and the theatre was constantly
opened for the amusement of the troops. The imfortimate
actors had repeatedly sought permission to leave with the other
inhabitants, but for a long time they were not permitted to do
so, their services being considered too valuable. At length even
the little food necessary for tbeir support was too scarce to be
bestowed on non-combatants, and they were allowed to depart,
their places being filled by amateurs from the different regi-
ments, who kept the theatre open till the very end.

The following letter, written by Nelson to the emperor of
Russia, dated on the 31st October, 1799, shews that at that
time it was contemplated to restore Malta to the Order.

" Sire, — ^As Grand-Master of the Order of Malta, I presume
to detail to your Majesty what has been done to prevent the
French from re-possessing themselves of the island — ^blockading

the Knights of Malta. 685

them closely in La Valetta — and what means we are now
pursuing to force them to surrender. On the 2nd September,
1798, the inhabitants of Malta rose against the French robbers,
who, having taken all the money in the island, levied heavy
contributions, and Vaubois, as a last act of viUainy, said, as
baptism was of no use he had sent for all the church plate. On the
9th I received a letter from the deputies of the island, praying
assistance to drive the French from La Valetta. I immediately
directed the marquis de Niza, with four sail of the line, to
support the islanders. At this time the crippled ships from
Egypt were passing near it, and 2,000 stand of arms, complete
with all the musket ball cartridges, were landed from them, and
200 barrels of powder. On the 24th October I relieved the
marquis from that station, and having taken the island of Grozo,
a measure absolutely necessary in order to form the complete
blockade of La Valetta, the garrison of which at this time was
composed of 7,000 French, including the seamen and some few
Maltese,* the Maltese in arms (volimteers), never exceeded
3,000. I intrusted the blockade to Captain Alexander John
Ball, of the Alexander^ of seventy-four guns, an officer not only
of the highest merit, but of the most conciliatory manners.
From that period to this time it has fallen to my lot to arrange
matters for the feeding 60,000 people (the population of Malta
and Gozo), and the arming of the peasantry. The situation of
Italy, and in particular the kingdom of Naples, ofttimes reduced
me to the greatest difficulties where to find food. Their Sicilian
Majesties, at ditferent times, have given more, I believe, than
£40,000 in money and com. The blockade has, in the expense
of keeping the ships destined alone for this service, cost full
£180,000 sterling. It has pleased God hitherto to bless our
endeavours to prevent supplies getting to the French, except
one frigate and two small vessels with a small portion of salt
provisions. Tour Majesty will have the goodness to observe
that, until it was known that you were elected Grand-Master,
and that the Order was to be restored in Malta, I never allowed
an idea to go abroad that Ghreat Britain had any wish to keep
it. I therefore directed his Sicilian Majesty's flag to be hoisted,

* It will be seen that this was a considerable over-estimate of the strength
of the garrison.

686 A History of

as I am told, had the Order not been restored, he is the legiti-
mate sovereign of the island. Never less than 500 men have
been landed from the squadron, whioh although, with the
volunteers, not sufficient to oommenoe a siege, have yet kept
posts and batteries not more than 400 yards from the works.
His Sicilian Majesty, at the united request of the whole island,
named Captain Ball as their chief director, and he will hold it
imtil your Majesty, as Grand-Master, appoints a person to the
office. Now the French are nearly expelled from Italy by the
valour and skill of your generals and army, all my thoughts are
turned towards placing the Grand-Master and the Order of
Malta in security in La Yaletta, for which purpose I have just
been at Minorca and arranged with the English general a force
of 2,500 British troops, cannons, bombs, etc., for the siege. I
have written to your Majesty's admiral, and his Sicilian Majesty
joins cordially in the good work of endeavouring to drive the
French from Malta. The laborious task of keeping the Maltese
quiet in Malta, through difficulties which your Majesty will
perfectly understand, has been principally brought about by the
goodness of her Majesty the queen of Naples, who at one
moment of distress sent £7,000 belonging absolutely to herself
and children, by the exertion of Lady Hamilton, the wife of
Sir William Hamilton, my gracious sovereign's minister to
the court of the Two Sicilies, whom your Majesty knows per-
sonally, and by the bravery and conciliatory manners of
Captain Ball. If your Majesty honours these two persons
with the decoration of the Order, I can answer none ever
more deserved the cross, and it will be grateful to the
feelings of your Majesty's most faithful and devoted servant,

"BRONxi Nelson."

In his reply to this letter the emperor says, "C'est avec
plaisir qu6 j'accorde h, votre demande la croix de Com-
mandeur au Capitaine Ball, et celle de Chevalier h, Lady
Hamilton que vous leur remettrez acoompagnees des lettres de
ma part."

That Captain Ball was much gratified with his decoration is
evident by the following extract from a letter he wrote to Lady
Hamilton : — ** I most sincerely congratulate your ladyship on

the Knights of Malta. 687

the distinguished mark of favour which his Imperial Majesty,
the emperor of Eussia, has been pleased to confer upon you in
creating you Chanoinesse of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem.
He has been graciously pleased to confer upon me the honour of
Commander of the same Order, from which I derive a double
satisfaction. The first in the honour of being your brother and
defender, and secondly from the consideration of its being a
token of regard of my invaluable friend and patron Lord
Nelson. Adieu, my dear lady and sister; may you live a
thousand years, but at all events may you be supremely happy
while you live prays your obliged brother and friend,

"Alexander John Ball.

" To her Excellency Lady Hamilton, C.S.J. J. Is that right?
Pray tell me how to address your letter."

It is quite evident, from all the contemporary despatches and
correspondence, that the English government at this time had
no intention whatever of possessing themselves of Malta. They
had undertaken to aid the insurgent Maltese by maintaining a
blockade, with the sole view of driving the French from the
island, and it appeared to them a matter of but little moment
whether it afterwards fell into the hands of Eussia, of Naples,
or of its quondam masters. Nelson's views about Malta are so
singular that they are worthy of record. He writes to Earl
Spencer : — " To say the truth, the possession of Malta by
England would be a useless and enormous expense; yet any
expense should be incurred rather than let it remain in the
hands of the French. Therefore, as I did not trouble myself
about the establishing agarn the Order of St. John at Malta,
Sir William Hamilton has the assurance from his Sicilian
Majesty that he will never cede the sovereignty of the island to
any power without the consent of his Britannic Majesty. The
poor islanders have been so grievously oppressed by the Order,
that many times have we been pressed to accept of the island
for Ghreat Britain, and I know if we had, his Sicilian Majesty
would have been contented ; but as I said before, I attach no
value to it for us, but it is a place of such consequence to the
French, that any expense ought to be incurred to drive them
out."

688 A History of

It has been suggests that, in thus depreciating the impor-
tance of Malta to England, Nelson was unconseiouslj reflecting
the wishes of Lady Hamilton, whose intimacy with the queen
of Naples would lead her to use her influence in securing the
restoration of the island to that monarchy. Nelson's peculiar
views about Malta can, however, scarcely be attributed to this
cause, since, as his letter to the emperor of Kussia shews, he was
quite ready to co-operate in the transfer of the island to that
power. It seems, indeed, as if he utterly failed to realize its
vast importance to England.

In the month of December, 1799, a small body of British
troops, consisting of the 30th and 89th regiments, in all 1,300
men, under General Sir Thomas Graham (afterwards Lord
Lynedoch), and two Neapolitan battalions, together 900 strong,
landed in the island, and assumed the direction of the siege.
Captain Ball, having been meanwhile elected by the people
as president of the national council, had landed from the
Alejrandery and assumed the office of governor of the Maltese,
fixing his head-quarters at the country palace of St. Antonio,
about four miles from Valetta. This appointment was sanc-
tioned by the allied powers. From that time the command of
the blockading fleet devolved upon Commodore Martin, who was
sent to Malta for the purpose. Shortly afterwards, General
Pigot also arrived, and took over the command of the allied
forces from Sir Thomas Graham, who remained under hJTn in
command of the British forces only.

On the 18th January, 1800, Nelson encountered off Cape
Fassaro a French squadron, consisting of a line-of-battle ship
and four frigates, conveying troops from Toulon for the relief
of Malta. The line-of-battle ship was Le G6n6reuxy 74 guns,
bearing the flag of Keju:- Admiral Perr^, one of the few vessels
that had escaped from the battle of the Nile, She was now
captured by Nelson's flagship, the Foudroyant^ the French
admiral dying on the follo\\dng day of wounds received in
the action. One of the frigates was also captured by the
Alexander. This failure to relieve the beleaguered garrison
made it clear to every one that before long a surrender must
take place. Still the gallant Vaubois determined to hold out to
the very last. Whatever faults, and even crimes, the French

the Kfiights of Malta, 689

committed on their first seizure of the island, no one can deny
them a tribute of admiration for the constancy and cheerfulness
with which they underwent the hardships and privations of the
blockade. Not a murmur of discontent was heard in the ranks ;
on the contrary, they aided their superiors in every possible way,
and to the very last moment the cry of no mrrefider was the
popular watchword. Equal, if not still higher praise is due to
the gallant Maltese, who underwent privations nearly as great as
those of the French, and who, without the training or discipline
of soldiers, bore the heat and burden of the struggle for two
long years without flinching, or ever once yielding to the blan-
dishments and tempting promises of the garrison. They had
from the first determined to expel the hated French, and from
this resolve nothing could turn them. Even when, after a year's
blockade, the English fleet abandoned the enterprise, and left
the island for a fortnight, not a symptom of weakness showed
itself. Let it, therefore, never be forgotten that the Maltese owe
their deliverance from the yoke of France to their own dogged
resolution and invincible determination.

Month after month of the year 1800 passed away, and at length
it became evident to all that the time for surrender had arrived.
Before taking this step General Vaubois made one last efPort to
save the ships which had fled for refuge to Malta, and which
were now the sole relics of the French fleet present at the battle
of the Nile. Great precautions had been taken throughout the
siege to protect them from the fire of the Maltese batteries, and
although they had been repeatedly struck, they still remained
in serviceable condition. The Guillaume Tell made a futile
attempt at escape early in the year. She had been fitted out
most completely, and took her departure on the 28th March,
the night being extremely dark, and the wind favourable. There
were, however, keen eyes watching on all the neighbouring
heights ; the vessel was soon discovered, the signal given, and
the British fleet placed on the alert. After a sharp pursuit, and
a most heroic and desperate defence, she was captured off Cape
I^assaro, and brought back to Malta. In this action she lost
207 men killed, and a large number woimded, amongst whom
were Admiral Decres and Ca;ptain Saunier. After this defeat
a last experiment was made to save the two frigates, the Diane

4.5

690 A History of

and the Justice^ and on the 23rd August they both left the
harbour, only, however, to meet the same fate as that of the
Quillaume Tell,

Nothing therefore remained but to capitulate, and a council
of wax was assembled to deliberate on the measure. It was
found that the stock of food would be completely e'!diausted on
the 8th September, even at the very reduced rate of consumption
then adopted. It was in consequence decided that terms of
surrender should be offered five days before that date. On
the morning of the 3rd September, 1800, General Vaubois
wrote to General Pigot, and offered to capitulate. Two British
officers, Major-General Graham and Commodore Martin, were
appointed to arrange the terms. These were accepted after
some discussion,* and on the 4th September the aitides
were duly signed. On the afternoon of the same day
the British troops occupied Moriana, fort Tign^, and
Ricasoli, and two of their men-of-w€u: entered the harbour.
On the 8th, the bulk of the French troops embarked on
board the transports prepared for their reception, and set sail
for Marseilles.

During the siege, which lasted one day over the two years,
the garrison expended 52,000 shot and shell and 700,000
musket cartridges. In this time they only consxmied the full
rations of seven months. All the horses and mules had been
killed for the use of the hospitals after the beef had failed.
Those of the inhabitants who had interest to obtain for the
invalid members of their families small portions of liver or
other entrails were considered very fortunate. A flight of
quails passing over the town on the day that the commissioners
entered, enabled General Vaubois, by the aid of a good cook,
to furnish them with an ample dinner composed of what they
imagined to be a great variety of food. Some surprise having
been expressed at being supplied with so many excellent dishes
at a time when it was thought the resources of the town were
thoroughly exhausted, General Vaubois confessed that the
quails and a couple of tame rabbits constituted the only animal
food on the table.

On assuming the command of the fortress. General Pigot issued

• For the articles of capihilation see Appendix No. 13.

the Knights of Malta. 691

an address to the inhabitants, announcing that his Britannic
Majesty took the Maltese itnder his protection, and pledged
himself to render them contented and happy, and to respect
their religion and its ministers. He also announced that
their chief, Captain Ball, would no longer remain among
them, as the exigencies of the naval service called him elsewhere.
The position occupied by Ball at this moment was somewhat
anomalous. He had endeared himself to the islanders, and had
acquired so much influence over them, that he was looked
upon, and unhesitatingly obeyed as their chief. This led to
some jealousy between him and General Pigot, who refused to
recognize his independent position. As a result of this feeling,
Ball was sent back to his duty, and the appointment as civil
governor given to a Mr. Cameron. This selection gave great
offence to the Maltese, who found that after all they had
accomplished and suffered to rid themselves of their French
masters, the English appeared to neglect their just claims
to consideration. This feeling shewed itself so strongly that
the British government wisely yielded to it, and in the following
year replaced Mr. Cameron by Sir Alexander Ball, as he then
was called, he having in the interim been made a Knight
of the Bath.

By the treaty of Amiens it was proposed to restore Malta to
the Order of St. John, with a condition that a Maltese kmgue
was to be established, supported by the territorial revenues and
commercial duties of the island ; the langtieis of both the French
and English nations being permanently suppressed, and no
individual belonging to either country admissible into the
fraternity. The British forces were to evacuate the place
within three months after the conclusion of the treaty, and the
fortress was then to be garrisoned by Neapolitan troops until
the Order had organized a force of its own.* Tliis part of the
treaty of Amiens (the tenth article) was strongly opposed
by the Maltese, and they petitioned boldly against it For-
tunately for all parties, the transfer never took place.
Governor Ball, who was fully alive to the injustice and im-
policy of the measure, delayed the surrender of the island
by every means in his power, and the result proved the

* See Appendix No. 14.

45*

692 A History of

wisdom of his tactics. War broke out, the treaty was
anualled, and Malta remained in the possession of the
liritish.*

The seventh article of the Treaty of Paris, signed on the
30tli May, 1814, determined the destiny of Malta in these
terms : " The island of Malta, Avith its dependencies, will
appertain in full authority and sovereignty to his Britannic
Majesty."

Under that rule the island still remains, and her govern-
ment, whilst prepared to uphold its claims against all comers,
prefers to foimd its right on the love of the Maltese. England
has no fear of recalling to their memory the days when
they were imder the sway of the Hospital. She needs
not to follow the example of the French, who, during
the short time in which they held control, destroyed, as far as
possible, all the monumental records of their predecessors*
Even to this day, much as has been done to repair the
injury, the eye is shocked by the many mutilations, apparently
wanton, and certainly barbarous, which the public buildings
underwent dming the two years of French rule. These muti-
lations were by no means the unpremeditated act of a licensed
soldiery. They were part of a deep-laid design of the French
government to estrange the Maltese from their recollections of
the Order of ISt. John.

England has no need of any such measures. Secure in
the attacliment of her subjects, she can dare to recall to their
memory the deeds of the heroes of old. She can venture to
restore the various records of the Grand-Masters who have
successively held sway over their ancestors. The Maltese who
now enters the city of Valetta passes through a gateway erected
by the British Government, on which stand, as its legitimate
guardians, the statues of L'Isle Adam, the first founder of
the Order in Malta, and La Valette, the builder of the city
which yet bears his name, and the hero of that glorious
struggle which is such a source of pride to all connected with
the island.

• A pension of £600 a year, charged on the revenues of Malta, was settled
upon Sir Alexander Ball and his next heir, as a reward for the important
services he had rendered on this occasion.

the K flights of Malta. 69

"7

The hold which England maintains over the fortress is well
expressed in the inscription placed over the portico of the main
guard-house in the centre of the city : —

"Magn.e et iNvitT-T, Britannia? Melitensii m Amor
ET Europe vox has insulas confirmant. a.d. 1814."*

• The love of the Maltese and the voice of Europe have confirmed these
islands to the jwssession of Great and InN-incihle Britain.

694 ^^ History of the Knights of Malta.

SEALS OF THE OEDER OF ST. JOHN.

1. The seal of Raymond du Puy.

This was found under the walls of Norwich castle. On
the obverse is the Gustos kneeling before a patriarchal cross, the
legend being t Raimundus Gustos Hospitalis Hierusalem. On
the reverse is a church with three domes, doubtless intended for
that of the Holy Sepulchre. The lower half shews the interior,
with the tomb of our Lord. At the head is a cross, above is a
lamp, and at the foot what is probably intended for a swinging
censer. The legend is t Hospitale De Hierusalem. An account
of this seal will be found in the "Archseological Journal," vol. x.,
page 141.

2. A seal somewhat similar to the above, but of considerably
later date. On the obverse a group of knights are kneeling
before the cross, with the legend t Bulla Magistr et Gonventus,
On the reverse the church takes a Gothic form. The repre-
sentation of our Lord is more distinct, but has the same
adjuncts. The legend is t Hospitalis Jherusalem.

3. A seal of the priory of England, with the head of St, John
the Baptist.

4. A seal of the priory of England, probably the first seal of
that institution, early in the twelfth century.

5. A seal of the grand-priory of England, shewing the prior
in the act of pronouncing the benediction.

pEALS OF THE OrDEF! OF ^T. JoHf<.

Appendix I.

695

APPENDIX I.

Chronological List of the Grand^Masters of the Order of St, Johtiy

1.

Ratmonb du Put . .

French

. 1118 1160

2.

Atjgeb de Balbjw . .

. . French . .

. 1160 1162

3.

Abnaud be Comps ..

. . French

. 1162—1168

4.

GiLBEBT d'AsCALI . .

. . English (donbtf q1

[) 1168—1169

5.

GA8TU8

doubtful

. 1 1.69

6.

JOUBEBT

doubtful . .

. 1169—1179

7.

ROGEB DES MOUT.TNS

. . doubtful . .

. 1179-1187

8.

