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Cfiarlrs B. Woodruff Bool^ Fund 














%\fi EafcrsiHe Vrcss 





St. Louis — Trading Privilege of Maxent, Laclede & Company — 
Pierre Laclede Liguest — Madame Chouteau and Children — Voyage from 
New Orleans to Fort de Chartres — Site of St. Louis Selected by Laclede 
as a Trading Post — Foundation of St. Louis — His Prophecy — French 
Immigration to " Lkclede's Village" or " Paincourt" — Common-fields of St. 
Louis — ^Visit of Indian Band, 1764 — Peorias Build a Village — Land Allot- 
ments Made by Laclede — Jurisdiction and Authority of St. Ange — Early 
Grants Made by St. Ange — Piernas the Spanish Lieutenant-Governor 
Arrives — Survey of Town Lots and Common-fields Ordered and St. 
Ange's Grants Confirmed — Oldest Recorded Document in St. Louis; 
First Mortgage Recorded ; First Child Bom; First Marriage; First Death 
Recorded ; First Cemetery — Early Physicians — Cost of House of Dr. 
Valleau — First grist-mill — Administration of Don Francesco Cruzat — 
Inadequate Money Supply — Administration of Don Fernando de Leyba 
— Death of Laclede — War Declared between Spain and England — 
Gratiot's Trading Boat Pillaged by British and Indians — Indian Attack 
on St. Louis Planned by British Officials — English-Indian Forces Attack 
St. Louis, May, 1780 — Death of DeLeyba — Second Administration of 
Cruzat — Expedition under Capt. Pourfee Invades British Territory East 
of River — Cool and Daring Exploit of Pourfee 's Cook in Retaking Boat 
and Crew from Robbers — Great Flood of 1785 — Administration of Don 
Manuel Perez — Of Don Zenon Trudeau — American Settlers Attracted — 
Trudeau's leniency to Protestant Ministers — Administration of DeLassus 
— Origin of Village of Carondelet — St. Ferdinand and other Early Settle- 
ments — Names of Pioneer Settlers of St. Ix)uis and other Points. 


St. Charles — Boundaries of District Vaguely Defined — Settlement of 
St. Charles Founded by Blanchette — Don Santiago Mackay Commandant 
of a Post Named St. Charles, but Evidently Another Place — Don Carlos 
Tayon, Commandant — Survey of the Village by Chouteau — Common- 
fields of St. Charles — Chouteau's Attempt to Build a Water-mill — Village 
of St. Charles and Population 1797 — Names of Early Settlers of St. Charles 
and Vicinity — Portage des Sioux Settlement — How it Obtained the Name — 
Military Importance of This Post — Creole Immigration — ^Names of Pioneer 
Settlers of Portage des Sioux — Surveys on Salt River Interrupted by Indian 
Attacks — Settlement of Charette — Daniel Boone — ^Names of Pioneer Set- 
tlers of La Charette — Femme Osage — The Boone Settlement — Names of 
Early Settlers — The Cuivre Settlement — Names of Early Settlers — First 
Settlers on the Pemique — Names of Early Settlers — The Claim of Clam- 
organ — Settlement on the Dardenne — Other Settlements and Names of 
Early Settlers. 


New Madrid — Physical Features of the New Madrid Ridge — ^Hunters 
and Traders the First Settlers — "An Aboriginal Station "^Abundance of 
Game — "L'Anse k la Graise" — The Le Sieurs — Delaware Village at the 


Mouth of Chepoosa River — Report to Miro of Captain McCoy, 1786 — 
Colonel George Morgan — ^His Life — Receives a Grant from Gardoqui — 
Extent of Grant — Explores the Territory between the Mouth of the St. 
Cosme and New Madrid — Letter Describing Country Published in Phila- 
delphia — Reveals Spanish Designs — Preparations of Morgan to Settle his 
Grant — Plan of Surveying the Same — New Madrid Laid Out — Distribu- 
tion of Lots — ^An Agricultural Settlement — Professional Hunters not Favor- 
ed — Morgan's Advertisement — Morgan's Plans Antagonized by Wilkinson 
— ^Miro Objects to Grant — Morgan's Plan Destroyed by Miro — Peyroux 
Cancels Grants Made by Morgan — Pierre Foucher Appointed Command- 
ant of New Madrid — Builds Fort Celeste — Morgan 's Estimate of Foucher 
— Letter to Gardoqui — Great American Immigration to New Madrid — 
La Forge Details Work Foucher Accomplished — General Forman at New 
Madrid — Thomas Portelle, Commandant in 1791 — ^Population of New 
Madrid — Americans Open Farms in 1790 — Small Progress of Settlement 
— Thomas Power, Spanish Agent at New Madrid — Gayoso there in 1795 
— Portelle Succeeded by DeLassus — Biography of DeLassus — New Ma- 
drid Gateway of Commerce to the Gulf — New Madrid Attached to upper 
Louisiana in 1799 — Peyroux, Commandant, 1799 — Succeeded by La Valine 
in 1803 — Fort Celeste Residence of Commandants — Antoinc Gamelin — 
Pierre Antoine La Forge — Three Companies of Militia — Galleys Stationed 
at New Madrid — Names of Early Settlers — Merchants — Richard Jones 
Waters — Captain Robert McCoy — Barthclemi Tardiveau — The King's 
Highway North — Settlers on the Same — Territorial Limits of the New 
Maidrid District — Principal Settlements — Bayou St. John — Lake St. Mary 
— Lake Ann — Bayou St. Thomas — Little Prairie Settlement Founded, 
1794 — The Portage of the St. Francois — Tywappity Bottom — Prairie 
Charles — Oath of Loyalty Administered to Early Settlers. 


District of Cape Girardeau — Boundary of — Probable Origin of Name 
— Location of the Post of Cape Girardeau — Louis Lorimier Established 
there in 1793 by the C)rder of Carondelet — Biography of Lorimier — His 
First Wife Charlotte Pemanpieh Bougainville, a Shawnee Half-blood — 
Traded in Ohio in 1782 at Laramie's Station — The Miami Company — 
Lorimier in Ste. Genevieve in 1787 — Moved to where is now Cape Gir- 
ardeau in 1792 — Letter of Trudeau — As Spanish Agent Lorimier Visits 
Ohio and Indiana — His Grant Made in 1795 by Carondelet — After Death 
of his First W^ife Marries Marie Berthiaume — Lorimier Dies in 181 1 — Bar- 
thelemi Cousin his Secretary, Deputy Surveyor and Interpreter — Pros- 
perity of the Cape Girardeau District during Spanish Government — First 
Residents of the Post of Cape Girardeau — Water-mills — American Immigra- 
tion Dates from 1795 — Andrew Ramsay and others Settled near Cape Gir- 
ardeau in that Year — ^The Byrd Settlement — Settlement on Hubble Creek 
— German Settlement on Whitewater — Settlements on Castor River and 
various other Points — Lorimier (Grants three hundred Arpens to each Mem- 
ber of Cape Girardeau Militia Company. 


Spanish Occupation of Louisiana — The "Illinois Countr>'" Defined 
— Spanish Colonial Government — Public Offices Sold at Auction — Duties 
of Officers — Judicial Procedure — System of Jurisprudence — ^Notable 
Changes in Existing System — Civil and Criminal Jurisdiction — Procedure 
in Appeals — Powers of Lieutenant-Governor — Names of Early Syndics — 
Some Early Causes — Copy of Cost-bill — Civil Controversies Arbitrated — 
Judicial Sales made on Sunday — Population of Early Settlements — French 
and Spanish Relations with Indians Harmonious — ^The Turbulent Osages 
— Plan of Chouteau to Control Osages — Specifications for Fort Carondelet 


— Influence of Louis Lorimier over Shawnees and Delawares — ^Treatment 
of Indians by Spain and by English-speaking People Compared. 


Agriculture — Hunting — Primitive Mechanical Arts and Trades — 
Voyageurs and Engagis — Farming in Common-fields — Farmers Dwelling 
in Villages — Ste. Genevieve Common-field — Maintenance of Fences — 
Primitive Agricultural Implements — French Cart — Small Horses — Cattle 
— First Cattle Brought into the Mississippi Valley — New Orleans Market — 
Prices for Agricultural Products — Spain Paid in Specie — DiflFerence in 
Prices when Paid in Barter — No Common-field at New Madrid — La- 
Forge's Complaint as to French-Canadian Farmers — Development of 
Agriculture after Advent of American Settlers — Agricultural Production 
of New Madrid and Little Prairie, 1796 — Agriculture in Cape Girardeau 
District — Productions of the District — Domestic Slavery — Indian Slaves 
— Spanish Ordinances Prohibiting Slavery — ^Treatment of Slaves — Man- 
umission — Fur Trade — Forest Peddlers — Early Merchants of St. Louis 
— Nicknames Among the French — Effect of Brandy and Rum on Indians 
— Contraband Traffic with English Traders — Intimate Relations of Voy- 
geurs and Coureurs des Bois with the Indians — Their Prodigality — Inter- 
marriage with Indians — Fascination of Life in the Wilderness — De- 
struction of Fur Bearing Animals — Profits of Traders — Value of Fur Trade 
— French and Spanish Laws to Protect Same — Under French Dominion a 
Monopoly — Under Spanish Ordinances a Monopoly not Allowed — Traders 
Assigned to Districts — Contract with Forest Traders — Change in Method 
of Handling Fur Trade — Trading-houses and Forts — Annual Meetings 
— Gradual Extension of Trading-houses and Forts up the Rivers — Invasion 
of Territor>' by English Traders — Cheaper English Goods — Spanish EflFort 
to Exclude British Companies — Carondelet's Agreement for the Estab- 
lishment of Forts on the Missouri — Exploring Expedition of Clamorgan 
and Mackay — Advantage of Traders Residing on the Missouri and Mis- 
sissippi — Shipment of Salt and Bear's Meat to New Orleans — Agricultural 
Shipments — Ancient Salt Works on the Saline — Extent of Business — Salt 
Works on Salt River, the Maramec and in Boon's Lick Country — Grist- 
mills — Flour Contract with Spanish Government — Distilleries — Tan-yards 
— Scarcity of Metallic Money — Spanish Troops Paid in Specie — Paper 
Money — Barter — Peltry Currency — Carrots of Tobacco Medium of Ex- 


Isolation of Early Settlers — Slow and Perilous Mode of Travel by Land 
— River Navigation — Description of a " Keel-boat" — Perils of River Navi- 
gation — "Cordelling" a Boat Up-stream — Down-stream Traffic — Charm 
of the Virgin Land — The Early French-Canadian Inhabitants — French 
Frontier Costumes — Personal Property Highly Prized — Some Personal 
Estates — Stocks of Merchandise — Manners of Pioneer French-Canadians 
— Characteristic Traits — The Carnival Season — Training Given Children 
— Hospitality — Taverns and Inns — French Schools and Teachers — 
Religion — The Sabbath and Religious Festivals — Pioneer French Cookery 
— Frugality — Sobriety — Political Indifference — Pioneer Houses Described 
— Osage Indian Raids — American Immigration to Early French Settle- 
ments — Some Early English-speaking Residents — Only Few Spanish 


Activity of French Missionaries — Marquette in Missouri — Fathers 
Allouez and Gravier — Father Gabriel Marest — Conflict of Early Church 


Authorities — Friendly Relations Between Missionaries and Indians — 
Voyage Down the Mississippi, in 1699, of Fathers Davion, Montigny and 
St. Cosme — Fathers Vivier, Tartarin, Aubert, Wattrin and DeGuyenne 
— First Resident Priests of Ste. Genevieve — Perils Incurred by Priests Visit- 
ing Settlements — Father Meurin — Father Gibault — ^His Unique List of 
Baggage — His Influence Causes the French to Espouse the American 
Cause — Denounced by the British Commander — Tribute to, by Patrick 
Henry — Father Hilaire and his Controversy with his Parishioners — Father 
James Maxwell — "Maxwell's Hill" Near Ste. Genevieve — Father Valin- 
tine, First Resident Priest of St. Louis — Ceremony of Dedication of First 
Church Bell of St. Louis — Building a New Church in St. Louis, 1776 — 
Report on Condition of St. Louis Church Building in 1797 — The Church 
of Florissant — The Parish of St. Isidore — Salaries of Parish Priests — 
Cession of Louisiana Affects the Church Property Ceded to Congregations 
— Church Authorities and Eminent Catholic Dignitaries at Time of Cession 
— Tour of Bishop Flaget, 18 14 — Bishop Dubourg — Father Felix DeAnd- 
reis — His Marvelous Talents and Acquirements—Colony of Priests of the 
Congregation of the Missions in Missouri — Establishment of St. Mary's 
Seminary — First Colony of the Order of the Sacred Heart at St. Charles 
— Removed to Florissant in 1809 — ^Madame Duchesne — The Germ of 
the St. Ix)uis University. 


The Louisiana Purchase — Westward Movement of American Pioneers 
— British Proclamation, 1763, Prohibits Settlements West of the Alle- 
ghanies — Virginia Colonial Assembly, 1769, Asserts Authority over Bote- 
court County "on the Mississippi" — Relations of France and Spain to 
Colonial Boundary Claims — Territory Northwest of Ohio to the Lakes 
Becomes Part of Virginia by Conquest — By Treaty of 1783 Free Naviga- 
tion of the Mississippi Secured to United States and Great Britain — Boun- 
dary Lines of Canada Fixed by the Military Operations of Virginia — Sig- 
nificance of Erection of Fort Jefferson South of the Mouth of the Ohio — 
Free Navigation of Mississippi Denied by Spain Leads to Louisiana Pur- 
chase — New England and Eastern States Disposed to Acquiesce'^in Spain 's 
Denial of Free Navigation — Indignation Aroused in Kentucky — Inde- 
pendent Spirit of Western Pioneers — Isolation and Dissatisfaction of 
Western Population Basis of Spanish Intrigues — New Madrid a Spanish 
Port of Entry — ^Spanish Espionage of River Commerce — The District 
of "Miro" — General James Wilkinson Chief Agent of Spain — His In- 
trigues and Efforts to Deliver Kentucky to Spain — Sentiment for Inde- 
p^dent Government in Order to Secure Free Navigation of the Missis- 
sippi — Colonial Scheme of Colonel Morgan Frustrated by Wilkinson — 
Gayoso Goes to Mouth of the Ohio to Meet American Emissaries — Free 
Navigation of the Mississippi Secured under Treaty of 1795 — Louisiana 
Acquired by Napoleon, 1800 — Free Navigation of the Mississippi again 
Denied — Universal Discontent of Western Population — Warlike Prepar- 
ations Authorized by Congress — ^Negotiations by Monroe and I-ivingston 
in Paris — Motives Impelling Napoleon to sell Louisiana — Sale Quickly 
Consummated — Marbois' Account of the Conclusion of the Treaty — 
Objections to Ratification of Treaty in United States — Constitutional 
Impediments — A Conceded Unconstitutional Precedent — Predicted Con- 
sequences of the Purchase of Louisiana — Dissolution of the Union 
Planned in Massachusetts — Popular Approval of the Louisiana Purchase 
— Survival of the Union Due to the Purchase of Louisiana. 


Retrocession of Louisiana to France, and Transfer to the United States 
— Official Correspondence Relating to Transfer — ^Instructions to Captain 


Stoddard, Agent for United States — Official Letters Between Stoddard and 
DeLassus — ^Instructions of DeLassus to Spanish Troops — Letters De- 
manding and Yielding Possession of Upper Louisiana — Proclamation by 
Governor DeLassus—Official Documents Certifying Transfer — Cere- 
monies Attending Change of Governments — Official Circular to Spanish 
Commandants — Ceremonies a£ New Madrid — Regret at Change of Gov- 
ernment there — Satisfaction at Cape Girardeau — ^Riot at Mine k Breton 
— ^Trouble of DeLassus to Secure Transportation — Auguste Chouteau 
Builds Boats — Delay of Departure — Letter of Major BruflF— Spanish 
Forces Leave November i6, 1804 — Journal of DeLassus of Voyage Down 
the River — At Ste. Genevieve — ^At Cape Girardeau — At New Madrid — 
Arrival at New Orleans January 18, 1805 — Proclamation of Captain Stod- 
dard — Address to the People by Stoddard — A Proclamation Concerning 
Land Grants — Measures Taken Concerning Slaves and Militia. 


Louisiana Divided by Act of Congress of 1804 — The Louisiana District 
Attached to the Indiana Territory — Executive, Judicial and Legislative 
Power Vested in the Governor and Judges of the Indiana Territory — Wm. 
H. Harrison, Governor of the Louisiana District — Arrives in St. Louis 
October i, 1804 — ^The St. Louis, Ste. Genevieve, St. Charles, Caj>e Gir- 
ardeau and New Madrid Districts Organized and Lieutenant-Governors 
or Commandants Appointed for Same — ^The Spanish Land Grants — Strin- 
gent Criminal Laws to Prevent Surveys under Spanish Claims — Courts 
Organized — Court of Common Pleas and Quarter Sessions established — 
First Court and Grand Jury of St. Louis District — First Court of Ste. 
Genevieve and Grand Jury there — First Court of the Cape Girardeau 
District— Of the New Madrid District— Of the St. Charies District— Addi- 
tional Judges for the St. Louis District under Act of 181 5 — Political Agi- 
tation — Letters to Jefferson — Dissatisfaction with Act of 1804 — First Con- 
vention West of the Mississippi River — Members of this Convention — 
Memorial to Congress — ^Aug^ste Chouteau and Eligius Fromentin Ap- 
pointed Delegates — Treaty with the Saukees and Fox Indians in 1804 
— Indian Troubles Caused by this Treaty — Upper Louisiana Detached 
from Indiana Territory by Act of 1805-— General Wilkinson Appointed 
Governor — James B. C. Lucas, John Cobum and Rufus Easton appoint- 
ed Judges of the Superior Court — Visit of Aaron Burr to St. Louis — 
Joseph Browne, Secretary of the Territory, his Brother-in-law — Wilkin- 
son Suspects Burr — Plan Suggested to Remove all the Settlers West of 
the Mississippi to the East Side — Hostility to Wilkinson's Administration 
— Laws Enacted by the Territorial Legislature, Composed of Wilkinson 
and the Judges — General Court of Appeals Created — Wilkinson Removed 
from Office — Wilkinson Goes South in 1807 — Merriwether Lewis 
Appointed Governor — Militia Organized — Revenue Laws and Taxation. 


BissEL, Captain Daniel 


Blackhawk 397 

Cape Girardeau, Environs of. From CoUot*s Dans L'Amerique . 177 
Cerre, Gabriel. From a picture in the Missouri Historical Society . 47 
Cerr£ House. From the Missouri Historical Collections 60 

Chouteau, Auguste. From a painting in the Missouri Historical 

Society .......... 6 

Chouteau, Madame. From a painting in the Missouri Historical 

Society .......... 8 

Chouteau, Pierre. From a picture belonging to Mr. Pierre Chou- 
teau ........... 366 

Chouteau Residence. From a picture belonging to Mr. Pierre 

Chouteau .......... 282 

De Andries, Father Felix. From a picture in his Life . . 322 
DeLassus, Don Carlos. From a painting in the possession of the 

Missouri Historical Society . . . . . -135 

DeLisa, Manuel. From an oil painting of the Missouri Historical 

Society .......... 51 

DuBOURG, Bishop of Louisiana. From a painting in the possession 

of the Missouri Historical Society 316 

First Catholic Church of St. Loms. From a picture belonging 

to Mr. Pierre Chouteau 309 

Flaget, Bishop of Bardstown. From a picture in his Life . .314 
Flat-boat. From a picture drawn by Warin .... 266 
Government House. From a painting belonging to Mr. Pierre 

Chouteau .......... 361 

Gratiot House. From a picture belonging to Mr. Pierre Chouteau . 48 

Harrison, William Henry 378 

Keel-boat, on the Mississippi. From a picture belonging to Mr. 

Pierre Chouteau ......... 264 

Laclede House. From a picture belonging to Pierre Chouteau 14 

LaForge, Pierre Antoine. From a portrait belonging to Mrs. 

Keller of Maiden ......... 139 

La Vall^e, Don Juan. From a portrait belonging to Mrs. Keller 

of Maiden .......... i^g 

Leduc, Marie V. From a portrait of the Missouri Historical Society . 136 
LeSieur, Godfrey. From a photograph in the possession of Dr. 

O'Bannon .......... loy 

• m 




Lev^is, Merriwethek 

Morgan, George From a published silhouette . 

New Madrid, En\trons of. From Collot's Dans L'Amerique 

Pa-she-pa-ho ......... 

Plan of New Madrid. From Vol. i of the New Madrid Archives 

in j:ossession of the Missouri Historical Society . 
Plan of St. Louts. From a drawing in the possession of the Mis 

souri Historical Society ....... 

ROBIDOUX, Joseph. From a picture in St. Joseph 

RosATi, Bishop of St. Louis. From a painting in the Missouri 

Historical Society ....... 

Saugrain, Dr. Antoine. From a picture belonging to the family 
Seal of the Territory of Louisiana 
Signature of the Bishop of Louisiana 

SiGNATLTlE OF CeRR± ..... 

Signature of Don Francesco Cruzat 
Signature of Don Carlos DeLassus 
Signature of Fernando De Leyba 
Signature of Father Gibault 
Signature of Pierre Antoine LaForge 
Signature of Laclede Leguist 
Signature of Francis LeSieur 
Signature of Joseph LeSieur . 
Signature of Don Louis Lorisaier 
Signature of Father Lusson 
Signature of Roberto McCoy . 
Signature of Father Maxwell 
Signature of Don Manuel Perez 
Signature of Don Pedro Piernas 
Signature of Thomas Portelle 
Signature of Amos Stoddard 
Signature of Don Zenon Trudeau . 
Soulard, Don Antonio. From a painting of the Missouri Historical 
Society. ...... 

Wilkinson, General James 





















On page 57, line 19, read " three " for *' there." 

On page 83, line 14, read, "Mr." for "Dr." 

On page 89, line 2, read, '* assigning " for ** assinging." 

On page 169, line 17, read, "appearing" for "rising." 

On page 189, line 16, read " era " for " war." 

On page 344 and 345, read " Nicholas " for " Nichols." 



St. Louis — Trading privilege of Maxent, Laclede & Company — Pierre La- 
clede Liguest — Madame Chouteau and children — Site of St. Louis 
selected by Laclede as a trading post — French immigration to " Laclede's 
Village" or "Paincourt" — Common-fields of St. Louis — Visit of Indian 
band, 1764 — Land allotments made by Laclede — Jurisdiction and 
authority of St. Ange — Piernas the Spanish Lieutenant-Governor arrives 

— Survey of town lots and common-fields — Oldest recorded document 
in St. Louis; first mortgage recorded; first child born; first marriage; 
first death recorded ; first cemetery — Early physicians — First grist- 
mill — Administration of Don Francisco Cruzat — Inadequate money 
supply — Administration of Don Fernando de Leyba — Death of Laclede 

— War declared between Spain and England — Gratiot's trading boat 
pillaged by British and Indians — English-Indian forces attack St. Louis, 
May, 1780 — Death of De Leyba — Second administration of Cruzat — 
Expedition under Capt. Pour^e invades British territory east of river 

— Great flood of 1785 — Administration of Don Manuel Perez — Of 
Don Zenon Trudeau — American settlers attracted — Administration of 
DeLassus — Carondelet — St. Ferdinand and other early settlements — 
Names of pioneer settlers. 

It is usually said that shortly before the cession of Louisiana to 
Spain, in 1762, Governor Kerl^rec/ the last French governor of 
Louisiana, gave the firm of Maxent,' Laclede ' & Company license to 

* Was a captain in the French navy, a distinguished officer in active ser- 
vice for twenty-five years; appointed Governor of Louisiana in 1753; in 1763 
was ordered to France to give an account of his administration, and when he 
arrived was imprisoned in the Bastile. (Gayarre's History of Louisiana, vol. 
If P- 95-) D'Abbadie, his successor, merely held the country until the arrival 
of the Spaniards. While he was awaiting their arrival he fell a victim to the 
climate, in 1765, and Captain Aubry of the French Regulars, and the senior 
officer at New Orleans, succeeded him. Aubry had distinguished himself at Fort 
du Quesne. (Gayarre's History of Louisiana, vol. i, p. 84.) Whether D'Abbadie 
died a natural death or not seems also to have been a question at the time. 
Bossu says: "Mourat d'une pretendue colique de peintre." There seem to 
have been questions "d cause de malversations relativement aux int^rdts du Roi." 

* Maxent was written in various ways. Laclede spelled the name " Max- 
an*' sometimes. The full name of Laclede's partner was Gilbert Antoine de 
St. Maxent. He was a brother-in-law of Luis de Unzaga y Amesaga who suc- 
ceeded O'Reilly as Governor of Louisiana. Gayarre names St. Maxent as a 
leading merchant of New Orleans. Don Bernardo de Galvez, Governor of 
Louisiana and afterward Viceroy of Mexico, was his son-in-law, and his wife 
Felicitas de Saint Maxent was a native of Louisiana, and " a lady of surpassing 
loveliness, and as charitable, gracious, and indulgent as she was beautiful," 
says Gayarre. Galvez died at the early age of thirty-eight years. 

* Full name Pierre Laclede Liguest, but he signed his name invariably " La- 


the exclusive trade with the Indians on the Missouri, but as Laclede 
did not leave New Orleans until after the arrival of D'Abbadie/ 
appointed by the king of France commissioner of Louisiana, and 
as such in charge of the province ad interim, until the arrival of the 
Spanish officers, it is almost certain that M. D'Abbadie confirmed 
the grant of this trade made by Gov. Kerl^rec.* Du Terrage 
erroneously says that D'Abbadie gave the trade privilege to Laclede 
**et Pierre Chouteau^ ^ This privilege, according to Margry, was 
granted to Laclede as a reward for services he had rendered. 
The character and nature of these services are not detailed, and it is 
doubtful whether any such services were rendered at all. At any 
rate, if Laclede performed any ser\'ices for the government, they 
were of a nature so slight as not to have been in any way recorded. 
It is also doubtful whether the firm ever had a grant to the 
exclusive trade with the Indians on the Missouri, as is generally 
stated. In April, 1765, shortly after Laclede established his trad- 
ing post, at his instance, the officers of the French government, 
who still exercised jurisdiction in the countr>' west of the Missis- 
sippi, seized a boat-load of merchandise on the Missouri river, in 
charge of one Joseph Calvfe, as clerk, but belonging to Jean Datch- 
urut and Louis Viviat, merchants of Ste. Genevieve at that time, 
Laclede claiming for his firm the exclusive right of trade with the 
Indians on the Missouri river. But Datchurut and Viviat made a 
contest and brought the case before the Supreme Council at New 
Orleans where it waa decided against Maxent, Laclede & Company, 

and they were condenmed to pay for the goods seized, and costs. ^ 

clede Liguest." Seems to have dropped the name of ** Pierre" and by his 
associates was simply called " Laclede." This was a practice among the early 
French settlers. Thus Antoine Vincent Bouis was simply called "Antoine 
Vincent." Baptiste Lamie Duchouquette, "Baptiste Lamie." Benito Vas- 
quez, "Benito." Charles Fremon de Lauriere, "Fremon." The last Span- 
ish Governor signed himself "Charles de Hault DeLassus" but his full name 
was, Charles de Hault DeLassus de Luzierre, and his father, who was comman- 
dant as New Bourbon, always added "de Luzierre." Camilc DeLassus was a 
brother of the governor. So also Jacques MarccUine Ceran de Hault DeLassus 
de St. Vrain, and who was known generally by the name of "St. Vrain." 

*This name spelled "D'Abbadie" by Gayarre, but "L'Abadie" by Martin, 
and spelled "D'Abbadie" by Du Terrage. Pittman says that he gave "an ex- 
clusive grant for the commerce with the Indian nations on the river Missouri" 
to a company of merchants. (Pittman's Mississippi Settlements, p. 94.) 

* I Billon's Annals, p. 51, citing Archives, vol. 4, May 25, 1767. L'.^bbadie 
was appointed Director-General March 16, 1763, and reached New Orleans 
June 29th following, and I^aclede departed with his lx)at and g(XKis in .August. 

•Du Terrage, Lcs Dernieres, &c., p. 223, note i. 

' Joseph Datchurut and Louis Viviat were merchants in Ste. Genevieve 
prior to the founding of St. Louis. Viviat also was a merchant in New Orleans 


This tribunal evidently held that the firm had no exclusive right to the 
trade on the Missouri river. 

Pierre Laclede Liguest, Margry says, was a native of Bedons 
Valle d'Aspre, diocese d'Oloron in Beam, about fifteen leagues 
from Pau, and removed to Louisiana in 1755, where he states he 
" founded a commercial establishment in New Orleans." ' However, 
this last statement may be questioned, because there is no evidence 
that Laclede was ever in business in New Orieans.® 

It is likely that Maxent, then one of the principal merchants of 
New Orieans, to secure this upper Louisiana trade, furnished the 
goods and capital and that Laclede agreed to give his personal 


attention to the business, and for this received a share in the profits 
of the new establishment, and that thus the firm of Maxent, Laclede 
& Company originated. The fact that at the time of his death 
he was found to be greatly in debt to his partner, Maxent, seems to 
confirm the idea that he was merely a partner in the profits of the 
business.*® Personally, in New Orleans he entered into relations 

at one time. Calv^ was employed by them in the fur trade, but afterwards 
came to St. Louis in 1765. Married Theresa, daughter of Nicholas Marechal 
at Fort de Chartres. On account of an ofifence, in 1768, Calv^ absconded from 
St. Louis, and in consequence his house and lot were sold there September 26, 
1768. He returned in 1769 and sold his property aften\'ard to Ignacc Pinjion- 
neau, dit Rigauche. Calv^ seems to have been in the employ of the English 
prior to the attack on St. Louis, but returned to St. Louis and in 1786 removed 
to St. Ferdinand. Of his children, Joseph, junior, married Eulalia Dubreuil; 
Antoine Pierre married Cecile de Jarlais; Marie Theresc, Joseph Rapieaux; 
Victoria, Jean B. LaChance; Josette, Joseph St. Germain; Franfoise, Jean B. 
Presse, Joseph Calv^, senior, died August 17, 181 7, at St. Ferdinand. 

• See letter of Margry to Washburn, published in i Scharfif's History of St. 
Louis, p. 64. 

•But Judge Douglas tells me that papers found in New Orleans describe 
him as " officier de milice et negociant." 

*• Shepard says that his partner "got possession of his pro|>erty and disposed 
of it in the following year, 1779, for a trifling sum, and left no slab to his mem- 
ory." What a perversion of facts, and as to the "slab," what an incongruity 
of the idea Hith the times. (Shepard's History of St. Louis, p. 23.) In 1779 
Governor de Galvez writes de Leyba that Laclede is largely in debt to Maxent, 


with Madame Chouteau", who, it is said, owing to mistreatment, 
had abandoned her husband and, contrary to the rules of the 
Church, contracted a civil marriage with him. 

Laclede, on the 3rd of August, 1763, sailed up the Mississippi from 
New Orleans with his boat of merchandise, accompanied by Madame 
Chouteau and family, including young Auguste Chouteau," des- 
tined to play no inconsiderable part in the settlement and establish- 
ment of the new trading post on the Mississippi, and the foundation of 
St. Louis. After a voyage of nearly three months, Laclede with his 
boat arrived at Ste. Genevieve, but, finding no place there to store his 
goods for the winter,* proceeded to Fort de Chartres," where he 
arrived on November 3, 1763. Fort de Chartres was then, and had 
been for a nimiber of years, the seat of the civil and military govern- 
ment of all the Illinois country, an indefinite dominion, stretching 
westward toward the Rocky mountains and east and north toward 

the liability amounting to more than 41,000 livres. The real estate in St. Louis 
Maxent sold for $3,000 to Chouteau in 1788, then in greatly dilapidated con- 
dition (i Billon's Annals, p. 148), being a stone house sixty by twenty-three, 
with a rotten roof, and another stone house fifty by thirty feet, with no floor, in 
ruins, and a piece of ground three hundred feet square. 

" Maiden name Marie Therese Bourgeois, bom in New Orleans in 1733, 
married Auguste Rene Chouteau in 1749, bearing him one child*, Auguste 
Chouteau, bom September, 1 750. Then, it is said, on account of ill treatment, 
abandoned Chouteau "and went to live" with Laclede, by whom she had four 
children, Jean Pierre, Pelagie, Marie Louise, and Victoire, but according 
to French law, bearing the name of "Chouteau." (i Scharff*s History 
of St. Louis, p. 179.) It is said that Madame Chouteau, "by and with the 
advice and consent of her friends, contracted a civil marriage with Laclede." 
Madame Chouteau died August 14, 1814. She seems to have been a "thor- 
ough business woman and obove a hard bargain now and then," acquired a 
great deal of property, being a trader in goods and furs, as well as real estate ; 
sued her son-in-law Joseph M. Papin to recover the value of a negro slave ac- 
cidentally killed, and recovered the value. Her children all married well, and 
the family was very prosperous. The archives of St. Louis also show that 
in 1768 Laclede made a gift to the children of Mrs. Chouteau. 

" Margry gives his full name as "Pierre Etienne Auguste Chouteau," but 
on what authority does not state. (Scharff's History of St. Louis, p. 64, note i .) 
He was born at New Orleans, August 14, 1750, and died at St. Louis, Feb- 
ruary 29, 1829, in his 79th year. During the Spanish domination he was the 
-"K^t prominent merchant and business man of the town, and in a large meas- 
fcontrolled the fur trade. He enjoyed the confidence of the Spanish officials 
jki New Orleans. Baron Carondelet especially seems to have placed much con- 
fidence in him and his brother Pierre in regard to matters relating to the Osage 
Indians. When the United States acquired Louisiana Chouteau was appoint- 
ed one of the Judges of the St. Louis Court of Common Pleas and Quarter 
Sessions. In 1808 he was Colonel of the militia and afterward U. S. Pension 
Agent. At various times he was appointed U. S. Commissioner to treat with 
the various Indian tribes of the west. He married Marie Therese Cerr6, 
daughter of Gabriel Cerr^ September 21, 1786. 

" Fort de Chartres was located a few miles above Ste. Genevieve in the 
southwest comer of what is now Monroe county, Illinois. 


Canada. Neyon de Villiers" was then commandant of the fort, and 
in the adjacent village, by permission, Laclede stored his goods and 
secured a home for Madame Chouteau and his family and followers, 
and then looked out a location for his trading establishment. 

During the month of December Laclede prospected the country as 
far north as the mouth of the Missouri, and some distance up 
that river. The beauty, no less than the commercial advantages of 
the country, bordered on the north by the Missouri, on the south by 
the Maramec, and on the east by the Mississippi, now embracing St. 
Louis county, seems to have attracted the attention of the earliest 
voyagers, and it is supposed led to the first transient establishment of 
a Jesuit missionary station in the Mississippi valley, near the mouth 
of the Des P^es. Surrounded on three sides by these large, navigable 
waters, and intersected by many smaller streams, navigable in the light 
canoes of the voyageurs and fur-traders, at least during a part of the 
year, all parts of this district were easily accessible in those days of 
primitive water transportation. Much of this favored locality was 
gently rolling upland, sweeping far away to the horizon, alternately 
prairie and open woociland, covered with a high and luxuriant growth 
of grass, on which herds of deer and buffalo then grazed in peace 
and plenty. Along the banks of the rivers now and then perpendicu- 
lar cliffs of rocks separated these uplands from the bottoms, but at 
other places gradually and almost imperceptibly the upland descended 
to the lowlands, and these were covered with noble and tower- 
ing forests. From many hillsides gurgling springs broke forth, and 
in clear and limpid streams meandered through little valleys to 
larger branches, into creeks and into the great rivers almost surroimd- 
ing this delightful and pleasant land. The soil was fertile, the climate 

**In June, 1764, Chevalier Pierre- Joseph de Neyon de Villiers, the last 
French commandant of Fort de Chartres, withdrew from the fort in anticipation 
of the arrival of the English forces. He took with him to New Orleans seven 
officers and sixty-three soldiers, leaving Captain St. Ange de Bellerive and 
about forty soldiers and officers to guard the fort. A number of French families 
from de Chartres, St. Philippe, and Prairie du Rocher, accompanied de Villie'-^ 
(Davidson & Stuve's History of Illinois, p. 1 63.) He descended the river in twei 
one bateaux and seven pirogues. He was a brother-in-law of Kerl^rec. 
Du Terrage says that in 1 735 he was ensign in the regiment de Choiseul ; in 1738, 
Lieutenant in the Marainville regiment, Aide-Major in the Royal LfOrraine, 
and wounded at Wissembourg ; Captain at the battle of Landfelt in 1 747, attach- 
ed to the Louisiana Regiment in 1749 ; in command of Fort de Chartres; returned 
to Paris in 1765 ; aided Kerl^c in his defence; Colonel of the Guadeloupe Regi- 
ment; Brigadier-General in 1775 and Governor of Marie-Galanta, died in 
1785. This de Villiers was born in Lorraine " d'une famille plus noble que 
riche " — ^and should not be confounded with the Coulon de Villiers. This Neyon 
de Villiers of Fort de Chartres was in no way related to this family. 


genial, neither too hot in summer nor too cold in winter; and autumn 
was the loveliest season of the year. In the center of the eastern edge 
of this district Laclede selected the location for his trading post, 
and when he returned enthusiastically assured the commandant 
of the fort, so it is said by Chouteau, 
" that he had found a situation where he 
intended to establish a settlement which 
might become hereafter one of the 5nest 
cities of America."" Chouteau, at that 
lime was only between thirteen and four- 
teen years old, and does not tell us 
whether he was present when this con- 
versation took place, but in the light of 
subsequent events undoubtedly ihis proph- 
ecy stands justified whether actually made 
or not. Hulchins, who was a man i)f 
great intelligence, and travelled up and 
down the Mississippi shortly after the 
occupation of the east bank of the Mississippi by the English, 
speaks of the location as one of "the most healthy and pleasurable 
situations of any known in this part of the country." " 

Brackenridge thus describes the appearance of the country west of 
St. Louis, when St. Louis was still a small town, some forty years 
afterward: "Looking to the west, a most charming country spreads 
itself before us. It is neither very level nor hilly, but of an agreeable, 
waving surface, and rising for several miles with an ascent almost im- 
perceptible. Except a small belt to the north, there are no trees ; the 
rest is covered with shrubby oak, intermixed with hazels, and a few 
trifling thickets of thorn, crab-apple and plum trees. At first glance, 
we are reminded of the environs of a great city; but there are no 
country seats, or even plain farm houses ; it is a vast waste, yet by no 
means barren soil. Such is the appearance, until turning to the left, 
the eye catches the Mississippi. A number of springs take their rise 
here, and contribute to the uneven appearance. The great part flow 
to the southwest, and aid in forming a beautiful rivulet, which a short 
distance below the town gives itself to the river. 1 have been often 
delighted in my solitary walks to trace this rivulet to its sources. 
Three miles from town, out within view, among a few tall oaks, it 
" Chouleau's Journal, in Si. Louis Mcrcantiie Libran'. 
"Hutchins' TopographicBl Description, p. j8. 


rises in four or five silvery fountains within a short distance of each 
other : presenting a picture to the fancy of the poet or the pencil of the 
painter. " *^ 

When Laclede located his trading post it was already well under- 
stood that the country east of the Mississippi, with the Canadas, had 
been ceded by France to England, and that all her possessions on the 
west side of the river had been ceded to Spain, although this cession 
had not been officially announced.*' Of course, the transfer of 
the country east of the river to the hereditary enemy of France 
produced great excitement among the French inhabitants. It is more 
than likely that this general alarm and anxiety to escape English dom- 
ination may have first suggested to Laclede the idea of establishing a 
village at the place he had selected for his trading post, and inviting all 
those dissatisfied and alarmed by the transfer of the country to Eng- 
land to establish themselves with him on the west side of the river. It 
is also probable that he may have interested the French officers at 
Fort de Chartres in the locality where he proposed to establish his 
post, and suggested to them to establish the seat of their authority 
for the western country there, as soon as the English took possession 
of Fort de Chartres and the country east of the Mississippi. The fact 
that the officers afterward did actually remove to the post established 
by him would point to this conclusion.*® Be this as it may, as soon as 
the river was free from ice in the spring of 1764, Laclede sent his boat 
in charge of Auguste Chouteau to the place selected for the trading 
post. On February 14th Chouteau landed there,^® and he says that 
on the next day he put the men and boys who came with him on the 

" Brackenridge, Views of Louisiana, p. 221 (Baltimore, 1817). 

'• The cession of Louisiana to Spain was officially proclaimed in New 
Orleans in October, 1764. (i Martin's I^uisiana, p. 346.) But from Du 
Terrage it appears that Kerl^rec was unofficially advised of the cession in 
January, 1763. Les Dernieres, etc., p. 157. 

^* Pittman says "that for the security and encouragement of this settlement 
the staff of French officers and commissary were ordered to remove there, upon 
rendering Fort Chartres to the English." Pittman's Mississippi Settlements, 
p. 94. 

'* Some question exists whether the boat arrived on the 14th of February 
or the 14th of March, 1764, a matter really of no importance. Have adopted 
February 14th in the text, because it is to be supposed that Laclede was anxious 
to start his establishment as quickly as possible. But if the winter was severe 
and the river full of ice, it is quite likely that the boat did not reach the site 
selected as a location for a settlement until March 14th. With Chouteau who 
was about 12 years of age when he came to St. Louis in 1764, on the boat came 
Jean Baptiste Riviere, who was born at Fort de Chartres. (Hunt's Minutes, 
Book 2, p. 102, Mo. Historical Society Archives.) When the Indians made 
the attack on St. Louis in 1780, he was taken prisoner at "Cardinal 


boat to work. Madame Chouteau and her children came up from 
Fort de Chartres in a cart through the American Bottom, accompanied 
by Laclede and arrived at Cahokia about 
the same time that the boat reached the 
site selected for the trading post. Laclede, 
after securing a place of residence for her 
at Cahokia, came over the river and spent 
the summer in erecting his establishment, 
and after the completion of his building, 
brought up his goods from the Fort, 
and finally, in September following," he 
also brought Madame Chouteau over to 
the new village to the home prepared for 
her — her familybeing considered Laclede's 
family.'* But, during the summer, a number of other settlers from 

Springs," a place now in the center of St. Louis, while sleeping in the house of 
Jean Marie Cardinal, and from St. Louis the Indians took him to Chicago as 
a prisoner, but from there he escaped and returned to St. Louis, and in 1785 
moved from St. Louis to Florissant (St. Ferdinand) (Hunt's Minutes, Book i, 
p. 50. Missouri Historical Society Archives). In 1793 had a horse-mill on his 
lot, Margaret Vial Rivifcre, assignee. The names of the boatmen arc not 
known, Amable Le Toumeau is supposed to have been one by Scharff, (His- 
tory of St. Louis, vol. I, p. 17a.) lliis Le Toumeau was a Canadian voy- 
a^eur, and in 1770 was banished from the settlement for ten years, for a 
tnvial oBense. 

" Colonel Pierre Chouteau, senior, says that he came to St, Louis about six 
months after the founding of the village, and this would fii the lime of the settle- 
ment of Madame Chouteau on the west side of the river, as stated. (Hunt's 
Miautes, Book 3, p. 100, pp. 3S2, 383.^ 1 Commissioner's Minutes.) Pierre 
Chouteau was bom at New Orleans October 10, 1758, and died at S(. Louis, 
July 10, 1849. He was engaged in the fur trade from early manhood. For 
many years lie personally annually visited many of the Indian tribes of the west. 
He was master of their language. He had tiie greatest influence among the 
Osages — was in command of Fort Carondelet on the Osage river under con- 
tract with Carondelet. Aithou^ Auguste Chouteau, somewhat over- 
shadows in reputation Pierre Chouteau, it is nevertheless a fact, that the great 
influence the Chouteau name for many years exerdsed over the Indians of the 
west must be ascribed to Pierre. Auguste Chouteau seldom visited the Indians, 
but Pierre Chouteau during the early days of the fur trade was in their villages 
most of bis time. When Jjjuisiana was ceded to the United States Pierre Chou- 
teau was appointed the first Indian agent of the country by President Jefferson. 
He conducted the first delegation of Indians from the new territory to Washing- 
ton. He was one of the principal owners of the First Missouri Fur company and 
afterward identified with the American Fur company. When the Indians in 
early days visited St. Louis they always camped on his grounds and bis home was 
their home. He occupied many and impoitant public positions during his long 
and honorable life. His first wife was Pelagic Kierccreau, who died February 
9, 179J. He afterward married Brigitte Saucier, daughter of Francois Saucier 
of Portage dea Sioux, and who died in :83q. 

" t Billon's Annals, p. 19. It should be noted here thai Shepard in his 
"History of St, Louis," page 14, does not seem to have in mind that Liguest 


Cahokia crossed over and established themselves," building housegr 
and making other improvements, and these, too, with their families, 
brought over their goods and merchandise. The total number of 
persons forming the new settlement in the first six months aggregated 
about thirty. 

was married to Mrs. Chouteau. Speaking of St. Ange he says, ^'He (St. Ange) 
was the intiinate friend of Mr. Liguest, founder of the town, and like him was 
never married." St. Ange, it should be remembered, died at the residence of 
Madame Chouteau, (i Scharff's History of St. LfOuis, p.. 72, note 4.) 

^ In addition to Laclede, then about forty years old, and Antoine Riviere, 
Senior, dit Baccane, who was bom in 1706, therefore forty-eight years of age 
in 1764 when he drove up the cart with Mrs. Chouteau and children from Fort 
de Chartres to Cahokia, and who moved to St. Ferdinand in 1790, and died 
there in 181 6, having attained the age of one hundred and ten years, the oldest 
person we have any knowledge of at that day, the following persons, according 
to Mr. Billon, were the first settlers (Annals of St. Louis, vol. i, pp. 17, 18), and 
thus gave vitality to the village, namely, Joseph Michel, dit TaiUon or Tayon, 
miller, forty-nine years old when he came to St. Louis, bom in Canada in 17 15, 
married Marie Louise Bissett, bom in 1728. He died in St. Louis at the age of 
ninety-two (1807), and was probably the surveyor on the Maramec in 1799 
of that name. His wife diea at sixty -nine in 1797. According to Billon, old 
Joseph Michel, dit Tayon, was one of the syndics of the town. Carios Tayon, 
his son, was commandant of St. Charles, his family adopting the name 
"Tayon;" Roger TaiUon, miller; Joseph Mainville, dit Deschenes, was 
an early carpenter of St. Louis, and may have come up on the boat with Chou- 
teau; Jean Baptiste and Joseph L. Martigny were both traders. The Mar- 
tigny brothers came from Quebec, Jean Baptiste married Helene Herbert at 
Fort de Chartres, was a prominent, and, for that time, a wealthy man, built a 
stone house at the comer of what is now Main and Walnut streets, and this house 
afterward became the Government house, he was captain of the militia for 
a long time and died in September 1792, at the age of eighty, his brother Joseph 
Lempine Martigny was engaged in the Indian trade in St. Louis as late as 1789, 
built a house which he afterward sold to Nicolas Royer, dit Sansquartier, 
a soldier; Nicolas Beaugeneau (Beaugenoux) fanner, forty-five years old, 
"Soldat de la companie de Mimbret" at Fort de Chartres in 1758; was a 
native of Canada, died in St. Louis in 1770, his wife was a Henrion, also 
bom in Canada; his oldest daughter, Marie Joseph^, was married in April, 1766, 
the first marriage recorded in St. Louis; his oldest son also named Nicolas, csilled 
"Fifi," bom iq. Canada in 1741, married Catherine Gravelle; died in St. Louis 
in 1795, and she died in 1826, aged fifty-five years. The name of Feefee creek 
in St. Louis county derived its name from his nick-name "Fifi," (Billon's Annals 
of St. Louis, vol. I, p. 416) which is pronounced in French like Feefee. 
Alexis Cott^, fanner, was twenty-one yeara old when he arrived, married Eliz- 
abeth Dodier in 1768, in 1796 owned property in St. Charles. A Jean Cot^ (or 
Cott^), was a habitan of Canada in 1639, and Alexis may have been related to 
this family (2 Suite Canadiens Fran^aise, p. 92) ; Gabriel Dodier, Junior, far- 
mer, owned property in Prairie des Noyers and on Little Rock creek ; moved to 
St. Charles in 1795; Margaret Bequette, widow of Gabriel Dodier, lived on 
the prairie below "Mound d' Grange." Gabriel Dodier was a son of Gabriel 
Dodier of Fort de Chartres, who died there in 1763, his widow coming to St. 
Louis where she died in 1783. This Dodier, Senior, was a Canadian, a black- 
smith by trade. The Dodiers were among the first settlers of Canada, and 
Suite gives the name of Sebastian Dodier as a habitan in 1639. According to 
the testimony of Marly, Morin, and Auguste Chouteau, Gabriel Dodier, Junior, 
was known as Auguste Dodier in St. Louis, and had two sons named respec- 
tively Auguste Gabriel, and Rene. (Hunt's Minutes, vol. 3, p. 135, Missouri 
Historical Society Archives.) Auguste Gabriel, Junior, married Pelagie Ri- 


When the Indians residing on the west side of the river heard of 
the new settlement made on their lands, a band of one hundred and 
fifty warriors, with women and children, came to the new village in 
the fall of the year, ostensibly to secure a supply of provisions, and in a 
friendly and familiar manner located their dwellings as near as pos- 
sible to their new acquaintances, manifesting the utmost pleasure and 

vi^re; Jean B. Hervieux, gun-smith and royal annorer; Paul Kiercercau, a son 
of Gregoire Kiercercau, (de Kesignac) native of Port Louis, diocese of Vannes, 
Brittany, France, settled in Cahokia as early as 1740, where he died in 
1770, his wife was Gillette LeBourg, or Boulque, widow of one 
Pothier; his son Paul was born in New Orleans, married Marie Joseph^ 
Michel, dit Tayon, in 1766, in St. Louis; their only child, Pelagie, married 
Pierre Chouteau, Senior, in 1783, and died in 1793, leaving four children, 
Auguste P., Pierre, Junior, Paul L., and Pelagie, who afterwards married 
Barthflemi Berthold; another son, Rene, dit Renaud, was lx)rn in 1723 in 
France, and married Marie M. Robillard, who died in St. Louis in 1783, and he 
died in St. Ferdinand in 1798; he was chanter or chorister of the church, and 
in the absence of the priest officiated at funerals, but as to this Rene, dit Renaud, 
see note 28 in Billon's Annals of St. Louis, p. 436. His eldest son, named 
Gregoire, born in 1752, married Magdalen St. Francois in 1774, a daughter 
named Julie married Gabriel Latreille (De La Treille) in 1800, and another daugh- 
ter named Marguerite married Louis Aubuchon of Ste. Genevieve district, 
in 1804. Marie Kiercereau, a sister of Rene and Paul, l)orn in 1788. married 
Antoine Deshetres, an interpreter, who died in 1798, and was sur\'ived by his 
wife seventeen years; their oldest son was Gregor>' Kiercereau Deshetres; Alex- 
is Picard, farmer, age fifty-three when he settled in St. Ix)uis, in 1794 at St. 
Ferdinand, and prior to 1801 in New Madrid district. Francois Dclin, carpenter 
possibly same as Fran9()is Delain; Joseph Labrosse, trader, raised corn on his 
lot in 1798, and in 1802 gave property to his god-son Joseph Labadic. in 1794 
owned property at St. Ferdinand; Theodore Labrosse; Joseph Chanccllier and 
Louis Chancellier, afterwards sub-lieutenant of militia. These Chancelliers 
were brothers of Mrs. Joseph Mainville, and born in the \'illage of St. Philippe, 
and also came to St. Louis in the first lx)at; Joseph married Elizabc^th, daugh- 
ter of Jean B. Becquette (or Bequetta), the miller, and after his death she 
married Antoine Gauthier (or Gaultier), of St. Charles; Louis married Marie 
Louise Deschamp, and after his death she married Joseph Beauchamp. dit 
Bechant, also of St. Charles (i Billon's Annals of St. Louis, p. 421). Jean B. 
Gamache (see Carondelet); Louis Ride, Senior, born in Canada, and died in 
St. Louis in 1787, his first wife was a daughter of Louis Marcheteau; Julian 
LeRoy, trader, married Marie Barbara Saucier, at Mobile in 1755, according 
to Billon was a well informed man; the family dropped the "Le" simply calling 
themselves "Roy" ; the son Charles married Susanne Dodier in 1709. a daughter 
Madalaine, married Francois Hebert in 1774, at the age of sixteen; Julicn, Jun- 
ior, married Marie Louise Cottfe and at her death the widow of Pierre A. Marie, 
in 1797; another son named Pierre Patrick married Victoire Stark; and Henri 
Francois married Jeanne Montardy in 1793. It seems that Julien, Senior, 
did not die in St. Louis. Jean Salle, dit Lajoie, trader, in 1 769 built a stone 
house on what was after\vard known as Block 57, and in 1792 returned to Bor- 
deaux, France, separating from his wife, Marie Rose Panda, who attained the 
age of 104, dying in St. Louis in 1830; one Jean B. Bequctte was a blacksmith 
and the first owner of the southeast (luarter (^f Blcxk 36. and another Jean B. 
Bequette was a miller. Jean B. Becjuette, Senior, and Junior, in 1797 were 
in Ste. Genevieve. Antcjine Pothier, trader; Antoine Villiere Pichet, a car- 
penter; I^egrain died in 1776; and probably related to the wife of Michel 
Kolette, dit I^deroute, who was a Lagrain, a soldier who came from Fort de 
Chartres with St. Ange; Marcereau and La Garrosse. 


contentment in their new homes, and exhibiting their willingness to 
engage in all the liberties and enjoyments the place aflforded.'^ In a 
f)eaceful way I^aclede endeavored to rid himself of his unwelcome 
guests. In the hope that aversion to steady work would induce them 
to leave, he employed them to dig the cellar of a house he was then 
building, and the squaws worked in carrying away the dirt in wooden 
platters and baskets, but the warriors would not work, and, appropri- 
ating everything that they could lay their hands on, although it could 
hardly be called stealing, the patience of Laclede finally became 
exhausted, and he peremptorily ordered them away, threatening to call 
in the troops from Fort de Chartres, and then reluctantly his unwel- 
come guests withdrew.^ Subsequently, in 1766, a band of Peoria 
Indians were allowed to build a village at the lower end of the town, 
and this locality about a mile below where the United States arsenal 
now stands was called "Prairie de Village Sauvage. " ^® 

After the settlement was begun, ten additional' settlers, anxious to 
escape British rule, came to the new village,^^ so that at the end of the 
first year forty families were congregated at the future metropolis, and 
which Laclede named "St. Louis," in honor of the sainted king of 
France. Popularly, however, the place was at first known as " La- 
clede *s Village,* * and then as " Paincourt. "^' In the year following 

** "Having remained here fifteen days, in the course of which I had the 
cellar of the house which we were to build, dug by the women and children, I 
gave them in payment vermillion, awls, verdigris. They dug the largest part of 
it, and carried the earth in wooden platters and baskets, which they bore on their 
heads," says Auguste Chouteau in his Journal. "The Illinois Indians claimed 
the land where St. Louis now stands," says Chouteau. (Hunt's Minutes, 
Book I, p. 127, copy in Mo. Hist. Society Archives.) 

*Shepard's History of St. Louis, p. 13. 

*• Drake's Life of Blackhawk, p. 124 quoting MSS. of Major Thomas Forsyth, 
dated 1820 as follows: "Some 40 or 50 years ago the Sauks and Foxes attacked 
a small village of Peorias about a mile below St. Louis and were defeated." 

" These were Gabriel Descary, an Indian interpreter from Fort de Char- 
tres; Michel Rolette (Rollet), dit Laderoute, a former French soldier from Fort 
de Chartres, his wife, Margaret Lagrain ; Louis Tesson, dit Honore (or Honore • 
dit Tesson), a trader from Kaskaskia, was the father of Francois, Baptiste, 
Michael and Noel, all living at St. Ferdinand and elsewhere, a native of Canada, 
his wife was Magdalena Patterson, and evidently of English descent. Had a 
grant at Cul de Sac, and in 1796 received a grant of 1,600 arpents at Village i. 
Robert, also had pro|>erty at Portage des Sioux and River Jeffron in St. Charles 
district, died in St. Louis in 1812; Jean B. Cardinal, a farmer from St. Philippe; 
Louis Deshetres, an Indian interpreter from Cahokia, in St. Ferdinand in 1794; 
Alexander Langlois, dit Rondeau, trader from Cahokia; Jean B. Provenchbre, 
a wheel->\Tight, from Cahokia, was the father of Jean Louis Provenchbre ; Rene 
Buet, trader from Cahokia. 

^* It has been suggested that some of the early settlers in grateful recogni- 
tion of Laclede's services proposed to call the town "Laclede." (i Scharf's 
History of St. Louis, p. 69.) This sounds like a pious fiction. The first settlers 


additional immigration from Fort de Chartres, Kaskaskia, Cahokia, 
and, it is said, from Ste. Genevieve arrived,* and finally in October, 
1765, when the British Highlanders, under Captain Stirling*** reached 
Fort de Chartres, Captain St. Ange de Bellerive," who was left in 
command when De Villiers departed for New Orleans, withdrew his 
force to this place on the west side of the river, probably acting on 
his own initiative in selecting his new headquarters. With St. Ange 

of St. Louis, according to Pittman (Mississippi Settlements, p. 95) secured 
their flour from Ste. Genevieve, and hence probably the nick-name "Paincourt" 
— meaning without, or short of, bread. (See also Reynolds' Pioneer History 
of Illinois, p. 62.) 

'•Among them, Charles Routier, mason; his daughter Genevieve mar- 
ried Louis Blssonette, who was here also in 1765; Francois Bissonette; Jean 
Baptiste Durand, married Marie Marcheteau; Michael Laml or Lamy (Du 
Chouquette) ; Hyacinthe St. Cyr (St. Cir), bom near Quebec, a leading man 
in early St. Louis, died in 1826, the father of fifteen children, in 1786 had grant 
between the Mississippi and Maramec, and In 1798 at St. Charles where he had 
a horse-mill on his lot; Colonel Howard says St. Cyr had met with losses in the 
service of the Government, his sons Hyadnth, Junior, born 1786, and Leon N., 
born in 1791, received grants in 1800 in consideration of his services; (Frangols) 
Cottin, the first constable In St. Louis, conducted the first sale In 1768 at 
the church door; Joseph Bour^ a rope maker, and Francois Jourdan. To 
these names should also be added: Paul Sigel, a tanner by trade, who died 
August 1769 at St. Louis. This Sigel, Billon says, was a native of Malta, but 
the name Is indubitably German. Other early settlers who died shortly after 
their arrival and settlement were : Franjois Eloy, who died in New Orleans in 
1767; Jean A. D'Aunis, dlt St. Vincent, died in 1769; Nicolas Marechal, a 
native of France, died 1770; Joseph De Tailly, an Indian interpreter, died 
October, 1771. (i Billon's Annals of St. Louis, vol. i, p. 80.) Jean DeLage, 
a native of Pierre d' Olien, Angoumols, France, was a resident and died in 1772 ; 
his estate brought 836 llvres "in silver," and of this amount Alexander Langlois 
received 530 for board and Martin Duralde 127 for legal fees, the curate of the 
church, Father Valentine 67 and Dr. Conde and Dr. Connand 80, for medical 
services, Rene Kiercereau 8, for the grave and Louis Dubreull and Lachance, 
the balance as creditors. Foubert La Grammont, of Granville, France, set- 
tled in 1772. 

•• Captain Stirling was the accredited commissioner of his Britannic Ma- 
jesty, and as such, formal possession of the Bllnols country east of the Mississ- 
ippi river was delivered to him, October 10, 1765. Auguste Chouteau says, 
tnat St. Ange and his troops reached St. Louis July 17, 1765, but probably 
did not remember the date particularly. (See Hunt's Minutes, Book i, p. 126, 
Missouri Historical Society Archives.) 

*^ Louis St. Ange de Bellerive (original name Groston) a Canadian, a 
son of Robert Groston dlt St. Ange, was about sixty years old when Fort de 
Chartres was transferred. He had served in the army of France and Canada, 
and in the Illinois country, for about forty years; was with de Bourgmont in his 
expedition against the Padoucas in 1724, as cadet with his father, who was a vet- 
eran officer of the French troops, having served from 1685. He was never mar- 
ried and died in St. Louis at the house of Madame Chouteau, December 27, 
1774, as already stated, aged about seventy years. He left property to the chil- 
dren of de VUUers. His half sister married Francois Coulon de Villiers, a 
brother of JumonviUe, and to the children of this marriage he left his 
property. It is said that Governor Piemas conferred upon St. Ange the 
rank of Captain of Infantry in the Spanish service, (i Scharff's History of 
St. Louis, p. 203.) But this, Uke a good many other things passing current as 


came Captain Francis de Volsay** and other officers and soldiers to 
the number of about twenty men. How anxious the French settlers 
were to escape English rule is shown by the fact that Renault's town, 
St. Philippe, was completely abandoned by the eight or ten families 
living there, one family leaving a mill and other property. The cap- 
tain of the militia alone remained." This, no doubt, led Lieutenant 
Frazier to write that " the greatest part of those who inhabited our side 
of the river abandoned it on our getting possession of the country. " '* 
It is apparent that the rapid growth of Laclede's trading post in 
the first few years of its existence must be attributed to the cession of 

St. Louis history, is to be doubted. It is not thought that Piemas had the power 
to confer this rank, but in a Spanish official paper it is stated that he is Captain 
of Infantry in the service. In connection witn this a certificate made by Piemas 
is not without interest. In about 1772 the Notary of Vincennes, and who as 
such had possession of the grants made by St. Ange when in command there, ran 
away and it became a matter of interest to ascertain to whom grants had been 
made while he was in command. Accordingly the following certificate was 
issued by Piemas : "Nous Don Pedro Piemas, Capitaine d' Infanterie, Lieutenant- 
Govemeur des Establissments des Illinois et leur Dependans appartenans k sa 
Majeste Catholique, certifions k tous qu' il appariendra que Mons. St. Ange 
est Capitaine reforme et employee au service de sa Majeste Catholique'' (2 Inm- 
ana Hist. Society Publications p. 29). Whether this means that St. Ange was 
in the military service is uncertain, because the *' Capitaine reform^," refers to 
the French military force stationed in the lUinois country. I do not think that 
at any time the Spaniards had any so-caUed *' reformed " troops in the country. 
This however is clear that St. Ange at the time when Piemas made the certifi- 
cate was in some sort of Spanish service. It is said that he was popular with the 
Indians, that the Great Pontiac was his personal friend and that he brought the 
body of Pontiac over from Cahokia and had his remains interred near where the 
Southern Hotel now stands. This statement, although it would reflect 
credit upon St. Ange, is doubtful. It is also said that when Captain Stir- 
ling, the first English commander at Fort de Chartres, died in Janiiary, 
1776, that on the request of the inhabitants there, he came over from the 
Spanish possessions to take charge of the post of Fort de Chartres imtil the 
arrival of Captain Stirling's successor. Major Frazer, from Pittsbiirgh. This 
romantic incident in the life of St. Ange no doubt is a fiction. It is not at all 
likely that the other English officers would give way to St. Ange, although the 
incident is dted in Monnett's ''History of the Mississippi Valley," p. 411 ; and 
in Reynolds' "My own Times," p. 50. Mason also repeats this story (Mason's 
Chapters from Illinois History, p. 238), but no authority is given by these writers. 

"Afterward it is recorded in the domestic annals of 'Taincourt" that 
Rene Kiercereau, dit Renaud, fled to the other side (that is to say, the Illinois 
country east of the Mississippi river), with De Volsay's wife, a niece of St. Ange, 
who did not enjoy the best reputation among the early habitans, taking away 
all the movable property, while De Volsay was away in France on business. In 
1 781, Cruzat sent her to New Orleans "against her will, because of the occasion 
of one Malvo," and is advised by the Governor that "we shall do our best to 
settle this matter, which appears a trifle difficult." Gen. Archives of Indies, 
Seville. — Letter of Feb. 15, 1781. One Gaston Leopold de Volsay died in Ste. 
Genevieve in 1760, 38 3rears of age, may be a relative. 

** Pittman's Mississippi Settlements, p. 91, — but in Hutchins' Topographical 
Description, p. 38, it is said two or three families remained. 

** Letter of Lieutenant Frazier, 2 Ind. Historical Publication, p. 411. 


the count 17 east of the Mississippi to Engliind, and consequent immi- 
gration of the old French settlers across Ihe river, because after the 
first excitement of the transfer died away the growth of the new 
village was very slow. 

The first building of the new trading post was erected by Laclede 
and located on the block of ground now bounded by First and 
Second and Walnut and Market streets, and according to Pittman 
this was a "large house." The other settlers established themselves 
along the river above and below this place. A narrow belt of timber 



then extended along the river, as far back as what is now Fifth 
street or Broadway. Ueyond, stretching far westward, was an open 
prairie, long known as " La Grande Prairie. "^ Various sections 
of this prairie received different names. Thus the open land near 
the town was called " St. Louis Prairie.' ' The section southwest 
was called "Prairie des Noyers." The space between "St. Louis 
Prairie" and "Prairie des Noyers" was called the "Cul de 
Sac."" The open land south of the town was called "Little 
Prairie." "White Ox Prairie" was se^-cral miles north. The 
creek running through "Cul de Sac," along wooded and 
grassy banks, was known as "La Petite Hivifere." In order to 

* " An extensive jjrairie, which affords |jlenly of hay, as alsii pasture for the 
caUle and horses of the inhabitants." Stoddard's Louisiana, \i. iii)- 

" Williams rails il " Cul de Sac of ll.e Grand Prairie," 


secure water-power for a mill, this creek, which afterward became 
luiown as "Mill Creek," was dammed up, and the pond thus 
formed was long known as "Chouteau's Mill Pond." The great 
St. Louis railroad yards now mark this vidniiy. 

It has been asserted, without any evidence whatever, that the 
grant to Maxent, Laclede & Company to trade with the Indians on 
the upper Missouri also vested in this firm, or Laclede as its represent- 
ative, discretionary powers of government, and hence the authority to 

grant allotments of land. But it is certain that the claim that Laclede 
could grant land or make allotments of land, or was clothed with even 
the semblance of authority as governor or commandant in the new 
village, is erroneous. No doubt Laclede a.ssigned to settlers who 
came with him, or settled at his post, pieces of ground, and may be 
these assignments were accepted by (he settlers and his authority thus 
recognized, but this rather by reason of his own no doubt forceful and 
dominant character than by reason of any legal warrant of the fwwer 
he thus exercised. The firm Maxent, Laclede & Company received 
no grant of land in upper Louisiana from the French government, 
nor was Laclede authorized to lay out a town or village.*' Whatever 

o lo C 
.789, ■ 


steps he took in that direction were forced upon him by circumstances 
The change of government in the territory east of the river, the conse- 
quent influx of immigrants from that side to his trading post, necessi- 
tated action. That under such circumstances he did act clearly dem- 
onstrates that he was a man of no ordinary enterprise and ability. But 
no title to any land whatever in St. Louis was ever based on any 
right or grant made by Laclede. The right even to the land claimed 
by Maxent, Laclede & Company, in the new village was founded on 
a concession made by St. Ange, the last French officer holding legal 
authority in the coimtry west of the Mississippi. 

In order to magnify the importance of this early period in the his- 
tory of Laclede's trading post, it has been deemed necessary to say 
that when Captain St. Ange arrived with his officers and soldiers he 
was induced to assume governmental functions, so as to maintain order 
and to make grants of land ; that St. Ange was apparently imwilling to 
assume the whole responsibility of granting land, and hence associated 
with himself Joseph Lefebvre ; that he was placed in authority by the 
"sound judgment of the people," and that "necessity" at once 
assigned him to the place, and that " by their unanimous desire, he was 
vested with the authority of Commandant-General, with full authority 
to grant lands, and to do all other acts consistent with that office as 
though he held it by royal authority." By a stretch of the imagina- 
tion, it has even been said that "the people imanimously vested in St. 
Ange the powers of the civil government until the arrival of his legally 
appointed successor." * But all this is strangely out of accord with 
the habits and practices of "the people" living in the French and 
Spanish colonies, and the ideas that had been implanted among the 
population. The spirit manifested in such proceedings as detailed 
belongs to another age and another people. 

As a matter of fact, St. Ange was in authority all the time and in 
legal control of affairs, because before he arrived at the village, and 

drawn the plan of a city and given it a name (which is the exercise of a power 
appertaining to the sovereign alone) and what is worse, that you have called it 
*Our City.* " (2 Gayarre's History of Louisiana, p. 265.) 

" And how far fetched the conclusion stated in Scharff: *'It is a singular 
incident in the history of St. Louis that its first government, though instituted in 
a period of imperialism, was distinctively republican in character. The authority 
under which de Bellerive ruled was conferred by popular action. In its methods 
of creation this self -constituted government was purely democratic." (i Scharfif's 
History of St. Louis, p. 75, et seq.) Also see Snepard's History of St. Louis, p. 
14, where we find a similar poetic account of how authority was conferred on 
St. Ange by the people of St. Louis, with the approbation of Aubry, because 
St. Ange was "too honorable an officer to administer an authority without the 
approbation of his superiors." 


while commandant at Fort de Chartres, he held jurisdiction not only 
over the territory on the east, but also on the west bank of the Missis- 
sippi, practically as far as the dominions of France extended — to the 
Rocky mountains and the Pacific. That Laclede fully understood 
this is shown by the fact that he threatened his unwelcome visitors, 
the Indians, to call in the troops from the fort to induce them to de- 
part; also, that he called on these officers to seize goods belonging to 
Datchurut and Viviat.* So that when St. Ange surrendered to Cap- 
tain Stirling, Fort de Chartres and the territory ceded to England, he 
retired with his troop of soldiers and officers,*® and military stores 
to territory still under his jurisdiction, although ceded to Spain, and 
in which he was the only embodiment of legal authority until the ar- 
rival of the authorities of the new sovereign.** His authority on the 

•• Merchants in Ste. Genevieve before the founding of St. Louis. (28 Dra- 
per's Collection, [Clark MSS] p. 90.) 

*• The names of his officers and men were : Pierre Francois de Volsay, first 
lieutenant and brevet captain already named, and Picote de Belestre, lieu- 
tenant, died in St. Louis in 1780, married Joachi de Villiers, grand-daughter 
of Madame St. Ange. In 1666, a Picote de Belestre, together with Charles 
LeMoyne were at die head of the Montreal militia, and this Picote undoubt- 
edly was the ancestor df our lieutenant de Belestre; Frangois de Bergueville, 
lieutenant; Joseph Brunot Lefebvre Des Bruisseau, a cadet lieutenant, son of 
Joseph Lefebvre d' Inglebert Des Bruisseau, afterwards store-keep)er at the 
Fort "El Principe de Asturias" and an absconding defaulter; Pierre Montardy 
and Phillibert Gagnon, sergeants in 1766; Nicholas Antoine Vincent, sergeant 
in 1767. A Pierre Vincent in 1671 settled at Port Royal in Arcadia, and a 
Jean Vincent was one of the One Hundred Associates of New France; Jean de 
Lage, corpond in 1767. The little squad of soldiers were D' Amours de Lou- 
vieres, likely a descendant of Mathieu D' Amours Sieur de Choufours et de la 
Morandiere et de Louvieres, a distinguished name in the annals of Canada, 
(7 Suite Canadiens Francais, p. 42) and a numerous family; Nicholas Royer, dit 
Sansquartier; a Guillaume Agnet was also nicknamed Sansquartier in Detroit 
in 1709; Michel Rollette, dit Laderoute; Claude Tinon; Jean Comparios, dit La- 
Pierre; Lambert Bonvarlet; Blondin Pion; Ayot; St. Marie; Beauvais; Des 
Jardins ; Lamotte ; Langlois and Marechal, as near as Mr. Billon has been able 
to ascertain, and all became prominent residents of the little village. (Billon's 
Annals of St. Louis, p. 69.) Some of these names are evidently nicknames, i. e., 
Bonvarlet,' Blondin, Pion and Ayot. 

** In the case of Wright's Admr. v. Thomas, 4 Mo. 345, Judge McGirk also 
seems to think that the French at St. Louis, at tliis time, had no legal govern- 
ment at all, overlooking the fact that certainly before the actual surrender of 
Fort de Chartres the country remained under the French Government, and was 
governed by the conunandant of that fort, as it always had been before the 
treaty of 1762. The simple fact that afterward the fort and the country east 
of the Mississippi was surrendered to the English did not divest the commandant 
of his authori^ in the remaining territory, although this too had been ceded to 
Spain. By removing to the part of the territory not ceded to England, he re- 
mained in authority there until Spain assumed jurisdiction. The learned judge 
seemed to think that St. Ange could not bring any authority to St. Louis wiUi 
him, but as a matter of fact he was in authority all the time on both banks of the 
river, until actually superseded by the new government. It is laid down in Kent 
that the national character of a ceded country continues as it is until the country 


west side of the river remained in full force and did not require action 
on the part of " the people, " as has been imagined. He was not 
elected ** unanimously," and his popularity or unpopularity in the 
village did not affect his authority. It is to be presumed that St. 
Ange understood this. In all his official proceedings, after removing 
the seat of his government to the new town, he substantially followed 
the procedure followed at Fort de Chartres, having associated with 
himself a council, probably the same council he had at Fort de 
Chartres, a body sometimes called "superior council of the province of 
Illinois," and which originally embraced within its jurisdictional lim- 
its the territory on both sides of the Mississippi. Accordingly, we 
find that Joseph Lefebvre Des Bruisseau, who had exercised the 
functions of a civil judge at Fort de Chartres, continued to exercise 
these functions when he came to St. Louis, until he died in 1767." 
He was succeeded after his death by Joseph Labusciere,** who 

is actually transferred, and that full sovereignty cannot be held to pass until 
actual delivery of the country, (i Kent's Commentaries, p. 177.) Until actual 
delivery of the country to Spain therefore St. Ange was not only de facto but 
also de jure in authority. 

** Full name Joseph Lefebvre d'Inglebert Des Bruisseau, a native of France, 
came to New Orleans in 1 743, and to Fort de Chartres in 1 744, having obtained 
from M. de Vaudreuil, Governor General of Louisiana, the grant of an exclu- 
sive right to trade with the Indians on the Missouri. After his trade privilege was 
given to others he served as judge of civil cases at Fort de Chartres for a number 
of years, and came to St. Louis with St. Ange. Married in France Marie Ursule 
Diacre. Pierre Francois des Bruisseau, became lieutenant in the French service, 
married Margaret de Laferne, daughter of Pierre Ignace Bardet de La- 
feme, surgeon-major in the King's service at Fort de Chartres, and who 
married Marie Ann Barrois. Pierre Francois des Bruisseau died in New 
Orleans in 1770, leaving no children, his widow married Joseph Segond, mer- 
chant, and died in 1844, leaving a numerous posterity, (i Scharff's History of 
St. Louis, p. 73, note.) Her elder sister, Marie Anna, married Dr. Auguste 
Condc, a surgeon, and who removed to St. Louis in 1766. The marriage 
contract between Pierre and Margaret was filed in St. Louis in 1768. When 
the elder Des Bruisseau died, in 1767, an inventory was taken, from which it 
appears that among his assets were fourteen grenadier's guns, sixteen half 
axes, twenty-seven tomahawks, a block of copper to press paper, one thous- 
and pounds of bar lead, six hundred and sixteen dog-head knives, thirteen and 
one half dozen butcher-knives, seventy-four blankets, one hundred and twenty- 
seven small bells, fifteen hundred gun flints, eleven cannon-balls, four hun- 
dred and thirty-seven gun screws, five hundred and ninety-seven fire steels, 
three hundred and twenty-two large springs, three hundred and forty-nine 
gun-pan covers, two hundred and fifty-nine gun-cocks, three hundred and 
nine gun-nuts, etc. (i Billon's Annals, p. 49.) Des Bruisseau it should be 
remembered from 1744 to 1749 under French government, had the exclusive 
trade on the Missouri, and was under contract to build a fort on that river. 
This may account for much of these military stores. 

** Joseph Labusciere was a notary and the King's procureur, or attorney, 
an important p)ersonage always, under the French law, and of course most im- 
portant in the eyes of the early French settlers of the Mississippi valley. 
His wife was a lady of some education. Left three sons, Joseph, Junior, 


had been royal attorney and notary. One Pierre Peri dit St. Pierre 
at that time was public scrivener. 

From the instructions of UUoa, as well as original complaints 
preserved in the archives at St. Louis, it also appears that St. Ange 
during the presence of Rui was not superseded ; ** on the contrary, 
when dissensions arose among the Spaniards at the fort on the Missouri 
he even took cognizance of complaints against and acted for the 
Spanish officers. Thus Labusciere in a judicial paper, dated 
August, 1768, states that he is acting "as judge and deputy of the 
Commander of Louisiana and proxy of the King's Attorney Gen- 
eral of Illinois," and as such entertained a complaint of the Spanish 
officer "Joseph Barelas," (may be Varelas) cadet engineer of the 
Garrison of "Fort Charles'* against another Spanish officer "Don 
Fernando de Gomez, Lieutenant Commandant of the Fort." 

UUoa, in the instruction he gave Captain Rui, seemed primarily to 
contemplate the formation of a new settlement north of the Missouri, 
of which Rui was to be chief, not interfering with the existing settle- 
ment of " the Illinois " south of the Missouri. From the fact that Rui 
did not interfere in the litigation brought before St. Ange against his 
soldiers and officers, it may be supposed, also, that he construed his 
instructions to mean that he had no authority to question or interfere 
with the jurisdiction of St. Ange. Again, in 1769, Ulloa ordered the 
fort "El Principe de Asturias" to be evacuated and delivered to 
Captain St. Ange. From all this it is clearly manifest that he was fully 
recognized as the supreme civil and military commandant by the 
Spanish authorities of the Illinois country west of the Mississippi for 
some time after the Treaty of Fontainebleau. 

Louis and Francois. All the early documents in the archives, except the first 
fifteen written by Lefebvre, are in the handwriting of Labusciere. Was a resi- 
dent of St. Louis for twenty-five years, connected officially with the government 
at first, afterwards legal adviser and attorney of the people, and prepared their 
legal papers; a p)erson of consequence, useful and valuable to the village. During 
the time that St. Ange administered the government, he was custodian of the 
archives; countersigned land grants, and when Governor Piernas appeared to 
take possession of the country, duly delivered the archives. Between April 20, 
1766, and May 20, 1770, prepared, according to Billon, one hundred and forty- 
four papers of various kinds, which were then transferred. (Scharff 's History of 
St. Louis, p. 72, et seq., note 2.) In the case of Hill et al., vs. Wright, 3 Mo. 
Rep., p. 136, no doubt on full investigation it is admitted that Labusciere in 
1782 or 1783 moved from St. Louis to Cahokia, Illinois, and that he died there 
April 29, 1792. His notarial record he carried across the river, and it is now 
in Belleville, Illinois, according to Alvord in his "Old Kaskaskia Records," An 
Address, p. 42. Also see note 15, page 340, vol. i. 

** Pittman says, that he was "forbid to interfere with the civil government 
of their settlements in the Illinois country, where Mons. De Saint Ange contin- 
ues to command." (Pittman's Mississippi Settlements, p. 16.) 


The oldest document recorded in the archives of St. Louis relates 
to a sale of a lot made by Jacques Denis, a joiner, to Antoine Hu- 
bert, a trader, and is dated January 21, 1766, apparently for a lot 
assigned to Denis by Laclede, because it was not until in April follow- 
ing grants of land were made by St. Ange, countersigned by Lefebvre, 
and after his death by Labusciere. These grants of St. Ange were all 
duly recorded in the Livre Terriefty or Land Book, which was com- 
menced as soon as he began to makie grants of lots and lands. The 
first grant of St. Ange was made to Joseph Labusciere, the notary, 
of a lot in St. Louis, fronting three hundred feet on Rue Royal 
(now Main street) by one hundred and fifty feet in depth to the river. 
The system of land grants pursued by St. Ange was very simple. 
The concession merely stated the name of the applicant, the date and 
description of the property ceded, and concluded " under the condi- 
tion of settling it within one year and a day, and that the same shall 
remain liable to the public charges,'* duly signed " St. Ange," and by 
"Labusciere." St. Ange granted eighty-one lots* from April 27, 

• These grantees not already mentioned, and other early settlers comprise 
the following list: In 1765, Jean Ortes or Jean Baptiste Ortes, a carpenter, 
and Jean Cambas, who seem to have had a grant in partnership ; Gilles Cemin 
or Chemin; Constantine Philipp)e De Quirigoust, died in 1769 or 1770; Jacques 
Chauvin, an officer in the French service, from Fort de Chartres, lived in St. 
Louis about thirty-five years, when he received a large concession from DeLas- 
sus on the Missouri, opposite St. Charles, and died there in 1826, aged eighty- 
three years, was probably a son of Joseph Chauvin, dit CharleviUe, of Kaskaskia, 
and who died there in about 1783-84, according to Billon. These Chauvins are 
perhaps related to the Chauvins, dit Lafreniere, mentioned by Gayarre (History 
of Louisiana, French Domination, p. 187) and so distinguished in the annals of 
lower Louisiana, came into the Mississippi valley with Bienville. The wife 
of Gilles Chauvin of Detroit was his cousin, and he may be the ancestor of 
Jacques, as these Chauvins all seem related. Gervais raised tobacco on 
part of his lot; Louis Reed, his son Laurent testifies, was born in St. Louis 
about 1763, evidently meaning 1764-65, a wooden block house or bastion was 
on Louis Reed's lot, so testified Frangois Duchouquette who lived here at this 
time ; Louis Bour^, dit Grand Loui, rope maker, raised peaches and plums on 
his lot prior to 1800; Jacob La Sabloniere, in 1793 went to Prairie du Rocher, 
his daughter married Titus LeBerge, a Jacques Brunei La Sabloniere also lived 
in St. Louis; Guillaume Hebert, dit Lecompte, had a stone quarry in St. Louis in 
1799, and Chouteau testified he got stone from him in that year, paying him 
five sous per load, lived also at St. Ferdinand ; Jacques Egliz, on River des Pferes; 
Antoine Flondrain (or Flandrin), died in 1822; Susan Jeannette, a colored 
woman. In 1 766, Sieur Devin ; Joseph Dub6 ; Louis Marcheteau, dit DesNoyers, 
married Veronica Panisse ; Jean Marie Thoulouze ; Jean Prevot (or Prevost) ; 
a Nicolas Proveau (of Proveaux) was an "habitan de Concession les des Mines" 
in 1746 — perhaps the same family. Louis Chauvet Dubreuil, a merch- 
ant, and in 1790 at St. Ferdinand; in 1799 a Louis Dubreuil had a 
grant on Cuivre in St. Charles district; Antoine Hebert, dit Lecompte, 
a merchant ; Thomas Blondeau (also spelled Blondain) ; Jacques Lacroix, in 
1 791 in the New Madrid district; Jean Baptiste Jacquemin; Jean 
Baptiste Butaud, dit Brindamour; Francois La Chapelle; Alexis Marie; Louis 
Merlet Desloriers, a merchant; Philibert Gagnon, dit Laurent, soldier, also find 


1766, to February 7, 1770, when Don Pedro Piemas, "a captain of 
infantry," the first Spanish lieutenant-governor, assumed the govem- 

a Laurent Lerouge (or Rouge), dit Gagnon, in St. Louis; and may be the same 
person; Pierre Lacroix, married Helen I'Arche in 1767; Nicolas Hebert, dit 
Lecompte; Jacques Noise, dit Labbe (or L'Abbe), and was known as Pierre 
Noise; Ignace Herbert; Joseph Marcheteau, dit DesNoyers ; Alexis Loise; Jean 
B. Hamelin; Frangois Larche or L'Arche, a Paul L'Arche, "Maitre Cordon- 
nier*' at "Fort Nouvelle de Chartres de I'lllinois" in parish St. Anne, in 
1748 — no doubt related to him; Jean B. Bidet, dit Langoumois; Mich- 
ael Audilier; BarthMemi Blondeau; Pierre Rougeau Berger, married Theresa 
Hebert; Francois Laville, dit St. Germain; Louis Desfonds; Louis Robert, or 
Robar, at Glaize k Bequette in 1 785 ; Charles Parent ; Ignace Laroche ; Louis 
Laroche, from Kaskaskia, afterwards in 1797 lived at St. Ferdinand; Isadore 
Peltier, slave owner, also at Ste. Genevieve; Charles Peltier, also lived at St. 
Ferdinand ; Antoine Peltier, dit Morin, from Kaskaskia, owned four slaves, and in 
1796 on the Mississippi and at Petite Gingras; in 1767, Joseph Pouillot, a trader ; 
Louis Lambert, dit Lafleur, was afterward agent for Joseph Robidoux, and culti- 
vated land for him at St. Ferdinand in 1 794, but a Jean Louis Lambert, dit 
Lafleur, was a prominent merchant in Ste. Genevieve in 1766, died 1771 ; Pierre 
Fouch^, merchant; Claude Tinon, in 1771 was a cultivator of the common-field 
of Carondelet; Antoine Donnay St. Vincent, may be the Antonio Venzan — a 
corporal in the ist militia company in 1780; Nicolas Barsaloux, married Made- 
laine Lcberge ; Francois Moreau, married Catherine Marechal this year, and Jo- 
seph Gamache married Charlotte Louviere; Jean B. Langevin; Michel Pichet; 
Jean B. Vien, dit Noel, a billiard-table keeper, which he leased for three years 
to Louis Vigo in 1 770, Vien was a son-in-law of Joseph Vachard ; Joseph Franch- 
ville ; Bareras or Barelas, was the first bankrupt trader who absconded, his effects 
being seized. In this year we note that Laclede made a contract with one John 
Hanoilton, no doubt an Englishman, and one of the first west of the Mississippi. 
Joseph Picote de Belestre possibly Picote de Belestre; Joseph Leroy; Joseph 
Dubord; Placy, Duplacy or Placet, likely Jean Baptiste who also lived at Ste. 
Genevieve, a Kaskaskia family, where we find Dupay, Plade and others; Pierre 
Dagobert, a merchant in Ste. Genevieve, and interested in lead mining there, but 
seems also to have been engaged in business in St. Louis; Frangois Cailloux, dit 
Cayon, testifies he was bom in 1766 and came to St. Louis in 1767, in 1800 
he had a grant on 1,600 arpens on the river Matis; Eustache and Louis 
Cailloux (or Caillou) brothers, and Pedro Caillou, all may be of same family, 
and related to Cailloux (or Calliot), dit Lachance, of Ste. Genevieve district; 
Pierre Cailloux moved from Kaskaskia to St. Louis about 1780. In 1768, 
Louis Beor (or Bour or Bourfe) may be "Grand Loui;" Guillaume' Bizet 
(Bissette) also at Cul de Sac of Big Prairie, his widow married Jean Bap- 
tiste Provenchfere; Frangois Thibault, a carpenter, and Charles Thibault, a 
blacksmith; Jean Perin, dit Boucher; Ignatius Laroche; Charles Bizet or Bis- 
sette, murdered by the Indians in 1772; T. B. Petit, in 1795, lived at St. Charles; 
Joseph Alvarez Hortiz, a Spaniard, resident of Louisiana after the country was 
ceded to France by Spain, employed in various civil and military matters, but 
declined, according to Auguste Chouteau, rank in army, was never paid for his 
services, but solicited and accepted a grant of land in 1800 as compensation ; 
Christoval de Lisa, in service of Spain, came to the country with Eugene Alva- 
rez in 1768, and died in the service of Spain, bis sons, Joachim and Manuel 
were bom in Spanish -America, but it is also claimed that Manuel was bom in 
New Orleans in 1770; Francois Moreau, a resident of St. Louis in this year, 
but in 1796 received a grant near St. Ferdinand, also claimed a grant by assign- 
ment of Fran9ois Poillivre on the forks of the Maramec in Ste. Genevieve dis- 
trict, but in 1797 settled on river Establishment, built a house, "made a park," 
and raised a crop, (2 P. L., p. 600), was also on the Mississippi near Ste. Gen- 
evieve, and claimed the four arpens square that had been granted to Francois 
Azor, dit Breton, for discovering Mine k Breton ; Jean Baptiste Dechamps lived 


ment of the Illinois country. ^ It was thus that St. Ange became the 
l^al founder of St. Louis.*' After receiving grants from St. Ange, it 

in St. Louis in 1768, but in 1780 was on river aux Cardes, and on account of In- 
dians compelled to abandon same, Toussaint Dechamps, dit Hunot, cultivated 
this property for one year, but he, too, was compellecl to abandon it. In 1798 
Jean Baptiste was at Portage des Sioux, the first house built there being on lus 
lot, also owned property at St. Charles prior to 1803; Joseph Morin or Marin, 
carpenter, in 1 795 lived on Prairie Bocuf Blanc and Prairie Des Noyers both 
now within the limits and in center of St. Louis; Bonaventure Collel, a native 
of Barcelona, merchant of St. Louis, in 1793 at St. Ferdinand, his property sold 
at the church door by order of the Governor, in 1794 was in New Madrid, mar- 
ried Constance Conde, but it was discovered that he had a living wife in Spain 
and he absconded and in 1802 one Frangois Collel, also sells at New Madrid 
the property of one Bonaventure Collel — ^may be same person; Francois M. 
Benoit (Benoist). We also find in this year in the early records, the names of 
Beaujeu (may be same as Bogy); Louis Bowpart or Poupast; Foncalt, who 
either lived in St. Louis or made that place headquarters when they came in 
from tl^e Indiai> villages ; M. Dutillet, a merchant; Antoine Berard, a native of 
Bordeaux, France, came to New Orleans in 1768 and shortly afterwards to St. 
Louis, where he engaged in trade, a man of education, died in October, 1776, 
thirty-six years of age; Dominique Bargas, a Spaniard, bought the store and 
house where he did business and also died there in 1779, aged thirty-eight years, 
of apoplexy, su{>erinduced by excessive heat, so said Dr. Bernard Gibkins; Gille 
Henrion, made a sale to Laclede in this year. In 1769, Louis Dufresne; Joseph 
Bouchard or Boucher; Laurent Trudeau; Joseph Langlois, in 1795 was near 
St. Charles ; Francois Durcy ; Jean Baptiste Chauvin ; Kierq Marcheteau Des 
Noyers; Jean Paille; Antoine St. Frangois; Veuve Hebert, from Kaskaskia; 
Antoine Roussel, dit Sans Souci ; Nicolas Choret ; Amour LaVienne ; Nicholas 
T. (Francois) Dion, married Theresa Hervieux, daughter no doubt of the royal 
armorer, in this year; PhiUbert Gaignon to Marie Newby, evidently an English- 
woman ; Jean Baptiste Savoie (Savoye), dit Cadien married Louise Ladurantaie — 
also find a person of same name at St. Charles. Pierre Durcy, perhaps a brother 
Df Francois, engages his services to Louis Butand ; Pierre Roy ; Jean Marie Papin ; 
Jean B. Trudeau; Jean St. Andre; Nicolas St. Andre; Joseph Chartrand; 
Antoine DeGagne; Louis La Traverse; Francois Henrion, who died in 1781; 
Louis Barada, dit Breda, Senior, miller and butcher, in 1797 moved to St. 
Charles owned property on Prairie DesNoyers ; Antoine Barada, Junior, in 
1796 married Elizabeth Tesson. 

*• Don Pedro Joseph Piernas was a Spaniard by birth, came to New Orleans 
with Ulloa, a captain in the Spanish service, married Fecilite Robineau de Port- 
neuf, at New Orleans, who was the sole heiress of Louis Nicolas Robineau de 
Portneuf and also heiress of half of the estate of Madame Marguerite Philipjse 
D'Aneau de Muid, widow of Rene Robineau, Lord of Portneuf. She was born 
at Fort de Chartres Sept. 25th, 1745. Piernas in 1785 was colonel of the 
Louisiana Regiment at New Orleans, succeeding Governor Estevan Miro. 
Ulloa in a letter to Marquis de Grimaldi says that he was very popular with the 
troops under him on account "of his methods, joviality, and good treatment" 
they received from him; and that at Natchez he succeeded with the fort and 
settlement although he had "less than one half the people that were in Misuri." 
Piernas held command in New Orleans while Galvez was absent on his expedi- 
tion to conquer the British p>ossessions on the Mississippi. He was in the Span- 
ish service 30 years, and his father before him served 48 years 

*' Says Martin, "St. Ange, the French commandant there (at Fort de Char- 
tres) crossed the Mississippi with a number of his countrymen, who were desir- 
ous to follow the white flag, and laid the foundation of the town of St. Louis." 
(Martin's History of Louisiana, vol. i, p. 350.) In this "Histoire de la Louisiane" 
Victor De Bouchel says, "Pendant que Saint Ange quittait a fort de Chartres de 
Plllinois pour aller fonder la villede Saint Louis, sur les rives Mississippi," page 60. 


is also to be noted that some of the settlers erected more substantial 
buildings. But Jean B Martigny, one of the most substantial and 
wealthy immigrants, erected, in 1766, a stone building, which was 
afterward long occupied as a residence of Ihe lieutenant-governor, 
and this house was the " Government House " where the transfer 
of Upper Louisiana was made.*' 

The grants made by St. Ange were never questioned by the Span- 
ish authorities, although it is said that some apprehension as to the 
legal status of those grants existed at the time.* The description of 
the various lots granted clearly shows that no survey or plat of the 
town was made prior to 1 770. Nor was a survey of town lots required 
afterward under the Spanish government, when the same were granted, 
as in the case of grants of land.^ Thus the lot granted to Laclede by 
St. Ange, when he came to St. Louis, and after Laclede and others had 
built houses, is described : " Three hundred feet square, the square 
reserved for the church on one side, on one side a cross street from 
Marcereau and Hubert, the other from Taillon.' * Again, a few days 
after, he granted "one hundred and twenty feet by one hundred 
and fifty front on Royal street, in the rear Roger Taillon, on one 
side lot of Joseph Taillon, on the other side a cross street separating 
it from Veuve Marechal." Pierre Francois de Volsay is granted 
" two hundred and forty by three hundred, one side a cross street 
from the lot of Blondeau and Lamy, on the north another cross 
street." Jacque Denis, a carpenter (joiner), is granted one hundred 
and twenty by one hundred and fifty, described: "opposite the 
church, west of Bam Hill, on one side Hubert, on the other a 
cross street from Beausoliel." Laville, the first tailor in St. Louis, 
received a lot "near the Barn Hill, one side Chauvin, the other a 
cross street from Montardy." Pierre Roy *s lot is thus designated: 
"opposite Comparios dit Gascon, one end Sarpy under Blondeau, the 
other end a cross street from Hunaud's lot." Not only is it evident 
from these descriptions that no survey of the lots was made, but it is 

*' When Louisiaha was ceded to the United States, St. Lx>uis had thirty-three 
stone dwellings, one hundred and thirty-one built out of posts and logs, and 
seven out of posts and stones. The French log houses were built by posts set 
in the ground, and these were bound together by timber, and the interstices 
filled with stone and mortar. 

*• "But Governor Piernas allayed their apprehensions by a public confirma- 
tion of all the land titles which St. Ange had granted." (i Scharff's History of 
St. Louis, p. 203.) In the most public manner confirmed all the grants that had 
been made by his predecessor St. Ange de Bellerive. (Shepard's History of St. 
Louis, p. 20.) 

'• See Clark vs. Brazeau, i Mo. Rep., p. 294, 


ako apparent that during the administration of St. Ange, only one 
street was known by a distinct name, viz., " Rue Royal," now Main 
street. For convenience cross streets or alleys existed, but none of 
these were officially designated at first by any name. Naturally, the 
few streets of the town in course of several years received designations, 
based on some local circumstance. Thus the street (now Market) out 
to the path leading to the Bonhomme settlement, became known as 
" Rue Bonhomme,* ' the street (Walnut) leading to the tower on the 
hill, "Rue de la Tour," the street (Second) on which the church 
stood was called "Rue de PEglise," and the street farthest back 
(Third) on which the bams were located was the " Rue des Granges," 
or Bam street. This locality was then also described as " the hill 
of the barns in the rear of the village.* ' 

The first survey of the lots of the town granted by St. Ange was 
made by M. Martin Duralde, who was appointed surveyor by Piemas. 
After completing this work, he filed his report and plat May 20, 
1772.*^* It is also highly probable that he made a plat of the village 
showing unoccupied lots, streets and alleys, although no such plat 
made by him has been preserved. Pierre Chouteau says that he 
studied surveying under Duralde, who surveyed not only the village, 
but a large number of the prairie common-fields, near the village, into 
what may be called farm lots. 

The agricultural operations of the first settlers of St. Louis were 
carried on in a common-field, and in this work all the settlers were in- 
terested, because after the erection of their new homes the production 
of breadstuffs was a matter of prime importance. The first com- 
mon-field of the old Nnllage of St. Louis, according to the statement of 
Auguste Chouteau, extended from near Market street, north to the 
Big Mound, and from what is now Broadway as far west as JeflFerson 
avenue. Like the common-fields elsewhere, the common-field of the 
settlers of St. Louis comprised a quantity of land large enough to sat- 
isfy the wants of the inhabitants of the adjacent village, and in the 
common-fields each settler or habitan, at that time by petition, could 

" I Scharff's History of St. Louis, p. 142. It is said in Scharff's History of 
St. Louis, page 203, " To define the bounds of real property and avoid litigation, 
the settlers solicited an official survey of land grants. The Governor promptly 
complied with the request of the petitioners and appointed Martin M. Duralde, 
a Frenchman, to the surveyorship which he created. The honors bestowed on 
their countryman, and the practical benefits of the government, fully recon- 
ciled the French settlers to their new allegiance." How like a newspaper report 
of the present day! In Shepard's History of St. Louis, p. 20, it is said, "As if 
to add satisfaction to security, he appointed Martin Duralde, a Frenchman, sur- 
veyor, to make and define their boundaries." 


secure a lot. These lots so granted were considered the individual 
property of the cultivators, and were one arpen in front by forty in 
depth. As soon as the settlement was founded, the settlers began to 
enclose the common-field described, and for a long time the east fence 
of this common-field was the west boundary of the village. But in 
addition, south and southwest of the village, the country through which 
La Petite Rivifere, or Mill creek, ran, and where numerous springs fed 
this branch, a tract of land was also enclosed by the settlers for com- 
mon pasturage, and in this enclosure the inhabitants kept part of their 
cattle and stock for safety and convenience.*^ This enclosure was 
known as the " Prairie,' ' but after the American occupation became 
known as the " Common " or " Commons," and under decree of 
Cruzat embraced 4293 arpens. These " commons* ' were held to be 
common property or land of. the inhabitants of St. Louis, and as such 
were confirmed to St. Louis afterward." They were first fenced in 
1 764. The " commons " were originally smaller, but grew in size as the 
town increased in population. All the people of the village cut wood 
on these "commons." When, in 1792, Sylvestre Labadie secured a 
grant to a part of this tract of land, the people remonstrated and 
he was prohibited by the lieutenant-governor to cultivate the same." 

From the St. Louis archives it appears that the first mortgage 
made and recorded in St. Louis was dated September 29, 1766, and 
executed by Pierre Rougeau Berger to Franjois Boyer, both merchants, 
engaged in the fur trade. The mortgage fails to specify any particular 
property mortgaged, but pledges the goods of the mortgagor as security 
for the payment of a certain specified nimiber of deerskins at a cer- 
tain time, no value being mentioned. Several years afterward, how- 
ever, the mortgagee acknowledges by his attorney that payment has 
been made, and this acknowledgment is attested by the notary and 

•'This district is now covered with buildings and railroad tracks, and fol- 
lowing the course of this valley westward it presents far from a lovely picture. 
Railroad cars of every kind, locomotives puffing up clouds of smoke, old shanties, 
dilapidated houses, black and dirty, great factories smoke begrimed, and the big 
shed of the Union Station dominate the landscape. 

" The "Conmions" were by act of Congress confirmed to St. Louis in 
181 2, and in 1835 the legislature of Missouri authorized the city of St. Louis to 
sell the property, the proceeds of the sale to be used for school purposes. The 
land was sold and brought $425,000, at public sale; but the purchasers in many 
instances failed to take the pro{>erty. In 1843, 3'^^ 5 ^n^ns of the land were 
resold, and brought nearly $50 p)er acre, or about $163,680. At the time the low- 
est price fixed by the dty was $21.75 P^r acre. Some 591 acres, not sold in i860, 
were valued at $581 ,39 1 . The totaljvalue of the property originally'embraced in 
the "St. Louis Commons" can not be far short of $100,000,000 now, or even more. 

^American State Pa{>ers, 2 Public Lands, p. 671. 


recorded. Among these archives are also found the judgment of the 
council, and other documents relating to the sale of the eflFects and 
salt works of Mr. Datchurut of Ste. Genevieve, showing that after the 
transfer of Fort de Chartres all such important matters of conveyance 
pertaining to the country on the west bank of the river were taken cog- 
nizance of by St. Ange at St. Louis. That St. Ange exercised great 
powers is shown by one document recording a sentence to death of one 
Michael Degoust,** as well as by an ordinance preserved in these 
archives which he seems to have promulgated in 1 768 against the sale 
of ardent spirits to the Indians. But generally the documents depos- 
ited in the archives relate to sales of lots, sales made under executions 
or to bonds and obligations assumed, bargains and trades and 
engagements for services. 

That the marriage relation was entered into with due circum- 
spection in St. Louis in those early days is evidenced by the fact 
that from 1766 to 1770 not less than sixteen marriage contracts were 
made and duly recorded by the notary in the new village. The first 
marriage was celebrated on April 20, 1766, and the high contracting 
parties were Toussaint Hunaud, from Canada, a hunter and trapper, 
and Marie Beaugeneau.*^ The first child born in St. Louis was John 
B.Guion, September, 1765, son of Amable Guion, Senior, a stone 
mason by trade, "^ and Margaret Blondeau. And the first death of 
which we have a record is that of Jean B. Olivere, buried January 
7, 1 77 1, Rene Kiercereau ofldciating.*' The first graveyard was the 
church-yard on Second street. A graveyard seems also to have been 
located near or on the present courthouse lot, and which was unconse- 
crated ground and where Protestants and Indians were buried. It was 
in this graveyard that it is supposed that St. Ange had Pontiac interred. 

Dr. Aiiguste Andre Conde, who settled in the village in 1766, 
and died November, 1776, was the first physician of St. Louis,*' 

** See St. Louis Archives, cited i Scharff's History of St. Louis, p. 74. 

•• Toussaint was a son of Louis Hunaud of Ste. Genevieve. Antoine and 
Louis Hunaud, junior, were his brothers; the widow, Charlotte Hyacinthe, of 
Louis Hunaud, in 1776 married Louis Ride, senior, (i Billon's Annals of St. 
Louis, p. 419.) 

" This on authority of Judge Wilson Primm, related to the Guion family. 
The family came from Kaskaskia. Amable Guion, senior, had a grant on Lit- 
tle Prairie near St. Louis, and was killed by the Indians in 1780. Amable Guion, 
junior, owned property at Carondelet, and died there September 18, 1813, aged 
fiftv vears. 

'• But it is quite certain that between the first settlement of St. Louis and 
January, 1771, deaths occurred among the residents, although not recorded. 

*• Dr. Conde was a native of Aunis, France, surgeon in the French service at 


and, according to his books, nearly every family in the town was in 
debt to him for professional services, among the list of debtors 
being St. Ange de Bellerive, who died December 26, 1774. Dr. 
Jean B. Valleau, who came up the river with Captain Rui in 
1768, secured a concession of a lot from St. Ange, and made a 
contract with Peter Tousignan, one of the early carpenters and 
builders of the town, to build a house of posts eighteen feet long 
by fourteen feet wide, shingled roof, stone chimney, partitioned in the 
center, door in partition and door on the outside, two windows and 
shutters, well floored and sealed with well jointed cottonwood plank, 
and the pay for this work to be " sixty silver dollars,' ' Dr. Valleau to 
furnish the iron and nails. When it is remembered that this work was 
all done by hand, even the plank sawed out of the logs by hand, no 
machine work and steam to help,**sixty silver dollars" must seem an 
extraordinary low price to us in our day. Dr." Valleau did not live 
long in St. Louis, but died on the 24th of November following. His 
will is dated the 23rd of November, and in it Duralde is named as 
executor, and it is witnessed by St. Ange, Labusciere and Joseph Pa- 
pin, then a trader in St. Louis. Duralde sold the house and lot in 
December, 1768 for 251 livres ($50), but his personal effects, it ap- 
pears, were sold in 1771, after the arrival of Piernas "in the village 
of St. Louis, in the Spanish part of the Illinois. " "^ Shortly after the 
death of Dr. Valleau, in 1771, we find that "Joseph Connand, 
surgeon,' ' purchased a stone house from Papin dit Lachance, 
and infer from this that he was a practicing physician in 
St. Louis at that time." Dr. Antoine Reynal arrived in St. 
Louis about 1780, and began to practice his profession, re- 
maining until 1799, when he removed to St. Charles, where he 

Fort de Chartres where he married Marie Anna Bardet de la Feme, July 16, 
1763, died November 28, 1776; his widow married Gaspard Roubieu, dit Euro- 
pean, removed to St. Charles with him, and they both died there. 

•• Billon's Annals of St. Louis, vol. i, p. 60. i Scharff's History of St. 
Louis, p. 185. 

•* This Connand lived in this house for seven years (Billon's Annals of St. 
Louis, vol. I, p. 161). His name occurs several times during that time. Seems 
to have moved away. In 1781 a Dr. Jacques Frangois Connand was "as master 
of surgery received in the jurisdiction of Illinois," and likely the same person. 
(53 Draper's Collection, Clark MSS. No. 78.) A Joseph Connand in 1784, 
and whose signature, says Draper, looks like that of Dr. Connand, meaning 
Jacques Frangois, was in Havanna on the island of Cuba in that year, and 
afterwards trader from the Illinois to New Orleans down the Mississippi. A 
Joseph Connand seems to have been an early settler on Burginon river near 
Natchitoches, in lower Louisiana, and may be the Dr. Joseph Connand of St. 
Louis. Perhaps his name was Joseph Jacques Francois Connand, and he may 
have used sometimes the first and sometimes his other Christian names. 


died in iSao. Contemporary with Dr. Reynal as a physician, we also 
find Dr. Ciaudio Mercier, who carae up to St. Louis from New 
Orleans in 1784. Dr. Mercier was a native of Lavasiere, Dauphiny, 
France, where he was born in 1736, and died in St. Louis in January, 
1787. Dr. Bernard Gibkins, a native of Germany, who afterward 
lived in Ste. Genevieve where he died 
! "^ in 1784, during the years 1779 and 1780 

was also a resident physician of St. Louis. 
The most eminent of the eaxly physicians 
was Dr. Antoine Saugrain," who came 
to St. Louis in i8cx). He was a native of 
Paris, France, and removed lo the United 
States in 1787. Dr. Saugrain was a man 
of great scientific attainment and a per- 
sonal friend of Benjamin Franklin, at 
whose instance he emigrated to the United 
States. He first resided at Gallipolis, but 
moved to upper Louisiana, no doubt in- 
duced by tbe liberal land policy of the Spaniards. As to the general 
health of the country, Trudeau, in 1791, wrote that the "mortality 
has been heavy, and came only from colds in the chests," the only 
"dangerous illness" of the country; that in general work-people have 
been victims " because of the badly founded preconceprtions of some 
against bleeding, and the lack of a blood-letter forothers." 

The first grist-mill impelled by horse or ox power, was built in 
St. Louis in 1766 by Joseph Taillon usually pronounced Tayon. 
To secure water-power he first darned the PetiU RivHre with a 
small dam. Before this mill was built the settlers used mortars 
and hand-mills to make meal and flour. Taillon, in 1767, sold out to 
"Dr. Saugrain was born in 1763, he married Genevieve Rosalie Michau, 
also born in Paris July 13, 1776, in Kanawha county, Virginia, opposite Galli- 
polis, March lo, lyg^. He first came to the United Stales with M, Piquet, a 
botanist, and M. Raquet, in 1787; he then prepared to establish himself in 
Kentucky. Jefferson recommended him as well as Mr. Piquet warmly to General 
Georee Rogers Clark in a letter. (16 Draper's Notes, Trip i860.) In the same 
year he went to Pittsburg, from Philadelphia, and on a Bat boat descended the 
Ohio, where near [he Falls of the Ohio ihe boat was attacked by the Indians. 
M. Piquet was wounded and drowned in Ihe river, and M. Raquet killed and 
scalped by the Indians. Saugrain was captured, but in the night escaped with 
a man by the name of Pierce. After this experience Dr. Saugrain returned 
to France, but in 1790 returned and became one of the founders of Gallipolis, 
and in 1799 moved to Portage des Siom between Missouri and Mississippi, and 
from there Co St, Louis in iSoo, where he received a large grant of land from De- 
Lassus; was also at Carondelet. He died May 19, iSio, his wife survived him 
forty years and died at the age of eighty-four, July 13, i860. 


Laclede, who raised the mill dam to increase the water-power and 
equipped the mill with two pair of mill-stones. After Laclede's death 
Auguste Chouteau, in 1779, acquired the property and operated a 
mill here during a half century. In 1784 or 1785 Jos. Motard 
built a windmill out of stone on what is now Third street. 

After Piemas assumed control of the affairs " of the establishment 
of Illinois and the dependencies belonging to his Catholic Majesty,' ' 
under orders of O 'Reilly he caused a census to be taken, and accord- 
ing to this enumeration the population of all the Illinois country, west 
of the Mississippi river, then did not exceed 891 — distributed in the 
various small settlements.*" And a large number of these settlers 



had only recently crossed into the Spanish territory. How small, then, 
must have been the population on the west side of the river prior to 
1762! In 1772 the total population had increased to 1288, of which 
803 were whites and 485 slaves. St. Louis then had a population of 
399 whites of both sexes, and 198 slaves. 

All the official papers executed from the year 1768 to the 20th of 
May, 1770, were delivered to Piemas by Labusciere, and also the 
"Register of the Concessions of Land and Lots in the village of St. 
Louis.' ' After the survey of the village of St. Louis to i&x the bounda- 
ries of the lots, Piemas expressly confirmed all grants of lots made by 
St. Ange, and continued to make other grants until April 24, 1775, 
when he was superseded by Don Francesco Cruzat. Piemas was a 
" man of dignity," and this, so it is said," made him distasteful to the 
Indians."** Shepard says that he was an officer of " kind and liberal 

•* Gayarre's History of Louisiana, vol. i, p. 355. 

** It is said that on account of his dignified manner an Osage chief took 
ofifensei ''mistaking his reserve, so different from the affability of the French, 
as evidence of p>ersonal dislike", and resolved to kill him in revenge for a fan- 
cied insult, but while intoxicated betrayed his murderous secret to a Shawnee 
Indian, who prevented the assassination by slaying the intended assassin, (i 
Scluuffs History of St. Louis, p. 202.) And Mr. Shepard says that the Shawnee 
was a chief and came to treat for some lands in the rear of Ste. Genevieve. But 
if this story depends on the Shawnee chief, it is manifestly a fiction, because the 
Shawnees did not come into the Spanish possesions until afterward. (Shep- 


disposition," and conducted affairs "with that wisdom and prudence 
which seldom failed to make both the governor and the governed 
happy." * It was also remarked that, after the arrival of Piernas, 
the town or settlement of St. Louis did not increase in population as 
rapidly as during the first few years of the establishment of the village, 
the French residents on the east side of the river evidently having 
recovered from their first fear of the English and English government.*" 
During the administration of Piernas in 1774, the first village prison 
was constructed, a small stone structure fifteen by twenty, built 
against one of the gable ends of the stone house built by Laclede, and 
in which the governor resided. The cost of this prison was $165."' 

Piernas was succeeded by Don Francesco Cruzat, a lieutenant- 
colonel of the stationary regiment of Louisiana. We are told that 
he was a mild and agreeable gentleman, who conducted the adminis- 
tration so quietly " in the healthful channels of his predecessor* ' that 
he was considered a man of very ordinary capacity then, but whom 
" the good and the wise will always desire to praise and imitate, as 
he made all about him happy, contented and prosperous. ""* It was 
during this period that the traders of the town began to evade **the 
oppressive imposts by systematic smuggling,' ' that is to say, imported 

ard's History of St. Louis, p. 2 1 .) The statement of Shepard that "The Shawnees 
and Delawares were assigned lands at that time near Ste. Genevieve, and built 
villages on them, and cultivated them while the Spanish laws remained in force 
in the territory," (Shepard's History of St. Louis, p. 22), and during the admin- 
istration of Piernas, is based upon misapprehension. 

* According to the Spanish law his successor, Cruzat, obtained a certificate 
from the citizens of St. Louis in May, 1775, that they had received justice from 
Piernas, that he treated them well and paid his debts, and this certificate was 
signed by ^ty of the leading habitans. But before he came to St. Louis, in a 
memorial of the French insurgents of lower Louisiana, addressed to the Superior 
Council, Piernas is charged with having impressed two rowers (voyageurs) from 
a French boat coming down the river at the Ecores k Margot, Piernas then being 
accompanied by one Chouriac, the Spanish store-keeper and commissary of the 
Illinois country, and that he threatened to fire on the boat with a swivel gun if he 
was not obeyed, and to put the men in chains; that he refused to stipulate for 
wages, but that Chouriac told them they must go to work for the King without 
further discussion, (Gayarre's History of Louisiana, vol. i, p. 241), and again 
these petitioners say, that when Piernas was Spanish commander at Natchez, he 
compelled Chanard's boat going to the Illinois country to turn over provisions 
to him, having a piece of artillery loaded to compel compliance with his demand . 

•• I Billon's Annals of St. Louis, p. 124. 

•^ It is interesting to know that Antoine Roussel dit Sans Souci did the stone 
work, Frangois Delin the carpenter work, that Guion and Labbe furnished the 
iron work, and Joseph Mainville dit Deschenes the lime for this primitive jail. 
A Francois Rousel was a **soldat de la compagnie de Grandpr^" at Fort de 
Chartres in 1745. This Rousel was a native of Franche Compte and no doubt 
related to the stone mason. 

•' Shepard's History of St. Louis, p. 22. 


goods without paying legal duty. Cruzat, it seems, did not stop this 
illegal traffic. Under such circumstances, his popularity is well 
accounted for; and "his genial fellowship,'* the historians tell us, 
in strains of panegyric, " endeared him to the people fond of social 
enjoyment,' ' and it might be added, dealing in " contraband goods,' ' 
thus adding much **to their commercial profits." Under his adminis- 
tration a ferry was established across the Maramec by Jean Baptiste 
Gamache, facilitating intercourse between the mining districts and 
Ste. Genevieve and St. Louis. Both Piemas and Cruzat resided in a 

house on the comer of what is now Main and Walnut streets, and 
Shepard says that it "was the seat of hospitality and high school of 
fashion during both their administrations." •• During Cruzat 's 
administration, we note the "unaccountable disappearance^' of the 
parish priest. Father Valentine,'® and who in 1775 had inaugurated 
the construction of the first church. Pierre Lupien dit Baron, the 
carpenter, was the contractor, and died during the progress of the 
work, in 1775, and Jean Cambas completed the building in 1776. 

At this time, and long afterward, the great and constantly recur- 
ring trouble was the inadequate circulating medium. The merchants 
and people had large quantities of furs but little actual money, 
and were ready and could pay in furs, but not in actual silver dollars, 
and this caused frequent controversies. Thus, one Etienne Barr^, a 
boat owner, brought six barrels of rum and some dry goods for Benito 
Vasquez, from New Orleans to St. Louis, delivered to him by one 
Roy, the freight being $25 on each barrel of rum, but instead of pay- 
ing the freight " in dollars," as contracted, Vasquez proposed to pay in 
peltries, which Barrd refused to accept, because he says he was "obliged 
to pay his outfit and expenses in dollars," and accordingly he appealed 
to Cruzat for justice and to compel said Vasquez " to pay him as per 
agreement." It was such troubles as this that caused the merchants of 
St. Louis to appeal to Cruzat to make rules for the inspection of furs 
and peltries, and weighing same, and Cruzat accordingly made such a 

••Shepard's History of St. Louis, p. 72. 
'• I Billon's Annals of St. Louis, p. 131. 


decree in March, 1 776. During the administration of Cruzat a system 
to fortify St. Louis was first considered, but before actual work was 
begun he was superseded by Don Fernando de Leyba, in July, 1778.'^ 
De Leyba was, for some reason, not popular with the people of 
the village, and is said to have been " singularly deficient in the qual- 
ities which conmiand political success — devoid of tact and discretion, 
rabidly penurious and intemperate." By Shepard he is characterized 
as a "drunken, voracious and feeble-minded man, without a single 
redeeming qualification.' ' '' But these sweeping assertions seem in 
no wise sustained by proof. It may be that De Leyba strictly enforced 
the Spanish trade r^ulations and tariff, which Cruzat quietly ignored* 
and that this may have been the cause of his allied unpopularity. 
Naturally, the traders who were ill^ally bringing English goods into 
the Spanish possessions would feel aggrieved, in a case of this kind. 
It is admitted that on his arrival at St. Louis, De Leyba immediately 

sought to make provision for the protection of the village. He caused 
a stockade to be erected,^ and the work on the northwest bastion and 
northeast demilunes was commenced. The stockade was simply a 
straight line of pickets firmly set in the ground and bound together 
near the top by sapling switches ; but whatever the character of the 
stockade, it evidenced that he was not unmindful of the duties devolv- 
ing upon him as lieutenant governor and commander of the country. 

During the administration of De Leyba, Laclede died, June 20, 
1778, aged fifty -four years, at Arkansas Post, on his way from New 
Orleans to the village he had founded. He was buried in the wilder- 
ness there. Hardly anything is known about him personally. That 

" Fernando de Leyba was a native of Barcelona, Spain; and was a Captain 
in the Stationary Regiment of Louisiana. In September, 1779, his wife died 
and was buried in the church "in front of the right hand ballustrade," and in 
June, 1780, Don Fernando de Leyba was buried by her side in the same church. 
M. de Liboa, Colonel of Infantry in command of a corps of grenadiers under 
O'Reilly in 1769, at New Orleans, may have been a relative. (Bossu's Nou- 
veaux Voyages, p. 20.) 

*' Shepard's History of St. Louis, p. 22. 

" So stated in Schaxff's History of St. Louis, vol. i, p. 138. But Chouteau 
himself says, "In regard to the line of fortification, I only traced it in 1780, by or- 
der of the government." What he means by "traced" he does not explain. 


he was a man of enterprise, of courage, of resolution and tenacity of 
purpose is certain ; that he was far-seeing and not devoid of imagina- 
tion is shown in the selection he made of the site where is now located 
his great city, and whose glory and magnificence he could even then 
see in the dim future. The fact alone that he, of all the Frenchmen 
locating trading posts at that early day in the Mississippi valley, did 
select, not by chance but evidently upon mature consideration, a 
location for a great city, which has been ratified by all men since 
as eminently wise impresses upon us his great intellectual fore- 
thought. That he was full of energy is shown by his frequent journeys 
to New Orleans ; for it was then no easy task for travelers to go a 
thousand miles up and down a great and lonely river, enduring every 
privation, beset by every danger. That he also traveled through the 
interior of our state ; that the paddles of his canoe dipped the waters 
of the Missouri, the Osage, the Gasconade, and even the Platte, we 
feel certain. That he was a man of liberal spirit is shown by the fact 
that, without hesitation, he invited his countrymen to his own trading 
post, when they became agitated about the cession of the country east 
of the Mississippi to England, thus bringing competitors to his own 
door. That when an emergency arose he was capable of decided 
original action, is shown by the fact that, although his firm only had a 
concession to trade with the Indians, and no land grant, he never- 
theless assigned to all new immigrants landed locations, exercising 
a power not del^ated or granted, and at that period, both under 
French and Spanish rule, requiring more than ordinary self-reliance. 
That he was wise is shown by the fact that he induced St. Ange to 
remove the seat of his government from Fort de Chartres to his trading 
post rather than to Ste. Genevieve, the nearest, oldest and most im- 
portant settlement on the west side of the river, and then caused 
St. Ange to expressly grant the lots assigned by him to the first settlers, 
opening a record of land grants, and in this way placing on a firm 
basis his work. All these characteristics we can infer from what he 
did, but no more. In personal appearance he is said to have been about 
five feet eleven inches high, and to have had a " very dark olive com- 
plexion, a broad forehead, a prominent nose, and penetrating, black 
and expressive eyes. " ^* The spot where he is buried is unknown, 
and no stone marks his grave ; but the great city which has grown up 
where he so wisely established his trading post is his monument. 
Shortly after the death of Laclede, Spain and England became 

'* Prof. Waterhouse in Scharff's History of St. Louis, p. 204. 


involved in war, and on June i6, 1779, King Geoi^e III. advised 
Parliament that Spain had resorted to arms. About this time the 
inhabitants of the village became alarmed by rumors of Indian attacks. 
It has been suggested that the report of the outbreak of hostilities 
could not have reached a remote post in the wilderness like St. Louis 
as early as March, 1780, and that the British officers could not 
have organized an expedition before the close of the winter of 
1779, and hence that it may well be doubted that any such 
uneasiness existed in the village. In support of this view it is said 
that Charles Gratiot, a merchant of Cahokia, in March, 1780, 
sent a barge loaded with goods and provisions to Prairie du 
Chien for the purpose of trade, and that this barge was captured 
and pillaged by the British and Indians, and that he afterward 
testified, in 1780, that he was absolutely ignorant of the declaration 
of war. But it should be remembered that his boatmen, in a suit 
brought before Governor Cruzat for wages, in 1781, charged collu- 
sion on the part of Gratiot with the public enemy. The captain 
of the boat was John B. Cardinal. The crew, consisting of Peter 
Lafleur, John Durand, Francois Chevalier, Louis La Marche and J. 
A. Matthews, apparently an early English or American settler, were 
plaintiffs except La Marche and Matthews. In their petition the 
boatmen aver that the pillage of the barge supplied the Indians with 
the provisions and ammunition without which it would have been 
impossible to have reached or attacked St. Louis,^ and that these same 
Indians afterward did attack St. Louis was fully established in this 
suit. In all things except as to the charge of collusion with the enemy, 
the statement of facts, as made by the plaintiffs, was confirmed rather 
than controverted by the other witnesses.^* It is very strange that in 
March, 1780, a man of the intelligence of Gratiot should not have 
heard that in June previous war had been declared, and hostilities had 
actually broken out between the Spaniards and the English, in Sep- 
tember previous, in Florida. It is true, news traveled slow in those 
days, but hardly as slow as that, from New Orleans to Kaskaskia, 
Cahokia or St. Louis. ^' 

™ Scharff's History of St. Louis, p. 207. 

'• I Scharff's History of St. Louis, p. 207. 

** But Gratiot as a merchant of Cahokia, in 1780, certainly was not ignorant 
of the fact that war prevailed between England and the United Colonies at that 
time. How can his attitude viewed from that standpoint be explained? By 
the people of Cahokia (Cahos) in May, 1780, he was solicited to ask the pro- 
tection of Colonel Clark "contre les incursions des sauvages dont on etoit men- 
ace" (i ScharflF's Historj' of St. Louis, p. 205, note 3), and yet in March of that 


Governor Reynolds says that an expedition was planned by the 

British authorities at Mackinaw to recapture Cahokia, but from the 

Haldimand papers it appears that not only the recapture of Cahokia 

but also St. Louis and other Spanish posts on the west side of the river 

was planned.'* Reynolds connects with this attack on St. Louis 

one Dominique Ducharme,^ a Canadian, who was engaged ill^ally 

in the Indian trade on the upper Missouri, somewhere near Loutre 

island, in the Spanish possessions, and whose goods were accordingly 

seized and con^ated by the authorities, and who personally barely 

escaped with his life.*^ He supposes that, out of revenge, this 

DucHarme diverted the expedition against Cahokia to the Spanish 

settlement on the west side of the river. Concerning this Ducharme 

incident, which occurred at least eight years before the attack on St. 

Louis, Captain Vattas writes to General Haldimand, June 16, 1773, 

from Michilimackinac as follows : " One Ducharme, a trader, has 

been plundered in the course of the winter by one Lasaide (Laclede), 

who follows some business on the Spanish side. This Ducharme 

went, I believe, beyond our limits, and was served so in consequence 

of it, by order of Mr. Purenasse (Piernas), the Spanish commandant 

of Missouri. The Spaniards, I 'm told, want much to engross all the 

trade with the Sax's (Saukees), and prevailed on them very lately 

against the Osages, with whom they had since engaged ; that fifteen of 

the former had been killed on the spot and the rest had fled much 

" dissatisfied' ' with the expedition.' *•* 

same year he sent a boatload of goods up to Prairie du Chien, at that time under 
British control. His removal to St. Louis to the Spanish possessions, seems 
not wholly unconnected with this transaction, so inimical to the United States. 
If Gratiot did not knowingly supply the goods to the enemies of Spain, did he 
supply goods knowingly to the enemies of the United States ? In a note in 1 1 
Wisconsin Collection, page 151, it is said "as a matter of fact he was aiding 
the Americans with supplies," referring to 10 Wisconsin Historical Collection, 
page 239. Gratiot in a letter to General Clark says that he removed from Caho- 
ida to St. Louis on account of the "excessive and unbridled license" that pre- 
vailed there, and because he had been charged "by three men with treason" 
(Draper's Collections, Clark MSS., No. 78). The English officers explaining 
the failure of the attack on St. Louis, charged afterward that in Marcn it was 
generally known throughout the country that the expedition was being organ- 
ized. Gratiot was a merchant, but also had a saw-null on the River des P&es. 
He was a large land owner, owning property on the Ohaha, Maramec, 
'Mississippi and Missouri. 

'* 19 Michigan Historical Collection, p. 529, Haldimand Papers. 

*• Reynolds' Pioneer History of Illinois, p. 99. 

** Ducharme's island, what is now Loutre island. (28 Draper's Collec- 
tions, Clark MSS., p. 48.) Full name was Jean Marie Ducharme. He was a 
native of Lachine; oied at Sault St. Louis in 1791, eighty-five years old. Cerr^ 
saw him there. 

** 19 Michigan Historical Collection, p. 303, Haldimand Papers. 


The Haldimand papers conclusively show that a direct attack on 
" Pancour' ' was planned by the British officers at Michilimackinac, 
for at that time the true name of the town of St. Louis was to them not 
even known," because June i6, 1779, the day after war was declared, 
Lord Geot^e Germain wrote Haldimand "to reduce the Spanish 
posts on the Illinois." ^ In pursuance of this order, a body of Cana- 
dians, traders and their servants were assembled on the upper 
Mississippi early in 1780. On the 17th of February, 1780, Sinclair, 
lieutenant-governor of Michilimackinac, ordered a Mr. Hesse, 
" formerly of the 60th (Royal American) regiment,' ' but then a trader 
among the Indians, to assemble th^ " Minomines, Puants, Sacks' and 
Rhenards' ' in the neighborhood of the Portage of the Wisconsin and 
Fox rivers, and to collect there all the canoes and corn in the country, 
for his own use and the use of other Indians, who would be ordered to 
join hun at the confluence of the Mississippi and Wisconsin rivers, but 
he was particularly ordered not to make any movement from where he 
was stationed until instructions should be sent him by Sergeant (J. F.) 
Phillips of the 8th regiment, who would set out from Michilimackinac 
on the loth of March with a very noted chief, Machiquawish, and his 
band of Indians. The distinct object of assembling these forces was 
to reduce " Pencour' ' by surprise, and which from the easy admission 
of the Indians at that place, and from assault of those without, having 
for its defence as reported, only ** twenty men and twenty brass 
canon,' ' Sinclair did not consider very difficult. The capture of this 
place, Sinclair writes Governor Haldimand, would secure the rich fur 
trade on the Missouri, and redress the injuries done English traders 
who "attempted to partake of this trade. " In order thoroughly to 
interest these English traders in this enterprise they were assured that 
any pecuniary advantages they might deny themselves in order to 
make this enterprise successful would be amply recompensed by a 
better and surer trade in case of success. 

On the 2nd of May, 1780, Machiquawish and his band, having 
arrived from Michilimackinac, seven hundred and fifty Indians, 
together with Captain Hesse and other traders and servants, pro- 
ceeded down the Mississippi. While these Indian forces were being 
assembled by Hesse, an Indian detachment of "Minomines" 
stationed at Prairie du Chien captured the large armed boat, already 
mentioned as belonging to Charles Gratiot, of Cahokia, coming up- 

■' Papers from Canadian Archives, 1 1 Wisconsin Historical Collection, p. 151 . 
" Canadian Archives, Report, 1885, pp. 276 and 302. 


stream with provisions, a boat which Sinclair says '' was loaded at 
Pencour/ ' and in charge " of twelve men and a rebel commissary. " •* 
At the lead mines a supply of lead was also obtained, and " seventeen 
Spanish and rebel officers " captured. Thus a war spirit was kindled 
among the Indians by the chiefs Machiquawish and Wabasha, who 
led the Indians. To cover the meditated attack, Sinclair ordered 
Captain Langlade with a chosen band of Indians to be stationed on 
the "plains" between the Wabash and the Mississippi to guard 
against hostile attacks from that direction. So confident was Sinclair 
that the attack would be successful that he ordered Captain Hesse to 
remain in command of "Pencour," and the chief Wabasha was 
ordered after the capture of the town to attack Misere (Ste. Genevieve) 
and Kacasia (Kaskaskia), and to such traders as would secure or 
capture posts on the Spanish side of the river, he promised the 
exclusive trade on the Missouri, and ^^ that their canoes should be 
forwarded." The "Minomines** and Winnebagoes seem to have 
composed the principal part of this army. It was a band of thirty-six 
"Minomines" that captured the Gratiot boat coming up the river 
loaded with provisions. Supplied principally with the provisions 
obtained from the boat of Gratiot, this army moved south, and about 
the end of May reached the vicinity of St. Louis. The country there 
was full of rumors of the approach of this hostile force, and Sinclair in 
his letter to Haldimand laments this want of secrecy and which he 
said "must always be hurtful to the service." On account of this 
want of secrecy he states that the Spaniards at St. Louis threw up " a 
breastwork around a stone house." •* But Reed says that a line of 
intrenchment was made by the people and governor along or near 
what is now Third street (Rue des Granges), on the west side of the 
town. The Intendant Navarro writes that a wooden tower was 

•*In November, 1780, David McCrae and John Kay presented a memorial 
to Governor Haldimand in which they set out that they sent "a certain Charles 
Gratiot" with goods to the Illinois country to trade, and that finding "the rebels" 
in possession of the country, he traded on the goods belonging to them, and 
that he only made one remittance of 700 or 800 pounds, "Halifax currency 
value in furs," that in April, 1780, Gratiot sent a boat load of goods under a Span- 
ish pass up the Mississippi, to be disposed of there, but that the boat was seized 
by Lieutenant Alexander Kay of the Indian department, a brother of one of the 
memorialists, and the goods sent to Michiliraackinac, except the provisions, 
tobacco, rum, etc., which were used by order of Governor Sinclair at Prairie du 
Chien by the Canadians and Indians on their way "to attack the Illinois," and they 
pray that the goods seized and used may be paid for, and the remainder delivered 
to Uiem. (12 Wisconsin Historical Collection, p. 55.) It is an oj)en question 
whether the petitioners received these goods and payment or not, likely, however, 
the goods were paid for by the government. 

• II Wisconsin Historical Collection, p. 154. 


built at one end of the town, overlooking it, and that five cannon were 
placed in it ; and that two other intrench ments were built, and that 
these intrenchments were manned by twenty-five veteran soldiers and 
two hundred and eighty-one militia. 

About the 24th of May, 1780, the English-Indian forces reached 
the neighborhood of Cahokia, lurking around in the woods on the east 
side of the river and near Cahokia, where Gratiot then lived ; and on 
the 25th the Indians, accompanied by twenty volunteer Canadians, a 
few traders and their servants crossed the river** several miles above 
St. Louis, and Rividre says that the attack was made about noon on 
the 26th of May, on the north side of the town where no opposition 
was expected, but here this attacking party was repulsed by the mili- 
tia. For some time a vigorous fire was kept up on both sides, so the 
Intendant Navarro writes. The Indians finally discovering that the 
town could not be taken, scattered about over the country, where they 
found several farmers and slaves at work who, although rumors of 
the contemplated Indian assault prevailed, did not believe that an ac- 
tual attack would be made, paying so little attention to these rumors 
that they were out in their fields at work when the Indians appeared. 
Thus Jean Baptiste Rividre, then residing in St. Louis, was captured 
by the Indians in the Grand Prairie at a place known as " Fontaine 
k Cardinal," belonging to Jean Marie Cardinal, while sleeping in the 
house there. '^ Cardinal was also there, and in making his escape was 
wounded by the Indians, and died upon reaching Marais Castor (a 
name under which Beaver Pond was then known), about three miles 
away.'* Rividre himself was tied to a tree near the spring, and when 
ihe Indians retreated was taken by them to Chicago, and after re- 
maining in captivity for some time escaped, returning to St. Louis, 
where, long afterward, in his testimony before Commissioner Hunt, he 
gives this account of the attack. It is evident, however, that Revidre 
only details incidents relating to himself. Chouteau in his evidence 
gives no particulars, and merely states that the year of the Indian at- 
tack was known among the residents as "Ann^e du Grand Coup," 
and erroneously gives the date of the attack to have been on May 6, 
1780.** The burial register of the St. Louis Catholic Church shows 

•« Ibid., p. 155. 

** Jean Marie Cardinal, came from St. Philippe and must not be confused 
with Jean Baptiste Cardinal. The Cardinal place or claim was afterwards 
bought by Dr. John Watkins. 

*• 2 Hunt's Minutes, Book i, p. 51, Missouri Historical Society Archives. 

*• I Hunt's Minutes, [Book i, p. 126, Missouri Historical Society Archives. 


that among others Amable Guion, Guillaume Bissette, Joseph Calvb, 
Junior, and Chancellier's n^ro were all "murdered" on the 26th 
day of May by the Indians, thus giving the true date of the attack. 
No mention is made of the burial of Cardinal, who, Riviere says, 
died from the effect of his wounds. 

The only detailed report of the attack on the village is preserved in 
Navarro's letter dated August 18, 1780, written to Don Joseph de 
Galvez, then minister of the Indies. Navarro's report probably is 
based on a report of this attack made by De Leyba. Reed in his evi- 
dence says that at the time the Indiajis made the attack on St*. Louis 
he was ^venteen years old, and that he mounted guard in Michael 
Lami's bam, along the line of intrenchments built by the government 
and people.'® This statement is about the only evidence of an actual 
resident of St. Louis at the time, that an actual attack was made on the 
town, but is confirmed by Navarro. Sinclair himself says that the 
Winnebago Indians without exception attempted **to storm Pancour," 
that they lost a chief and three men on the spot, had four men wounded, 
one of them mortally, that they were "enraged against the backward- 
ness of the Canadians, and the base conduct of the Sacks, who had 
been debauched by the rebels on account of the lead mines, and the 
traders in their country."'* He further says that the Indians 
" would have stormed the Spanish lines, if the Sacks and Outagamies 
under their treacherous leader, Monsieur Calv^, had not fallen back 
so early as to give them but too well grounded suspicions that they 
were between two fires."'* According to Sinclair, the Indians 
brought off fort>'-three scalps and eighteen prisoners, whites and 
blacks, and that in all about seventy persons were killed, although 
"beat off on their attack." We have only the names of four 
persons killed in this attack on St. Louis, yet Rividre says 
that fifty-eight or fifty-nine persons were killed and taken prisoners," 
but it has generally been considered that his testimony gives an 

•* I Hunt's Minutes, Book i, p. 107, Missouri Historical Society Archives. 

•* II Wisconsin Historical Collection, p. 154. 

•' 1 1 Wisconsin Historical Collection, p. 156. Calvfe complained to 
Haldimand in a letter dated April 23, 1780, of the reception lieutenant-governor 
Sinclair accorded him and the "Sacqs, Renards and the Aimaiois" (Menom- 
onees) on their return, "of our campaign" when he arrived at Michilimackinac, 
and which be says greatly surprised him, as he "had no reason to expect it," 
and he applies to Haldimand for an opportunity to prove that his conduct has 
been "irreproachable." (12 Wisconsin Historical Collection, p. 52.) Calvfe 
seems still to have been in English service in 1783. (12 Wisconsin Historical 
Collection, p. 66.) 

" 2 Hunt's Minutes, Book 11, p. 51, Missouri Historical Society Archives 


exaggerated account of the events of this attack. The statement, 
however, contained in Sinclair's letters to Haldimand lends support to 
Riviere's testimony. Navarro's letter gives the number of whites 
killed as fifteen, wounded six, and prisoners fifty-seven, and slaves 
killed as seven, wounded one, and prisoners thirteen. No doubt, 
in the number of persons reported by Sinclair to have* been killed 
are included all persons killed on this raid on both sides of the river. 
The failure of the attack was attributed, by the English, to the 
treachery of Calvfe and Ducharme, who were partners in trade and 
interpreters for the English among the Saukees and Renards, and 
who preferred " a little underhand commerce in that country " to the 
promise of the advantages " of the trade the British agents held out to 
them" on the Missouri, provided they would gain and garrison the 
Spanish Illinois country. Calv^ and Lecroix, Sinclair aften^ard 
complains, although in English employ, sent one Provencal equipped 
with goods to the Spanish country to winter there, " which they made 
a sham attack upon, " •* and he is much mortified to find that " the 
protection Monsieur Calv^ and others have received should meet so 
perfidious and so ungrateful a return."" In connection with this 
attack it has been attempted to make it appear that General George 
Rogers Clark sent troops to St. Louis to aid the people to resist the 
attack. Cerrd, a most intelligent and reliable man, says that he has 
no recollection of any such thing. In 1828 Mr. Chouteau, in his 
conversation with the Duke of Saxe- Weimar, does not mention it.*' 
At the time of the attack Clark was at the Iron-banks, engaged in 
building " Fort Jefferson" and had two hundred men with him, and a 
flotilla."^ De Leyba may have sent Gratiot to him to ask for help, 
but there is no evidence that troops crossed the river, or would have 
reached St. Louis in time; then, too, Cahokia and Kaskaskia were 
threatened as well as St. Louis. Colonel Montgomery says nothing 
about Clark having gone to St. Louis or sending men there, but says, 
"Luckily, he joined him at Cahos in time enough to save the country," 
as the enemy appeared within twenty-four hours after his arrival, and 
says that the Indians, after "doing some mischief on the Spanish shore" 
returned, and that the mischief could have been prevented if the high 
winds had not prevented the signals from being heard. In Bradford 's 

•* II Wisconsin Historical Collection, p. 158. 
••Ibid., p. 161. 

•• Travels of the Duke of Saxe-Weimar, vol. 2, p. 103. 
•^ Draper's Collections, vol. 28, Clark MSS., p. 9. 


Notes (Stripp's edition), pages 54 and 56, it is said that the Spanish 
commandant offered to confer upon him (Clark) the conmiand of St. 
Louis ( ?), but that he declined to accept it until he was certain that the 
assault would be made, and that he remained in St. Louis only two 
hours — yet at the time Clark was at the Iron-banks, or Kaskaskia.'* 
It is very likely true that Clark sent three hundred men under Mont- 
gomery to follow the Indians, and this may be what is meant when it is 
said that he sent three hundred men to the relief of St. Louis, because 
undoubtedly such a movement would have had the effect to relieve St. 
Louis. The expedition up the Illinois destroyed the Indian towns on 
Rock river." Peck thinks he sent two hundred of " his gallant men 
to the ferry opposite the town, and made a demonstration of crossing 
with two hundred men, " and that " this disconcerted the Indians and 
caused the Indians to retire after killing sixty of the inhabitants and 
carrying thirty into captivity." *^ 

Collot says that out of this attack a mass of " absurd exaggera- 
tion has been invented," and Professor Waterhouse states in a letter 
to Draper dated March 29, 1882, that "old French documents 
convince him that no attack was made at all," but he does not 
specify the documents upon which he rests his opinion. As 
a matter of fact, documents and records make it clear, that an 
attack was made. If any doubt ever existed as to this attack 
on St. Louis, and attempt to capture the town by the English, the 
correspondence of Governor Haldimand and the detailed report of 
Intendant Navarro (a copy of which I recendy received from the 
Spanish archives in Seville) should set all such doubts at rest. 

De Leyba died a short time after this event, June 28, 1780, and was 

buried in the littie church of the village. His death, it is claimed, was 

hastened by " dissipation and remorse. " But it will be difficult to 

sustain this statement. By hearsay, in every respect, the memory of 

De Leyba has been covered with obloquy, but the archives show that 

he was a man of clear intelligence, business knowledge and sound 

judgment. His insight into the principles of law and his impartiality 

in the administration of justice are unmistakable evidence of high 

qualities.*"* He was on terms of intimacy with George Rogers Clark, 

and omitted nothing in his power to show his attachment to the 

•• Annals of the West, p. 241. 

•• 28 Draper's Collections, Clark MSS., p. 9. 

*•• Beck's Gazetteer, pp. 220-225. 