Gabnieb de Napoli

. . English . .

. 1187

9.

Ebmekoabi) Daps

doubtful . .

. 1187 1192

10.

GODFBEY DE DUISSON

French

. 1192—1194

11.

Alphonso of Pobtl'oal

Portuguese

. 1194-1195

12.

Geopfbet le Rat . .

.. French ..

. 1195—1207

13.

GUEBIN DE MONTAOTJE

French ..

. 1207 1230

14.

Bebtband de Texi . .

. . French

. 1230—1231

15.

GUEBIN

doubtful . .

. 1231—1236

16.

Bkbtbakd de Comps

French . .

. 1236—1241

17.

Peteb de Ttt.lebbide

. . doubtful . .

. 1241 1244

18.

William de Chateatjkeuf

French

. 1244—1259

19.

Hugh de Retel

French ..

. 1259—1278

20.

NrCHOI«AS LOBOUE ..

doubtful . .

. 1278-^1289

21.

JOHir DE YlLLIEBS . .

.. French ..

. 1289—1297

22.

Odon de PllfS

French

. 1297—1300

23.

William de Tillabet

French

. 1300—1306

24.

FULK DE VnJ.ABET . .

French

. 1306—1319

25.

Eltow de Villakova

French

. 1319—1346

26.

Deodato de Gozon . .

.. French

. 1346—1353

27.

Peteb de Cobnillan

. . French

. 1353—1355

«

28.

RoGEB DE Pins

French

. 1355—1365

29.

Raymond de Bebengeb

.. French

. 1365—1374

30.

ROBEBT DE JuLLIAC . .

French

. 1374—1376

31.

Febdinand d'Hebedia

Spanish . .

. 1376—1396

32.

Philibebt de Naillac

. . French

. 1396—1421

33.

Antoine Fluvian . .

Spanish . .

. 1421 1437

34.

John de Lastic

French

. 1437—1454

35.

James de Milli

. . French

. 1454—1461

36.

Peteb Raymond Zacosta .

Spanish . .

. 1461—1467

696 A History of the Kfiights of Alalia.

37,

John Baptiste dT rsixs . .

Italian

. 1467—1476

;j8.

Peter D*ArBrs«oy

French

. 1476—1503

39.

AlMERIC D'AUBOISE

French

. 150»— 1512

40.

Guy de Blaxchefort

French

. 1512—1513

41.

Fabricius Carretto

Italian

. 1513-1521

42.

Philip Villiers de l'Ist.e Abam

French

. 1521 1534

43.

Peter df Poxt

Italian

. 1534—1535

44.

DiDiER DE St. Gilles

French

. 1535-1536

45.

John d'Omedes

Spanish . .

. 1536—1553

46.

Claude de la Sangle

French

. 1553 1557

47.

John de la Valette

French

. 1557 1568

48.

Peter de Monte

Italian

. 1668—1572

49.

John l'Ev£:que de la Cassi^re . .

French

. 1572 1581

50.

Hugh de Verdala

French

. 1581 1595

51.

Martin Garces

Spanish

. 1595—1601

52.

Alof de Vionacgurt

French

. 1601—1622

53.

Louis Mendes de Vasconcellos . .

Spanish . .

. 1622 1625

54.

Antoine de Paule

French . .

. 1625—1636

bb.

John de Lascaris

French

. 1636-1657

56.

Martin de Redin

Spanish . .

. 1657—1660

57.

Annet de Clermont

French . .

. 1660

58.

Rafael Cottoner

Spanish . .

. 1660—1663

59.

Nicholas Cottoner

Spanish . .

. 1663—1680

60.

Gregory Cabaffa

Italian

. 1680—1690

61.

Adrian de Vignaoourt

French

. 1690—1697

62.

Raymond Perrelos

Spanish

. 1697—1720

63.

Marx Antony Zondodari . .

Italian

. 1720—1722

64.

Antony Manorl de Vilhena

Portuguese

. 1722—1736

65.

Raymond Despuig

Spanish . .

. 1736—1741

66.

Emanuel Pinto

Portuguese

. 1741—1773

67.

Francois Ximenes

Spanish . .

. 1773—1775

68.

Emmanuel de Rohan

French

. 1775—1797

69.

Ferdinand von Hompesch

German . .

. 1797—1799

French knights . .

. 38

Spanish knights

. 13

Italian knights

. 5

Portuguese knights

3

English knights

. 2

German knights

1

Douhtful

7

Appendix II. 697

APPENDIX II.

LUi of the fir fit Member a of the Order of St, John^ cotemporaries with its
Founder^ Oerard^from 1099 to 1135. {From Paolo Antonio Paoli,)

Lambekt. Supposed to have been a son of canon de Montaique, and to have

been martyred by the Saracens.
Robert di Riccabdt. Robert Fitz Richard, an Englishman, prior of the

Order in England in 1100, and supposed to be of the family of

Lacy.
RoGEB DE Pagan, or Payex. Master of the Hospital in Jerusalem in

1112.
BojAiTTE Ruggiero. Mentioned in a charter of Atto, Count d' Abruzzo.
GuALTiEH. Mentioned in a charter of Ponz, count of Tripoli, 1105.
Bertrand. Prior of Monte Pellegrino, 1105.
RiDOLFO. Superior of the Hospital establishment at Jaffa, 1126.
Gtjbaldo. Prior of Messina, named in a charter of Roger, king of Sicily,

1137.
Berand. Prior of Aries in 1117.
Berald. Hospitaller of St. Gyles, mentioned by Count Atto.

PlETRO BaRCINONISE, >^

Bernard the Deacon.

ASCELIN.

Peetro D'Audusia.
Stephen Raymond,
poogio de montlaur.
Odd.

CULVETO. J

Gerald. Prior of Toulouse at its foundation, 1120.

DxTRAND. Constable of the Order, named in a letter of Hugh, seigneur of

Jaffa, 1125.
Bertrand. \

Arnold DE Someri. | Named in a charter dated 1125.
Robert. )

Peter Malet. 1126,
Pierre Raymond. \

Reonier de Tiberias.
Pierre de Tiberias.
William of Jaffa.
Pietro Galliziano.
Gerard William of J a it a.
Pierre William, the Chancellor. >
William de Saint Clement. ) Named in a charter of Bernard, bishop of
Anno. j Aries, 1129.

S Mentioned in a charter dated 1117.

Named in a letter of Hugh, count
/ of Jaffa, 1126.

698 A History of the Knights of Malta.

Raymond du Put, or Poggio. First Master.

Alfan. Named in a charter of Baldwin IL, 1129.

Jeaw Tunc.. Superior of the Order in France, 1130.

Gebard Jebert. Called also Josbert and Zebert, named by William of

Tyre-
Andrea, the Priest. x

^ ^ * I Named in a charter of Gamier, seigneur of

HiLDEBEAKD Chaoo. J Cesarea, 1131.

QSRARD DE CaLUMGUIC. I

Martdt Re. '

Qerard, the Sub-deacon. \ ^ , . , . ^ , , .

William Almeric. ^™^ "^ * donation of Baldwin, bishop of

RiDOLKO. ) Beirat,1133.

FONSIO, THE PrIEOT.

„„„.. 1

Gerard Giobbe Barro. J^"^^ ^^^ * ^^^^'^^ ^^ ^'^^^ «>^* ^^ J<^ff*»

Thomas. / ^^^^•

guarine. j

Oelajido. Named in a letter of Gongelin, count of Cesarea, 1134.

APPENDIX III.

Original Donation of Godfrey of Bouillon to the Hospital of St, John.
{JEx» Cod» papyrac, Biblioth, VaticamSy N, 3136, /Mi^e 19.)

Au nom de la sainte, quidessevrer ne se puet, Trinite, JS Godoffroy par
la grace de Dieu et de la reigne ffus assavoyr a tons presens et avenir que
come par la remission de mes pechies Je eusse chargie mon cuer et mes
espaules dou signe dou sauveyur crucifie pour nous; Je parvins au
demay au luog ou ssaresterent les pies du tres aut Jhesu Crist, et come Je
eusse visite le saint cepulcre dou Seignor et tons less saints luogs de saints
hopitiv^es entendement de penitence a la fin Je parvins a lyglise dou
benaure hospital, fondez en honor de Dieu et de sa tres benaur^e mdre et de
Saint Johan precursor dou Seignor, et Yoyant en ela dons de grace
dou Saint Esperit qui no se porroyt reconitier, lesquels sont departis
en les povres foybles et malades habundament et humblement vouz
adyeu et de penitence a la dite mayson de Thospital et a tons les freres
une maison fondee sur monalem abryele mon boure en la froide
montagne de tout ce qui apeut deli et ses rentes et avoir et porceor a touts
joms mays franchement. C'est don de ma donation fu fait en Ian
delincamacion noutre Seignor eu Ian de la prise de Jerusalem mclxxxui
en la seysesme epacte en la primieyra Indicion pour la salu de marme, de
mon pere, et de ma mere, et de tons mes devantiers et de mes parens et de
tons autres fiells et vis et mors.

Appendix IV. 699

APPENDIX IV.

Bull of Pope Paschal IL^ confirming the establishment of the Hospital of
St. John, {^Translated from the original Latin.)

Pasohal, bishop, and servant of such as are the servants of God, to his
venerable son Gerard, founder and Master of the Hospital at Jerusalem,
and to his lawful successors for evermore. The requests of a devout desire
ought to meet with a corresponding fulfilment. Inasmuch, as of thy
affection thou hast requested, with regard to the Hospital which thou hast
founded in the city of Jerusalem, in proximity to the Church of the blessed
John the Baptist, that it should be supported by the authority of the
Apostolic see, and fostered by the patronage of the blessed Apostle Peter : We,
therefore, much pleased with the pious earnestness of thy hospitality, do
receive the petition with our paternal favour, and do ordain and establish,
by the authority of this our present decree, that that house of God, your
Hospital, shall now be placed, and shall for ever remain, under the
protection of the Apostolic see, and under that of the blessed Peter. All
things whatsoever, therefore, which by thy preserving care and solicitude
have been collected for the benefit of the said Hospital, for the support and
maintenance of pilgrims, or for relieving the neeessities of the poor, whether
in the churches of Jerusalem, or in those of parishes within the limits of other
cities ; and whatsoever things may have been offered already by the faithful,
or for the future may through God*s grace be so offered, or collected by
other lawful means ; and whatsoever things have been, or shall be granted
to thee, or to thy successors, or to the brethren who are occupied in the
care and support of pilgrims, by the venerable brethren the bishops of the
diocese of Jerusalem; we hereby decree shall be retained by you and
undiminished. Moreover, as to the tithes of your revenues, which ye
collect everywhere at your own charge, and by your own toil, we do hereby
fix and decree, that they shall be retained by your own Hospital, all
opposition on the part of the bishops and their clergy notwithstanding. We
also decree as valid all donations which have been made to your Hospital
by pious princes, either of their tribute moneys or other imposts. We
ordain furthermore, that at thy death no man shall be appointed in thy
place, as chief and master, by any underhand subtlety, or by violence ; but
him only who shall, by the inspiration of God, have been duly elected by
the professed brethren of the Institution. Furthermore, all dignities or
possessions which your Hospital at present holds either on this side of the
water, to wit in Asia, or in Europe, as also those which hereafter by God's
bounty it may obtain : we confirm them to thee and to thy successors, who
shall be devoting themselves with a pious zeal to the cares of hospitality,
and through you to the said Hospital in perpetuity. We further decree
that it shall be unlawful for any man whatsoever rashly to disturb your

700 A Histo7y of the Knights of Malta,

Hospital, or to carry off any of its property, or if carried off to retain

possession of it, or to diminish ought from its revenues, or to harass it with

audacious annoyances. But let all its property remain intact, for the

sole use and enjoyment of those for whose maintenance and support

it has been granted. As to the Hospitals or Poor Houses in the

Western provinces, at Burgum of St. ^^idius, Lisan, Barum, Hispalum,

Tarentum, and Messana, which are distinguished by the title of Hosnitn^s

of Jerusalem, we decree that they shall for ever remain, as they are this day,

under the subjection and disposal of thyself and thy successors. If,

therefore, at a future time, any person, whether ecclesiastical or secular,

knowing this paragraph of our constitution, shall attempt to oppose its

provisions, and if, after having received a second or third warning, he shall

not make a suitable satisfaction and restitution, let him be deprived of all

his dignities and honours, and let him know that he stands exposed to the

judgment of God, for the iniquity he his perpetrated; and let him be

deprived of the Sacraments of the Body and Blood of Christ, and of the

benefits of the redemption of our Lord, and at the last judgment let him

meet with the severest venjj^eance. But to all who deal justly and rightly

with the same, on them be the peace of our Lord Jesus Christ, so that not

only here below they may receive the rewards of a good action, but also

before the Judge of all mankind, thoy may enjoy the blessing of peace

eternal.

I Paschal, bishop of the Catholic Church.

I Richard, bishop of Alboe, have signed.

I Calixtus, bishop of the Catholic Church.

I Landulplius, bishop of Beneventum,
have read and signed.

Given at Beneventum, by the hand of John, cardinal of the Koman
Church, and librarian, on the Idth day of the calends of March, in the 6th
indiction of the incarnation of our Lord, in the year 1113, and in the Kith
year of the Pontificate of our Lord Pope Paschal XL

APPENDIX V.

Bull of Pope Boniface VI IL, in the year 1300, recapituhUinff the oriyiuttl
Rule of Raymond du Puy, lost at the Capture of Acre, {Translated
from the oriyinal Latin,)

Boniface, bishop and servant of such as are servants of God, to his
beloved sons the Master and brethren of the Hospital of St. John of
Jerusalem, greeting and apostolical benediction : Whereas, from the
throne of apostolic eminence, whereon, by the will of the Divine grace
we have been placed, we arc constantly reminded how that ye have always

Appendix V. 701

displayed a wholesome adherence to the Divine commands (spuming all the
allurements of this world, which, although attractive, are but an illusion),
fearing not to expose both your persons and your possessions to jeopardy in
their fuliilment ; and whereas we have carefully called to mind how that ye
have ever hitherto displayed the most devoted aifection, and the most reveren-
tial zeal towards our person and towards your mother, the Church of Rome,
and continue so to do at the present time ; we have thought it fit, and do con-
sider it reasonable, that, bestowing upon you and your Hospital our muni-
ficent grace, we should (so far as with God's permission we are enabled)
admit your petitions to our favourable consideration. And whereas your
prayer, when laid before us, was to the effect that some time since, at the
capture of the city of Acre ye lost the apostolic letter containing the pro-
visions of your **Rule," with other things of no small value, for which
reason ye have humbly petitioned of us, that, whereas ye no longer possess
the letter of the brother Raymond, at that time the Master of your Hospital,
who established the aforesaid *' Rule," signed and sealed with his leaden
seal, in which letter the said *^ Rule '^ was distinctly laid down, as ye
assert ; we might be graciously pleased to grant to you, under a bull from
us, a renewal of this ^* Rule," as a guarantee of a greater precaution :

We, therefore, being ever solicitous for the prosperity and tranquillity, as
well of yourself as of your Hospital, and being favourably disposed towards
the granting of your pious requests, have caused the aforesaid *' Rul^," as it
is understood to have been contained in the letter of the said brother Ray-
mond, to be registered in the following terms, a few omissions and altera-
tions of words having been made in it by our order. We, nevertheless, do
confirm and renew the same ''Rule," by our special grace, being well
acquainted with it. The tenor of the letter was as follows: —

In the name of the Lord, Amen. I, Raymond, the servant of Christ's
poor, and Master of the Hospital of Jerusalem, by the advice of the General
Chapter of both clerical and lay brethren, have established the following
precepts and statutes in the house of the Hospital of Jerusalem. In the
first place, 1 desire that all those brethren who here dedicate themselves to
the service of the poor, shall, by God's assistance, maintain inviolate the
three promises which they have made to him, namely, chastity ; obedience,
which is to be understood to include whatever may be commanded by the
Master ; and to live without any property of their own ; because the fulfil-
ment of these three vows will be required of them by God at the last
judgment. And let them not seek for, or claim as due to them, more than
bread and water and raiment, which things are promised to them ; and let
their raiment be humble, becaase our masters the poor, whose servants we
profess to be, appear scantily and meanly clad, and it is not right that
the servant should be proudly arrayed, whilst his master is humble.

Furthermore, it is ordained that their behavioui- in church shaU be
decorous, and their conversation such as befits their calling; let the clergy
perform the service of the altar in white garments, and let each presbyter
have a deacon, or a sub-deacon, to attend upon him, and when occasion

702 A History of the Knights of Malta.

demandB it, let some other priest exercise this office ; and let a light be for
ever burning in the church, both by day and by night. And for the visita-
tion of the sick, let a presbyter attend, dressed in white robes, bearing with
reverence the Body of our Lord ; and let him be preceded by a deacon, or a
sub-deacon, or, at least, by an acolyte, bearing a lantern with a lighted
candle, and a sponge filled with holy water. Furthermore, when the
brethren appear in the cities or fortresses, let them not go alone, but two or
three together ; nor shall they select by whom they are to be accompanied,
but shall go with whomsoever the Master shall direct. Also, when they
have arrived at their destination, let them remain together. In their gait,
in their dress, and in all their deportment, let them do nothing which may
give offence in the eyes of any one, but only that which befits their sacred
calling. Moreover, whenever they may be in a house, or in church, or
wherever else women may be present, let them mutually guard over one
another's chastity. Nor let women wash either their haTids or feet, or make
their beds, and so may the God that dwelleth on high watch over them in
that matter. Amen.

And let pious persons, both clerical and lay, be sent forth to seek alms for
the holy poor. And when they shall require hospitality let them proceed to
the church, or to the house of some person of good repute, and let them ask
for food of that person for the sake of charity, and let them buy nothing
else. And if in truth they find no one who will assist them, let them pur-
chase by measure one meal only, by which to support life. And out of the
alms which they may collect let them secure neither lands nor pledges for
themselves, but let them deliver the amount over to their Master, with
a written account, and let the Master transmit it with the paper to the
Hospital, for the use of the poor. And of all their donations let the Master
take a third part of the bread, wine, and other nutriment, and should there
be a superfluity, let him add what remains to the alms, and let him send it
under his own hand to Jerusalem, for the use of the poor.