*•* See a number of cases, cited in i Billon's Annals of St. Louis, pp. 152 et 


American cause during the Revolution.^^ As soon as Clark took 
possession of the Illinois country, he opened a corres]>ondence 
with him, and Clark says that he was surprised to hnd him free from 
the reserve that characterizes the Spaniards.*"' 

Upon the death of De Leyba, Don Silvia Francisco de Cartabona, 
lieutenant of the Spanish troops at Ste. Genevieve, acted as governor 
ad inUrimy until the arrival of Don Francesco Cruzat, who for a 
second time was appointed lieutenant-governor, and until October 7, 
1787, administered the affairs of the Illinois district of upper Louisi- 
ana. Immediately on his arrival he divided the militia into two 
companies for the defense of the village, as had been suggested by 
De Leyba. Before the death of De Leyba Don Benito Vasquez had 
been made captain of one company and Auguste Chouteau and 
Pedro Montardy lieutenants; of the other company, Don Eugenio 
Pour^e was captain and Carlos Tayon and Luis Chevalier were lieu- 
tenants, this company being a company of cavalry, although the offi- 
cers were commissioned as infantry officers. Don Benito Vasquez 
was afterward appointed adjutant (AyudanU Mayor), to instruct the 
force in the essential parts of "royal military service," he having 
seen active service ; and then Auguste Chouteau became captain of 
the first company. The fortifications of the village were also ex- 
tended and strengthened, but St. Louis was not attacked again. 

It was during the second administration of Cruzat, in January, 
1 78 1, that a military expedition was organized in St. Louis by him to 
invade the British possessions east of the river, under orders from 
Havana. Of this expedition, Don Eugenio Pourfee,*^ known 
as " Beausoliel,' ' was made chief, Don Carlos Tayon being appointed 
second in command, and Don Luis Chevalier sub-lieutenant and 
interpreter. Pourfee's force consisted of sixty-six Spaniards and 
Frenchmen and sixty Indians — Outagamies, Saukees and Pottowato- 
mies, designated in the Madrid "Gazette" of March 12, 1782, as 
" Outaguos, Sota and Putuami. " With this small force. Captain 
Pourfee in mid-winter marched through the wilderness, a distance of 
six hundred miles, his soldiers carrying their supplies on their backs 
through snow and ice, through forests and prairies, environed by 

*•* Vigo was at the time of the conquest in partnership i^-ith De Leyba the 
governor of upper Louisiana, and furnished Clark all the supplies needed from 
both sides of the river. (8 Draper's Collections, Clark MSS., p. 33.) Vigo 
was a native of Genoa, and came to New Orleans in about 1774. 

*•• Clark's Campaign in the Illinois, pp. 35-46. 

'•* Name usually spelled "Pour^," but he signed himself *Tour6e." 


unknown perils and hostile Indian tribes, and successfully accom- 
plished the object of the expedition by capturing the little British fort, 
St. Joseph, located within the present state of Michigan. Here 
Pour^ raised the standard of His Catholic Majesty, hauling down 
the flag of England. The fort was plundered and the supplies found 
there divided among the Indian allies of the Spaniards. After 
remaining at the fort for a short time, the expedition returned to St. 
Louis, bringing along the captured British flag and delivering it to the 
lieutenant-governor at St. Louis. For his services in this expedition 
Pour^e received the rank of lieutenant in the army, with half pay. 
Tayon was appointed sub-lieutenant with half pay, and the governor 
of Louisiana was authorized to assign Chevalier an appropriate 

Concerning this affair of St. Joseph, a letter of De Peyster to 
Brigadier-General H. Watson Powell, dated Detroit, June 8, 1781, 
gives additional facts, as follows: "A detachment from Cahokia, 
consisting of sixteen men only, commanded by a half Indian named 
Jean Baptiste Hammelain, timed it so as to arrive at St. Josephs with 
pack-horses when the Indians were out on their hunt, an old chief and 
his family excepted ; they took the traders prisoners and carried off 
all the goods, consisting of at least sixty bales, and took the route to 
Chicagou. Lieutenant Dagreux de Quindre, w ho was stationed near 
St. Josephs, being informed of it immediately assembled the Indians 
and pursued them as far as the Petite Fort beyond the Riviere du 
Chemin, where, on the 15th of December, he summoned them to 
surrender, and they refusing to do so, he ordered the Indians to attack 
them. Without the loss of a man on his side, he killed four, wounded 
two and took seven prisoners; the other three escaped in the thick of 
the woods * * * I look upon these gentry as robbers and not 
prisoners of war, as they had no commission that I can learn other 
than a verbal order from Mons. Trottier, an inhabitant of Cahoes." 
As a consequence, on the 23rd of January, he says that he was visited 
by a great number of St. Joseph Indians, who "make event" of 
their loyalty. But in a subsequent letter De Peyster writes that 
afterward " the enemy returned, or rather a fresh party arrived in St. 
Joseph and carried the traders and the remainder of the goods off. " 
This time De Quindre could not rapidly enough assemble a party 
large enough to pursue them, but he reports the substance of Mr. 
"Bean Solid's" speech or proclamation, to the Indians, amusingly 
enough making out of Captain Pour^e's nickname " Beausoh'el," the 


English words "Bean Solid."** DePeyster also remarks that the 
Canadians are not to be depended upon, and that hence he cannot 
establish a reliable garrison at this fort. 

This insignificant conquest of this insignificant fort, St. Joseph, 
afterward, when the terms of the treaty of peace were discussed 
between France, Spain, England and the United States, was made the 
basis of a claim by Spain to all the territory along the Illinois river to 
Lake Michigan, and caused the commissioners of the United States, 
who arranged the terms of the treaty, no little anxiety. So important 
was this military exploit considered that a translation of the detailed 
account of this expedition, as published in the Madrid Gazette, was 
promptly transmitted to Philadelphia by the United States representa- 

Captain Pour^e, who so successfully conducted this expedition, 
died at St. Louis April 30, 1783. He was a merchant, and well 
known by the nickname of " Beausoliel " (Sunflower). No particulars 
of his life are now known, further than that he was one of the original 

** 19 Michigan Historical Collection, p. 600. 

iM «Qy g^ letter from the commandant general of the anny of operations 
at *the Havanna,' and governor of Louisiana, his Majesty has advices that a 
detachment of sixty-five militiamen and sixty Indians of the nations Otaguos, 
Sota and Putuami, under command of Don Eugenio Purrfee, a captain of the 
militia, accompanied by Don Carlos Tayon, a sub-lieutenant of militia, by 
Don Luis Chevalier, a man well versed in the language of the Indians, and by 
their great chiefs Eleturno and Naquigen, who marched the 2d of January. 
1 781, from the town of San Luis of the Illinois, had possessed themselves of the 
Post of St. Joseph, which the English occupied at 220 leagues distance from that 
of the above mentioned San Luis, having suffered in so extensive a march, and 
so rigorous a season, the greatest inconvenience from cold and hunger, exf>osed 
to continual risks from the country being possessed by savage nations and hav- 
ing to pass over parts covered with snow and each being obliged to carry pro- 
visions for his own subsistence and various merchandise which were necessary 
to content, in case of need, the barbarous nations through whom they were 
obliged to cross. The commander, by seasonable negotiations and precautions, 
prevented a considerable body of Indians who were at the devotion of the Eng- 
lish, from opposing this expedition, for it would otherwise have been difficult 
to have accomplished the taking of said fort. They made prisoners of the few 
English they found in it, the others having perhaps retired in consequence of 
some prior notice. Don Eugenio Purr^ took possession in the name of the King 
of that place and its dependencies, and of the river Illinois in consequence 
whereof the standard of his Majesty was displayed during the whole time. He 
took the English one, and delivered it on his arrival at San Luis to Don Fran- 
cisco Cruzat, the commandant of that post. The destruction of the magazine 
of provisions and goods, which the English had there (the greater part of which 
was divided among the Indians and those who lived at St. Joseph, as had been 
offered them in case they did not oppose the troops) was not the only advantage 
resulting from the success of this expedition, for thereby it became impossible 
for the English to execute their plan of attacking the fort of San Luis of the 
Illinois, and it also served to intimidate these savage nations, and oblige them 
to remain neuter, which they do at present." (Extract from the Madrid Ga- 
zette, in 8 Spark's Diplomatic Correspondence, pp. 77, 78.) 


settlers of St. Louis, and captain of the militia. In 177 1 he sold one 
Peter Lupien dit Baron a lot of merchandise, and to secure him, 
Lupien dit Baron mortgaged a building and billiard table, likely the 
first table of that kind in St. Louis. This mortgage was made with 
due formality, Lieutenant-Governor Piemas being witness, as well 
as Labusciere and Benito Vasquez. It also appears that a M. Beau- 
soliel was a merchant in Kaskaskia in 1779, and sold merchandise 
to General George Rogers Clark, evidently the same person.^®' 
According to Judge Primm, on another occasion when he came up the 
Mississippi from New Orleans with a boatload of valuable merchan- 
dise, he and his vessel were captured by river robbers. It is said 
that the daring and presence of mind of a n^ro, the cook of the boat, 
named Cacasotte, saved the crew and the merchandise, and Pour^ *s 
fortune. As soon as the robbers had taken possession of the boat, 
Cacasotte appeared overjoyed, danced, sang and laughed, showed 
them every attention, so that they at once were induced to believe 
that he was overjoyed to have been liberated from slavery by them, 
and hence allowed him to go about the vessel unmolested. He 
secured an opportunity to speak to Pourbe and obtained his consent 
to make an attempt to rid the boat of these dangerous guests. Tak- 
ing into his confidence two other negroes, also on board, it was agreed 
that the signal for dinner should also be the signal for action. When 
the dinner hour arrived the robbers assembled on the deck and sta- 
tioned themselves on the bow and stern of the boat, and some also sat 
down on the side of the boat, to prevent any attempt at resistance on 
the part of the crew, but Cacasotte went among them with great 
unconcern and as soon as his two comrades had taken their station, he 
managed to place himself in the bow near one of the robbers, a stout, 
herculean feUow, well armed, and when he gave the signal for dinner 
he with a lunge pushed this robber overboard. While he was strug- 
gling in the water, with the speed of lightning he ran from one robber 
to another sitting on the side of the boat and pushed them overboard, 
and thus in a few seconds had thrown overboard several more; then, 
seizing an oar, he struck those on the head who attempted to save 
themselves by grappling the running board, and, taking the rifles that 
had been left lying on the deck of the boat, shot some others. His 
comrades in the meantime assailed other, robbers in the same way at 
the other end of the boat, and so the boat was cleared. Thus Pourfee 

^^ 18 Draper's Collections, Clark MSS., No. 116. In 1724 a Pierre du Vaud 
dit Beausoliel lived in Kaskaskia. See Church Records of Ste. Genevieve, p. 13. 


and his merchandise and crew were saved from robbers. This inci- 
dent took place near an island in the Mississippi long known as 
" Beausoliel Island, " and maybe from this island Pour^ acquired 
his nick-name. Some confusion exists as to the date of this incident, 
which is placed by Rozier, following Primm, in the year 1787.*^ 
Evidently this is a mistake, because, as we have seen, Pourbe dit 
j^eausoliel died in 1783. It is probable that this incident occurred, if it 
occurred at all, some time in 1778 or 1779. Pour^*s name occurs 
for the last time in the old Spanish records in November, 1782. 
Shortly before his death he brought a suit against Auguste Chou- 
teau, on account of extra labor incurred in bringing up for him 
some goods on the Mississippi from New Orleans. In his petition he 
states that on accoynt of an attack of the English near the Yazoo 
he was compelled to return to Natchez to save the cargo, increase the 
number of his men, and that, afterward coming up the river in com- 
pany with the boats of L 'Abbadie and Vall^, he found that the cargo 
would also be imperiled by an attack of the Chickasaws near Ecore 
de Margot, and that therefore he went up to Arkansas Post, where he 
unloaded the goods for safety ; afterward he reloaded them, and finally 
safely brought them to St. Louis, but that Chouteau refused to com- 
pensate him for the extra expense and labor incurred for the protec- 
tion of his goods. This suit was brought before Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor Cruzat, on the 9th day of November, 1782, and process duly 
served on the i6th of November on Chouteau, by Demers, Aiiissfer. 
Owing to the lawless condition, that prevailed in the eastern Illi- 
nois country shortly after the conquest by Gen. George Rogers Clark, 
many of the leading citizens of Cahokia and Kaskaskia removed to 
the Spanish possessions on the west side of the river. Among others 
Gabriel Cerr^, the leading merchant of Kaskaskia and one of the 
most influential men removed to St. Louis. Cerr^ came to Kaskaskia 
in about 1755 from Canada ^^ and it is said when the English after- 
ward invaded Canada, that he returned and served in the French 
Colonial troops in the defence of Quebec under Montcalm. In his 
extensive trading operations he annually by land went from Kas- 
kaskia to Montreal. Many are the adventures he had and strategies 
he necessarily practiced in order to carry his goods safely to and 
from these trading places. When Gen. Clark captured Kaskaskia 
he was, in his words, "one of the most eminent men in the 

*•• Rozier's History of the Mississippi Valley, p. 60. 
*•• Mo. Hist. Society Collection, vol. 2, No. 2, p. 59. 



len. Clark concluded 

country, of great influence among the people," Although advised 
that he was not favorable to the Americans, Gen. Clark concluded 
to secure his influence, because "he might be 
a valuable acquisition." Cerrd at this time 
was in St. Louis on his way to Canada, but 
learning that Clark had protected his property 
by a guard, he concluded to return and ; 
Ste. Genevieve received assurance from the 
Spanish of!icers that he could do so safely. 
When he arrived at Kaskaskia, Clark advised 
him, what was charged gainst him, but he 
replied that he was a mere merchant, that he 
did not concern himself about state affairs any 
further than the interests of his trade required. 
Clark then readhimaletter from Gov. Hamilton to Rocheblave in which 
he was alluded to with much affection and he answered, that while 
at Detroit he behaved himself as became a good subject, that he had 
never encouraged Indian warfare and that no doubt much informa- 
tion had been given Gen. Clark by persons indebted to him in order 
to get clear of debt by ruining him. On a full investigation Clark 
gave him permission to db- 
pose of his property as he 
pleased, or if he chose to 
become a citizen of the 
Union. He then explained, 
that many doubts in his mind 
had been cleared by this interview and that he was ready to 
take the oath of allegiance, and Clark concludes his report by 
saying, "he became a most valuable man to us.""" Cerri was 
appointed Judge of the Court of the District of Kaskaskia and 
served in that capacity for some time, but the conditions that pre- 
vailed immediately after the conquest, the want of an organized 
government, the constant change, the arbitrary and lawless conduct 
of many of the of&cials, and constant political agitation and contro- 
versies did not impress him favorably vrith popular government. In 
1779 he purchased property in St. Louis and several years afterward 
removed with his family to the west side of the river. He doubtless 
was an important acquisition to the commercial interests of St. Louis. 
"• Clark's Report of his Campaign in English's Conquest of the Northwest, 


In 1782 he described himself as "Gabriel Cerr^iVedoodeeste Pueblo 
de Sd Luis." '" Id the census of that year it is stated that 42 persons 
were members of his family, embracing his employees. About the 
same time Charles Gratiot the leading merchant of Cahokia, also 
removed to St. Louis. He too, was the most conspicuous citizen at 
the time of the village of Caholda and the transfer of his business 
and capital to St. Louis greatly tended to make St. Louis the trade 
centre of the east side of the river. Many others also immigrated 
across the river and says Major Hamtramck : " the greater part of our 
citizens have left the country on this account to reside in the Spamsh 


Dominions; others are now following, and we are feariul, nay certain, 
that without your assistance, the small remainder will be obliged to 
follow their example. " '" Under the flag of Spain these immigrants 
found safety, law and order. The inducement held out by the 
Spanish officials to allure this immigration — free land and no taxa- 
tion — not only attracted the French habitans but Americans as well. 

About this time Godfrey Linciot visited St. Louis and remained 
there for some time."* This Linctot was a Frenchman and lived at 
Cahokia. It is not certain whether he resided there before the con- 

'" Mo. llUt. Sotiely CiiUeclion, vol. 1, No. a, p. 71. 

'" Alvord'8 Ills, HisL Colleciion, vol. 1, p. cxliv. 

'"51 Draper's Collections, Clark MSS., No. 78. 


quest. But afterward he organized a company of militia in that town. 
He seems to have been personally acquainted with Jefferson and en- 
joyed his confidence and was appointed Indian agent of Virginia by him. 
When Clark contemplated an attack on Detroit he was ordered up the 
Illinois to pacify the Indians in that district and secure their friendship. 
He was a master of some at least of the Indian dialects and from this 
it may be inferred that he was at some time a trader among them. He 
seems to have been a very useful man. While in St. Louis he learned 
that a man by the name of Clairmont with six others had been sent 
from Michilimackinac with a letter addressed to the people of 
Cahokia and Kaskaskia inviting them to raise a company of militia 
to be paid by the King, to resist his enemies. When Cruzat ascer- 
tained his errand he quickly arrested him. Nor was such a plan at 
that time hopeless, for from a letter of Antoine Girardin to Governor 
Sinclair preserved in the Cahokia archives it appears, that he then 
assured him "of the good sentiments of the inhabitants of these 
regions," that the people would not "be offended at seeing them- 
selves again dependent and subject to the English government," and 
that " the English flag would be weU received." He also advised him 
that his deputies (Clairmont and the others) made "too many mis- 
takes to expect success from their journey," for says he: "they 
stopped at St. Louis, which they should not have done," and that 
the Spaniards "have arrested them without cause." Perhaps in 
consequence of this attempt Cruzat promulgated an ordinance 
prohibiting the circulation of false and unreliable reports in the 
village, but no doubt with little success. To prevent surprises, 
he also published an ordinance that every person, whatever his rank, 
occupation or condition, "should not leave his dwelling by day or 
night without being armed, " so as to be provided for every emergency. 
By other ordinances the people of St. Louis were prohibited from 
advancing or giving credit to soldiers for more than twenty-five sols, 
without permission of their superior officers. He prohibited horse 
racing in the streets of the town, and no one was allowed to ride horse- 
back or drive a cart faster than a trot (le petit pas). Slaves were 
forbidden to hold assemblages at night in their cabins, or to leave their 
cabins after the beating of the retraite^ unless on some errand for their 
masters, on a penalty of receiving fifty lashes, nor were they allowed to 
have a dance without express permission from their masters and 
government, either at day or night, and negroes, either free or slave, 
were prohibited to dress like the Indians and savages. An ordinance 


was promulgated fining persons in whose house a person dangerously 
sick might be, for failure to advise such person to make his will, and 
" to perform the duty of a good Christian, " and to notify the lieu- 
tenant-governor, so that " we ourselves may go to the dwelling of him 
who wishes to regulate his conscience by a will or other act by which 
his legitimate heirs may not be deprived of inheritance," thus to 
avoid '^ the lawsuits and chicanery which almost always result from 
the death of a person, who had died without making a will, which has 
already occurred only too often." He ordered that in St. Louis kids 
and goats must be kept shut up, and plows, carts, sledges, carriages, 
etc., not left on the street. Particular rules were made by him for the 
extinguishment of fires in the village. Any one quartering or assisting 
a deserter was punished by a sentence of six years' service in the 
arsenal or public works, or if a nobleman, to six years' exile."* 

To engage forest traders from a foreign district was strictly for- 
bidden under penalty of imprisonment and heavy fine, and, much 
fraud having been practiced by notes showing on their face to have 
been given for "equipment" to such forest traders, because such 
notes enjoyed a preference, when in fact nothing had been furnished 
by way of equipment, the lieutenant-governor promulgated a new 
ordinance which provided that the holder of a note, to enjoy this 
preference, must have it signed by the commandant, in the presence 
of all interested parties, and that an itemized statement must be pre- 
sented of the " equipment " furnished, and filed with the commandant 
at the time he so certifies such a preferential note. Nor were the 
merchants aUowed to advance more than a reasonable amount to such 
forest traders, so that when they returned to the village they would have 
something with which to pay other debts. Then and long afterward 
the principal business of St. Louis was the fur trade. In this trade the 
forest trader played no unimportant part. It was the forest trader 
who went among the Indians and obtained the furs by trading off the 
goods (equipment) purchased from the merchants, who resided per- 
manently in one place and furnished the outfits. The forest traders 
usually left St. Louis and settlements in the fall, spending the winter 
with the Indians, and returning in the spring with the proceeds of 
the trade. In 1776, when Cruzat was lieutenant-governor, Auguste 
and Pierre Chouteau, Martin Duralde, Benito Vasquez, J. M. Papin, 
J. B. Sarpy, Antoine Bernard, J. F. Perrault and Joseph Motard 
were the principal merchants, and at their instance Cruzat also made 

"* Archives of the Indies, Seville — Copies of Cruzat's ordinances. 

le exclusive trade with 



regulations for the belter inspection of the furs and peltries brought 
to the market there. 

The Indian trade under the Spanish government was open' to 
every merchant, but the Chouteaus enjoyed the exclusive trade w 
the Osages under contract and on the expir- 
ation of this contract the trade was given to 
Manuel de Lisa, then a merchantof New Or- 
leans. Lisa, nho had been engaged in the 
Indian trade on the Waliash, the Ohio and in 
the New Madrid district first came to St. Louis 
in i8o3 and went up to the Osage villages. 
But this change of traders did not satisfy all 
these Indians and as a consequence a large 
number of them residing on the Osage river 
seceded and removed to the Arkansas, where 
the Chouteaus still enjoyed a trading privi- 
lege. All (his led to much controversy. How Lisa secured the trade 
privilege with Osages has never been explained. It is certain that 
he was not in favor with DeLassus or with Morales. In 1789 Juan 
Munie, a resident of St. Louis, discovered the Ponka tribe on the 
upper Missouri, p>enetrating for a distance of i ,400 miles up the river, 
an unusual enterprise, in the pursuit of trade. This tribe was un- 
known up to that lime, and in consideration of his services Munie— 
or Munier— was granted the exclusive trade with these Indians. 

The year 1785 became memorable on account of a great flood of 
the Mississippi. Auguste Chouteau says that in April of that year 
the river rose twenty feet above the highest known water-mark, and 
that for the purpose of procuring plank he went with a boat through 
the woods of the American Bottom, to the village of Kaskaskia. 
Governor Miro, reporting the overflow to De Galvez, says that it 
"entirely submerged the village of Santa Genoveva, so that the 
people were compelled to abandon their houses," and their furniture 
and other possessions, that the fields of wheat were very completely 
lost, that the commandant, Don Cartabona, was compelled to retire 
with his troops to the hills, and that the .American district on the 
opposite side of the river was affected in the same way. Among the 
old French inhabitants this year was known as "L'ann^e des 
Grandes Eaux, " "' and subsequent events were dated from it."* 

" See copy of Hunt's Minutes, Book i, p. 126, Missouri Hislorical Society 
3 of residents not heretofore given, and 


L *■ 'x 


In 1787, when Don Manuel Perez was lieutenant-governor, the 

Osage Indians became distinctly imfriendly, and bands of these sav- 

^..^^ ^y. ages prowled around the vil- 

SymCC^LJilOU \y'C4C€/2 lage and killed many unwary- 

^ settlers. Perez is credited 

facts as to some already named, chronologically arranged, may interest some 
readers. We note: In 1770, Veuve Beaugeneau; Frangois Marechal, one of 
the first settlers of St. Ferdinand in 1785. The name Vigo first ap|>ears in St. 
Louis in this year, and Francois Baribault, then a boy of nineteen years, bound 
himself to Jacques Denis, to learn the joiner's trade, for a period of two years ; 
Jean B. Cois; Louis Chamard (Voise); Madame St. Germain, probably from 
Cahokia also lived here; Denau DeTailly (DeTaille), Indian interpreter, came 
from St. Philippe, married an Indian and died in St. Louis in 1 771, and his widow 
married Nicolas Marechal> Benito Vasquez, a native of Gallicia, Spain, came 
to St. Louis with Piemas, married Julia Papin, had a family of twelve children, 
his sons were, Benito, Junior (1780), Antoine F., dit Baronet (1783), Joseph 
( 1 786), Hypolite ( 1 792) , arid Pierre Louis ( 1 798). Jos. Robideau — or Robidoux — 
from Montreal came to St. Louis in 1770. His son Jos. Robidoux and grandson 
Jos. Robidoux were all engaged in the fur trade. His grandson founded St. 
Joseph. Pedro Lupien, dit Baron; Louis Perrault; Joseph Turgeon, likely 
came over from Kaskaskia; Emilian Yosti, a prominent person in the early 
annals of St. Louis, also land speculator, ran a lime kiln and stone quarry in 
1799, was also at Carondelet and on the Missouri : Yosti was a native of Italy; 
Claude Dupois; Jean Marie Cardinal, had a root house or caveau near St. 
Louis, owned Cardinal Springs in White Ox prairie (now in the city) 
which was so named for him, and where he was killed by the Indians in 
the attack on St. Louis in 1780, also owned property in Carondelet; Joseph 
Hubert; Louis Langlois, dit Rondeau, came from Kaskaskia to the west 
side of the river, died somewhere on the Missouri river. In 1771, Charles 
Paran, died in this year; Louis Pouillotte. 

In 1773, Jean Vaudry; Veronique Guitar (or Guitard, which name occurs 
often in the St. Louis Archives) ; Joseph Guittare ; Louis Bolduc, afterward in 
Ste. Genevieve district as early as 1 788 with Baptiste Vall6 on the Mississippi, 
and at Marais Polchecoma, in 1798, on Duclos Fork with Parfait Dufour, and 
common-field of Ste. Genevieve and New Bourbon. His widow afterward 
holding property, a large land owner, and had a number of slaves ; Stephen Bol- 
duc, also owned property in Ste. Genevieve district; Louis Bolduc, Junior; 
Charles Simoneau. 

In 1774, Francois de Lui, owed St. Ange seventy livres for money loaned, 
and therefore mentioned in his will; Joseph Vachard, dit I'Ardoise, married 
Marie Mondion, widow of Jean B. Vien, dit Noel, he was a son of Louis Vachard 
who came from Montreal in about 1775, died in St. Louis in 1786, his wife was 
Isabella Bissette, a sister of Guillaume Bissette. His other sons were Antoine, 
dit Mimi I'Ardoise; Louis, residing at New Madrid, but also in St. Louis, in 
1797, and Charles, dit Creole I'Ardoise; Nicholas Briesbach, from Lucerne, 
Switzerland, died in this year. 

In 1775, Jean B. Perrault, dit Duchfene, a trader among the Indians; Fran- 
cois Barrere, a baker, native of France ; Jean Baptiste Sarpy, died in New Or- 
leans in 1798; and Sylvester Delor Sarpy, a brother of J. B., natives of France 
both merchants, and Sylvestre, public scrivener, dying in New Orleans in 1799. 
Another member of the family, Pierre L. Sarpy, came to St. Louis in 1786, and 
Gregoire Berald Sarpy about the same time, who died at St. Louis 1824, mar- 
ried Pelagie, daughter of Sylvestre Labbadie, and Jean B. Sarpy (2) who became 
one of the leading merchants engaged in the fur trade, was his son; Francois 
Faustin, dit Parent, married Rosalind Kiercereau in 1781, at Grand Glaise in 
1 799 and St. Ferdinand ; Joseph Rivard ; Diego 1' Arrive ; Alexis Loise, married 
Elizabeth Beaugeneau in 1773; Jean Baptiste Lorain, had a tannery near St. 


with conceiving the policy of introducing friendly Indians, Shaw- 
nees and Delawares, between St. Louis and the hostile tribes, 

Ferdinand, which he sold to Manuel Lisa in 1800, was on the Mississippi near 
Portage 6es Sioux and in prairie near St. Charles; Louis Lemond. 

In 1776, Louis LaSudray. 

In 1777, Francois Deslorier (Deloire or Delauriere), dit Normandeau, for- 
geron (blacksmith) from Cahokia or Kaskaskia, Sub-Lieutenant of militia, after- 
ward in 1794 at St. Ferdinand, raised tobacco on his lot in 1802, on river 
Loutre in St. Charles district; Regis Vasseur, married Fran^oise Guitard dit La 

In 1778, Jean B. Lachappelle, constable in this year; d' Avignon; Pierre 
Parans; Sylvestre Labadie, a native of Tarbes, capitol of the Department Hautes 
P3rrenees, France, a merchant and Spanish Indian agent before Pierre Chou- 
teau was appointed to this place, and often otherwise employed in public affairs, 
made a claim under grant of Governor Miro to a tract of land running back to 
the road to "Vide Poche" (Prairie Catalan), and on remonstrance of the jjeople 
was stopped in improving this land by the lieutenant-governor, until the inten- 
dant at New Orleans should be made acquainted with the circumstances. 
(American State Papers, 2 P. L., p. 561.) A son, also named Sylvestre, bom in 
1778, a land speculator, one of his claims being the Isle of Bocuf in the Missis- 
sippi river above the mouth of the Missouri ; Charles Sanguinette, owned property 
on Isle Cabaret near St. Louis, a Canadian and engaged in the fur trade, says 
his business greatly interfered with by the formation of the Fur Company, mar- 
ried a daughter of Dr. Condb. A Sanguinet at St. Ferdinand in 1800; Louis 
Lirette, a boatman ; Nicolas F. Guion, a blacksmith. 

In 1779, Francois Villette, dit St. Cloux; Jean B. Lepire (or LaPierre), for- 
geron (blacksmith), also owned property at L'Anse a la Graise or New Madrid; 
Demers, constable; Jean Baptiste Brugierre; Jean Baptiste Domine, also owned 
a lot in St. Ferdinand, and sixty-five miles north of St. Louis in 1 799. 

In 1780, in the records of the burials we find the name Tremblee, 
and one Demige, no Christain names being given ; Raymond Quenel ; Hebert 
Lacroix; Celeste Laland^, wife of Joseph DePIacie; Alexis Laland^; Joseph 
Pepin, dit Lachance; (Joseph) Calv^, Junior, murdered by the Indians in this 
year. At the same time a negro, owned by Chancellier, was murdered by the 
Indians; Alexander Grimaux, dit Charpentier, and Louis Crepeau, his brother- 
in-law; Francois Duchemin; Antoine Stefanelly; Frangois Hebert, dit Bel- 
homme, killed in what is now Forest Park, his widow a daughter of Julien 
LeRoy, married Jean B. Trudeau; Pierre Gladu, a Canadian, also killed by the 
Indians; in May, 1780, Pierre Dorion, a name afterward made famous by 
Brackenridge, and then a resident of St. Louis, asked ]:>ermission of General 
Clark to settle at Kaskaskia, but did not stay there, apparently, but see note 154. 

In 1 781, we find the name of Belkemier, as a purchaser at the sale of Louis 
Dubreuil; Frangois Cailhol; Joseph Labusciere, in prairie adjacent the village 
at the end of the Pallisades of post, sold in this year to Joseph Labrosse, also 
owned another place near the Pallisade.- 

In 1 781, Joseph Brazeau, Junior, received a grant from Cruzat on the Missis- 
sippi and on Gingras for services, his wife was Marie Delisle; a Joseph Brazeau 
had a grant in 1797 on river Antonio, in St. Charles district, and on the Missis- 
sippi in St. Charles district. His father, Joseph Brazeau, Senior, came to 
Kaskaskia from Canada, and was killed by the Indians in 1779, his widow came 
to St. Louis in 1787. Louis Brazeau. dit "Caioua," was another son, and he 
also married a Delisle, Marie Fran^oise, a daughter Fran^oise married Jean B. 
Chauvin, dit Charleville, already mentioned. Louis Brazeau, dit "Caioua," was 
about the only French resident at Kaskaskia who advocated resistance to Gen- 
eral George Rogers Clark, when he was marching upon Kaskaskia, of which the 
people were then pretty well advised. He was a man of medium size, or under, 
says Menard. (25 Draj^er's Collection, Clark MSS., No. 58.) 

In 1782, Antoine OHviere (Oliver), dit Bellepeche; Charles Henrion ; Marie 
Joseph Godeau or Gobeau. 


and it is said that he sent Louis Lorimier to visit the tribes east 

of the river to induce them to settle on the west bank of the Missis- 

In 1783, Joseph Verdon, a cabinet maker and turner, died at the age of nine- 
ty-five years in 1813; Jean Baptiste Vien, dit Noel (1783), probably a son of a 
Vien of the same name heretofore named, testified to events on the pver Aux 
Gardes as early as this year, in 1797, at St. Ferdinand or Carondelet. 

In 1784, Francois Marmillon, merchant of St. Louis, had a grant on the 
Mississippi ; Duchemin ; James Bums in this year sold one half of his land to 
Claiboume Rhodes. 

In 1785, Jacques Loise, the best apples in the town grew on his lot says 
Andrew L'Andreville, tavern keeper and merchant; a Paul Loise here later, 
also Joseph at Portage des Sioux ; Joseph Delisle ; Louis Delisle dit Bienvenue ; 
Francois Dion, perhaps a relative of Nicolas who married Theresa Hervieux. 
in 1 769, no doubt a Kaskaskia family ; Henry Duchouquette, dit Lafleur, married 
Felice Quior San Filip, and Jean Baptiste Duchouquette, dit Lami, married 
Marie Brazeau, this Duchouquette was at the mouth of the Osage in 1800 at 
C6te sans Dessein where he claimed that he established a vachcrie ; Louis Bou- 
doin, on Prairie des Noyers, and afterwards at Carondelet, married Marie 
Theresa Tesson in 1789; Joachim Roy, acquired property owned by Jean Rion 
(or Jean Cadet Rion) ; in 1 790 Roy raised wheat on his lot, and in 1 793 raised three 
hundred bushels of corn; a Carlos Charrion, dit Jean Rion, herein this year; 
Jacques Faustin and one Chartron cultivated the lot of Fran^-ois Faustin, dit 
Parent. They were his nephews, and at the death of Chartron the lot became 
the property of Jacques Faustin ; Herbert, dit Berry Tabeau, father of Jacques 
Tabeau, at Carondelet in 1786 and at St. Ferdinand in 1794; Joseph Larava or 
Lavarre ; Antoine Marechal married Mary Catherine Tabeau, and lived at St. 
Ferdinand in 1796; Paul Guitard at this time owned a place called "Guit- 
ard's Cul de sac" in the prairie. 

In 1786, Francois Flory (or Fleury, dit Grenier); Catherine Crepeau Tou- 
g^rd, probably a relative of Joseph Crepo the soldier; Joseph Sumande, in this 
year sold property to Jacques Glamorgan; Claude Duflon (or Dufloc), dit Pari- 
sien, sold property this year to one Francisco ; Pierre Choret in this year married 
Marie Josepnine Kiercereau. 

In 1787, Claude Mercier, surgeon; Antoine Vincent Bouis, merchant, native 
of Marseilles, Sub-Lieutenant of militia, got out stone on his lot in St. Louis in 
1790, was also on the Missouri in 1795 ; Dorlac, probably Francois, had a grant 
on Prairie des Noyers; Florence Flory, negress, willed her property to her daugh- 
ter Marie Flory ; Charles Roy, here and at Portage des Sioux; Joseph DeSautelle, 
married Theresa Mainville in this year; Jean P. Pourcelly, a Provencal, was 
a master baker of St. Ferdinand, moved to Carondelet prior to 1803. 

In 1788, Carlos Leveille, a colored man, it seems resided in the block 
fronting on the river south of the present Lombard street; Botelar; Joseph 
Biancour; Louis Biancour; Jean Baptiste Belland, afterwards lived on the 
Missouri opposite St. Charles and then in St. Charles; Francois Cotard (1788), 
seems to have been the earliest resident on Mill creek, he cultivated land for 
Joseph Motard, and in 1807 was at St. Ferdinand. Joseph Motard claimed 
land on Mill creek in 1788 and had an orchard bearing fine apples, and in 1793 
Louis Dubreuil testified that Motard had a number of people working under 
him there, and that his (Dubreuil's) father bought produce of him. Michael 
Marli rented the place for several years as also Charles Vachard. Calvin 
Adams and Patrick Lee were successively the owners of this claim and his inter- 
ests in the neighborhood. 

In 1789, Simon Coussot (or Cuseau), in St. Charles in 1799; Noel Langlois; 
Amable Flamant, a stone mason. 

In 1790, Gabriel Melody; Antoine Reihl (Reylh, Rheil or Reilhe), a mer- 
chant, lived on the river des Peres, and in the common -field near Carondelet 
one Antoine Reilhe, from Two Rivers, was the proprietor of a general store at 
Michilimackinac in 1783; Jean B. Dufaut, dit Benoni (also s]:>elled Deffau, De- 
faut, Defaux), vestryman, married the widow of Louis B. Laroche, died 1802; 


sippiy and to protect the village. At a later date, however, Lorimier 
acted in these negotiations directly as commissioner of Carondelet, 

one Dubois, may be son of the old soldier Louis Dubois, afterward found at 
St. Charles; Joseph LaCroix, afterward at St. Ferdinand; Frangois Vallois; 
Jean Baptiste Tardif (Tardit), in his will made Jacques Glamorgan, merchant 
of St. Louis, his heir; Pelasde Primo; Pierre Barribeau, in 1706, at Cr^ve Cccur 
and Pierre Troye (Troge), aub-Lieutenant of militia at St. Charles. 

In 1792, Alexander Bellisime, bom in Toulon, France, came to America 
during the Revolutionary war, died in 1835, sixty-seven years of age, hotel- 
keeper between what is now Myrtle and Spruce on 2nd street, opposite the old 
"Green Tree." 

In 1793, Theresa Desmoulin; Ginginbre, returned to France in 1801 ; Joseph 
Calais, from Kaskaskia, also on the Missouri and at St. Fernando in 1797 ; Am- 
able Ouimate (Wimet); Jean Baptiste Ambroise Duval, dit Degroisiellier; 
afterward in 1799 in St. Charles district; Paul Guitard, a shoemaker, near St. 
Louis on Prairie des Noyers; Louis Guitard, dit La Grandeur, and Vincent Gui- 
tard were his sons, Louis was also north of St. Louis on the Mississippi, his sons 
were natives of Illinois; Jean Baptiste Marli died in 1797, his son Duke and 
brother Michael also here ; Joseph Roy ; Joseph Lecompte. 

In 1794, Joseph Pallardy, died in this year; Jean Baptiste Desmoulin, stone- 
mason, at St. Charles in 1800, and was 65 miles north of St. Louis; Marie La- 
Bastielle, a free colored woman, the garrison for the Spanish troops was imme- 
diately in the rear of her lot; Jean Beaufils; Joseph Oneille (O'Neil) (1793), 
native of Quebec, Canada, son of Pierre O'Neille, and Joseph Chandonair, a 
merchant in St. Louis prior to this time owned property on Lake St. Mary, New 
Madrid district and lake St. Isidore bought of Pedro Saffray in 1803. 

In 1795, Antoine Chenie, also at St. Ferdinand; Louis Dumont (or Du- 
mond); Henry Belestre; Marie Bennet; Jean Belony Latresse; Catherine La- 
Violette, from Kaskaskia; Louis LaCroix, first came to St. Louis, but in 
1798 a Louis LaCroix settled on the road leading to Mine LaMotte, in Ste. 
Genevieve district, near St. Michel, and may be the same. Joseph Labbadie, 
dit St. Pierre, afterwards moved to Florissant, a Joseph LaPierre in St. 
Louis in 1 793, and perhaps same ; Fran^oise Leveille, negress, no doubt related 
to Carlos already named; Joseph LavalUs; Titus LeBerge, Susa Leberge mar- 
ried Francois Tesson in 1787; Bazil Bissonette; John Stotts; Joseph Chartrand, • 
owned property in the upper prairie near St. Charles on the Missouri in 1796, 
at Carondelet in 1797; Amable Chartrand, Senior, from Kaskaskia, at Portage % 
des Sioux and Carondelet in 1802; Amable Chartrand, junior, and Thomas, « 
also from Kaskaskia and afterwards at Carondelet ; Adam Martin, in 1 797 had 
a grant on the Missouri in St. Charles district, where in 1803 he employed a 
man by the name of Price to gather his corn, paying him two cows and calves ; 
this place was on the frontier and the Indians were troublesome, lived at Marais 
des liards; Theresa Barois (or Barion) near here on River des Pbres; Frangoise 
Brazeau, widow of Baptiste Charleville had a grant on the river des P^res. 

In 1796, Joseph Louis (Lewis) in Bellevue valley; Franjois Collard, near 
St. Louis. 

In 1 797, Jean Drouin, in St. Charles district, in 1 799, 65 miles north of St. 
Louis; Jean Baptiste Morin, at Portage des Sioux in 1802, his brother Michael 
and mother Pelagie Morin were here prior to this time, and another brother 
Henry, later; John E. Allen testified to events in this year on the river des P^res, 
in St. Charles district in 1804; Claude Paneton; John Ball, on River des P^res 
near St. Louis and on Grand Glaise. 

In 1798, Pierre Quenel; Margaret Martigny; Paul Depuis (Dupois); John 
Lard (or Lord), at Spanish Ponds; Dr. Mackay Wherry, in 1800 at Portage des 
Sioux, and raised com on his lot there in 1802, also in the St. Charles district 
in this year; Louis Martin, afterwards at St. Ferdinand; James McDaniels on 
the River des P^res and Cold Water and Missouri; Jean Baptiste Louis Col- 
lin, in commons north of Grand Rue, St. Ferdinand in 1800 — seems to have 
moved up from New Madrid. 


and invited these Indians to settle on the west side of the river 
to protect all the Spanish settlements from the incursions of t)ie 

In 1799, Louis Barois; Rene Brian; Hyacinth E^iz was also on the Missis- 
sippi and Maramec, and owned two tracts near Cr^ve Coeur by purchase; 
Bazil Proulx, merchant, owned an estate consisting of a stone house, poultry 
house, petite mill, etc., was also at St. Charles in 1800, and on the Missouri; 
Pierre and Elizabeth Datchurut at New Madrid, 1792; Arend Rutgers, from 
Kentucky, merchant, was on the Dardenne in St. Charles district in this year, 
had a mill, store-houses, etc. 

In 1800, Pierre Guerette, dit Dumont (or Dumond) from Kaskaskia ; George 
Doggett was a witness to events in this year; Robert Forsyth; Henry Gratiot 
says as a boy played ball against Motard's mill with other boys, was a sort of re- 
sort for them ; Mordecai Belli in 1802 was on the Missouri, but sold his property 
there to Amos Stoddard, and after that this property was always called "Stod- 
dard's Mound;" Patrick Lee, merchant in St. Louis, bought property on Mill 
creek in 1802; Gabriel Lord; Edward Bradley near St. Louis and on the 
Missouri; Francois Dupuis (or Dupois), a mongrel, descendant of Claude 
Dupois; Pedro Saffilard, a witness in St. Ferdinand. 

In 1 80 1, Joseph Neptune, sailor, died in this year; Hypolite and Sylvester 
Papin ; Hyacinta Hamelin (Ainelin) ; Pierre Bequette, from Kaskaskia, a very 
andent family there, part of them coming to St. Louis at an early date, and 
others in Ste. Genevieve. 

In 1802, Pierre Coudaire (or Couderre), a Provencal; Louis Ambroise; Fran- 
cois Guinelle ; Marie Simoneau ; Phillip Guillory or Guillay ; Louis Grimard, dit 
Charpentier at St. Charles in 1799. Prior to and in 1803, other residents were: 
Francisco Brichinelle; Julien Papin Benito; Dominique Uge; Baptiste Belcour; 
Helen Lereux; Joseph Descary ; Baptiste Molere or Molair; Jacques Lageuness; 
Mary NicoUe Lebois; Jean Baptiste Erebour, ditMatiirin (or Mataurin); Helen 
Delorier; Joseph Leblond; Jean Baptiste Girard; Felix Fontaine; Joseph Que- 
nel ; Jean P. Roy, dit Lapense, his property sold at public sale ; Francois Cha- 
tillon, ditGodin; Robert Simpson bought property here prior to 1805; Francois 
Dorion, Junior; Mary Gyol de Guirau; Juan Gates; Charles Bosseron; Joseph 
Laprisse, was also at St. Ferdinand; Joseph Phillibert; Mathew and John Kerr; 
George and James Kennerly; Jean B. Larrade; Theresa Labbadie Joyal, daugh- 
ter of Labbadie, dit St. Pierre; Hugh Connor; Baptiste Corno; Pierre Lirette; 
Frangois Labreche; Louis Blanchette, married an Indian; J. B. Lamarche, dit 
Bricot; Pierre Chalifour; William Clark, a blacksmith in St. Louis; Barth^lemi 
Courtmanche; Francois Laplante Lerige; Jean Baptiste Dubay; Alexis Thi- 
beaut or Thibault; Jean B. Ferrot, merchant; Antonio Bonnemain, merchant; 
Jean P. Comegys; Michael Foucher; Joseph Montaigne; Robert Duncan; 
Ralph Davis ; Eugene Dorys (Dorsieres) Denaux ; Calvin Adams ; Etienne Barre, 
merchant; Lagarciniere, merchant; Gaspard Roubieux (probably Roubiere, 
dit European) merchant; Gabriel de la Claire, merchant and soldier; Francois 
Barrouselle, a native of St. Domingo, merchant; Louis Coignard, merchant, 
native of Chatillon ; William Bellsa ; Pierre St. Jean, dit Sans Souci, also at Ca- 
rondelet; Louis Gibeau; Pierre Bordeau; Pierre Bourg; Samuel Solomon; 
Joseph Joinal LaBonte; Thomas Liggette; Jacob Brady; Jean P. Cabanne, 
native of Pau; Joseph Fayet; Louis Bouder; Pierre Valentine Ignace; Jean 
Jacques and Jean B. Lebeau; a Baptiste Lebeau in St. Charles in 1800; Jean 
B. Monier; Gabriel Paul; Pierre Panet; Andre Petteliar (or Peltier); Franjois 
Doyon Emmons; White Matlock on the Missouri; Catherine Dodge on the 
River des P^res; Frangois Hebert on the River des P^res; Mathew Remy (Ram- 
ey) and son Nathan ; Francois Noise testifies he was a child in St. Louis when 
Francois Moreau in 1 796 lived there, and fought with his son, Alexis Moreau, 
was also at Carondelet ; Joseph Sorin, merchant, native of LaRochelle ; Joseph 
Segond, merchant; Antoine Senacal; Provencal, (may be Pierre Coudaire) a 
trader, and may be the same who is referred to by Sinclair as "having been 
equipped with goods by Calvfe to trade in the Spanish country," and who refused 


Osages and other hostile tribes."' At the time these Indians from the 
east side came to upper Louisiana it was also the policy of the 
Spanish government to strengthen in every way the military 
position of Spain in upper Louisiana, because the rapid expan- 
sion of American influence and increase of the population on the Ohio 
and in the territory between the Ohio and the Lakes filled the Span- 
iards with apprehension. The free navigation of the lower Missis- 
sippi was then a constant source of friction and controversy. 

Colonel George Morgan, who came to upper Louisiana with a 
view of establishing an American colony in the Spanish possessions 
near the mouth of the Ohio, under a supposed grant of Don Diego 
Gardoqui, the Spanish ambassador at Philadelphia, visited St. 
Louis in connection with this project. Perez, in a letter to Governor 
Miro, informs him that Morgan was accompanied by seventyheads of 
families intending to settle, if he found a suitable location, and that in 
addition he had with him eleven Indians from on the Ohio ; that he 
gave these some presents which made them " very happy,' * and that 
they promised to tell the chiefs of their tribes how well they had been 
received. He furnished Colonel Morgan provisions and there 
guides. The visit of Colonel Morgan resulted in the founding of 
New Madrid. It is said that while Perez was commandant, in 1792, 
honey-bees came for the first time to St. Louis."® Perez was an old 
soldier. He was in the Spanish military service 38 years and 10 
months. Entering as a private, he finally attained the rank of lieu- 
tenant-colonel of the Stationary Regiment of Louisiana; he saw 
active service in Spain and Portugal, and came with O'Reilly to 
Louisiana in 1763; participated in the campaigns in Florida under 
Galvez; in 1773 was at the siege and capture of Fort Manchack, and 
in 1780 at the capture of Mobile and Pensacola."* 

Perez was succeeded in 1792 by Don Zenon Trudeau, " lieutenant- 
colonel and captain of grenadiers of the Stationary Regiment of 

to go to Michilimackinac and therefore is denounced by the English Commander 
as a "man of infamous character." (11 Wisconsin Historical Collection, p. 
158.) Julien Roy, married Marie Barbara Sauder, their son Louis in 1802 
married Catherine Millette, daughter of Jean Baptiste Millette of New Madrid. 

"'American State Papers, 5 Public Lands, p. 800. 

"'Scharff*s History of St. Louis, vol. i, 212. 

"•In 1793 he retired from the service on account of advanced age and ill- 
health contracted during the "rigorous winters which he endured" while "com- 
manding the settlements of the western part of Illinois for the space of five years" 
and prayed for the monthly pay of a lieutenant-colonel retired, but Carondelet 
thought the "pay of a retired Captain enough as it is known that he enjoys 
a fortune quite sufficient to support himself and family with decency." 


Louisiana. " ** The population of the country now began to increase 
rapidly. Many Americans immigrated into the Spanish settlements, 
influenced by the free and generous donations of land. Probably in 
consequence of these numerous land grants and the increased value of 
land Don Antonio Soulard was appointed surveyor of upper Louisiana 
and acted as such from February 3, 1795, until the cession of 
Louisiana. Soulard was also captain of the militia, and Ayudante 
Mayor of St. Louis. In 1800 he was commissioned by the Marques 
Casa Calvo, then governor-general of Louisiana, and Don Ramon de 
Lopez y Angulo, intendant-general of Louisiana, to make a report of 
the fortifications and necessary repairs and afterward, accordingly, 
made a full report to Lieutenant-Colonel Don Carlos Howard, mil- 
itar>' commandant of upper Louisiana, in regard to the same. 
Soulard was a native of France, had served in the French navy, and, 
wrecked in fortune came to Louisiana. In a memorial to the com- 
missioners to adjust land titles, he complains that the services he 
rendered were never adequately rewarded, and that he only received 
a concession of about four thousand acres of land, when he might 
have received much more "from the well known munificence of 
the Spanish government,*' which granted so much to "strangers 
scarcely known." 

Shortly after he assumed his office Trudeau was surprised by the 
arrival of one Don Pedro Vial in St. Louis, who, accompanied by two 
young men, came "from the city of Santa F^ of the Kingdom of Nuevo 
Mexico, having been commissioned by Governor Don Fernando de la 
Concha to open a road from that city to St. Louis." Trudeau prompt- 
ly advised Baron Carondelet of the arrival of Vial, and that he reported 
that he had not encountered an obstacle that he had not conquered, 
and that he could have marched from there to St. Louis in 25 
days. Trudeau took a deep interest in the exploration of 
the upper Missouri river, and in the expansion of the fur trade. 
Under his advice, in 1794 some of the merchants of St. Louis 

formed a company to exploit the fur trade on the upper Mis- 

*^ Trudeau was born in New Orleans Nov. 28, 1748 — a son of Sieur 
Jean Trudeau, a lieutenant " des trouj^es de sa majeste d^tach^ en cette col- 
onic." His mother was Marie de Carriere. He was well educated, had a family 
of several sons, one of his sons was Don Carlos Laveau Trudeau, surveyor general 
of Louisiana. Don Juan Baptiste Trudeau, the first school teacher of St. Louis, 
was his relative. Among the militia who enlisted at Montreal in 1663, we 
find the name of Etienne Trudeau, may be a common ancestor of Zenon 
and Jean Baptiste Trudeau. (Suite Canadien Frangaise, p. 9.) Zenon Tru- 
deau in 1 781 married Eulalie De Lassize, daughter of Nicolas DeLassize, cap- 
tain in the royal army, and commandant of the militia of New Orleans. 


souri, combining their capital for that purpose, and also agreed to use 
their exertions to penetrate the sources of the Missouri and **beyond 
if possible to the Southern Ocean." Glamorgan was active in organ- 


izing this company. At his instance the syndic of St. Louis called 
together the commercial community — comercia — of the town to 
organize a company to secure this exclusive trade **farther up than the 
Ponkas/ * the exclusive trade with this tribe having been granted to 
Juan Munie. All the merchants of St. Louis at that time were present 
at this meeting — viz., Reihle, Papin, Yosty, Motard, Sanguinette, 
Vasquez, Sarpy, Cerr^, Roy, Saint Cyrete, Conde, Andreville, Vincent, 
Lafleur, Du Breuil, Marie, L'Abbadie, Chouteau Senior, Robidoux, 
Chauvin, CoUell, Duroche, La Valle, La Goye, Chouteau Junior, 
Gratiot, Delor and Clamorgan. The articles of association approved 
by the government were submitted, but Reihle, Motard, Durocher, 
Vasquez, Robidoux, Sanguinette, Helena St. Grasse, Du Breuil, 
and Clamorgan only entered into the corporation. Clamorgan 
was selected as director, and in a letter to Carondelet explains that 
some merchants did not join for fear of loss, and others " with the 
intention of harming, if they can, in the future the enterprise," and 
hence, since the company was about to incur" immense expense," peti- 
tioned that the exclusive trade on the upper Missouri be guaranteed 
the company for the first ten years, and Carondelet accordingly 
approved **the exclusive privilege" of trade for ten years. 

This Missouri trading company was not a profitable venture; 
dissensions among the members, jealousies and want of confidence in 
Clamorgan making success impossible. Clamorgan, himself, under 
the name of Todd & Company, it was charged, monopolized the trade 
of the upper Missouri, and diverted it from New Orleans. Joseph 
Robidoux made an efifort, without success, to have the company 



reorganized by Gayoso, and Glamorgan excluded from it,**^ chai^ng 
that Glamorgan's "probity was suspected by several," that he was 
" intriguing, of fluent tongue, pliant and even servile," but admits 
that he had been accustomed to conduct great operations. It also 
developed that at least some of the merchants who had refused to take 
shares in the company afterward petitioned that the exclusive trade 
of the company might be revoked, as Glamorgan had anticipated.*** 

-■■ * 


THE CERr6 house 

In 1796, when the expedition under Lt. Gol. Don Garlos How- 
ard *^ came up the river to St. Louis in keelboats and galleys, as 
already related, with a force of one hundred men, then almost an 

*** A native of Guadalupe, a merchant, fur trader, explorer, and land specu- 
lator, acquired a claim of Regis Loisel to 157,062 arpens on the Missouri ; made a 
claim for 136,904 arpens on the Mississippi below New Madrid (now in Arkansas) 
to establish a roj>e walk and form a Canadian establishment ; made another claim 
of 500,000 arpens fronting on the Mississippi, between the Dardenne and Cha- 
rctte, to pay him for an exploring expedition to the Rocky Mountains, as chief 
ofTicer; and another large district on the Maramec under grant of Trudcau, 
dated 1795, and various other smaller claims, the whole of his claims amounting 
to nearly 1,000,000 arpens. He was in Mexico in 1808. 

'2' See ^^em()rial of Manuel Lisa, Chas. Sanguinette, Gosti, Guillaume Hubert, 
Grcgorio Sarpy, G. I*'. Robidoux, Patrick Lee, F. M. Benoit, Andre dit Le- 
compte, Joseph Marie, Andreville, Jacento Egliz, A. Reihle, J. Moutard, Emi- 
leon Yosti, Antoinc Reynal, Francois Valois, Gabriel Proulx, G. R, Spencer, 
Mackay WTierry, \V. Lacroix Pricur, J. B. Monier, Antoine Janis. — In Archives 
of the Indies, Seville, cf. 

*^ Howard was an Irishman in the Spanish service. 


army, this event at the time created no little sensation. The 
year of the arrival of these boats became knqwn as the *^ Ann^ des 
Gaines" among the inhabitants."* 

Trudeau, on August 29, 1799, was succeeded by Carlos De- 
Hault DeLassus de Luziere, transferred to St. Louis from New 
Madrid, where he had been stationed as commandant since 
1796. New Madrid conmiercially at that time was the most impor- 
tant station on the upper Mississippi. It was a port of entry, and all 
vessels going up or down the river, to or from New Orleans, were 
compelled to land there for inspection. The river traffic was rapidly in- 
creasing, and DeLassus complained that his duties were very onerous. 
Very likely on his application, he was transferred to St. Louis, so as to 
be nearer his father, the commandant at New Bourbon. Prior to the 
appointment of DeLassus, as lieutenant-governor of upper Louisiana, 
New Madrid was a separate and independent post, and the com- 
mander there exercised the power of a subdelegate. When DeLassus 
was transferred to St. Louis, New Madrid and its dependencies were 
attached to, and first came under the jurisdiction of, the lieutenant- 
governor of upper Louisiana. He was particularly advised by Gayoso, 
to encourage immigration from Canada, " as this is really the people 
we want," and he instructs him to ascertain " how it would be best 
to bring the people from Canada under the lowest expense. "^'^ De- 
Lassus was the last Spanish lieutenant-governor of upper Louisiana. 
While he was lieutenant-governor the people of St. Louis made a 
patriotic war contribution to aid Spain in the war.^* 

Small-pox first appeared in St. Louis in 1799, and hence the year 
was called " Ann^e de la Picott^. " The winter following being unu- 
sually severe, the year 1800 was known among the people as " Ann^ 

^^ I Hunt's Minutes, Book i, p. 127, Missouri Historical Society Archives, 
Chouteau's evidence. 

**• Letter Gayoso to DeLassus, March 2, 1799 — Chouteau Collection. 

**• The subscription list preserved in the Archives of the Indies gives the 
names of "well-to-do people" of St. Louis who contributed on that occasion, 
and the several amounts, as follows: Gregorio Sarpy, 5oi>esos; Carlos Gratiot, 
50 pesos; Carlos Sanguinette, 50 pesos; L. P. Didier, 12 i>esos; Francisco Marie 
Benoit, 30 pesos; Patricio Lee, 20 pesos; Pedro Chouteau, 50 i>esos; Bernardo 
Pratte, 25 pesos; Silvestre Labbadie, 25 pesos; Jos. Robideau, 50 pesos; Ftancis- 
co Vallfe (Vallois) 10 pesos; Benito Vasquez, 10 pesos; Andres L'Andreville, 10 
pesos; Jos. Brazeau, 20 pesos; Don Luis Labeaume, 10 pesos; Luis Coignard, 
10 pesos; Don Jos. Hortiz, 25 f)esos; Antonio Reihle, 10 pesos; Jacinto St. Cyr, 
50 pesos; Don Santiago Chauvin, 10 pesos; Don Antonio Soulard 30 pesos; 
Mackay Wherry, 20 pesos ; Pasqual Cer^, 20 i>esos; Juan Baptiste Trudeau, 5 
pesos; Manuel de Lisa, 10 pesos; Don Auguste Chouteau, r 00 pesos; and Don 
Antonio Vincent Buois, 50 pesos. Total 762 pesos. 


du Grand Hivfer. " Chouteau says that in this winter the thermom- 
eter fell thirty-two degrees below zero.**' In 1801 the Spanish gov- 
ernment established a military hospital at St. Louis and of this 
hospital Dr. Saugrain was appointed Surgeon at a monthly salary 
of 30 dollars."* St. Louis, says Austin, at this time contained 
more than two hundred houses, "some of stone,'* ** had a number 
of " wealthy merchants and an extensive trade from the Missouris 
and on the upper Mississippi," but Morales complained in 1802 
that the secret importation of English and American goods is de- 
priving the Government of its revenue and New Orleans of 
trade."® The immigration of farmers from the United States 
also continued to increase, and to these settlers DeLassus made 

many grants of land. At the close of 1803 nearly one-half of the 
population of upper Louisiana was Anglo-American, residing mostly 
on farms and isolated homesteads. 

Several years after Laclede established his trading post, Clement 
Delor de Treget,**^ born at Quercy, Cahors, in the south of France, 
established himself on the Mississippi near the mouth of the Riviere 
des Pferes, about ten miles below Laclede's village, probably on the 
site of the original Jesuit missionary settlement. De Treget, it is 
said, had been an officer in the French navy. When he first arrived 

*" I Hunt's Minutes, Book i, p. 127, Missouri Historical Society Archives. 

*" Letter of Morales to De Lassus, August 5, 1801. 

"• And "was better built than any town on the river" and asserts that some 
of the best hewn stone of Fort de Chartres were taken there. 

**• Letter of Morales to De Lassus, January 21, 1802. 

"* Pierre Delor de Treget, son of Clement, was a captain of militia at 
Carondelet, and on the death of his father acted as commandant. Had a grant 
on road leading from St. Louis to Carondelet and on the Gravois. The first wife 
of Clement Delor de Treget was Catherine Marin, who died December 14, 1776, 
leaving four children, Pierre Delor de Treget, intermarried with Sophia Chou- 
quet; Madelaine, intermarried with Frangois Cailhol in 1781, and afterwards 
with Lambert Lajoie ; Marie Rose, intermarried with Alexis Marie, 1 784 ; his 
second wife was Angelique A. Martin with whom he intermarried February 15, 
1779, and of their four children Angelique intermarried with Hyacinth Pidgeon ; 
Felicite with Antoine Moitier; Margaret with J. B. M. Chadllon, and Agnes 
with Leon Constant, all early residents of upper Louisiana. The Ste. Gene- 
vieve church records show that one Jos. Delor de Treget resided there in 1774. 


in Louisiana, he settled at Ste. Genevieve, but in 1767 from that place 
came up the river with his wife; Charmed with the beauty of the 
country, the hills gently sloping to the shore near the mouth of 
the Riviere des P^res, and the diversified landscape of prairie and 
open woodland, he resolved to settle there, and here St. Ange made a 
grant, of land to him. At the foot of what is now known as El wood 
street he built a small stone house, residing there until his death. The 
stone house stood for a hundred years, but finally gave way to im- 
provements made by the Iron Mountain railroad in that locality. A 
village soon sprung up near his place of residence, known at first as 
**Delor's village,'' but afterward as " Catalan's prairie," so named 
for one Louis Catalan, also an early settler. Then the village was 
named Louisbourg, and finally, shortly before the acquisition of 
Louisiana, was called Carondelet, in honor of Baron de Carondelet, 
governor-general of Louisiana. Generally, however, the village was 
known as "Vide Poche" (Empty Pocket), a nick-name bestowed 
upon it by the habitans of St. Louis. It was also known as " Pain de 
Sucre." The village grew slowly, and for a number of years not 
more than twenty families lived there, principally engaged in agri- 
culture, cultivating an adjacent common-field, **a farming people," 
Chouteau testified.*'* The village had a common of 6,000 arpens, 
in fact more ** commons" than they were able to pay Chouteau for 
surveying, and the whole town was present when the survey was 
made. When Louisiana was acquired, according to Stoddard, the 
place consisted of fifty houses and had a population of about two 
hundred and fifty. Pierre Delor de Treget, son of Clement Delor de 
Treget, was syndic of Carondelet after his father's death. "A man 
with no capacity, he neither reads nor writes,'* says DeLassus, and by 
way of apology for this appointment, adds that he " was appointed 
captain commandant for want of others. "^ In 1 793 Carondelet first 
appointed him as sub-lieutenant to form a company of militia at "San 
Carlos del Misury " because "a person of courage, energy and good 
conduct." How rapidly, in many instances, the descendants of the 
French settlers retrograded intellectually and educationally in the wil- 
derness this instance shows. Delor de Treget himself undoubtedly 
was a man of culture and education, and that he should have allowed 
his family to grow up without even the rudiments of knowledge shows 
how indifferent to the importance of education the surrounding wil- 

**' American State Papers, 2 Public Lands, p. 672. 
^^ American State Papers, 2 Public Lands, p. 672. 


demess and isolation from civilized and civilizing influences made 
him, as well as many of the other early French and American settlers. 
Apparently without a struggle to impart to his family the knowledge 
he personally possessed, De Treget allowed his children to grow up 
in the grossest ignorance, little higher in the intellectual scale than 
the Indians by whom he and they were surrounded.*** 

*** Other residents of Carondelet were, Auguste Amiot (or Amyot) (1777), 
colored, in 1780 in St. Louis; Coussot (1778), Simon Coussot was in St. Louis 
in 1789; Jean B. Menard (1778); Louis and Joseph Menard (1786); Francois 
Lacombe (1791) on the Gravois near Carondelet, also owned a tract of land 
on the Maramec, which was granted to McFall but abandoned by him, another 
tract on the Isle k Boeuf, and in 1800 was a merchant in New Madrid, others of 
this family at Ste. Genevieve; Louis Ronde (or Ronday) dit Motie (1792), also 
a resident of Prairie Catalan near the village. The de la Rondes, according to 
Suite, were "interpretes et agents dans les contrees sauvages*' (7 Suite's Cana- 
dien Fran^ais, p. 41); Julien Chouquette (1793), owned property at the fork of 
the Mississippi and River des P^res, was captain of the militia, and had a sugar 
house which ne sold in 1804 to Antoine Pinoyer; Jean Baptiste Dauphin (Dol- 
phin or Dofine) (1794), on river Feefee in 1798, and at Portage des Sioux in 1802 ; 
Joseph Lemai (or Lemay) (1794); Frangois Fournier (1793); Frangois DeSalle, 
dit Cayolle (i 795), Louis Degieure (DeGuire) (i 795). A DeGuire family in Can- 
ada in 1 75 1, received the grant of a seigneury in Yamaska county, under name 
of DeGuire DesRosiers. A native priest of Canada in 1750 also named De- 
Guire. (7 Suite Canadien Frangaise, p. 45.) To this family the DeGuires 
in Missoiui may be related. A Louis Gcgieure was here in 1795, and likely 
the same person; Gabriel Constant, dit Laramie, Senior (1795), from Vin- / 
cennes, and Gabriel, Junior, at Belle Point near Carondelet, Julien Leon, Cath- 
erine and Joseph Constant, dit Laramie all lived in and near Carondelet, Joseph 
also at St. Ferdinand; and Gabriel, Senior, on the river Cuivre in St. Charles • 
district in 1800; Veuve Rondon (Rondeau); Auguste Gamache, Junior (1795); 
J. B. Gamache, Senior, and son J. B., Junior, (1795) ;Jean Baptiste gave his name 
m Hunt's Minutes as "DeGamache" (3 Hunt's Minutes, p. 103, Missoiui His- 
torical Society Archives.) The Gamache name famous in Canadian history. 
In 1652 Genevieve Gamache, dit Lamarre, married Julien Fortin, dit Bellefon- 
taine, in 1762 Nicolas Gamache and Louis Gagnier, dit Belleadvance, received 
the seigneury of Lafrenage. A Nicolas Rohault, Marquis de Gamache, a 
native of Picardy, gave 30,000 ecu to the Quebec seminary in 1639 ; his son, Rene, 
a Jesuit, induced his father to make this gift; Lambert Salle, c^t Lajoie(i795), 
may be a relative of Jean of St. Louis; Charles Vall6 (1797)1 owned a tract on 
the Gravois near Carondelet, but did not live on it ; Christopher Shultz and his 
two sons Peter and George (1797), evidently Germans, ana also had property 
in St. Louis; Frangois Roy (1800), also on the Mississippi in St. Charles dis- 
trict; Henry Chouauette; Joseph Leduc (1801), in St. Charles in 1802; Pierre 
Villeroy (or Villeray) (prior to 1802) from Vincennes. Others we find here prior 
to 1802 were: Frangois DesNoyer, also at St. Louis; Pierre Mason, probably 
a relative of Amable Partenay, dit Mason, of Ste. Genevieve ; Michael Tesson, dit • 
Honore, who had a two-horse power grist-mill, Victoire Tesson married George 
Shultz; Gabriel Hunot, also in St. Louis; Franjois Porier, in the common- 
field; Nicolas Gay, dit Gravir; Manuel Andre Roque, was the interpreter, ap- 
pointed by the English, to attend "Wabasha" in 1780, and perhaps a relative 
or the same person, who was associated with Calv^, also an English interpreter, 
had a son too was an interpreter; Augustine Dubay(or Dube); Jean Baptiste 
Bouvet (Beauvet or Beauvais); Louis Moques (or Mouques). Others who 
owned property here by right of purchase in early times: Louis Constant, dit La- 
ramie; Mary Ann Black; Pascal Mallet (Mayette) from Vincennes; Dominique 
Eugene (probably Uge of St. Louis) ; Antoine Pinoyer (1804) bought sugar-house 


When the United States took possession of Louisiana, the St. 
Louis district embraced all the territory between the Maramec and the 
Missouri and extended indefinitely west. The largest settlement in 
this district outside of St. Louis was St. Ferdinand, or San Fernando 
de Florissant. This village then contained sixty houses. The date 
when the first settlement was made here is not now known. It is, how- 
ever, supposed that about the time Laclede established his post some 
of the French immigrants from the east side established themselves 
near, and on Cold Water creek, engaged in hunting and incidentally 
opened up little farms in a conunon-field in the adjacent prairie. In 
1767 Francesco Rui established "Fort El Principe de Asturias" 
near the Missouri, eight miles or so from where the village of St. 
Ferdinand is now located and it may be that the history of the first 
settlement of this village is connected with the erection of the fort. 
The ancient village of St. Ferdinand was located on rising ground 
on one side of Cold Water, opposite a fertile prairie two miles wide 
and twelve miles long, running parallel with, and about two or three 
miles from the Missouri river. This region was known as Florissant 
or " Fleurisant" long before it received the name of St. Ferdinand or 
" San Fernando de Florissant, " and no doubt was so named because 
here we can well imagine the wild flowers then bloomed luxuriantly in 
the open prairie, and deeply impressed by their beauty even the rude 
hunters and trappers who first beheld the virgin land. Fountain ^ 
Biche or Cold Water, however, was called Fernando river (Rio 
Fernando) by the Spaniards. According to Perrin du Lac, Floris- 
sant was established in 1790 by "some inhabitants of St. Louis," ^ 
but in this he is evidently mistaken, because many families resided in 
this locality long before this time. San Fernando de Florissant is also 
supposed to have been a missionary station, but of this we have no 
definite evidence. Although this suggestion is not improbable, 
because the Jesuit missionaries at that time traveled far and wide to 
promote the cause of religion. The location of St. Ferdinand "would 
have been most agreeable, if the inhabitants had not sacrificed 
everything to the proximity of the stream, which, however, contains 

of Julien Chouquette; Devance Guion (1804); William Glenn; Jean Eugene 
Leitensdorfer; Francois Lemai; Louis Rivience (or Revence); Jacques Brunei; 
John Fardon ; Jean Baptiste Mousset ; William L. Long a witness of matters at 
Carondelet, and had an interest in a two-horse power grist-mill, and Z. Sapping- 
ton had a two-horse power grist-mill, Hyacinth Pigeon, Amand Micheau, had 
a shot factory below a landmark on the "commons" known as the **Sugar Loaf." 
Henry Morin, Amable Chartrand; Louis Courtois, also lived here. , 

*** Travels of Perrin du Lac, p. 48. 


water only one half the year.' ' ^* However, the village was located 
in a fertile land, fresh springs gushed from the hill-sides, and park- 
like woods interspersed with prairies made a charming landscape. 
Perrin du Lac observed, in 1802, that the people could live here in 
opulence if they were able to exchange at a reasonable rate the pro- 
ductions of their lands for clothing and other necessaries. During the 
Spanish occupancy of the country Francois Dunegant dit Beaurosier, 
was commandant of this village. DeLassus says that he was *^ an 
honest and brave officer;'' but that he could "not read and write," a 
poor man financially, but says Pascal Cerr^ **as to character, one of 
the best amongst us.' ' ^ Dunegant was in conunand of the settle- 
ment from 1780 until the acquisition of the country by the United 
States.**' The extent of his territorial jurisdiction as commandant 
seems to have been somewhat indefinite, but extended over the village 
and adjacent country to the Missouri, and as far east as the Missis- 
sippi.** A company of militia was also organized in this village. 
Of this company Don Francisco de Lauxier was sub-lieutenant in 
1793 — so also Francesco Moreau. In 1782 the Indians were very 
troublesome in that neighborhood. The earliest resident in the 
neighborhood of St. Ferdinand was Nicholas Hebert, dit LeCompte, 
who lived there in 1765. *** Nicola^.'Antoine and Francois Mare- 
chal, Jacques Marechal, and others of the same name were also here 
certainly as early as 1 785. Hyacmth Deshetre, an Indian interpreter, 
came over from Cahokia about the same time."* Pierre Deveaux 
(Devot), Joseph Montreaux and Noel Brunet were settlers in 1784, 
and Jean Baptiste Creeley, Creliz, or Crely, came from Kaskaskia in 
1787. He owned a wind-mill on the Mississippi in 1798. In 1824 
Joseph Presse*** gave evidence before Conunissioner Hunt as an " an- 

**• Travels of Perrin du Lac, p. 49. 

*" American State Papers, 2 Public Lands, p. 612. 

^ I Billon's Annals, p. 301. Auguste Chouteau erroneously says that he 
founded the village in 1796. — Hunt's Minutes, Book i, p. 127. 

"• Prior to his appointment as commandant, says he was a laborer at the 
post of St. Louis, in 1782 was at Fontaine des Biches. 

**• American State Papers, 2 Public Lands, p. 613. 

*** The Deshetres were a family of Indian interpreters; Louis Deshetre 
was one of the first settlers of St. Louis; Antoine Deshetre, another member of 
the family, married Marie Kiercereau in 1788, died in St. Louis in 1798, his 
wife surviving him seventeen years; and Jean Baptiste Deshetre was in St. Louis 
in 1768; and one Joseph Deshetre, a resident of St. Ferdinand, testified before 
Commissioner Hunt to events prior to the cession of Louisiana. 

*** Among other residents we find, Pierre Rousel (or Roussel) (1785), his 
property sold at public sale, also on the Cuivre in i8co; Auguste B. Trudelle 
(1786) also at New Madrid; Joseph Aubouchon, dit Yoche (1786), built a mill 


cient inhabitant. '' Hezekiah Lard settled in this neighborhood in 
1797, and erected a grist and saw-mill, which was in operation in 

later, also had a grant of an island in theMissouri river; Louis Reno (or Renault 
or Renaud) (1786) ; Joseph Hubert or Herbert (1788), seems to have been in the 
country in 1770, but afterwards in 1800 was in St. Charies district on the Cuivre, 
and on the Mississippi north of St. Louis. Frangois and Michel Creliz from Kas- 
kaskia(i787), no doubt relatives of Jean Baptiste Creliz. Alexis Cadot (1789); 
Francois Riviere (1790) ; Louis Ouvre (1790) ; Paul Dejarlais (1790), also on the 
Cuivre; Antoine Dejarlais (1790) on the Missouri and Cuivre in 1800; Baptiste 
Presse (1792) on Grand Rue, a Louis Baptiste Presse was here in 1796; James 
Williams (1790) from New Madrid; Quebec L'Evecque (1792) evidently a 
nick-name, an early inhabitant; Jean Baptiste DeLisle (1792) from Kaskaskia, 
in 1797 had property outside of the town on rivers Fernando and Cuivre, and 
in 1802 on Lake Gayoso in New Madrid district; Jean Baptiste Billon (or Billot) 
(1792), a Baptiste Billia or Billieu here in 1796, and married Pelagie B. Mare- 
chal Latour; Louis Picard (1794); Joseph Rivet (1794) ; Jacques Tabeau (1794) ; 
Joseph LaPierre (i 793), who may be Joseph Labbadie, dit St. Pierre, or LaPierre ; 
Frangois Honore(i793), at Portage des Sioux in 1802, also Village h, Robert; 
Herbert (Hunert) Talbot (or Tabeau or Tabot) (1794), seems also to have been 
in New Madrid; Michael Talbot; Francois Menard (1794) from Kaskaskia, 
where he served in the militia; Louis and Joseph Rapieux, dit Lamare (1794) ; 
Joseph Lagrave (1794) ; Baptiste (or Jean Baptiste) Lachasse (Lachaise) (1794)} 
Jean Baptiste Lachasse changed his name to Hunt, he was at Marais des Liards 
in 1802 and at St. Louis; Charles Lachaise; Madame Ladoucier (Ladouceur or 
Ladousier), an ancient resident and probably widow of Antoine ; Francois Men- 
delle (or Mendelet, dit Bracome), and Auguste Buron cultivated land as partners 
in 1794; Buron was also in St. Louis; Amable Gagne (1794) from Kaskaskia, 
where he made sugar on the Marais Apaquois or river Gagne; Louis Marie 
(1794) also in St. Louis; Joseph Cadien (1794) from Kaskaskia, where he served 
in Uie militia; Antoine Roy, dit Desjardin (1794), afterwards was on the Missis- 
sippi near St. Louis, where he built a wind-mill, also on Prairie Boeuf Blanc; 
Toussaint Robideau (or Robidoux) from Kaskaskia; Francois St. Cyr (1794); 
Michael Hebert (1794); Louis and Baptiste Aler (1795); there also seems to 
have lived here a Misset (orMinet) Alares, a Kaskaskia family, and the name is 
spelled in the American State Papers in every possible way. Alary, Alere, Allard, 
Allaire and Allari. It may be it should be spelled Allart, the name of one of the 
early missionaries, a Recollet priest; Joseph Presse (1794), also owned property 
sixty-five miles from St. Louis; Father Didier, priest of the village; Antoine Du- 
breuil (1795) and was on river Aux Boeuf s in St. Charies district in 1799; and 
Pascal Dubreuil, son of Louis, also Frangois; Romain Dufresne (or Dufrene or 
Dufraine) (1795). One of the one himdred associates of New France in 1627 
was Charles Dufresne, and secretary to the general of the galleys. Charles Mer- 
rier (1795) probably a branch of the Kaskaskia family of that name; Louis Tib- 
Ion, dit Petit Blanc (i 795) ; Pierre Payant, dit St. Ange (i 795), also in New Madrid 
district; Jean Baptiste St. Germain (1796); Noel Marechal (1796); Marion 
Labonne (1796); (Augustine) and Francois Bernard, dit L' European (1796); 
Franfois in 1797 had a grant in St. Charles district; J. Thp. (Theophile) Bou- 
doin (1796); Michael Castello (1796); Jacques Pera (Perez) (1796); Jean Bap- 
tiste Laurain(or Lorain), Junior ( 1 796) ; Louis Collin ( 1 797) ; Bernard Fetir ( 1 797) ; 
Jean Farrot (1797), very likely Jarrotte or Jarrette, or Farrow, all of which 
names are mentioned; Joseph Couder (Conder or Coudaiere) (1797), from Kas- 
kaskia where he served in the militia; Braconia (1797) Jean Bonin(i797), from 
Kaskaskia, on the river (creek) Fernando, and at Marais des Liards ; Toussaint 
Tourville (1797); Pierre Tourville (1797), between the Missouri and St. Fer- 
nando rivers, his land sold at public sale to Frangois Marat; Charles Tibeau 
(1797), on the Missouri and Fernando; Etienne Labonte (1790); Louis Liretet 
(1797) ; Auguste B. Lagasse (or Lagasa), sold in 1802 to George Fallis, an early 
American settler; Benjamin Verger (1797); Amable Montreuil (1797), probably 
a Kaskaskia immigrant; Palmer; Gabriel Aubouchon (1798); Baptiste Derosia 


1799. Tnideau assisted Lard in the construction of his mill by 
loaning him $200. The United States cantonment. Belief ontaine, was 

(DeSoca), dit Canadian (1798), may be the same as Jean Baptiste Derosier; 
L'Abbe Delorier (Delaurier) (1798); Amable St. Gem (or St. Jeme) (1799), 
probably related to the Beauvais, dit St. Jeme family of Ste. Genevieve ; Joseph 
Moreau (1799); Baptiste Lachall (1799); Joseph Tibeau (or Thibault) (1799); 
Louis Laior, dit Lajoy(e) (1799)) also in St. Charles district in 1800; Antoine 
Lenacal (Senacal) (1799) ; Charles Dejarlais (1799) at Portage des Sioux in 1802 ; 
Joseph Lamirande, Lamer or Lanunare (1800), from Saint Antonio Parish, 
lower Canada; Rincaid Caldwell (1799). on the Missouri near St. Ferdinand; 
Jean Baptiste Tesson (1799), and was at St. Louis, and also owner of property 
on Salt river in St. Charles district; Antoine Rancontre (1800) on the Missouri 
near St. Ferdinand, also in St. Louis; Jean Louis Vincent (1800) ; Louis Moreau 
(1800); Francois Drucis (1800); Amable St. Cenne (1800), came to the country 
and was in the employ of Mr. Bernard; Pierre Bargeron (1801); Eugennie Jer- 
rette or Madame Therbum, dit Jarette, in 1801 exchanged property with Joseph 
Lagasse; Francois Payant; Pierre Provench^re; Jean Mane Courtnay; Joseph 
Pelair (Pilaire); Amable Louis May (1804), on the Missouri and Fernando; 
Philipine Duchene (or Duchesne); Pelagic Belleville; Frangois Boulanger; 
Delas; Joseph Joinal (Joutal); Marie Joseph Dunand, priest of the village; 
Antoine Deroche ; Planchet, captain of militia at St. Ferdinand ; Baptiste, Mi- 
chael, Francois and Noel Honore, sons of Louis Honore, afterwarcf members 
of this family lived at Marais des Liards; Antoine Smith. 

In addition to these we find the following American settlers, either in the 
village and south of fork of the Missouri river, or in the adjacent territory: Ed- 
mond Hodges, who was syndic in the neighborhood in 1787; James Williams 
(1790) ; Cumberland James (i 793) ; William Musick (i 795), from Kaskaskia, also 
David and Thomas R. Musick, David was also at Marais des Liards in 1797, and 
part of the family on Feefee in 1800; John Brown (1796), from Kentucky, after- 
ward moved to Fox river, and in 1797 owned property at Marais des Liards, 
his son B. G. Brown taught school for many years; William Griflfen (1796); 
Isaac Crosby (1797), who in 1798 sold to Charles Mercier his claim in the com- 
mon-field; Thomas Williams (1797), on the Maramec and Williams creek in 
1800; Samuel, William, and Amos Duncan (1797), Amos afterwards removed 
to Pearl river in the Mississippi territory; Thomas Wilkinson (1797); Thomas 
Hooper (1797); William Palmer (1797), on the Missouri near St. Ferdinand, 
also claimed 1,000 arpents in the St. Charles district; Gilbert and Daniel 
Hodges (1798); Samuel Hodges, Senior, and Junior, (1798), also on the Dar- 
denne; Ebenezer Hodges, Senior and Junior (1798), all these seem to have been 
on the Missouri near the town; David Brown (1798), from Kentucky; James 
Smith, Senior, (1798), and his sons James, Eli and Levi; George Smith (1798), 
and at Marais des Liards; John Patterson (1798), from Kaskaskia, seems to 
have lived on the Mississippi in the Ste. Genevieve district, and also in the New 
Madrid district; George Fallis, land speculator (1798) owned a number of tracts 
of land around St. Ferdinand, had a tract on the Missouri near St. Charles in 

1800, bought Joseph Rivet claim, paying him in wheat; Bona venture Marion; 
Baptiste Marion, who was also in St. Charles district; Sarah James (1799) 
on the Missouri; John G. James (1800), who owned considerable property; 
Farquar McKenzie (1800); Peter and John Ellis (1800); William Herrington 
(1800); William Hartley (1800); Joab Barton (1800). 

Others here at an early date : James Whitesides ; James English, from Ten- 
nessee; Franfois Mandene; John Huit (Hewett); Uriah Campbell on the Mis- 
souri near the town ; Joel L. Musick ; J. J. James ; the fatl".er of Judge Hyatt was 
also an early and prominent resident here. At this time so much confidence 
was shown in each other, it is said that the first lock on a smokehouse caused 
great indignation. Hezekiah Crosly (or Crosby) ; Alexander Clark (also at Por- 
tage des Sioux), Joseph Todd and James Mitchell in 180 1 were residents near 
St. Ferdinand; Pierre Vial, dit Marritou (probably Meritoire), William Hart 
and Ira Nash (1801). 


afterwards located near his plantation. *^ Pascal Cerr^ and 
others said that all the springs in this locality were called " L'eau 
froid" since 1787. 

West of St. Louis, James Mackay, a native of the Parish of Kil- 
donan, county of Sutherland, northeast part of Scotland and one of 
the first English-speaking settlers of upper Louisiana, established a 
settlement known as "Sn Andre del Misuri,'* and of this settlement 
in May 1798 was appointed commandant by Gayoso. This village 
(now in the river) was laid off by one John Henry, in that part of the 
Missouri river bottom known as Bon Homme. Mackay was a man 
of education, a surveyor by profession and conversant both with the 
French and Spanish languages, was an able executive ofl&cer, a 
captain of the militia, and managed his settlements without friction, 
keeping down all dissension among the settlers. DeLassus says that 
he was an " officer of knowledge, zealous and punctual,' * and that " he 
caused roads and bridges to be constructed by the inhabitants.' ' In 
1797 he built a horse-mill on Wild Horse creek. In 1795 and 1796 
Mackay was employed by Carondelet, as " a person of great loyalty 
and merits'' to make an exploration on the upper Missouri, and in 
his letters to the Prince of Peace states that prior to that time he had 
been employed by the English with great success in an exploration of 
the countries on the Missouri " with the intent of opening communica- 
tion with the South Sea."*** As a general agent of the Com- 
pany of Missouri he was dispatched by Glamorgan, to discover 
the Pacific ocean, and left St. Louis in August, 1795, accompanied by 
a number of picked men, going by boat up the river. He made one 
of the earliest maps of the upper Missouri region, until that time an 
"unknown part of the world." His journal of this expedition deliv- 
ered to the Governor Don Manuel Gayoso, was never published by 
the Spanish government, but in search of material for this history, 

*** Other settlers in the neighborhood of Cold Water were : Elisha Herrington 
(1796) originally from Tennessee, but came here from Kaskaskia, where he 
served in the militia, was a mill-wright by trade, and built a mill in 1799 at St. 
Ferdinand, and had a flour and saw-mill on the Mississippi and Petite riviere 
St. Roman (or Sandy creek) in St. Charles district, in 1801 at Charboneau; 
John B. Hart (1797) ; Morris James in 1797 secured a grant on this stream and 
the Missouri, and began to farm in 1803; John N. Seeley (1800); Guy Seeley 
(1800); William Patterson (1803), a person of same name in New Madrid dis- 
trict; James James (1804); John Colgin (1799) near the village St. Andre and 
on Wild Horse creek; Mathew Wichant (1799), a German, on the Missouri near 
St. Andre; Leonard Farrow (1802) bought -Wichant property; David Cole; Na- 
thaniel Porter; William Tardy; Daniel Lyon; John Carpenter; Jonah Henry; 
all resided near the post of St. Andre. 

^** Letter to Prince of Peace, General Archives of Seville, dated June 3, 1796. 


in the Spanish archives, has been recently found. In 1798 Mackay 
complained to Gayoso that although he had been ordered to receive 
all honest and industrious persons, and especially good farmers, that 
the order to receive only Roman Catholics had been a ** mortal blow 
for upper Louisiana," and that the Indians as a consequence were 
beginning to plunder the people who had settled, of their cattle and 
horses. He says that to people the country wholly with Roman Catholics 
"is entirely impossible without great expense, and that in the United 
States not one in a thousand persons belongs to the Catholic church," 
and, concluding, remarks that "as we are deprived of the advantages 
of having a priest and church I hope that your Excellency will please to 
send us a flag to show the people when it is Sunday. " ^** One of the 
earliest settlers of this Bon Homme district was Richard Caulk, who 
arrived here in 1796 with his father-in-law, Lawrence Long, and was 
appointed syndic, acting in this capacity until the country was ac- 
quired by the United States, also acting as commandant in the absence 
of Mackay."* Subsequently he lived in the St. Charles district on 
the Mississippi Bluff and river Calumet, where he received a grant, 
Mackay says, as compensation for his services as syndic.**^ 

** Mackay married Isabella, a daughter of John Long after the cession, 
lived on Gravois creek; died in 1823. His children were John Zeno, George 
Anthony, James Bennett, Eilza May, Catherine May, Jean Julia, Emclia Anne 
and Isabella Louise. 

^** Caulk was from Maryland, and an officer in the militia and also received a 
grant of four thousand arpens on the Maramec. 

"^ Others who settled here were, Theopolis McKinnon dit McKinney (i 796) ; 
Jacob Coontz (1797) who resided near the mouth of the Bon Homme, at St. 
Ferdinand in 1798, also Marais des Liards and on the Dardenne in St. Charles 
district; Charles Kyle (1797) ; John Richardson came to the Spanish possessions 
in 1787, and lived here in 1797, from Kentucky and was a land speculator; Jesse 
Richardson (1797) from Kentucky; John Bayse (Basey or Beasy) (1797) on 
Missouri and Bon Homme, and in 1798 on the Mississippi; Lawrence Long 
(1796) father-in-law of Richard Caulk, was a large slave owner, settled on a 
grant of 1,000 acres including site of Chesterfield, and erected a flour-mill and 
saw-mill in this neighborhood; James McDonald (1797) of Mondelear, at Bon 
Homme settlement on the Missouri, also at Marais des Liards on Louis Hon- 
ore's claim ; William Massey (1797) a Catholic from Kientucky, owned two slaves, 
in 1799 was at Point Labadie on the Missouri, returned to Kentucky to get his 
family but seems never to have returned ; Joshua Massey at Marais des Liards, 
and Agnew Massey in Tywappity Bottom may have been relatives; Ephraim 
Musick (1797) at Marais des Liards; Asa Musick (1797) in this settlement on the 
Missouri; Abraham Musick (1797) sold to John Bear; Hugh Stephenson (1797) 
on Missouri; Michael Odum (1798); William Stewart (1798); John Stewart 
(1798) at this point on the Missouri, on the Grand Glaise in 1799; William 
Hamilton (1799) from Kaslraskia, who seems to have originally resided at Vin- 
cennes, was in military service; Jean Henry (femme) (1798) claimed a residence 
at a place called "The Taverne" on the Missouri; afterwards moved to Louisi- 
ana; Elisha Goodrich (1799) on the Missouri; John Lafleur (1799) a French- 
man, one of the voyageurs who accompanied Mackay on his voyage of dis- 


Another considerable settlement existed near and on Cr^ve Coeur 
in this neighborhood.**' Conway says that the name originated from 
this circumstance: That in 1796 after a big flood of the Missouri 
there was much sickness in the bottom and among the flrst French 
settlers there, that a large number died, and that the survivors aban- 
doned the locality, and hence the name "Cr^ve Coeur," broken- 
heart. The lower lake then was three miles long, and one fourth 
of a mile wide, but the other lake much smaller. At Point Lab- 
badie on the Missouri river, near the present county Une between 
St. Louis and Franklin counties, a settlement was also made, "• and 

covery up the Missouri, received this grant through Mackay for his services; 
Lydia Quick (1799) a widow who residwi at Spanish Pond, Robert Bay (1803) ; 
John Bell; Edward Young (1803). 

**• Among the first settlers on, and in the neighborhood of Crfeve Coeur lake, 
we find: Peltier (or Pelletier) Senior, (1787), a native of Vincennes where 
the family were ancient residents, his son Pierre was bom there in 1785, 
this Pierre bought property on the Missouri at St. Charles, and after his deadi 
his widow married Jean Baptiste Belland; Joseph Bodoin (Boudoin) dit L* 
Habitant (1788), trader and voyageur, on Rio Fernando in 1794 and in St. Louis, 
he was a son of Jean Bodoin who settled here at an early day, an Irish Catholic ; 
Jean Cordell (1796); John Long, Junior, (1796); Francois LeBerge (1796) was 
also at Portage des Sioux, and his land afterwards became the property of Ed- 
ward Richardson, originally of North Carolina, but an immigrant from Ten- 
nessee; George Gordon (1796); Joseph Conway (1797), was bom in Greenbrier 
county, Virginia in 1 763 ; moved to Kentucky with his father's family who settled 
at Ruddle's Station ; was there when the Station was attacked ; drove off the 
Indians; went out to reconnoitre, caught, tomahawked, had his skull broken 
and was scalped and was left for dead ; was at Ruddle's Station when Col. Byrd 
attacked it two weeks afterwards ; was captured and taken to Detroit wounded 
and with his head bandaged, but recovered and came to this settlement, and is 
the progenitor of the Conway family of Missouri ; died in 1830 ; John Ward (i 797) 
likely the same John Ward who came with Morgan to New Madrid in 1787; 
Gabriel Long (1797); James McCourtney (1797); Oliver Caldwell (1797), was 
a tenant of Lawrence Long; Robert Baldridge (1798); Joe Sip (1798) at Point 
bas de Creve Coeur and Missouri; Mary Sip married Noel Tesson in 1802; 
Thomas Whitley (1798), and at Village St. Andre, owned two slaves; Jonathan 
Wiseman (1799), Irishman; Robert Buchanan (1799), at Carondelet prior to 
1803, and St. Louis; Samuel Smith (1799) an Irish Catholic; Eli Musick (1799) ; 
Thomas Cropper (1799); Andrew Kincaid (1800); Andrew McQuitty (1800); 
Samuel Hibler(i8o2); Richard Young (1803); Edward Young (1803), in 1804 
on Maneto Saline ; George Washington Morrison, afterward a recruiting officer 
in the United States army and deputy surveyor, killed in Kentucky by an acci- 
dental shot in 1809, also acquired land in this neighborhood either before 01: 
inmiediately after the cession. According to James Long, Lawrence Long, Jos. 
Conway, Richard Caulk, James Green, John Chandler, Solomon Whitlpy 
with their families and several young men, among them Wm. Stewart of Ken- 
tucky, reached the Mississippi just before Christmas, 1797, opposite St. Louis, 
the ice running and river partially frozen over, and that they remained there 
until the ice broke in 1 798, and that the Governor of Upper Louisiana sent them 
tents, coffee, etc., and all settled in this region and Bon Homme bottom. — 
Draper's Notes, vol. 24, pp. 151-204, inclusive. 

**• The earliest settlers here seem to have been, Ephraim Richardson (1798), 
who was driven away by the Indians in 1802, but returned; John Dey (or Day) 
(1798), one McCoy lived here in 1799; George Pursley (1798), in 1803 was driven 


farther up the Missouri on Dubois creek, emptying its waters into the 
Missouri not far from Washington, in Franklin county, another settle- 
ment was formed by a number of Americans. **® 

But the oldest American settlement in upper Louisiana was on the 
Maramec. The name Hildebrand, twisted into "Albrane** by the 
Spanish officials, is found in the old archives as early as 1770. The 
Hildebrands or Hildebrants, came from Monogahela county, Penn- 
sylvania, and were Germans ; according to Mrs. Elizabeth McCourtney 
some of them were at Fort Jefferson; from there in 1782 came 
to upper Louisiana, where a member of the family had settled 
before that period. The name of Thomas Tyler is also notable as 
being here in 1774. In 1779 he acquired the* Hildebrand place, and 
in 1 791 transferred it to Jacques Glamorgan. In 1788 Tyler who had 
lived for six or seven years, near the Maramec had about eighty acres 
in cultivation, but, in 1 791, the Indians became hostile, and about this 
time Peter Hildebrand was killed by the Osages. Some of the settlers 
then fortified themselves, removing to a point in the fork of the 

off by the Indians, but gave George McFall permission to live on his place, 
which he did that fall, and made sugar there in 1804, also had property at Bon 
Homme; James Pritchett (1800), and at Isle aux Boeuf ; Peter Pritchett (1801), 
testified that in April, 1803, a man by the name of Ridenhour(John) was killed 
by the Indians in this neighborhood (on the Femme Osage across the river), 
which broke up this settlement until the following fall when most of the inhabi- 
tants returned, but Captain Joseph Conway says he was killed in 1801, and 
that the Indians were pursued by the settlers but escaped. Ridenhour and his 
wife were out hunting horses, and upon meeting the Indians who demanded the 
horses Ridenhour refused to give them up and rode off. The Indians began 
to shoot him and he fell off and soon died. His wife dismounted, took off the 
bundle and scared her horse away and the other horses followed. The Indians 
when they came up slapped her for scaring away the horses, but let her go. 
(Draper's Notes, vol. 24, pp. 151 to 204, incl) William Fullerton (1802); Am- 
brose Bowles (1803) on Labiadie creek, the present town of Bowles located 
about here, and named for this family, and some of the descendants still live 
there; Noel Musick (1805) at Point Labadie and river Feefee; Uri Musick 
(1805); John McMickle (or McMichael) (1799), saddler and tanner, secured a ^ 
land grant to establish tannery; Daniel Richardson (1803); James Stephenson ' 
dit Stephens, an early resident; Thomas Gibson (1802) also on river aux Boeuf s. 

*'• Dubois creek was at this time on the extreme frontier, and here we find, 
William Hughes (1794), who removed from Kentucky to Kaskaskia, then to this 
creek, was at Point Labadie in 1799; John SulUns (1799), on this stream and 
aux Boeuf, owned two slaves; John Long (1797), from Kaskaskia, makes a 
claim for 5,000 arpents under concession from Trudeau, and 5,000 on St. John 
creek and on Crfeve Coeur. A John Long seems to have had a claim on the Ho • 
mochitto in the Mississippi territory in Pearl river district ; Ezekiel Rogers (1800) 
was a renter here; John S. Farrow (1800); David Collum (1803), Leonard Far- 
row, was on Fox creek on road leading from the Richwood to St. Louis and 
Missouri in 1799; Smith Collum (1803); James Cowan (1803) lived also in Ste. 
Genevieve district; Alexander McCartney (or McCourtney) in 1799, with 
Adams McCourtney acquired property at Bon Homme; Jonathan Vineyard 
(1803), from Georgia, also in Bois Brule Bottom in Ste. Genevieve district. 


Maramec in the middle of the settlement for that purpose. That a 
considerable settlement existed at that time, on both sides of the Mara- 
mec, is shown by the fact that the first regular ferry established 
in Missouri, was established on this stream by Jean Baptiste de 
Gamache "^ so that regular intercourse might not be interrupted, 
between St. Louis and the settlements of Ste. Genevieve. Gamache*s 
ferry was established near the mouth of the Maramec, and remained 
in operation until about 1780, when, on account of the Indian dis- 
turbances, he or his employees were ordered away. Gamache was 
among the first residents of Carondelet, where he raised tobacco on 
his lot in 1795, and operated a primitive mill on the river des P^res. 
Louis Courtois, senior, made an improvement on the Maramec in 
1780, living here six years (unusual) owning a tract of 7,086 arpens, 
but in 1788 resided at Carondelet. Gabriel Cerr^, according to 
Chouteau, located a claim on the Maramec in 1782 near a salt spring.*" 
David Hildebrand was Cerr^^s tenant on the Negro fork in 1785. 
William Crow, from Kaskaskia, lived on this river in 1785, where he 
died and his widow married George Bowers. The Osage Indians on 
the Maramec seem to have been more troublesome than in other locali- 
ties, and Clamorgan says that in 1793 the settlers were driven away by 
the Indians repeatedly. *^ In 1800 Adam House, a farmer living 
near the mouth of the Maramec, was killed by the Osage Indians.*^* 

*'* Was born at Quebec 1733, married Charlotte D' Amours May 3, 1767, 
was with the first boat that landed at St. Louis, but moved to Carondelet where 
he died. 

*" Don Gabriel Cerr6 owned large tracts of land in the St. Louis 
and Cape Girardeau districts. In 1782 had a grant on the bead waters 
of the Saline and Maramec, including a lead mine, which he said 
he paid an American $200 to show him, owned a number of slaves 
and also worked a number of white men in his salt works on the Ma- 
ramec. In 1787 he received a grant on the Gravois and River des P^res, on 
which to build a saw-mill and flour-mill, establish a fruit garden and sow maize, 
but was frightened away "through fear of inroads of savages", and in 1804 
• assigned this claim to Reuben Smith. In 1798 he had some trouble with Louis 
Lorimier claiming the land where Lorimier had settled, and app>ealed to Gov- 
ernor Gayoso de Lemos, setting forth services he had rendered the government, 
but Gayoso decided the matter in favor of Lorimier and ordered the same amount 
of land to be surveyed elsewhere for Cerr6 as compensation for his services. 
In 1800 he owned property at St. Charles, and also in New Madrid. 

*** 2 Public Lands, p. 566. 

^** Of this murder Pierre de Treget makes this brief and graphic report: 
"Repaired to the Renault Forks, with the few militia I could assemble in pur- 
suit of the Indians, on reaching the place I found an old man dead, head cut 
off and laid at his side, scalp taken and body full of wounds from musket shots, 
and a few paces by a boy eight or nine years old, head cut ofiF lying near him, 
face smeared with blood, with a small piece of maple sugar in his mouth, no 
wounds on his body from either musket or knife." (i Billon's Annals of St. Louis, 
p. 298.) Robert Owen of Marais des Liards was appointed guardian of the 


Not only the Osages, but the Indians living in what is now Pemi- 
scot, New Madrid, Stoddard and Dunklin counties, and perhaps 
composed, as De Lassus says, of runaway Creeks, Cherokees, 
and other vagabonds of the tribes from the southeast Gulf 
territory, would make raids into this district. Against these the 

minors Betsy, John, and Peggy House, by Pascal Leon Cerr6, ensign of the 
militia. At this time (1800) there also resided in this neighborhood Mathew 
Lord; Jame s C raig; Andrew Park; James Gray; Adam Stroud; Joshua Mc- 
Donalci; also "William Belle w, a settler on the Maramec in 1778, and on 
Wild Horse creek, and Missouri at Bon Homme settlement in 1795-97; David 
Hildebrand (1780) on Negro fork, in 1795 at Village i, Robert, also St. Louis 
and Isle i. Boeuf ; Abraham Hildebrand (1780) also on Negro fork; Bazil Des- 
Noyers (1783) who owned two Indian slaves, was driven off his place by maraud- 
ing Indians ; Jean Gerrard( 1 782) ; Philip Fine ( 1 786) near the mouth of the Mara- 
mec, a brother of David; in 1795 at Village i, Robert, on the Mississippi in 1800 
and in St. Louis; Jacob Schelling, a German (i 788) ; John Pyatt (i 790), on Negro 
fork, was driven away by the Indians, lived at Marais des Liards in 1798, 
returned in 1800 to the Maramec, and was again driven away, and some of the 
farmers were killed here in 1805, according to the testimony of James Richard- 
son; Philip Shultz (1790), on Negro fork, apparently a German; William Boli 
(1794), Mary Bolli married J. B. Tesson in 1802 ; Francois Bittick, had a grant 
adjoining Courtois; Francois Poillevre in 1793 received a grant on the Mara- 
mec from Trudeau, road to St. Louis ran through this grant, which he sold to 
Charles Gill of Grand Ruisseaux de Kaskaskia, including a "petite tan yard", 
one Catalan had lived on the land, made some improvements and then deserted 
it, this Poillevre also received 1,600 arpens from DeLassus in 1800 on the river 
Elstablishment, but never settled it. It may be that Poillevre was known as 
Catalan-Gill (or Guill), also had a grant on Gravois in 1797 and on Sandy 
creek, in 1798 sold his land on the Maramec to Tersy (Jesse) Keyne, and this 
may be Jesse Cain who lived in St Charles district, and afterwards on Byrd or 
Hubble creek ; Joseph Neybour (or Neubauer) 1 794, a German, also at Marais 
des Liards in 1795 ; John Neybour (1794) German, at Marais des Liards in 1795, 
sold his property there, and was on the Mississippi in Ste. Genevieve district; 
James Head, from Kaskaskia, settled on this river prior to 1793, but abandoned 
his claim; Isaac Hildebrand dit Asie Ellebrand (1795) also at Marais des Liards 
and St. Louis; Madame Loitie, prior to 1796 owned property on the north side 
of the Maramec, lying between the Ruisseau de la Fontaine and Ruisseau Bap- 
tiste Poriot, part of which she sold to Jacob Wickerham, a German, in 1796, 
and part in 1797 to Jacques Glamorgan. Wickerham also had a claim on 
Negro fork in 1797, but claimed the Indians interfered with his improvement 
there; John Coleman (1796) an Irishman, lived on a farm below Mill creek at 
Gorman Point; Thomas Donner (1796), likely a son of Jacob Donner, appar- 
ently a German; George Sip dit Sheepe (1796); John Cummings (1797), on 
this river and the Missouri; Christopher Carpenter (1797), relative of John on 
the Missouri; Dr. John Watkins, an American speculator, made a claim to a 
league square, or 7,056 arpens, of land here granted him in 1797, but never lived 
on it, seems to have lived in St. Louis, and from there removed to New Orleans ; 
Jean Baptiste Rouillier dit Bouche lived on Black Water emptying into the Ma- 
ramec in 1797, but sold his farm to John or James Stewart dit Tuckahoe, who 
was also an early resident on this creek; Mathias Vanderhider (1797) on Negro 
fork; Mark Wideman came to the country in 1798, and with his family settled 
on the Negro fork by permission of Francois Vall6, also John Wideman ; Sarah 
Pruitt (or Prewitt) widow of Charles Prewitt, lived here in 1798, was a sister 
of John Wideman; John and Samuel Prewitt, also said to l)e early settlers in this 
neighborhood. Pascal Leon Cerr^, a son of Gabriel, claimed a league square, 
including a big salt spring, on the Maramec, granted in 1798 by Gayosa de 
Lemos in consideration of the service of his father, owned several slaves, was 


Renards and Saukees also made predatory excursions, meeting on the 
tributaries of the Maramec. "* 

sub-lieutenant of militia, and says he made a journey to Canada in the interest 
of the government; John Boli (1798) had a ferry on the Maramec, served in the 
militia under de Treget at Carondelet; Francois Bourasses (1799) ; Joshua Sha- 
fers (Shaver) also an early settler here; Paul Robart dit Robar (1799) was after- 
wards employed to assist in surveying Gamache's claim on this stream, was 
also at Carondelet; Hardy Ware, cultivated land here in 1799, was on Little 
Rock creek and at Mines in 1803; Michael Fostin (1799) from Kaskaskia, his 
grant extending across the Maramec; Jonathan Hildebrand (1799); Bernard 
Pratte (1799) a resident of St. Louis and also had claims on the St. Francois; 
John Williams, senior, (1800); Ninian Bell Hamilton (1800), the Orphan 
Protectorate founded by the Catholics situated on part of his grant, also 
at Bon Homme; Andrew Hamilton; Jacob Collins (1802) on Negro 
fork; James Stewart (1802) on Black Water fork of this river; William E^tep 
or Elstes (1802); David Delauny (1800), a Frenchman, Spanish officer, formerly 
an inhabitant of the Isle of St. Domingo, first came to Ste. Genevieve in 1799, 
but was induced by DeLassus to come to St. Louis and had property in St. 
Charles district; James Davis (1803) land speculator on Negro fork; Jacob 
Connor (1803); James Sweeney (1803) owned ten slaves, afterwards moved to 
Louisiana ; Joseph Horn (1803) ; Hugh McCullough (1803) ; Joseph Kiver (1803) ; 
Peter Lashaway (1803 or prior); John Caldwell (1803) on this stream and the 
Missouri, but stopped by the Indians from improving; Samuel Bay (1803); 
Aquilla Wickerham (1803) on Negro fork; T. Thomas Moses (or Mores) ; John 
Brindley; Mary Gill (1807;; Christian Ewalt (Devalt or Twelt) Hildebrand 
(1804) on Negro fork; Pierre Tornat or Tournat dit Lajoie (1800) had a tract 
in the bottom on this river,Giguire (DeGuire) and Boudoin (probably Jean 
Boudoin dit THabitant) worked for him living in camp made of clap-boards; 
and Levi Thiel. 

On Grand Glaise creek, a branch of the Maramec we find Alexander Mc- 
Donald (1797); Andrew Parker (1797); John and Paul Whitley (1799); Levin 
Cropper (1798), from Kaskaskia, where he served in the militia; Joshua Tansy 
(1799) on this stream and at Marais des Liards; Edward Butler (1801) and 
Philip Roberts (1802) and their mother Mrs. Ann Skinner, who was also on 
the Joachim; Jonathan Skinner; William Drennon (or Drenning) (1801) at 
White Oak Springs; Peggy Jones (1803) ; William Miller (1803) ; Thomas Henry 
(1803); John Hensley (1803); William and David Hensley (1799); John Ball 
(1803) ; Thomas and Edward Mason, from Kaskaskia. On Little Rock creek, 
another branch of the Maramec, the early actual settlers were all Americans, 
thus we find Samuel Wilson and his son John(i8oi); John Henderson (1802); 
John Gillmore (1803); George Smirl, senior, (1801); James Smirl (1802), and 
George, junior, on Sandy creek in 1801 ; Joseph Uge. 

On Gravois, another branch, were Pierre Lajore (Lajoie) (1790), a witness 
for the settlers on this stream and the Maramec ; Francois Lacombe of Caron- 
delet (1791); Hugh and Samuel Graham (1798); Sophia Bolaye (Boli) (1796), 
on aux Gravois near the mouth of the river des Pferes; Barthfelemi Harrington 
(1798); Pierre Dodier (1803), who sold to John Sappington and he erected the 
first horse mill for grinding grain in the township ; Pierre Lejeuness, from Kas- 
kaskia, where he served in the militia; Louis Courtois, junior, (1799) on this 
stream 69 miles from the mouth of the Maramec, was a resident of St. Louis. 

On another branch, the Matis, Mattest or Mathias, we find David Fine, 
who came to the country with Elisha Baker in 1798, made a settlement, and 
with Eli Musick and wife, and Judge Joseph Sale, organized the first Baptist 
church in 1809 or 10 in the township, which in 1883 was still standing, and 
known as Concord church; John Romine was in the neighborhood in 1798; 
Michael Masterson (1799). 

**• Autobiography of Black Hawk, as published in Pioneer Families of Mis- 
souri, p. 463. 


In addition to these important settlements, American pioneers 
pitched their locations on Fifi or Feefee creek,*** on Gingras, ^^ on 
Wild Horse creek,"* on Maline creek,"* and on Sandy creek.*** 
Also a village near the Missouri river, only about three or four miles 
from St. Ferdinand, was laid out by permission of the lieutenant- 
* governor, Trudeau, by Robert Owens,*** who had been a resident of 
the country since 1 789, and where, in 1 793, Francois Honore and others 
had first formed a station to protect themselves against the Indians. 
Maturin Bouvet, as deputy surveyor, surveyed and platted the place 
in 1794. The settlement became known as "Marais des Liards," 
and also as **Village k Robert." The Wabash railroad now passes 
here and the station is called Bridgeton. After the cession the 
inhabitants obtained one thousand arpens as a common-field. 

*** Richard Sullens (1799), on this stream and the Missouri; Nathan Sullens 
(1802); Absalom Link, who lived here made a visit to Kentucky, and brought 
back clover seed, which he cultivated until it came into common use, it had 
never been cultivated up to this time; he was also at Marais des Liards; John 
Murphy (1799), on Feefee and at Marias des Liards; Edy or Ewel (Uel) Musick 
(1800) ; Samuel Harris, on this stream and Fox creek, his son William, afterwards 
a member of the State legislature, was bom here in 1809 ; Lanham Hartley, from 
Kentucky ; Nicholas Hebert dit Lecompte also had a claim, but probably never 
lived on it. 

*•' On this creek, George Crumb or Crump (1803) and in 1800 a person of 
the same name on Missouri river. Here also Antoine Vincent Bouis of St. Louis 
made claim to land. 

^••JiVilliam Bell, from Kaskaskia, settled in 1797, was on Cold Water and 
also in St. Louis; Alexander Graham (1798); James Calvin (1798), from Kas- 
kaskia, in 1797 lived in L'Aigle prairie in the Illinois country, on the Cuivre in 
1799 and remained there until 1804, and was resident on the Missouri. Henry 
McLaughlin says that Edward Perry in 1797 lived for a year on this creek. 

*•• The first settlers here were Seth and Richard Chittwood (i797),and Isa- 
bella Chittwood, widow of John Pound (1797); John Allen (1798) probably 
John F. Allen who was a witness for various claimants of land on river des P6res 
in 1798; James Richardson had a still-house on this creek in 1799. He was one 
of the earliest American settlers in the St. Louis district ; came from Kentucky ; 
killed a man there and hence fled to upper Louisiana. His family followed 
him to upper Louisiana and he settled near Marias des Liards. 

*•• William Jones (1798), at Grand Glaise in 1797 and Bellevue settlement 
in 1803; John and Ben Johnson (1800), Ben was afterwards a justice in this 
locality; William Null, senior, (1800), and on Joachim in Ste. Genevieve district, 
also William Null, junior; David Boyle (1803) also on the Joachim; Roger 
Cogle; Gabriel Cobb (1803); Richard Glover (1803); William Moss (1803); 
John Litten (1803); Wm Johnson. 

*•* This Owens came from Maryland; could talk French and was intimate 
with the French settlers ; was shoemaker by trade, and even after he became a 
farmer would occasionally make a pair of shoes. He first settled on the Mara- 
mec, but when the Indian troubles began there moved to the place which became 
known as Owen's Station. Adam Martin, Thos. Hardy, Wm. Hooper, Jacob 
Lurty and Wm Clark joined Owens in "fortine". He afterwards moved to 
Big River, and died there in 1829. His wife died at the age of 90 in 1840. 
(Mrs. Elizalseth McCourtney's narrative in Draper's Notes, Vol. 2, pp. 151-204.) 


A number of Americans opened up isolated farms in this neigh- 
borhood, or cultivated a part of the Marais des Liards common- 
field,**' and in 1806 established a school in the village. Other 
pioneers further up the river secured concessions and settled on 
the south side of the Missouri, ^^^ and still others located themselves in 
various parts of this extensive district, far away from the village of 
St. Louis. 

*•* Thomas Worthington and son seem to have been among the earliest set- 
tlers in the village in 1 794, but one Birot claimed the lot on which Worthington 
lived, in the name of one Solomon. This Thomas Worthington was a revolu- 
tionary soldier. James and Joseph Worthington who settled in the Cape Girar- 
deau district may have been his sons or relatives, so also Charles Worthington 
of Opelousas in lower Louisiana. Joseph St. Germain first settled here, but in 
1796 went to St. Ferdinand, was also in St. Louis; William Belon (1795) also in 
St. Louis; Alexander Clark (1797) but because he had no spring on his land he 
claimed the adjacent land where there was a spring, also had a grant fifteen 
miles northwest of St. Louis, in St. Charles district, from DeLassus, also bought 
of Jean Baptiste Mortes (or Hortes) who was here in 1797, but afterwards in 
St. Louis; Jonas and John Sparks (1797); John Chambers (1797) from Kas- 
kaskia, originally from Kentucky; William Campbell (1797) on St. Fernando 
river; Joseph Williams (1797) near here on the Missouri, was also on Bourn's 
land on Grand Glaise; Solomon Petit (1797) also at Portage des Sioux; Elias 
Metz'(i797) on the Maline; Charles King (1798) from Kentucky, Timothy 
Ballew; Jean Baptiste Buron (1798); Solomon Link (1799) at White Oak Run; 
Juan Wedsay dit John Whitesides (1799), his widow Phoebe Wallace; Jacob 
Lentz ; Louis Rogers dit Indian Rogers, chief of a part of the Shawnee Indians, 
who planted themselves here about thirty miles northwest of the lead mines. 
Rodgers was a ver>' respectable and worthy man and a warm advocate of Indian 
civihzation, offering a teacher who would stay with the Shawnees "plenty of com 
and plenty of hogs", and to erect a house for him (Morse's Report, p. 236); 
Joshua Massey (1803) at White Oak Run ; Mathew Ramsey ; Peter Tamp (iSioi;^ 

*•* These were, John Scarlet and John Waters ( 1 796) had a concession of 
four hundred arpens on this river; John Chandler (1797), came to the coun- 
try with Richard Caulk in this year, and secured a grant from Trudeau on this 
river; Sam and Ebenezer Farrow; Peter Rock (or Roque) (1797); John Scott 
(1797) ; Peter Vaughn (or Valign) (1797), in 1800 sold to William Brady; Joseph 
Griffin (1797) had a coal mine on this river, his son Joseph, junior, lived on 
the Missouri in St. Charles district in 1800; John Howe; William Burch dit Burts 
(may be Busch dit Bush) was here prior to 1798; Vincent Carrico (may be Tor- 
rico) (1798) ; Dennis Kavenaugh (1798) ; Aaron Colvin (1798) on a stream above 
Tavern Rock south of the Missouri, " sur ruisseau au dessus de la roche du Tav- 
ern rive sud du Missouri;" John Bishop (1799) a German; Louis Delisle, junior, 
(1799) Creole, on Santa Buxa del Rio; David King Price (1799); Robert Ram- 
say (1799); Lawrence Sidner (Sydener) (1800); John Doghead, (1801), likely 
a relative of Isaac Doghead, who settled on Big river; Robert Barclav. 


St. Charles — Boundaries of District Vaguely Defined — Settlement of St. 
Charles Founded by Blanchette — Don Santiago Mackay Commandant of 
a Post Named St. Charles, but Evidently Another Place — Don Carlos 
Tayon, Commandant — Survey of the Village by Chouteau — Common 
Fields of St. Charles — Chouteau's Attempt to Build a Water-mill — VDlage 
of St. Charles and Population 1707 — Names of ^arly Settlers of St. Charles 
and Vicinity — Portage des Sioux Settlement — How it Obtained the Name — 
Military Importance of This Post — Creole Immigration — Names of Pioneer 
Settlers of Portage des Sioux — Surveys on Salt River Interrupted by Indian 
Attacks — Settlement of Charette — Daniel Boone — Names of Pioneer Set- 
tlers of La Charette — Femme Osage — The Boone Settlement — Names of 
Early Settlers — The Cuivre Settlement — Names of Early Settlers — First 
Settlement on the Pemiqut — Names of early Settlers — The Claim of Clam- 
organ — Settlement on the Dardenne — Other Settlements and Names of 
early Settlers. 

The district of St. Charles embraced all the territory within the 
limits of the Spanish boundaries north of the Missouri river, and 
extended vaguely westward.^ No particular limits either on the 
north or west of this district were ever officially promulgated. That 
the district was supposed to extend indefinitely to the north is shown 
by the fact that one Basil Giard claimed a league square of land 
opposite Prairie du Chien as being within this district, the famous 
coureur des bois, Pierre Dorion, Senior, being produced as a witness 
to prove this claim.^ The so-called "Spanish Mines," a tract em- 
bracing 148, 176 arpens of land, or twenty-one leagues square, near 
the city of Dubuque, Iowa, claimed to have been granted to Julien 
Dubuque by Carondelet, was also considered in this district. 

St. Charles, the earliest and most important settlement north of the 
Missouri river and in the district, was at first known as "Les Petite 
Cdtes" and afterward as " Village des C6tes" — this from the fact that 

* American State Papers, 2 Public Lands, p. 715, Testimony of Albert Tis- 

' American State Papers, 2 Public Lands, p. 529. This Basil Geard, or 
Giard, "settled upon Prairie du Chiens" in 1781, together with Pierre Antaya 
(Pelletier) and Augustine Ange. These names all occur in the Ste. Genevieve 
church records. A Basil B. Geard married there in 1 783, so also a Franjois 
Ange in 1790 and a Michel Antaya resided there in 1784. These are pre- 
sumably ail related to the first settlers of Prairie du Chien, who, in 1781, 
purchased from the Indians through Gov. Patrick Sinclair, then at Mackinaw, 
nine square miles of land. They were all Indian interpreters and traders. The 
Giards were very early settlers in the American Bottom. The name appears 
in the St. Anne Church records in 1726. Gabriel Cerr6 married a Catharine 
Giard at Kaskaskia in 1 764, where she was born. 



the village was situated at the foot of a range of small hills, sufficiently 
high to protect it from the overflows of the Missouri. The census of 
1787 calls the village : " Establecimiento de los Pequenas Cuestas " 
— ^Village of Little Hills. Shortly before the cession the village was 
officially known as "San Carlos del Misuri.*' The first settler was 
Louis Blanc hette. Perez, in 1792, speaks of him as " fundator y 
prim^ro habitdnte de Sn. Carlos del Misury." It is usually said that 
Blanchette le Chasseur (the hunter) was the first settler, and hence 
the ordinary reader, unfamiliar with French, often conceives the idea 
that " Chasseur* ' was the name of the founder of St. Charles. This 
Blanchette was a native of the Parish St. Henry, Diocese of Que- 
bec, Canada, and a son of Pierre Blanchette and Mary Gen- 
sereau. In 1790 he married Angelique, a Pawnee woman.' 

There seems to be reason to believe that, for a time, at least, 
Blanchette's settlement was officially known at New Orleans by 
the name of **San Fernando." In 1793 Baron de Carondelet made 
an order referring to the fact that a new settlement had been formed 
"in the district of Ylinoa by the name of San Fernando," and 
it "being necessary to provide for the civil and military govern- 
ment of the same, because of good conduct, distinguished zeal, 
exactitude, probity and disinterestedness, which are requisite to 
insure confidence in the administration of public affairs, and these 
qualifications being united in Mr. Blanchette, therefore, exercising 
the authority in me vested by said royal decree, I declare and nomi- 
nate for special lieutenant, with the rank of captain of militia of the 
said settlement of San Fernando, its boundaries and jurisdiction, the 
said Mr. Blanchette, immediately subordinate, however, to the cap- 
tain commandant of the establishment of Ylinoa." Blanchette at no 
time lived in the village of "San Fernando de Florissant," where 
Francois Dunegant dit Beaurosier acted as civil and military com- 
mandant as early as 1791, and hence I conclude that when Baron de 
Carondelet in 1793 made the order appointing Blanchette lieutenant 
and captain commandant of "San Fernando" he referred to the 
village Blanchette had founded. Blanchette no doubt acted as the 
first civil and military commandant of the settlement St. Charles 
prior to 1792 — but it is not certain thpat he acted as such in 1793 
under this order which appears to have been issued by mistake.* 

' *' Angelique, sauvagesse, nativois des Panis Piques d' autre part *' it is 
said in the marriage contract preserved in the St. Louis archives. 

*I am indebted to Judge Walter B. Douglas for the following additional 
facts as to Blanchette : 


Don Santiago Mackay is also often referred to in ancient documents 
as the conunandant of St. Andrew and St. Charles, but this must be 
some other place known as St. Charles, because before he came to 
upper Louisiana, in 1792, Don Carlos Tayon had been appointed as 
commandant of the district of St. Charles and its dependencies, and 
remained in command until Louisiana was acquired by the United 
States. Tayon was one of the original settlers of St. Louis. He 
entered the Spanish service in 1770, participated in the capture of Fort 
St. Joseph, as second in command under Captain Pour^e dit Bcau- 
soliel, and on account of the valuable services rendered by him in that 
expedition received the rank of lieutenant in the stationary regiment of 
Louisiana. He rendered other services afterward to the government 
in operations against the Indians, training the militia and protecting 
the district, using a great part of his own property in public employ- 
ment. His rank as lieutenant was the only compensation he received 
in addition to the monthly stipend of $11 as commandant of St. 
Charles, and which it was claimed was " seldom paid." ^ In consider- 
ation of his services in 1 786, Don Francesco Cruzat made a grant to 
him of sixteen hundred arpens of land on the river des P^res in the 
neighborhood of the present Forest Park, now in the city of St. Louis; 

"The census of 1787 of St. Charles or the " Habitaciones del Estableci 
miento de las pequenas cuestas" contains the following about Blanchette: 

"Juan Bapta Blanchet, aged 51, 
Maria Su Mujer, .... " 48, 
Sus Hijos { Bapta . . " 24, 
\ Maria.. " 21." 

His occupation is given as "Labrador" or farmer. His household con- 
tained in adciition to those named above, one carpenter, one huntsman and 
four laborers. The occupation of his son Baptiste is given as huntsman 
(Cazador). In this census his name is placed three-fourths of the way down 
the list, and nothing is said about his having an} official position ; indeed, no 
official is designated in the census. 

In the census of 1791, the first name in the St. Charles list is " Don Luis 
Blanchette." This census does not give the occupation of the men or 
designate the officials. But in the Florissant list the first name is Beaurosier, 
whom we know to have been the principal officer of the village. In Carondelet 
the first name is " Don Clemento Delor," and in Ste. Genevieve " Don Enrique 
Peyroux." From this it is to be inferred that Blanchette was in 1791 the chief 
officer of St. Charles. Also from an affidavit of allegiance taken by several 
persons before Blanchette it appears he was the chief officer of the place. His 
signature is written by Caspar Roubieu, lieutenant, and is written Luis 
Blanchet. Blanchet makes his mark." 

I may also observe that the statement made by Auguste Chouteau, as 
noted down in Hunt's Minutes, Book i, p. 127 (Copy in Mo. Hist. Society), " les 
Petites Cotes was established by Blanchette Chasseur A. D. 1796, and called 
St. Charles, 1804," undoubtedly was misapprehension by Hunt of what Chou- 
teau said. 

* American State Papers, 5 Public Lands, p. 779. 


but this land, not being- promptly surveyed and his official duties 
preventing his settling on it, was, as land increased in value and 
many Americans flocked into the country, taken possession of by 
others, " to his surprise. "• So, in order to avoid trouble and because 
of his "love of peace," he asked Governor DeLassus, in January, 
1800, for another grant "in any other part of the vacant domain," 
and accordingly DeLassus, "having taken cognizance of this matter" 
and "as a proof of our approbation," ordered that "the surveyor of 
this part of upper Louisiana, Don Antonio Soulard, shall survey in 
favor of Don Carlos Tayon the quantity of land mentioned in his 
above title and concession (i. e., made by Don Francesro Cruzat) m 
any other vacant place in the royal domain, at his will and choice."' 
In addition to this, another grant of ten thousand arpens was made as 
a reward for his services to Francesco Tayon, Junior, his son. This 
concession was on the River Renaud (Fourche k Renault), in the dis- 
trict of Ste. Genevieve.* DeLassus, in his report to Captain Stoddard, 
as to the personal characteristics and qualifications of the command- 
ants of the various posts, says that Tayon "is a brave officer and 
zealous in obeying orders he receives when he can comprehend them," 
but that "he gives himself to drink" and "that he recently committed 
an injustice to the inhabitants of his post," and which "is already 
too important for his capacity to regulate as he should," and he adds 
"as he neither reads nor writes." ^ That he was "zealous in obeying 
orders" is shown by an incident given in the testimony of Francois 
Duchouquette, who says that when his brother Pierre was attacked 
and wounded by the Delaware Indians, he made complaint to Gover- 
nor Perez, and that he sent out a party under Tayon to punish these 
Indians. Tayon, with an energy and promptitude that astonished 
the Spanish officials, vigorously pursued the Indians and killed a 
number of them. For this he was afterward ordered to New Orleans 
to "explain" his "zealous" conduct, and after no inconsiderable 
trouble and, no doubt, numerous explanations and excuses, he was 
finally permitted to return " vindicated." The killing of Indians was 
by the Spanish authorities not overlooked as a mere venial offense. 
La Trail says that Tayon when he was commandant at St. Charles 
occupied the lot upon which the first house in the village was built, 

• American State Pap)ers, 5 Public Lands, p. 780. 
' American State Papers, 5 Public Lands, p. 780. 

• American State Papers, 5 Public Lands, p. 779. 

• I Billon's Annals of St. Louis, p. 336. 


being the square now numbered 19 bounded on the south by Mc- 
Donald, west by Main, east by Missouri and north by Water streets, 
and from this we infer that Blanchette must have first erected his hut 
on this block when he made a settlement at what is now St. Charles. 
This lot had a front of two hundred and forty by three hundred feet 
in depth. 

The first survey of the village was made by Auguste Chouteau, 
under order of the Spanish authorities, but the map of the village, if 
Chouteau ever made a map, has not been preserved. Gabriel La 
Trail says that he assisted in this survey, likely carrying the chain. 
This Gabriel La Trail in 1824 was one of the oldest residents of St. 
Charles, and one of the principal witnesses before Commissioner 
Hunt testifiing as to the ownership and occupancy of many of the lots 
in this village, and according to Dr. Mackay Wherry, he was always 
considered " a man of truth." *° Louis Barrada, Senior, also assisted 
in this survey. Another old resident was Joseph Laurain, who settled 
in St. Charles in 1784. He, too, was an important witness before the 
commissioners, as well as Jean Filteau or Felteaux, who afterward 
went to St. Louis. Jean Baptiste Belland, Senior, appears to have 
been one of the earliest residents of St. Charles, but this Belland 
also was an early resident of St. Louis. Jean Provost, Francois 
Dorlac (or Durlac)," Baptiste Brusier, upon whose lot was situated a 
spring called "Maxwell Spring,'* Don Antonio Gautier, Gotier or 
Gaultier (1786), lieutenant of militia, near St. Charles at Marais le 
Temps Claire and Marais Croche, and in 1796 at Cul de Sac; and 
Michael La Sage severally were among the pioneer settlers. Don 
Pedro Troge — who had emigrated from Cahokia, where in 1780 he 
was huissier — in 1791 was one of the prominent residents of the 
village. In 1793 he was commissioned by Governor Carondelet as 
lieutenant of the militia. 

All the early inhabitants of St. Charles, although engaged more 
or less in hunting and the fur trade, were engaged in tilling the soil, 
cultivating two common-fields adjacent to the village, one known as 
the upper" and the other as the lower field. The lots in these com- 

*• Hunt's Minutes, vol. i, p. 40, Missouri Historical Society Archives. 

" A Francois Dorlac, one of the earliest residents of Ste. Genevieve, owned 
property in the Big field in 1760; a resident of the village in 1774, may be the 
same person. Perhaps a German, as I have seen the name spelled " Dur- 
lach " in the Ste. Genevieve Church records. Judge Douglas tells me that the 
name is a Breton name, and that the family is still living in St. Louis and is not 

*' American State Papers, 2 Public Lands, p. 68g et seq. 


mon-fields were similar in extent to the common-field lots in St. Louis, 
being one arpent in front by forty in depth. The St. Charles com- 
mon-fields were bounded on the east by Marais Croc he (Crooked 
Swamp) and west by the public lands, and embraced considerable 
extent of ground. In addition, fourteen thousand arpens belonged to 
the villagers in common. This grant the inhabitants secured for 
their necessary fencing and fuel from Lieutenant-Governor Trudeau 
in 1797, and in making this grant he says: "Having been informed 
that the land demanded for timber is not at all fit for settlement, on 
account of its overflow every year, and that the said timber growing 
on it is only fit for firewood, and can renew itself in a short time, not 
being like that of the hills, which it is experienced never grows up 
again (sic), and said lands being nig best and at proximity to the vil- 
lage of St. Charles and of the several tracts granted in the prairie of 
said village, whose inhabitants would have to procure wood from a 
much greater distance, the same shall remain (as well as all the other 
adjoining it, either ascending or descending the Missouri, and which 
were demanded by the several petitions to us directed, with the present 
one of M. Tayon) to the king's domain, and for the common use of 
said village of St. Charles, as well as for the use of all the lands granted 
or to be granted in future in the prairie of said jurisdiction of whi( h 
M. Tayon will notify the inhabitants, and particularly those who have 
petitioned for the same, and whose petition I herewith remit to 
him."*^ And in i8oi DeLassus, with reference to the same sub jei I, 
writes that "if the common of the inhabitants of St. Charles is not 
sufficient, we do permit them, provisionally, to enlarge it according 
to their wishes, without insuring to them the right of property for 
which they are to petition as above," i. e., to his lordship the Intend- 
ant of this province. Pierre Blanchette, one of the leading inhabit- 
ants, testified before the commissioners to adjust the land titles, that 
unless the people had secured these commons to supply them with 
fencing and fuel, they would have been compelled to abandon 
the cultivation of their lands.** These commons were surveyed by 
Mackay and his deputy, John Ferry (or Terry), who afterward was 
killed by the Indians. La Trail also claims to have assisted in this 
work. In 1797 the village of St. Charles was surrounded by a fence, *^ 

*' 3 vol. Minutes of Commissioners, p. 68. 

^* American State Papers, 2 Public Lands, p. 672. 

'* Chouteau vs. Eckert 7 Mo. Rep. 15. 


a part of this fence separating the town from the common-fields 
and common wood and pasture land. 

In 1787 Auguste Chouteau received a concession to build a mill 
about "fifteen arpens above St. Charles," on a branch called St. 
Augustine, but he assigned this claim to his brother, Pierre Chouteau, 
who started work on the mill, getting out timber to build a dam, Noel 
Mongrain, nephew of Cheveux Blanc, assisting in the work. A 
quantity of clay was hauled for the dam to strengthen it, but in the 
spring of 1788 the milldam, such as had been constructed, was swept 
away by the flood. We have no evidence that this water-mill was 
ever built. In 1790 John Coontz (or Coons), a German from Illinois, 
however, had a mill in operation on his lot in St. Charles. This 
Coontz was a slave owner, and before he came to St. Charles, had 
been a resident of Illinois for fourteen or fifteen years. Hyacinth 
St. Cyr, a former resident of St. Louis, had a horse-mill in the 
village in 1796. John Cook, also, had a mill there in 1799. Cook 
owned property on the Dardenne, on Cook's run. Francois 
Duquette, a French-Canadian, born in 1774, first lived at Ste. 
Genevieve, but came to St. Charles in 1796. He established a 
wind-mill in a stone circular tower — about 30 feet in diameter, 
which had been erected as a fort. He was one of the 
principal traders and merchants of the village, a large land own- 
er, and in 1794 married Marie Louise Beauvais, daughter of Vital 
Beauvais, of Ste. Genevieve. Rene Dodier, one of the original 
settlers of St. Louis, cultivated land for him in 1801. 

The population of the village of St. Charles at no time prior to 
the cession of Louisiana exceeded one hundred families. Antoine 
Lamarche says that the village was composed of eighty families in 
1797. The houses, about one hundred in number, in which the four 
hundred and fifty inhabitants then lived, were scattered along a single 
street about one mile long, running parallel with the river, each 
house being located in a large lot surrounded by a garden. At that 
time the population was chiefly composed of French-Canadians and 
their descendants. "In their manners they unite,** says Lewis, "all 
the careless gaiety and ample hospitality of the best times of France, 
yet, like most of their countrymen in America, they are but ill qualified 
for the rude life of the frontier. Not that they are without talent, for 
they possess much natural g»inius and vivacity; not that they are 
destitute of any enterprise, for their hunting excursions are long and 
laborious and hazardous, but their exertions are desultory, their 


industry is without system and without perseverance. The surround- 
ing country therefore, though rich, is not generally well cultivated. 
The inhabitants chiefly subsist by himting and trading with the In- 
dians, and confine their culture to gardening, in which they excel."" 
But Gen. CoUot, who visited the village in 1796, says: " Aussi est- 
il difficile de trouver un rassemblement d'invididus plus ignorans, 
plus grossiers, plus laids, et plus miserables." — all of which he at- 
tributes to extreme poverty.^' 

One of the principal inhabitants of the village was Noel Antoine 
Prieur, the secretary of the commandant, Don Carlos Tayon. This 
Prieur was a cripple, having lost his leg while pulling down a small 
house which had been presented him by Fran9ois Duquette. Prieur 
was "chanter" in the little chapel of the town; he owned property in 
the upper fields of St. Charles, also on the Dardenne ; two of his sons 
had grants in Portage des Sioux. Another important resident was 
Dr. Antoine Reynal, who, in 1799, removed from St. Ix>uis to St. 
Charles, and resided there as a physician until his death in 1821, at 
the age of 80 years.^® 

*• Lewis & Clark's Expedition, vol. i, Coues' Edition, p. 6. 

" Collot's Voyage dans L*Amerique, vol. i, p. 578. 

*• Other settlers of St. Charles, some of whom cultivated land in the upper 
and lower common-fields were, Barth^lemi Courtmanche (1782); Ix>uis 
Blanchette (1785), raised wheat on his lot (1799); Isidore Savoye (1791), who 
was a resident of Cahokia in 1787, cultivated land in both the upper and lower 
common-field; Jean Louis Marc (1788), at one time lived on the "Tudros 
Trace", which seems to have led from St. Louis to St. Charles, and was the In- 
dian road to their hunting grounds. Marc's wife was frequently insulted by 
these Indians, so he moved to St. Charles for protection ; he made a trip up 
the Missouri, and in 1798 was a tenant of Antoine Vincent Bouis on the Mis- 
souri, making sugar on his place; this land was situated between the land of 
Emelian Yosti and Nicolas Lecompte; Marc also seems to have lived at St. 
Ferdinand, and had a concession sixty -five miles north of St. Louis; Pierre 
Gagnon (1789) afterwards moved to Cul de Sac. This Pierre Gagnon in 1780 
lived in Cahokia. Andrew Roy (1790) ; Nicolas C. Coontz, probably a relative 
of John, also a slave owner, was here in 1 795 and was employed in expeditions 
against the Indians, in 1796 owned property at Marais Croche; John B. Grazer, 
in 1 789 built a bam on the lot of Gagnon ; Claude Paneton was here about 1 790, 
was also a resident of St. Ferdinand, and in 1786 appears to be a resident of 
Cahokia; Paul Lacroix (1794), no doubt also related to the Cahokia fam- 
ily ; Jos. Laurain ( 1 794) ; Joseph Beauchemain ( 1 795), on the Perruque in 1 800 ; 
Charles Cardinal (1795), and cultivated a field in Upper Prairie; Louis Can- 
noyer (or Comoyer); Jean Baptiste Contara(i795); Romaine Dufraine or Du- 
frene (1795); Deshomets (1795); probably Bazil Hebert dit Deshomet of St. 
Ferdinand, who we find here in 181 2; Auguste Felteau (1795); Joseph Fortier 
(1791); Pierre Palardi (1795), in 1802, moved to Perruque creek; Quenel 
(1795), probably Pierre of Cahokia; Antoine Bricot (or Bricant) dit Lamarche 
(1796), and his son Antoine, junior; Paul Canoyer (1796); Comme (1796) died 
in this year, and his property sold at auction to one Tuton, or Tusson ; Tous- 
saint Cerr6 (1796), in 1800 owned an island in the Mississippi river, six miles 
from the mouth of the Missouri, called by the French "Le Grand Isle de Paysa" ; 
Pierre Didier (or Dodier) (1796) ; Edward Hempstead afterward acquired con- 


The most important settlement in the St. Charles district was Por- 
tage des Sioux, located on the Mississippi on the tongue of land between 
this river and the Missouri, and where the Missouri approaches near- 

siderable property in this district, as well as in St. Louis and near St. Ferdinand ; 
Jean Baptiste Lamarche (1796), a Canadian, on the Maramec and Missouri in 
1798, on Lamarche creek and also a resident in St. Louis; Baptiste LaFlame 
(1796), no doubt a descendant of Charles LeBoeuf dit LaFlame (see Alvord's 
Illinois Hist. Col., Vol. IL, page 627); Clement Misty (1796), in the lower 
fields; Jacques Metot (1796), owning field in upptr fields; Marie Ann Quebec 
(1796), also cultivated land in the lower fields; Joseph Rivard (or Rivare) 
(1796); John B. Senecal (1796) Joseph Tayon(i795), and son Joseph, junior; 
Charles Vall6 was in this district in 1796, and find him at St. Charles in 1802; 
Joseph Voisard (1795), in 1802 opened a farm of twelve arpens on the Dar- 
denne; Jeremiah Wray (1796); Louis Human or Hunot (1796) in the upper 
fields, in 1797 on Cuivre at "Prairie des Butes,'* died in 1802; Louis Bartolet 
(1797)1 Antoine Barada (1797); Ukely related to same family in St. Louis, or 
the same person; Francis Tabien (1797); Francois Jourdan (1797), at Portage 
des Sioux in 1800; Antoine LaFranchaise (or Frianchise) (1797) son of Madame 
LaFranchaise who owned a lot also in the town; Isidore Lacroix (1797); Wil- 
liam McConnell (1797)1 slave owner, and in 1803 was Commissaire and syndic 
of the rivifere aux Cuivre district, in 1797 a firm under name of McConnell & 
Spencer did business in St. Charles; Frans'oisPresseau( 179 7); Nicolas Royer 
dit Cola (1797); Baptiste Roy (1795); Bertran (1798); Nicolas Fay (1796); 
George Gatty (1798), from Pennsylvania, in 1 799 on the Dardenne and Mis- 
soiui; John Henry (1798), on Bonne Femme in 1798; Pierre Bissonette(i799), 
also in St. Louis; Jean Marie Bissonette (1799) ; Louis Louisgrand (1799), near 
St. Charles, (possibly Louisgow), or Louisgand, the same who lived in Cahokia 
in 1780; Pierre Rondin (1799) a negro, sold in 1805 to Pointe AuSable; Gre- 
goire Tessero dit Bebe (1799); John Vallet (or Vall6) (1799); Claude Boyer 
(1800); Pierre Clearmont (1800), at Portage des Sioux in 1801; Jean Bap- 
tiste Doe (or Dow) (1800); Pierre Dubois; Baptiste Lebeau (1800), also m 
St. Louis; Joseph Lamarche (1800); a Joseph P. Lamarche on Salt river in 
1800; Nicolas LaForret (1800), sold to Pierre Bequet (or Bequette) who sold to 
Ortiz, and in 1803 sold to Pierre Chouteau; Joseph Marie (1799), in 1800 sev- 
enty-four miles north of St. Louis; Pierre Provench^re (1800), Uved with Char- 
les DeHault De Lassus a number of years; August Robert (1800); Francois 
Carbonneaux (or Charboneau) (1801); moved away from Kaskaskia where he 
had been clerk of the court, on account of lawlessness there ; Pierre Canoyer (or 
Comoyer) (1801), a Frenchman; Baptiste LeSage (180 1); Joseph Peache (or 
Pichet) (1801); Patrick Roy (1801), also at Portage des Sioux; Pierre Teaque 
(1801); Jean Tayon (1801), and on the Mississippi; Francois Girard (1802) near 
St. Charles; Baptiste Janis (1802), but sold in 1805 to meet his obligations; 
Antoine Lamarche (1802), also owned property on Lamarche or Spencer creek ; 
Joseph Larava also in St. Louis (1802), owned a lot in partnership with Nich- 
olas Fay; Baptiste McDaniel (1802); Baptiste Penrose (1802); Bazil Pickard 
(1802), also at Portage des Sioux; Baptiste Picard (1802); Francois Ragotte 
(1802); Manuel A. Roque (1802), and in St. Louis; Jean Baptiste Simoneau 
(1802); Louis Tayon (1802), son of Carlos, senior, in 1802 moved to a stream 
north of the Missouri; Alexander Vall6 (1802); Pierre Berje (spelling of name 
uncertain); Ayme (or Agnice) Buat(i796) in the upper fields of St. Charles; 
Nicolas Boyer; Baptiste Cote (or Cotte) ; George Collier; Veuve Ellen Cheval- 
lier; Joseph Hubois; Etienne Dorwain, in 1798 sold his property here; Baptiste 
and Auguste Dorlac ; Michael Deroy ; Antoine Derocher (or Deroche) ; Duples- 
sis, (or Duplacy) ; Joseph Girard also seems to have been in Ste. Gene\'ieve 
district and elsewhere; Pierre Garreau; Antoine Janis, junior; Nic- 
olas Janis; Joseph Jervais, also on Little Prairie; Pierre Labre dit St. Vincent; 
Jean Baptiste and Francois Langlois; Baptiste Lucier; James and Jesse Mor- 
rison (1800), from New Jersey, bought and operated the salt works at Boon's 


est lo the Mississippi, north of the mouth of that river. According to 
Beck, Portage des Sioux derived its name from the fact that the Mis- 
souris, ^ho at one time had their huts near here, being at war with 
the Sioux, and having heard that the Sioux were coming down the 
Mississippi on a foraging expedition, with the hope to surprise them, 
ambushed themselves at the mouth of the river in considerable num- 
bers, but the Sioux, being more cunning, instead of going to the mouth 
of the river, landed at a point since known as Portage des Sioux, above 
the mouth of the river and carried their canoes across to the Missouri, 
and thus evaded their enemies, and escaped with their spoils. 