And let none go forth from any of their convents to collect alms, save
only those whom the chapter and master of the church may have sent ; and
let those brethren who have gone forth to make these collections be received
into whatever convent they may arrive at ; and let them partake of the same
food as the brethren may have divided among themselves; and let them
not give any further trouble there. Let them carry a light with them ; and
into whatever house they may have been received with hospitality, let them
cause the light to bum before them. Furthermore, we forbid our brethren
from wearing any such garment as may be unbefitting our religion ; and
above all, we forbid them to use the skins of wild beasts ; and let them eat
but twice in the day, and on every fourth day of the week, and on Satur-
days, and from Septuagesima until Easter, let them eat no meat, excepting
only those who are infirm and feeble ; and let them never appear without
clothing, but dressed in robes of wool or linen, or in other similar habili-
ments. But if any of the brethren shall have fallen by the force of his evil
passions into any of the sins of the flesh, which may God forbid ; if he have

Appendix V. 703

Binned in secret, let him repent in seoret ; and let him impose upon himself
a suitable penance: if, however, his sin shall have been discovered publicly,
and beyond contradiction, let him, in the same place where he may have
committed the sin, on the Sabbath day, after mass, when the congregation
shall have left the church, be stripped in the sight of all, and let him be
scourged and beaten most severely with thongs, or rods, by his superior, or
by such other brethren as the superior shall depute to perform this duty ;
and then let him be expelled from our Institution.

Afterwards, however, if Qod shall have enlightened his heart, and he
shall return to the Hospital and shall confess himself to have been a guilty
sinner, and a transgressor of the laws of God, and shall promise amendment
let him be again received, and a suitable penance be imposed upon him ; and
for a whole year let him be considered as on his probation, and during this
period let the brethren observe his conduct, and afterwards let them act as
seems best to them in the matter. And if any brother have a dispute with
another brother, and the superior of the house shall have noticed the dis-
turbance, let this be his penance : let him fast for seven days, the fourth
and the sixth on bread and water, eating upon the ground without a table
or a napkin ; and if he shall have struck a blow, then for forty days ; and if
any brother shall absent himself from the convent, or the superior under
whose control he hath beea placed, wilfully and without the permission of
the superior, and shall afterwards return, let him eat his meals on the
ground for forty days, fasting on every fourth and sixth day on bread and
water, and let him remain in the position of an alien for so long a time as.
he shall have absented himself, unless that time shall have been so pro-
longed that it shall seem fitting to the chapter to remit a portion. Moreover,
at table, let each one eat his bread in silence, as the apostle directs ; and let
him not drink after the *' completorium," and let all the brethren keep
silence in their beds.

But if any brother, having misconducted himself, shall have been oorreeted
and admonished twice or three times by the Master, or by any other brother,
and by the instigation of Satan shall have refused to amend his ways, and
to obey, let him be sent to us on foot, and bearing with him a paper con-
taining his crime ; yet let a fixed allowance be made to him, that he may be
enabled to come to us, and we will correct him. And let no oue strike those
intrusted to them as servants, for any fault whatever ; but let the superior
of the convent, and of the brethren, infiict punishment in the presence of all ;
yet let justice always be supported within the convent. And if any brother
shall have made a disposition of his property after his death, and shall have
concealed it from his superior, and it shall afterwards have been found upon
him, let the money be tied round his neck, and let him be severely beaten
by one of the brothers in the presence of the rest, and let him do penance
for forty days, fasting every fourth and sixth day on bread and water.

Moreover, since it is necessary to lay down a statute for you all, we
ordain that for each of the brethren as shall go the way of all flesh, in
whatever convent he may die, thirty masses shall be sung for his soul. At

704 A History of the Knights of Malta,

the first mass, let each of the brethren who is present offer a candle and a
pieoe of money ; which contribution, whatever may be its amount, shall be
spent on the poor. And the presbyter who shall have sung the masses, if
he does not belong to the convent, shall be maintained therein on those
days, and his duty being finished, the superior himself shall entertain hrm ;
and let all the clothing of the deceased brother be given to the poor. But
the brothers who are priests, and who shall sing these masses, let them pour
forth a prayer to our Lord Jesus Christ on behalf of his soul, and let each
of the priests sing a psalm, and each of the laity repeat 150 paternosters.

And with respect to all other crimes, and affairs, and complaints, let
them be adjudged upon in general chapter, and let a just sentence be
pronounced. And all these precepts we enjoin and impose upon you, in
virtue of our authority, on behalf of Almighty God, the blessed Maiy, the
blessed John, and the poor ; that they be observed strictly and zealously in
all points. And in the convents where the Master and chapter have
established a hospital, when a sick person shall make application, let him
be received thus: first, after having confessed his sins to the presbyter,
let him partake of the holy sacrament ; and afterwards let him be carried
to his bed, as though he were the Master; let him be charitably
entertained every day with food before any of the brethren are supplied,
and that of the best the house can afford. And on each Sabbath day
let the Epistle and Gospel be sung in the Hospital, and let holy water be
sprinkled around in procession. Furthermore, if any brother, having the
superintendence of a convent in any foreign land, shall appeal to any
sec alar person, rebelling against our authority, and shall g:ive him the
money appropriated to the poor, in order that, by his power, he may
establish the authority of the said brother against the Master, let him be
expelled from the general society of the brethren. And if two or more
brethren shall be dwelling together, and if oiie of them shall have mis-
conducted himself by an evil course of life, the other brothers are not to
denounce him, either to the public or to the prior, but first let them
chastise him by themselves, and if he will not permit himself to be
chastised, let them call in the assistance of two or three others and chastise
him. And if he shall amend his ways they should rejoice thereat ; but iff
on the other hand, he shall remain impenitent, then, detailing his crimes in
a letter, they shall forward it to the Master ; and whatever he and the
chapter may decree, let that be done to the offender ; and let no brother
accuse another brother unless he is well able to prove the charge, for if he
do so he is no true brother.

Furthermore, aU the brethren of every convent, who shall now, or have
heretofore offered themselves to God, and to the sacred Hospital of
Jerusalem, shall bear upon their breasts, on their mantles, and on their
robes, crosses, to the honour of God and of His sacred ci*oss ; to the end that
God may protect us by that symbol of faith, works, and obedience, and
shield us from the power of the devil, both in this world and in the world
to come, in soul and in body, together with all our Christian benefactors. —

Appendix VL 705

Amen. Therefore let no man whatsoever he permitted to infringe this charter,
signed, confirmed, and renewed by us, or to oppose himself audaciously
to it. If, however, any one shall presume to act thus, let him know that
he renders himself liable to the anger of Almighty God, and of His
blessed apostles Peter and Paul. — Given at the Lat«ran, on the seventh day
of the ides of April, in the sixth year of our Pontificate.

APPENDIX VI.

BuU of Pope Alexander IV., dated in 1259, decreeing a distinctive dress for
the Knights of Justice. {Translated from the original Latin,)

Alexander IV., Pope, to our beloved sons, the Master and brethren of the
Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem, greeting, and apostolical benediction.
Whereas, Almighty God hath built up your Order upon the foundation of
obedience, as an immovable pillar in His Church, for the defence of the
Holy Land, of which ye are the renowned and stalwart champions, and the
chosen protectors, and for the defence of which ye have girt yourselves with
the glorious armour of the cross of salvation, to fight the battles of the
Lord against the blasphemers of His name ; and whereas, as ye are the elect
people of God, a princely race, and earnest body of righteous men, the
council and congregation of the King of mighty kings, in whose hands
verily are two equal swords and burning lights, to execute vengeance on
the nations, and to protect the city of the Lord ; we intend, therefore, to
strengthen with suitable gifts, and to encourage with w^orthy favours, your
Order, and yourselves also, who are the soldiers of Christ, in whom the Lord
hath aroused, in those regions, the spirit of the brave Maccabees, and of
the other warriors of old of the same class ; and to concede to you such
things as are known to redound to the development of your Order, and the
protection of the Holy Land.

Since it has come to our knowledge that, amongst the brethren of your
Order, both knights and others, there is no distinction or diversity of dress,
contrary to the usual custom in most other similar institutions ; on which
account it comes to pass, that the love of many brethren of noble birth,
who, casting aside the allurements of the world, under the garb of your
Order, have chosen to devote themselves to the defence of the Holy Land,
grows cold ; we, therefore, being earnestly desirous that your Order may
still continue, by God's help, to be enriched with fresh donations, and may
grow and increase in the votive oiferings which it shall receive, do hereby
grant to you, by the authority of these letters, permission to decree
unanimously, and hereafter to maintain inviolate, the regulation, that the
knights, brethren of your Order, shall wear black mantles, that they may
be distinguished from the other brethren ; but in campaigns, and in battles,

46

7o6 A History of the Knights of Malta.

they shall wear surooate and other military decorations of a red oolour, on
which there shall be a cross of white colour, sewn on in accordance with
that on your standard; in order that by the uniformity of signs, the
unanimity of your spirits may be clearly apparent, and that thus, in conse-
quence, the safety of your persons may be insured. Therefore, let it be
lawful for no man to infringe upon this statute of our concession. For if
any one shall presume upon such an attempt, let him know that he will fall
under the indignation of Almighty God, and of his blessed apostles Peter and
Paul. — Given at Anagnia, on the third day of the ides of August, in the
fifth year of our Pontificate.

APPENDIX VII.

Letter of Peter cPAuhusson to the emperor of Oermany^ containing
a narrative of the first xiege of Rhodes. (Translated from the
original Latin.)

Most invincible and serene prince; it appears to us in no way incon-
gruous that we should describe to your Imperial Majesty the incidents which
have occurred in the siege of the town of Rhodes ; by the Turks in its
attack, and by ourselves in its defence ; now that the aay of battle has had a
prosperous ending, to the honour of the Christian name ; and we do not doubt
but that your Imperial Majesty will derive no little pleasure from our victory.
The Turks having encamped around the city sought diligently for points
of attack ; they then endeavoured to shake and destroy the ramparts on all
sides with their cannon, and soon shewed plainly what their intentions were,
and for that purpose surrounded the city with guns and mortars, and with
them overthrew nine of its towers and a bastion, and struck and destroyed
the magisterial palace. It seemed, however, most convenient to ihem. to
assault and press the city upon three sides principally : the attack of the
tower on the mole of St. Nicholas appearing the most advantageous for con-
cluding the affair ; by means of which they deemed that the city would the
most readily fall into their power. This tower is a stronghold, at the extre-
mity of the mole, which juts out into the sea in a northerly direction as far
as the harbour extends, and is visible to approaching mariners, who may
either keep close to it or easily avoid it. On the westward is situated tbe
chapel of St. Anthony, at a distance of barely 200 paces, with the sea
between. The advantages of the place having been therefor© perceived,
the Turkish army strove by every means in their power to get it into their
possession. They brought three huge brass bombards to batter down the
tower, whose size and power were incredibly great, and which threw balls
of stone of nine palms, and they placed them in the chapel of St. Anthony.
Wonderful to relate, and most calamitous to behold, this renowned fort,

Appendix VI L 707

which appeared of such surpassing strength, after having been battered by
300 stone balls, had the greater part of its extent destroyed, overthrown,
and rained. The enemy, who beheld the ruins with exultation, filled the
air with their shouts, which vain rejoicing was, however, speedily con-
verted into sorrow. For we, being anxious for the safety of the tower,
beholding its great and fearful ruin, strove to prop up the remainder of the
wall ; and since such a course appeared the most judicious, after so com-
plete a downfall, we decided upon protecting, not the tower only, but also
the mole of St. Nicholas itself. With the most vigilant care and number-
less inventions, a thousand labourers worked day and night without
intermission, who dug a deep ditch, and constructed a bulwark with timber
on the top of the mole, around the tower, and in the midst of its foundations,
and completed an impregnable redoubt at a great cost. There we placed a
guard of our bravest warriors within the ruins of the mole, and supplied
them with stores and ammunition. At the end also, and foot of the same,
we placed other garrisons, both at the eastern and western extremities :
because at those points the ramparts ended, and the sea is fordable, so
that it was necessary to watch and defend them, lest the Turks should
pass there, and attack us in the rear. And on the walls of the tower
we placed bombards, which should sweep the spot during an attack.
Fireworks were also prepared to attack the fleet. Twice did the Turks
storm the tower, and the new work on its ruins ; the first time,
when they thought it easy to capture with only moderate force, before
daylight at early dawn ; when they attacked the place in triremes
prepared for the purpose, and fought vigorously. But our men,
who were intent upon the defence of the post, were constantly on the
watch. So the enemy was driven back discomfited. And in that battle
nearly 700 Turks were killed, as we learnt from the deserters. After the
lapse of a few days, however, enraged at their former repulse, they again
attacked the tower with a powerful marine, and with ingenious skill ;
shaking and destroying our repairs and new bulwarks with their heavy
artillery, and some were completely destroyed. We, however, promptly
repaired whatever they overthrew. To carry out the attack, they then got
ready triremes well supplied with munitions, and ingeniously prepared for
the fight, and certain other heavy vessels (called commonly '* parendarias "),
in which were heavy guns and stones ; that they might establish themselves
upon the mole and tower, which they thought they were secure of, and from
that point annoy and breach and capture the city itself. They also pre-
pared certain fiat- bottomed boats, from which some of the boldest among
them reached the mole, and constructed a bridge with the most wonderful
skill ; which was to cross from the church of St. Anthony to the mole at the
foot of the tower. But we, suspecting what would occur after the first
attack, had laboured with all our strength and ingenuity, added to our
munitions, increased our fortifications, and did not spare the most serious
expense ; for we judged that the safety of the city depended on that spot.
In the middle, therefore, of the night, the Turks, on the thirteenth of the

4G*

7o8 A History of the Knights of Malta.

kalends of July* burning with a fiercer ardour than ever, i^proached the
tower with the utmost silence, and attacked it on all sides with the
greatest impetuosity ; but our ears were pricked up, and we were not
asleep. For when we discovered that the foe was arrived, our machines
commenced to hurl their stones, our soldiers girded on their swords, and
missiles of every description being hurled from the tower and mole, over-
threw and repulsed the enemy ; the battle was carried on with the utmoi^
vehemence from midnight until ten o'clock. Numberless Turks, who had
reached the mole from the boats and triremes, were killed. The floating
bridge, laden with Turks, was broken by the missiles from our machines,
and those who were on it were thrown into the sea. Four of the triremes,
and those boats which were laden with guns and stores, were destroyed b?
the stones hurled upon them, and were simk. The fleet also was set on fire,
and forced to retire ; and thus the Turks departed, beaten and defeated.
Many of their leading commanders fell in this battle, whose loss was deeply
mourned for by the army. Deserters, who joined us after the battle, told us
that the Turks had received a severe check, and that nearly 2,500 had been
slain. But when the Turks lost all hopes of capturing the tower, they
turned aU their energies, their ingenuity, and their strengtli, on an attack
of the town itself, and although the whole city was so shaken and breached
by their artillery that scarcely the original form of it remained, still
their principal attack was directed against that part of the walls which
encloses the Jews' quarter, and looks towards the east ; and against that
part which leads to the post of Italy. For the purpose, therefore, of
destroying and breaching those walls, they brought eight gigantic and most
enormous bombards, hurling stones of nine palms in circuntference, which
played upon the walls without ceasing night and day. Nor did the bom-
bards and mortars placed around the city cease from hurling similar stones,
the fall of which added greatly to the general terror and destruction. We
therefore placed the aged, the infirm, and the women in caves and other
underground spots, to dwell, which caused but few casualties to occur from
that infliction. They also prepared another description of annoyance, by
using flre-balls and lighted arrows, whioh they hurled from their balistffi
and catapults, which set fire to our buildings. We, however, careful for the
safety of our city, selected men, skilled in the art, who, ever on the watch,
put out the fires wherever the flaming missiles fell. By these precautions
the Rhodians were preserved from many mishaps. The infidels also attempted
to approach the city underground, and excavated winding ditches, which they
partly covered with timber and earth, that they might reach the ditches of
the city under cover ; and they built up batteries in many places from which
they kept up an unceasing fire, with colubrine and serpentine guns, and
harassed and wearied our men, and also thought it would be an advantage
to fill up that portion of the ditch which is adjacent to the wall of the spur.
Th^ continued without ceasing, therefore, to collect stones, and secretly to
throw them into the ditch, so that part being filled up by their labours to
the level of the opposing wall, they could form a pathway in the shape of ft

Appendix VIL 709

back, from which they could conveniently enter upon the walls of the town
We, however, perceiving the attempt of the foe, watched over the
safety of the city, and throughout the town, and castles, and ditches,
inspected carefully where repairs and munitions were required ; which
the Turks perceiving, turned again in despair to the Jews' rampart, and
other spots ; whilst we, with repairs and supports, restored such places as
they had ruined, with stakes of the thickest timber, firmly planted into the
ground, and covered with earth, and with roots and branches interlaced,
which, clinging together most tenaciously and firmly, sustained the shock
of their missiles, and protected the breach, lest the rampart falling into the
city should afford them an easy descent. We also made similar bulwarks,
with stakes interlaced with brushwood and earth, as cover for our men, and
as an obstacle to the Turks when cUmbing up. We also prepared artificial
fire, and other contrivances, which might prove useful in repelling the
attack of the Turks. We also thought it advisable to empty that part of
the ditch which the Turks had filled with stones ; but as that could not
otherwise be done secretly, from the situation of the ditch, we made for
ourselves an exit beneath the stones, and secretly brought them into the
town. The Turks who were nearest the ditch, however, remarked that the
heap of stones diminished, and that the facilities for an ascent would be
reduced, unless they rapidly carried out the attack they contemplated.
Thirty-eight days were- passed in these labours ; and during that time 3,''>00
huge stones, or thereabouts, were hurled at the ramparts and into the to^n.
The Turks, perceiving that the opportunity of storming the town was being
gradually taken away from them, hastened on their preparatory works, and
on the day before the assault, and that night, and even on the early morning
itself, they battered at the walls without intermission with eight huge bom-
bards, hurling enormous rocks ; they destroyed and overthrew the barriers
that had been erected behind the breach ; the sentries, look-outs, and guards
of the ramparts were mostly killed, and it was hardly possible to mount the
wall, except by taking the utmost precautions, and by descending a little at
the sound of a bell, and afterwards continuing the ascent. Nor was time
given us to repair the ruined fortification ; since the vigour of the bombard-
ment never relaxed, and in a little time 300 stones, or thereabouts, had been
discharged. The bombardment having concluded, the Turks, at the signal
of a mortar, which had been placed there the day previous, mounted the
breach, on the seventh day of the kalends of August, in a vigorous and rapid
attack ; and the ascent was, as we have already said, easy for them, easier
than it was for our men, who had to use ladders. Annihilating the guard
who had been placed on the summit of the rampart, who were unable to
resist that first onset, before our reinforcements could ascend the ladders,
they had occupied the spot, and planted their standards there. The same
thing occurred at the bastion of Italy, whose summit they gained. The
alarm was given on all sides, and a hand-to-hand encounter commenced, and
was carried on with the utmost vehemence. Suddenly, our men opposing
themselves to the foe, on the right and left of the rampart, drove them from