The village of Portage des Sioux was established at the instance 
of the Spanish authorities in 1799, and to countervail, in the words of 
Trudeau, "a military post which the Americans intended to form at a 
place called Paysa,'* a point near the present site of Alton, not far 
from the mouth of the Missouri, on the opposite or east side of the 
Mississippi. Although no such military establishment was formed 
there by the Americans, no doubt it was rumored that such an estab- 
lishment would be made. It was a point always thought to be a 
favorable location for a military post to control the trade on the 
Missouri river. When the English first took possession of the Illinois 
country on the east side of the Mississippi river a military post near 
the mouth of the Missouri was recommended as highly import- 
ant. Frazier, in 1768, urged the establishment of a fort opposite 
the mouth of "the Missouries'* river, "which would give us com- 
mand of that river."" So, also, when the Spaniards took possession 
of the Illinois country west of the Mississippi, the first military 
movement was to establish a fort north of the mouth of the Missouri. 
In 1799 the Spanish authorities appear again to have been deeply 
impressed with the importance of a post at or near the mouth of the 
Missouri, and accordingly Francois Saucier, at that time a resident of 
St. Charles, was requested to form a settlement at what was then 
known as "La Portage des Sioux," and to draw to that point Creole 
inhabitants from the east side of the river, and who, according to 

Lick, Jesse Morrison afterwards moved to Illinois; owned property on the 
Dardenne, and in 1803 on Brj'ant or Lost creek ; Marie Marchand (or Merchant) 
Charles Machett, may be Joseph C. Machett whose name is found in the ar- 
chives; Joseph Aubouchon; Joseph Picketts; Francois Prieur; Pierre Quebeck; 
Jean Baptiste Savoye, at St. Louis in 1801 ; Toussaint Soliere or Soulair; Abra- 
ham Smith; Joseph Tabeau; Randolph or Rudolph dit Rody Veriat, also on 
the St. Francois river in the Ste. Genevieve district; William Wooton; Louis 
Laurain, (Lorain) ; Joseph Cote. 

*• 2 Indiana Historical Publications, p. 415. A place known as*'Payssa** 
existed there in 1783. Alvord's Ills. Hist. Coll., vol. 2, p. 153. 


Trudeau, had expressed a desire to settle there, and this being a 
"population analogous to the one wanted in this country.** Such a 
settlement he also thought would be a respectable guard to stop 
the depredations of the Indians from "the rivers Illinois and Missis- 
sippi upon the plantations in the interior of the country/' on the 
Missouri, but of course making no reference to the no doubt silent 
object of also protecting the country against a possible American 
invasion, of which the Spaniards were then as apprehensive as of the 
Indian "depredations." Trudeau selected Saucier to establish the 
village, because he enjoyed the confidence of the Creoles on the 
American side of the river. Saucier himself was a native of the Illinois 
country, born near Fort de Chartres in 1740. His father, also named 
Francois Saucier, was a captain of the French marines, and under 
his direction Fort de Chartres was finished. In 1765, when Fort 
Massac was surrendered to the English, Francois Saucier, Junior, was 
in command there, and after the surrender removed to the west side of 
the Mississippi, then still in the French possession. Trudeau, in 
furtherance of the idea of establishing a village at Portage des Sioux, 
urged Saucier to quietly induce the Creoles living on the American 
side of the river to settle near the post, and to encourage them by 
giving every facility to form a village, assinging to the settlers land 
near the same, so as *Ho enable them to live at ease and be forever 
content," and thus "to collect the greatest number of people.** 
Soulard was ordered to be ready "on his first demand** to go to the 
spot "where it is fit the village in question should be, ** and to make a 
survey. Saucier was also assured, if he succeeded in accomplish- 
ing what Trudeau proposed, that this important service would be 
appreciated by the government. Saucier accordingly took up his 
residence at Portage des Sioux early in the spring of 1799, had the 
village laid out, induced many Creoles to settle there and acted as 
commandant of the post until Louisiana was ceded to the United 
States. Soulard says that Saucier was the father of twenty-two 
children. He died August 6, 1821, at the age of eighty-one years, in 
the village which he had founded.^" For his services. Saucier received 

^ Says the St. Charles "Missourian" of August 8, 182 1, He was the founder 
of the village and one of the first settlers of upper Louisiana, he lived as he died, 
"beloved and respected." His five daughters married respectively: Colonel 
Pierre Menard, Colonel Pierre Chouteau, senior; James Morrison; Jesse Mor- 
rison and Jean Francois Perry. Fran<;^ois Saucier's second wife was Fran^oise 
NicoUe Les Bois, widow of Charles Le Febvre, of Cahokia. She was the eldest 
daughter of Etfenne Nicolle Les Bois and Marie Angelique Giard, his wife, of 
Cahokia. They were both poisoned by their negroes (Alvord's Ills. Hist. Coll. 


a grant from DeLassus of 8,000 arpens of land. This concession was 
made to him by DeLassus on the i8th day of September, 1799, and was 
located on Salt (Auhaha, or 0-ha-ha) river, and the deputy surveyor, 
Charles Freraon DeLauriere was ordered to make the survey by Sou- 
lard. DeLauriere says that he experienced great difficulty in making 
the survey, and that he was twice driven away by the Saukee and Fox 
Indians, although well armed. This grant, except 1,000 arpens, was 
rejected by the first board of land commissioners, but in 1832 the 
remainder, 7,800 arpens, were confirmed to Saucier 's heirs. The 
Saucier grant was adjacent to the grants of LeBeaume and De- 
Lauriere on Salt river, at a place called "La Saline Ensanglant^e " 
(Bloody Saline). Here we should note DeLauriere made salt in 1799 
at the extreme frontier, fortified himself against Indians and had a 
cannon to resist their attacks.^^ 

Among the early inhabitants of Portage des Sioux we find Pedro 
Vial, who was sent by the governor of New Mexico to explore a route 
from Santa F^ to St. Louis in 1798; Francois Lesieur, who claimed 
four hundred arpens near Portage des Sioux, and three thousand 
in the St. Charles district, which he assigned to Antoine La Marc he. 
But this Francois Lesieur should not be confounded with the Francois 
LeSieur, commandant of Little Prairie. Other settlers were August 
Clermont, who came from the village of Prairie Du Pont, in 
the Illinois country, likely in 1795; Simon and Antoine Le 
Page, also from the Illinois country; Baptiste Pujol; David 
Esborough, and Mathew Saucier. Patrick Roy, Charles Le Fevre and 
Solomon Petit came to Portage des Sioux from the lower fields of St. 
Charles. Claibourne Rhodes was a resident of the town in 1799, but 
relinquished his claim in 1800, and secured a concession of land 
on the Mississippi, intending to establish on it a distillery, cutting the 
logs for it, but was deterred from building by the Indians, who killed 
three men near the tract of land he had secured. Another early 
resident of Portage des Sioux was Antoine Le Claire, a blacksmith, 
who died there in 1821. He was a native of Montreal, and 
married into a prominent Pottowatomie Indian family in 1792. In 
1800 he was a trader, living in Milwaukee, and thence removed to 
Peoria, and from there in 1809 to Portage des Sioux. At the time he 

vol. ii, p. 19). Franfoise was bom Sept. 19, 1761, and married Saucier Oct. 
7, 1793. Her sister married Francois LeSieur Jan. 28, 1799, also one of the 
first settlers of Portage des Sioux. Madame NicoUe Les Bois was bom at 

Kaskaskia, daughter of Antoine Giard, and sister of Madame Gabriel Cerr^. 
** American State Papers, 5 Public Lands, p. 731. 


lived in Milwaukee he was the only trader there. He was a man six 
feet high, well built, and a successful trader. His son, Antoine Le 
Claire, Junior, was United States interpreter in 1833, at the Saukee 
and Fox agency, when J. B. Patterson secured the autobiography of 
Black Hawk. Le Claire, the son, was a prominent citizen of Por- 
tage des Sioux and on intimate terms with the Indian agent, Major 
Thomas Forsythe.'' In 1818-19 the American Fur Company had 
one of its traders, Antoine St. Amont, stationed at Portage des 

Fifty miles up the Missouri river from the village of St. Charles, 
in what is now Warren county, and where a creek empties into the 
Missouri river from the north, there was a settlement known as La 
Charette. The original French name of the settlement has disap- 
peared, and for it the name of Marthasville, located about a mile from 
the river, has been substituted. Three miles north of this vill^e still 
stands the house in which the famous Daniel Boone died. La Charette 
creek and another creek known as Tuque creek, flowing parallel to it, 
meander through a fertile bottom. A Spanish fort, "San Juan del 
Misuri," was established here, and of this fort one Antonio Gautier, 
lieutenant of the militia, and who in 1796 was an "inhabitant of St. 
Charles," had command. What manner of fort this "San Juan del 

'* 3 Minnesota Historical Society Collection, p. 140. 

^ Among other early settlers and inhabitants of Portage des Sioux, we may 
enumerate, Auguste Charan (1797); Alexander Clark (1799); Charles Eber 
(1799); Joseph Louis Gow (or Goe) (1799); Baptiste McDonald (1799); John 
Mc Quick (1799); Estevan Papin(i799); Baptiste Pujol (1799); Louis Charles 
Roy (1799); Jacques Godfrey (1799); Mathew Saucier, junior, (1799); 
Crosby (1799), possibly Hezekiah, whose name we find later; Charles 
Hebert (1800); Francois Leclaire (1800); Baptiste Presse, senior, (1800), and 
his son Baptiste, junior, also of St. Louis and St. Ferdinand ; Charles Saucier 
(1800), son of Francois; Abraham Dumond (1801) at Carondelet in 1802; 
Michael Gow (or Louisgaud probably of Cahokia) also here; Charles and 
Alexis Lefevre (1801); Francois Moquez ' (1801) ; Julien Roy (1801), and 
Julien, junior; Joseph Challefous (or Challefoux) (1802); Joseph Guinard 
(1802); Joseph Gravier (1802); Joseph Gravelin (1802), and Joseph, junior; 
Joseph Papin (1802); Jacques Perras (1802); Francois Racine 1802), had 
a blacksmith shop here in this year; Joseph Lapatry (1803); Thomas Lusby, 
native of Ireland, came first to Illinois and in 1800 to the Spanish territory, 
his son Elliott, it is claimed was the first white child bom in the town; John 
A. Seitz (1803) ; Ebenezer Ayers, from an eastern state, settled at the Point near 
Portage des Sioux, at a very early date, had a horse-mill, and was a large fruit 
grower; the first Protestant sermon north of the Missouri, it is said, was preached 
in his house; in 1804 he was appointed justice of the peace, one of the first 
under the American government; Charles Roy; Etienne Bienvenue; Joseph 
Couder; Catharine Delisle; Jean Baptiste Dofine; John King; Francois 
Longval (or Louval) ; Napoleon LeSieur, also at New Madrid ; Edward LeSieur ; 
Lefevre LaNoire ; Marie Ombre ; Louis Pujol ; Charles Picard ; Alexander and 
Simon Roy ; Pelagie Robideau ; Julien Papin Vasquez ; Richard Taylor on the 
forks of the Cuivre. 


Misuri' * was, we do not know, nor whether the garrison was a squad 
of Spanish soldiers or compobcd of local militia; but most likely this 
fort was a small log-house built to protect the first settlers against the 
Indians. All remembrance, however, of "Fort San Juan del Mis- 
uri'* in 1804 appears to have faded from the recollection of the 
people there. Gass names the settlement **St. John," in his journal 
of the Lewis and Clark expedition, and this name may be a survival 
of the name of the fort once located at this place. Among the earliest 
inhabitants of the vanished village La Charette, we find the name of 
Joseph Chartran (sometimes mis-spelled Shattrons), who was the 
syndic of the settlement, probably a relative of Amable Chartran, 
of Cahokia, and, no doubt, of the family found in Montreal as 
early as 1668. Joseph Chartran came there from St. Charles. In 
1796 he was one of the lot owners of the Upper Prairie. Gass describes 
La Charette as "a small French village, situated on the north side," 
and says that the expedition camped one quarter of a mile above it, 
and that "this is the last white settlement of white people on the 
river. " According to the official report of the expedition. La Charette 
consisted in 1804 of "seven small houses and as many poor families, " 
who have fixed themselves here for the convenience of trade.'* 
Brackenridge, when he passed up the Missouri river in 181 1, 
says: "La Charette is a little village composed of about thirty 
families, who hunt and raise a little corn. It was founded by the 
original French colonists, and was for a time the residence of 
Daniel Boone, after he removed farther up the river from the 
Femme Osage." ^ 

Above the village La Charette,^ and the creek of that name, 
was, as the early French pioneers named it, "Riviere Tuque." 
Tuque is sometimes written "Duque" in these days. On this creek 
Joshua Stockdale (or Stogsdill) settled in 1799 ; so, also, John Haun, a 

'* Lewis and Clark's Expedition, p. 9, Coues' Edition. 

* Brackenridge's Journal, p. 19. 

*• Among other settlers of this region, in the town and on the stream, we 
may enumerate, Abraham Darst (1799), had an orchard on the creek in 1804, 
perhaps the earliest orchard north of the Missouri river, if it was indeed planted 
as Thomas Smith testified (2 P. L. p. 474); Joseph Chartron, junior, was also 
a resident of the village on the river; Thomas Witherington (probably Worth- 
ington) and son John in 1799 had property on the river Charette; Jean Baptiste 
Luzon, Louison or Leauzon ( 1801) settled between LaCharette and the Missouri ; 
Pierre Burdeaux (1801) on the river; Joseph Arnois (or Arnoux); Pierre Blan- 
chett (or Blanchette) received a grant on the Missouri near the village, and 
on the Tuque; James Meek (1803); Adam McCord (1803); Moses Russell 
(1803); Pullet (Polite) Cardinal, in 1805 had sugar camps on the waters of 
Charette; Veuve St. Franceway (Franjois). 


German ; William and Stephen Hancock in the same year opened a 
farm at the mouth of the creek; Frangois Woods, who came to the 
country with the Hancocks, originally made a settlement here, but 
afterward sold his property and lived on the Perruque.'^ 

About twenty miles from St. Charles, the Femme Osage empties 
its waters into the Missouri. This creek is about thirty yards wide, 
and during the Spanish dominion an American settlement was 
formed here. The earliest settler was Daniel Morgan Boone, in 
1797, a son of Dan'el Boone, and a slave owner, then indicating a 
man of wealth.^* His father subsequently, in 1799, came to the 
country on the invitation of Trudeau, who promised him a grant of 
one thousand arpens of land.* In 1800 he was appointed by De- 

" On this stream James Bryan or Bryant settled in 1 799 ; he was also on the 
Missouri and in St. Louis, if the same person ; David Bryan settled on this stream 
in 1800 near the present town of Marthasville, he was a native of Maryland, and 
had a large orchard which he grew from apple seed brought from Kentucky 
in his pocket; his aunt married Daniel Boone, and they were both buried on 
his farm; John Burnet (1801); Gabriel Marlowe (or Marlot) settled here under 
permission of the syndic Chartran in 1802, but in the same year sold out his 
claim to John Busby ; Benjamin Rogers ( 1 799) a witness for settlers on this 
stream, probably lived here; William Spencer (or Spence) (1800) ; George Arey, 
(Ajrreys or Ayers) (1803); Robert Baldridge, from Ireland, one of the earliest 
settlers, obtained the grant on which Pond's Fort was built, his son Malachi, 
and two other men, named Price and Lewis, were killed by Indians while hunt- 
ing on Loutre Prairie; Andrew Kincaid (or Kincaird) (1800); Jean Marie 

'• Colonel Boone and his son laid out a town near here on the Missouri 
river, called Missouri ton, and built a horse-mill, but the place where the town 
was laid out has long since been washed away by the river. Nathan Boone, 
son of Daniel, was a surveyor, in 1812. 

'• Boone started for Upper Louisiana in September, 1799, going over-land 
with the stock, accompanied by George Buchanan, an Irishman, and a negro 
named Sam, belonging to Daniel M. Boone, Flanders Callaway, Forest Hancock, 
William Hays, senior, William Hays, junior, and Isaac Van Bibber. He reached 
the Mississippi in October and crossed his stock at the mouth of the Missouri, 
and from there went to the Femme Osage, where his son Nathan had established 
himself several years before. The boat in which Boone's wife, Nathan Boone 
and his wife, Daniel M. Boone, Callaway and others went arrived at Femme 
Osage before he came. From Femme Osage Boone went to St. Louis, where De- 
Lassus had succeeded Trudeau; but Trudeau still being in St. Louis secured 
him the concession of land he had promised. In 1800 Boone hunted beaver on 
the Bourbeuse with a faithful negro boy named Deny, and in that year caught 
thirty or forty beaver. While on the Bourbeuse he visited Captain Fish of Rog- 
er's band of Shawnees and an old squaw with whom he became acquainted 
when a prisoner among the Indians in Ohio in 1778. In 1801 he hunted beaver 
on the Niango, called by the Spaniards "Yongo" and in 1802 W. T. Lamme 
and Nathan also hunted there. Hatters came from Lexington and offered to 
buy Boone's beaver skins. Lamme and Nathan Boone in 1802 captured nine 
hundred beaver and sold the skins at $2.50 a skin. But in this year the Osages 
robbed Daniel Boone and Wm. Hays, junior, who hunted with him (Draper's 
Notes, vol. 6, p. 241). This Wm. Hays, junior, died near Fulton in 
Callaway county in 1846; he was born at Boone's Station in 1780. 


Lassus commandant of the Femme Osage district. When he first 
arrived in the country he lived with his son, Daniel Morgan Boone, 
for several years, afterward with another son, Nathan, and finally 
moved further up the Missouri to La Charette, where he died. 
He did not cultivate his grant of land on the Femme Osage, because 
advised by DeLassus that, as commandant, under the Spanish law, he 
did not come within the meaning of the rules and regulations requiring 
cultivation of land before title could be perfected. By the commis- 
sioners, however, for the settlement of Spanish land titles, his claim to 
the land was rejected, but afterward in 1814, confirmed by a special 
act of Congress. Near here, on the Missouri, James Stephenson, in 

1799, made a settlement, but in about 1800 his house was burned and 
he was robbed of everything he had by the Indians. He made claim 
for an additional grant as compensation for his loss, and on recom- 
mendation of Daniel Boone, DeLassus made another grant to the son 
of Stephenson, named John, Junior, antedating the same so as to cor- 
respond to the original grant. David Darst, Senior, a native of Vir- 
ginia, came to upper Louisiana from Kentucky in 1797, and received 
a concession near this stream. His son, David, a cripple, also 
received a grant adjoining his father, from Zenon Trudeau, although 
only fourteen years old, but "intended as his support." William 
McHugh, in 1801, lived on Bryant or Lost creek, about twelve miles 
beyond this settlement, and William Ewing, who lived with him, 
testified that in 1803 McHugh had three sons killed by the Indians, 
also some cattle, and was frightened away from his place. Robert 
Hall lived on the Femme Osage in 1799, but left the country prior to 

1800, and never retiurned. Francois Wyatt came from Montgomery 
county, Kentucky, in 1800, secured a land grant, and also applied for 
concessions for a number of other people from Kentucky.'^ Isaac 

•® Other early residents on the Femme Osage were, Joseph Haines (1797); 
James Baldridge (1797), ^^^ on this stream and the Missouri, also on the Dar- 
denne ; Samuel Clay (i 797) ; sold his property in 1800 to Alexander McCourtney ; 
Jeremiah and Santiago Clay (1799); John Marshall (1800), owned six slaves; 
Jonathan Bryan (1799), brother of David, Irish descent, native of Mar>'land, 
brought his family from Kentucky in a keel boat, and first settled near Cap au 
Oris, in what is now Lincoln county, but owing to the exposed position to Indian 
attacks, and supposed sickly location, he moved to the mouth of the Femme 
Osage, where in 1801 he built a water-mill; the millstones were carried from 
Kentucky on horse-back, and an old musket barrel formed the sluice or water- 
race; William Coshow, step-son of Jonathan Bryan, native of North Carolina, 
came with Bryan, and afterwards ser\'ed in the Indian war ; David McKinney 
(1800), came to the country with Fran9ois Wyatt; John McKinney also came 
in this year, and probably of this party, he was a native of Virginia and served 
in the war of the revolution, but moved from there to Kentucky, his son Alex- 
ander also came with him, married Nancy Bryan, was a sun'eyor and afterward 


Vanbibber, a native of Virginia, who was raised by Daniel Boone, 
and came with him to the Spanish territory, settled in the Femme 
Osage Bottom, which at this time was also called "Darst's Bot- 
tom. "** Vanbibber was major of the militia in the Indian war, under 
Daniel Morgan Boone. Near the head-waters of the Femme Osage 
and Dardenne, James Beatty made a settlement in 1800. He came to 
upper Louisiana with letters from Governor Garrard of Kentucky, 
and presented these letters to DeLassus, who, after reading same, said 
to him that he would "be received with pleasure" and that he 
would grant him land. Beatty, however, after making his settle- 
ment remained in the country only a year, selling out his claim.'' 
The Cuivre settlement was located on Cuivre river, or Riviere aux 
Boeuf (Buffalo river), which drains the western part of Lincoln 
county. This river is formed by the junction of the north and west 
forks. The junction of these streams is in about the center of Lincoln 
county, and thence the river flows around the southern end of the 
main ridge o£ hills extending south parallel with the Missouri, and 
being joined by Big Creek and Eagle's Fork, runs in an easterly 
direction debouching into the Mississippi about 30 miles above the 
mouth of the Missouri. This stream was in the early days called 
Cuivre or Copper river, because it was supposed by the early French 
pioneers that copper was, or would be, found in the country tributary 
to it. In the wide and fertile bottoms of this stream, well wooded and 
shut in by bold escarpments of rock, many American settlers secured 
grants from the Spanish ofl&cers. Where the two forks of the Cuivre 
meet, Richard Taylor secured a Spanish grant. James Mackay made a 
claim for 13,835 arpents on the Cuivre river, as a reward for services 

served in the State Legislature several sessions; Arthur Burns (1800), an Irish 
Catholic, in 1803 sold a tract on the Mississippi blufif on the Dardenne, seems 
also to have owned property on the Perruque ; his son, Arthur, in 1805, had prop- 
erty on Sandy creek; James Montgomery (1800); Thomas Smith (1799), on this 
stream and Missouri, also near or at St. Charles; Peter and Thomas Smith 
(1800), from Kaskaskia on the hills above Prairie du Rochcr; William Dunn 
(1802), in the Femme Osage and Cuivre districts; David Kincaid (1803), also 
on fork of the Charette; John Littlejohn (1803), secured permission to settle 
from Daniol Boone; Phillip Miller; Samuel Watkins; Joshua Dodson of Ste. 
Genevieve district seems to have bought property here; Samuel Meek (1803); 
in 1798, John Lindsay, Josiah Dotson, Sam Clay and Sam Watkins, all young 
unmarried men settled near Daniel M. Boone and for some time that settlement 
was known as "Bachelor's Bottom." 

" In this bottom David Cole, a German, settled in 1798; Benjamin Gard- 
ner, a hunter and trapper, settled in 1801, going on hunting trips lasting from 
four to six months each, on his fourth trip returned home sick and died. Other 
settlers were John Manly (1801); Isaac Darst (1801). 

" Commissioner's Reports, vol. 4, p. 495. 


rendered the Spanish government, in making an exploration in 1795 
of the upper Missouri, under the orders of Baron de Carondelet, 
Governor-General, and Don Manuel Gayoso de Lemos, Intendant- 
Generai at New Orleans. James Lewis in 1 799 owned a flour-mill on 
this stream, but in the spring of 1803 was compelled to abandon it on 
account of the Indians, returning in the fall." The settlers on Cuivre 
were much exposed to Indian attacks, and often obliged to leave 
their lands on account of Indian depredations.'* 

The first settlement on the Perruque, in what is now St. Charles 
county, was made in 1796 by French Canadians. In that year, Louis 
Marchant, who subsequently moved to Belland's creek, Andrew 
and Jean Baptiste Blondeau, dit Duzey (or Drezy), made a settlement 
which they described as "at a place called La Perruque." Christo- 
pher Sommalt or Zumalt (or Zumwalt), Senior, a German, and a 
Revolutionary soldier, here in 1799, established a mill. He 

" American State Papers, 2 Public Lands, p. 473. 

'* Among the earliest grantees and settlers in this locality are to be named 
Louis Boisse (1791); Isaac Hosteller (or Hostetter) (1797); Henry McLaughlin 
(1797), on the Missouri and Cuivre; Adam Sommalt (Zumalt) (1797), came with 
Christopher Sommalt, also Jacob; William Hays (1798), and a witness in Darst 
Bottom in 1801; Squire Boone (1798) owned ten slaves, and says had serious 
difficulty in making his settlement; David or Daniel Rowland (1798); Dr. Mac- 
kay Wherry (1798), his grant was made for a sugar plantation, in 1802 raised 
com on his lot in St. Charles, was afterwards sheriff of the county; Baptiste 
Champlain (1799); Paul and Cerr^ Chouteau (1799); Joseph Cottle (1799); 
Baptiste Delisle, junior, (1799); Lewis Krow (1799) near the Cuivre on Krow's 
or Charles' Run ; Francois La Riviere ( 1 799) same p>erson was also in New Madrid 
it would seem; Daniel McCoy, came to Upper Louisiana in 1797 or 1799 with 
his brothers, John and Joseph, and father-in-law Henry Zumalt, in 1804 was 
lieutenant of a company of militia in St. Charles district; Zadock Woods (1799), 
owned five slaves, was also in St. Louis district on the Missouri ; George Weiland 
(1799) ; Joseph Baptiste Billot (1800); Godfrey Crow or Kroh (1799) on Krow's 
Run, in 1806 was deputy surveyor; Charles B.Thibeault (1799), also in St. Louis; 
William Craig (1799) adjacent Daniel McCoy; Andrew Cottle (1799); Henrv' 
'Crow (1799), adjacent to Godfrey Crow; Michael Crow (1799), and in 1802 on 
the Perruque; Jacob Grosjean (1799), German Catholic; Louis Charboneau 
(1800); Andrew Chartrand (1800); Toussaint Gendron (1800); Abraham Keith- 
ley (or Kielty) (1800), was obliged to abandon in the spring of 1803 on account 
of Indians, but returned in the fall, was killed by his horse on this stream in 
1813; Augustine Langlois (1800), seems also to have been in St. Louis; Fran- 
cois Paquette (1800) may be the same p>erson living in the New Madrid district 
in 1794; Benjamin Quick (1801); Daniel Quick (1801) also lived in this district 
and p)Ossibly here; Hugh Swan (1802), on Eagle Fork; Nathaniel Simonds(i8oi) 
also in St. Louis and St. Charles, a witness to claims on the Dardenne; Robert 
Burns (1800); William Linn (or Lynn) (1802); Jonathan, Sylvanus, and Isaac 
Cottle, (or Cottell) (1800); Joseph Jamison (1802); Jonathan Woods (1802), 
afterwards moved to St. Charles; Martin W^oods; John Barnabag; David Boyd; 
William Farnsworth (or Farrisworth), and his son who lived with him; Jere- 
miah Grojean; Henry Sommalt, junior; Christopher Clark; Benjamin Jones. 
In 1800 Gabriel Cerr6 received a grant of an island in the Mississippi at the 
mouth of the Cuivre. 


seems to have brought a number of other settlers with him, as other 
petitioners said they belong to his family. His sons, Peter and 
Christopher, Junior, also located on this stream in 1799. Jacob 
Zumalt built the first hewed log-house ever erected on the north 
side of the Missouri; his sons, Andrew and Jacob, Junior, came 
with him, Andrew settling on the Brazo (Brazeau). William Tarbet 
came with this party and settled on the Cuivre.* 

The Dardenne flows in a northeasterly direction through what is 
now St. Charles county, almost parallel with the Missouri, and from ten 
to twelve miles north of it. It empties its waters into the Missis-- 
sippi above the mouth of the Illinois. In early documents it is 
variously spelled "Darden" and also "Dardonne." It has 
been suggested that the name is derived from Terre d^Inde i. e. 
Turkey Land, but is more probably derived from the Dardenne 
family, early pioneers of the Mississippi Valley. A Touissant 
Dardenne from Montreal, Canada, married Marie Fran^oise 
Lever, "veuve de feu Michal Vieu," at St. Anne de Fort de 
Chartres, Novbr. 21st 1747. One of these Dardennes may have 
first camped and hunted on this creek, and thus given it his 
name. The lands along the banks of the Dardenne are fertile and 
productive, and it is a fine riiill stream. One of the first pioneers on 
the Dardenne was Jean Baptiste Blondeau, the same Blondeau we 
find on the Perruque. He made an improvement in about 1796 and 
raised a crop on a grant on this stream, afterward assigned by him 
to John Mullanphy. Frangois Howell, a native of North Carolina, 
removed to what is now Missouri, about 1797; he first settled 
thirty miles west of St. Louis, then moved to what has since been 
known as "Howell's Prairie,' ' on the Dardenne and erected several 
small mills." James Kerr in 1798 petitioned for a grant to build 

•* Other settlers were, John Ridenhour (1790); William Linx (i8oo)j Mel- 
chior Amant Michau (1800); David Edwards (1801); Almond Cottle (1803); 
Angus Gillis, a witness in this neighborhood in 1803; Samuel Holmes (1803); 
Francis Woods (1800), came to the country with Hancock; David Conrad 
{1803) ; James Swift {1803) had a concession, but in the winter of the same year 
moved away; Samuel Lewis; Elizabeth Due; Daniel Johnson and Ira Cottle 
seem to have had a concession in partnership on this stream ; Francois Kissler 
(1804), but on account of sickness was compelled to move to St. Charles; Henry 
Stephenson (1804); Matrom Lewis; Andrew Edwards; David Kichelie. James 
Wealthy settled on this stream in 1799 and after living here a year sold out to 
one Kielty. Andre and Jean Baptiste Blondeau also had a grant adjacent to the 
grant of Louis Marchand on this stream. 

•• A son of John Howell of Pennsylvania. Four of Franjois Howell's sons, 
John, Thomas, Francois, jimior, and Benjamin, served as rangers in Captain 
Callaway's company, Francois, junior, was also Colonel of militia, and Benja- 


a mill, which likely never was built. In 1799 Arend Rutgers 
secured 7,056 arpens on the Dardenne, from Trudeau, to induce 
him to build a mill there. Rutgers at this time lived at Red 
Banks, or Lexington, Kentucky, and on his request by letter, 
Soulard had a survey made of. this land by Mackay, his deputy, in 
1800. After this survey it seems Rutgers actively b^an work 
on his mill, and Pierre Provench^re, his son-in-law, says that in 
1803 a large dwelling had been erected on the premises and a 
large field cleared, timber hewed and hauled for a mill and mill-dam. 
Rutgers brought a number of workmen from the United States to 
work on his mill and grant. Several times the mill-dam was carried 
away by water before it was completed, and altogether Rutgers seemed 
to have had some difficulty in getting his water-mill started, but in 
1803 he had erected a store-house on the Dardenne and kept a store 
there. Thomas Howell, who resided at this time with his father Fran- 
cois, was in the employ of Rutgers. Afterward Rutgers lived in St. 
Louis where he was a large land owner, and also acquired property on 
the Femme Osage and Cuivre. Alexander Andrews lived on this 
creek in 1797, but sold his property in 1800, and moved to the St. 
Louis district. Isaac Wilder, a blacksmith, located here in 1799, and 
John Draper, a well-digger, had a concession in 1802. A number of 
claims to land were made by persons along the Dardenne not actual 
settlers. Among others Pelagie Chouteau (veuve Pelagie L* Abadie), 
as assignee of Etienne Bernard; Antoine Janis; James Morrison, as 
assignee of Joseph Beauchamp.*^ 

min, captain of a company of rangers. Another son, Lewis, taught school a 
number of years, was deputy sheriff, and afterwards adjutant of the St. Charies 
militia ; another son James F. was colonel of a regiment. 

" .\mong other early settlers on the Dardenne we may enumerate, Joseph 
Genereux (i796\ who seems to have been in partnership with Joseph Langlois 
on the Missouri and Dardenne; Etienne Bernard, (1796) also a resident of St. 
Charles; John Parquette (or Parkett"); Joseph Beauchamp dit Bochant (1796) 
also a resident of St. Charles and Marais Croche, where he sold in 1798 to An- 
toine Janis, junior . The following named persons who evidently were from 
the United States also made claims to land on this stream John Lewis (1797)1 
on the Dardenne and Missouri; Perr>' Brown (179S), on the Missouri and this 
stream; Warren Cottle (1709), *'ancirn habiiiim des E. U.," a native of Vermont, 
ser\-ed in the war of iSi 2 ; his son, Warren, junior, was a physician and came with 
his father in 1 799. Other sons of Warren, senior, Ira, Stephen and Marshall, also 
on this stream. His son Lorenzo founded the town of Cottle>*iUe in 1840; 
George Hoffman (1799), native of Pennsylvania, but lived in Virginia where he 
married, and came from there to Missi.>uri ; his sons Peter and George, junior, 
came with him and lived on this stream, Peter was a soldier in the war of 181 a ; 
Louis Jannetot (or Jeannette'i i^i7Q9>; Thomas Johnson (1799) Irish Catholic, 
in 1800 on the Slaramec; Conrad dit Leonard Price (1799), one of those who 
came with Christopher Somnudt (Zumwalt); John Adam Smith (1799) sol- 
dier of the Revolution; Milton Lewis (1800"^; one Harrington settled on tbe 


The largest and most notable claim, on account of its vast extent, 
was the claim of Clamogran to five hundred thousand arpens of land, 
which was located between the Dardenne, Cuivre, and Mississippi. 
This claim was based on services in exploring a pathway across the 
Rocky Mountains to the Pacific ocean, but never was allowed or 
confirmed.** For many years the confirmation of this claim was 
and is still urged with great vigor, in and out of Congress. To some 
extent, for a time, it retarded the settlement of the country, but finally 
the land claimed was surveyed by the government and made sub- 
ject to entry. 

On the Auhaha or Salt river, Maturin Bouvet, a resident of St. 
Charles in 1792, had a saline, at a place called " Le Bastile, " but the 
Saukee Indians took away all his effects, kettles, etc., and three 
valuable mares. He remained on his place alone one winter, and 
while absent the Indians again destroyed his furnace, dwelling-house 
and ware-house, which latter was about thirty-five feet in length; 
he himself sometime later on his return was burned to death by the 
Indians.* He also had a grant at Bay de Charles, on the Mississippi, 
for depositing his salt for shipment. *° This Bouvet came from the 

Dardenne in 1801 on a grant made to Don Carlos Tayon, and which included a 
salt spring; John McConnell (1801); Andrew Walker (1801); Michael Reybott 
(or Rybolt) (1802), on this stream and the Missouri; John Rouke (or Rooks) 
(1802) also spelled Rouke; Warner Gilbert (1803) ; Noel Herbert (1803) ; Dame 
Loxiise Langevin dit Baillettc (1803), wife of Etienne Bernard, formerly widow 
of Joseph Violette; John Alexander Michau (1803); George Price (1803), a 
witness and probably a resident; Christian Dennis; Charles Denney (or Dennys) 
a German, and herb doctor, lived on this creek and had a water-mill, afterward 
had a distillery; Micajah Baldridge ; Peter Tisne ; Christian dit Christopher Wolf ; 
Laurent Derocher ; Etienne Pepin (1800) had a grant at a pond called "k Bequet" 
four or five miles northwest of Portage des Sioux ; he was a Canadian and an 
old resident. On this stream St. Vrain, brother of DeLassus received a grant of 
10,000 arpents; St. Vrain died insolvent, sold his grant at twelve and one half cents 
an acre payable in goods, and goods were sold at such a high price that accord- 
ing to Tesson, John Mullanphy got the land for about two cents an acre. 

•• American State Papers, 2 Public Lands, p. 629. 

*• Others who were on this stream were, Louis Bour^ (^799) J Charles Main- 
ville (1799) ; John Baptiste Jeff re (1800) ; Jean Baptiste Bourette or Bour^ (1801) 
Dr. Antoine Saugrain had a claim for land here on which to erect a distillery and 
mill and establish a stock-farm. 

*• Amable Roy made an early settlement here in 1785, but abandoned it on 
account of the Indians being troublesome; Jean Baptiste Tesson (1799) ; Albert 
Tesson (1793) had a claim of 7,056 arpents, but was driven off his claim by Indi- 
ans, he was a surveyor, and attached to the administration of DeLassus from its 
beginning to the end, and lived with him; he testified that Trudeau wrote his 
own grants, but that DeLassus' were written by Soulard or others and that it was 
ciistomanr to date the concession the day the petition was dated or a day or so 
afterwara, although the petition may have been made two years prior. He 
also had a claim at Rich Woods settlement but never lived there. John Guion 
(1801); George Ayrl (1801); Edmond Chandler (1803). 


East side of the river to upper Louisiana. In 1786 he was civil 
and criminal Judge of St. Philippe. From there it seems he moved 
to Cahokia. Finally no doubt owing to the lawless condition 
prevailing in the American Illinois settlements at that time he 
came to the Spanish country. Other settlers in that locality 
secured land donations on Sandy or Romain creek/^ and on the 
Mississippi and Missouri bluffs.** A small settlemeipt was made 
sixty five miles north of St. Louis** and still another on Bryant or Lost 
creek, a stream also known as Ramsay creek, because in 1799 
Captain William Ramsay made a settlement here called Ramsay's 
Lick, and where he made a hunting camp. This Ramsay was a sol- 
disr of the Revolution, was at the battle of Yorktown, and during the 
Indian war commanded a company of rangers. John Ramsay who 
lived on this stream was his son, and another son, Robert, lived near 
Marthasville, where his wife and three children were murdered by the 
Indians.^^ At the time of the cession a number of settlers lived 

** On the Mississippi and bluffs we find, Etienne Guitard (1799) ; Jean Bap- 
tiste Challefoux (1799) ; William E wings (1800), and in 1803 lived with William 
McHugh on Br>ant creek; William Jamison (1800); Francois Louis; Baptiste 
and Joseph Roy (1799) brothers; Francois Shaver (1803) at the forks of the 
Mississippi and Missouri; Francois Bouthellier (1803); Andrew Blondeau; 
Henry Langhom, senior and junior; John Francois Misheau (Michau) (1802). 

*' These were, Louis Charleville (1799); Baptiste Domine (1799); Louis 
Grimard dit Charpentier (1799) ; Dominick Uge (or Huge) (1799); Marie Philip 
Leduc (1799) received a grant but did not settle on it; Louis Lamalice (1799); 
Baptiste Marley (1799) ; Francois Motier (1800) ; William Clark (1800) and may 
be the blacksmith in St. Louis in 1802; St. James Beauvais (1800); Antoine 
Bizet (Bisette) (1800); Jean Baptiste De Quarry (1802); John Godino; Louis 
Varre; Jean Baptiste Bravier (1800), probably Bravier dit Ciril. 

^ On this stream Aristides Auguste Chouteau had a grant in 1798; Thomas 
Caulk (1800), had lived here prior to this time cultivating land for Richard 
Caulk; a Thomas W. Caulk was in New Madrid district in 1792; Frederick 
Dickson (1802); Ralph H. Flaugherty (1801); Moses Kinney. 

** Robert T. (or J.) Friend, arrived in this district "with his family, mer- 
chandise, slaves and cattle" in 1798, and settled on the Missouri and cultivated 
Indian wheat, seems also to have lived on the St. Francois; Isaac Fallis (1798); 
George Buchanan (1798) came to the country with Daniel Boone, was on the 
Dardenne in i8ox ; Samuel Griffith of New York, seems to have settled on the 
Mississippi and Missouri in 1795, owned two slaves; Forest Hancock (1798) 
came with Daniel Boone; James HofiF (1798), and afterwards sixty-five miles 
north of St. Louis; Antoine Janis (1795) on the Missouri and Dardenne, in 1798 
at St. Charles; Ira Nash (1798), employed at the Spanish fort, received a grant 
of land on the Missouri in what is now Howard county, a man by the name of 
H. Nash (or Mark) was appointed deputy surveyor between 1799 and 1803; 
WiUiam VanBurkelo (1798), settled near the junction of the Mississippi and 
Missouri in 1798, he was a ranger in Captain Musick's company, and killed 
by the Indians about the close of the war, was married three times; John Wat- 
kins vi797)» probably Dr. John Watkins who was a land speculator on the Ma- 
ramec, a Catholic, sold in 1802, to Leonard Farrow; William Stewart 
(1798) on this river at Green's Bottom, one of his sons Elias C. was sheriff of the 
county several times, and his brother Jackey was a ranger in Callaway's com- 


scattered near or along the Missouri and Mississippi at various 
points. Many large grants for land,^ as a reward for services, 

pany ; Francois Smith (1799) ; Daniel Kiseler or Klieseler (1799) ; Anthony Kelle r 
( 1 799) German, Catholic ; John Journey (1799) also James; Joseph Leduc (1800) ; 
Rob«t McKlinney (1800), returned to Kentucky prior to 1803; William Nash 
(x8oo); Laurence Sydener (1802); H)rpolite Bolon (may be the Indian interpre- 
ter of the Ste. Genevieve District) (1800) and at Carondelet; James Clay (1799) 
and on Charette in 1802; Joseph Deputy (1800) ; Baptiste Duchouquette (1800) 
on the Missouri, opposite the Osage; James Flaugherty (1799) on the Missouri 
at Green's Bottom, was one of the first justices of the peace appointed under the 
American Government in 1804; Antoine Gagnier (1800) on this river in Howard 
county; Antoine and Francois Gaguirie (or Giguares) (1800); Stephen Hancock 
(1799); James Piper (1800) testified to events at Portage des Sioux in 1798; 
Newton Howell (1801) on this river below the mouth of the Femme Osage, 
William Stewart had a sugar camp on his property by permission of Stewart ; 
Timothy Kibby (1801), in 1802 at St. Charles and also on Dardenne; James 
Vanbibbcr (1803) of Virginia, was afterwards coroner, and his son Joseph was 
a surveyor; Jacques Eghse; John Ferguson, at the forks of the Missouri and 
Mississippi; William Griffith; James Griffin, junior, (1800); Peter, Joseph 
and James Jemey (or Journey) on the Missouri at Green's Bottom; Stephen 
Jackson (1803) on the Tuque in 1802, where he began cultivating a garden, but 
was taken sick, and on his recovery was compelled to hire out to pay James 
Mackay, for said concession, and who charged him considerably more for same 
than at first; Levis Lucas, forks of the Missouri and Mississippi ; William Meek 
(1803), in 1804 on the Xuque; David Miracle; John McMichell ; William Van- 
tico, forks of the Missoiui and Mississippi; Peter Valign. 

• Thus Andre L* Andreville (1788), tavern-keeper and merchant, also a res- 
ident of St. Louis claimed 4,000 arpens, but never settled the land; Charles 
Bruire (1800) claimed 800 opposite Cedar island but it does not appear that 
he or Joseph Bissonette (1799) lived on their claims; Joseph Brazeau (1797), 
Antonio Brazeau probably a relative of the Brazeau's of St. Louis, and Fran- 
9ois Belonge (1799) claimed land in this district but did not reside on it; James 
W. Cockran (1800), forty miles west of St. Louis; George Crumps (1800) two 
miles west of St. Charles, built a house on his claim; Therese Crely (1803) wife 
of Louis Honore dil Tesson claimed 3,500 arpens on the river Jefifron but lived 
at Florissant; Jesse Cain (1799) planted com on his land; also Hved on the Ma- 
ramec before he came to this district, in Nathan Boone's company of rangers in 
181 2; Fran9ois Cayolle (1799) opposite Prairie du Chien on river Jaune, proba- 
bly Franipois De Salle dit Cayolle of Carondelet, claimed 7,000 arpens which he 
sold to Dubuque; Jean B. Chartier; Daniel Clarkland speculator made claims 
under Louis Charbouseau, Francois La Riviere, Vincent Guitard and others on 
the river Loutre, on the Aux Vase in 1804 and Cuivre, also bought several tracts 
in the St. Louis district; Franjois DeLauriere dit Normandeau (1799) on Loutre 
river; Pierre Derbigne (Derbigny) (1799), of New Madrid; Veuve Susan- 
nah Dubreuil(i799) the mother of ten children, her husband did not receive 
a concession claimed 7,000 arpens; Louis Dupree (1799) ; Louis DeUsle claimed 
2,500 arpens in this district and Louis Dehsle, junior (1799), 800 on the Bonne 
Femme; Jacob Eastwood (1801) claimed 800 arpens sixty miles northwest of 
St. Louis; Pierre Gamelin (1799); Daniel Griffith (1801); Duritt Hubbard 
located thirty-one miles northwest of St. Louis, and Euribus, Daniel and Felix 
Hubbard about 1800 located sixty miles northwest of St. Louis; Purnell Howard 
( 1 799) on Smith creek, also in the forks of the Missouri and on the Femme Osage; 
Jean Baptiste Lacroix (1795) at Cul de Sac, in 1797 at St. Charles and in 1799 
at Portage des Sioux; Pierre Lord (1799) at Bay du Roy, sold to John Camp- 
bell and White Matlock in 1805; John Long (1801) on Bonne Femme; James 
Michew (Michau) ; Alexander McClean, on McClean's creek ; Baptiste Marion 
(1800); Mrs. McKnight (1800) of Tennessee, said to have killed several Indians, 
her son came to this district in 181 7, and was the owner of McKnight island 


were also claimed in this district and upon which no actual settle- 
ments had been made. 

in the Mississippi ; Jean McMillan in 1 799 was a saddler on a stream north of 
the Missouri; Thomas Overstreet; John Orain had a claim on the Cuivre; Paul 
and Pierre Primo (1799); William Palmer dit Beaulieu in 1802 was at Cape 
au Gris; Andrew Peltier (1800) maybe came from Vincennes; James Rankin 
(1800), deputy surveyor sometime between 1799 and 1803, in 1804 was at Creve 
Coeur, also St. Ferdinand; Seneca Rollins (i8io2); Joseph and James Russell 
(1802); George Robert Spencer (1797) on river Jacob; a Robert Sf)encer was at 
Portage des Sioux, on river Cuivre and Dardenne at Spencer's Run; Benjamin 
Spencer settled on Grand Glaise in this district and worked a saline, according 
to Charles Fremon; Thomas Spencer also on the Grand Glaise; Andrew Som- 
malt or Zoomalt (Zumwalt) senior, a son of Jacob, (1799) came with the family 
of Christopher Sommalt; Etienne St. Pierre (1799) a resident for a long time, had 
a grant at foot of hills below mouth of riviere k Berger including Point Basse, to 
establish stock-farm ;Thomas Todd (1801) sixty miles northwest of St. Louis; 
Samuel Watkins; John Wedder (or Wedden) (i8io2) ; Rowland Willard; Nathan- 
iel Warren dit Waring (1802); Joseph Drouen (1799); Daniel Baldridge, thirty- 
five miles west of St. Louis; Josiah M. Lanaham and Jacob Hany were residents 
in this district as assignees of Antoine Lamarche; John Young (1801); Albert 
Tesson( 1 793) claimed land fifty-one miles north of St. Louis and on Salt river, also 
owned property in New Madrid ; on the Missouri and Isle aux Boeufs, John and 
Hugh Morel, and in 1797 secured a grant, they were Irish Catholics, and in 1798 
sold to Robert Young of St. Andre; James Pritchett; John Phillips made a claim 
under date of 1803 on the aux Boeuf with Thomas Gibson, and Charles Phillips, 
witnesses. So also the Kaskaskia land speculator Jean Francois Perry claimed 
that he received a grant on the aux Boeuf 130 miles north of St. Louis in 1798. 
On Mill creek Harry Cook, from Kaskaskia, where he rendered military 
service, made a claim to land as heir of one McCormack. He was a son 
of John Cook, who came to the Illinois country from the Eaton's station, 
Cumberland, near Nashville, in 1787. Of this John Cook the Kaskaskia com- 
missioners for land claims do not speak in complimentary terms, saying "This 
man is a Dutchman without property, fond of strong drink, and without char- 
acter," and that although not long in the country he has given testimony to sup- 
port about two hundred claims. (P. L. p. 126.) Christy Romine (1798) was 
another settler on this stream ; Jenisha Edmonson (1803); Benjamin Horine; 
Israel McGready ; Henry Pinkley, a witness on this stream, one Antoine Gaguier 
in 1800 on the Missouri as far up as Howard county — a settler. 


New Madrid — Physical Features of the New Madrid Ridge — Hunters and 
Traders the First Settlers — "An Aboriginal Station" — Abundance of Game 
— "L'Anse k la Graise" — The Le Sieurs — Delaware Village at the Mouth 
of Chepoosa River — Report to Miro of Captain McCoy, 1 786 — Colonel 
George Morgan — His Life — Receives a Grant from Gardoqui — Extent 
of Grant — Explores the Territory between the Mouth of the St. Cosme and 
New Madrid — Letter Describing Country Published in Philadelphia — 
Reveals Spanish Designs — Preparations of Morgan to Settle his Grant — 
Plan of Surveying the Same — New Madrid Laid Out — Distribution of 
Lots — An Agricultural Settlement — Professional Hunters not Favored — 
Morgan's Advertisement — Morgan's Plans Antagonized by Wilkinson — 
Miro Objects to Grant — Morgan's Plan Destroyed by Miro — Peyroux 
Cancels Grants Made by Morgan — Pierre Foucher Appointed Com- 
mandant of New Madrid — Builds Fort Celeste — Morgan's Estimate of 
Foucher — Letter to Gardoqui — Great American Immigration to New 
Madrid — La Forge Details Work Foucher Accomplished — General Forman 
at New Madrid — Thomas Portelle, Commandant in 1791 — Population 
of New Madrid — Americans Open Farms in 1790 — Small Progress of 
Settlement — Thomas Power, Spanish Agent at New Madrid — Gayoso 
there in 1 795 — Portelle Succeeded by Dc Lassus — Biography of De 
Lassus — New Madrid Gateway of Commerce to the Gulf — New Mad- 
rid Attached to Upper Louisiana in 1799 — Peyroux, Commandant, 1799 
— Succeeded by La Vall6e in 1803 — Fort Celeste Residence of Commandants 
— Antoine Gamelin — Pierre Antoine LaForge — Three Companies of 
Militia — Galleys Stationed at New Madrid — Names of Early Settlers — 
Merchants — Richard Jones Waters — Captain Robert McCoy — Barth^l- 
emi Tardiveau — The King's Highway North — Settlers on the Same — 
Territorial Limits of the New Madrid District — Principal Settlements — 
Bayou St. John — Lake St. Mary — Lake Ann — Bayou St. Thomas — Little 
Prairie Settlement Founded, 1794 — The Portage of the St. Francois — 
T3rwappity Bottom — Prairie Charles — Oath of Loyalty Administered to 
Early Settlers. 

Long before the advent of the white pioneers in the valley of the 
Mississippi, the region which became known as the New Madrid 
district was inhabitated by a numerous pre-historic population. 
The main physical feature of this New Madrid district is a low, par- 
tially clay and alluvial ridge which, beginning at the Scott county 
hills, runs south parallel with, and at some distance from, the Missis- 
sippi, to near where the St. Francois river empties into it. This 
ridge, however, is not of uniform height, but here and there is bisected 
by low depressions through which the river flows when at flood 
tide. At New Madrid, at Point Pleasant and at Little Prairie (now 
Caruthersville), in Missouri, this ridge touches the Mississippi and at 
these points the soil for many ages has crumbled away under the 

erosions of the mighty river, at New Madrid making the great bend 



where is located this ancient settlement. Here everything combined 
to attract the early voyageurs and coureurs des bois ; here the open 
prairie with its scattered trees, lending a park-like appearance to the 
landscape, and near by a large lake of clear and limpid water 
bordered with a white sandy beach, overshadowed by great isolated, 
wide-spreading oaks that had withstood the storms of centuries, 
invited the tired hunters and oaibmen to rest; here, a fruitful soil 
yielding a hundred-fold when tickled with the hoe or scratched with a 
wooden plow, made its cultivation a matter of pleasure ; here, a prai- 
rie covered with luxuriant grass offered forage at all seasons ; here, 
and in the adjacent cane-brakes was found an abundance of the game 
of the virgin land, the bear, the deer, the otter, the beaver, and other 
fur-bearing animals, and the fowls of the air, prairie, and water. 
Northwardly this ridge extended for many miles, an open forest. In 
the spring, the earth covered with vari^ated and fragrant flowers, 
filled the air with perfume. The high hills of the Ozarks separated 
and protected this district from the untempered blasts of the north- 
western winds. The varied year vouchsafed just enough winter to 
fully mark the beauty of spring and the magnificent splendor of 
summer. In autumn all the manifold beauties of the season over- 
spread the landscape. The oaks here grew to immense proportions ; 
the pecan and hickory, the walnut and butternut yielded a never- 
failing harvest, the gum raised its serried columns to the clouds, the 
sassafras, the elm and beach, the hackberry and ash, — all found a ge- 
nial soil. The paw-paw, the plum, the mulberry and the wild grape 
flourished, and the redbud, the dogwood, the burning bush and many 
other blooming shrubs made the woods splendid in the spring with 
their blossoms. 

The earliest white inhabitants of this part of Missouri raised their 
humble huts at this favored spot — hunters, tr5.ders, and adventurers. 
An Indian village was situated here. Along the ridge going north a 
great Indian trail and warpath led to the hills in what is now Scott 
county, and farther on to the Saline and the hunting grounds on the 
banks of the Missouri and tributary streams. A trail and war-path 
also led south to the mouth of the St. Francois and the Arkansas from 
here, and another west to the hills on the other side of St. Francois, 
crossing it at a point long known as the "Indian Ford," and 
thence to the Ozark highlands, as yet uncovered with timber, and 
where, in the high prairie grass ranged herds of buffalo, lords of the 


On this New Madrid ridge, at many places, the works of the 
mound-builders were visible. " The site of the town* ' says Nuttall, 
who visited the place in 1818, "bears unequivocal marks of an ab- 
original station, still presenting the remains of some low mounds, 
which as usual abound with fra.gments of earth- ware. *'^ Numerous 
mounds marked the trails and war-paths. Everywhere ancient 
earth-works and fortifications, many of which have long since been 
leveled by the plow, were noted by observing and thinking early trav- 
elers. A few only, comparatively, of these, protected by the forests, 
have been preserved. This locality evidently was the favorite habita- 
tion of a people which had disappeared before the advent of the 
Indian. It is certain that on his march northward De Soto bivouacked 
on this ridge.' 

The bend of the river where the town of New Madrid is situate 
became known as "L*Anse k la Graise** — cove of fat or grease. 
Coxe, in his " Carolana," published in 1772, speaks of the place as "a 
good landing just below the mouth of Chepoosa creek,' * the name by 
which St. John 's bayou was then known. Pope says that the name 
**L* Anse k la Graise,*' according to the governor of Pensacola, 
"originated from the river forming an extensive curve, where, upon the 
first settlement of the place, great quantities of bear meat were stored 
up for the use of the garrison and the French and Spanish navigators 
up and down the Mississippi, which meat is of a very oleose quality, 
though in my opinion the greasiness of the soil, with the divexity of 
the river, sufficiently justify the epithet.' '* And La Forge in his 
report, dated 1 796, says that the first traders "found abundance of 
game, and especially bears and buffaloes, hence the name " L 'Anse 
k la Graise.' '* 

And this abundance of game and consequent certainty of trade, 
caused traders to congregate annually at "L'Anse a la Graise," 
at the mouth of the Chepoosa river, and here eventually some of 
of them settled. Among the first settlers were Francois and Joseph 
Le Sieur, natives of Trois Rivieres of Canada. According to Godfrey 
Le Sieur, they were at "L'Anse h, la Graise" in 1783, having been 
sent there by Gabriel Cerr^, the principal merchant, at the time, of 
St. Louis. But as stated, no doubt at a much earlier period, traders 

* Nuttall's Arkansas, p. 46. 
' Nuttall 's Arkansas, p. 251. 

' John Pope, His Tour, pp. 21-22. 

* Billon's Annals of St. Louis, vol. i, p. 264. 


annually came to this locality and it is also certain that some remained 
there with the Indians. But Francois and Joseph Le Sieur must be 
considered the founders of the New Madrid settlement.* At the time 

the Le Sieurs came to what is now New Madrid, Godfrey Le Sieur says 
they found a village of Delaware Indians located where the town was 
afterward established. But it is a matter of doubt whether these In- 
dians were permanent residents there, because it was not until some 
time subsequent that the Shawnee and Delaware Indians were induced 
to emigrate to the Spanish possessions, by Lorimier at the instance of 

the Spanish authorities. Yet in 1789 Morgan found a Delaware 
village on the Chepoosa or St. John bayou in what is now Mississippi* 
county. In 1783 an Indian village was located at or on the margin of 
what is now known as Lewis Trairie, and another in Big Prairie near 
the present Sikeston, all within a comparatively short distance from 

* It is worth mentioning that in the Spanish Census of 1787 both Joseph and 
Franfois Le Sieur appear as members of Cerr^'s household and that consisted 
then of 48 persons. They were natives of Machiche, parish of St. Ann, Three 
Rivers, Canada; sons of Charles Le Sieur. Joseph Le Sieur married 
in Canada; had two sons; died in New Madrid in 1796; and, also 
his two sons, leaving no descendants. Francois Le Sieur, his brother, 
married Cecile Guibault (Guilbeaut), a native of Vincennes in 1791, 
and in 1794 removed from New Madrid to Little Prairie, becoming 
the founder of that settlement, and syndic. He was a lieutenant of the 
second company of militia; a merchant, owned many tracts of land, and in 1801 
owned a floiur-mill. He died in 1826 at or near Point Pleasant, to which place 
he removed after the disastrous earthquakes of 181 1, He was married three 
times. By his first marriage he had seven children ; by his second marriage with 
Miss Bonneau, a native of Vincennes, he had one son. In 1820 he married a 
third wife, Mrs. Loignon, the widow of Charles Loignon of Little Prairie. In 
1798 Raphael Le Sieur, a nephew of Joseph and Francois Le Sieur, also came 
from Canada to New Madrid: He too reared a large family. Godfrey Le 
Sieiur and Francois V. Le Sieur who both have given us interesting accounts 
of the early settlements of New Madrid, were the sons of Francois Le Sieur. 
Francois V. Le Sieur married a daughter of Gen. Augustus Jones, son of John 
Rice Jones. 


" L'Anse k U Graise" and which at that time must have bem the 
trading place of these Indians. 

The Le Sieurs, having traded successfully at " L'Anse k la Graise" 
the first season, returned to St. Louis and reported what they had 
seen and the advantages that would result from building a trading 
house there. They consequently returned in the following year with 
a stock of suitable goods for the Indian trade, and this venture also 
proved exceedingly profitable.* After this second venture, the Le 
Sieurs permanently established themselves at New Madrid, and a 
settlement sprang up. They were followed by Ambrose and Franf ois 
Dumay; Godin, dit Chatouiller; Pierre'Saff- 
ray; Francois Berthiaume; the St. Marjs, 
Hunots, Racines and the Barsaloux, all from 
Vincennes. Some of these settlers naturally 
began to cultivate the rich and fertile soil. 
But Captain Robert McCoy says, that in 
1786, when he was on his way to New Orleans 
from Vincennes, he stopped where New 
Madrid was afterward located, and that then 
no one lived there, that it was a perfect 
"wilderness." McCoy says also that while in '^''"'"*»i;ms"iVsiEr.'' "' 
New Orleans Governor Miro sent for him to 
secure information as to the condition and situation of the place,' 
from which it may be inferred that "L'Anse i la Graise" must then 
have been at least recognized or known as a favorable location for 
the establishment of a trading post. In 1787 on his return up the 
river McCoy found that a trading post had been established, and 
among the traders was Joseph Le Sieur. 

Whatever the origin of the settlement at the mouth of the Che- 
poosa, "L'Anse h la Graise," it is certain that it existed at first with- 
out a commandant, either civil or military. No one was clothed with 
any authority to enforce any rule of law. The Indian traders and 
early setders managed to get along without a commandant, and ac- 
cording to La Forge "all were masters, and would obey none of 
those who set themselves up as heads or commandants of the new 
colony." While this condition of afiairs existed a murder was com- 
mitted, and "then their eyes were opened, they began to feel the 

' See letter of Godfrey Le Sieur, dated March i, 1871, published in the Mis- 
souri "Republican." 

' a Hunt's Minutes, p, 144, Missouri Historical Society. 


necessity of laws, and some one at their head to compel their observ- 
ance."* No doubt this lawless state of affairs at "L'Anse i la 
Graise" was known to the commandants at Ste, Genevieve and at St. 
Louis, and may have been reported to the governor-general at New 
Orleans, and perhaps induced him to make inquiries from travelers 
who came down the river. 

About this time the district in which was located "L'Anse k la 
Graise" was granted to Colonel George Morgan, as he at least sup- 
posed. Morgan, a native of New Jersey and a graduate of Princeton, 
was a remarkable man. Now very Utde is generally known 
of him, yet in his day his exploits, his scheme, 
^^^^^ his vast projects, attracted great attention. 

^^^^^^ At a time when a trip from the Atlantic states 

^^^^^^P to the Mississippi valley consumed weeks, 

f^^^^P and involved great personal hardship and 

^^^^^ endurance, we find this bold and daring spec- 

^^^^^^ ulator and adventurer frequently crossing the 

^^^^H^^ mountains and traversing the western wilder- 

^^^^ I ness on horseback, and paddling his canoe 

- ^^ up and down solitary rivers, no doubt dreaming 

^O ^' of vast projects. In 1764 he traded with the 

yj^^^ ^/?^^. -Indians of Kaskaskia,* in co-partnership with 

Baynton, his father-in-law, and Wharton. In 
1 766 he was one of the judges of the general court there, under the 
English government. He was with O 'Reilly 's fleet when he ascended 
the Mississippi river, and took possession of New Orleans. On the 
breaking out of the war between England and the colonies, he entered 
the Revolutionary army and acted as Indian agent for the Middle De- 
partment at Fort Pitt. He had great influence among many of the In- 
dian tribes of the west, and understood well their characteristics. It is 
said that on one occasion, in 1776, while at one of the Shawnee towns 
on the Scioto, he received intelligence of three Six Nation warriors 
having passed with two boys they had taken sixteen days before from 
Virginia and who he afterwards ascertained were the sons of Andrew 
McConnell. Morgan followed them and got to their town before they 

' I Billon's Annals of St. Louis, p. 3S4. 

' He was on inlimate temis wiih the old French families of Kaskaskia, the 
Janis', Datchuruls, Charlevillcs, Bcauvais, Picards, and others. In a tetter dated 
Princeton, December i, i;8o, addressed to Captain Jno. Dodge, he sends his 
regards to Mr^. Janis, Madame Felidte, "el toules des enfans". He knew well 
the country and its ancient inhabitants. 


got there, prevented the usual punishment of the prisoners on their 
entry, and insisted that they be delivered to him unless they intended 
this breach of the peace as a declaration of war. The boys were sur- 
rendered to him, and he brought them to Fort Pitt and delivered them 
to their uncle, a resident of Westmoreland county.*^ In 1777 he was 
in command of Fort Pitt. While in command of this important post 
he kept up an active correspondence with Don Bernardo de Galvez, 
then governor of Louisiana, and his daring and enterprising character 
is shown by the fact that he proposed to Galvez to surprise Mobile 
and Pensacola, then in British possession, if allowed to purchase or 
charter vessels and procure artillery on short notice at New Orleans. 
In his letter to Galvez he says, " Should we be able to procure trans- 
ports at New Orleans, I think we could easily surprise Mobile 
and Pensacola, destroy their fortifications and possess ourselves of 
all their munitions, unless these forts are better fortified and 
defended than we imagine.'*" Subsequently Galvez himself suc- 
cessfully carried out this plan, thus first suggested by Morgan. 
On September 14, 1779, he presented a memorial to the Con- 
tinental Congress setting out that at an Indian congress held at 
Fort Stanwix in 1777, in consideration of the loss of some 
eighty-five thousand pounds of sterling sustained by certain trad- 
ers, the Six Nations granted them a tract of land lying on the 
southern side of the Ohio, between the southern limits of Pennsylvania 
and the little Kanawha river, called "Indiana,** that before the 
Revolutionary war began this tract of land was included within the 
bounds of a larger territory called "Vandalia,** and by the King and 
Council separated from the dominion which Virginia claimed, that as 
the memorialists are advised the tract is subject to the United States 
and not within the jurisdiction of any particular state, and that 
Virginia is directing the sale of the lands in question within the 
territory of " Vandalia,' ' thereby intending to defeat the interposition 
of Congress. And very actively Colonel Morgan pressed his claims 
and even applied to the state of New Jersey, some of his partners 
being citizens of that state, for the protection of his interests. But 
this claim, like many others to vast districts of land, title being derived 
by purchase from the Indians, finally was held invalid and ignored. 
The states and United States were firm in the determination to deny 
the power of the Indian tribes to alienate any portion of the soil to 

'• Draper's Collections, vol. 16, Clark's MSS., p. 128. 
^^ Gayarr^, Spanish Dominion of Louisiana, p. no. 


private parties. So Colonel Morgan became bankrupt He consid- 
ered, however, that he had been despoiled of a fortune, that he had 
been wronged by Virginia and by the United States, and when the 
agitation arose in the country west of the Alleghanies for an outlet via 
the Mississippi to the sea. Colonel Morgan was quick to perceive 
another opportunity to secure a fortune. While at New York he 
entered into negotiations with Don Diego Gardoqui, the Spanish 
ambassador. In a memorial addressed to him Morgan proposed to 
establish a colony near the mouth of the Ohio, and in territory now 
within the limits of Missouri, and says, that within ten years at least 
one hundred thousand souls will inhabit this district if the conditions 
he proposed should be accepted and strictly adhered to. One of the 
conditions was that the settlers should have the right of self-govern- 
ment, and another, that the colonists should be exempt from taxai,tion. 
In glowing words he depicted the advantages that would result to 
Spain if his scheme should be adopted, and in conclusion asks that the 
rank of Colonel, held by him in the Army of the United States, be 
secured to him in the Spanish service, that he be granted a concession 
of twenty square miles with a pension for life, and other advantages 
and privileges for himself and family. Don Gardoqui was captivated 
by the brilliant plans and glowing picture of a Spanish-American 
state at the mouth of the Ohio, and expressed his warmest approbation 
of the scheme of colonization and advised Colonel Morgan that he had 
forwarded it to be submitted to his king, but assured him that all that 
had been asked would be granted. In order to facilitate the establish- 
ment of the colony he transmitted a passport and letter to the Spanish 
authorities in New Orleans, in the words of his letter, " so that you 
may go at once and examine the territory in which you contemplate 
making your settlement." 