7 1 o A History of the Knights of Malta.

the higher places, and preyented them from moying about on the walls. Of
the four ladders, too, which had been provided for the descent into the Jews'
quarter, one had been broken by our order ; but haying ascended by the
others, we opposed ourselyes to the enemy, and defended the place. There
were, in truth, 2,000 most magnificently armed Turks upon the walls,
in dense array, opposing themselves to our men, and striving, by force
of arms, to drive them away, and expel them from the place. But the
valour of our soldiers prevented us from giving way. To the first body, how-
ever, of Turks, who had gained the walls, there followed an immense
multitude of others, who covered the whole country, the adjacent breach,
the valley and ditch, so that it was hardly possible to see the ground.
The deserters state that 4,000 Turks were engaged in the assault.
Our men drove about 300 of the enemy, who were upon the rampart,
back into the Jews* quarter, where they were killed to a man. At that
conflict we raised the standard bearing the effigy of our most sacred Lord
Jesus Christ, and that of our Order, in the presence of the enemy ; and the
battle raged for about two hours around the spot. At length the Turks,
overcome, wearied, and panic-stricken, and covered with wounds, turned
their backs, and took to flight with such vehement haste that they became
an impediment to one another, and added to their losses. In that fight there
fell 3,500 Turks, or thereabouts, as was known by the corpses which were
found within the city, and upon the walls, and in the ditches, as also in the
camp of the enemy, and in the sea ; and which we afterwards burnt, to pre-
vent disease ; the spoils of which corpses fell into the possession of our men,
who, following the flying Turks, even to their camp on the plain, slew them
vigorously, and afterwards returned safely into the town. In which battle
many of our bailiffs and brave soldiers fell, fighting most valiantly in the midst
of the hostile battalions. We ourselves, and many of our brothers in arms,
having received many wounds, having returned thanks to God, and placed
a strong guard on the walls, returned home ; nor was so great a calamity
averted from us save by the Divine assistance. For we could not doubt
but that God had sent assistance from heaven, lest His poor Christian people
should become infected with the filth of Mahometanism. Turkish women
had prepared ropes, under the hopes of obtaining possession of the city,
wherewith to bind the captives, and huge stakes, wherewith to impale tiiem
whilst living. For they had decreed that every soul, both male and female,
above ten years of age, was to be killed and impaled ; but the children
under that age were to be led into captivity and compelled to renounce
their faith ; and all booty was to be given over to plunder, the city being
reserved for Turkish governance. But being frustrated in their evil
designs, they fled like a flock of sheep. During these battles, and the
attacks made on different days, as also in defending the approaches, and
clearing the ditches, and in the general defence of the town by means of
our artillery, which played constantly on their army, we kiUed, as the
Turkish deserters reveiQed to us, 9,000 of them, and an innumer-
able quantity more were wounded ; amongst whom Gusman Bake

Appendix VIIL

and a certain son-in-law of the sultan's died vi tJitu* wounds. Tliu
struggle being ended, they first burnt all their stores, and retired to their
camp, a little distance from the city, where, embarking their artillery and
heavy baggage, and consuming a few days in transporting some of their
army into Lycia, they left the Rhodian shore, and retired to Phiscus, an
ancient city on the mainland: thus they retired beaten, with ignominy.
May the omnipotent God happily preserve your Imperial Majesty to our
prayers !

Given at Rhodes, on the 13th day of September, in the year of the
Incarnation of our Redeemer idCCCCLXXX.

Your Imperial Majesty's humble servant,

Petee d'Aubusson,
Master of the Hospital of Jerusalem.

APPENDIX VIII.

Letter of Sir Nicholas Ruherta to the earl of Surrey ^ descriptive of the
second siege of Rhodes, {Ex Cotton MSS. Copied from Taafe^s
** Knights of St, John" This letter is much injured, and rendered
illegihie in many parts,)

Ryght honorable and my singler good Lord .... thankynge your
Lordshipe .... with 3'our letters of recommen .... to the
Lord Master, the which letters I deliverede .... I deliverede to the
Lord Master thos leters of recommendationes that the kings grace. . . .
Cardinal, and my Lords grace, yr. father wrot to him .... I
deliueryd unto Sir Thomas Sheffield a letter that my .... your
father sent hym, and he gave me answer .... the time shold come
he wold speake to .... for me, and to do the best he ooulde for me
. . . . it not been for hym, my lord master was determined to . . .
geven me part of the commandrey of grace . « . . commandrey,
called Dynmore, bysydes leceiste .... by the deth of the turko-
polier, callyd Sir . . . whome was slain at the seage of the Ro . . ' .
lord master hath given the said commandre to Sir ... .

As touching the distructione and taking of the Rodes, I avised your
lordshipe by my Ires, datayd in february last past, w** my next
Ires, I shall send your lordship the copy of all suche things that hath
ben betwen the great Turk and us during the seage I believe seins
the tyme of the romans as far as I have red in ... . was ther
never no towne beshegied w^ so gret an army^ both by se and by lande, as

. . . beshegied with all ; for by the se he had t .... of

712 A History of tlu Knights of Malta.

Ysailles not lakking XY th thousand seamen, and by Lande, a hundredth
thousand fething men, and fefte thousand laborers with spades and pikes,
were the occasione of the taking of the Rodes in the space of four moniths,
they brought a mowntaine of erth befor them to the walles of the towne,
which was as hie agen as the walles of the towne wer, the which ....
the destructione and dethe of many a man . . . and child ; for at all
such tymes as they would geve us any batalle, they would put IIII or Y
springarders upon the said mowntaine, that the people for a man oould not
go in the .... of that mountaine. I was one of those that the lord
master .... Religione sent to the gret Turk f or p . • . . such
tyme as the pact was made betwene the Turks and him. The gret turk ys
of the age of ... . yers ; he ys Tore wise discret and muc ....
bothe in his wordes and also in his .... being of his age. I was in
his courte . . . . at such time as we were brought first to make our
reTerence unto him we fou .... a red payilion standing between
too .... lions marvelous ryche and sumptu .... setting in
a chayr, and no creatur sat in the payelione, which chayr was of g . . . .
work of fin gold, his gard stonding near his pa\dlion to the number of XXII
. . . . they be called Sulaky, thes nomber .... continually
about his person, he ha ... . nomber of XI thowsand of them ; they
wear on ther heddes a long white cape, and on the tope of the cape a white
ostrage .... which gevith a gret show .... Armye was
divided in fowre partes, the captains .... waz callid as folowith,
the principaU captaine is called pero bashaw, second mustapha bashaw, the
third hakmak bashaw, the fourth the .... igalarby of anatolia-
lliey be the IIII govemours under the gret turk ; eury one of them had
fifte thousand men under his Bauer, and they lay at IIII severall places of
the towne, and euery one of them made a breche in the wall of the towne ;
that in some places Yc men on horseback myght come in at once ; and after
that the wall of the town was downe, they gave us battall often tymes upon
even ground, that we had no manner of advantage apone them ; yet
thankid be Ood and Saint John, at euery batall they returned without
their purpose. Upon Saint Andrue ys evin last, was the last batall that was
betwene the turkes and vs ; at that batall was slain XI thousand turkes, and of
our part a hundredth and . . . . ur score, and after that day the torkes
purposed to give vs no more batall, but to come into the towne by trenches
in so much, y^ they mad .... gret trenches, and by the space of a
month did come allmost into the mydst of our towne, insomuch that ther lay
nightly wtin our town .... thousand turkes; the trenches wer
covered with thick taballes, and holes in them for thyer springardes, that
we could not aproche them .... and a monithe after we saw pre*
cisely that the toune was loste we would never give over in esperanoe of
socours, and at such tyme as we sawe y^ theyr come no succours, nor no
Hocours reddy to come, and considering that the most of our men were slain,
we had no powther nor .... manner of munyoone, nor vitalles, but
all on by brede and water, we wer as men desperat .... deter-

Appendix IX. 713

myned to dye upon them in the felde, rather than be put upon the stakes ;
fur we doubted he would g:ive us our ly ves, oonsidering ther wer slain so
many of his men ; but in the end of the seson they came to parlement w^ vs,
and demandyd to know of vs whether we would make any partial . . •
and said that the gret Turk was content if we wold geye him the walles of
the towne, he would geve us our lyres and our goodes ; the commons of the
towne hearing this gret profer, came .... to the lord master, and
said that considering that the walle and strength of the towne ys taken, and
the municone spent, and the most of yor knights and men slaine, and allso
scing ther ys no socours redy to come, they determynd .... this
partido that the gret Turk geveth us the lyves of our wifFes and children.
The lord master hering the opinion of the hole commonalty resolved to take
that partido, fell downe allmost ded, and what time he recoveryd himsel in
sort, he seeing them contenue in the same, at last consented to the same.
During the seage the lord master hath ben found in every batall, oft as the
worst knight of the religione .... knights ther war slain YII hun-
dredth and three, of the Turkes and hundredth and three thousand, they
gave us XXII batalles the XX .... September was the general
batall, from the beginning of the day to hie .... without caseing ;
they gave us batalles in Y places of the towne, and ther war slain by their
own confessione, at that batalle XXII thousand ; the gret turk war ther in
parson, and in the batall we had slain three score .... upon our
walles, or ever we war redy to ... . them ; ther war slaine of our
part VI thousand and .... during the siege t3rme. May the Lord
have your lordship in his mcrcifuU kepyng. Messena, the XYth day of
May. By the hand of your faithfull cervant and bedman,

Nycsolas Robebts.

APPENDIX rX.

h^ed of authorization to the Procurators of VIsle Adam^ including the

act of donation of the island of Malta and ita dependencies to the

Order of St. John by Charles V. {Translated from the original
Latin,)

The brother Philip de YiUiers L'Isle d'Adam, humble Master of the
Sacred House of the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem, guardian of the
poor in Jesus Christ, and of our conventual home, to our venerable brethren
in Christ most dear to us, brother Hugh de Copons, draper of our convent,
and commander of our galleys, and to John Boniface, bailiff of our baili-
wick of Manosca, and receiver-general of our Order: health in the Lord,
and diligence in action. Since his most catholic Majesty has, of his

714 -^ History of the Knights of Malta,

munificenoe, granted the privilege to our Order, whose tenor is as follows,
namely : —

We, Charles V., by the clemency of the Divine favour always Augustus,
Emperor of the Romans ; Joanna, his mother, and the same Charles being,
by the grace of God, monarchs of Castile, Aragon, of both Sicilies,
Jerusalem, Leon, Navarre, Granada, Toledo, Yalentia, Gallicia, Majorca,
Seville, Sardinia, Cordova, Corsica, Murcia, Algarve, Algeria, Gibraltar, the
Canary Islands ; also of the islands and continent of India, of the Oceans ;
archdukes of Austria, dukes of Burgundy and Brabant; counts of
Barcelona, Flanders, and Tyrol ; lords of Biscay and Molina ; dukes of
Athens and Neopatria; counts of Rousillon and Catalonia; marquis of
La Mancha and Ghent.

Whereas, for the restoration and establishment of the convent. Order,
and religion of the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem ; and in order that
the very reverend, and venerable, and well beloved, the Grand-Master, the
priors, bailiffs, preceptors, and knights of the said Order; who, being
expelled from the island of Rhodes by the Turks (who, after a most
protracted and violent siege, have occupied that island), have already
wandered for several years, should obtain at length a fixed residence, and
there should once more return to those duties for the benefit of the Christian
community which appertain to their religion ; and should diligently exert
their strength and their arms against the perfidious enemies of the Christian
religion ; moved by devotion, and actuated by the same spirit which has
allied us to the Order, we have determined upon granting a fixed home to
the above-mentioned Grand-Master and Order, that they should no longer
be compelled to wander about the world ; by the tenor of this oiu* present
charter, firmly valid to all future times ; through our fixed knowledge, and
regal authority, and deliberation ; and with special designs for ourselves,
our heirs and successors on the throne ; we grant, and of our liberality we
bountifully bestow upon the aforesaid very reverend the Grand-Master of
the religion and Order of St. John of Jerusalem, in feudal perpetuity,
noble, free, and uncontrolled, our cities, castles, places, and islands of
Tripoli, Malta, and Gozo, with all their cities, castles, places, and insular
territories ; with pure and mixed jurisdiction, right, and property of useful
government ; with power of life and death over male and female residing
within their limits, and with the laws, constitutions, and rights now
existing amongst the inhabitants ; together with all other laws and rights,
exemptions, privileges, revenues, and other immunities whatsoever; so
that they may hereafter hold them in feudal tenure from us, as kings of
both Sicilies, and from our successors in the same kingdom, reigning at the
time, under the sole acknowledgment of a hawk or falcon; which, eveiy
year, on the festival of All Saints, shall be presented by the person or
persons duly authorized for that purpose, into the hands of the viceroy or
president, who may at that time be administering the government, in sign
and recognition of feudal tenure ; and,- having made that acknowledgment,
they shall remain exempt and free from all other ser\doe claimable by

Appendix IX. 715

law, and customary to be performed by vassals. The investiture of which
feudal tenure, however, shall be renewed in every case of a new succession,
and completed according to the dispositions of the common law, and the
Grand-Master for the time being, for himself and the above-mentioned
Order generally in this recognition and investiture, shall be bound to give a
pledge, that from the said cities, castles, or places, he will not permit loss, or
prejudice, or injury, to be perpetrated against us, or our kingdoms and lord-
ships above-mentioned, or those of our successors in the said kingdoms, either
by sea or by land, nor will offer assistance or favour to those inflicting such
injuries, or desirous of inflicting them ; but rather shall strive to avert the
same with all their power. And if any oniB arraigned of a capital crime, or
accused of any sinular offence, shall escape from the said kingdom of Sicily,
and shall take refuge in these islands, and their feudatories, if they shall be
required on the part of the viceroy, or of the governor, or the ministers of
justice of the said kingdom for the time being, they shall be bound to expel
such fugitive or fugitives, and to drive them far away from their island, with
the exception of those who are accused of treason, or of heresy, whom they shall
not eject, but, at the requisition of the viceroy or his lieutenant, they shall
take them prisoners, and remit them in custody, to the viceroy or governor.
Furthermore, in order that the nomination to the bishopric of Malta may
remain as it is now, in our gift and presentation, and in that of our succes-
sors in the kingdom of Sicily ; therefore, we decree, that after the death of
our reverend and beloved councillor, Balthaser de Yualtkirk, our imperial
vice-chancellor lately nominated by us to that diocese, as also in the case of
every subsequent vacancy occurring hereafter, the Grand-Master and the
convent of the Order shall nominate to the vicsroy of Sicily three persons of
the Order, of whom one at least shall be and must be a subject of ours or of our
successors in the kingdom, and who shall all be flt and proper persons for the
exercise of that pastoral dignity. Of which three persons thus nominated,
we, and our successors in the kingdom, will present, and shall be bound to
present the one whom we or they may judge to be the most worthy for the
post. The Master shall be bound to grant the dignity of the grand-cross to
whosoever may be nominated to the said bishopric, and shall give him
admission into the council of the Order, together with the priors and bailiffs.
Also, since the admiral of the Order is bound to be of the language and
nation of Italy, and it is deemed advisable that, for him who is to exercise
his authority, when absence or other impediments occur, if a suitable
|)erson can be found in the same language and nation, it shall be given to
him ; it is therefore reasonable, that under a similar parity of suitableness,
that person should the rather be elected to exercise that office, who may be
judged the most eligible from amongst that nation and language, who shall
exercise his office and be deemed suspected of none. Furthermore, let
statutes and Arm decrees be made of everything contained in the three
preceding articles, according to the style and manner used in the said
Order, with the approbation and authority of our sacred Lord and of the
Apostolic see ; and let the Grand- Master of the Order who now is, or here-

7 1 6 A History of tlie Knights of Malta.

«

after may be, be bound to swear solemnly to the faithful observation of the
said statutes, and to preserve them in perpetuity inviolate. Furthermore,
if the Order should succeed in reconquering the island of Khodes, and for
that reason, or from any other cause, shall depart from these islands and
their local feudatories, and shall establish their home and convent else-
where, it shall not be lawful for them to transfer the possession of these
islands to any other person without the expressed sanction of their feudal
lord ; but if they shall presume so to alienate them without our sanction
and license, they shall, in that case, revert to us and to our successors in
full sovereignty. Further, whatever artillery or engines of war now exist
within the castle and city of Tripoli, as shall be specified in a proper
inventory, they may retain the same for three years for the protection of
the town and citadel ; the obligation, however, remaining valid to restore
the said artillery and machines after the lapse of three years, unless at that
time our grace may, owing to the necessities of the case, see fit to prolong
the time, in order that the town and citadel may have its defence more
safely provided for. And further, whatever rewards or gratuities, tem-
porary or permanent, may have been granted to certain persons in these
territories, which have been given them, either on account of their merits,
or from some other obligation, in whatever state they may now stand, they
shall not be taken away from them without proper recompense, but shall
remain in full force until the Grand-Master and convent shall see fit to
provide them elsewhere with equal and similar property. And in the
valuation of this recompense all difference of opinion which might arise, and
all annoyance and expense of legal proceedings shall be obviated thus:
when it shall seem fit to the Grand-Master and convent to grant to any one
such recompense, two judges shall be nominated ; one in our name, by the
viceroy of Sicily for the time being ; the other by the Grand-Master and
convent; who, summarily and precisely, shall define the concession of
privileges to be transferred, with the arguments on both sides, without any
other form or process of law ; and if any recompense is to be given, they
shall decree how much it should be by right. But if the two judges should,
by chance, be of different and opposing opinions, by the consent of both
parties let a third judge be named, and whilst the question is being
adjudicated or inquired into, and the recompense fixed, the possessors shall
remain in the enjoyment of their rights, and shall receive the produce of
their privileges, until compensation shall have been made to them. Under
which conditions, as contained and described above, and in no other manner,
conceding to the aforesaid Grand-Master and convent, one and all of the said
articles in feudal tenure, as have been described, as can best and most fully
and most usefully be stated and written for their convenience and benefit,
and good, sound, and favourable understanding ; we offer and transfer the
same to the rule of the Grand-Master, convent, and Order, in useful and
firm dominion irrevocably ; in full right, to have and to hold, to govern,
to exercise in full jurisdiction, and to retain in peace and perpetuity. And
on account of this concession, and otherwise, according as it can best be

Appendix IX. 717

made available and held by law, we give, concede, and bestow to the said
Ghrand-Master, convent, and Order, all rights and all property, real and
personal, of every description whatever, which appertain to us, and which
can and ought to belong to us in those islands, which we grant to them by
feudal tenure, under the said conditions as have been recited, and in other
matters according to the circumstances of the case; which rights and
privileges, in order that they may be perpetual and capable of being
exercised and maintained, and that all and every right may be enjoyed and
freely exercised by law, and whatever else we ourselves may perform in any
manner, either now or hereafter, placing the said Grand-Master, convent,
and Order in every respect in our place; we constitute them true lords,
due and authorized agents and administrators in their own matters; no
rights and no privileges, which we have conceded to them as above, beyond
what we have already received, shaJl be retained or received by us or by our
council. Committing, from this time forth, to the charge of the said Grand-
Master, convent, and Order of St. John of Jerusalem, with the same
authority as we have heretofore exercised, all and every one, male and
female, who may now be dwelling, or hereafter about to dwell, in the said
islands, cities, lands, places, and castles, or in their territories, under what-
soever laws or conditions they may have resided there, that they should
receive and consider the said Grand-Master as their true and feudal lord,
and the rightful posiessor of the aforesaid territories, and shall perform and
obey his behests, as good and faithful vassals should always obey their lord.
They shall also make and offer fidelity and homage to the said Ghrand-
Master and convent, with all the oaths usual in similar cases; we also
ourselves, from the moment that they take those oaths and tender that
homage, absolve and free them from all oaths and homage which they may
have already made and taken to us, or to any of our predecessors, or to any
other persons in our name, and by which they have been heretofore bound.
Moreover, to the illustrious Philip, prince of the Asturias, etc., our well-
beloved first-bom son, and descendant, who, after our prosperous and
lengthened reign, we nominate and aj^oint, under the support of our
paternal benediction, to be, by the grace of God, our immediate heir and
legitimate successor, in all our kingdoms and dominions ; to all the most
illustrious lords our beloved councillors, and to our faithful viceroy and
captain-general in our kingdom of the Two Sicilies, to the chief justice, or
whosoever may be acting in his place, to the judges and magistrates of our
courts, to the magistrates of the "portulano" and the ** secrete," to the
treasurer and conservator of our royal patrimonies, to the patrons of our
exchequer, to the captains of our fortresses, to our prefects and guards,
portulans, and portulanotes, secreta, and to all and every one else of the
officials, and of subjects in our said kingdom of the Two Sicilies, and especi-
ally of the said islands, and of the city and castle of Tripoli, as well now
as hereafter, by the same authority we order and direct, under pain of our in-
dignation and anger, and under a penalty of ten thousand crowns, to be other-
wise levied upon their property, and paid into our treasury, that they hold,

7 1 8 A History of the Knights of Malta.

and support, and observe, and shall cause to be inviolably held and observed
by others, these our concessions and grants, one and all, as contained above ;
also, our aforesaid viceroy himself, or by means of a commissioner or com-
missioners whom he may choose to nominate in our name for that purpose,
shall cause to be handed over and transferred, in actual and tangible posses-
sion as vacant and free, all, as is aforesaid, which we have conceded to the
said Grand- Master and Convent, to himself, or to a procurator named in his
place, to whom in every way, in order that, on their side, thoy complete and
carry out the stipulation and agreement with the said Qrand-Master and
Convent, we confer power, and commit our plenary authority ; and after
possession shall have been duly handed over, they shall support the said
Grand-Master and Convent in that power, and shall protect them vigor-
ously against every one ; nor shall they cease to be paid rents, import or
export duties, or any other taxes or rights, by either of the aforesaid, to
whom we have granted this feudal tenure. We also, in order to give
effect to this deed, in case it should be necessary, supply all defects,
nullities, faults, or omissions, if any shall chance to be included, or shall
arise, or be in any manner alleged, from which in tjie plenitude of our royal
authority, we grant a dispensation. For which purpose we have ordered the
present deed to be drawn out and furnished with our official seal for the
affairs of Sicily attached to it. Given at Castellum Francum, on the 23rd
day of the month of March, in the year of our Lord 1530 ; in that of our
reign as emperor the tenth year; as king of Castile, Granada, etc., the
twenty-seventh ; of Navarre, the sixteenth ; of Aragon, both Sicilies,
Jerusalem, and elsewhere, the fifteenth ; and of all our realms the fifteenth.*
In order that the aforesaid grant and all contained therein may remain
intact, and may be preserved for ever, we have drawn out three dee<ls,
which include the pro^d8ions of the said grant, in which deeds they appear,
and stand more widely specified ; given under our common leaden seal on
the 25th day of April last past; which deeds for their more perpettial
and firmer efficacy, have been approved and confirmed by the Apostolic
see, as also may be seen more at large in certain apostolical letters lawfully
promulgated for that purpose in the usual manner, under dates of Rome,
the seventh day of the kalends of May, in the year of our Lord 1530, and
in the sixth year of the pontificate of our most holy lord, Clement. Hence
it is that we, the Master, bailiffs, priors, preceptors, and brothers, holding,
in complete council, the powers of a lawful chapter-general, desirous, accord-
ing to the design of his before-mentioned imperial majesty, and the tenor
of his grant, to have and to obtain possession of the said places, as specified
in that grant, and to take the steps necessary and proper for that purpose,
being confident in the probity of your good faith, with the most precise
sedulity, care, and authority which we possess ; after the most mature
and deliberate council, of our certain knowledge, in the most sure way,

^ The original act of donation ends here, and is signed in the handwriting of
Charles V., in the following manner — Yo cl Rey.

Appefidix IX. 719

mode, law, and form in which we could and should, best and most validly
perform the same, do make, create, constitute, and solemnly ordain you our
venerable brothers, Hugo de Copons and John Boniface, here present, and
undertaking this office, as procurators, agents, factors, and promoters of our
business ; and as general and special nuncios, in such a manner, that the
generality thereof shall not derogate from the specialty, or the contrary, for
us and our Order, and the whole convent. To promise and engage most
efficaciously, with the requisite solemn oaths, in our name and in that of our
Order and convent, for us and for our successors, specially and expressly,
according to the tenor of the said grant ; to observe, keep, and for ever to
preserve each and aU of the conditions contained in the aforesaid grant, and
especially to take the oaths at the hand of the most illustrious lord,
Don Hector Pignatelli, duke of Mount Leon, and most honourable viceroy
of the kingdom of Sicily, and captain-general of the army, representing in
these parts the person of his imperial and catholic majesty, the king of
Sicily and its adjacent islands ; also to make a stipulation and agreement to
restore all the artillery which shall have been consigned to us, and of which
an account has been taken, in the citadel or fortress of the aforesaid Tripoli,
as specified in the said grant, and after the same form ; and also to seek and
obtain executive deeds, and commissioners deputed and authorized to hand
over and yield, to acquire and obtain for us true and actual, civil and natural,
peaceable and quiet possession of the said places, according to the form and
tenor of the said imperial grant conceded to us and to our Order in perpetuity.
We give and concede to you, our procurators, in and concerning the afore-
said matters, full and free powers, and our entire authority, by virtue of
which you will be empowered to do and complete such things as we our-
selves could do if we had been present, even though they should be such
things as would require more special authority than is expressed in the
above. We promise and agree to maintain in good faith, as ratified, accept-
able, and fixed for all future time, whatever shall have been done, agreed
to, decided, promised, sworn, and executed by you, our procurators, in one
and all of the above-inentioned matters. Under the gage and security of
our property, and that of our Order, now and in times to come, wherever it
may exist, we desire one and all of the brothers of our house, whatever
dignity, authority, or office they may be in the enjoyment of, now or in times
to come, that they shall never presume to contravene or oppose these our
letters of authority to our procurators and envoys, but shall study to
preserve the same inviolate. In witness of which our common leaden seal
is attached to the above. Given at Syracuse, on the 24th day of the month
of May, 1530.

720 A Histoiy of tlie Knig/Us of Malta.

APPENDIX X.

TrantXaiion from the original Latin of the Letter of the Chrand^Master La
Valette to the grand-prior of Gertnang, narrating the siege of Malta,
Taken from ** Codii AuguUini Curionis Saracenicae Historice libri tree,
etc,*' Francofitrdi, 1596.

Brother John la Valette, Master of the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem,
to his venerable and dear brother in Christ, George of Hohenheim, called
"Bombast," the prior of our priory of Germany.

Greeting,

Although we doubt not that from the letters and verbal reports of manv
you have already heard of the ooming of the Turkish fleet to invade and
utterly destroy these islands and our Order, and the glorious victory we, by
the Divine aid, have gained over it, yet we have thought that these things
would give you still greater pleasure if they were brought to your know-
ledge by a letter from ourselves.

For whereas we are firmly persuaded that in this our most happy and
opportune success thou wilt render due thanks to Almighty God for the
same, and that by reason of the high position that thou boldest in our Order,
thou wilt reap the full reward of our good fortune, we are therefore minded
to rejoice with thee with a common joy, and clearly to bear witness that we
ascribe this most admirable and glorious victory to our Lord Jesus Christ,
the King of kings, and the Author of all good things, and in order that this
may be done worthily and willingly, we will narrate the whole matter in as
few words as possible, and at no great length, for that would be to
write a history of it.

Sultan Solyman, the bitter enemy of the name of Christian, and of our
Order especially, not satisfied with having already taken from us our noble
island of Rhodes and the fortress of Tripoli, and with having plundered us
of nearly all our worldly goods, dreaming only of utterly destroying, and
above all extinguishing our Order by any means in his power, ordered a
weU-appointed and numerous fleet to be fitted out, which sailed from
Byzantium on March 21st, and reached Malta on May 17th.

The fleet was composed of three-banked and two-banked galleys, and
about 250 vessels of other kinds. The number of fighting men on board was
approximately 40,000; the land forces under Mustapha Bassa, the fleet
imder Pyali Bassa.

After a few days spent in unloading stores, reconnoitring, pitehing
tente, and making such other preparations as are usual, the attack com-
menced with a violent assault and bombardment of Fort St. Elmo, at the
mouth of the harbour. Having continued this for many days without
intermission, and having opened a great breach in the walls, they assailed

Appefuiix X, 721

it with all kinds of missiles ; but the valour and energy of our knights
and other soldiers held it for thirty-five days, with great slaughter of the
enemy, although the fort itself, in the opinion of many, was deemed tenable
against so vast a force only for a few days.

At length, on the 23rd of June, when we could no longer repel the attack
and withstand the overwhelming number of the besiegers, the fort itself,
surrounded and shut in as it was by sea and land, and deprived of all
succour, was taken by the Turks, and the few survivors of our men were
put to the sword.

Elated by this success, they then commenced the attack on the fort and
town of St. Michele, and on this newly-built town (the Bourg), especially
directing it on the bastions of Castella and Lusitania (Castile and Portugal).
According to their usual custom, they began with the greatest activity,
and an increased strength of artillery, to batter and breach the walls in
many places.

This terrible and furious attack was made by the whole of the Turkish
force, equally powerful by land and sea, and then by huge engines of vast
size and fearful power, throwing, day and night, stone and iron balls of
from five to seven palms circumference, large enough to destroy, not only
walls, but to overturn even mountains ; and by their force the walls them-
selves were so breached in many places that it was easy to walk up them.
The infidels frequently assaulted these with much noise and fury, but as
often as they came on they were driven back with great defeat and loss in
killed and wounded.

Their leaders, both naval and military, having in vain delivered many
attacks at different points with all their forces during a space of nearly
four months, and having sustained great losses of their old soldiers, and
all the more as winter was now drawing on, when, by the law of nations,
all warfare rightly ceases, now meditated withdrawal, or rather flight,
which was accelerated by the arrival of Garzia of Toledo, viceroy of
Sicily, and admiral of the king of Spain* s fleet, who brought a reinforce-
ment of 10,000 soldiers and picked men, among whom were at least 214
of our knights, and many other noble and well-bom men, who, stirred by
Christian piety alone, had voluntarily assembled from various parts of the
world to bring us aid.

You have now shortly, and in a few words, the account of the arrival and
flight of the Turkish fleet, and of the victory which by God's help we gained
over it.

It wiU be for you to consider and imagine in what a state the Order and
this island now are, and would be found to be, to what poverty we are
reduced, and of how many things we are in want ; and unless we are re-
lieved by the assistance of our brethren, especially of those like yourself,
as we hope and believe we shall be, we must be undone.

Farewell !
Malta, 9th October, 1565.

47

72 2 A History of tfie Knights of Malta.

APPENDIX XI.

Li%i of the dignitaries of the " Langue " of England,

GRAND-PRIORS OF ENGLAND.

The aocount of the grand-priors previous to the commencement of the
fourteenth century is very incomplete and unsatisfactory. Very probably
the names of many of the conyentual priors of St. John of Clerkenwell are
mixed up with them.

The following list is given as they occur in the Cott. MSS.; as far as
the name of William de Tottenham. From him to the conclusion of the
roll the vouchers are to be found in the ** Libri Bullanun/' in the Record
Office at Malta.

1. Gabnebb de Neapolis. Is the first recorded grand-prior of England.

2. RicHABD DE TiTBK. Was living in the time of the first prioress of

Buckland, who is said to have held that dignity for sixty years.

3. Ralph de Dynham, or Dikant.

4. Gilbebt de Yebe. He bestowed on the dames of Buckland a pension

of a hundred crowns, charged upon his manor of Rainham.
6. Hugh d'Alneto, or Danet.

6. Alan. Afterwards bishop of Bangor ; was probably only conventual

prior of Clerkenwell.

7. Robebt the Tbeasubeb.

8. Theodgbio de Nussa, or Ntssa.

9. Robebt de Maunebt.

10. Robebt de Yebe. Was witness, as conservator of the Hospital, in a

charter, dated Acre, 19th December, 1262. He gave to the church
of Clerkenwell, in 1269, one of the six water-pots in which the
water was changed into wine at the marriage of Cana in Galilee.
As prior he visited the convent of Buckland, to arrange some dis-
putes, and died 15th February, 1270.

11. Peteb de Hockham. Named in a bull of Pope Boniface VIII., a.d.

1295.

12. SiHON BOCABD.

13. Eli AS Singleton, or Smelhton.

14. Stephen FuLBrBN.

15. Joseph de Chaunct. He built the chapel of the Lord-Prior, in the

conventual house of Clerkenwell; temp. Edward I.

16. Walteb. Gained possession of the preceptories of Quenyngton-

Schenegaye, and other lands and tenements.

Appendix XL 723

17. WiiJJAM DE Henley. Built the cloisters of the house of Clerkenwell,

A.D. 1283-4, and ob. 4th February the same year.

18. Richard de Penlet. Was prior before 1307.

19. Robert de Dynham, or Dinant.

20. William h^ Tottekham. The name of this grand-prior is written

both Cochal and Tothal, but his real name, as here given, is proved
by a letter from the archbishop of Canterbury, Walter Rainold,
to William de Tottenham, grand-prior of the Knights-Hospitaller
of Jerusalem, dated Lambeth, 17th July, 1314. Vid^ Rymer and
Du Puy, "Hist, des Templiers," 4to, 1751, p. 478. He died
12th October, 1318.

21. Thohas L' Archer. Was removed from the office of prior at the

request of the king Edward II., being incapacitated to fulfil the
duties from age and infirmities, a.d. 1329.

22. Leonard de Tibertis. Named by some authorities De Theohaldi,

being prior of Venice. Was nominated by the Grand-Master de
Villeneuve, visitor of the .English priory, and afterwards
appointed grand-prior of England, at the special request of the
king Edward 11. , a.d. 1329-30.

23. Philip de Thahe. Was prior of England a.d. 1325, 10th Edward

III., and died before a.d. 1358.
John de Dalton. Is said by Paoli to have been called prior of England
in a bull of the Grand-Master Berenger, but as his name does not
appear as such in any of the "Libri BuUarum," he was probably
only prior of the conventual church of Clerkenwell.

24. John de Pavelet. Lieutenant- prior and Turcopolier. Named grand-

prior of England in a bull of the Grand- Master Roger de Pins,
dated Rhodes, 14th October, 1358. Ob. 1371.

25. Robert de Hales. Preceptor of Slebech and Saunford; bailiff of

Aquila. Nominated grand-prior of England, nee Paveley, a.d.
1371. Beheaded by Wat Tyler's mob, a.d. 1381.

26. John de Redinqton. Preceptor of Ribestone, bailiff of Aquila.

Nominated grand-prior of England on the death of Robert de
Hales, by bull of the (}rand-Master Ferdinand d'Heredia, dated
Rhodes, 18th November, 1381. Ob. 1399.

27. Walter de Grendon. Preceptor of Halstone. Named prior of

England by bull of the Grand- Master Philibcrt de NaiUac, dated
Rhodes, 18th October, 1400. Ob. 1416.