Morgan was also assured that the Governor would aid him to 
carry out his plan, and advised him " in his progress through the west 
on his way to the capital of Louisiana to assure'the inhabitants of 
His Majesty's desire to grant them all the favors and privil^es 
which might secure their prosperity." The concession granted by 
Don Diego bordered about three hundred miles on the Mississippi 
from the mouth of the St. Francois, near Helena, Arkansas, 
north to Cape St. Cosme, within the limits of what is now Perry 
county, and extending westward embraced from twelve to fifteen 
million acres of land. Full of hope Morgan started west to take 
possession of his principality. Influenced by the advice of his friends. 


he associated with himself a number of leading men of western 
Pennsylvania, and induced them to accompany him to visit and ex- 
plore the country which he supposed had been granted him to colonize, 
expecting that upon their return they would report as to the'situation, 
soil, climate, natural productions of the territory explored, and thus 
confirm his own statements. To this force he added a number of 
paid workmen. This whole body of explorers was well armed, 
under military discipline, and under his command for security against 
the savages. On his way down the Ohio, he sent word to the north- 
western Indian nations to meet him in united council at Muskingum, 
and at this meeting informed the Indians of his purpose, and asked 
them to appoint two of their " wise men* * to accompany him to bear 
witness of his conduct and proceedings, knowing that if he established 
his colony without the consent and approbation of the Indians, that 
this would arouse their jealousy and, may be, active hostility. The 
Indians instead of two, sent with him ten of their leading men, two 
delegates from each of the principal tribes north of the Ohio, with 
strings and belts of wampum, for such Indian nations as they might 
probably meet. Although this added much to the security of the 
party, it also greatly increased the expense. In order to bring to the 
knowledge of the Germans of Pennsylvania his scheme to establish 
a colony west of the Mississippi, he made a circuitous route through the 
German settlements of that state. For " these people," he afterwards 
said in his letter to Don Gardoqui, ** have been a valuable acquisition 
to America, and I find great numbers who pay high rents for land, 
extremely desirous to embark with me; and numbers who have 
small farms of their own wish in the same way to provide for their 
children. A greater number of these than I expected to meet with are 
Catholics,' ' and of these Germans ten accompanied Morgan on his trip. 
On his way down the Ohio with his party, he gave notice of his grant 
and plans. At Louisville he was detained for some time by the severity 
of the season, and while there did not fail to impress upon the people 
the great importance of his enterprise, and that in his new colony 
they would enjoy " perfect freedom in religious matters,* ' and great 
advantages of trade, and he thought this ^^ would make converts of the 
whole country.** 

On the 14th of February, 1789, Morgan reached the Mississippi 
with his party, and landed opposite the mouth of the Ohio, 
where he found encamped a band of twenty Delaware Indians, 
and with these Indians he removed a few miles into the interior, in 


what is now Mississippi county, to good hunting grounds. Morgan 
arranged that forty of his men should remain there, while he and 
the others went to the post of St. Louis, to deliver the letter of 
Don Gardoqui to Don Manuel Perez, then commandant of the Illi- 
nois country. He thought this trip would only occupy about twenty 
days, but found this journey to St. Louis one of great hardship. 
Snow storms, severe cold weather, rivers filled with ice, and high 
water, impeded his progress. Some leagues above his camp 
he found the river frozen over and great gangs of buffalo crossing 
on the ice. Finding that his tour would occupy a longer time 
than he anticipated he sent two messengers back, advising the 
remainder of the party of the circumstances, and requesting the 
Indian chiefs to conduct his party to their town on what was 
called the Chepoosa river (now St. John's bayou), and to 
remain there until his return. Owing to the continuance of the 
snow storms and cold weather, Morgan and his party journeyed 
through the woods as far as Kaskaskia, and from there in carriages 
and on horses went to St. Louis, where he was received by Don Manuel 
Perez with great politeness. Perez furnished Morgan and his party 
with horses, guides, and provisions to visit the interior of the country, 
and Morgan said that he found it to be "superior to any part of 
North America*' they had seen, possessing many advantages "which 
even the fine lands in Kentucky are deprived of,* ' but, owing to the 
fact that the lands near the rivers, are subject to inundations the' 
" beauties and advantages of the higher grounds which are more or 
less distant from the bed or current of the river, according to its 
sinuosities** are not known to the people. After his return from St. 
Louis to his camp on the Chepoosa, he resolved to lay out a city near 
the present site of New Madrid, and make a survey of some of the land. 
Among the persons who accompanied Colonel Morgan were, Major 
McCully, Colonel Shreve, Colonel Christopher Hays, Captain Light, 
Captain Taylor, John Dodge, David Rankin, John Ward, John 
Stewart, James Rhea, Captain Hewling, and others. In a joint 
letter, addressed by these gentlemen to Dr. John Morgan, of Phila- 
delphia, dated New Madrid, April 14, 1789, they give an interesting 
account of their discoveries west of the Mississippi, and thus we 
catch a glimpse of the virgin land in which these early American 
adventurers rode around. In this letter they say : 

** The inclemency of the season and the precaution necessary for 
the advantage and security of our party and enterprise, rendered our 


voyage down the Ohio a long, though not a disagreeable one. We 
have now been in the Mississippi two months, most of which time has 
been t^tken up in visiting the lands from St. Cosme on the north to 
this place on the south ; and westward to the St. Francis river, the 
general course of which is parallel with the Mississippi, and from 
twenty to thirty miles distant. Colonel Morgan with nineteen men 
undertook to reconnoitre the lands above or north of the Ohio. This 
gave him the earliest opportunity of presenting his credentials to Don 
Manuel Perez, Governor of the Illinois country, who treated him 
and the others with the greatest politeness. Their arrival after their 
business was known created a general joy throughout the country 
among all ranks of its inhabitants, — even the neighboring Indians 
have expressed the greatest pleasure at our arrival and the intention of 
settlement. There is not a single nation or tribe of Indians who 
claim or pretend to claim a foot of the land granted to Colonel 
Morgan. This is a grand matter in favor of our settlement. The 
governor very cheerfully supplied our party with everything necessary 
demanded by Colonel Morgan, and particularly with horses and 
guides to reconnoitre all the lands to the western limits and from 
north to south in the interior country. In an undertaking of this 
nature it is not to be doubted but different notions prevailed amongst 
us as to the most advantageous situation to establish the first settle- 
ment of farmers and planters. A considerable number of reputable 
French families on the American side of the Illinois who propose to 
. join us, wished to influence our judgment in favor of a very beautiful 
situation and country about twelve leagues above the Ohio. A number 
of American farmers, deputed from Post Vincent (Vincennes) and 
some others of our party, were delighted with the territory opposite 
the Ohio, one league back from the river, to which there is access by a 
rivulet that empties into the Mississfppi about three miles above the 

We have united in the resolution to establish our new city, whence 
this letter is dated, about twelve leagues below the Ohio at a place 
formerly called L*Anse k la Graise, or the greasy bend, below the 
mouth of a river marked in Capt. Hutchins' map (Sound River). 
Here the banks of the Mississippi for a considerable length are high, 
dry, and pleasant, and the soil westward to the St. Francis is of the 
best for com, tobacco and indigo, and we verily believe that there is not 
an acre of poor land in a thousand square miles. The country rises 
gradually from the river into fine, dry, pleasant, and healthful grounds. 


superior to any place in America. The limits of our 'city of New 
Madrid are to extend four miles south and two miles west, so as to 
cross a beautiful living deep lake of purest spring water, one hundred 
yards wide and several leagues in length, emptying itself by a constaot 
and rapid stream through the center of the city. The banks of this 
lake, which is called St. Ann, are high, beautiful and pleasant, the 
water deep, clear and sweet ; the bottom a clean sand, well stored 
with fish. On each side of this beautiful lake streets are to be laid 
out one hundred feet wide and a road to be continued round it of the 



same breadth, and the trees are directed to be preserved forever for 
the health and pleasure of the citizens. A street 1 20 feet wide on the 
banks of the Mississippi is laid out and the trees are to be preserved. 
Twelve acres in the central part of the city are to be reserved, orna- 
mented, etc., for public walks, and forty lots of an half acre each are to 
be appropriated to such public uses as the citizens wish to recommend, 
and one lot of twelve acres is to be reserved for the King's use. One 
city lot of a half an acre and one lot of five acres to be a free gift to each 
of the six hundred first settlers. Our surveyors are now engaged to 
laying out the city lots and the country into farm tracts of three hun- 
dred and twenty acres. We have built cabins and a magazine for 
provisions. Are making gardens, and we shall plow and plant one 


hundred acres of the best prairie land in the world with Indian com, 
hemp, flax, cotton, tobacco, and potatoes. Several French gentlemen 
of Ste. Genevieve offered to conduct Colonel Morgan to as fine iron 
and lead mines as any in America in a small day's journey from the 
river. One thousand acres are being surveyed for the choice and 
settlement of families who will come here next fall. After the 
surveys are completed Colonel Morgan and Major McCully will 
proceed to New York via New Orleans and Cuba, and Colonel 
Shreve, Captain Light, and Captain Taylor with all others who con- 
clude to return immediately for their families, will ascend the Ohio in 
time to leave Fort Pitt again for this place in October. Captain 
Hewling and a number of single men will plant one hundred acres of 
com, and other crops, and will build a mill. Not a single person of 
our part)', consisting of seventy men has been sick, but all are in 
good health and spirits on the discovery of this pleasant clime.* * 

A copy of this letter, which was published in Philadelphia, coming 
into the hands of Madison, he wrote Washington that it " contained 
the most authentic and precise evidence of the Spanish project that 
has come to my knowledge,* * and also wrote Jefferson that " no doubt 
the project had the sanction of Gardoqui,** and that the Mississippi 
was "the bait for the defection of the western people.***' Dawson, 
in a letter from New York to Governor Beverly Randolph, in 1 789, 
gives additional information as to the origin of Morgan's enterprise, 
and the ultimate consequences of which he views with undisguised 
apprehension. He says that Colonel Morgan was in treaty with 
Congress for a large tract of land on the Mississippi, but being dis- 
gusted at some conditions annexed to the ordinance, which he thought 
illegal, entered into a plan with Gardoqui, the Spanish minister 
there, for settling a large tract of land, to be bound by the parallel of 
Cape Cinque Homme (St. Cosme) on the north, the parallel of the 
mouth of the St. Francois on the south, the Mississippi river on the 
east, and extending west two degrees of latitude, *' a country as fine in 
soil and superior in trade to any in America.** This transaction, 
Dawson said, he considered of the most interesting nature, and would 
probably produce a remarkable era in American history, as a door 
would be opened through which the United States would lose many 
thousand of her best citizens, and he adds, that he has certain infor- 
mation that Morgan has already entered into engagements with the 
most reputable characters, and most useful farmers and tradesmen, to 

'* Windsor's Westward Movement, p. 366. 


go to New Madrid with him next year, that a number of judicious 
people have gone with him to enter and survey the land on a plan far 
superior to that of Congress, and to lay out ground for a large city as 
near opposite the mouth of the Ohio as they should judge expedient. 
Dawson thinks that added " to these circumstances the most sacred 
assurances in religious matters, and free navigation of the Mississippi 
to New Orleans, clear of all duties and taxes, besides being entitled to 
all the commercial privil^es which the citizens of New Orleans enjoy 
in any of the King of Spain *s rich dominions, are inducements suffi- 
cient to draw the attention of the industrious and enterprising," and 
that although the lands on the Ohio and its branches are very fine and 
productive, that nothing can be drawn from them more than a bare 
subsistence without a market for the producers, and consequently 
without commerce, and that the best inhabitants on these waters will 
emigrate to the equally good lands on the west side of the Mississippi, 
where particular privileges will induce them to oppose nations having 
the same advantages, and he thinks that this will cause discontent 
in Kentucky against the government of the United States, and that 
eventually separation will ensue, and conunercial and other treaties 
will be formed between Spain and the western Anglo-Americans for 
their mutual advantage and security." 

Morgan made extensive and elaborate preparation for the settle- 
ment of large numbers of people in his new province. Sufficient 
land for three hundred and fifty families was ordered surveyed at once 
into farms of three hundred and twenty acres each, and to be divided 
among the persons who accompanied him, for themselves and their 
friends, on condition, however, that the land so divided among them 
should be settled on or before May i, 1790, the settlers taking the 
oath of allegiance to His Most Catholic Majest}', and his successors, 
and paying the sum of forty-eight Mexican dollars for each three 
hundred and twenty acres. Under this plan Morgan thought that 
annually one thousand families would settle in the new colony. So 
well pleased was the party who accompanied Morgan, as well as the 
various persons employed by him for wages, that they all agreed to 
take land in payment of what was due them, and even the surveyors 
who came with Morgan agreed to take in payment of the principal 
part of their fees land for themselves and their friends. These survey- 
ors were Colonel Israel Shreve, Peter Laght, and Colonel Christopher 

" Virginia Calendar, vol. 4, pp. 554-5- 33 Draper's Collection, Clark MSS., 
pp. 1 12-13. 


Hays. It is interesting now to note with what great particularity 
Morgan provided the manner in which the surveys should be made 
"on a plan far superior to Congress" says Dawson. The system of 
rectangular surveys applied to public lands adopted in the following 
year by the government of the United States in surveying the territory 
northwest of the Ohio, it would seem was really first devised by him, 
for in ordering the survey of the lands of his new colony, he directed 
that after the first meridional line was fixed, the east and west lines 
only should be run, except where a new meridional line should be 
necessary, and that then this new line should be run exactly five miles 
distant from the last line, and from which new set-offs were to be 
made, to run the east and west ranges, and all of which should first be 
extended to the river, and then west to the main branch of the river St. 
Francois. The first meridional line he ordered should be run' at a 
certain distance from the bank of the Mississippi, and the second 
meridional line five miles west of it, and so on. All east and west 
ranges were to be run exactly two miles apart. In running the ea^t and 
west lines, or ranges, his r^ulations provided that a post should be 
erected at the place of departure on the meridional line, and the bear- 
ings of some remarkable trees taken, measuring the distance from these 
trees to the post, blazing the trees opposite the post and marking same 
under the blaze one notch. All lines or ranges were to be strongly 
marked by blazes on three sides, i. e., on the east and west ranges, the 
east and west sides of the tree were to be blazed strongly and smoothly 
so as not to injure the trees, but the tree was to be only slightly blazed 
on the side next to the line. All trees found to be directly on the lines 
were to be notched five feet from the ground. The surveyors' 
instruments he ordered should all be compared with and rectified to a 
standard, and in like manner the chains were to be regulated and no 
allowance was to be made in measure. He particularly provided 
that all the surveyors should in their field books, carefully note the 
distances run, all mountains, hills, valleys, bottom lands, timber trees, 
quality of soil, fresh, mineral or salt licks, minerals of iron, copper, 
lead or coal, and all appearances of rock or stone, and the quality 
thereof; all mill-seats that should come to their knowledge, also 
noting all other remarkable and permanent things over which the 
lines or ranges should pass; and he also further required that the 
surveyors should make a drawing of every kind of beast, bird, fish or 
insect, they might kill or see in the country, and note the kind of trees, 
shrubs, vines, and plants, which might come under theit view ; and 


make a drawing of all such not common in Pennsylvania. Any sur- 
veyor neglecting to perform his duty with proper exactitude, as thus 
defined, he ordered should instantly be dismissed from the service. 
The three principal surveyors, already named, were to have a choice 
each of a tract not exceeding forty square miles in the colony, to be 
settled by them and their friends. Colonel Israel Shreve was to have 
first choice of forty square miles for himself and associates, and the 
sole distribution of these forty square miles was intrusted to him ; 
then Peter Light was authorized to make a choice of forty square 
miles for himself, and next Colonel Christopher Hays of a like 
quantity for himself and associates. These surveyors, it was pro- 
vided by Morgan, should make their selection in writing, and the land 
so selected the surveyors were authorized to sell at such prices as they 
thought proper. Moreover each of the surveyors was entitled to one 
city lot and outlot in New Madrid for each farm they so sold, paying 
only one dollar for the patent. The hunters, chain-carriers, markers, 
horse-masters, and other attendants ** on the gentlemen surveyors, " 
were also entitled to a single tract of land in any district or range 
where they assisted in the work. Next, all persons "going down in 
my employment, either as artificers or laborers," he ordered should 
have one farm each on due application . 

The lots and outlots of New Madrid, Morgan provided should be 
distributed free, to the first six hundred persons who should build 
on the lots and reside one year in the new city. The lots were all to be 
one half acre in extent, and the outlots five acres, but after the distribu- 
tion of the first six hundred lots, the remainder were to be sold to 
future settlers, according to their value. In addition to this, forty lots 
of the town, of one half acre each, were reserved for such public uses 
as might from time to time be recommended by the citizens or chief 
magistrate, these lots to be distributed in different parts of the city as 
equally as possible, and a lot of twelve acres was ordered reserved for 
the King, an additional lot for public walks, to be improved by the 
magistrate of the city for the time being, " for the use and amusement 
of the citizens and strangers.' ' With a forethought for the future 
seldom manifested, Morgan expressly ordered that " the timber, trees, 
and shrubs now growing thereon shall be religiously preserved as 
sacred, and no part thereof shall be violated or cut down, but by the 
personal direction and inspection of the chief magistrate for the time 
being, whose reputation must be answerable for an honorable and 
generous discharge of this trust, meant to promote the health and 


pleasure of the citizens.* * How much more beautiful and attractive 
would be the towns and cities of this country if the same generous 
provision for adornment had been made and wise forethought had 
been exercised, where new towns have been laid out. But not only 
for New Madrid, but throughout the country in this new colony, did 
Morgan make similar provisions for the preservatior^ of forest trees. 
He expressly ordered there should be a reserve of one acre at each angle 
of every intersection of public roads or highways, according to the plan 
of settlement of the country laid.down by him, and by which means he 
thought no farm house could be farther than two and one half miles 
from this reserve, and which he provided should be forever dedicated 
to the following several uses, that is to say, one acre on the northeast 
angle for the use of a school ; one acre on the northwest angle for a 
church ; one acre on the southwest angle for the use of the poor of the 
district, and the remaining southeast angle for the use of the King. 
No trees in any street of the city, nor in any road throughout the 
country, he expressly ordered, should be injured or cut down, except 
under the direction of the magistrate of the police or an officer thereof, 
and who was to be accountable in the premises, and no timber injured 
or cut down in any street or road, as regularly provided, was to be ap- 
plied to private use under any plea whatsoever, because no doubt he 
had well observed that the anxiety to s^'iire for private use the lumber 
in trees standing on public roads, too often led to the wanton destruc- 
tion of the same. The landing at New Madrid, he also provided, should 
be free to all persons ; the space between the river and the lots was not 
to be less than one hundred feet, and here, too, he ordered that relig- 
ious care should be taken to preserve all timber growing thereon. In 
New Madrid lots were dedicated to the use of the Roman Catholic 
church and school. Episcopal church and school, Presbyterian church 
and school, German Lutheran church and school and German Cal- 
vinistic church and school. 

Morgan, in order to secure farmers and tillers of the soil for his 
new colony, in his regulations provided that " no white person shall 
be admitted to reside in this territory who shall declare himself to be a 
hunter by profession, or who shall make a practice of killing buffalo or 
deer, without bringing all the flesh of their carcases to his own family, 
or to New Madrid, or carrying it to some other market,^* and this 
regulation, he said, was intended for the preservation of those animals, 
and for the benefit of the neighborhood Indians, whose dependence 
was hunting principally, and that his settlement being intended to be 


wholly agricultural and commercial, no encouragement should be 
given to white hunters. Of course contraband trade on any ac- 
count was strictly prohibited, but care was to be taken to instruct the 
settlers what was contraband of trade, so that they might not offend 
innocently. Persons who received permission to settle in the territory 
were allowed to bring their respective families, slaves and servants, and 
effects of every kind, but to export no part thereof to any other part 
"of his Majesty's Dominions, " because being contraband. Navi- 
gable rivers in the colony were declared to be highways. No obstruc- 
tion to navigation was permitted for the emolument of any person 
whatever. Recorders * ofl&ces were also provided to be erected in the 
district, mortgages were to be recorded, and an alphabetical index to 
be kept open for examination, and all these regulations and directions, 
Morgan says, " are meant as fundamental stipulations for the govern- 
ment, and happiness of all who shall become subjects of Spain and 
reside in this territory,' ' and were dated April 6, 1789. 

In his advertisement Morgan states that those who settle at New 
Madrid in the ensuing year shall have plough irons or other iron works 
and farming utensils transported from the Ohio gratis, also their 
clothing, bedding, kitchen furniture and certain other articles which 
may not be too bulky. Schoolmasters he promised should be engaged 
immediately for the instnictiAi of the youth. Ministers of the gospel, 
he said, would meet with every encouragement and grants of land 
were to be made to each and every denomination immigrating with 
a congregation before the year 1790, besides particular grants of 
land to each society. And then adds, " This new city is proposed to be 
built on a high bank of the Mississippi river, near the mouth of the 
Ohio, in the richest and most healthful part of the western country, 
about latitude 37 degrees. Those who wish for further information 
will apply to me in person as aforementioned, or at the new city of 
New Madrid, after the first day of next December, where surveyors 
will attend to lay out the lands.' '^* 

But Morgan thus employed with his plans was secretly antagonized 
in a manner he did not suspect, nor his patron Don Di^o Gardoqui. 
Don Estevan Miro, Governor of Louisiana, and Gen. James Wilkin- 
son of the army of the United States, were at this time engaged in a 
deep plot to dismember the Union, separating the people of Kentucky 
and the West from the Atlantic states, and hence the establishment of 
a colony such as Morgan proposed did not harmonize with their 

" 53 Draper's Collection, Clark MSS., No. 79. 

PI. I.\ 

oClIu- KOHT 



scheme. Gen. Wilkinson was then in the secret employment of 
Spain. When Morgan published his plans, Gen. ^^Ikinson actuated 
at once by self-interest and fear advised Governor Miro, of the 
dangerous tendency of the proposed colony. In a letter dated Feb- 
ruary 12, 1789, he refers to the fact that Morgan, although a man of 
education, is a profound speculator ; that he has twice been a bankrupt ; 
that he is in poor cirounstances, and that none of the colonists he is 
settling in the new colony are from Kentucky. Then discussing 
Morgan's project he says, '*In a political point of view Morgan's 
establishment can produce no good result, but on the contrary will 
have the most pernicious consequences, because the Americans who 
settle there will on account of their proximity to, and their constant 
intercourse with their countrymen of this side of the river, retain 
their old prejudices and feelings and continue to be Americans as if 
they were on the banks of the Ohio. On the other side the intention of 
detaining the productions of this vast country* at a point so distant 
from their real market, whilst the .\mericans shall remain the carriers 
of that trade, cannot fail to cause discontent and embroil the two 
countries in difficulties. Probably it will destroy the noble fabric of 
which we have laid out the foundation and which we are endeavoring to 
complete. If it be deemed necessary to keep the .\mericans at a distance 
from Louisiana, let the Spaniards at least be the carriers of the pro- 
duce they receive at their posts and of the merchandise which is ac- 
ceptable to the Americans. In this way will be formed an impene- 
trable barrier without any cost to the King, because in less than thirty 
years His Catholic Majesty will have on the river at least thirty 
thousand boatmen and which it will be easy to keep and convert into 
armed bodies to assist in the defense of the province from whatever 
quarter it may be threatened. " Concluding he says, that " it is long 
since Morgan has become jealous of me, and you may rest assured 
that in reality he is not well-affected towards our cause, but that he 
allows himself to be entirely ruled by motives of the vilest self-interest, 
and therefore he will not scruple on his return to New York to destroy 

While Morgan was surveying his city and diligently laboring to 
lay the foundation of his fortune. Governor Miro was i>erusing Gen. 
Wilkinson's letter, and when Col. Morgan came to New Orleans in 
the following May to secure approval of the concession of Don Di^o 
Gardoqui, he found his scheme effectually ruined. On May 20, 
1789, Governor Miro addressed a dispatch to his government in 

MIRO 123 

which he disapproved the policy of making a large concession to Col. 
Morgan, and of granting to the colonists the right of self-government, 
exemption from taxation, thus creating an imperium in imperio. 
On the 23d of May, with profound dissimulation, he wrote Morgan 
that he was surprised, on reading in the papers submitted to him, that 
the extent of territory conceded was so large, although he was fully 
advised by Gen. Wilkinson of its extent, and that the privileges 
attached to the grant were exorbitant and completely inadmis- 
sible. And then stating the terms upon which he would allow the 
establishment of a colony, he says with consummate deception, "Truly 
it is a matter of deep regret, because having been made acquainted 
with the fine qualities for which you are distinguished I was awaiting 
yourarrival with impatience and with the hope of approving your plan. 
I am therefore much disappointed at being obliged to resist its execu- 
tion, because it would be extremely prejudicial to the welfare and 
interest of the kingdom to permit the establishment of a Republic 
within its domains, for such I consider the Government which you 
have conceived, although retaining some shadow of submission to his 
Majesty.'* He then expressed regret that Col. Morgan should have 
caused it to be circulated through Ohio and Kentucky that he had 
received so extensive a concession, and that under the impression that 
it was final, he caused the plan of a city to be drawn and should have 
given it a name, the exercise of a power appertaining to the sovereign 
alone, and that in a letter addressed to certain persons at Fort Pitt 
(no doubt referring to the letter heretofore set out) he should have 
gone so far as to designate it as " our* ' city, although Don Diego 
Gardoqui only authorized a survey of the land, and concluding he says, 
" How wide a difference is there between what you did and what you 
had a right to do.* * All these acts, however, he was willing to attri- 
bute to imprudence and excessive zeal to serve the king, and that 
if he should be disposed to remain in the service of his Majesty he 
would authorize him to induce families to settle in the Natchez district, 
and that if successful, he, Miro, would reward him in a befitting 
manner, promising a concession of one thousand acres of land for him- 
self and each of his sons. He also advised him that a fort would be 
constructed at the place where he had located New Madrid, and that 
a detachment of soldiers would be sent there, and that the commander 
would be instructed to receive all immigrants favorably. 

Thus Morgan's principality vanished like the "baseless fabric of 
a vision.' * He submitted with good grace and dignity, and we cannot 


withhold from him pur sympathy. The next day he answered 
(jovernor Miro *s letter, apologizing for his course, sa3ring that if he 
had erred it was with the best intention and from ignorance, thanking 
the Governor for attributing what he had done to his excessive zeal to 
serve his Majesty. " As I have always kept up the character of a man 
of honor,' ' said he, " I am sure you will remain convinced that I shall 
never act knowingly in violation of the laws of his Majesty.' * Then 
explaining his motives for leaving the United States he says, '* Among 
the inducements which I had to leave my native country must be 
reckoned the desire of increasing my fortune, establishing my family 
in peace under a safe and secure government. If you have occa- 
sionally read the Acts of Congress you may have seen that my 
father-in-law, Baynton, myself and my partners were unjustly dis- 
possessed by the state of Virginia of the largest territorial estate 
within its limits, and that it was not in the power of Congress to 
protect us, although that Honorable body manifested the best dispo- 
sition to do so.** 

Miro reported to his government his coiwse in the matter, and 
observed that if he had acquiesced in Morgan 's plans an independent 
republic would have been organized within the limits of Louisiana. 
On the conditions set out in Morgan's plans he says he himself would 
undertake to depopulate the greater part of the United States and 
draw all their citizens to Louisiana, including the whole of Congress. 
He also states that Thomas Hutchins, Surveyor- General and Geogra- 
pher of the United States had written to ascertain if Morgan's con- 
cession had been approved, and that if accepted, he would become a 
subject of His Catholic Majesty and resign the office and salary he 
now enjoyed, and that the proposition to allow the colonists to govern 
themselves, but the King to pay their magistrates, would attract a 
prodigious number of people." 

At first the Commandant of Ste. Genevieve, Henri Peyroux, 
exercised jurisdiction over the new settlement at New Madrid, 
the territory then being considered within the Ste. Genevieve district. 
Morgan when he explored the country visited Ste. Genevieve and 
while there told Peyroux that he intended to found his new city 
opposite the mouth of the Ohio, but Peyroux then advised him that 
the land there was low and subject to overflow, that the first high 
land on the west side of the river, and from which a prairie ex- 
tended north was found at L' Anse k la Graise, and Peyroux says 

*' Gayarr^'s Spanish Dominion of Louisiana, p. 267. 


that this led Morgan to establish his city there. After Morgan's 
failure to secure approval of the grant made by Gardoqui, Miro 
ordered Peyroux to New Madrid with a small police force of six 
soldiers to preserve order among the new settlers. While there he 
opened several roads for carts and wagons, made land grants, and 
called the settlers together to have them determine whether they 
desired to cultivate their land in separate fields or in a common-field, 
and these American settlers then decided in favor of separate fields, 
each farmer to fence his own land. Accordingly no common-field 
was established in New Madrid. The settlers also selected, as a 
" common " for wood and as pasture land, a large tract on the other 
side of Cypress bayou and requested that grants of land be made to 
encourage the building of a mill, distillery, tannery, and brick-yard. 
These several matters Peyroux submitted to Governor Miro. In an 
order preserved in the Spanish archives of New Madrid, dated June 
27, 1789, he, however, declares that he will not grant any of the 
lands marked out by Colonels George Harrison and Benjamin 
Harrison,*" and which they gave notice they reserved for themselves 
and their friends, the lands so designated extending twenty miles 
north of New Madrid and embracing two hundred separate tracts, 
exclusive of lakes and marshes, all no doubt located on the high 
ridge north of New Madrid known as Big Prairie." 

Governor Miro, in July, 1789, dispatched Lieutenant Pierre 
Foucher, of the stationary regiment of Louisiana, with two sergeants, 
two corporals, and a detachment of thirty soldiers to New Madrid to 
build a fort and take civil and military command. Foucher, in 1788, 
was one of the ordinary alcaldes of New Orleans,^' and seems on the 
whole to have been well qualified for the position of commandant. 
His instructions were to govern the new colonists in such a way " as to 
make them feel that they had found among the Spaniards the state 

*• This General Benjamin Harrison was among the most prominent men of 
the new settlement. He came from Kentucky where he had distinguished 
himself in the Border wars. He was a man of property, a slave 
owner, and had a large family. He fully entered into Morgan's plans and pro- 
posed to bring a large number of settlers into the country. His two sons, Law- 
rence and William, were also among Morgan's followers. Another son, Benja- 
min, Junior, was also here. With General Harrison came Benjamin Hinkston, 
his son-in-law, and son of the celebrated John Hinkston (or Hinkson), who him- 
self came to New Madrid from Kentucky. In 1802 while General Harrison 
was absent on a trip to Kentucky, George N. Reagan forced his son to surrender 
a negro slave, claimed as part payment of land bought of Reagan, but afterward 
Harrison recovered the slave by suit. 

" Letter of Peyroux in New Madrid Archives. 

"2 Martin's Louisiana, p. 79. 


of ease and comfort for which they were in quest." ^' In 1 791 Foucher 
reports that 219 new settlers had presented themselves between the 
I St of January to the end of April and taken the oath of allegiance. 
Many of them were from Vincennes and Gallipolis. 

Morgan subsequently wrote to Gardoqui that he owed it to his 
own character to say that the only partial adoption of his enterprise 

by Miro, his apparent displeasure at the steps Gardoqui had taken to 
make a settlement of so great consequence to Spain, his extreme 
anxiety to be thought the first proposer and promoter of a settlement 
opposite the mouth of the Ohio, and his appointment of a young 
French officer to command and govern this infant settlement, would 
in a great measure defeat the expectation which had so justly been 
formed from the measures he, Gardoqui, had recommended. He 
further wrote, that he believed that the young French gentleman 
appointed to the command at New Madrid had real merit as a 
gentleman and officer, but the fact that he was a trader would certainly 
not "promote his Majesty's service in any respect,'* on the contrary 
he believed that this fact alone would have pernicious consequences 
and retard the settlement of the country, that he did not think that 
any officer holding the position of commandant of a post, or governor 
of .a settlement should dishonor the King's commission by being a 
trader ; that he could not suppose that he had either the knowledge or 
the experience equal to the task of the position; and, that whatever his 
ability might be, the fact that he did not speak the English language 
would greatly embarrass him ; that if he had been appointed merely 
to build the fort, command the troops and deal with the Indians, he 
might have been highly useful and agreeable to him, but no further. 
And, in conclusion, Morgan says, "I wish to be candid, sir, but not to 

*• According to Martin *'a company of infantry was sent to build a garrison 
and fort near the intended site of the city." (2 Martin's History of Louisiana, 
p. 90.) Foucher built Fort Celeste "which was named thus in compliment to 
the wife of Estevan Miro, the governor of Louisiana," according to McCoy. (2 
Hunt's Minutes, p. 154.) 


give offence. The trust reposed in me, and the importance of my 
conduct to the King's service, however, induce me to say that I do not 
believe his Excellency, Governor Miro, is possessed of the necessary 
ideas respecting the object his Majesty has in view ; and his warmth 
of temper and passions prevent his obtaining the knowledge and 
information requisite to his station. His copartnership with General 
Wilkinson has been exceedingly injurious to his Majesty's colony, and 
will, I fear, be attended with more very, very inconvenient conse- 
quences. His warmth, on the liberty we took in calling the proposed 
settlement New Madrid, treating it as highly criminal, instead of 
viewing it in the light we meant it, viz., to show our determined reso- 
lution to become subjects of the King, and our respect and attachment 
to the nation — and the offense he took at the mention of " our city" 
in the circular letter, are proofs to me that his mind does not embrace 
the objects which his Majesty appears to have in view. It is scarcely 
possible for you to conceive the warmth of resentment with which he 
expressed himself on your having listened to my proposition at any 
rate, for he really did not understand them ; nor did he condescend 
to ask a single explanation of them nor of any part, but he has 
been extremely pointed in his aversion to freedom in religious 
matters — but he gradually cooled and softened down to the 
temper which produced the two commissions and instructions 
annexed. At parting, he gave me the letter I have had the 
honor to forward to you in which, he informed me, he had warmly 
recommended me to you. If the acquisition of eight or ten thousand 
industrious subjects by your or by my means is desirable to his Ma- 
jesty, I cannot but think the Governor ought not to have discovered 
jealousy or displeasure at names or straws; as a gentleman he 
might have proposed an alteration to avoid giving offense to his 
Majesty, where only respect was intended. " '® 

Miro especially objected to the sale that Morgan contemplated of 
the lands in his projected colony, but Morgan thought that giving lands 
away, as an encouragement to gain settlers, had a bad effect, and was 
only an encouragement to settle to those who were extremely poor and 
indigent, and he desired to make a trial in his proposed settlement of 
New Madrid, of making sale of land at a small price, while grants at 
Natchez, Illinois, etc., were made free, so that the relative merit of the 
the two plans might be verified by actual workings, and he says " it is 
an experiment worth making, for if it succeeds to my expectations the 

*• See letter of Morgan to Gardoqui. 


immense tracts of his Majesty's waste lands in America will be a 
Peruvian mine to him.' ' He supposed that there were about eight 
hundred million acres of land on the Mississippi and its waters, 
which might be sold at an average of 12 J cents per acre, and that the 
advantages derived from such a sale would be as nothing compared 
"to the advantages derivable of the subjects who would populate the 
lands," and that the foundation for peopling this vast domain ought to 
be the best possible regulations, and not left "to chance or to desperate 
men.'* " 

Miro authorized and empowered Morgan to introduce into 
Louisiana and part in Natchez, any number of families, farmers, 
traders and laborers, and wrote him on the 29th of May, 1789, 
that he would himself recommend " to his Majesty the merit that you 
will acquire in the commission, " and that he was sure he would be 
rewarded in proportion to the number, who by his influence and ex- 
ample should make a settlement, and that for his own part he would 
assure him of a grant of one thousand acres of land, and as many for 
each of his children, in any part of the province ; and on June 26th he 
issued a conmiission to Morgan in case of the death of the officer 
he had appointed as conmiandant of New Madrid and in which he 
says "reposing special trust and confidence in your ability, fidelity, 
and honor, I do hereby nominate and appoint you commandant of 
the said territory until further orders from me, subject to the 
instructions I have already given you, and those which you may 
hereafter receive from me." 

In this manner Miro set aside the plans of Gardoqui and annulled 
Morgan 's incomplete grant, but authorizing grants of land to those 
who had been induced to settle in the New Madrid district. No ex- 
clusive right to trade with New Orleans" was given the settlers at New 

^ After this failure Morgan turned his attention to an estate bequeathed 
to him in Washington county, Pennsylvania, by his brother, and here he set- 
tled, naming his estate "Morganza," and here he died after a checkered and 
strenuous life, in 1810. It was at his residence at "Morganza", at a dinner, that 
it was charged that Burr made treasonable remarks against liie United States. 
Cuming, who, in 1807, enjoyed the hospitality of General Morgan, describes 
his house as a long narrow frame building with two ends lower 3ian the main 
body of the house, by way of wings, and says that the situation for the house was 
not well chosen when he had apparently the choice of better locations, and says 
that one is more apt to be struck by anything like false taste in any work that 
has been finished under the direction of a man of education and refinement, 
"which in addition to liberal hospitality is General Morgan's character, as well 
as that of his amiable and accomplished lady." Cuming's Tour to the West 
p. 217. 

"Windsor's Westward Movement, p. 306. 


Madrid, as stated by Windsor. Morgan *s project laid the foundation 
for the peaceful conquest by the Americans of at least upper Loui- 
siana, for, owing to the impulse given American immigration by the 
wide advertisement of Morgan 's plans, and the liberal land policy of 
the Spanish authorities, a majority of the population in upper Loui- 
siana, when the territory was ceded, was already composed of Amer- 
icans. So great was the immigration into upper Louisiana, when 
Morgan first published his plan, that Major Hamtramck wrote in 
1789, that '*all of our Americans of Post Vincennes will go to Mor- 
gan," that within twenty days **not less than 100 souls have passed 
daily" to his new colony.*" After the collapse of Morgan's scheme, 
the Spanish officials continued to encourage settlers to come to the 
Spanish side, says Hamtramck "by giving them land gratis."'* 
This immigration into the Spanish territory was greatly increased 
by the passage of the Ordinance of 1787, and which led people to 
believe that the negroes northwest of the Ohio would be freed as 
soon as a territorial government should be established.** 

LaForge tells us that Foucher " was the man that was wanted for 
the creation of this colony ; busying himself at the same time with 
his own interests as of those of the inhabitants, with his own 
amusements as well as theirs, but always after having attended first to 
his business, and by a singular address if he sometimes plucked the 
fowl, he not only did it without making it squall, but set it to 
dancing and laughing."** During his administration of eighteen 
months Foucher "divided the country into districts, laid out the town 
into lots, built an imposing fort, promulgated the laws of the King and 
made them respected, and, when he departed from the post, was 
lamented, regretted, and demanded again from the governor-general 
by the unanimous voice of all the inhabitants.' '*^ Foucher seems to 
have directed all the affairs of the settlement. He laid out all the 
public works, explored the cypress swamps of the locality, and selected 
timber there for the government buildings, laid out the streets and 
lots of the new town, compass in hand. While he was in command a 
large number of American immigrants, who had no doubt been at- 
tracted by the publicity Morgan gave to the country, settled in the 
town and adjacent country. 

" Hanner PaperSi vol. 2, p. 50. 

'^Ibid., p. 371. 

* Harmer Papers, vol. 2, pp. 18 and 90. 

*• LaForge's Report in i Billon's Annals of St. Louis, p. 266. 

" LaForge's Report in i Billon's Annals of St. Louis, p. 266. 


When Pope went down the Mississippi in 1 791 , he breakfasted and 
dined with "Singior Pedro Foucher, Commandant at Nuevo 
Madrid.'* At that time the garrison was well supplied with food and 
raiment, and he had at his command " an excellent train of artillery, 
which appears to be their chief defense,' ' but Pope thinks that " two 
regular companies of musqueteers with charge-bayonets could take 
the town." He says that Foucher was of the same opinion, and 
that he claimed "that he was not well supported." Foucher was, 
according to Pope, "a Creole of French extraction, of Patagonian 
size, polite in manners and of a most noble presence.'*** Pope left 
New Madrid on the evening of March 12, 1791, in a boat called the 
" Smokehouse,' ' bound for New Orleans, and the first night after his 
departure anchored on the " Georgian^ ' shore, about thirty miles be- 
low New Madrid.* 

In the previous year. General David Forman, passing down the 
Mississippi says that he stopped at "L' Anse k la Graise, which 
place, or adjoining, bears the name of New Madrid, which is the 
American part of the little village settled under the auspices of Colonel 
George Morgan,' ' and from which it would appear that the American 
settlers then lived in one part of the town and the French settlers in 
another part. General Forman while in the port of New Madrid 
with his craft called on the commandant, and thus describes his 
visit : " Arrived at the gate, the guard was so anxious to trade his 
tame raccoon with our men that he scarcely took any notice of us. We 
went to headquarters ; there was but little ceremony. When we were 
shown into the commander's presence, I stepped toward him a little 
ip advance of my friends and announced my name. I was most 
cordially and familiarly received. Then I introduced my friends, 
naming their respective places of residence. After a little conversa- 
tion we arose to retire when the commandant advanced and politely 
asked me to dine with him an hour after 12 o'clock, and bring my 
accompanying friends with me. I turned to the gentlemen for their 
concurrence, which they gave, and we all returned to our boats. I 
then observed to my friends that the commandant would expect 
some present from us, such was the custom, and what should it be? 
Mr. Bayard, I believe, asked me to suggest something in our power to 
tender. I then remarked that as we had plenty of good hams that we 

'• See Pope's Tour, p. 22. 

*• See Pope's Tour, p. 23. Evidently he thought that Georgia extended 
to the Mississippi at that place. 


fill a barrel and send them to our host ; that they might prove as ac- 
ceptable as anything. The proposition met the approval of all, 
and the hams were accordingly sent at once, with perhaps an 
accompanying note. At an hour after 120 'clock I remember well 
that we found ourselves comfortably, seated at the hospitable board of 
the Spanish commandant, who expressed much delight at receiving 
our fine present. He gave us a splendid dinner in the Spanish style, 
and plenty of good wines and coffee without cream. The command- 
ant addressing me while we were indulging in the liquids before us, 
said that we must drink to the health of the ladies in our sweet liquors, 
"so," said he, "we will drink the health of Mrs. Forman," meaning 
my worthy cousin, who had preceded us in the visit to the garrison. 
After dinner the commandant invited us to take a walk in the fine 
prairies. He said he thought he could "drive a coach and four through 
these open woods to St. Louis." 

In September, 1791, Foucher was succeeded by Thomas Portelle. 

Foucher, in 1797, was a half -pay captain in New Orleans. Dur- 
ing a number of years the settlement of his accounts for the con- 
struction of the "Fort Celeste" at New Madrid, gave him much 
trouble, the vouchers which he had delivered to Don Francisco 
Gutierrez de Arroya, "an ofl&cial of the chief accountancy of the 
army," having been destroyed by fire. Foucher claimed that for 
making and planting the palisades of the fort he paid 2,500 pesos, 
and that having the lumber sawed and made for the roof of the 
barracks cost 700 pesos; for clearing the ground around the 
fort Pedro Lemieux and Santiago Cuturre received 700 pesos. 
He petitioned the King for relief, and relating his services says, 
that from 1778 to 1780 he served as a "volunteer carabineer," that 


he then purchased a commission as lieutenant of the Louisiana 
regiment and participated in the campaign against "Manchak, 
Baton Rouge, Movila and Pensacola." After many petitions he 
finally secured a settlement and adjustment of his accounts. 

Portelle, according to LaForge, was **a man of distinguished merit 
equally in the military as in the cabinet, and who was superior to his 
position/' and who ''if he failed, it was because he did not place him- 
self on a level with the people he had to govern."*® Portelle remained 
in conmiand from 1791 to 1796. The population of New Madrid 
during this period was made up of traders, hunters, and voyageurs. 
Trading and hunting were the principal occupations of the inhabit- 
ants. Very little land was cultivated, and no progress was made in 
agricultural development. The French settlers preferred hunting to 
rural labor. " It was so convenient with a little powder and lead, 
some cloth and a few blankets, which they obtained on credit from the 
stores, to procure themselves the meat, grease, and suet necessary 
for their sustenance, and pay a part of their indebtedness with 
some peltries." But the game began to disappear, the Indians 
removed farther into the interior, and it became more difficult to 
gain support, and then these early inhabitants began to complain 
and regret the happy days "when they swam in grease, and when 
abundance of every description was the cause of waste and extrava- 
gance.** They were a merry and social people, those early French 
5etders of New Madrid, just as everywhere else in America. 
Festivals and balls were their delight and only came to an end when 
their purses were empty. 

In 1790 three or four American setders began to cultivate the fertile 
soil, and plant for the first time large areas with Indian com. They 
soon were able to sell their French and Creole neighbors com, butter, 
milk, cheese, eggs and chickens. When the Indians failed to come to 
New Madrid to trade, the French, too, b^an to plant com, but before 
the com was laid by, LaForge says, they all enrolled in the militia to 
resist the threatened invasion of 1794, abandoned their crops, and 
when they were paid off were again without supplies and in want. In 
this year five galleys came to New Madrid from New Orleans and 
remained during the summer, but the conunandant finding no 
provisions or com in New Madrid was compelled to send for subsist- 
ence to the Illinois setdements and to Kentucky. On this occasion 

'* Portelle was commandant at Apalachy before he came to New Madrid. 
The name is usually spelled "Portel" but he himself spells it "Portelle"or "PortieU." 


Don Portelle, Commandant, did not fail to impress on the inhabitants 
that they should have been in condition to furnish the necessary food 
and supplies. 

In 1795 the establishment of Fort San Fernando des Barrancas, 
near the present site of Memphis drew away from New Madrid the 
little surplus com. Ste. Genevieve and Kentucky again supplied 
com not only to San Fernando, but even to New Madrid. The desire 
to farm then b^an once more to take root among the French 
habitans. Nearly all the American immigrants as soon as they 
arrived made ready to farm. "Then" says Laforge "the French 
inveighed against the Americans, and, stimulated by jealousy, deter- 
mined that they too would farm." Thus it was that in 1796 farming 
was taken up as a serious occupation in New Madrid. But from 1794 
to 1796 the population remained stationary.^ 

Yet no great material progress in the wealth of the settlement was 
made during the administration of Don Portelle. A large majority of 
the inhabitants were French and Creoles, and LaForge mournfully 
comes to the conclusion "that the Creoles will never make this a 
flourishing settlement. It will be the Americans, Germans and 
other active people who will reap the glory of it. " In his report he 
also refers to the fact that although grants of land were made for 
some time to Francois Racine, to the Hunots, Paquins, Laderoute, 
Gamelin, deceased, Lalotte and others, not a single tree had been cut 
on the land so granted, and that the St. Maries, Meloche, and others 
had barely commenced work. On the other hand, he points out 
that when the Americans secure a grant of land they energetically 
begin to work on it. Of the 1 59 families of New Madrid 53 had no 
property, which La Forge thinks " is an evil to which it would be easy 
to apply a remedy. In a country destined to agricultural pursuits and 
the breeding of domestic animals, it is too much that one third of its 
inhabitants should stand isolated from the general interest, and that 
the other two thirds should be exposed to be the victims of a set of idle 
and lazy people, always at hand in their slightest necessities to satiate 
their hunger by preying on the industrious."" 

From the Spanish records of concessions the general growth and 
prosperity of the village may be reasonably inferred during this period. 
Thus between November 30, 1 789, and May i , 1 799, the oath of allegi- 
ance was administered to 601 persons. In 1791 forty-seven lots for 

'* La Forge's Letter, i Billon's Annals, p. 266. 

'* La Forge's Letter to De Lassus, i Billon's Annals, p. 272. 


houses were granted in the village, but during that same time an equal 
number of lots were abandoned. In 1792 six lots were granted, but 
fifteen lots abandoned. In 1793 fifty lots were granted and eight 
abandoned. In 1794 thirteen lots were granted. In 1795 twenty-five 
lots were granted and one abandoned. In 1796 forty-six concessions 
of lots were made. 

It was while Portelle was conunandant at New Madrid that the 
greatest activity prevailed to separate the western country from the 
Atlantic states. Portelle on one occasion sent $9,640 in cash, packed 
in barrels to Wilkinson, from New Madrid. Thomas Power, the 
agent of the Spanish government, an Englishman, was then a resident 
of New Madrid. In 1 795 Gayoso de Lemos came to New Madrid on 
a confidential mission to meet a Kentucky delegation, and from New 
Madrid, sent Power with dispatches to Wilkinson. From New 
Madrid Gayoso went to the mouth of the Ohio, and at what afterward 
became known as Bird's Point, erected a small stockade fort to 
amuse himself, while waiting for a reply. Here he was met by 
Judge Sebastian, in September, 1795, and together they went by boat 
to New Madrid and down the river. 

Juan Bamo y Ferrusola, in 1794, was greffierof New Madrid, 
Antoine Gamelin, in 1794, Captain of the Second Company of the 
militia; Louis Scipion Benoist de Marquet, Captain of another 
company, and Pierre de Rocher, Captain of the First Company. 
He was a native of Nantes, France, and a merchant of New 
Madrid.** John Shanklin, in 1796, was ensign of the troops, one 
of the first Anglo-American Spanish officers. It was during the 
administration of Portelle that the youthful Brackenridge arrived 
at New Madrid. "As we approached the landing," he says, "a 
soldier or officer made his appearance on the bank and flourished 
his sword with a fierce and consequential air, — all this for the 
purpose of indicating the place for us to land."'* During his 
stay at New Madrid at that time, Brackenridge, then a child, 
records that ** coarse, black bread, a kind of catfish soup, hot with 
pepper and seasoned with garlick, was about the only food they 
gave us." 

" Son of Francois Alexis DeRocher and Marie Naude; married Rosalie La- 
fond of Kaskaskia, daughter of Dr. Jean Baptiste Lafond and Charlotte La- 
course. In 1 793 had a concession on Lake St. Isidore, and on Lake St. Mary ; 
after his death this property was granted to his wife. The name is also spelled 

'* Brackenridge's Recollections of the West, p. 18. 


Portelle in 1796 was succeeded by Don Carlos DeHault DeLassus 
de Luziere. He was ason of Don Pierre DeHault DeLassus de Luziere, 
heretofore mentioned as commandant of Nouvelle Bourbon, in the 
Ste. Genevieve district. Don Carlos De 
Lassus entered the Spanish service as second 
lieutenant of the fifth Battalion of the Royal 
Guards of Waloonian infantry, participated 
in the campaign of the army of Rosellon as 
first lieutenant, was one of the first at the 
assault of Fort San Thelmo; by good mili- 
tary conduct and bravery distinguished him- 
self and was breveted lieu tenant- colonel. In 
order to be near his family, who were in great- 
ly reduced circumstances, he petitioned to be 
transferred from theWaloonian Guard* to the 

Stationary Regiment of Louisiana. In his petition, dated Madrid, 
July 5, 1794, he says that his father was a fugitive from France with 
his wife and children, that during the space of three years, after un- 
heard of hardships "in traveling through lands, crossing seas, the 
American rivers, and living among all the savage tribes found on the 
Scioto river in North America,' ' he reached the Spanish Illinois in 
the Province of Louisiana, and that there he established himself and 
built up a small colony in order that he might acquire the means to 
sustain his life, and " that of his numerous family in his advanced age.' ' 
In the following August DeLassus was transferred with the rank of 
lieutenant-colonel to the Louisiana Regiment, but with the pay 
only of captain, and on August 11, at San Ildefonso, received his 
passports to sail from Cadiz, "with a servant, arms and baggage," in 
order to join his corps. It is said that DeLassus enjoyed the personal 
acquaintance of King Ferdinand of Spain, and that the King was 
interested in his welfare and the welfare of his family, but Ibis state- 
ment may well be doubted, because subsequently when he petitioned 
that with the rank of lieu ten ant -colon el he might also get the pay of a 
lieutenant -colonel, so as to assist his unfortunate family and main- 
tain himself with the honor that his rank demanded, the petition was 
denied repeatedly, although strongly recommended by Carondelet. 
The report was likely circulated to justify the large grants of land 

" CuerjMi de guardiaa Walonas ronsisttd in Spain of more than 4000 men, 
in 56 companies, who oame from Flanders, then a dependency of Spain, and 
in service of the Spanish kings until the time of Ferdinand VII. 


made to the family at diGferent times by the Spanish officials,** with 
whom undoubtedly he was a great favorite." Carondelet says that he 
was " a very honorable man.' ' 

At the time DeLassus was in command at New Madrid he was 
very busy. New Madrid was then the gate-way of commerce to the 
Gulf of Mexico, of all that part of the United States situated west of the 
the Alleghany mountains, and that commerce at that time began to 
assume gigantic proportions, at least in the eyes of the inactive and 
torpid Spaniards. In June, 1797, DeLassus writes to Soulard that he 
wascontinually occupied with attending to the business of all manner of 
people coming down the Ohio "et a present avec le passage de 
Messieurs des Americans," In fact, he 
was so busy that he had no lime to give 
attention to his own individual aflfairs, or 
the grant of twenty thousand arpens of 
land he had received in the previous year 
from Don Zenon Trudeau, Lieutenant- 
Governor of upper Louisiana. The grant 
was not located at any particular place,*" 
and he expected Soulard to look after the 
matter for him. In his, no doubt, trying 
work at New Madrid he was assisted at 
first, as secretary, by Pierre Derbigny, who 
was also interpreter " los idioms estrangeras i la langua Espangol. " 

"In 1798 petitioned tor a grant of 30,000 arpens on Salt river, three leagues 
above its mouth, to establish Iwa manufactories, one for making soap, and the 
other for a tan-yard, as of great ulility (o the public, since thus they could pro- 
cure si>aj) and leather much cheaper than by bringing them from Europe as 
they were then d<Hng. 

" Andrew Miehaux, in his journal, says that one Louisiere or Delousiere 
was exiled from F'ranie for having l>cen concerned in the plot lo deliver Havre 
to the combined English and Spanish fleets. In 1J93, Michaux says, thai this 
Louisiere or Delousiere was in partnership with one Audrain at Piltsburg, but 
he says thai Delousiere was nol in Piltsburg at that lime. It may be that some 
connection existed between the Delousiere, the French royalisl, who attempted 
lo turn over the French fleet 10 the English and Spanish, and the Delouaere after- 
ward in Upper Louisiana, and the letter of Carondelet of April 36, 1 793, shows 
that ihis Louisiere, or Delousiere is DeLassus DeLuziere, and that he was in part- 
nership with Tardiveau and Audrain, and came from Gallipolis to Nouvelle 
Bourbon. His son St. V'rain was an ofliier in the Royal French navy. The 
Audrain Michaux mentions was no doubt the same trader, afterwards in 
Upiicr L<)uisiana, in partnership with Tardiveau and DeLassus. A trader 
named Audrain lived on the Missouri nol far from Fort Osage after the 
cession. Audrain county so named in honor of Colonel James Audrain, a 
pioneer trader and merchant of Missouri, and son of Pierre Audrain, 

" American State Papers, i Public Lands, p. 686. 

LA VALLfeE 137 

Derbigny afterwards removed to New Orleans, and Marie Philip 
Leduc, who came to New Madrid in 1792, then acted as his secre- 
tary, and with him subsequently went to St. Louis. 

DeLassus was made lieutenant-governor of upper Louisiana in 
1799, and removed to St. Louis. Here he was in command at the 
time of the transfer of Louisiana. Prior to 1800 New Madrid was in 
no wise attached to the Illinois country or upper Louisiana. The 
commandant there exercising the power of a sub-delegate, acted 
independent of the lieutenant-governor of Illinois country, residing 
at St. Louis. In the register of Spanish Illinois villages, made in 1 796, 
neither New Madrid or Cape Girardeau are included, evidently 
either Cinque Hommes creek, or the Riviere des Pommes (Apple 
Creek) was considered the dividing line between the Spanish Illinois 
villages and the New Madrid district. After DeLassus was trans- 
ferred to St. Louis, New Madrid, it. seems, was attached to upper 

DeLassus was succeeded in New Madrid, by Don Henri Peyroux 
de la Coudrenaire,*® Captain of Infantry, as commandant. He 
came to New Madrid from Ste. Genevieve in August, 1799, and 
where he had been commandant in 1789. Peyroux remained in 
command at New Madrid for nearly four years, and then resigned 
his position, very likely in consequence of his dispute with the 
Spanish officials as to the northern boundary of the district. From 
a letter dated January 11, 1803, it appears that at that date he 
was still commandant of New Madrid. After his resignation he 
went to France where it is said he had large possessions. Being 
old and infirm he never returned, but made an agreement of 
separation with his wife, who did not accompany him, transferring 
and relinquishing to her all his property and possessions in Ameri(::a, 
apparently, however, with the exception of his land grant on the 
Saline, which he leased. 

Don Juan La Valine succeeded Peyroux as commandant of New 
Madrid and held the position until the country was transferred to the 
United States. During his administration the expedition of De 
Lassus to punish ^*the run-away Indians*' then residing in the country 
west of New Madrid, took place. La Valine was a very competent 

'• 2 Martin's History of Louisiana, p. 171. 

*• Henri Peyroux, captain of arms, civil and military commandant, vice 
patron of Parish St. Isidore, married Demoiselle Prudence Rodrique. In 1801 
ne bought of Tardiveau & Co., a saw-mill, grain-house, canal and land where 
mill was located at New Madrid. 


man, a man of education and intelligence. He was a native of France 

and for a number of yeai^ a leading merchant and trader. De 

Lassus says of him, that he was a "zealous and skilful officer, 

recommended for a long time for captain," 

^^^^^^ and that "every time I employed him, he 

^^^^^^^^ gave me great satisfaction in the manner 

^^^^3^^^^ >n which he acquitted himself. He speaks 

^^^E^^^^^H and writes Spanish and French and English, 

^^H^^H^^^H and is a firm and brave and prudent man.' 

^^^H ^^^^H The Spanish commandants resided at Fort 

^^V J^^^^K Celeste, which was situated on the Mississippi 

^H ^^^^^ river, and erected in 1789, under the super- 

^, ^^^^ vision of Don Pedro Foucher." A Spanish 

DOH JUAB LA vALiiiE garrisoH was always maintained here, and the 

names of some of the Spanish soldiers have 

been preserved in the New Madrid archives, principally as witnesses." 

This " Fort Celeste " was originally constructed near the river 

bank, altogether unmindful of the fact that the river at this point 

washed away the land. Gradually the intervening land between 

the river and the fort disappeared and in 1796 when General Collot 

visited New Madrid a part of the structure had tumbled in the 
river. The old fort had been evacuated and a new fort constructed 
farther away from the river bank. This new fort was an irreg- 
ular square with four blockhouses as bastions at the comers, con- 

" One of the cotitrattors. lo build the fort, a stone-mason, was Pierre Querez 
(or Guerez), dit La Tulipe. The carpenter work was done by Jacob Myer.i. 

'' Thus we find the names of Pedro Maltruvin Besnard, a sergeant of infan- 
try who, in 1 7Q3. was emploj-ed by Pierre DeRocher to stay on his place on Lake 
St. Isidore; Ramon Perez, in 1795, a sergeant; Pascal Palazois. in 1 794, a corporal 
of infantry; Diego Domini^uez, in 1794, a corporal of artillery, who afterward 
died at New Madrid ; Juan Jose Garcia, in 1 795, soldier of the fifth company 
of the first battalion of the stationary regiment of Louisiana; Antonio Gonzalez, 
soldier of the third company of second battalion of the regiment of LouiMana; 
Domingo (or Dominique) Rucla (or Kouette), baker and soldier of the second 
comf>any of the first battalion of the fised or stationary regiment; died in 1804; 
BarthJIemi Rodriques, in 1792. a corporal; Jose Bernardo, sergeant of infantry 
in the fixed regiment; Antonio Bermet, in 1791, soldier of the garrison, and 
Jean Ramos also a soldier; Antonio Molina, 1794. 


nected by palisades twelve feet high and the whole surrounded 
with a ditch twelve feet wide and three feel deep. The fort was 
then armed with (8) eight-pound cannon and garrisoned with 34 
soldiers of the regular army — ^had poor barracks for ic» men and 
a powder magazine made of plank. Gen. CoUot had a very poor 
opinion of this fort and country and says that the place can never 
be made a " une place de guerre, " nor a large population attracted 
to reside there. 

One of the early distinguished French Canadian residents of New 
Madrid was Antolne Gamelin, whose name is signed to many docu- 
ments In the archives, between 1791 and 1794- He came to 
New Madrid in 1791, from VIncennes. He 
was a man of some education, was a trader 
among the Indians in Indiana and acted as 
interpreter and Indian agent for General 
George Rogers Clark in 1778 and 1779. In 
1790, he was sent by Governor St. Clair as a 
messenger to the Wabash Indians, and in an 
interesting journal, made a report of his mis- 
Mon." He died in New Madrid in 1796. 
He was a son of Ignace Gamelin of Montreal, 
and his mother was a daughter of Captain de 
lajesmerie — celebrated In the military annals 
of Canada. Another prominent citizen of old Spanish New Madrid 
was Pierre Antoine La Forge, exiled by the Revolution to the shores 
of America. Originally educated for the priesthood, he fell in love 

1794. He came to 


with his cousin, Marguerite Gabriel Colombe Champagne, and 
married her, and after that devoted himself to the study of law. With 
many other French immigrants he settled at GalHpolis and shared 


in all the misfortunes of that settlement. In 1791 he abandoned 
Gallipolis and came to New Madrid, giving his wife power of attorney 
in 17941 to sell his property there. His education, intelligence, great 
common sense, energy, public spirit and literary ability soon secured 
him a prominent and leading position. Being master of several 
languages he acted as interpreter. He was an officer of the militia, 
commis^oner of the police, syndic, and executed many confidential 
missions for the several commandants. His report of the condition 
of New Madrid, published in 1796, and to which we have heretofore 
niade reference, shows his keen, observing mind, and the relentless 
logic with which he could condemn the lethargy and want of enter- 
prise of his own immediate countrymen, and the Canadian -French, 
and the admiration he felt for American enterprise and energy. 
DeLassus greatly admired him and says that he performed all his 
various offices with "correctness and precision," that he was a man 
"active, earnest and useful for the public service." He owned well 
improved -property in New Madrid, and after the acquisition of 
Louisiana was appointed civil commandant and judge of the court 
of common pleas in New Madrid. He was sick when the earth- 
quake of 1811 occurred, and died from exposure, having been re- 
inoved from his house to a tent. 

Don Louis Francois de Marquet, a trader, Chevalier of the Order 
of St. Louis, at one time a captain of cavalry in the French service, 
resided one league and a half north of New Madrid, and died there 
prior to 1794. His son Louis Scipion Benoist de Marquet, also a 
French officer, died in New Madrid in 1794, and judging from the 
inventory, for that time possessed a very lai^e estate. Another 
resident was Auguste Chevalier Brbar de Breville but nothing is 
known of him. Anna Claude Francois Riche Dupin in 1790, was 
sub- lieutenant of militia, and sexton of the parish St. Isidore, and in 
1800, captain of militia." Joseph Charpentier was royal interpreter 
and in many instances acted as attorney. He was also a trader. 
Another prominent resident was Pierre Derbigny who came to 
Louisiana with Antonio Soulard in 1794 — and to New Madrid in 
about 1795 and while a resident there acted as a royal interpreter. He 
was a profound linguist, understood the French, Spani^ and En^^ish 
languages and was a classical scholar. During his residence at New 
Madrid he was captain of a. company of militia. He was also 

" [If niiimcd Jeanne Dentiir and in 1804 had adauahler named Framaisc 


engaged in trade as a partner of LaForge. In 1800 he removed to 
New Orleans and after the acquisition of Louisiana came into 
prominence in political affairs. In 1805 he was sent by the people 
of Orleans Territory to Washington. He was admitted to the prac- 
tice of the law. When the State government of Loiusiana was organ- 
ized be was appointed by Gov. Claiborne one of the Judges of the 
Supreme court. In the celebrated Batture controversy in 1808, Jeffer- 
son greatly relied upon his opinion to sustain the claims of the Gen- 
eral government to the Batture. He claimed 6,000 arpens of land 
in the St. Charles district underaconcession of DeLassus, dated 1799. 
New Madrid, in 1803, had three Spanish military organizations. 
One of these was a company of dr^oons, of which Richard Jones 
Waters was captain ; GeorgeN. Reagan, lieutenant, and John Baptiste 
Barsaloux, ensign,*^ The two other companies of infantry militia 
were respectively commanded by Don Juan LaValWe, as captain;" 
Pierre Antoine LaFoige, as lieutenant; and Joseph Charpentier, as 
ensign ; and of the other infantry militia company, Robert McCoy 
was captain, appointed by Gayoso when Don Pedro Derbigny moved 
to New Orleans; Joseph Hunot, lieutenant;" and John Harte, 
ensign." A number of Spanish galleys, or what we would now call 
revenue cutters, were then in cotnmission at New Madrid. Don 
Francesco Langlois* was in command of the "Phillipa" in 1795- 

** A resident of New Madrid in 1 795, owned ten slaves, and in iSoo he, Dr. 
Samuel Dorsey, and Joseph Lafrenays (perhaps should be spelled Lafresniere) 
make reauest for giants on the St. Franjois river, the first two (or ten thou- 
sand, and the Ust for five thousand acres. 

** A merchant in New Madrid, sub-lieutenant of mililia of the post, store- 
keeper of the magazine of the king, and just before the cession, commandant 
of New Madrid. His wife was Jeanne Chauvin, and a son Edward Octave was 
baptized in 1S04 at New Madrid ; he owned a negro named Joseph, who acted as 
interpreter of the French language for the negroes. 

* Native of Detroit ; married Marie Josephe Robert, who seems to have owned 
property in Detroit. Owned property on portage Mingo, in Little Prairie, 
and portage of river St. Francis i died in 1804 i after his death his wife in a peti- 
tion to the commander regaiiUug the estate says, it was on account of being cru- 
elly deceived in business transactions he decided to come to the Louisiana ter- 
ritory. His son, Joseph Hunot, Junior, in 1800, married Elizabeth Millette, 
dftu^ter of Jean Baptiste Millette and Angelique Paradol, natives of Ste. Gen- 
evieve. In 1804, this son was accused of being an accomplice in theft committed 
bj Thomas, n^ro slave of R. J. Waters, but was vindicated. Another son, 
IgH^r^ was in New Madrid in 1791, and afterward on small Bay Portage river 

" John E. Hute was a resident of Bayou St. Thomas in 1795. 

** "Creole de los Illinois," native of Detroit; in 1792 with Didier Marchand, 
Vincent Barras, Jean Camus, Jean Nicholas Toussainte and Jean Baptiste 
Louis CoQin, hired to James Turcotle as wood cutters, etc., for fifteen piastres 
ft month, liui Collin may be the same who was "held in iroiu" at Cabokia 


The "LaFleche," and the "Vigilanta" were also stationed at New 
Madrid in that year. Don Bernardo Moline was captain of the 
"Victoria** in 1797. Another galliotte was named "L'Activa" in 
command of McCoy, and Don Pedro Rousseau was commandant of 
the "Fuerzai.** Rousseau in 1795 was in command of the Spanish 
squadron on the Mississippi, when Fort San Fernando was established 
at what was then known as Ecore des Margot, commanding His 
Majesty *s galley "La Venganza** before "Campo de Esperanza/* 
By order of Gayoso he cleared the woods for the fort, clearing six or 
seven arpens in one day. The Chickasaw Indians seeing that he did 
this work with his men all unarmed were greatly pleased and asked 
Gayoso through their chief, Ligulayacabe, the privilege to give him 
a name, and named him "Payemingo," meaning "without fear." He 
was so charmed with the place he cleared for the fort that he says 
that "it would be a grief for such important lands to fall into the 
hands of the Americans." *® 

The names of the settlers who came to New Madrid, induced by 
Morgan's splendid scheme, cannot all be ascertained, but the number 
was larger than now generally supposed. Free land and no taxation 
were undoubtedly great inducements. So also the knowledge of the 
fact that no vexatious obstructions existed as to the shipment of the 
agricultural produce of the Spanish country to New Orleans. Among 
those who were attracted by Morgan to New Madrid were David 
Gray" and Joseph Story, both of Massachusetts. Gray, prior to his 
immigration to New Madrid, lived at Kaskaskia. In New Madrid he 
was a merchant, and held the position of interpreter, being master of 
the Spanish and French languages. Little else is known about him. 
He, however, as well as his wife, were possessed of a degree of culture 
and education unusual at that time in the district. He owned prop- 
in 1788. His son, Francois Langlois, Junior, in 1802 married Barby St. Aubin, 
daughter of Jean Baptiste St. Aubin and Marie Louise Dennir, deceased, natives 
of Vincennes. 

*• Received the special thanks of the king for meritorious service while under 
command of General Don Bernardo de Galvez in East and West Florida; was 
commandant of the brigantine "Galveztown ;" also served at the fort of Natchito- 
ches; aided in capturing William Bowles, and took him to Havanna; took artil- 
lery to New Madrid in 1793 when threatened by the French-American filibus- 
teros ; captured a number of small English vessels loaded with artillery and flour. 
An active man. His son, Pedro Andre Rousseau, a cadet in the Louisiana 

** Native of Dunbar, son of Alexander Gray and Margaret Melville, in 
1800 married Dinah Martin, widow of Azor Rees and daughter of Matthias 
Martin and Eleanor Grififen, of Pennsylvania. On account of cruel treatment 
his wife secured a separation from him. 


erty both in the village and in Big Prairie. Joseph Story, the deputy 
Spanish surveyor of the district, was a son of William Story and Jane 
Appleton of Boston, Massachusetts, and came to New Madrid with 
Morgan to assist in laying out the city. He married Catherine Seek, 
daughter of Jacob Seek and Margarite Keser, of Pennsylvania, at 
New Madrid in 1 794. 

Captain Robert McCoy and Captain Richard Jones Waters, 
already mentioned, were perhaps the most prominent American 
residents of New Madrid at this period. McCoy originally resided 
in Vincennes, but setded in New Madrid in 1787 and engaged 
in the Indian trade. For a number of years he was an active citizen in 
Spanish New Madrid, an ofl&cer and adjutant general of militia, and 
in command of a Spanish galley, no unimportant position at that 
time at New Madrid, when all vessels navigating the Mississippi 
river, under the Spanish rules and regulations, were compelled to land 
there, and all the cargoes destined for New Orleans, or points in the 
Spanish possessions, were sub- 
ject to inspection. McCoy 
remained in the Spanish naval 
service until the arrival of 
Don Henri Peyroux. Before 
the arrival of Peyroux, and from June to August, 1799, he acted 
as commandant of New Madrid. In 1800 he was commandant 
in the Tywappity Bottom. This Tywappity Bottom is situated 
opposite the mouth of the Ohio, and at that time many Americans 
coming down the river sought the privilege of settling in this rich and 
fertile district, and McCoy's services were very valuable to the 
Spanish government as well as to the new immigrants. He died 
and was buried at New Madrid in 1840.'' 

Richard Jones Waters " was a physician by profession. He 
was induced by Morgan's glowing scheme to settle at New 

*' 2 Hunt's Minutes, pp. 144-5, Missouri Historical Society Archives. 
Years afterward, when the old cemetery of New Madrid was gradually washing 
into the river, an old negro one morning came to the old graveyard with his 
wagon and dug up the bones of his old master, carried them to another place, 
and re-interred them. McCoy married Marie Lafond, daughter of Dr. Lafond. 

" Native of Maryland, son of William Waters and Rachel Jonce (Jones); 
in 1800 married Franjoise Godfroy (widow of Louis Vandenbenden, engineer of 
Upper Louisiana) daughter of Rene Godfroy and frangoise Randu, natives of 
Contance in Normandy, province of France. He died in 1806, leaving an es- 
tate of $60,000 in cash, a very large sum at that time. Had no children, but 
adopted two sons of Mrs. Jacob Myers. These boys were respectively named 
John and Richard Jones Waters. John left the country when a youth, disap- 


Madrid. He possessed energy and enterprise; built the first 
water-mill in New Madrid at the mouth of the bayou St. John ; 
was a merchant, and extensively engaged in the Indian trade; 
was a speculator in land, and became a very large land owner. 
After the acquisition of Louisiana he was a leading and active member 
of the first convention assembled west of the Mississippi river, and his 
name appears on the remonstrance addressed by that convention to 
the Congress of the United States. According to DeLassus, " he was a 
very zealous officer, of extensive knowledge, but of somewhat extrava- 
gant disposition and very quarrelsome,' ' evidently referring to the 
litigation in which he was involved with almost every one. 