28. William Hitlles. Preceptor of Swenefeld, Templecombe, and

Quenyngton. Nominated grand-prior of England by bull of the
Grand-Master Philibert de Naillac, dated Rhodes, 16th July,
1417. Ob. A.D. 1433.
29 Robert Mallort. Preceptor of Grenham, Balsal, and Grafton.
Elected grand-prior of England by bull of the Grand-Master
Anthony Fluvian, dated Rhodes, 4th May, 1433. Ob. a.d.
1440.

47*

724 A History of t/ie Knights of Malta.

30. RoBEBT BouTiL, or BooTLE. Preceptor of Melcheboume, Anstey, and

Trebighen. Made grand-prior of England by bull of the Grand-
Master Jean de Lastio, dated Rhodes, 29th November, 1440.
Ob. A.D. 1468.

31. John Langsteotheb. Preceptor of Balsal and Grafton; lieutenant-

Turcopolier; receiver-general of England; castellan of Rhodes;
bailiff of Aquila ; seneschal of the Grand-Master ; commander of
Cyprus. Nominated grand-prior of England by bull of the
Grand-Master Jean Baptiste Orsini, dated Rhodes, 5th April,
1470. Made prisoner, and beheaded after the battle of Tewkes-
bury, by order of Edward IV., a.d. 1471. Buried in the church
of St. John, at ClerkenweU.

32. William Tornat. Preceptor of Baddesley and Mayne; receiver-

general of England; bailiff of Aquila. Appointed grand-prior
of England by bull of the Grand-Master Jean Baptiste Orsini,
dated Rhodes, 29th August, 1471. Ob. a.d. 1476.

33. John "Weston. Preceptor of Newland and Dynemore; lieutenant-

Turcopolier ; Turcopolier. Appointed grand-prior of England by
bull of the Grand-Master Pierre d'Aubusson, dated Rhodes, 24th
July, 1476. Ob. a.d. 1489.

34. John Kendal. Preceptor of Willoughton, Halstone, and Ribestone ;

Turcopolier. Nominated grand-prior of England by bull of tbe
Grand-Master Pierre d'Aubusson, dated Rhodes, 20th June,
1489. Ob. A.D. 1501.

35. Thomas Docwra. Preceptor of Dynemore ; lieutenant-Turcopolier ;

prior of Ireland ; Turcopolier. Elected grand-prior of England
by bull of the Grand^Master Pierre d'Aubusson, dated Rhodes,
6th August, 1501. Ob. a.d. 1527.

36. "William Weston. Preceptor of Baddesley and Mayne ; Turcopolier.

Named grand-prior of England by bull of the Grand-Master
Philip Villiers de L'Isle Adam, dated Corneto, 27th June, 1527.
Died of grief for the dissolution of the langue of England, a.d.
1540. Buried in the church of St. James at ClerkenweU.

37. Thomas Tresham. Appointed grand-prior of England by a royal

charter of Queen Mary, dated Greenwich, 2nd April, 1557.

38. Richard Shelley. Turcopolier, 2nd April, 1557. Named grand-

prior of England on the death of Thomas Tresham, a.d. 1566,
supposed to have died at Venice, circ. 1589-90.

39. Andrew Wyse. Bailiff of Aquila, 1588. Nominated grand-prior of

England by papal brief, a.d. 1593. Ob. a.d. 1631.

40. Henry Fitz- James. Natural son of King James II. of England.

Nominated grand-prior of England on visiting Malta, by bull of
the Grand-Master Gregorio Caraffa, a.d. 1687 ; resigned the grand-
priory, A.D. 1701,

Appendix XI. 725

TITULAR GRAND-PRIORS OF ENGLAND.

41. Francois Astobg be Seobeyille. Nominated grand-prior of Eng-

land by his nncle, the Grand-Master Loubens de Yerdala, by
bull, dated Malta, 22nd April, 1591, but obliged to resign the
dignity on protest to the Pope of the bailifP of Aquila, Andrew
Wyse ; created instead bailiff of Aquila, 8th June, 1593.

42. Cesaee Febetti. Assisted at a chapter-general, a.d. 1612, as prior

of England, Andrew Wyse still living.

43. GiOYANNi Battista Nari. Elected grand-prior of England by papal

brief, a.d. 1631.

44. Alessandbo Zambeccabi. Nominated, by papal brief, dated Rome, 9th

May, 1639, grand-prior of England.

45. Gebonimo Alliata. Elected grand-prior of England by papal brief,

dated Rome, 5th June, 1648.

46. Stefano Mabia Lomellino. Named by papal brief grand-prior of

England, dated Rome, 19th June, 1654.

47. GiULio Bovio. Commander of San Giovanni di Tortona, and Orvietto.

Appointed grand-prior of England, by brief of Pope Clement XL
dated Rome, 11th July, 1701. Ob. a.d. 1706.

48. Fbancesco Mabia Febbetti. Nominated grand-prior of England, by

brief of Pope Clement XL, dated Rome, 11th December, 1706 ;
registered in council, 26th March, 1707. Resigned the grand-
priory.

49. NicoLO GiBALDiN. Appointed grand-prior of England, by papal

brief, dated Rome, 9th August, 1726 ; registered in council, 18th
August, 1732.

50. Peteb Fitz-James. Nominated grand-prior of England by papal

brief. No date given.

51. BuoNAVENTUBA Fitz-Jamrs. Graud-prior of England, named by

papal brief ; registered in council, 13th May, a.d. 1734 ; resigned
the dignity and the habit, a.d. 1755.

52. Giovanni Battista Altiebi. Appointed grand-prior of England by

brief of Pope Benedict XIV., dated Rome, 20th September, 1755 ;
registered in council, 23rd October, 1755. Resigned the dignity,
being appointed grand-prior of Venice.

53. GiBOLAHO Lafabelli. Grand-prior of England, living at Catania,

A.D. 1806.

TURCOPOLIERS OF THE ENGLISH "LANGUE."

The Turcopolier was the title peculiar to the head of the venerable langue
of England; he was commander of the Turoopoles, or light cavalry, and
had also the care of the coast defences of the two islands of Rhodes and
Malta. Upon the death of the Turcopolier Nicholas Upton, a.d. 1551, it

726 A History of the Knights of Malta.

was determined by the council that no more Turcopoliers should be elected
till the religious troubles in England should be satisfactorily arranged ;
which decree was confirmed by papal briefs, and the office of Turoopolier at
the same time incorporated with the dignity of Grand-Master in l^e years
1683, 1584, and 1613.

1. JoHK DE BuiSBfiOX, or BaAiBBOC. Was nominated Turoopolier at a

chapter-general, held at Montpellier, on the 24th October, 1329-30,
imder the Grand-Maater Elion de Yilleneuye, when the grand
dignities were attached to the eight langues, that of Turoopolier
being confined to England.

2. John be Payelet. Named Turoopolier in a bull, dated a.d.

133:.

3. William de Midleton. Preceptor of Ribestone, and Mount St John.

Named Turoopolier in a bull of the Grand-Master Raymond
Berenger, dated Rhodes, 28th January, 1365-6.

4. Richard de Gyertone. Preceptor of Mount St. John, receiver of

England. Named Turcopolier in a brief of Pope Gregory XI.,
dated Avignon, December, a.d. 1375.

5. Brian de Gret. Named Turoopolier in a bull of the Grand-Master

Ferdinand d'Heredia, dated Rhodes, 22nd February, 1385-6, con-
firming to him the bailliage of Aquila for life, and the preoeptory
of Beverley, in commendam. Ob. 1389.

6. Hildebrand Inge. Preceptor of Buckland and receiver-general of

England. Nominated Turcopolier in a bull of the Grand-Master
Ferdinand d'Heredia, dated Rhodes, 20th October, 1392.

7. Peter de Holte. Prior of Ireland. Appointed Turcopolier in a bull

of the Grand-Master Philibert dn NaiUao, confirming to him also
the priory of Ireland for ten years, dated Rhodes, 2nd August,
1396. Ob. A.D. 1415.

8. Thomas de Skipwith. Preceptor of Beverley and Schenegaye.

Named Turoopolier in a bull of the Grand-Master Philibert de
Naillac, dated Rhodes, 10th September, 1417. He resigned the
Turoopoliership on being appointed commander of Cyprus, 1421.
Ob. A.D. 1422.

9. TflOMAa Launcelyn. Preceptor of Baddesley, Dalby, and Rotheley.

Appointed Turcopolier on resignation of Thomas de Skipwith, by
bull of the Grand-Master Anthony Fluvian, dated Rhodes, 3rd
October, 1421. Ob. a.d. 1442.

10. Hugh Midleton. Preceptor of Willoughton and Beverley, bailiff

of Aquila. Made Turcopolier by bull of the Grand-Master
Jean de Lastic, dated Rhodes, 19th June, 1422. Ob. a.d.
1449.

11. William Daunay. Preceptor of Dynemore. Elected Turcopolier on

the death of Hugh Midleton, by bull of the Grand-Master Jean
de Lastic, dated Rhodes, 18th June, 1449. Ob. a.d. 1468.

Appendix XL 727

12. Robert Tong. Preceptor of Mount St. John. Named Turcopolier

by bull of the Grand-Master Jean Baptiste Qrsini, dated Rhodes,
A.D. 1468; resigned the Turcopoliership on being nominated
bailiff of Aquila, A.D. 1471.

13. John Weston. Preceptor of Newland and Dynemore. Appointed

Turcopolier, on mutition of Robert Tong, by bull of the Grand-
Master Jean Baptiste Qrsini, dated Rhodes, 16th October, a.d.
1471 ; afterwards grand-prior of England.

14. John Kendal. Preceptx)r of Willoughton. Elected Turcopolier by

bull of the Grand-Master Pierre d'Aubusson, dated Rhodes,
14th March, 1476-7, on the elevation of John Weston to be
grand-prior; and whom he also succeeded in that dignity,
1489.

15. John Bosvile. Preceptor of Temple-Bruer and Q,uenyngton. Nomi-

nated Turcopolier by bull of the Grand-Master Pierre d'Aubusson,
Rhodes, 20th June, a.d. 1489. Ob. a.d. 1494.

16. Thomas Docwra. Preceptor of Dynemore, prior of Ireland. Named

Turcopolier in a brief, dated Rhodes, 14th October, 1495 ; suc-
ceeded to the grand-priory of England, a.d. 1501.

17. Thomas Newport. Preceptor of Newland and Temple-Bruer; re-

ceiver of the common treasury. Made Turcopolier, vict Docwra.
Ob. A.D. 1502.

18. Robert Daniel. Preceptor of Swenefeld. Nominated Turcopolier by

brief of the Grand-Master Cardinal Pierre d*Aubusson, Rhodes,
30th March, 1502-3.

19. William Darell. Preceptor of WiUoughton, lieutenant-Turcopolier.

Named Turcopolier in a bull of Emeri d^Amboise, Grand-Master,
dated Rhodes, 6th February, 1509-10. Ob. A.D. 1519.

20. John Bouth, Bouch, or Buck. Preceptor of Quenyngton, Anstey,

and Trebighen ; receiver-general. Named Turcopolier in succession
to William Darell, a.d. 1519 ; was slain at the third and most
desperate assault on the quarter of England, at the siege of Rhodes,
A.D. 1522.

21. William Weston. Preceptor of Baddesley and Ma3me, etc. Elected

Turcopolier in the chapter, held in Candia, after the expidsion of
the Order from Rhodes, 1523 ; commanded the grand carrack of
the Order ; made grand-prior, a.d. 1527.

22. John Rawson, Preceptor of Swenefeld, prior of Ireland. Nominated

Turcopolier by bull of Philip Villiers L'Isle Adam, Grand-Master,
dated Cometo, 27th June, 1527. Was re-appointed prior of
Ireland, resigning the dignity of Turcopolier.

23. John Babinoton. Preceptor of Dalby and Rotheley ; prior of Ireland ;

receiver-general. Elected Turcopolier by bull of the (Jrand-
Master Ulsle Adam, .dated **from our priory house of the
Hospital in England,*' 4th June, 1528. Bailiff of Aquila by
mutition, 1530-1.

' I I

728 A History of tfie Knights of Malta.

24. Clement West (deprived). Preceptor of Slebeche; receiver of the
common treasury. Named Xurcopolier by bull of L'lsle Adam,
Grand- Master, dated Malta, 7th January, 1530-1. Deprived of
the habit and dignity for insubordinate conduct, a.d. 1533.

2o. liooEB BoTBEL. Prcceptor of Halstone, Baddesley, and Mayne.
Appointed Xurcopolier, vict Clement West, deprived February,
A.D. 1533. Ob. March, 1533.

26. John Rawson, Jun. Preceptor of Quen3mgton; receiver of the

treasury. Nominated Turcopolier by buU of the Grand-Master
L'Isle Adam, dated Malta, 19th April, 1533. Resigned that
dignity and elected instead bailiff of AquHa, 1534-5.
(Clement West, restored.) Was restored to the habit and the dignity
of Turcopolier, 15th February, 1534-5; and again deprived and
imprisoned, a.d. 1539. Ob. a.d. 1547.

27. Gyles Russel. Preceptor of Baddesfort and Dingley; lieutenant-

Turcopolier; captain of II Borgho. Nominated Turcopolier, vice
West, deprived a.d. 1539. Ob. a.d. 1543.
(Oswald Mabsingberd, lieutenant-Turcopolier.) Lieutenant-Turoo-
polier, so named, vice Russel, dead. Nominated prior of Ireland
under certain conditions, a.d. 1547.

28. Nicholas Upton. Preceptor of Ribestone. Elected Turcopolier by

bull of the Grand-Master John d'Omedes, dated Malta, 5th
November, 1548. Died of a emtp de soleil, received whilst repel-
ling a landing of the Turks on the island of Malta, a.d. 1551.
(Oswald Massingberd again.) Lieutenant-Turcopolier, so nominated
again on the death of the Turcopolier Upton. Confirmed prior of
Ireland, a.d. 1555.

29. Richard Shelley. Preceptor of Slebeche and Halstone. Nominated

Turcopolier by charter of Mary queen of England, dated Green-
wich, 2nd April, 1557 ; afterwards grand-prior, 1566.

TITULAR TURCOPOLIERS.

Don Pedro Gonsalez de Mendoza. Son of the viceroy of Naples.

Named Turcopolier by papal brief, a.d. 1576 ; resigned the dignity,

1578. Nominated prior of Ireland, a.d. 1582.
FttANCOis DE l'Espinay-St. Luc. Named Turcopolier by brief of Pope

Pius v., while yet in his novitiate. On protest from the whole

Order the obnoxious appointment was revoked, a.d. 1606.
Johann Baptist von Flackslanden. Bailiff of the Anglo-Bavarian

langtte. Elected Turcopolier, registered in council, 7th November,

1782, Emmanuel de Rohan, Grand-Master, bailiff of Aquila by

mutition, 1794-5.

BAILIFFS OF AQUILA, OR OF THE EAGLE.

The bailliage of Ede, Eycle, Egle, Eagle, or Aquila, a preceptory situated
about seven miles from the city of Lincoln, was granted to the Knights-

Appendix XL 729

Templar by King Stephen, about 1139. At the suppression of that Order
it passed into possession of the knights of St. John of Jerusalem.

1. EoBEBT CoBT. The first-named preceptor of the Eycle in the report of

the possessions of the Knights-Hospitaller, made by the grand-
prior of England, Philip de Thame, to the Grand-Master Elion
de Yilleneuye, a.d. 1338.

2. John de Aitlasy. Called preceptor of Eyde, in a grant to him of

certain oommanderies by the Grand-Master Dieudonne de Gozon.
Bull dated Rhodes, 1st Augpist, 1351.

3. RoB£BT DE Hales. Preceptor of Beverley and the Ecle ; so called in

a buU of the Grand-Master Roger de Pins, dated Rhodes, 1st
June, 1358 ; afterwards grand-prior of England.

4. John de Hinolet. Preceptor of Dalby and the Ecle. Named in a

bull of Ra3nEnond Berenger, Grand-Master, dated Rhodes, 20th
February, 1365-6.

5. ' John de Maneby. Preceptor of the Eagle. Named in a grant of the
Grand-Master d'Heredia, dated Rhodes, 18th November, 1381, as
having died that year.

6. John de Redinoton. Received the bailliage of the Eagle, to hold

as a ''fifth commandery,*' being at this time grand-prior of
England, by grant of the same Grand-Master. Bull dated Rhodes,
18th November, 1381.

7. Brian de Gkey. Preceptor of Beverley; Turcopolier. Received for life

a grant of the bailliage of Aqidla, resigned by the grand-prior
Redington. Bull, dated February, 1385-6. d'Heredia, Grand-
Master. To hold with the office of Turcopolier.

8. Henby Cbownal. Preceptor of Willoughton. Succeeded to the

bailliage of Aquila on the death of Brian de Ghrey, September,
1389. Ob. A.D. 1433.

9. William Poole. Preceptor of Dynemore and Garrewayes. Nominated

bailiff of Aquila, by bull of the Grand-Master Anthony Fluvian,
dated Rhodes, 19th July, 1433 ; resigned the dignity, 1438, and
died the same year.

10. Hugh Midleton. Preceptor of Beverley. Made baOiff of Aquila,

by buU of the Grand-Master de Lastio, dated Rhodes, 23rd
January, 1438-9 ; Turcopolier by mutition, 1442. Ob. 1449.

11. William Lanostbotheb. Preceptor of Quenyngton. Appointed

bailiff of Aquila, by bull, dated Rhodes, 19th June, 1442 ; John
de Lastio, Grand-Master. Ob. a.d. 1463.

12. John Langstbotheb. Preceptor of Beverley, Balsal, Ribestone, etc. ;

lieutenant-Turcopolier, etc. Created bailiff of Aquila, by bull of
the Grand- Master de Lastic, dated Rhodes, 28th February,
1463-4 ; promoted to be grand-prior of England, a.d. 1470 ;
beheaded, 1471.

730 A History of the Knights of Malta.

13. WiLUAM ToRNAY. Prcoeptor of Dalby and Rotheley ; receiver-

general. Nominated bailiff of Aquila, bull, dated Rhodes, dth
April, 1470. Jean Baptiste Orsini, Qrand-Master. (Irand-prior of
England, U71. Ob. 1476.

14. KoBEBT ToNG. Preoeptor of Mount St. John ; Turoopolier. Mutitioned

bailiif of Aquila by bull of the Grand-Master Orsini, dated
. Rhodes, 29th August, 1471. Ob. a.d. 1481.

15. Thomas Gkeen. Preceptor of Schenegaye. Nominated bailiff of

Aquila by bull of the Grand-Master Pierre d'Aubusson, dated
Rhodes, 11th July, 1481. Ob. a.d. Id02.

16. Thomas Newport. Preceptor of Newland, etc. ; receiver-general of

England. Nominated bailiff of Aquila by bull, dated Rhodes,
10th March, 1502-3. d^Aubusson, Grand-Master. Drowned on
the coast of Spain, hastening to the relief of Rhodes, besieged by
the Turks, a.d. 1522.

17. Thomas Sheffield. Preceptor of Beverley; receiver-general of

England; seneschal of the Grand-Master. Named bailiff of
Aquila by bull of the Grand-Master Ulsle Adam, dated Messina,
4th May, 1523. Ob. at Viterbo, a.d. 1524.

18. Albaij Pole. Preceptor of Newland, Ossington, and Winkleboume.

Appointed bailiff of Aquila by bull of the Grand-Master L'Isle
Adam, dated Yiterbo, 26th August, 1524. Ob. a.d. 1530.

19. JoHK Babington. Preceptor of Dalby, etc. ; prior of Ireland;

receiver-general of England; Turcopolier. Made bailiff of
Aquila, by mutition, bull, dated Malta, 7th January, 1530-1. Ob.
A.D. 1533-4.

20. JoHiT Rawson, Jun. Preceptor of Quenyngton; receiver-general;

Turcopolier; bailiff of Aquila, bull, dated Malta, 15th February,
1534-5. Pierre du Pont, Grand-Master.

21. PxDBO Felices de la Nuca. Commander of the langue of Ara-

gon. Created bailiff of Aquila by charter of Mary, queen of
England, dated Greenwich, 2nd April, 1557. Was slain at the
siege of Malta, a.d. 1565.

22. Oliver Starket. Commander of Quenyngton; lieutenant-Turco-

polier. Bailiff of Aquila by bull of the Grand-Master Pierre de
Monte, Malta, 3rd October, 1569. Ob. 1588. Buried in the vault
of the Grand-Masters in the conventual church of St. John, the
only knight of the Order so distinguished.

23. Andrew Wyse. Nominated bailiff of Aquila on death of Oliver

Starkey, being the only English knight in the convent, Malta,
27th April, 1588. Loubens de Verdala, Grand-Master. Was after-
wards grand-prior of England, 1.198. Ob. a.d. 1631.

Appendix XL 731

TITULAR BAILIFFS OF AaUILA.

24. Francois d'Astohg de Seqreville. Appointed bailiff of Aquila,

by boll of the Grand- Master de Yerdala, dated Malta, Sth June,
1593. Ob. A.D. 1612.

25. Luis Mendbz de Yasconcellos. A Portuguese commander of the

langue of Castile. Named bailiff of Aquila, by bull of the
Grand-Master Alof de Vignacourti Malta, 29th August, 1612 ;
afterwards Grand-Master.

26. Michel de Pontailleb-Thallemey. Nominated bailiff of Aquila,

by brief, dated Malta, 20th February, 1622. Ob. a.d. 163a

27. Jean de BERNOis-ViLLENExnrE. Appointed bailiff of Aquila, on the

death of Thallemey, 13th June, 1630. Ob. a.d. 1656.

28. Ottavio Bandinelli. Named bailiff of Aquila, by papal brief, Rome,

22nd April, 1656.

29. Jacques de Sparviee-Cohbonneau. Nominated bailiff of Aquila, by

brief, 14th May, 1671. Grand-oommander, 1672.

30. Don Diego Beagahonte. Made bailiff of Aquila, by brief of Pope

Clement X., 22nd May, 1673. Ob. a.d. 1690.

31. Don Emanuel de Tordesillas. Created bailiff of Aquila, by papal

brief of Alexander VIII., 20th September, 1690. Ob. a.d. 1702.

32. Richard de Sade-Mazan. Commander of Puysmaison. Named bailiff

of Aquila, by brief of Pope Clement XI., 18th August, 1702;
registered in council, 11th September, 1702. Grand -commander,
1714.

33. Antonio Domenico Bussi. Commander. Appointed bailiff of Aquila,

by brief of Pope Clement XI., dated Rome, 23rd June, 1714 ;
registered in council, 28th July, 1715.

34. Francesco de Guedez-Pereira. A commander of Portugal; vice-

chancellor. Nominated bailiff of Aquila, by papal brief, dated
Rome, 22nd March, 1755.

35. Henri Francois de Guiran la Brillane. Elected bailiff of Aquila,

by papal brief of Pius VI., Rome, 18th May, 1781 ; registered in
councQ, 12th July, 1781.

36. Norbert von Torring. Commander of Erding, of the Anglo-

Bavarian langue. Named bailiff of Aquila, by brief of Pope Pius
VI. ; registered in council, 10th September, 1790. Afterwards
lieutenant-Turcopolier, 1792.

37. JoHANN Baptiste VON Flachslanden. Turcopolier (titular), of the

Anglo-Bavarian langue. Nominated bailiff of Aquila, by brief
of Pius VI., Poiw ; rcgibtcred in council, 2(5 th February, 1704-5.

732 A History of the Knights of Malta.

PRIORS OF IRELAND.

No mention ocoura of a prior of Ireland before the chapter-general of
the Order held at Montpellier, a.d. 1329-30, Elion de YilleneuYe, Grand-
Master.

1. RoG£H WeillA-M. Was present as *' Prior Hibemia priorat(is" at the

chapter-general held at Hontpellier, Elion de Yilleneuye, Grand-
Master, presiding, a.d. 1329-30.

2. John L*Akch£B. Preceptor of Dalby and Mayne ; prior of Ireland ;

named in a bull of the Grand-Master I>ieudonn§ de Gozon, dated
Rhodes, 28th October, 1351.

3. Thomas dk Burle. Preceptor of Dynemore and Barrowe; named

prior of Ireland in a bull dated Rhodes, Idth February, 1365;
Raymond Berenger, Grand-Master.

4. William de Tabkey. Named prior of Ireland in a bull of the Grand-

Master d^Heredia, dated Rhodes, 24th March, 1381-2. Was present
as prior of Ireland at a general council, 2nd August, 1382.

5. Peteb de Holte. Was prior of Ireland previous to 1396. On being

nominated Turcopolier by bull of the Grand-Master Philibert de
Naillac, dated Rhodes, the 2nd August of that year, he was therein
confirmed prior of Ireland for ten years longer. Resigned the
priory of Ireland 1410, and died a.d. 1415.

6. Thomas le Boutsler. Named prior of Ireland in a bull of the

lieutenancy of the Grand-Master de Naillac, Rhodes, 12th May,
1410. Ob. A.D. 1420.

7. Richard Paxtle. Preceptor of Templebruer. Nominated prior of

Ireland, by bull of the Grand-Master de Naillac, dated Rhodes,
31st' October, 1420. Resigned the priory of Ireland, 1422.

8. William Fitz-Thomas. Appointed prior of Ireland by a bull of the

Grand-Master Fluvian, dated Rhodes, 24th June, 1422.
(Maurice Fitz- William.) The priory of Ireland was seized upon and
wrongfully usurped, without any nomination of the Grand-
Master and council, on the death of William Fitz-Thomas, the
prior, by Maurice Fitz-William. He being shortly after deprived
by the unanimous act of the Irish knights, the nomination of a
successor was left in the hands of the Grand-Master and council,
A.D. 1440.

9. Edmokd Asheton. Preceptor of Anstey and Trebighen. Was nominated

to the vacant priory of Ireland by the Grand-Master Jean de
Lastic, bull, dated Rhodes, 12th July, 1440. Ob. a.d. 1442. *
10. Hugh Midleton. Preceptor of WiUoughton and Beverley ; bailiff of
Aquila ; Turcopolier. Nominated visitor of the priory of Ireland,
by bull, dated Rhodes, 20th November, 1442 ; afterwards con-
firmed prior, as appears by a bull of the Grand-Master de Lastic,
dated Rhodes, 12th September, 1450.

Appendix XL 733

(Thomas Talbot.) Was nominated administrator of the priory of
Ireland, 1446-9. Owing to his mal- administration, and letters
written from the king Henry VI., from the council of the Irish
commanders, and from the chapter of the priory of Dublin, he
was removed from his office.

11. Thomas Fitz-gerald. Confirmed prior of Ireland, at the request of

the Irish commanders, by bull of the Grand-Master de Lastic,
dated Rhodes, 10th September, 1450. Ob. a.d. 1453.

12. Thomas Talbot. Appointed prior of Ireland, notwithstanding his

former deprivation, on the death of Fitz-gerald, by bull, dated
Rhodes, Ist February, 1453-4 ; de Lastic, Grand-Master. "Was
again deprived for mal-administration, 1459.

13. James Hetting, or Keating. Commander of Clontarf and Eilmain-

hambeg. Nominated prior of Ireland, vice Talbot, deprived, 21st
October, 1459 ; and confirmed by bull of the Grand-Master Ray-
mond Zacosta, dated Rhodes, 9th July, 1461. Was deprived of
the priory, for mal-administration and disobedience, by bull of the
Grand-Master d'Aubusson, dated Rhodes, 18th December, 1482.

14. Majlmaduke Lumlet. Preceptor of Templecombe. Nominated prior

of Ireland, vice Keating, deprived, by bull, dated Rhodes, 28th
December, 1482 ; Peter d'Aubusson, Grand-Master. Ob. a.d. 1494.

15. Thomas Docwea. Preceptor of Dynemore, etc. Appointed prior of

Ireland, by bull of the Grand-Master d'Aubusson, dated Rhodes,
24th October, 1494. Resigned the priory, 1495, having been
mutitioned TurcopoHer.

16. Robert Euee. Preceptor of Slebeche. Made prior of Ireland a.d.

1496. Deprived of the priory (suspended), for mis-government
and debts, by bull of the Grand-Master Emeri d'Amboise, Rhodes,
8th May, 1511. Ob. at Rhodes, 1513.

17. John Rawson. Appointed lieutenant-prior, and administrator of the

priory of Ireland, by bull of the Grand-Master, dated 8th June,
1511. Confirmed prior by another bull of the same, Rhodes, 15th
March, 1513-14. Resigned the priory of Ireland on being muti-
tioned Turcopolier, 27th June, 1527.

18. John BABUfOTON. Preceptor of Dalby and Rotheley, etc. Nominated

prior of Ireland, by bull of the Grand-Master L'Isle Adam, dated
Cometo, 27th June, 1527. Resigned the priory on being named
Turcopolier, exchanging dignities with John Rawson, re-appointed
prior of Ireland, 1528.

19. John Rawson (again). Resumed the priory of Ireland by request of the

king Henry YIII. Confirmed by bull of the same Grand-Master,
dated from << Our Priory House of the Hospital in England," 4th
June, 1528 ; and re-confirmed by an additional bull of the same,
dated ** Dover near the Sea, in England, in domo qua in itineris
Hoapitali 8umu$f^^ 5th June, 1528. Ob. a.d. 1547.

734 ^ History of the Knights of Malta.

20. Oswald Massikgberd. Lieutenant-Tnrcopolier. Appointed prior of

Ireland on the death of Rawson, by bull of the Grand-Master
John d'Omedes, Malta, 27th August, 1547, on condition that he,
Massingberd, shoidd not assume the title, or the grand-cross, till
legally in possession of his priory. The priory being confirmed to
him by Q^ueen Mary, he was allowed the dignity, by bull of the
Grand-Master Claude de la Sangle, dated Malta, 2]id August, 1554.
He afterwards resigned the priory into the hands of oommisaioners
appointed by Mizabeth, 3rd June, 1558.

TITULAR PRIORS OF IRELAND.

21. Matxtbin be l'Escat Romeoas. Named prior of Ireland, a.d. 1573,

Ob. at Rome, 1582.

22. Don Pedko Gonsalez de Mexdoza. Confirmed prior of Ireland by

bull of the Grand-Master Loubens de Verdala, Malta, 27th July,
1582. Resigned the priory of Ireland on being mutitioned to the
bailliage of Negropont, 1607.

23. Don Diego Beocheko. Nominated prior of Ireland by papal brief,

A.D. 1609. Appointed grand-chancellor, a.d. 1613.

24. Don Michaele Calderon. Appointed prior of Ireland, 1613. Ob.

A.D. 1621.

25. Don Pbosfeb Colonna. Nominated prior of Ireland, a.d. 1621. Ob.

A.D. 1655.

26. Angelo della Ciaja. Created prior of Ireland by papal brief, dated

Rome, 25th February, 1666.

27. PiETRO Ottoboni, cardinal. Made prior of Lreland by brief of Pope

Alexander VIII., a.d. 1690.

28. Antonio Mabia Buoncompagni Ludottsi. Created prior of Ireland

by brief, registered in the council, 24th November, 1741.

29. Francesco Cabvalho Pinto. Commander of Portugal. Nominated

prior of Ireland by brief of Pope Pius VL ; registered in coxincil,
20th June, 1792.

PRIORS OF SCOTLAND.

There are very few records to be found regarding the priors of Scotland,
or preceptors of Torphichen, as they are usually styled ; none are to be met
with in the archives preserved in Malta before the year 1386. The names
of the first four preceptors are borrowed from various authorities.

1. Archibald. Named ** Magister de Torphichen " in a charter of

Alexander, great -steward of Scotland, dated 1252.

2. Alexander de Welles. Swore fealty to King Edward I. of England

as *^ Prior Hospitalis Sancti Joannis Jerusalemitani in Sootia,*'
A.D. 1291. His name also occurs in the ** Ragman Roll," as
''Gardeyn del' Hospital de Seint Jehande Jerusalem en Ecoee.'*
He was slain at the battle of Falkirk, 22nd July, 1298.

Appendix XL 735

3. Ranulph db Lyndsat. Is said to have succeeded the prior Welles,

and to have ruled the Order in Scotland till after the year 1315.

4. William de la More. Supposed, from charters, to have lived in the

reign of David II.

5. Edward de Brenne. Named prior of Scotland and receiver-general

in a bull of the Grand- Master d'Heredia, dated Rhodes, 5th
June, 1386, granting a lease of the lands of Torphichen, vacant
by death of David de Marr, to a certain Richard de Cornel.

6. John de Bynnyxge. A bull of the Grand-Master Philibert de Naillac,

dated Rhodes, 24th July, 1410, grants the bailliage of Scotland
for five years to John de Bynnynge, he being bound to pay certain
responsions specified.

7. Henry Livingston. Named prior of Scotland, and preceptor of

Torphichen, in a bull of the Grand- Master de Lastio, regarding
the payment of arrears of responsions, dated Rhodes, 5th Septem-
ber, 1449. Ob. A.D. 1462.
(William Hitlles.) A buU of the Grand-Master Fluvian, dated
(Robert Mallory.) Rhodes, 8th May, 1433, complains of the non-
payment of responsions, mortuary dues, and other imposts, by the
prior of Scotland, and appoints Robert Mallory, grand-prior of
England, administrator of the priory of Scotland, to hold that
ofiice as his predecessor, William Hulles, grand-prior of England,
had held it before him.

8. William Meldrum. Is named administrator of the priory of Scot-

land in a bull of the Grand-Master de Lastic, dated Rhodes, 9th
January, 1452-3, by which he is summoned to Rhodes to account
for his mal-administration. In another bull of the same, dated
24th November, 1454, he is called preceptor of Torphichen.

(Patrick Skoijgall.) Administrator of the priory. On the nomina-
tion of WiUiam Knolles he petitioned the Grand-Master and council
for the dignity of prior, asserting that Knolles had been unjustly
appointed in his place. The council decided against him, but
granted him an indemnity by bull, dated Rhodes, 3rd September,
A.D. 1473 ; Jean Baptiste Orsini, Grand-Master.

9. William Enolles. Nominated prior of Scotland, vice Livingston

[dead], by bull of the Grand-Master Orsini, dated Rhodes, 22nd
December, 1466. Resigned the priory, a.d. 1504 ; and died before
the 24th June, a.d. 1510.
(Patrick Knolles.) Named coadjutor of his uncle, William Knolles
(in a bull cited below), who was incapacitated by age and infir-
mities from governing the priory. Ob. ante 1500.

(Robert Stuart d'Aubign y.) Nephew of the Lord Bernard d'Aubigny ;
appointed coadjutor of the prior William Knolles, in place of
Patrick Knolles, dead, by bull of the Grand-Master d'Aubusson,
dated Rhodes, 17th March, 1501-2.

736 A History of the Knights of Malta.

10. George Duxbas. Appointed prior of Scotland, on the resignation of

William Enolles, by bull of the Grand-Master d'Amboise, dated
Rhodes, 1st July, 1504. Ob. a.d. 1532.

11. Walter Ltndsay. Received into the Order by the Turcopolier

WillianL Weston, 31st December, 1525. Nominated prior of Scot-
land by bull of the Grand-Master L'Isle Adam, dated Malta, 6th
March, 1532-3.

12. James SANDiLAin>s. Named prior of Scotland in a bull of the Grand-

Master d*Omedes, dated Malta, 2nd April, 1547. Having adopted
the Protestant faith, he surrendered the possessions of the priory
to the government, and receiving a grant of them to himself with
the title of Lord Torphichen, founded the existing family bearing
that name.

13. James Irvhte. Is said to have succeeded Sandilands in the nominal

dignity of prior of Scotland.

14. David Seton. The last prior of Scotland.

PRIORS OF ENGLAND.

The following knights have held the office of prior since the revival of
the English langue, as recorded in Chapter XXU.

1. The Rev. Sir Robert Peat, D.D. ; G.C. St. - Stanislaus of Poland;

chaplain to £ing George IV. ; Lord-Prior, 29th January, 1831.

2. The Hok. Sir Henry Dtkoke, Bart. ; Seventeenth hereditary

champion of England; Lord-Prior, 15th July, 1838.