Among other prominent traders in New Madrid, in addition to 
those already enumerated, were Barth^lemi Tardiveau & Co.** 
Barthfelemi Tardiveau was no doubt the most distinguished settler 
attracted to New Madrid by Morgan. Roosevelt remarks that he 
has found several disconnected notes about him that prove his 
importance in the development of the west. He was a native of 
France, but had lived in Holland, a man of education and culture. 
In 1780 he was a merchant in Louisville and furnished supplies 
to General George Rogers Clark. While there he addressed 
a letter to General Clark, recommending that a certain 
Shawnee squaw be sent as a messenger with peace proposal to the 
tribes in Ohio, which suggestion was adopted with good results. 
After peace was established between the colonies and Great Britain he 
removed to Kaskaskia. During the turbulent and lawless period 
that prevailed in the country after the conquest Tardiveau la- 
bored earnestly to protect the rights of the old French habitans. 
When Gen. Harmar came to Kaskaskia he was greatly impress- 
ed with Tardiveau's ability, relied on him in his relations with the 
French residents and made him his interpreter. As attorney he 
represented the French settlers before the old Continental Congress 
in New York, endeavoring to secure a confirmation of the old 
French titles, to land that had been in the possession of these habi- 
tans for almost a century. He was bitterly assailed, principally 


peared and never was heard of, but Richard remained with his adopted mother 
and finally inherited all the property. 

** The members of this firm were, Tardiveau, Pierre Menard and 
Pierre Audrain. Menard was a merchant at Kaskaskia, a large slave owner, 
and in 1800 sold property to Edward Robertson, including horse-mill and dis- 
tillery, with all machinery and stock, taking in part payment slaves. In 1804 
this firm owed Jean Baptiste Sarpy of New Orleans 11,991 piastres for mer- 


because these French settlers agreed to pay him for his services with 
a part of the land, title to which was thus to be perfected, and 
the only means the settlers had to pay him for his trouble. 
Morgan, too, interested in securing for his new colony a large im- 
migration, sought to discourage Tardiveau and intrigued to defeat 
Congressional action. Although thus opposed in his work, princi- 
pally through his efforts, Congress between 1788 and 1791 passed 
several acts securing the French settlers their land claims, and in 
addition made grants to all who had served in the militia and to 
the American settlers who had made improvements on land 
granted by the American officials. To the French settlers these 
grants were of little benefit. Their lands and claims soon 
fell into the hands of speculators. Tardiveau, too, seems to have 
realized that these simple French were in no wise a match in the 
grasp for land and wealth with their American compeers. At any 
rate, in 1792 he wrote a letter to Count Aranda outlining a plan 
to attract the French population on the east side of the Missis- 
sippi to the Louisianas, and finally himself removed to New 
Madrid in 1793. Tardiveau was a man of literary ability, an ac- 
complished linguist, spoke and wrote French, English and Span- 
ish and also was familiar with some Indian languages. He was 
Spanish interpreter at New Madrid at the time of his death." 

Two German traders, Steinbeck & Reinecke,*' who had estab- 

" His library was inventoried as follows : a Greek and Latin dictionary, ten 
volumes of Greek and Latin books, an English-Spanish dictionary, a French 
dictionary of two volumes, Johnson's English dictionary, a treatise on agriculture, 
a Dictionary of Commerce, the works of Montesquieu in six volumes, Necker's 
works on Finances in three volumes, three volumes of the American Agricultur- 
ist, Restant's Grammar, and nine French volumes. From a letter to St. James 
Bcauvais, dated New York, 1788, it appears that Barth^lemi Tardiveau was 
there to secure a grant from Congress of 500 acres to each of the inhabitants of 
Kaskaskia. After much delay he finally secured a report favoring a grant of 
400 acres, but hopes that the full 500 acres will be finally granted. Here he met 
Colonel Morgan, and writes that Morgan much discouraged him in his work, 
assuring him that Congress would grant nothing, that he (Morgan) was about 
to purchase 2,000,000 acres with some 200 persons of means, and he ought to 
join him in this enterprise. It was also charged that he favored a land-grant 
by Congress because he intended to buy out the French settlers anyway 
who were going across the river into Spanish territory, and finally some asserted 
that the French had lost nothing by Clark's troops, all of which greatly 
harassed Tardiveau, but finally the act was passed. The St. Louis archives 
show that in 1786 Madame Chouteau sold Tardiveau a farm in Grand Px-airie 
6 arpens by 80 for 10,000 pounds of flour, a house built of posts 80 feet long 
and divided into several apartments was located on this land. Evidently Tardi- 
veau at this time had some idea of settling in St. Louis. 

*• Frederick Reineche (Reinecke) merchant, native of "Brunswick en Al- 
magne," son of deceased Jean Frederick Reinecke and Margaret Karley ; in 1804 
married Rebecca Butler, native of Montgomery county, Maryland; daughter 


lishments at Cape Girardeau and at Little Prairie also did busi- 
ness at New Madrid. Other traders were Derbigny, LaForge & 
Cq.,*^ and Etienne Bogliolo, who afterward entered into partner- 
ship with McCoy. Bogliolo originally came from the island of 
Guadaloupe with considerable property.** 

Dr. Samuel Dorsey, a native of Maryland, during the Spanish 
government, was surgeon of the post, receiving a monthly salary of 
thirty dollars. He came to New Madrid in 1793 from Vincennes, 
and in 1795 married a Miss Jose Bonneau, daughter of Charles 
Bonneau, at New Madrid, where she died in 1799." Dr. Hugh 
McDonald Chisholm was another physician of New Madrid. He 
settled in the town in 179 1, and came to New Madrid from Kaskaskia. 
He had rendered military service there. He was a land speculator 
and merchant. In 1795 he had a grant on the forks of the bayou St. 
Martin and St. Mary, but in 1808 the Mississippi had washed this land 
away. Dr. Henry Masters was also an early physician in New 
Madrid. In 1804 he was appointed justice of the peace of the 
district. But perhaps the earliest physician who located in the 
New Madrid district was Dr. Elisha Jackson, who came to the 
country in 1790. He was a man of property and a slave owner. 
Dr. Jean B. Lafond, who was a resident of Kaskaskia when Gen- 
eral Clark took possession of that place lived and died here. 
With Father Gibault, Dr. Lafond piloted the combined American 
and French forces to Vincennes, and greatly assisted in the capture 
of that place, by inducing the French habitans of the Illinois country 
to espouse the American cause. Subsequently Dr. Lafond removed 
to Ste. Genevieve, and from Ste. Genevieve to New Madrid.**. 

of Jean Butler and .\nne Chene. Christopher Frederick She(i)ver performed 
the ^.^remony. Charles Gross. Robert Mitchell and Reuben ll Bockett, being 


*' In 1 70Q bought prx^perty of R. J. Waters, including mill. 

^* BoglioK) and his st.>n Matteo were engaged in much early land litigation. 
.\ granddaughter of Etienne Bogliolo married Honorable T. J. O. Morrison 
for manv \Tars senator from New Madrid district. 

^ Son of Nathan lX>rsey and Sophie Owen. Dr. Dorsey was a large land 
owner, and fn^m New Madrid R*mo\-ed to the Cape Girardeau district, where 
he marrieti his seix>nd wife, a daughter of Jeremiah Thompson; he resided in 
the Cape Girardeau district until iSu, and then remox-ed to Claiborne county, 


•• Among the settlers of the \-illage of New Madrid during the Spanish 
gi^\-emment were: rienv -\rvhambeau vi 701^ ^ Charies Bonneau (i 791); Louis 
Brouillet. Senior UTOi^ nati\'e of Canada, son of Jose|>h Brouillet and Elixm- 
beth Dulud; marrie\i Marianne Thibault of Mncennes, dau^ter of NicoUs 


Among those who were led to settle west of the river, by Morgan, 

was Andrew Wilson, a native of Scotland, and it is 'said that he 

was a Presbyterian minister. Of course he did not exercise his 

Thibault and Josephe St. Aubin. Their son, Louis Brouillet, Junior, also a 
resident here; Antoine Gamelin (1790), came from Vincennes where he was a 
resident in 1770; in 1791 he inherited property from the estate of Ignace 
Gamelin, his father, of Montreal, Canada, who died in 1789; his wife was 
Lisette de La Jesmerais, probably a daughter of Captain de La Jesmerais, who 
Randot reported left "a wife and six children to beggary" upon his death in 
1708; Jean Baptiste Bissette (1791); Francois Berthiaume (1790); Charles 
Nicolas Bolot (or Blot) (1791); Thomas Chambers (1791) apprenticed his 
son Bradshaw Chambers, in 1791, aged six years, to John Hemphill, master 
carpenter, for a term of fifteen years; and in 1800 the same boy was bound out 
to R. J. Waters for five years; Jean Baptiste Chandellier, Chandillon (or 
Chatillon) (1791) also owned a tract on the river St. Frangois; Jacque Coutu, 
or Cottu, or Coutue, dit Chatoyer (1791), a trader, son of deceased Etienne 
Coutue and Theresa Briant, natives of Canada, parish of St. Antoine, Montreal, 
married Charlotte Maisonville, daughter of Joseph Maisonville. Coutue seems 
also to have been a carj)enter, says he turned over the buildings he had put 
up under contract to Ignace Chatigny ; Francois Champagne, or Compagnotte 
(1701) master carpenter; Renez Couder; (or Codere); Jean Baptiste, Toussaint 
and Santos Coder or Coudert (1791) Hypolite Campeaux (1791) ; Antoine Cerr^ 
Senior, (1791); also at Ste. Genevieve and New Bourbon, Ignace Chatign) 
(1791), in 1792 sold prop)erty including tanyard, and afterward near Hill or 
Pine Tree. Probably the same Chatigny who in 1780 was arrested for speaking 
disrespectfully of the court of CahokJa. Louis Toussaint Denoyon (1791); in 
1801 on Big Lake and Grand Marais; Samuel Davis (1791); Francois Dumais 
(1791), son of Ambroise; Jean Denys (or Dennis) (1791); Joseph Deganne 
(1791); Benjamin Davis (1791); Aaron Day (1791); Joseph Dutailler (or 
DuTallie (1791), also on river St. Francois; Jean Derland (1791), Forf 
Celeste; Francois Derousser (Desrousses), dit St. Pierre (1791) from 
Vincennes, married Veronique Metayer, in 1800 owned land on Big 
Prairie, on bayou St. Henry and St. Mary; Jean Fasten (1791); John 
Fulham (or Fulhorn) (1791), corporal of a company of militia under 
Richard Jones Waters; Joseph Fernandez (1791); Louis Gaultier (1791) 
appointed Antoine Gamelin to receive a stock of goods for him at New 
Madrid, among Joseph L'Amoureux* papers is an account from one 
Gaultier dated in 1769, evidently a resident of Vincennes; John Hemphill (or 
Hanyshill) (1791) master carj)enter, from Vincennes, parish St. Francois, was 
a slave owner; James Hemphill (1791) owned land on lake St. Ann; Gabriel 
Hunot, pere, (1791), merchant in the town, had a grant on Lake St. Ann, also 
at Carondelet in St.. Louis district; Edouard (Edward) Huettner (1791)1 a 
German, merchant and solicitor for Pierre Deroche and Pierre Audrain ; Jere- 
miah Kendall (1791); Pierre Latour (1791), also on Big Bay Portage, river St. 
Francois; Francois Lacoste (1791), dit Languedoc; Joseph Lafleur, a resident 
of Vincennes in 1770, came to New Madrid in 1791 ; Joseph LaGrande (1791), 
merchant, "creole de los Illinois," in 1799 received a grant on Big Bay portage, 
river St. Francois, from DeLassus for services rendered the government with 
the Indians; Madame Lagrand (Veuve) (1791), a Charlotte Legrand, daugh- 
ter of deceased Gabriel Legrand, native of Detroit, parish Assimiption, was also 
here in 1791, a sister of Jean Marie Legrand. This Charlotte Legrand seems 
also to have been in Ste. Genevieve. The La Grande came originally from 
Detroit. Louis Laffelier, dit Jasmin (1791), a man by name of Jasmin was at 
Vhicennes in 1786, a trader; Francois Lavoix (1791), may be Lacroix of Ste. 
Genevieve; JosiahWhittredge (1791) ; Antoine Boitleleau (1791) ; Arthur Mellon 
(1791) owned several tracts on the lakes near New Madrid; Joseph Millette 
(1791) alsoon river St. Francois; Jean Baptiste Millette (i 791), native^of Canada, 
formerly a resident of Vincennes, married Angelique Lafleur who seems to have 


ministry after settling in the Spanish possessions, nor is it known that 
he ever preached a sermon in New Madrid even after the country was 
acquired by the United States, but he taught school there for a time. 

been widow of Joseph Peradeau (Paradot), in 1792 had two grants in Ste. Gen- 
evieve district for himself and son, but abandoned them, regranted to Guibourd, 
in 1802 was on the St. Francois; Joseph Maisonville, Senior and Junior (1791), 
from Detroit, Canada, parish of St. Ann, lived in 1 783 for a time at Vincennes ; 
Hibernois (Ibernois), dit Meloche (1791) (evidently an Irishman), afterwards in 
Little Prairie; Antoine Mallet (Millette) (1791), of Vincennes, married Cather- 
ine Bordeleaux in 1775 at Vincennes, died 1793, had two children, Catherine and 
Antoine, Junior, Catherine married Michel Clermont (1794), and is evidently 
the Catherine Millette widow Barsaloux in 1791, who afterwards lived at Ste. 
Genevieve and died there in 1804; Joseph Montmirel or Monmirel, dit Durant, 
or Duren (1791), near Ste. Genevieve in 1795; Jean Baptiste Morelle (1791) 
merchant, died in Vincennes in 1793; Kiete or Quiete Naeleman or Naheliman 
(1791); MarieOuarllia(i79i); Amable Perron (1791); Francois Paquin, Pasquin 
or Pequan (i 791) near the village, in 1802 asks for a grant of land for his sons Fran- 
cois, Noel, Antoine and Pierre, which had been abandoned by Charles Bonneau ; 
Pierre Porior, dit Desloge (1791)1 furnished material to Joseph Michel for his 
house, also material for &e public work of Fort Celeste; Samuel Power (1791) ; 
Eustache Peltier (1791), married Angelique Languedoc, but signs her name 
Angelique Lacoste, he was in Little Prairie in 1803; Jean Presset (or Gresset) 
(1791) ; Pierre Gurez (or Querez), dit LaTulip)e (1791), one of the contractors to 
build Fort Celeste, married Marie Josephe Peltier, sold his house to Pierre 
Deroche, including all fruit and plants in 1791; Jacob Hans Stillman (1791) 
German, married Marie Presle, died in 1792 at Little Prairie; Joseph 
Reindeau (or Reguindeau) dit Joachim (1791), of Vincennes, married Therdsa 
Raphiante, he owned tracts of land on lakes St. John and St. Thomas, and in 
1801 at Little Prairie. A widow of Pierre Peron also seems to have married a 
Joseph Riendeau, possibly the same. James Ryan, (1791), boarded for a time 
with Conrad Carpenter, in 1794 sold property on bayou St. Thomas to Tardi- 
veau, Audrain & Co.; Francois Racine (1791) on lakes St. Marie and St. 
Isidore, his sons Franjois, Junior, and Andrew also lived there ; Jean Baptiste 
Richard (1791); Azor Rees (1791), slave holder, married Dinah Martin who 
afterwards marrie4 David Gray; Veronique Reaume (Veuve Legrand) (1791), 
and in the same year we find Veronique Legrand Babinge or Babing; 
Charles Boyer dit Laffond or Lafifont (1791) ; John Reburn (1791) ; Joseph Sans- 
fa^on (1791); Alexander Sampson (1791), afterwards in Little Prairie and river 
Gayoso; Louis St. Aubin, senior (1791), his son Louis, junior, in 1800 was on 
Big Lake, also lived at Little Prairie; Jean Baptiste St. Aubin (1791); Pedro 
Saffray (1791), merchant and trader, owned property on Lake Ricardo, in 1804 
he arranged to leave the post to spend the winter and trade among the Indians, 
but was detained by a suit on accounts, in 1800 engaged himself to Gabriel 
Cerr^ for two years as clerk and book-keeper, but Cerr6 says on account of 
drunkenness, etc., was compelled to dismiss him in 180 1, Saffray remained at the 
post, however, subject to his command till the end of the engagement, and 
claimed his salary; Pierre Sabourin (1791) merchant, native of Parish of Point 
Claire, Montreal, Canada, married Marie Anne(Marianne) Dubez, native of 
Vincennes; Sanschagrin (1791); Louis Tonnelier (1791), a witness at the mar- 
riage of Joseph Laplante; Louis Violet (1790), had a son named Emanuel Vio- 
let he left in care of Jean Dennir, who it seems raised him ; Francois Vachette dit 
St. Antoine (1791); Samuel Black (1792), a native of Flanders; Henry Bagley 
(or Baclcy), a trader, died in New Madrid in 1792, seems to have been a man of 
means as he had a large inventory; a Henry Badley was here in 1791, and a 
firm called Baclcy, Hewet & Co.; Don Juan Bartelet (1792), a dealer in New 
Madrid, slave owner; Joseph Theodore Baillet (1792); WilUam Bartelet (1792); 
Philip Briscot (1792); Joseph Blacborn (Blackburn) (1792); Noel Berthiaume 
(1792) ; Hypolite Canyseau (Camp)eau) (1792) ; Ephraim Connor (1792), a native 


His son George Wilson was the first sheriff of New Madrid after the 
cession of the country. He was a merchant, and in 1802 sexton 
of the parish. 

of New Hampshire, son of Benjamin Connor and Marie Fogne in 1793 mar- 
ried Lucy Morris, a native of Maryland, Prince George county, daughter of 
John Morris and Nancy Mason; Philippe Chifler (Schiffler) (1792); Francois 
Cockrel (1792); William Cohen (Cowen), also spelled Culhoon and Caouenne, 
a native of Carlisle, Cumberland county, Pennsylvania (1792) laborer, married 
Marie Block, daughter of Henry Block and Marie Hamer of Huntingdon, 
Pennsylvania; Joseph Cerezo or Ceres (1792) was in service of Antoine Gamelin 
and Pedro Saffray as book-keeper and manager of their distillery, was also at 
Portage of river St. Francois; Julia Campeau (1792) widow of Jean Baptiste 
Charetier (Chartier) their son Jean Baptiste, junior, native of Vincennes also 
lived in New Madrid, in 1803 married Frangoise Latremonille, daughter of Jac- 
ques Latremonille and Marie Lafleur, natives of Vincennes ; Toussaint Coder 
(or Godair) (1792); John Davis (1792) married Nancy Pritchett and who sur- 
vived him living in New Madrid in 1796; Thomas or David Davis dit David 
Johnson (1792) on lake St. Marie; Moses Decker (1792) ; Baptiste Foucher(i792) 
married Anne Gabriel Besnard ; Bonaventure Foucher, a resident of Vincennes 
in 1770, came to New Madrid in 1792; Charles Guilbeaut, Guilbourd, Guil- 
bault(orGuilbert) ( 1 791), from Vincennes, parish St. Francois, slave owner, in 
1801 at Little Prairie and lake Isidore; Joseph Gonet (1792), in 1802 on river 
Gayoso; Claude Joseph Gonet (1793) native of parish of St. Julien in, France, 
son of deceased Claude Joseph Gonet and Barby Juliet; Richard Gras (or 
Grace); Russell Huitt (Hewitt) (1792) carpenter, employed by McCoy, was 
one of the heirs of Henry Bagley, also owned property on lake St. Thomas; 
John James (1792); Francisco Jourdin (1792); Jacob Myers (1792) dit Rober- 
son Pearson, official carpenter, in this year built probably a temporary church, for 
which he received from Portelle $400, and in 1 793 another church, was sergeant 
of a company of militia, and in 1795 conducted a public tavern for one year, obli- 
gating himself not to sell liquor or strong drink to any Indians or colored slaves 
under penalty of thirty piastres and the confiscation of his liquor. This Jacob 
Myers was a native of Lancaster, Pennsylvania; in 1801 married Cheriat Lee, 
a native of Maryland. Moses Lansford (1791) lived at or near Fort Celeste, also 
owned property on the Mississippi in St. Louis district at Petite Rocks, in 1800, 
which he bought of Jacques Glamorgan, who had acquired it of Jean Dodje 
(Dodge) of Ste. Genevieve; George Lansford also lived in New Madrid; Paul 
Portneuf dit Laderoute (1786) native of Illinois, son of Paul Portneuf dit Lade- 
route and Louise (or Lisette) Debois, in 1793 married Marie Ann Derosier, 
(widow of deceased Joseph Dubez) native of village St. Pierre of Illinois, daugh- 
ter of Bonaventure Derosier and Judith Larivier. Two of the witnesses to mis 
marriage were, Frangois Leonas and Bonar Arizabel. Juan Christianero (1792) 
(a German whose real name was Johann Christian Gerold) soldier of infantry at 
Fort Celeste; John Frangois Laloue or Laluz (1792) at Fort Celeste; Pedro 
Languedoc (1792); Francois Languedoc (1792); Jean Moise (Moses) Malboeuf 
(1791) ; William Mack (or Mock) (1792), native of Virginia, son of Rudite (Ran- 
dolph) Mock and Catherine Trombeau, married Ruth Morris, daughter of 
John Morris and Nancy Mason, natives of Prince George county, Maryland, 
was on lakes St. Ann and St. Frangois; Marie Morgan (1792) in the village on 
the Mississippi; James McCulloch (1792) also on lake St. Thomas; Frederick 
Ostman (1792), his property at his death sold to J. B. McCourtney; Pierre Phil- 
berry (1791), sold in this year to Don Thomas Portelle five thousand shingles 
at six pesos per hundred; Pedro Padget (1792); Thomas Pardon (or Purdon) 
(1792); Antoine Petit (1792) contracted with Joseph Michel to do carpenter 
work; Ebenezer L. Platte (1792); Etienne St. Marie (1792), on lake St. Mary 
and Bay of Portage of river St. Frangois, his children were Thereza, Ursula, 
Etienne, Joseph, Louis and Francois; William Spann (or Spahn) a German, 
(1792) married Ann Catarina, daughter of Andrew Toucanbroud; Andrew 


Not long after the establishment of the post of New Madrid in 

1789, the public road, — el camino real, — the King's Highway, — was 

marked out, following the old Indian trail running from New Madrid 

Toucanbroud, a German (Trockenbrot) (1792), in 1794 on lake Eulalie; John 
Toucanbroud was here in 1793; Jean Baptiste Tailtreau (1792) engages him- 
self to Joseph Turcotte for one month as bucheur (wood-chopper) at 16 piastres ; 
Isaac Thomson (1792), in 1802 on Mill Prairie, slave owner; Conel Boyle (1794) ; 
Jacob Bogard (or Beaugard) (1794), in 1800 on road to Illinois adjacent to 
John Friend; Noel Berthiaume (1792), his wife Marie Louise Berthiaume, still 
uved in New Madrid in 1802; Francois Boudean (Bandean) corporal 2d com- 
pany militia of New Madrid, died 1793; Joseph Barbier (1793); Pierre Brou- 
illet, son of Louis Brouillet and Louise Denoyer, died in New Madrid in 1 793 ; 
Charles Curott (or Curote) (1793) merchant, twenty-eight years of age, after- 
wards on lake St. Mary, his son Charles baptised in 1804; Pedro Champagne 
(1793) ; Francois Michel Chilard (1793) ; Clodio (Glot) Antoine Gabriel Coupin 
(1793); William Chambers (1793) engages himself to Philip Ducomb as car- 
penter for four months; Benjamin Clermont (1793); Jean Baptiste Fovrct died 

1793, was buried at New Madrid, was native of Masquas of Three 

Rivers, Canada ; Philip Ducomb married Mary Gilbert (or Guilbert) ; Jean 
Baptiste Droulliez (1793); Juan Dunn (1793); Jacob Alcorez (1793) soldier; 
Carlos Depaw (Depauw) (1793) ; Eloy Frere (1793) ; Thomas Faidome (or Var- 
dome) (1793) employed by McCoy to cultivate and build on his land at lake 
St. Isidore; Juan Simon Guerin (1793) mason and brick layer in 1799; Frangois 
Hamelin (or Amelin (1793) Joachim (1793), probably corrupted to Joseph 
Swashon a resident in 1800; Frangois Grand; Jean Jeram (Germain) (1793) 
John Klein (1793) German; Nicholas Lesieur (1793) ; Joseph Amoureaux(i793), 
native of BdUcheville, Canada, married Marie Louise Dapron at Vincennes in 
1 780, daughter of Guillaume Dapron and Louise Clermont, and they had one 
son, Joseph, junior. Joseph, senior, was a blacksmith at Vincennes as early as 
1769, and after his removal to New Madrid was in partnership as lock and 
blacksmith with Pierre Payant ; owned a number of slaves ; a Creole slave of his 
bought his liberty for $100; Miquel Emile Joseph Lefebre (1793) ; Frangois Leo- 
nard (1793) witness at wedding of Paul Portneuf; Jean Adrian Langlois(i793) 
native of Paris, France, parish of St. Germain, merchant living formerly at Kas- 
kaskla, also owned property in Gallipolis, slave owner, his son Jean Adrain in 
1802 married Theresa Bouillette, daughter of Guillaume Bouillette and Mary 
Madalaine Gosse, native of Brienne, France; Cirile Leduc (1793) and on lake St. 
Mary; Didier Marchant (or Marchand) (1793) soldier of the militia; 
Robert McMahan (1793); John Pritchard (1793) (or Pritchet); Juan Nicolas 
Pierre (1793) stone mason; Frangois Juan Pierre Glot (1793); Francois Patier 
(1793); Jacob Pain (1793); Joseph and Pierre Perodot (or Paradot)( 1793) also 
Elizabeth, widow of Jean Baptiste Berton dit St. Martin, daughter of Joseph 
Perodot and Angelique Lafleur; Ramona Pamar (or Romain Damar or Ramar) 
(1793)1 or "^ay be Ramos; Frangois Picard (1793); Susana Preston (1793) Irish 
descent; Antoine Perra (1793) soldier of artillery; Pinto (1793) soldier; one 
Pritchet (1793) engages Philip Ducomb to teach his son Thomas Pritchet, aged 
12 years, to read and write French; George Robock (or Roebuck) (1703) and 
on lakes St. Francois and Isidore; Antoine Jose Rouby (1793) also on lake St. 
Isidore; Jose Rindo (1793) ; Thomas Riviere dit Ricard (1793) died at the home 
of Joseph Michel; Carlos Leonardo Soudry (1793); Juan Baptiste Sallier (1793) 
a slave owner; Carlina Seek (widow) (1793), German; Frangois St. Aubin (1793) ; 
Baptiste Tonnelier (1793) Andre Tardiveau (1793) at Fort Celeste; Pierre Tar- 
diveau (1793); Marie Warlia (1793); Philberry Wilson (1792) secured a divorce 
from his wife; Thomas Yous (1793) ; Jean Baroes (1794) ; Joseph Collins (1794) 
possibly Captain Joseph Collins who, in 1799, went to the West Indies, and was 
the son of Mrs. Nancy Gill, wife likely of James Gill; James Adams (1794); 
Laurent Amelin (Hamelin) (1794); Michel Clermont (1794), his wife Cather- 
ine Mallet died in 1804; Jacques Cottee (or Cotte) (1794), merchant, on lake 


north to St. Louis. This road passed through what is now known as 
Big Prairie and the Rich Woods, to Scott county ; thence across the 
hills to Cape Girardeau, to Ste. Genevieve, and from there to St. 

St. Marie in 1800, his wife Suzanne Legrand, seciired loan with property, includ- 
ing billiard table near bayou St. John along the Butte de Lesieur; Jean Bap- 
tiste Chodion (1794); Jacob Cross (or Croise) of Pennsylvania in 1794 sold a 
slave in New Madrid; Pierre Riche Dumay (1794) owned two slaves, in 1799 
on lake St. Mary, on Hubble creek, in 1804 at Tywappity and in 1800 at the 
old Cape in Cape Girardeau district; Thomas Diez (1794); Jean Baptiste Du- 
chassin (1794) Dr. Domingo Fleitar (1794) (a German) doctor of medicine at 
New Madrid; Jean Marie Hanimer (1794); John Handley (1794) from Ken- 
tucky: Jean tourdin (1794) employed by Nicolas Jean Pierre; Francois La 
Riviire (i 794) ; Joseph Michel (i 794), merchant and trader, son of deceased Jean 
Baptiste Michel and Madeline Vital, natives of Longeville, dependence of Gener, 
married in 1804 Elizabeth Lafond, a native of Ste. Genevieve, daughter of 
deceased Dr. Jean Baptiste Lafond and Charlotte Lacourse, a sister of Eliza- 
beth married Robert McCoy. Michel also owned property on the Pemiscon, 
was a slave owner, and had a horse-mill on lake St. Mary ; Louis Augustin Tar- 
teron de Lebeaume (1792) a Frenchman, and speculator, his wife Adelle Du- 
temple; Francois Morel (1794); Paul Porier (1793); Parisien (1704); Antoine 
Peine (1794); Pierre Servan (or Servant) (1794); Nicolas Tessier (1794); Gre- 
goire Reso (1794) Hyacinth Berthiaume (1795) merchant, also on river St. Fran- 
cois; Hypolite Bolon or Boulon (1795) interpreter of the Indian languages for 
the king was also a resident here for a time ; Cologne ( 1 795) ;Portell Coutre ( 1 795) ; 
Charles Campbell (1795) son of Thomas and Lucreda Grant Campbell, of 
Culpepper county, Virginia, married Catherine Brown, of Washington county, 
Pennsylvania, daughter of John Brown and Marie Lordenberg, mar- 
ried by the commandant of the post in this year; Jean Comb, died in New Mad- 
rid in 1794 at the home of Madame Marquet; Antoine Denoyon (1795); Gir- 
ard Derlac (1795), native of Bordeaux, France, son of Bernard Derlac and 
Jeanne Lagune, married Marie Constance Guibault, daughter of Charles Gui- 
bault and Cecelia Thiriot, native of Vincennes, in 1802, at Little Prairie and 
Grand rue Gayoso: Manuel Diaz (1795) soldier; Michael Fortier (1795) trader 
at New Orleans, but not in New Madrid ; Andrew Godare (Goder or Godaire or 
Godair dit Tagarouche) (1795), native of Vincennes, son of Pierre Goder (or Go- 
dair) and Susan Boulan, married Barbe Hunot, daughter of Joseph Hunot and 
Marie Josephine Robert, natives of Vincennes, afterwards in 1803 Godare married 
Frangaise Bonneau, native of Vincennes, present at wedding Andre Goder, Jeune ; 
Carlos Grimar (1795); Jean Baptiste Grimar (or Grimaird) (1795) son of de- 
ceased Pierre Grimar and Genevieve Colon, natives of Vincennes, and in 1804 
married Fran^aise DesRousse, native of Vincennes, widow of deceased Fran- 
cois Paquette (daughter of Francois DesRousse and Veronique Mittaye), Ti- 
rart was brother-in-law of Frangaise, Grimar also owned property on lake Gayo- 
so; Augustine Grande (or Grandes) (1795), sergeant at New Madrid, but after- 
ward commandant of the post near the present Memphis named "Campo 
Esperanza"; MadeUne Hunot (1795); Tacob McCluny, of Washington, Pa., 
asks pa)rment of cargo of flour wrecked near New Madrid in 1795, through 
his agent David Cook ; Fernando Munos, a sailor, died in New Madrid in 1 795 ; 
Joseph McCourtney (1795) native of Ireland, son of William McCourtney and 
Margarita M. Kalchender, married Prudentia Pritchet, native of Virginia, daugh- 
ter of John Pritchet, Michel Raille (or Riley) a witness ;^urwell Overby (1795) 
a merchant, in 1799 purchased property in St. Louis; Francois Paquette (or 
Pacquette) (1794), native of Montreal, Canada, parish St. Vincent, son of Pierre 
Paquette and Marie Agnes Charisson, married Fran^oise DesRousse, native 
of Vincennes, daughter of Francois DesRousse (or Derousser) and Veronique 
Mittaye, (she afterwards married J. B. Grimar); Manuel Perez, sergeant of 
troops; Ambroise Seraphine (1795); Manuel Sanchez (1795) sailor; John Barry 
(1796); Frandsco Couteley (Coutley) dit Marchekterre (1796), a Canadian, in 


Louis. The road is still a great traveled highway on substantially the 

original line from New Madrid north to Ste. Genevieve. It was also 

known by the eariy American pioneers as the "Illinois" road because 

1 799 on bayou St. Thomas ; Joseph Charpentier (i 796) ; Anna Collins Gill, ( 1 796) ; 
Rosalie and Louisa Gamelin (1796) ; William Goudin (1796) ; Jacob Gool (1796) ; 
Juan Halley (1796); Alexander Laforge (1796); Pierre Sabourin (1791) a native 
of Montreal, married Marianna Dub^, her mother Marianna De Rozier, came 
to New Madrid from Vincennes; John Russell (1796); Luis and Hy]X)lite St. 
Jean (1796); Antoine Vachette dit St. Aubin (1796), (probably instead of **Va- 
hette" should be "Casse", and Antoine Vachard dit Mimi L' Ardoise was also 
here in 1796, and in St. Louis district prior to 1790. He was a Canadian, and 
in 1806 married Margaret Saborough (or Laborough). Jean Vian (or Viot) dit 
Gascon (1796), afterwards at bayou St. John, Grand Marais and Big Lake, 
was brother-in-law to Jean Baptiste Chartier, junior ; Jean Baptiste Bonneau 
(1797); Rouette Boulanger (1797) at Fort Celeste; John King (1797!; Florencio 
MiUan (1797) first sergeant of the Fixed regiment of Louisiana; AnsHmeMcColum 
(1797); Joachim Riendeau (1797) a teamster at New Madrid; Daniel Wagner 
(1797), seems to have been in New Madrid; Walling Fitch (1797) carpenter; 
Barth^lemi Corvaisier ( 1 798) ; Samuel Hill ( 1 798) boarded with Burweli Overby ; 
Joseph Laferny (Lafresniere) (1799), merchant in New Madrid, creole de las Illi- 
nois, slave owner, owned property in Big Prairie on lake St. John near where Sike- 
ston now is, and in 1802 owned property on lake St. Mary including horse-mill 
and buildings; Jean Baptiste St. Marie, junior, (1799), son of Francois St. Marie 
and Marie Ann Boyer, had property near New Madrid on lakes; Claude Thiriet 
(orThiriot) (1796) merchant, in 1800 on bayou St. Henry in Big Prairie; John 
Whelan (1797); Elie (or Elias) Carter (1800) on lake St. John; Jesse Claywel 
(1800) his wife was Catherine Cooper ; Charles Crabbin (1800) ; Charles Castniget, 
Chasturget (or Castonget) (1800), orphan who seems to have lived with Antoine 
Vachard, was on lake St. Mary and twenty -seven miles north of New Madrid; 
Francqis and Jean Baptiste Dupine (or Dupin) (1800); Peter Garreau (1800), 
married a Miss Perrodeau (or Paradot), in 1802 in Little Prairie on the Mis- 
\ sissippi and also owned property on lake St. Mary ; Tames Rogers lived near the 
village ; Sarah Hansberg in 1 799 was a resident of New Madrid, having lived there 
for several years; George Johnson (1799), was in business in New Madrid and 
owned property on lake Ricardo; Charles Logan (1800) also on the St. Francois 
in the St. Genevieve district; Francois Lacomb (1880) did business in New Mad- 
rid as a merchant, probably the same who was in St. Louis district; Gabriel 
Parquer (or Parks) (1800), merchant from Kentucky, slave owner; John Robb 
(1800) American merchant; Nicholas Savage (1800); Jonathan Shelby (1800) 

son of David; Jean Thiriot (1800), son of Julia Campeau, native of 

VtHcennes; Nicolas Tirart (or Tirard), lived at New Madrid prior to 1800, 
native of Vincennes, also lived at Little Prairie, his son Louis, a Creole, in 1800 
married Marie Reine DesRousse (daughter of Francois DesRousse) of Vin- 
cennes, their daughter Marie was baptised in 1804, in 1802 this Louis lived on 
river Gayoso; Jean Butter (or Butler) (1800), evidently John Butler, who brought 
suit against Jesse Demint and Andre Simpson (i8oi),'a farmer from Pennsyl- 
vania, was imprisoned at one time; Francois D' Hibercourt (or D'lftb^ourt), 
a French interpreter; William McKem (1801) near the village; Pierre Matry 
(1801); Francois McCoy (1801); Louis Pelard, a witness at New Madrid; Am- 
broise Bissonnet (1802), his wife Julia Harpin (it seems she also married George 
Germain); Joseph Belan (Bellan or Bolon) dit Laviolette (1802) in village 
fronting the Mississippi, married Louise Prudhomme, native of Montreal, Can- 
ada, his son Ignace Belan in 1804 married Rosalie Millette (daughter of deceased 
Jean Baptiste Millette,) Joseph Belon in 1804 engaged himself to Etienne St. 
Marie to go to the river St. Francois to trade with the Indians; Adam Boyne 
(1802); William Daperon ^1802) and on portage of river St. Francois; Carlos 
Chartres (1802); Joseph Etre (1802); Joseph Eastus (1802) six miles south of 
New Madrid, on'lake St. Francois ;^Benjamin Fooy(i8o2) seems to have been a 


it led to what was then known as the " Illinois country ' * north of 
Apple creek and to St. Louis as far as the Missouri river. This 
road passed through Cape Girardeau and Ste. Genevieve, but paths 
led from it to the chain of rocks above Commerce, and to the 
mouth of Apple creek, and connected with old traces and paths on 
the east side of the river. Captain Charles Friend, from Monon- 
gahela (Monongalia) county, Virginia, in 1799 ^^^ ^^^ ^^ ^^^ earliest 
settlers on this road, near the present town of Benton, at the foot 
of what is now known as the Scott county hills. Captain Friend 
was an officer in the Revolutionary war, and with nine sons and 
two daughters came to upper Louisiana in the year named.*^ The 

surveyor here in 1804 but afterwards at £spera.nza encampment; (James Ferres 
( or Fe rrer), junior, Jean and Humphrey Ferres (1802J,' Jean Bapt^e Hemault 
(1S02) near thie villttge; Fanny Hard (1802), a white woman, a captive among 
the Shawanoes; Guillaume Hinkson (1802) (1803) sergeant of the ganison; 
Jonathan Stoker (1802); Mathias Belsome (1803), carpenter; Marie Block 
(1803) presented a bill to estate of Thomas Powers for nursing in last sickness; 
Chenne dit Stephen Dumas; Isidore Dupin, native of Montreal, Canada, son 
of Xavier Dupin, married Marie DeRousse, and their son Frangois was bap- 
tized in 1804; Elizabeth Gamelin (1803); Christopher G. Houts; Samuel Hous- 
ton ; John Henthow (Henthorn in Cape Girardeau militia company) Abraham 
Kiner (1803); Michel Amoureaux (1803) recorder of district of New Madrid, 
bought property on lake St. Ann, seems also to have been interpreter, in 1806 was 
deputy surveyor, and in 1808 judge of probate; Jean Baptiste Aime prior to 
1803 owned property on the Mississippi one mile from New Madrid, and was 
probably Jean Baptiste Aime, junior, son of Charles Aime, deceased, native 
of Ste. Genevieve, who in 1802 married Marie Louis Belon, daughter of Joseph 
Belon (or Belan — Beland) dit Laviolette; David AUein (1802), locksmith by 
profession; Jean Baptiste LaTremonille, a cooper; Antoine Lafond, owned 
property on lake St. Isidore; Major J. B. McCourtney; Frangois Martinez, 
corporal ; Peggy Curtis Snaling (Snelling), lived at home of Francois Barth^lemi 
Corvaisier, was a cousin of his wife, and of Elisha and Philip Craig, who came 
to New Madrid in 1804; Pierre Antoine Tabeaux (Thibaul^ merchant 
from Cahokia; Louis Vachard, married Marie Ann Thibault, their daughter 
Julia baptised in 1804; Elisha Winters (1801); Ephraim Dunbar (1804) ser- 
geant of the garrison of the post of New Madrid; Joseph Gravier (1802) mer- 
chant making frequent trips up the Mississippi, also in Little Prairie and Mill 
Prairie, his wife was Louise Chauvin whom he divorced in 1804, she was a sister- 
in-law of LaVall6e; William Swan (1804); William Scott (1804), merchant. 
Louis Baby was another early resident of New Madrid. He was a mem- 
ber of the distinguished French-Canadian family, a name grouped by Suite 
"avec la noblesse authentique formait la classe superieure du Canada." 
Ap|X)inted Jacques Baby, negociant at Detroit, as attorney to receive for him 
his succession of the estate of Louise de Conagne, his mother, of Montreal, Can- 
ada, widow of Colonel Louis Baby, his father, he being the only child. Was on 
Lake St. Mary in 1800, and owned property on river Gayosa that year. 

•* The sons were named respectively, Aaron, Israel, Teene, Charles, Jacob, 
John, Alexander, David and Jonas. Jonas, John, Jacob and Charles each se- 
cured a grant of land under the Spanish government in Tywappity. School- 
craft mentions an Augustine Friend as a settler on White river, five miles below 
the shoals, in 1819, and where he was treated with much hospitality. Doubtless 
a member of the same family of pioneers. — Tour of the Interior of Missouri and 
Arkansas, p. 71 (London Ed. 1820). 


principal settlement in what was then and ever since known as Big 
Prairie, in the New Madrid district was located on or near this old 

The precise territorial jurisdiction of the commandants at New 
Madrid and Cape Girardeau were for a time a matter of dispute. 
This New Madrid jurisdiction appears to have at one time extended 
at least as far north as the so-called Big Swamp, a bottom about three 
miles wide, located immediately south of Cape Girardeau city, and 
called by the French Grand Marais. The New Madrid district always 
embraced the Tywappity bottom, situated opposite the mouth of the 
Ohio, as well as all the country as far west as White river.*' Before 
the establishment of the civil and military post of Cape Girardeau, 
the jurisdiction of the commandant of New Madrid extended as 
far north as Cinque Homme creek, this creek being named as the 
northern limit of the claim of Morgan. On the south, the juris- 
diction of the Arkansas post seems to have extended as far north 
as the mouth of the St. Francois and west to White river, this being 
the limit of the New Madrid district in that direction, thus apparently 
making the limits of the district co-extensive with Morgan's claim. 

The principal settlement near New Madrid was located on Lake St. 
Ann, and among the first settlers on this lake was Joseph Story, already 
mentioned. Story for a time lived in the town of New Madrid, but in 
1799 had a farm on lake St. Henry. Along bayou St. John, emptying 
its waters into the Mississippi at New Madrid, there was another 
settlement, extending north and along this bayou.** On lake St. 

•' The Indian name of White river was "Niska." 

* The settlers here were, Thomas Young Horsley (1792); John Harvey, 
a resident of the village in 1792, had a tract fronting on the Mississippi and 
this lake; Jean Biggs (1793), native of London, England, son of Samuel Biggs 
and Elizabeth Massendow, married Martha Ann Smith (widow of deceased 
MiUer) native of England "en une partie de Irlanda", daughter of John and 
Rachel Smith. This wife died, it seems, in about three weeks, and he after- 
wards married Elizabeth Robertson (widow of Aaron Henry Thompson) in 
the same year, native of Dunfrees, north of Brittany, daughter of Daniel Robert- 
son, David Dabbyan one of the witnesses. He sold a slave he had acquired 
from his first wife, Martha Ann, to Elisha Jackson for S200. Soloman and 
Charles Thorn, brothers, were witnesses; Juan Frederick (1793); James Gill 
(1794), born 1736 at Drogneda, Ireland, was sawyer and bombardier in 
Captain John Bryce's company, received his discharge in 1781, at Philadelphia, 
and in 1784 was at Cape May sawing for Edmonston & Living, and in 1793 
was master of a grain boat sent from Pittsburg to Fort Washington to 
John Bailie, deputy quartermaster; in 1798 in New Madrid; John Homer (or 
Nomer) (1796) ; Thomas Johnson (1795), in 1800 left New Madrid on a voyage, 
making La Valine his attorney; John Summers (1794) sold in 1800 to John T^vel; 
Francois Fordney, (Fordoneyor Fordonic) (1796); Thomas Brucks (1798) also 
a resident of the village, in 1803 property was sold by his widow, Ann Bnicks, 


Marys, Stephen and Joseph St. Marie, though residents of New 
Madrid, in 1791, had their plantations, so also Francois St. Marie dit 
Bourbon.** They all came from Vincennes, and were ancient inhabit- 
ants of that place. Francois married Marie Ann Boyer. In addition 
Louis Vandenbenden, who lived at New Madrid in 1795, had prop- 
erty on this lake and lake St. Isidore. He was a native of Flanders 
and a civil engineer, came to New Madrid from Gallipolis, and by 
Baron Carondelet was appointed to erect the fortifications of St. Louis 
in 1797. He also enjoyed the friendship of Gayoso. His brother 
Joseph with Audrain, Tardiveau & Company, was interested in a 
flour contract with the Spanish government. To supply the 
flour under this contract the firm built a mill on bayou St. Thomas, 
which in 1796 was much admired by General Collot. He says that 
the mill was erected on pilework and that the work was done with 

whose first husband was James Gill ; a DeBrucks seems to have been here prior 
to 1803; or maybe the same as Thomas Brooks; Daniel and William Frazier 
(1799), in 1801 at Tywappity and 1802 on lake St. Mary, were sons of John ; Jen- 
kins Harris (1798) presented a bill for service in sickness of Thomas Brucks, 
his daughter Elizabeth married Antoine Lafond; David Devore (1802) son of 
Luke, two miles from mill of R. J. Waters; Alexander Frazier (1802); John 
Elliott; Henry Block, sold his property in 1806 and moved to lake Ricardo. 

•* The first plantations were opened by David Shelby (1796), of Pennsyl- 
vania, relative of Isaac, married first Elizabeth Bolon, they had two children, 
James living in the state of Pennsylvania, and Elizabeth the wife of James 
Bums of Bois Brule; his second wife was the widow of James Farris, Catherine 
Belle, they had three children, Reese, £^ie and Marie, all minors in 1802; he 
also had a son, Jonathan, in 1800 his widow sold land at a place called New 
Hampshire, on lake St. Mary^ shie died in 1802 ; Jacob Crow (1795) also on lake 
Thomas; Nicolas Da]>eron (or Dapron) (1797), and in 1802 in the town, his 
wife was Marie Louise Racine, their son Nicolas, junior, was baptised in 1804; 
Peter Daperon (1797) William Cox (1800) and in 1802 at Tywappity; Peter 
LaBombard (1800); Pierre Sans Quartier (1800); Antoine Trudell (1800); 
Jean Baptiste Langlois (1800); Daniel Ritchel (1801); William Dunkin (Dun- 
can) (1801), a Madame Dunkins presented a bill against the estate of Thomas 
Brucks for nursing him in last sickness; Daniel Hazel (1801); William Harris 
Glass (1801), in 1803 was implicated in an affair which caused him to be fined, 
and he left the post; Charles Nelson (1802); Jacob Self (1803), on this lake and 
in Big Prairie; Patrick Connor (1803) ; Martin Coons (1803), and lake St. Mary; 
Francois Collell (1802), sells at public sale the property of Bonaventure Collell 
on lake St. John; Jesse Demint (1800) carpenter; Etienne Dumay (1803) a 
miller by profession, brother of Joseph Etienne, junior, also here ; Luke Devore 
(1801) also at lake Ricardo; Jones (1803); Hugh Burnett (1803); Amos Rawls 
(1801), son of Hardy Rawls, at Cypress swamp on this lake, cowhided Jacob 
Myers, who sued him for damages, getting $150; Baptiste (or Jean Baptiste) 
Lafleur (1796); Elie Pettibone (1802); Daniel Wentzell (1804) was a saddler 
by profession, and in 1801 kept a tavern at Louisville, as he came up the Mis- 
sissippi in a barge his wife, Marie Dufile died, and was buried at a place called 
Clover creek, they had one child named David who lived with his father and 
followed his profession; William Hunter and son Harris came with them; 
James McKinley; Joseph Westbrook, farmer. Christopher Bryant (1796) 
described as ''haviendo una grande familia y tres hijos hombres." 


much " solidite et d'intelligence '' by M. Vandenbenden, an 
" ingenieur Hollandais." Louis Vandenbenden married Fran9aise 
Godfrey, in New Madrid in 1797.* 

Five miles north of New Madrid, on the highest point of lake St. 
Marys, Benjamin Myers,** a carpenter, leased a plantation, and prob- 
ably lived there, though he was a resident of the village in 1 793. Six 
miles north of the village Hardy Rawls had a clearing; he was a 
native of Kentucky and a slave owner. Seven and one half miles 

* Residents of New Madrid and others who settled on this lake were : 
Thomas Ward Caulk (1792) slave owner, and in 1804, owned property 
at Bon Homme settlement, his son Thomas, junior, also here in the same year; 
Ambroise Dumas (1792) native of Canada, came from Vincennes to this dis- 
trict, his son Ambroise, junior, came in 1791; Francisco Falconer (1794) died 
in 1797; George Yuros (Unos or Norris) (1796) near this lake and lake St. 
Eulalie; William Bouillette (or Brouillette) (1797), native of Brienne, France; 
Joseph Brant (1795) on this lake northeast of Dry Run, in 1801, was a shoe- 
maker in New Madrid; Patrick Cassidy (1797); John Crow (1796); Alexander 
Auguste FaUin (or Follin) (1797); Francois Foisy (1798) and on lake Le Sieur; 
John Lamb (1798) a carpenter, and in 1801 on lake St. John. James M. and 
Daniel McMillan (1798); John McCleland (1796); Samuel Parker (1798), on 
this lake in MiU Prairie; Andrew Scott (1798) and in 1799 on Big Prairie; Isa- 
dore Skerett (Skerritt) (1796), married Sarsih MiUer, and in 1804 at Wappenok 
bayou near Hope Field, (Esperanza) as assignee of Adam Boynton; Leonard 
Rope (Roper or Raper) English (1797); Robert Rogers (1796) slave owner; 
John Tucker (1797), in 1802 at Tywappity; Robert White (1798) in 1800 on 
ikke Ricardo, and others; Christopher Windsor (1796), in 1799 exchanged prop- 

^ erty with David Shelby, was in business in New Madrid in 1801; Richard 
Westbrook; David Johnson (1799) from Kaskaskia, native of Fort Pitt, son of 
David and Pallee Johnson, in 1804 married Elizabeth Skerritt, native of "State 
of Cumberland" (Tennessee), daughter of Isadore Skerritt- Jean Chosier; Mo- 
deste Bouillette and Margaret Raper wer witnesses; Madame Leduc (1799); 
James Smith (1799) a blacksmith and loctismlth on this lake in Mill Prairie, 
sold out in 1802; Robert Caldwell (1800) farmer from Kaskaskia, where in 
1804 four hundred acres were confirmed to his heirs, four or five miles from the 
headwaters of Richland creek in St. Clair county; Conrad Carpenter (1798) 
bought property here and on lake St. Thomas, the latter he sold in 1803 includ- 
ing a cotton-mill; he died about 1803, was twice married, his first wife being 
Catherine Law — four children, Barbe, Margarite, Benjamin and Silas; his 
second wife, Marie Karn, (widow of one Custeau) had two children, Catherine 
and James. Carp>enter and Armstrong worked at Lafernay's mill; Francois 
Dupah (or Dupit) (1800); Antoine Dumay (1800); John Frazier (1800) in Big 

y Prairie on lake St. Mary; James Farris (1800) married Catherine Belle (who 
afterwards married David Shelby, who also left her a widow), their three sons 
were Jean, Humphrey and James, lived at New Madrid; Peter Kline (1800); 
• Tames Ferry (1801); James Dunkin (1802) John Lathan (1801); Richard Mas- 
fers (1801) ; William Zanes (1801) ; James Scott (1802) in New Madrid in the pre- 
vious year; John McQuilkin (or McKouilkin) (1802); Auguste Delarebondiere 
(1803); Alain Burgsuebb (a German) (1803); Allen Bird Grob (or Grubb) 
(1803) slave owner; Jonas Carl, laborer, also on lake St. Ann; Peter Newkirk 
(1803) John Wiley (or Whyley) (1803); John Link (1803); Germain Ouillet (or 
Ouillette (1800) ; LeRoy Pope, from Georgia, bought prof)erty on this lake. 

•• German, native of Pittsburg, Pennsylvania, son of Jacob Myers and Helen 
Ventricle; in 1804 married Rebecca Patterson, native of New Brunswick, daugh- 
ter of Benjamin Patterson and Betsy Safford. 


north, Augustine Trudell lived in 1794, but afterwards sold his place 
to Jean Baptiste Barsaloux (1796) and removed to the Arkansas dis- 
trict, where he secured a concession from Francisco Casso y Luefigo, 
commandant of the Arkansas post in 1802. Sojourner bought from 
Barsaloux and lived on this place in 1804. In 1802 Richard and 
Daniel Hazel lived ten miles north of New Madrid, and Robert 
Quimby, a blacksmith of Tywappity in 1801, opened a farm at 
the foot of the hills, now in Scott county, in 1803. His nearest 
neighbors were John, Charles, and Jacob Friend. 

Three miles northwest of New Madrid, and west of this lake St. 
Marys, Jean Baptiste Racine, dit L * Empeigne,*' lived on lake St. 
Isidore in 1793. He was a native of France. Benjamin Patterson 
settled on a grant on lake St. Isidore in 1 797. Jean Baptiste Gobeau, 
an interpreter, in 1797, was on this lake; he married Rosalie Lafond, 
daughter of Dr. Jean Baptiste Lafond.** Edward Robertson, a 
trader and a merchant, removed from the Cape Girardeau district to 
Big Prairie in 1798, and was made syndic of this settlement; owned 
slaves, and was also authorized **to sell and jxit off liquor at his place." 
He had served in the Revolutionary war. and came to the Spanish 
possessions in 1795, settling first in the Cape Girardeau district, 
adjoining Andrew Ramsay, but sold out his claim there to him. In 
1800 he sold his property in Big Prairie to John McCoulkin, including 
orchard, horse-mill, and distillery.* It is not known where he died. 
Peter Egains or Higgens, native of Pennsylvania, county of York, in 
1 798, was a resident of this prairie ; for a time he made his home 
with Benjamin Demint on bayou St. Thomas, and seems to have 
been a man of considerable property. Daniel Barton in 1799 bought 
property in this prairie where he had a mill and other buildings.'® 

On bayou St. Thomas, a stream west of the waters of bayou St. 

•^ Probably the same L'Empeigne who was courier and spy in the employ 
of the Spanish authorities in 1 793-1 794, when Genet's filibustering enterprise 
threatened upper Louisiana. See Lorimier's Journal, p. 8 et seq. 

•■ Also lived in the village of New Madrid. His children were, Marie, 
Louise, Francois, Celeste, Pierre and Auguste Samuel. 

•• Joel Bennett was another resident on this lake as early as 1 796 ; Joseph 
Lewis (1796) Robert McCoy going with him to the commandant as interpreter; 
Benjamin Douglas (1802) lived with this Joseph Lewis, or on his land; James 
Macee (or Massey) (1796). 

'• Married Catherine Medard, and his daughter married Moses Hurley* 
In 1802 he boarded with Andrew Scott, paying $10 per month, including sewing 
and washing; he made a trip to South Carolina ; on his return did work in 
connection with cotton-mill of Christopher Winsor, who was to pay him in 
ginned cotton packed and inspected, at 25 piastres per hundred, agreeable to 
the rules of the district. 


John and about six miles north of New Madrid, one of the oldest 

settlements in the country was made. Here Joseph La Plante, dit 

Thitant, Thisant or Thifault, a merchant of New Madrid in 1791, 

opened a farm in 1792. La Plante came from Kaskaskia where he 

had rendered military service, having emigrated to Kaskaskia from 

Vincennes. '^ The first farm in Brushy Prairie, about eight miles 

north of New Madrid, was opened by Louis Sojourner in 1802, who 

bought property from Elisha Jackson on Big Prairie for a horse and 

rifle. Andrew Bums, in 1803, had a farm here; and George Hacker 

opened a plantation about the same year. Jean Baptiste Peltier, 

from Kaskaskia, where in 1790 he served in the militia, was on bayou 

Carondelet in 1801. Pierre " and Jean Baptiste Perron, brothers, 

and both residents of New Madrid for a time, also cultivated land on 

this bayou.'' On what was known as lake Eulalie, John Garton 

^^ Son of Jacques Laplante, of parish St. Magaline, Quebec; married Gen- 
evieve Thibault, a sister of Nicolas Thibault; their son Isidore was baptised 
in 1804 at New Madrid. Other settlers were John Baptiste Thibault (1795) 
was a resident on Big Prairie, and on Prairie des Peches; he was a son of 
Nicolas; Francois Hudson (1799) from Richmond, Virginia, was an iron 
worker and locksmith, married a daughter of General Benjamin Harrison, 
native of New Hampshire or New York, was also a resident of New Madrid ; 
Peter Cline (1799); Antoine and Bernardo Lafond (1799) **creole des los 
Illinois'*, also found on lake St. John and Isidore; John Lovell (1799); 
Peter Lovell (1799); Andrew Ramsay (1799); Nathaniel Shaver (1799) 
probably the same who was in the St. Louis district; Elizabeth McCardele 
(1799); Zachariah Thorpe (1799); Thomas and Elisha Windsor (1799) 
also on bayou St. Henry, Elisha seems to have done considerable work 
on the plantation of Pierre Higgins, and in 1804 was justice of the peace; 
Jacob and Conrad Wheat (1799) ; Solomon Armstrong (1800) ; Upton C. Butler; 
David Heaton (or Hatten) (1801); Peter Neal (or Oneal) (1802) in this prairie 
on lake St. Mary; John Brooks (1802) on the big road; Andrew Robertson 
(1802), his daughter Elizabeth in 1805 married John Friend; Andrew Robert- 
son, junior, also here; James Riley (1802); Moses Vanses (or Vance); James 
Douglas, and on lake St. John; John Hawthorn (1802); Jonathan Hurley, on 
bayou St. Thomas; Fraflcois Millette. 

'* Native of Vincennes, Pierre Riche Perron married Therese Laviolette, 
(who afterwards married Joseph Riendeau) their son, Pierre, junior, in 1804 
married Marie Ann St. Marie (daughter of Francois Xavier St. Marie and 
Marie Ann Boyer) natives of Vincennes. 

" Others wKo were on this bayou and in the neighborhood were : Ben- 
jamin Green (1795) and on lake St. Henry; James or Joseph Demint (1796); 
Sampson Archer (1797), married Catalina McDowell, and both died prior to 
1799, the children mentioned in the inventory were, William, bom 1787, Dorcas 
( 1 789), Singleton ( 1 796), Thomson (i 792), in 1800, property at a place called New 
Hampshire was sold as belonging to this estate, fronting on lake St. Thomas; 
John Moore (1797) from Ireland; Mathew McCormick (1795); James Bingston 
(1798) in 1804 sold to his son Holman, and in 1800 transferred property to his 
son Henry fronting on lake Antoine, another son Daniel owned property here in 
1799, and adjacent; Thomas Twentyman (spelled"Tuintiman*' in the census 
of 1796) who afterwards moved to what is now Cooper county, was a member 
of the first grand jury there after the county was organized in 1820; Fran9ois 
Stockley (1792), in 1795 sold out by Portelle for debt; Thomas Neely, from 


lived in 1792. Another small settlement existed on lakeLe Sieur.^* 
John Wall, a carpenter, was the first settler on lake Ricardo'^ in 1793, 
but removed to the Red River country in 1796; married Nancy 
Archer, a daughter of Capt. Sampson Archer.^* 

South of New Madrid, in what is now Pemiscot county, near where 
the city of Caruthersville stands, Francois Le Sieur established a 
trading post, known as Little Prairie in 1 794. He was a lieutenant of 
the militia, and as such exercised control over the post as civil and 
military commandant until 1797, although not regularly appointed.^ 
He was the leading and controlling spirit of the settlement. DeLassus 
says, that he could not write, but his signature to some documents 
shows that he could at least write his name. The village of Little 
Prairie was regularly laid out by Joseph Story, surveyor of the New 
Madrid district, according to plans suggested by Pierre Antoine La 
Forge, representing the commandant of New Madrid, sometime 
after Le Sieur made a settlement. The lots each contained one ar- 
pen. A fort called San Fernando was constructed on the Mississippi, 
but both this fort and the site of the original village have long since 
been carried away by the abrasions of the river. In 1800, Le Sieur 
erected a horse-mill here, the first industrial establishment of the 
town. A number of old residents of New Madrid moved to Little 
Prairie'* from time to time after the village was established. It was a 
prosperous settlement until the earthquakes of 181 1. 

Tennessee, a relative of William Neely (1797), son-in-law of Anthony Bledsoe; 
Louis Coignard (1798) of St. Louis, officer of militia, in 1800 bought property in 
New Madrid where he engaged in business as a merchant, married Julia Benito, 
their son Charles Napoleon was baptised in 1804 ; (Is this not the Coignard 
that gave Carondelet anxiety as a leader of the St. Louis sans-culotte ?) ; Pierre 
Chevalier; Jesse Pendergrast (1801); Adestine Rogers (1800) on Dry Run 
near this lake; Robert Trotter (1802); Abraham Keeny (1803), also on bayou 
St. John; Joseph McAlpine (1798). , • 

'* Here resided George Lail, probably George Lail, junior, who in 1800 
inherited property from his father George Lail, residing in Bourbon county, 
Kentucky, prior to 1797 ; John Hodgcns (1802) ; Dennis I^verture in the militia 
As early as 1796 Jean Baptiste Dupuys resided on this lake, but removed to 
Iberville parish, Louisiana, where he lived in 1803; John Watkins (1802) may 
be Dr. John Watkins, also found at St. Louis a year later and in 1805 at New 
Orleans. • 

^ Others on this lake were : Patrick McDuff (1801) ; John Masters (1802), his 
sons were Richard, Samuel, Henry, Robert, and Lemuel, Henry afterwards was 
justice of the peace ; William Wiley (or Why lee) (1801) ; Jennie Pendegrass (1801). 

'•From Westmoreland county, Pennsylvania, in 1792, Captain of the 2d 
Company of the 2d Batallion of the Westmoreland Regiment. 

" See letter of DeLassus to Stoddard, in Billon's Annals of St. Louis, vol. i, 
P- 370- 

'• Among the early inhabitants of Little Prairie we find : John Gallaher (1801), 
habitant of Washington county, Pennsylvania, on river Penuscot near the 


North of Little Prairie on Pemiscot (then called Pemiscon) bayou, 
Hypolite Tirard or Tirart was an early settler. '^ Rangon (Ransom) 
Thacker in 1801 had a grant to establish a flour-mill, and Captain 
George Ruddle, an inhabitant of Littie Prairie, who served in the 
militia as lieutenant and captain, both before and after the purchase 
of Louisiana, in 1 796 opened a farm on this bayou. His family, when 
he settled in the Spanish possessions, consisted of a wife and six 
children. He was a slave owner, and a man of substance. Caronde- 
let made a grant of land directly to him. Abraham Ruddle also 
settled on Pemiscot bayou. They were both sons of Isaac Ruddle, of 
Ruddle *s Station, Kentucky. When Ruddle's Station was captured 
by the Indians and the English under Colonel Bird, the family of 
Isaac Ruddle was taken to Ohio and divided among the Indians. 
Thus Abraham and Stephen, then young boys, came to be assigned to 
the Shawnees and were taken to Piqua where they were adopted and 
raised by the Indians. As boys they were playmates of Tecumseh. 

village; Hyacinth Gayon (1801); Jean Derlac (1801) in the prairie near the 
village; Peter Nobless (1801) at Grand Cdte; Franfois Ouelette (1791) native 
of L'Islet parish of Notre Dame, Quebec, Canada, son of Francois Ouelette and 
Marie Reine Caron, and either he or his son Francois married Archange Peltier of 
Vincennes, daughter of Andrew Peltier; Charles L. Onion (or L'Onion) (1801); 
Joseph Peigne, (1801) English, also spelled Peignel (or Payne); John Ruddell 
(or Ruddle or Rudole) (1801) in the prairie on river Pemiscot, his daughter 
Fanny married Francois Jervais in 1805; Andrew Summers (1801), also in 
Cape Girardeau district, a native of Glasgow, Scotland, married Elizabeth, a 
daughter of George Ruddle; James Simpson (1801), also at Big Prairie, mar- 
ried Pegne (or Peggy) Lovel; Robert Simpson (1794) a resident at one time of 
Redbanks, Kentucky; Madame Michel-Lacourse (1801); Ebenezer Folson 
(or Folsom) (1802); Joseph Genereux (1802), probably same who in 1796 was 
in St. Charles district; Jean Baptiste Hebert dit Fournier (1802), also owned 
property on rivers Gayoso and St. Francois; Richard Jicaye (1802); Firman 
LeSieur (1802) ; James Martain, in the prairie on river St. Francois; John Oqueny 
(1802) near the village ;• Abraham Smith (1802); Jesse Taylor (1802) on 
Mississippi near the village;* John Watkins (1802) in the prairie near the 
mill of Mr. Ruddle; Richard Lecoy (or Leroy) (1802); Noel Burke (1803) in 
prairie on river St. Francois; Eloy Dejarlais; Baptiste Ernard near the village; 
Amable Gayon (or Guion) slave owner; Thomas Harris, in the prairie; Richard 
Sicay; Pierre Grimard on the Mississippi in Little Prairie, resident of Big Lake 
and New Madrid. 

'• James Clemens (1801), slave owner, had a plantation on this Pemiscot 
bayou; Benjamin Chaviron (1800); Peter Louis (1801); Absalom Hicklin 
(1801); Alexander Roy (1802); William Thacker (1802); Abraham Ruddle 
(1802) ; Wilson Cummins (or Cummings) (1802) ; also John and Robert Cummins, 
on fork of the Pemiscon; Jean Culberson (1802) on this stream near Little 
Prairie, also lake Gayoso and lake Lesieur; James Canaway (1802), on the 
south fork of this river; Joseph Jacobs (1802) on north and south fork of Pem- 
iscon; Francois Michel (1802) slave owner, seems to have been in territory in 
1793; Alexander Sommerville, on the north fork of Pemiscon; Benjamin Lewis 
VanAmburg, slave owner, also resident of town; William and Jeremiah Cana- 
way (or Conway) ; Hezekiah Day of north fork of Pemiscon, and Mississippi. 


Abraham Ruddle was six feet one inch high, spare and bony, and 
in his conversation betrayed that he had been raised by the Indians.*® 
He died in about 1830, on Lake Gayoso. Only a short distance from 
Little Prairie a number of settlers also received concessions." 

The most important settlement, south of New Madrid, was 
at the big Portage of the St. Francois, as it was designated at 
that time, near what is now Portageville in New Madrid county. At 
this point, from a very early period in the history of the country, a 
portage had been established between the waters of the St. Francois 
and the Mississippi. Here canoes and pirogues, came up the St. 
Francois and Little rivers through Portage Bay, and cargoes, were 
carried across the land to waters connecting with the Mississippi. 
Among the French-Canadian voyageurs who lived here and secured 
grants, we note Joseph Hunot, who was lieutenant in the militia, 
and an early resident of New Madrid. His name is signed as witness 
to many documents from 1791 to 1799. Toussaint Godair or Goder, 
who at one time resided in the Cape Girardeau district, and after- 
ward in New Madrid, had a concession here." 

On Open Lake near Portage Bay, and connecting with it. Major 
Jean Baptiste Olive made a settlement in 1797. He was a native of 
France, and one of the few emigrants residing in upper Louisiana 
who directly immigrated to the country from France. He first settled 
at New Madrid, where he was sub-lieutenant of militia, and baker in 
the army; was also a merchant, and in 1805 a justice of the peace; 

^"Draper's Notes, vol. 22, No. 45. Isaac Ruddle married Elizabeth 
Bowman, in Kentucky, in 1779, daughter of Colonel Bowman of the Illinois 
Regiment. He settled at Ruddle's Station with several families, in 1 780, where 
they were captured. Captain Isaac Ruddle and wife were released through 
influence of Major Lenoult of the English army who found Captain Ruddle 
was a fellow-Mason ; but the two boys who had been given to the Shawnee Indians 
could not be found. After they escaped they were much engaged in the Indian 
wars of the time, and at one time Abraham was again captured by the Indians 
and in great danger of being killed. 

** Among others farming on lake Gayoso were: Antoine Poriere (1801); 
Francois Trenchard (1802) and John Montmenia (or Monmirel), the last two 
named at one time resided at New Madrid; Francois DeLisle (1802), in 1806 
married Cesell Gilbeaugh; Charles Loignon (1802); Pierre Robert (1802), son 
of deceased Pierre Robert and Therese St. Aubin, natives of Detroit, married 
Jeanne Riendeau, daughter of Joseph Riendeau and Therese Raphiante, or 
Monmirel, Vincennes; A. P. D. Robert also here; Alexander Jackson (1802); 
Steward Cummings (1802); Joseph Coupneau (or Coussincau) (1803); Joseph 
Ferland (1803). 

•* He married Elizabeth Chapart, and lived for a time at Vincennes; their 
son Toussaint, junior, in 1800 married Marie Victoire Hunot, native of Vin- 
cennes, daughter of Joseph Hunot, senior. A cousin-german Andrew Goder, 
was present at this wedding. 


his wife, Anne Victoire Auguste, owned a number of tracts of land in 
this section." Benoni Patterson opened the first farm on the road 
between Little Prairie and New Madrid. John Patterson, from Kas- 
kaskia, in 1802, and Hiram Patterson lived in the neighborhood at the 
same time. 

The extensive bottom on the west bank of the Mississippi, opposite 
the mouth of the Ohio, from the Scott county hills on the north, to St. 
James bayou (then called St. Jacobs bayou) on the south, and extend- 
ing westward to Little river, was then and is still known as Tywappity 
bottom, the word being variously spelled, ** Theouapita," "Tiwap- 
paty. " It was in this bottom of the river that Major Hamtramck 
wrote that in 1788 a village by the name of " Ze-wa-pe-ta " was 
formed, thirty miles above the mouth of the Ohio, likely not far from 
the present town of Commerce, which he says in the summer of 
that year consisted of 30 to 50 families,^^ the settlers all being Ameri- 
cans and induced by the Spanish officials to come over the river by 
liberal land grants.** The soil of this Tywappity bottom is of 

** Probably the first residents on this lake and river were : Jean Baptiste 
and Francois Dubois, residents in 1791 ; Louis Dubois was another early resident, 
native of Montreal, Canada, in 1797 married Madalaine Hunot (widow of 
Antoine Gamelin) whose parents were also natives of Canada; Robert Upham 
(1796); Daniel T. Vaughn (1797); Michel Lacourse (1797), married Josephe 
Desjarlais, sold property on this lake to Joseph Tremblay, a native seem- 
ingly of Canada; Thompson Crawford (1802); Philip Lady (1802); Jean 
Baptiste Maisonville (1800), also Fran9ois Maisonville, the same who for a time 
lived among the Shawnee Indians on Apple creek, and there married a sister 
of Tecums3i; Etienne St. Marie, junior, son of Etienne residing in the village 
of New Madrid as early as 1792; Louis Legrand (1803) also atSte. Genevieve; 
Henry Goder (Godair) (1795) of Vincennes, brother of Andrew; John Benoist, 
(or Benoit) (1803); Jean Baptiste Chatillon (1803), also seems to be spdled 
Chandillon; John Dany (1803), between Big and Small Bay of Portage; 
Thomas Graves (1803); Pierre Lausson; Labruissier (Labuziere); Joseph 
Perez, formerly a soldier; Antoine and Michel Bonneau; Etienne Boveau; 
Ignace Belon; Joseph Badeau; William Crafford (or Crawford) may be the 
same also found on the] St. Fran9ois in New Madrid district; Joseph Dimiay, 
laborer, west of this river; Eustache De Lisle, on small Bay of portage; William 
Doyle, on this river and Cypress creek; Joseph Lapointe. 