3. Lieut. -Colonel Sir Charles Moittolieu Lamb, Bart. ; Baron de St.

Hypolite (France) ; D.C.L. ; knight-marshal of the Queen's
household ; deputy lieutenant of Sussex and Ayrshire ; Lord-
Prior, 24th June, 1847.

4. Rear- Admiral Sir Alexander Dundas Young Arbxjthnot; K.

Chas. Ill ; Medjidie ; St. George of Russia ; St. Ferdinand, etc. ;
gentleman of the privy chamber to Her Majesty; Lord-Prior,
16th July, 1860.

5. His Grace William Drogo, Dttke of Manchester ; Knight of St.

Patrick ; Lord-Prior, 24th June, 1861.

APPENDIX XII.

Memorandum written hy Oliver Starkey on the subject of a dispute as to
precedence between tlie grand-priors of England and Messina^ {Trafis-
lated/rom the origtnaly now in the Record Office at Malta.)

"On occasion of the dispute and controversy which arose between the
most illustrious and very reverend the priors of England and Messina con-
cerning their pre-eminence, namely, which of the two should take precedence

Appendix XI L 737

of the other at the meetings of council, at public assemblies, and other
solemn congregations of this Order, the very reverend and most illustrious
the Grand-Master, with his venerable council, appointed a commission
consisting of the very reverend Fr. Antonio Cressini, prior of the church, Fr.
Pietro Mar^chal, and Don Fernando del Arcon, lieutenant to the high
chancellor, in order that they, having inquired into the pretensions and
allegations of both parties, and having consulted and examined the docu-
ments which they should respectively produce from the registry, might
make a just and unbiassed report to the council, who, having executed the
instructions which were given them, reported to the said very reverend Grand-
Master and his council that, having heard all which the priors and their
procurators had alleged in defence and in favour of their own cause, and
having carefully considered the statements contained in the documents from
the registry produced by them, they discovered that the priors of England
take precedence, not only of the said priors of Messina, but also of the
castellani d'Emposta, who precede the said priors of Messina, and who take
precedence of several other members of the Order. Whence it came to pass
that the very reverend the Ghrand-Master and his venerable council, having
heard in profound silence the report of the said commissioners, and having
discussed the contents of the documents produced as to whether they were or
were not explicit upon the point in question, unanimously agreed that the
said priors of England should take precedence of the priors of Messina.
Moreover, to remove all cause of dispute which it was foreseen might in
many ways arise if any decree should be published regarding this pre-
cedence, it was resolved that no sentence should be recorded, the more so as,
in contesting the right of pre-eminence, it was generally acknowledged that
the documents produced by authority from the registry in conformity with
the regulations and ancient custom of this convent form in themselves the
most equitable and most dispassionate sentence that could possibly have
been anticipated. It therefore seemed proper to the whole council that the
most illustrious and very reverend the Grand-Master, in order to intimate
this right of pre-eminence, should proceed as follows, namely : that after
summoning the contending parties into his presence and that of his council,
the very reverend the Grand- Master should assign to each his place without
the use of any words, and should allot by gesture the place of greater
pre-eminence to the prior of England, and the place of less eminence to the
prior of Messina, without, however, in any way prejudicing any claims
which he should at any future time lawfully make and support in favour
of his pretensions, which command the most illustrious the Grand-Master
carried into execution, and having summoned the said priors into his
presence and into that of his council, said unto them : ' Sir knights, we
having listened attentively to the reports of the commissioners, and having
subsequently discussed together all the arguments and reasons which both
of you have respectively produced from the registry in favour of your
pre-eminence, do ordain and require that you, the prior of England, should
sit in that place, and you, the prior of Messina, in that other place, without

48

738 A History of the Knights of Malta,

prejndioe to any farther claims,* pointing to the places with his finger where
they were to he seated. The position assigned to the prior of England was
the more distingnished, hecause it was immediately helow the marshal, who
is seoond hailiff of the convent, and that of the prior of Messina was inferior
from heing helow that of the admiral, who is the fonrth in rank amongst
the hailifPs of the convent. In which decision the said priors acquiesced,
and having each kissed the cross held hy the Qrand-Master in token of
ohedience, they occupied the seats allotted to them without making any
reply. And when shortly after they were called upon to vote concern-
ing a matter that was heing discussed hy the council, the prior of England
spoke first, and after him the prior of Messina. When the proceedings of the
council had heen terminated in the manner ahove descrihed, a considerahle
number of knights who were waiting outside, and were on this occasion
more numerous than usual in consequence of the interest excited by the
controversy, entered the hall on the door being opened, and found the
councillors seated and the priors each in his appointed place, so that whilst
the vice-chancellor was collecting the documents and memorials of the
sitting, as is customary, it was publicly noticed that the prior of England
was the second from the left hand and the prior of Messina the third from
the right hand of the most illustrious and most reverend the Qrand-Master,
which scene, besides narrating as above, I thought proper to represent in
painting, as well to preserve a memorial of so wise and prudent a decision
as that so excellent an example should be imitated whenever controversies
arise respecting pre-eminence, which is so honojnrable to the reputation and
absolutely necessary for the peace of the convent. Thus it is.

" (Signed) J. Olivee Stahkey."

This knight, himself an Englishman, was naturally jealous for the
honours and prerogatives of his hngtte, then rapidly vanishing from the
ranks of the fraternity. He was therefore determined that, although no
registry was made of this decree, it should not be lost sight of in after
years. What has become of the picture referred to is not known. The
grand- prior of England on the occasion was Sir Richard Shelley.

APPENDIX XIII.

AriicUa of capilulaiivn of thefortreBs of Malta hy the French

in the year 1800.

Art. 1. The garrison of Malta and the forts dependent thereon shall
march out to be embarked for Marseilles on the day and hour appointed,
with all the honours of war, such as drums beating, colours flying, matches

Appendix XI I L 739

lighted, haying at their head two four pounders, with their carriages,
artillerymen to serye them, and a waggon for the infantry. The ciyil and
military officers of the nayy, together with eyerything belonging to that
department, shall be conducted to the port of Toulon.

^fiMTer. The garrison shall receiye the aboye-requested honours of war,
but subject to the following arrangement in case it be found impossible to
embark the whole of the troops immediately. As soon as the capitulation
shall be signed, the two forts of Bicasoli and Tign6 shall be deliyered up to
the troops of his Britannic Majesty, and the yessels allowed to enter the
port. The national gate shall haye a guard composed of an equal number
of French and English, till the transports shall be ready to take on board
the first embarkation of troops, when the whole of the garrison shall file off
with all the honours of war as far as the seashore, where they shall ground
their arms. Those who cannot embark in the first transports shall remain
in the isle and fort Manuel, with an armed guard to preyent any one going
into the interior of the island. The garrison shall be regarded as prisoners
of war, and cannot serye against his Britannic Majesty till the exchange
shall haye taken place, and the respectiye officers shall giye their parole to
this purpose. All the artillery, ammunition, and public stores of eyery
description shall be deliyered up to officers appointed for that purpose,
together with inyentories and public papers.

Art. 2. The general of brigade Ohanez, commandant of the city and
forts ; the general of brigade d'Hannedel, commandant of the artillery and
engineers ; the officers, non-commissioned officers, and soldiers ; the officers,
troops, crews, and all others employed in the nayy ; citizen Pierre Alphonss
Guys, general commissary of trade for the French republic in Syria and
Palestine ; those employed in ciyil and military capacities ; the commissioners
of the army and nayy ; the ciyil administrators and members of whatsoeyer
description of the constituent authority, shaU take with them their arms,
their personals, and all their property.

Answer* Granted, excepting the soldiers grounding their arms as men-
tioned in the first article. The non-commissioned officers shall keep their
sabres.

Art. 3. All those who bore arms in the sendee of the republic during the
siege, of whatsoeyer nation they may happen to be, shall be regarded as
making part of the garrison.

Answer. Granted.

Art. 4. The diyision shall be embarked at the expense of his Britannic
Majesty, each person receiying during his passage the pay of his rank,
according to the French regulation. The officers and members of the ciyil
administration, with their families, shall also receiye a salary in proportion
to the pay of the military, and according to the dignity of their office.

Answer, Granted, conformably to the custom of the British nayy, which
allows the same pay to eyery indiyidual of whatsoeyer degree and condition.

Art. 5. A proper number of waggons and shallops shall be proyided
for transporting and shipping the personal baggage of the generals, their

740 A History of the Knights of Malta,

aides-de-camp, commissaries, chiefs of different corps, officers, citizen Onys,
civil and military administrators of the army and navy, together with the
papers belonging to the councils of the civil and military administrators of
the army and navy, also those of the ooonoils of the administrators of the
different corps, the commissaries of both army and navy, the paymaster of the
division, and all others employed in the civil and military administration.
These effects and papers to be subject to no kind of inspection, being
guaranteed by the generals as containing neither public nor private property.

Answer^ Granted.

N.B. — As regards this article, the Maltese complained afterwards that
under it the French carried off all the plunder they had taken from the
inhabitants.

Art. 6. All vessels belonging to the republic in sailing condition shall
depart at the same time as the division for a French port, after being
properly victualled for the voyage.

Answer, Refused.

Art. 7. The sick capable of being removed shall be embarked with the
division, and be provided with medicines, surgical instruments, provisions,
and necessary attendants to take care of them during the passage ; those
whose state of health obliges them to remain in Malta shall be properly
treated, and the commander-in-chief shall leave a French phyrician and
surgeon to attend them. When they shall be able to leave the hospital they
shall be provided with a lodging gratis, until they are sufficiently recovered
to return to France, whither they shall be sent with all their property
equally with the garrison. The commander-in-chief on evacuating Malta
will intrust them to the honour and humanity of the English general.

Answer. Granted.

Art. 8. No individuals of whatsoever nation, inhabitants or not of Malta,
shall be molested for their political opinions, nor for any acts committed
whilst Malta was in the power of the French government. This arrange-
ment to be principally applied in its fullest extent to those who have taken
up arms, or to those who have held any civil administrative or military
employments. These are not to be accountable for anything which has
passed, particularly not to be proceeded against for what happened during
their administration.

Answer, This article does not appear to come under the terms of a mili-
tary capitulation ; but all the inhabitants who wish to remain, or who are
permitted to remain, may depend upon being treated with justice and
humanity, and on enjoying the entire protection of the law.

Art. 9. All the French inhabiting Malta, and those of the Maltese who
are desirous of following the Friench army and retiring to France with
their property, shall have the liberty to do so. Those who possess
movables and estates impossible to be disposed of at once, and who intend
settling in France, shall be allowed six months from the signature of the
present capitulation for the sale of their estates and other effects ; this
property shall be respected. Those who remain for the time being shall be

Appendix XIII. 741

allowed to act for themselYes, or if they follow the French diyision, by their
attorney, and on the settlement of their affairs they shall be furnished with
passports for France, and the remainder of their effects sent on board,
together with their capital, either in money or in letters of exchange as
shall best suit their oonyenienoe.

Answer, — Granted with reference to the answer given to the preceding
article.

Art. 10. As soon as the capitulation shall be signed, the English general
shall permit the commander-in-chief of the French forces to despatch a
felucca, properly manned, with an ofBlcer to carry the capitulation to
the French government, who shall be provided with the necessary
safeguard.

Anstoer, Granted.

Art. 11. The articles of capitulation being signed, the gate called Des
Bombes shall be given up to the English general, and occupied by a guard
consisting of an equal number of French and English, with orders to permit
neither the soldiers of the besieging army nor any inhabitant of the island
whatsoever to enter the city until the French troops shall be embarked and
out of sight of the port. As soon as the embarkation shall have taken place,
the English troops shall occupy the gates, and free entrance be allowed into
the city. The English general must perceive that this precaution is
absolutely necessary to prevent all disputes, and in order that the articles
of the capitulation may be strictly observed.

Answer, Granted conformably to what has been already provided
against by the answer to the first article, and all precaution shall be
taken to prevent the armed Maltese from approaching the gates occupied
by the French troops.

Art. 12. All alienation of property and sale of estates and effects
by the French government whilst it was in possession of Malta, together
with all exchange of property between individuals, shall be maintained
inviolate.

Anstoer, Granted as far as justice and law will permit.

Art. 13. The agents of the allied powers residing in the city of Valetta
at the time of its surrender shall not be molested, and their persons and
property shall be guaranteed by the present capitulation.

Answer, Granted.

Art. 14. All ships of war and merchant vessels coming from France
with the colours of the republic and appearing before the port shall not be
esteemed prizes, nor the crews made prisoners, during the first twenty days
after the date of the present capitulation, but shall be sent back to France
with a proper safeguard.

Answer, Refused.

Art. 15. — The commander-in-chief, the other generals, their aides-de-
camp, and the subaltern officers shall be embarked all together with the com-
missioners and their suites.

Answer, Granted.

742 A History of the Knights of Malta.

Art. 16. The prisoners made daring the siege, including the crew of
the OuiUaume Tell and La Dianey shall be restored and treated like the
garrison. The crew of La JtuHce to be used in the same manner shonld
she be taken in retoming to one of the ports of the repablio.

Answer » The crew of the Ouillaume Teil is already exchanged, and
that of La Diane is to be sent to Majorca to be exchanged immediately.

Art. 17. — ^No one in the service of the republic shall be subject to a
reprisal of any kind whatsoever.

Answer^ Granted.

Art. 18. — If any difficulties shall arise respecting the terms and
conditions of the capitulation they shall be interpreted in the most
favourable sense for the garrison.

Answer » Granted according to justice.

Done and concluded at Malta, the 18th Fructider (4th September), in the
eighth year of the French republic (1800).

Signed on behalf of the French by the general of division Yaubois and
the rear-admiral Yilleneuve. On behalf of the English by Major-General
PiGOT and Captain Martut, commodore of the allied fleet before Malta.

APPENDIX XIV.

Article in the Treaty of Amiens relative to the Order of St. John,

The islands of Malta, Gozo, and Cumino, shall be restored to the Order
of St. John of Jerusalem, to be held on the same conditions on which it
possessed them before the war, and under the following stipulations : —

Ist. The knights of the Order whose languages shall continue to subsist
after the exchange of the ratification of the present treaty, are invited to
return to Malta as soon as the exchange shall have taken place. They will
there form a general chapter, and proceed to the election of a Grand-Master,
chosen from am(mg the natives of the nations which preserve their language,
unless that election has been already made since the exchange of the pre-
liminaries. It is understood that an election made subsequent to that epoch
shall alone be considered valid, to the exclusion of any other that may have
taken place at any period prior to that epoch.

2nd. The government of the French republic and of Great Britain, desir-
ing to place the Order and the island of Malta in a state of entire independ-
ence with respect to them, agree that there shall not be in future either a
French or an English language, and that no individual belonging to either
the one or the other of these powers shall be admitted into the Order.

3rd. There shaU be established a Maltese language, which shall be
supported by territorial revenues and commercial duties of the island. This

Appendix XIV. 743

anguage shall have its peculiar dignities, an establishment, and an avhtrpe.
Proofs of nobility shall not be necessary for the admission of knights of this
language, and they shall be, moreover, admissible to all offices, and shall
enjoy all privileges in the same manner as the knights of the other lan-
guages. At least half of the municipal, administrative, civil, judicial, and
other employments depending on the government shall be filled by inhabit •
ants of the islands of Malta, Gozo, and Cumino.

4th. The forces of his Britannic Majesty shall evacuate the island and
its dependencies within three months from the exchange of the ratifications,
or sooner if possible. At that epoch it shall be given up to the Order in its
present state, provided the Grand-Master or commissaries fully authorized
according to the statutes of the Order, shall be in the island to take
possession, and that the force which has been provided by his Sicilian
Majesty, as is hereafter stipulated, shall have arrived there.

oth. One half of the garrison at least shall be always composed of native
Maltese, for the remainder the Order may levy recruits in those countries
only which continue to possess languages. The Maltese troops shall have
Maltese officers. The command-in-chief of the garrison, as well as the
nomination of officers, shall pertain to the Grand-Master, and this right he
cannot resign, even temporarily, except in favour of a knight, and in con-
currence with the advice of the council of the Order.

6th. The independence of the islands of Malta, Grozo, and Cumino, as
well as the present arrangement, shall be placed under the protection and
guarantee of France, Great Britain, Austria, Spain, Russia, and Prussia.

7th. The neutrality of the Order and of the island of Malta, with its
dependencies, is proclaimed.

8th. The ports of Malta shall be open to the commerce and navigation of
all nations, who shall there pay equal and moderate duties ; these duties
shall be applied to the benefit of the Maltese language, as specified in
paragraph 3, to that of the civil and military establishments of die island,
as well as to that of a general lazaretto, open to all colours.

9th. The states of Barbary are excepted from the conditions of the pre-
ceding paragraphs, until, by means of an arrangement to be procured by
the contracting parties, the system of hostilities which subsists between the
states of Barbary and the Order of St. John, or the powers possessing the
languages, or concurring in the composition of the Order, shall have ceased.

10th. The Order shall be governed, both with respect to spirituals and
temporals, by the same statutes which were in force when the knights left
the island, except so far as the present treaty shall derogate from them.

11th. The regulations contained in the paragraphs 3, 5, 7, 8, and 10,
shall be converted into laws and perpetual statutes of the Order, in the
customary manner, and the Grand-Master, or, if he shall not be in the
island at the time of its restoration to the Order, his representative, as well
as his successors, shall be bound to take an oath for their punctual observance.

12th. His Sicilian Majesty shall be invited to furnish 2,000 men, natives
of his states, to serve as a garrison to the different fortresses of the said

744 ^ History of the Knights of Malta.

islands. That force shall remain one year, to bear date from their restitu-
tion to the knights, and if, at the expiration of this term, the Order shonld
not have raised a foroe sufficient, in the judgment of the guaranteeing
powers, to garrison the island and its dependencies, such as is specified in
the paragraph, the Keapolitan troops shall continue there until th^ shall
be replaced by a force deemed sufficient by the said powers.

13th. The different powers designated in paragraph 6, viz., France, Great
Britain, Austria, Russia, Spain, and Prussia, shall be inyited to accede to
the present stipulations.

A^

-.si^

raHon and Sons, PritUers, liikmoster Bow, London.

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