••See Harmer Papers, vol. 2, pp. 50 et seq, 

" Probably the earliest settler in this bottom was William Smith, who came, 
from Kentucky and settled on the Mississippi in 1797, and built an establish- 
ment for the convenience of strangers opposite Wolf island, evidently a sort of 
tavern, in 1800 sold to John Tolmson; John Bannister (1800); Lemon China 
(1800); Frankie (or Franklin) and James Bradbum (1801); Moses Burnet 
(1801) who married Elsie Bowie; Jesse Blanks (1801) and in prairie on Brushy 
pond; John Cleminss (or demons) (1801), afterward moved to New Madrid; 
John Clement (1801); Jesse Clauck (or Clark) (1801); Isaac Devore (1801); 
Charles Demos (1801); William Doss (1801), sold in 1802 to John Tucker; 
Daniel Freiseu (or Frazcr); Elisha Friend (1801); Richard Green (1801); 
William Gibson (1801), also in New Madrid; Thomas Ho£F.(or Hoss), senior 
and junior (1801) owned slaves; Etienne and Stephen Jones (1801) slave ownen; 


wonderful fertility. It was then covered with great forests, inter- 
spersed with small prairies, numerous lakes, (the remnants of former 
beds of the Ohio and Mississippi), and many sluggish streams called 
bayous flowed throughit. Partof this bottomproduced rushes eight feet 
high, so large and thick that it was difficult for a man to make his way 
among them. On one of the lakes, Marais des Peches (Fish Lake), 
Reazon Bowie of Georgia, and famous as the inventor of the bowie- 
knife, settled prior to 1800. He was appointed syndic of the Tywap- 
pity settlement. With him came his son David Reazon, Junior, and 
his brother John. Reazon Bowie was a brother of James Bowie, who 
died with Crockett and others in the defense of the Alamo, and 
whose name has thus been apotheosized. The Bowies were slave 
owners; their sister, Elsie, who came with them, married Moses 
Burnet, of whom mention has already been made. About 1802 
Reazon Bowie and his family moved to Bushley's bayou in what 
was then known as Rapides parish, lower Louisiana, settling near the 
Catahoula prairie, and here the name became famous in the annals of 
western Louisiana and Texas.** On the Marais des Peches also 
settled John Robertson, with his son John Robertson, Junior, who 

Phoebe Jones (1801) widow, owned three slaves ;*Emsley Jones (1801) in this 
bottom on the Mississippi, expelled from the Cape Girardeau district and 
afterwards hung at Kaskaskia, (Reynolds' Histroy of Illinois, page 254) ; Mirab 
Jones (1801) ; Caleb Malachi and Richard Jones (1802) all owned slaves; Robert 
Lane (1801) on the Mississippi; Benjamin Laugherty (1801); Josiah Quimby 
(1801); Stephen Quinly (or Quimby) (1801); Nicholas Revely (or Revillee) (1801) 
of Caf>e Girardeau district; Nicholas Rabley (1801); John Smith (1801); John 
Wilbum (or Welbom) (1801) ; James Currins (or Curry) (1802), on the Missis- 
sippi, owned nine slaves; Thomas Bruce (or Cruce) (1802), slave owner; Henry 
Canon (1802); Henry C^ockerham (1800) on the Mississippi; Thomas Clark 
(1802); Jesse Bouding (1802) from Kentucky, one slave; Fran9ois Beardin 
(1802) leased to Daniel Stringer for three years; Silas Fletcher (1802) had a 
grant with David Haten, but aoandoned by them ; Louis Miller FuUwood (1802) ; 
William Hacker (1802); Samuel Kenyon (1802); Agnew Massey (1802); 
Charles Lucas (1802) in Cape Girardeau militia company in 1802 ; John Lloyd 
at Cypress swamp ; Alexander Milegin (or Millikin) (1802) ; John L. Norrisses (or 
Norris) (i8o2)at head of this bottom; James Norris (i8io2); George Stringer; 
Daniel Sexton, on Mississippi and Brushy pond, Reese Shelby, farmer, son of 
David; Mary Smith (1802) widow; Joshua Sexton (1802); Daniel Stringer 

(1802) married Eliza McCollack; Daniel Stringer, junior, in 1802 on Big 
Prairie; widow Tash (1803); Josiah Vicery (1802), on the Mississippi; Brous- 
saille (1803) fronting on LaiLe Broussaille; Peter Laflin; John Nicholas Shrum 

(1803) at a place ten and one half miles above the mouth of the Ohio, called 
"Shrum's Poinf *. 

** In 183 1 Reazon Bowie and eight others on the San Saba resisted success- 
fully an attack of one hundred and sixty Commanche Indians, killing twenty- 
one of them, among whom was the chief. This exploit at the time attracted 
sreat attention, and was fully reported by Colonel James Bowie, his brother. 
(Brown's History of Texas, vol. i, p. 170.) By mistake usually the invention 
of the Bowie-knife was attributed to James Bowie, when in reality Reazon 
Bowie first made this knife out of an old iron wheel-tire. 


married Polly Friend, in 1805, daughter of Charies Friend.'^ North 
of Fish Lake was Bayou de Boeuf ,•' and a few miles west of the lake, 
the prairie where the city of Charleston, in Mississippi county, is now 
situated. This prairie was known during the Spanish occupancy as 
"Prairie Carlos,'* but afterwards among the American settlers 
became known as **Mathew *s Prairie. " It was a favorite pasture of 
buffalo, and in 1781, when Fort Jefferson was besieged by the Indians 
Jospeh Hunter crossing the river, hunted and killed buffalo here, and 
carrying the meat to the river thus supplied the starving garrison. 
The first pioneer settler was Charles Finley, in 1800. He sold his 
claim to Abram Bird, Senior. Edward Mathews came to this 
prairie in the same year; so also Edward, Junior, Joseph and 
Charles Mathews.* Abraham Bird in 1798 received a grant from 
De Lassus on the Mississippi — opposite the north of the Ohio and 
which thus became known as "Bird's Point". He and his brother 
Thompson were related to the "Byrds" of the Cape Girardeau 
district, although spelling their names differently. The original 
grant has long since been carried away by the Mississippi and 
much other land belonging to the family. It would lead us too 
far to mention here the numerous other settlers,'® but in a sub- 

*' Others found on this lake were : James and DaWd Trotter (1801). David 
in 1802 seems to have been murdered by the Mascoux Indians; Jean 
Tanhill prior to 1802 settled on this lake; Charles Hogens (1802); James 
Jameson (1802), near Prairie des Peches, and in 1804 at Lake St. Mary; 
boarded five months with William Deakins, and after his death in 1804 his 
property sold to pay board; Spencer Adams. 

"The first settlers on bayou Boeuf were: Charles and Joseph Mathews 
(1800); Louis L'Ardoise (1800) likely a relative of Antoine Vachard dit Mimi 
L' Ardoise, and perhaps of Charles L'Ardoise of Illinois, who came into the Span- 
ish country in 1799; Eli (or Elijah) Fords (1800); John Johnson (1800) from 
Kentucky, and large slave owner; who afterwards removed to bayou Tesson 
in lower Louisiana; Abraham Bird, senior (1802), bought property two miles 
from mouth of the Ohio, had five sons, one of whom, Abraham, junior, was in 
the military service under Solomon Thorn. 

••Residents of Prairie Charles (Carlos) were: Alexander Bailey (i8oi)-, 
William Talbot (or Talbert) (1801) ; Jesse and William Masters (1802); Je:»se 
was appointed justice of the peace; Joseph Smith, senior and junior (1801; 
Abner Masters cut hay here in 1802. 

••These settlers were Jean Berton dit St. Martin (1791) bought mill prop- 
erty of Pierre Latour, who were both in New Madrid and on the St. Francois; 
Michael Byrne (1791), adjacent to James Williams; Charles Bergand dit Jean 
Lours (1791); John Becket (1789) on St. Georges river, came with Colonel 
Morgan; Nicholas and James Cuny (1789) on St. Georges river, and came with 
Morgan; James Dunn (1789) St. Georges river, and one of those who came 
with Morgan; John Gregg (1789) St. Georges river, came with Morgan; Fran- 
cois Reneaud dit Delorier, a resident of Vincennes in 1 780, seems to have been 
in this district; Louis Valois (1791), a resident on the river Zenon (Hubble creek) 
and in 1792 at New Madrid; Antoine Vermet (1791) possible Bcrmet; Fransois 


joined note we give the names of some who settled in different 
sections of this district, cultivating land or engaged in business. 

Boyer (1792); Pierre Christien (1792); Francois CharlevilJc (1792); Joseph 
Dubee (or Dubez), from Vincennes, died prior to 1791, his wife Marianne 
DeRozier; Etienne Drouin (1791); Elizabeth Dachurut (1792); Guillaume 
Ispain (1792) on Lake St. Martin; Joseph Janis (1792) son of William Janis, 
from Kentucky, slave owner, sold a pirogue to John Harvey for $40; Carlos 
St. Marie (1792) on Lake St. Martin; Walter Bealle (1793); Catherine Cam- 
pagnot ( 1 793) ; Baptiste Collel ( 1 793) Pierre Etier ( 1 793) ; John Gilkinson ( 1 793) ; 
Andrew Giroux (1791); Pierre Guittar (1793); Absalom Hooper (1792); John 
Hunot (1792); Bele (Billy) Jones (1792) mulatto, hires himself to Joseph Ber- 
thiaume for two years, the first jrear he was to receive only food and clothing, 
the second year sixty piastres in money, peltries or merchandise, but during 
the two years to be furnished in tobacco and shoes ; Charles Law ( 1 793) ; Bazil 
Lachapelle (1793) from Kaskaskia; Thomas McKibbin (1791) ; John and James 
McCormick (1791) ; Samuel Morris (may be Norris) (1792) ; Patrick McGlough- 
lin (1793); George Onrow (Unruh) (1793) German, on lake St. Eulalie, also 
St. Isidore and St. Mary, and seems also to have been at St. Charles; James 
Norflet (1792); Francois Portine (1793); Manuel Serrano (1793); Antoine 
Bolsi (1794); Jean Baptiste Louis Chemin (1794); Anthony Drybread (1794) 
spelled also **Tum broad" ; Alexander Douglass (1793); Michael Keely (1794); 
Auguste Roch (1794); Rouette (1794); Racio (1794); William Toulay, junior 
(1794); M. Ventura (1794); Mathew Cormeck (1795); Frederick Hoffmann 
(1795); Michael Laccaigne (or Lacassaigne) (1795), a trader; Isiah Packard 
(1795) may be related to the Isaac Packard of the Ste. Genevieve district; Juan 
Somors (John Summers) (1795); Pierre Loissiere dit Deloge (179-); James 
Mack (1796); Daniel Mulline (or Molene) (1796); Marianne Romagon (1796) 
widow of Jean Baptiste Cardinal; George Ridley (1796); John Shanklin (1796), 
ensign; Jean Baptiste Carron (1797), laborer; Daniel Brant (1798) also in the 
Cape Girardeau district on White Water in 1802; George Costero (1799); 
James Carothers (or Caruthers) (1799); William Marche (1799); Joseph Saxton 
(1798); Juan and Mathew Villars (1796); John McCoy (1800), twelve miles 
from New Madrid on the Mississippi, has a man by name of James Hill arrested 
for stealing propertv from him and boat crew; John Neely (1800); Thomas 
Ortes (Ortiz) (1800) sailor on the galere I'Activa; William Patterson (1800) 
on the Mississippi; Pivolen (1800), an Indian of the Shawnee tribe, sold a negro 
slave to Jacques Cotter, named Chakolekoy, he was accompanied by Hiacynth 
Berthiaume, interpreter of the Indian language; Jonathan Stotler (or Stoker) 
(1800) ; Peter Van Iderstine (1800) on the Mississippi; Etienne Bouilleau (1801), 
trader making a trip into the country with peltries; Jean Bjrred (John Byrd) 
(1802); Nancy Ferguson (1802); McHindgey (or Hudgens) Harris (1802) 
on Big Lake; Petten Holsen (1802); Jean Haas (Hoos), commonly called 
Jean Roberts (1802) from Kentucky, settled at Brushwood Prairie, mar- 
ried Molly Jarret, also Jean, junior; Francois Jacob (1802); John Lewis 
Lefevre (181 2) on the Mississippi; Pedro Lefevre of the post of Arkansas 
bought property here in 1793; Joseph Mantauvert (1801); Sarah Williamson 
(1802) on the Mississippi; William Winkson (may be Hinkston) (1800); J. B. 
Brant (1803); John Custeau (1803) step-son of Conrad Carpenter; WiUiam 
Jackson (1802) claimed grant for services rendered; John Block, six miles 
northwest of New Madrid, in 1806 married Mary Woodruff ; Holmon Bank- 
son; Thomas Crispin, of Grand Bayou, native of Berks county, Pennsylvania, 
a wheel-wright; in 1800 sold to James Binkston; Martin Coontz, twelve miles 
northwest New Madrid ; Joseph Doiron (Dorion) one and one half miles south 
of Little Prairie, here in 1802; Jacob Devore, on the Mississippi; John Ward 
Gurley; James Kerkindall, on Big Lake and the Mississippi; Nicholas Kely; 
Jacques Maxwell ; Jean Moise Malboeuf (or Malberry) ; McCologue ; Antoino 
Molina; Sieur Mejagat (1802), German; Norris Mundy, of New Jersey, was 
arrested in 1804 on complaint of Jean Byrd, for theft in connection with contract 


Many of these settlers became Spanish subjects and took the oath 
of allegiance." 

between them; Samuel Masson; Abuccs Marten (1802); Jean Montmirel, mar- 
ried Margarite Ravallee, their son Jean Baptiste was baptised in 1804; M. J. 
Peigny (Payne) (1802), on the Mississippi, probably same as Joseph Peigny; 
James Novins (1802), Willow Swamp; John Neil, laborer, eleven miles south 
New Madrid, a John Neely here in 1800, and Thomas Ncely; N. OTarrell; 
James O'CarroU, on the Mississippi two miles north of Little Prairie; Joseph 
Payne, on Mississippi six miles south of New Madrid ; Joseph Perrillot (may oe 
Peridot) (1802) merchant of New Orleans, bought slaves in New Madrid; Jacob 
Price (or Prue) ; Elisha Patterson, sergeant of garrison, married Jane Myers, 
daughter of Jacob Myers; Marie Joseph Robert; Philip Shackler, twenty-two 
miles north of New Madrid; £li Shelby, fifteen miles north New Madrid, son 
of David ; Thomas Thomson, eight miles southwest New Madrid ; one Demint 
took up his residence on bayou St. Anthony in 1799. In a settlement known 
as Cypress swamp, Robert Wiley (1801) was probably the first resident; John 
Hortes (1802) ; John and James Shorter (or Shooter) (1802) ; Amos Cox (1803) ; 
Louis Roy lived in this swamp on small bay Portage. West of New Madrid on 
what was known as Black Water, fork of White Water, near what is bow known 
as Como, we find located in the primeval woods James Vincent, surgeon and 
major in the Spanish service; Antoine Nicolas, Franjois and J. B. Janis, not 
certain whether related to the Janis family of Ste. Genevieve and Joseph Guinolet 
(or Guignotely), all bear hunters of unenviable reputation, if we can believe the 
accounts of Francois V. LeSieur. Still further west of New Madrid, on the 
Big island of the St. Francois, in what is now Dunklin county, Pierre Saffray 
a trader of New Madrid lived in 1795, perhaps the earliest trader in that 
county; Peter Power and James Francois Chattingney also ^resided there in 
1801. These early inhabitants of Dunklin county likely were all hunters and 
trappers; we also find the name of Choachican (1804) a Shawnee Indian; Bap- 
tiste Dietramble (1798); Bcaugard Canonier (1798); Franjois St. Pierre (1798); 
Wingsay (1798). 

•* The oath of allegiance (names spelled as found in the Spanish archives) 
was taken in 1793 by Chnstoval Roque Marco, Pierre Duncan, Francisco 
Cayole, Nicholais Esdien, Jean Baptiste Moyso, Benjamin Miller, Jose Casa 
Grande, Enoch Bodwell, George Myer, Juan Masedt, Peter Droullard, Joseph 
Thompson, Stephen Burk, Patrick McLaughlin, Philip Boyle, John GiU, Bar- 
tholomew McLaughlin, George Junnex, Lucas Desperentrdoux, Philip Du- 
comb, Noel Antoine Prieur, Jose Barbier, Johann Klein, Baptiste Monix, Lor- 
enzo Abeemo, Barth^lemi Tardiveau, Pere Gibault, George Wilson, Jacob 
Bogan, Juan Collins, James Congwell, John Ward, Cornelius Tecon, James 
M. Miller, Joseph Bogard. In 1 794 Sam Hill, Franjois Caperon, Alexis Thipet, 
Michael Ryard, James O' Bryan, Charles Tela, William Pillsnoeth, John 
Elliott, Demaiseuire, A. Breard Briand de Breville. In 1795 Samuel Lloyd, 
junior, Joseph McCourtney, Charles Campbell, F. Birin, Cornelius Secley, Sam 
Frisor, I. Buzenet & Gidou, George Ruddall, Robert O'Hara, Isadore Dupuy, 
Louis*Gerard, Pascal. 


District of Cape Girardeau — Boundary of — Probable origin of name — Location 
of the Post of Cape Girardeau — Louis Lorimier established there in 1 793 
by the order of Carondelet — Biography of Lorimier — His first wife Char- 
lotte Pemanpieh Bougainville, a Shawnee half-blood — Traded in Ohio in 
1782 at Laramie's Station — The Miami Company — Lorimier in Ste. Gen- 
evieve in 1787 — Moved to where is now Cape Girardeau in 1792 — Letter of 
Trudeau — ^As Spanish Agent Lorimier visits Ohio and Indiana — His 
grant made in 1795 by Carondelet — After death of his first wife marries 
Marie Berthiaume — Lorimier dies in 181 1 — Barth^lemi Cousin his Secre- 
tary, Deputy Surveyor and Interpreter — Prosperity of the Cape Girardeau 
District during Spanish government — First residents of the Post of Cape 
Girardeau — ^Water mills — American immigration dates from 1 795 — Andrew 
Ramsay and others settled near Cape Girardeau in that year — ^^The Byrd 
settlement — Settlement on Hubble Creek — German settlement on White- 
water — Settlements on Castor River and various other points — Lorimier 
grants three hundred arpens to each member of Cape Girardeau Militia 

The Cape Girardeau District during the period of the Spanish 
government was bounded on the north by Apple creek ; and on the 
south until 1802 the Tywappity Bottom was vaguely considered the 
boundary between this district and the New Madrid District.* To 
settle the southern boundary definitely, Casa Calvo in that year made 
an order fixing the limits of the District on the south five leagues below 
the post and running thence west, and Don Antonio Soulard, the 
Surveyor of Upper Louisiana, was directed to make a survey of 
the line. This boundary line ran east and west four or five miles 
south of the present town of Commerce, Scott county.' The 
western boundary of the district was also uncertain and this led 
to a controversy between Lorimier and Peyroux, the latter objecting 
to grants made by the former west of his post on the St. Frangois, 
claiming that all this river was within the New Madrid District, 
also charging that Lorimier made unauthorized grants of land of 
a league square in that locality. To this DeLassus replied that 

* According to Stoddard the Cape Girardeau district extended from "Ti- 
wappaty bottom on the Mississippi to Apple creek, a distance on the Mississippi 
of about thirty miles, and without any definite boundary to the westward." 
Stoddard's Louisiana, p. 214. 

' General Ardfcives of the Indies, Letter of Don Carlos DeLassus to Soulard, 
dated Nov. 25, 1 80 1 ;? letter to Don Carlos DeLassus, dated Jan. 30, 1802 ; letter 
of DeLassus, dated May 20, 1803; letter of Soulard, dated Oct. i 1802; letter 
of Peyroux, dated Jan. 11, 1803. 



Lorimier had no right to make grants of land of a league square to 
any one, but that the St. Francois river could not be located in any 
one district on account of the course of its branches which extended as 
far as the neighborhood of New Bourbon.' Subsequently DeLassus 
ordered Peyroux not to interfere with Lorimier's German grantees 
on the forks of the St. Fran9ois west of Cape Girardeau. The New 
Madrid District seems to have been bounded on the southwest by 
White river, but since the right to trade with the Indians was granted 
to Lorimier, and he was made Spanish agent for the Indians as far as 
the Arkansas river, it is also probable that his jurisdiction as Cape 
Girardeau Commandant was recognized as far south as that river. 
According to Stoddard the jurisdiction of the Commandant of the 
post of Cape Girardeau extended " without any definite boundary to 
the westward." 

Before a settlement was established on the Mississippi within the 
limits of the present county of Cape Girardeau, this stretch of the 
river was designated on the old maps as "Cap Girardot," and so 
known to the voyaguers passing up and down the river. On the map 
of Lieutenant Ross, published in 1765, we find the bend of the river 
above the site of the present city named " Cape Girardot, " and yet 
no settlement existed at that time in this region. How this locality 
received the name of "Cape Girardot" cannot now be definitely 
known. It is conjectured by Mason * that the name is derived from 
that of an ensign of the French troops named " Girardot," who as 
early as 1704 was stationed at Kaskaskia. The supposition is that 
a person named "Girardot" removed from Kaskaskia to the west side 
of the river and took up his residence in the charming woodlands ex- 
tending to the water's edge on the promontory above the present town, 
trading and trafficking there with the Indians, and that thus the name 
was bestowed on this river promontory by the early voyageurs. No 
authentic information is now available as to this point. The church 
records of Ste. Genevieve give the name of one " Girardot " as an 
ancient inhabitant of the country, residing in 1765 at Fort de 
Chartres.* It should also be observed that the name is spelled on 

' See letter dated March 8, 1800, in New Madrid Archives, Vol. 2. 

^ Kaskaskia and its Parish Records, p. 1 1, (Chicago 1881). 

* From the Church records of the Parish St. Anne of Fort de Chartres it 
appears that one Sieur Jean B. Girardot, October 14, 1 721;- was an ensign of 
the " troupes de Marine " and marries Thercse Nepveu, had son who was 
baptised July 30, 1726, and named Pierre, God-father was Mons. de Liette, 
commandant of the province of the Illinois, God-mother, Marie M. Quenal. 


the ancient maps " Girardot " and " Girardeau," and also "Girardo." 
Perrin du Lac in 1802 spells the name "Girardot." In 1797 the 
settlement which had grown up around Lorimier's residence was 
also referred to as "Lorimont" by some of the petitioners for 
land,' but this name did not supersede the traditional name.^ 

Evidently the beauty of this location and landscape attracted 
early attention. In 1789 when Colonel George Morgan with his 
party of adventurers traveled through this territory, many persons 
urged him to establish the capital of his supposed principality on 
the western shore of the Mississippi about twelve leagues above 
the mouth of the Ohio, as near as can now be ascertained, at 
the present site of Cape Girardeau. Hills gradually sloping upward 
from the river bank to undulating high lands, extending for many 
miles northward, made this place a natural trading station. From 
this point the St. Fran9ois basin stretches south 300 miles along the 
Mississippi river, and west 60 miles to the St. Francois and Black 
rivers. Isolated hills rising like islands in a sea, the remnants of a 
once continuous chain of highlands, which by the constant erosions of 
centuries had been washed away, leaving only these detached hills as 
evidence of its former existence, arise here and there in this alluvial 
district, and arrest the attention of the careful observer. Through 
this basin also run, generally north and south, numerous low, black 
and sandy alluvial ridges of marvelous fertility. Where the last out- 
runners of the Ozarks gently slope in a southeastern direction to the 
river and the low lands of the St. Francois basin, a region, at the time 
of which we speak, full of game and fur-bearing animals of every 
variety, Louis Lorimier established his trading post in 1793. The 
uplands extending north and northwest from his settlement were 
then covered with a growth of towering oaks. Here only on the west 
side of the Mississippi in an isolated belt extending about twenty-five 
miles from his trading post, and sweeping in a southwest circle to 
the St. Francois and Black rivers the leridendron ttdijera — the tulip 

Pierre de Girardeau, "ensign d'infanterie, fils de feu Mons. Jean Pierre de 
Girardeau, officier des troupes detach^ de la Marine," married Madaline 
Loisel, widow of " Mons. Andre Chevalier, garde magasin pour le Roy au Fort 
de Chartres." In 1782 her son Jos. Chevalier, by her first husband, married 
Marie de Guire. daughter of Andre de Guirc at Ste. Genevieve, her second 
husband, Pierre de Girardeau, then also deceased. 

• See Requfete of John Giboney in 1797 for land; also that of John Randall 
in 1798. 

^ In Stoddard the name is spelled '*Cape Gerardeau". — Stoddard's Louis- 
iana, p. 214. 


tree — the magnolia of the north — grew to immense proportions, — 
from five to eight feet in diameter, and one hundred feet to the first 
limb. Beneath these forest giants grew the ash, the hickory, the 
hackberry, the elm, the sassafras, the mulberry, the pawpaw, the 
hazel, and the beech on the edge of the low lands spread its wide ex- 
tending branches over the fertile soil. Blue-grass was the natural 
growth of the country. The creek bottoms were filled with cane. 
Numerous springs broke from the hill-side and meandered their way 
through the woods to these creeks running the whole year through 
with clear and cold water. 

In this favored spot Louis Lorimier established himself in 1793 
under authority of Baron de Carondelet, as follows : 

** Baron de Carondelet, Knight of the Religious Order of St. John, Colonel 
of the Royal Armies, Governor, Intendant General, Vice Regent of the Province 
of Louisiana and western Florida, Inspector of the Army, etc. 

Know all men by these presents, that in consideration of the true and faithful 
services which Louis Lorimier has rendered to the State since he became a sub- 
ject of his Catholic Majesty, we permit him to establish himself with the ]')ela- 
wares and Shawnees, who are under his care, in such places as he may think 
proper in the province of Louisiana on the west bank of the Mississippi, from the 
Missouri to the river Arkansas, which may be unoccupied, with the right to hunt, 
and cultivate for the maintenance of their families, nor shall any commandant, 
officer, or other subject of the King hinder them, nor occupy of the land for him 
and the said Indians, sown, planted or laid out, so much as is judged necessary 
for their maintenance; and be it further understood that in case they should 
remove elsewhere, the said lands shall become vacant, and as for the house, 
which the said Sir Louis Lorimier has built at Girardeau, it will remain in his 
possession, nor can he be removed for any causes, except those of illicit trade, 
or correspondence with the enemies of the State. 

In testimony of which we have given these presents, signed with our hand 
and the countersign of the secretary of the Government, and caused to be affixed 
our official seal at New Orleans, the 4th of January, 1 793. 

The Baron de Carondelet. 

By order of the Governor: Andres Lopez Armesto." 

Under this broad and extensive grant Lorimier exercised control 
over these Indians in the territory between the Missouri and Arkansas 
until the change of government. 

These Shawnees and Delawares first began to migrate in consider- 
able numbers, to the west side of the Mississippi in about 1788' 
and principally it is thought through Lorimier's efforts were induced to 
leave the United States. He was connected by marriage with the 
Shawnees, his first wife, Charlotte Pemanpieh Bougainville, being 
a half-blood Shawnee.* This marital relation gave him great 

• Harmar Papers, Vol. i, p. 478. 

• As shown by the inscription on her tomb in the old Cape Girardeau grave- 
yard. From the name Bougainville, it would appear not improbable if we arc 
allowed to speculate, that she may have been a natural relative of Louis de 
Bougainville, Chief of stafiF of Montcalm 


influence with these Indians, and those allied with them. He 
understood their customs, knew their prejudices, was a perfect 
master of their language and possessed their unbounded confidence. 
One Lorimier, likely the ancestor of this Louis Lorimier, imder the 
celebrated St. Luc de la Come, General of the Indians, had command 
of the Shawnee and Delaware contingent at the siege and capitulation 
of Fort William Henry. 

Lorimier was bom in 1 748 at Lachiene on the Island of Mon- 
treal. A Lorimier family resided there at an early period in the his- 
tory of the colony. These Lorimiers were undoubtedly descendants 
of Captain Guillaume de Lorimier, a son of Guillaume and Jeanne 
Guibault de Lorimier, natives of Paris, and who came to Canada in 
1695.^*^ Louis Lorimier and his father before him traded with the 
Indians at the Portage of the Miami and Maumee rivers at a place 
called Pickawillany, in 1769. In the treaty of Greenville, in 1795, 
the exact place where Lorimier's store stood is described as follows : 
" thence westerly to a fork of the branch of the Great Miami river 
running into the Ohio at or near which fork stood Laramie's store, 
and where conmiences the portage between the Miamis and the Ohio 
and the St. Mary's river which is a branch of the Miami which runs 
into Lake Erie." " The name is often spelled "Laramie" because 
" Lorimier" is thus pronounced by the French. The Lorimier trad- 
ing place in Ohio in 1782 was known as "Laramie's Station," and 
also as **The Frenchman's store.'* During the Revolution Lorimier 
was a violent Tory. His place was the center of Indian and British 
intrigues, and many Indian foraging expeditions were equipped 

*® Guillaume de Lorimier came to Canada in 1695. He was bom at St. Leu 
and St. Gilles diocese of Paris, son of Guillaume and Jeanne Guibault; on his 
arrival in Canada he was appointed Commandant at Fort Rolland, in 1705 
married Marguerite Chorel, bom 1666, a name well known in Canadian annals 
— and died at Montreal July 27, 1709; Madame Lorimier seems to have been 
in good circumstances. In the Jesuit Relations it is said that she loaned money 
on personal property, thus to a man on his shirt. 67 Jes. Rel., Burrough's Ed., 
p. 69. She died March 28th, 1736. One of his daughters Marie Jeanne, mar- 
ried Joachim Le Sacquesp^; one of his sons, Claude, born 1705, married 
Louise Le PaiUeur, January 7, 1730; his other sons were named Nicolas and 
Guillaume. The children of Claude and Louise Le PaiUeur were named 
respectively Marie Marguerite, bom 1730, at Lachiene; Catherine Elizabeth, 
Marie Louise, Marie Hypolite, married Benjamin Mathieu D'Amours, Jos. 
Ant. Guillaume married Madaline D'Amours, and Francois Thomas married 
Marguerite De Sabrevois. His son Jos. Ant. Guillaume also lived at Lachiene 
and had several children. Francois Thomas de Lorimier was sieur de Vemeuil. 
That Louis Lorimier was related to this family may be inferred from the fact 
that he named one of his sons "Vemeuil," and who was generally known as 

" Harvey's History of the Shawnee Indians, p. 121. 


there. On one occasion, in 1778 accompanied by forty Shawnees 
then living on the Miami, and hence misnamed Miamis, Lorimier 
and D'Aubin made a raid into Kentucky, attacked Boonesborough 
and captured Boone and took him to Chillicothe, the principal 
Shawnee village on the Little Miami. "Laramie's Station" was 
known on both continents. General Clark and his Rentuckians, 
in 1782, surprised, captured and plundered the store, and Lorimier 
barely escaped with his life. He never re-established himself in 
Ohio. For a time seems to have lived at Vincennes — and from there 
removed west of the Mississippi. General Wayne afterward in 
1798, built a fort on the main fork of Auglaize at a carrying place 
which was known as "Laramies Encampment," likely at the place 
where he had his store before driven away. 

A letter on file in Ste. Genevieve in a suit instituted against Lori- 
mier there, by the Miami Company, in 1787, makes it clear that the 
Lorimier of "Laramie's Station" is the veritable Louis Lorimier who 
established the Spanish post of Cape Girardeau. This Miami Com- 
pany was a fur trading concern with considerable capital. George 
Sharp and Thomas Sheperd managed its aflfairs at Post St. Vincent, 
by which name Vincennes was then known. Both these worthies 
have long since faded into perfect oblivion. A letter, however, gives 
us a glimpse of long forgotten matters, — the reasons that seemed 
"pretty good" to Mr. Sharp why Lorimier left the country, why 
they advanced him "a few things" and also definitely advises us 
that Lorimier went to the country of "the Spaniards" with the 
Shawnees and Delawares. Hugh Heward, too, who had his habi- 
tation at the "Mouth Illinois," and evidently a man in authority 
in the Miami Company, has vanished completely, even as the 
Miami Company. But here is the letter: 

MiAMis, 4th May, 1787. 

Dear Sir : — We learn from common report that you had left Port St. Vincents, 
with an intention to seize Mr. Louis Lorimier's goods. We have received from him 
about eight packs, and on our arrival here Mr. Sharp went to see him, on purpose 
to know his reasons for leaving this country. His reasons appeared to him 
pretty good, and as he had no property along with him, on purpose to get his 
peltry and gain his good will, wc were induced to advance a few things, as he 
says, to assist him. A few days after Mr. Sharp left him, he got intelligence of 
your going to seize his goods, and he wrote a letter expressing his surprise at our 

What wc have to say on the subject is neither more nor less than this, that the 
Spaniards have invited the Delawares and Shawnees to their side of the Missis- 
sippi. With a tribe of the latter Mr. Lorimier goes, and expects the Spaniards 
will allow him to follow them. If this is the case and he well inclined, we think 
he may do better than was expected, and as the company means to have some- 


body there to do this business, it might in some measure atone for the loss of the 
Port Vincent's (Vincennes) trade, which will never be renewed. 

We wrote you yesterday at some length. You will be the best judge how to 
act in regard to Lorimier, but we think his intentions are honest. 

Sir, your very humble servant, 

George Sharp, 
To Hugh Heward, Mouth Illinois. *' Thomas Sheperd. 

In 1787 Lorimier resided in the Ste. Genevieve district, engaged 
in the Indian trade apparently in partnership with Peyroux and 
Menard. He then lived on the Saline about five or six miles from 
the present town of St. Mary's, not far from what is now New Bremen, 
probably at or near a place still called the Big Shawnee spring. After 
settling with the Miami company, under authority of Baron Car- 
ondelet already mentioned, he removed to where the city of Cape 
Girardeau now stands, and became founder and commander of the 
post. As showing the extent of his business, and former trade rela- 
tions at Vincennes it is worth mentioning, that while living on the 
Saline, in July 1791 , he made a note for 2062 livres, payable "in shaved 
deer skins" to adjust a debt due Francois Vigo and Antoine Gamelin 
both then residents of Vincennes, and that this note was duly recorded 
in New Madrid, being witnessed by Louis Largeau. This note was 
also given probably in settlement of an old account. « 

In 1 792 the threatened invasion of Louisiana by French-American 
filibusters greatly excited the Spanish authorities. Much reliance 
was placed, to secure correct information, upon the Shawnee and 
Delaware Indians, and which were under the control of Lorimier, and 
consequently his services were in great demand. But in his trading 
operations, he had come into conflict with the Spanish conmiandant 
Portelle, of New Madrid, consequently some friction existed between 
them, and he was induced with some difl&culty, fearing arrest, to visit 
Portelle at New Madrid, then supposed to be greatly in danger of 
attack. Being assured as to this matter, he visited New Madrid, and 
on the suggestion of Portelle, he then employed Louis Francois Lar- 
geau as his secretary and he kept a daily journal of his operations 
during that exciting period. Largeau had been secretary of Portelle 
before that time, and it is not at all unlikely that he was sent as secre- 
tary with Lorimier to observe his conduct, and that thus the Lorimier 
Journal originated. This journal, however, found preserved in the 
Spanish archives, gives a vivid picture of the daily occurrences during 

*' Heward seized the goods and Lorimier sued him for damages in the 
Cahokia court in 1787, but the court held that the matter should be settled 
by arbitrators to be selected "from either side of the river." Illinois Hist. 
Collection, vol. 2, p. 299 (Alvord). 


1793-4, near the mouth of the Ohio. Lorimier's services during this 
period led to the establishment of Cape Girardeau as an independent 
post in May, 1793. 

In 1796 Gen. CoUot was at Cape Girardeau, and, in his opinion, 
it was the most favorable location for a military establishment 
above the Ohio, dominating the mouth of that river and protecting 
upper Louisiana from an hostile attack, and he says, that the 
importance of this location did not escape the attention of 
''M. Laurimier, Francais, au service d'Espagne, dont les talens 
militaires et la grande influence indiennes sont tres-utiles a cette 
puissance," and that the Shawnees and Loups were under his control 
and command. He thought a naval station ought to be established 
at this point." When Lorimier received his concession from Caron- 
delet to establish himself, and Indians, and trade from the Mississippi 
to the Arkansas rivers. Lieutenant Governor Trudeau wrote him as 
follows : 

"St. Louis, May i, 1793. 

The within is a permit which the Governor General gives you to make 
your trade with the Delawares and the Shawnees, so extended that there may 
be nothing more to desire, without fear that you will be troubled by any officer 
of the king as long as you do as you have heretofore done. He recommends 
you to maintain order among the savages, and to concentrate them, so that he 
may be sure that they will take position more on the frontier of our settlements in 
order to lend us help in case of a war with the whites, and they will thus also be 
opposite the Osages, against whom I shall declare war forthwith, a thing I have 
not yet done, because I have to take some precautions before that shall reach 
them. Inform the Delawares, Shawnees, Peorias, Pottowatomies and the other 
nations which presented a memorial last September, that it is on account of the 
bad treatment that they have suffered, that the Governor General has deter- 
mined upon the war, in order to procure quiet for our land. The Osages are at 
present deprived of aid, and harassed by us and by them, they will surely be 
open to reason ; that consequently all the red nations must agree to lend a hand ; 
it is their good which the government seeks; and it is of that you must convince 
them, so that the offended nations will take some steps toward the others to secure 
their aid, and particularly that the lowas. Sacs and Foxes shall not consent to 
let the Osages come so far as to trade on the river Des Moines, and that still less 
shall they allow the English to introduce themselves by that river, which is a 

Protected by the Government, you owe it your services in closely watching 
over all that tends to its prosperity, and averting everything which is to its detri- 
ment. At this moment we fear nothing from Congress, but from the ill-disposed 
which depend upon it. Posted in an advantageous place to give advice of the 
least assemblage, I am confident that as soon as you are cognizant of it you will 
make it known to the Commandants with whom you are connected, as much 
for our safety as for your defence. 

The Governor has approved of the distribution of the twenty thousand beads, 
which I have given the Delawares, and to which you have cbntributed. It has 
been my intention to reimburse you, and to-day I can do it with greater facility, 
because they have offered me the means without looking for them elsewhere, so 

*• Dans L' Amerique, vol. i, p. 300. 


you may draw on me at the rate of six per thousand, which the king has agreed 
for me to pay. 

I am told that you are coming to St. Louis with your savages. Because I 
am deprived of all merchandise, their visit will be a litUe embarrassing. There- 
fore I ask you to come by yourself (when your presence here is necessary) and 
attend to it, that when the boats arrive you are here to make a suitable present 
to the savages. 

May God take you in His holy keeping. 

Zenon Trudeau. 

P. S. — I keep your permit for an occasion to which I can intrust it. It states 
that you shall not be troubled from the Mislouri to the Arkansas in your trade, 
also in the settlements or encampments which you have formed with the savages, 
the Shawnees and Dela wares, etc., and that you shall be protected at Cape Gir- 

Mr. Louis Lorimier." ** 

After the threatened invasion had collapsed, principally through 
the energetic action of the new Federal Government, Lorimier seems 
to have been much employed by the Spanish officials. In 1796 he 
traveled through the wilderness of Indiana and Ohio as Spanish agent 
to induce the subdued and dejected Indians to emigrate to upper 
Louisiana. That, as an emissary he visited the various Indian tribes 
on such a mission, appears from a letter of Winthrop Sargent, ad- 
dressed to Timothy Pickering, Secretary of State, in which this 
scheme of the Spanish authorities to induce the Indians to emigrate 
into upper Louisiana is set forth. He says that ''for this purpose 
Mr. Lorromie (Lorimier), an officer in the pay of the crown, made a 
tour over all the country last fall (1796), since which time several 
Indians have been seen on the same errand, and generally furnished 
with plenty of cash to defray their expenses. A large party of Dela- 
wares passed down White Water, about the 6th of May, on their way 
to the Spanish side, bearing the national flag of Spain, some of them 
from St. Louis. They have, above the mouth of the Ohio on the 
Mississippi, several row galleys with cannons." ^ 

No doubt Lorimier, after he settled in upper Louisiana, with his 
Shawnee and Delaware ** savages", proved to be a very active and 
valuable man to the Spanish authorities, in inducing these Indians 
and others to take up their residence in the colony. When he 
crossed the Mississippi and settled in upper Louisiana he became a 
Spanish subject by taking the oath of allegiance. Nor is there any 
reason to suppose that he was very friendly disposed to the United 
States. He, as well as the Shawnee and Delaware Indians who 
came with him, had suffered great loss and defeat in the Northwest 

^* This letter copied as translated in the History of Southeast Missouri, p. a6i. 
^ Dillon's History of Indiana, p. 374. 


territory. His store had been sacked and plundered, and station 
burned. The villages and corn-fields of these Indians had been 
destroyed and set on fire. Of these Indian corn-fields, General 
Wayne said in 1794, "the very extensive and highly cultivated 
fields and gardens show the work of many hands. The margin of 
these beautiful rivers, the Miamies of the lakes (Maumee) and 
Auglaise, appear like one continued village for a number of miles, 
both above and below the place; nor have I ever beheld such 
fields of com in any part of America from Canada to Florida."** 
And it was from this country, so well cultivated and advanced, so 
rich and fertile, that many of these Indians and Lorimier had been 
expelled a few years before, and from which the remainder were 
virtually expelled by the Americans after Wayne's campaign. 

In 1795 through Juan Bamo y Ferrusola, as his agent or attorney, 
Lorimier first petitioned Governor-General Carondelet for a grant of 
land where Cape Girardeau is now situated. This petition was in- 
dorsed with a favorable reconunendation of Don Thomas Portelle, 
Conmiandant of New Madrid, and dated September ist, 1795. 
Carondelet, on October 26th, 1795, made the land grant as requested 
and instructed Soulard to "put the interested party in possession of 
forty arpens in front by eighty in depth, in the place mentioned in the 
foregoing memorial," on the express condition, however, that the con- 
cession should be null and void if within the precise time of three 
years the land "is not settled."*^ On October 27th, 1797, Soulard 
certifies, that he has placed Lorimier in possession, and that his grant 
is located at "the same place as the village of Cape Girardeau," 
and also states, that he delivered him a "figurative plat on which was 
noted the dimensions and natural and artificial boundaries of said 
land." In addition to this grant on October 26th, 1795, Carondelet 
granted Lorimier other land on condition that within one year he 
* * make a road and regular improvements. " ** It should be noted that 
this concession of land was made to Lorimier several years after the 
exclusive trade privilege with the Shawnees and Delawares between 
the Mississippi and Arkansas rivers had been granted him. His 
grants aggregated about 8,000 arpens, and since, for some time prior to 

*• Letter of General Wayne, August 14, 1794, to the Secretary of War. 

^^ Carondelet caUs the place where Lorimier established himself in 1793 
simply ** Girardeau." 

*• On the map of Cape Girardeau and its environs, made by Warin, 
Adjutant General of CoUot, these roads are laid down as well as other improve- 
ments then existing in that locality. 


the concession, Lorimier had established himself on this land, the 
conditions imposed by Carondelet were certainly not onerous. In 
1 799, Lorimier, according to Leduc, had in course of erection a large 
building as a residence on his land. This building, known as the " Red 
House," was located on the lot at present occupied by the St. Vincent 
Catholic church. Says CoUot " une tres-belle ferme, ou il fait sa 
residence." At that time a large level space intervened between 
this house and the river, now called "Aquamsi Front." Not far 
from bis house was the big spring, on the comer of Williams 
and Fountain streets, and from there a spring branch then ran in a 
northeastward direction to the river. The sloping hillsides around 
the spring were covered with a fine growth of timber, and here Lori- 
mier's Indian relatives and friends often encamped when they visited 
him, or were called to his post on business or to receive presents. An 
Indian village was located near the present Fair grounds, not far from 
the road which now leads to Jackson. The land grants made to Lori- 
mier by Carondelet undoubtedly were connected with his journey into 
the Indiana and Ohio wilderness in 1796, to induce the Shawnee and 
Delaware Indians to cross the river and settle among the Spaniards." 

In 1798 Gabriel Cerr€ made a claim to the land inhabited and 
cultivated by Lorimier, and a controversy arose between them about 
the matter. Lorimier appealed to the Governor General, Don Man- 
uel Gayoso de Lemos, who decided the case in his favor, but ordered 
land to be given to Cerr^ elsewhere to the same amount, saying 
Lorimier had rendered services which entitled him to the land. He 
remained undisturbed on bis grant thereafter, maintaining order in 
his settlement, and among the Indians, and enjoyed the confidence of 
the Spanish authorities at New Orleans. Incidentally we learn that 
during this p>eriod. General Ben Logan, of Kentucky, returning from 
New Orleans by land, visited Lorimier at Cape Girardeau in order to 
secure a negro woman whom the Shawnee Indians had captured from 
him on one of their raids into Kentucky, and who was in the hands of 
Lorimier. He did not find him at home at this time, but roade an- 
other trip afterward for the same purpose and says he found him 
in bad health, that he then told him that this woman was his only 
hdp, and so Logan took a few ponies in settlement of his claim.*" 

ipletely was he idenli&ed with the Indians and as responsible for their 
in the minds of the early American settleis, that After bb death in 

t, Gorah Davis, a blacksmith made a claim against his esute of Si. Jo "to 

liog killed by an Indian," in i3o8. 

"Draper's Notes, Vol. 18, p. 166. 


After the death of his first wife^* in March 23, 1808, Lorimier 
married Marie Berthiaume, daughter of Francois Berthiaume," a 
gun-smith for the Shawnees who at the time resided about five 
miles above the mouth of Apple creek, and not far from the Shawnee 
villages and where afterward was established Ingram's mill. The wife 
of Berthiaume was also either a half or whole-blood Shawnee woman. 
Menard says that Lorimier*s second wife was **a natural daughter of 
Beauvais St. Gem, who commanded the Shawnees on Grant's Hill " 
when General Braddock was killed. He claims that this Beauvais 
was a brother of his great grandfather, who was also present at 
that rout, but says that his grandfather Pierre Menard was not 
present, as Governor Reynolds would have it. 

Lorimier was commander of the post when the first settlers from 
the United States crossed the river and settled in the immediate vicin- 
ity of Cape Girardeau, in 1795. He was engaged in the Indian trade 
up to the time of his death in 181 2, and then had on hand a large stock 
of goods. His purchases for the trade he made from Bryan and Mor- 
rison, of Kaskaskia. He built the first water-mill which was known 
as the "lower mill," in the district on Cape LaCruz, about where the 
bridge of the Scott County road south of Cape Girardeau is now 
located. Afterward he built another mill on Hubble creek, the 
stone work being done by the Butchers and Bloom, of Ste. Genevieve. 
Isaac Ogden was the mill-wright. The mill-stones for these mills 
were brought from the Ohio. Abner Hathaway was the miller for 
both mills. All the horses and ponies ranging in the woods were 
claimed by Lojimier, and after his death, his claim to the same was 
assigned to John Logan ^ who had married his widow. 

** This is the inscription upon her tomb in the old Cape Girardeau graveyard : 

"To the memory of Charlotte P. B. Lorimier, consort of Maj. L. Lorimier, 

who departed this h'fe on the 23d day of March, 1808, aged 50 years and two 

months, leaving four sons and two daughters. 

Vixit, Chaoniae praeses dignissima gentis; 
Et decus indigenum quam laps iste te^t; 

Ilia bonum didcit natura * magistra. 

Et, duce natura, sponte secuta bonum est, 
Talis honos memorum, nulla cultore, quotannis 
Maturat fructtis nitis oliva suao. 

And translated is as follows: 

She lived the noblest matron of the Shawonoe race, 

And native dignity covered her as does this slab. 

She chose nature as her guide to virtue, 

And with nature as her leader spontaneously followed good, 

As the olive, the pride of the grove, without the planter's care. 

Yearly brings its fruit to periection . 

* This word by time obliterated on the slab. 

" dit Barume — dit Bethune. 

" This John Logan was the father of General John A. Logan. After the 
death of his first wife, the widow of Lorimier, he removed to Jackson county, 


Barth^emi Cousin, acted as secretary for Lorimier, and was 
deputy surveyor of the district, and interpreter. He was a man of 
education, of linguistic attainments, master of the German, French 
and Spanish languages and many Indian tongues, and, says Menard, 
"a man of great talents" who had "rendered important services to 
the Government" and accordingly was "held in great considera- 
tion. " Nearly all the immigrants who came from the east side of 
the river to Cape Girardeau district applied to him to write their 
petitions for permission to settle 
piU_ i^'V-^ * *, and requites for land. He seems 

ot' • oCf U^fiYPZ£%yy\^ to have greatly favored this 
American emigration. Lorimier 
too no doubt appreciated the in- 
creased value of his great landed 
concession and the importance 
his post must attain by a large population. Lorimier himself was not 
an educated man ; he could not read, but could write his name. He 
was a man of keen intellect and great executive ability. He did noth- 
ing without thoroughly understanding the subject, never signed a 
document without having it fully explained. That he knew how to 
promote the public welfare is evidenced by the fact that in ten years, 
from 1793 to 1803, he made the Cape Girardeau district the richest 
and most prosperous community of upper Louisiana, not excepting 
St. Louis. Stoddard, speaking of the various settlements of upper 
Louisiana, says of the Caf>e Girardeau district, "Certainit is, that the 
richest and most industrious farmers in this part of the world are pro- 
prietors of the lands in this district, not more than four French men 
living in it, and the rest being English -Americans." " DeLassus, in 
a letter dated January 13, 1803, to Don Manuel de Salcedo says that 
he "must further recommend him (Lorimier) as a man of the highest 
utility for any military service, especially in what concerns the Indi- 
ans," and suggested that he be promoted to some military post with 
pay. Salcedo said of him, "The merit of Don Louis Lorimier b of 
the most distinguished character, and is worthy of the greatest notice 
of the Government, which at all times has shown it to him, soliciting 
for him the favor of the sovereign in order to obtain the grade of 
captain which your lordship asks in his favor." 

Cape Girardeau was not regularly laid out as a village or town by 

niiTinis, uparh oppo^te Cape Girardeau county, where he married Ihe mother 
' - n. Logan. 

Slodrinrrt's LnuUuu, page 314. 


Lorimier while he was Spanish commandant of the post. The fact 
that he claimed all the land upon which the village of Cape Girardeau 
was located, as well as all the land in the immediate vicinity, and that 
after the cession this great claim was rejected by the Commissioners, 
was ruinous to Cape Girardeau at a critical time in the history of the 
place. Yet even with this draw-back, the population of Cape Girar- 
deau county in 1820 was 7,800, and of St. Louis county 8,200; the 
greatest part of the population in St. Louis county residing the 
town, and the population of Cape Girardeau residing on farms. 

Cousin, the most conspicuous resident of the post, resided 
not far from Lorimier near the comer of the present Main and 
Themis streets, in a small log house. The road along the river 
was then called "Rue de Charette." Above Cousin's residence 
in 1799 there were located near the river, according to tradition, 
the trading houses of Steinback and Reinecke, Michael Quinn 
and perhaps others, all American traders doing business here. 
Solomon Thorn, a gun-smith, also resided in the village. Thorn, 
who came to Illinois with the George Rogers Clark regiment, was a 
soldier in Captain Dillard's company. After the conquest he lived 
at Vincennes, then resided at Kaskaskia, and thence moved across the 
river to the Spanish country. He bought the lot he lived on from 
Samuel Bradley, who seems to have resided at the post for a time. 
This Solomon Thorn was a brother of Daniel Thorn, who appeared 
in many cases as a witness before the Board of Land Commissioners 
for the district of Kaskaskia, and made a bad record. Solomon 
although not as greatly discredited as Daniel, also left a doubtful 
record there.* After he settled in the Spanish country he was em- 
ployed by Lorimier to work for the Indians living on Apple creek in 
1798 and 1799, and in different parts of the district, repairing guns, 
and in other public service, and received a land donation from him. 
He never lived long in one place. At one time he owned Cypress 
Island, situated opposite Cape Girardeau ; but sold his interest there 
in 1824. Where he finally died is not known. One John Risher was 
the blacksmith of the place, and received as a present, or purchased 
from Lorimier the piece of ground upon which St. Vincent's college is 
now located, and where after the cession he laid out a town and 
named it "Decatur." Other blacksmiths were John Patterson and 
Charles Seavers, who both lived at this post in 1802. David Wade 
was the carpenter, and also sold lumber — of course, hand-sawed. 

The small water-mill on Cape La Cruz, originally built by Lori- 

** American State Papers, 2 Public Lands, p. 125. 


mier was afterward operated by Steinback who married Lorimier's 
daughter Agatha, in 1808. Another small water-mill, belonging to 
Rodney, was in operation on Hubble creek near the present village of 
Dutchtown. Farther up Hubble creek Ithamar Hubbell ran a mill, 
and on Byrd's creek the Byrds also had a mill. The largest mill of 
the district was situated on White Water and belonged to George 
Frederick Bollinger. This mill was celebrated far and wide, and is 
operated as a water-mill to this day. Pioneer settlers on the St. 
Frangois, Black and even White rivers, 75 or 100 miles away, came 
to this mill to have corn and wheat ground into meal or flour. The 
mill-dam was at first built out of logs, but Bollinger in after years 
erected a stone mill-dam. 

No regular Catholic church was erected at Cape Girardeau during 
Spanish rule, and no church of any other denomination was permitted. 
Tradition says that a small Catholic chapel existed near what is now 
the comer of Lorimier and Independence streets. Rev. James Max- 
well, Vicar General of upper Louisiana, certainly occasionally held 
service at the post. Likely after the cession the chapel fell into decay 
and ruin. The lot on which it stood was subsequently acquired by 
James McFerron. 

The American emigrants settled in this district, early established 
schools, and the names of several of the early school-teachers have 
been preserved. Thus it is known that William Russell and Dennis 
Sullivan, (otherwise also a blacksmith) taught school in the B)rrd 
settlement and that Frederick Limbaugh (Limbach) was a German 
teacher in the German settlement. The teacher at Mt. Tabor school 
in the Ramsay settlement is not now known, although it is a well 
established fact that at Mt. Tabor was established the first English 
school west of the Mississippi river. It is supposed that McFerron 
was the teacher there. 

The Cape Girardeau district was almost exclusively settled by 
Americans. Only four French names are found among the Spanish 
grantees of this district, Godair, Largeau, Mariot and Berthiaume, 
and even these it seems did not live long, if at all, in the district. 
The first American settlement in the Cape Girardeau district 
was formed just outside of Lorimier's grant, three miles south- 
west of the post of Cape Girardeau, and the first settler here 
was Andrew Ramsay, who opened his plantation in 1795. For sub- 
sequent American emigrants his plantation became for several years 
an objective point. From bis place all the new immigrants who 


came to Spanish country to settle were directed to desirable locations, 
accompanied often by Ramsay personally, who, of course, was deeply 
interested in securing American neighbors. Many of these settlers 
established their homes not far from where he had located. Ramsay 
came to the Spanish country from the neighborhood of Harper's 
Ferry, at matiu^ age, accompanied by a large and well grown-up 
family. It is said that he was among the Virginia troops at 
Braddock's defeat. It is certain that his brother, John Ramsay, 
who subsequently settled in what is now Scott county, was in a 
Virginia regiment. After Ramsay had established himself near the 
post of Cape Girardeau, he was followed by several of his family 
connections.*' Thus it was that Alexander Giboney, Nicholas 
Sea vers (Saviour,) Jeremiah Simpson, and Dr. Belemus Hayden, with 
their families and servants, and his sons-in-law, William Dougherty 
and Samuel Tipton came to this district. All these setded in his 
immediate neighborhood on the waters of Ramsay and Giboney 
creeks, except William Dougherty who established his plantation on 
Hubble creek near the present city of Jackson. Ramsay was a man 
of some property, a slave owner and exercised a decided influence 
in the settlement during the Spanish government, as well as after the 
cession of the country to the United States. In 1804 he was one of 
the largest land owners of the district. He removed to White River 
near where the city of Batesville, Arkansas, is now situated, in about 
1815, and died there. In 1802 De Lassus was greatiy impressed 

^ History of Southeast Missouri, p. 272. It is said that the Ramsays were 
related to Daniel Morgan, and no doubt participated in the Revolutionary war. 
Andrew Ramsay had three daughters, Margaret, who married Stephen Jones, 
and afterwards removed to Arkansas ; Mary, married to Captain Peter Craig, - 
(who was killed at the battle of the Sink-hole in the year 1814, in St. Charles 
county) and Rachel, who became the wife of John Rodney. In addition he 
was accompanied to the Cape Girardeau district by five sons, Andrew Ramsay, 
Jr., and James, who married respectively Pattie and Rebecca Worthington, 

John, who married Hannah, William, who married Elizabeth Dunn, and 

Allen Ramsay. Andrew settled on Ramsay creek near his father's plantation, 
but subsequently he, John and James removed to what is now Mississippi 
county. Alexander Giboney was a brother-in-law of Andrew Ramsay, having 
married his sister Rebecca, and he was also accompanied by his family in 1797 
when he emigrated to the Cape Girardeau district and settled on Giboney creek, 
one mile west of Ramsay's plantation. Alexander Giboney died in 1804. His 
family consisted of four sons, John, Robert, Alexander and Andrew, and three 
daughters, Aurelia, wife of Jacob Jacobs, Isabel, married to Dr. Ezekiel Fen wick 
and Marsaret, married to Lindsay D'Lashmutt. Alexander Giboney, junior, 
was killed at the battle of the Sink-hole at the same time Peter Craig was killed. 
The whole Ramsay connection was accompanied by a number of slaves. Among 
other settlers on Ramsay creek we find William Bonner (Boner) (1797); Jona- 
than Ditch (1798), who seems to have emigrated from what is now the District 
of Columbia; John Weaver and Peter Weaver (1797); Joseph ThompsoOi 


with the Cape Girardeau company of Americans which met him on 
his march to New Madrid about five miles north of Lorimier's post, 
and in his report says, '*! must remark that this company is composed 
of the best young fellows one can see, " all well mounted and armed ; 
and Lorimier, he says, ''took the precaution to make them a standard 
bearing the arms of the King. " There being then no fort or village 
in the Cape Girardeau district, the Cape Girardeau company took 
the militiamen who came with DeLassus to their homes scattered 
throughout the country. DeLassus, Vall^, and the guard with the 
standard were entertained at the home of Lorimier, who, DeLassus 
reports, treated them "with the greatest generosity." We can well 
imagine how the enterprise and independence of this new American 
element in the Spanish dominions must have impressed DeLassus. 

The Byrd settlement was located on the waters of Byrd's creek 
and tributaries, about sixteen miles northwest from the post of Cape 
Girardeau. Amos Byrd, senior, the founder of the settlement, was 
bom in North Carolina, or rather in the disputed territory between 
North Carolina and Virginia, in 1737.*^ He was reared in the Watauga 
Valley; afterwards he removed to the Holston river southwest of 
Knoxville, where he located Byrd's "Station" or "fort." In 1783 
when Green county was organized he was a member of the first 
County Court. In 1799 accompanied by his family and connections 
he removed to the Spanish country and became the pioneer settler on 
the creek that bears his name. The liberal land policy of the Spanish 
no doubt induced him and his family to emigrate. The entire Byrd 
family and connections who thus emigrated, settled on Byrd, Little 
Byrd and Cane creeks. The waters of these creeks flow over gravelly 
beds and lime-stone rocks in a southwest direction to White Water, 
through a gently undulating country, covered at the time of this settle- 
ment with native blue-grass. The sloping hills and creek valleys re- 
sembled an open park in which grew every variety of oak, elm, hickory 
and the majestic poplar (tulip tree). Byrd " Fort " in Tennessee, was 
not far removed from Gillespie " Fort," and thus it came that three of 
his sons married daughters of the Gillespie family. With Amos 

senior, (1797); Enoch Evans of Virginia (1801); Charles Bradley (1802); Jos- 
eph Worthin^on (1803); Joseph Harris (1803); Baptiste Godair (1803); 
Nicholas Revielle, who in 180 1 describes his farm as being on Ramsay creek, 
about 100 yards on the west side of the creek, at a place known as Big Lick; 
was a mechanic and white- washer by trade; Peter Godair in 1799 also had a 
settlement right on this creek, and which he sold to Enoch Evans in 1807. 

'^ Amos Byrd is noted a delinquent on 1800 acres on Hinkston's Run, 
Kentucky, entered by J. Ruddle, 1796. 


Byrd *• came his sons, Abraham, John, Stephen, Amos, junior, and 
Moses, and his daughters Polly, married to William Russell, Clarissa, 
who afterward married James Russell, and Sallie, who married George 
Hayes. In this Byrd settlement John Byrd built the first mill and 
distillery on Byrd creek, and also established a blacksmith shop. He 
died in 1816. Abraham and Stephen Byrd both became conspicuous 
members of this new setdement after the cession of Louisiana, as we 
shall note hereafter. William Russell was a native of Scotiand, he 
first settled in Virginia and afterwards removed to East Tennessee, 
where he married Polly Byrd. 

In 1797 Ithamar Hubbell, a soldier of the Revolution in the New 
York State troops, settied on the creek which has since been known 
by his name, but was then known as the " Riviere 2^non, " so named in 
honor of 2^non Trudeau, Lieutenant Governor of upper Louisiana 
at that time. Hubbell located where the town of Gordonville is now 
situated, and at this point established a water-mill which was until 
a few years ago in operation, and subsequently he also established 
a saw-mill at the same place. John Summers, and John, junior, sev- 
eral miles north of Hubbell made a location a year before Hubbell 

*• Abraham, Stephen and John respectively married Elizabeth, Mary and 
Ann Gillespie. Abraham Byrid had three sons and six daughters. His sons 
were Amos, William Gillespie and Stephen, his daughters were Ingabo, married 
to John Bird of Bird's point, Mary, married to W. W. Horrell, Nancy, married 
to Edward Kelso, Sabina, married to John Allen, Clarissa, married to Thomas 
Horrell, and Emily, married to John F. Martin. Stephen Byrd had a family of 
four sons, William, James, John and Amos, and four daughters, Eliza (Mrs. 
Thompson Bird), Mary, Serena (Mrs. John Campbell) and Sallie. Amos Byrd, 
junior, had three children, Sallie (Mrs. John Wilson), Elizabeth (Mrs. George 
Cockran), and John. Moses Byrd had a family of five sons, William, Amos, 
John, Abraham and Adolphus, and four daughters, Polly (Mrs. John McLain), 
Sallie (Mrs. Joseph Brown), Patsy (Mrs. John Minton) and Edith (Mrs. Foster). 
(History of Southeast Missouri, p. 277.) 

Among other settiers on Byra creek were Josiah Lee, senior, who came 
from Kentucky in 1797 and first settied on Randall creek, then known as 
Rivifere Charles, and subsequently on Hubbell creek then known as Riviere 
Zenon. Josiah Lee, junior, his son, who had a grant for service also lived on 
this creek adjacent to his father. Another settier was Alexander Andrews, sen- 
ior, who came from Kentucky in 1797. David Andrews resided on Cane creek 
in 1799, but in 1797 on Randall's creek. Joseph Young (1799); John Boyd, 
who came from Kaskaskia and settied here in 1 799 ; John McCarty, a black- 
smith, who we are told was a Roman Catholic and owned one slave, also lived on 
this creek in 1799; Joseph Crutchlow settied in the country in 1797, but on this 
creek in 1800. Elijah Everitt resided near the forks of Big and Little Bird Byrd 
creeks, and seems, prior to his emigration, to have resided in the Spanish coun- 
try, as he claimed to be a subject of His Catholic Majesty and a Roman Catholic. 
William Hill on Cane creek in 1799. Jacob Kelley on the forks of the two Byrd 
creeks (1800) made a settlement ; he was the owner of five slaves. James Cooper 
(1802) settied adjacent to Stephen Byrd, so also John May. Other settiers were, 
Patrick|May (1802); David Patterson (1803); Philip Young, near the head- 
waters of one prong of^Byrd creek known as "Young's creek" (1803); John 


settled on this creek. Also Andrew Summers near the head-waters 
of the creek. About eight miles north of Hubbell's place, Colonel 
Christopher Hays, under a direct concession of Governor Caso Calvo, 
in 1800 made a settlement. Several miles south of Hubbell's mill 
Martin Rodney opened a plantation, and at the bend where the creek 
leaves the hills and enters the bottom near the present village of 
Dutchtown, John Logan took up his residence and erected a water- 
mill. Adjacent to Logan's place Jeremiah Simpson, Jacob Jacobs, 
James Hannah, the Randalls, James Caruthers and Thomas Foster 
established themselves. At the junction of Randall creek and 
Hubbell crfeek, John Shields received a concession, and imme- 
diately north of his place Abraham Byrd, senior, had a farm.^' 

McGee (Magee) (1803); Hugh Connelly (1799); Michael Quinn (1803); 
John Dougherty (1800), a carpenter and worked for Lorimier; neglected 
to work his grant and afterwards gave as an excuse that Lorimier told him that 
he wanted him to work for him, and that mechanics did not have to work or 
cultivate the land ceded to them, William Jackson (1803); Jeptha Cornelius 
(1803) ; Austin Young (1803) ; John Smith had a sugar camp on tnis tract placed 
there by him or by Abraham Byrd, assignee; George Cavender, son-in-law of 
McCarty (1803) ; Dennis Sullivan (1803), both a blacksmith and a school teacher. 
James Boyd settled adjacent to Stephen Byrd in 1799 ; Michsl O'Hogan located 
adjacent to Amos Byrd, senior, in 1803; Robert Patterson had a farm adjacent 
to Hugh Connelly and David Patterson on Cane creek. In addition we find 
Edward F. Bond; John Hays, assignee (of) Crutchlow; Andrew Patterson 
(1805) ; Morris Young (1805) ; James Russell (1806) ; Peter Krytz, as legatee of 
Duwalt Krytz ; Henry Howard (1804). 

*• On the west bank of the creek in the order named were settled, John Dry- 
bread (1797), a German ; Joseph Fite (Fight) likely also a German ; John Losila 
(1797), a German; Renna Brummit (1799); John Latham (1801) also in New 
Madrid; James Dowty (1798); Henry Sharadin; Elijah (Elisha) Dougherty 
(1803); Robert Green (1799); William Dougherty, heretofore named, (1798); 
and Jesse Cain (1799) who afterwards lived on the Maramec in St. Charles dis- 
trict. William Dickens (1798); James Mills (1799), located where the city of 
Jackson is now situated, and Charles Fallenash (1799) — this Charles Fallenash 
was one of the first settlers near Springfield, Ohio, near the mouth of the Scioto ; 
was a great Indian fighter and at one time was a fur-trader among the Indians. 
In 1793 he married and lived at Massie's Station for about one year. Then he 
resided in the Chillicothe region, where he abandoned his wife, a reputable wo- 
man, to go on scouting expeditions. He was renowned as a scout in Ohio — 
(Draper's Notes, Vol.19, p. 169). In 1810 he was at St. Charles, and is supposed 
to have accompanied Astor's expedition, — (Drai>er's Notes, Vol. 6, p. 312). 
He is described as a large stout man, *'a kind of Indian-Frenchman," — (Dra- 
per's Notes, Vol. 16, Trip of i860). It is not certain at what time Fallenash 
moved away from the Cape Girardeau district. He sold his Spanish grant to 
Edward HsJl in 1804. He probably lived in what is now Northwest Arkansas 
early in the 19th century. A small creek emptying its waters into White river 
just above Crooked creek is called *' Fallenash" creek, and it is more than likely 
that this creek derived its name from this 0I4 hunter and Indian fighter who 
there may have hunted, trapped beaver and died. George Hays (1803) located 
several miles above the present town of Jackson. On the east bank of the 
creek were settled in the order named, John Strong (1798) just south and north 
of IthamerHubbell's place; Waters Burrows (1798); 21achariah Doroty (1800) ; 
Lewis Latan; David Patterson (1803); John Patterson, from Kaskaskia; 


Germans were among the very first white men that traversed the 
immense region between the Mississippi river and the Rocky moun- 
tains. One of the followers of La Salle's ill-fated expedition to the 
mouth of the Mississippi which landed on the coast of Texas, was 
one Heins (Heinz) according to Father Anasthasius Douay **a Witen- 
berger." Hiens accompanied La Salle from the coast of Texas north- 
east across the plains. Together with another white man, living 
among the wild Indians of the plain, named Ruter (Ritter) evidently 
also a German, he assassinated Litote, La Salle's surgeon. This 
Ruter was a chief among the Indians and stood in high honor, because 
he had taught them how to sail their boats. These Germans evidently 
were sailors, likely ex-pirates who may have been followers of the 
greatest of all pirates of the Spanish Main, the German Mansfeldt. 
But Tonty, in his Memoirs, in speaking of Heins, says "he was an 
English buccaneer. " For expeditions such as La Salle commanded, 
doubtful characters of all nations were picked up and enlisted. When 
we consider this it is hardly to be wondered that he was murdered 
by his own followers. The celebrated John Law, however, was the 
first who induced German colonists to settle in the colony of Louis- 
iana. On the Arkansas river he had a grant of a large domain — a 
dukedom — and this he proposed to settle with German farmers. 
To this promised land he sent a colony of Germans, but before all 
these colonists arrived the Mississippi Bubble collapsed, and they 

Medad Randall (1798) ; Thomas Bull) 1803) from Kentucky — on his place Bethel 
church was built in 1806. Jacob Foster, senior and junior, came to the country in 
1 799, and resided near the Rodney place on Foster creek. Martin Rodney arrived 
in 1 798. John Ferrell lived on this creek in 1803 ; James Campbell on St. Francois 
(1801); Elisha Whittaker (1802); James Caruthers (1799). David and John 
Ferrell had a grant at Cedar Cliflfs about a half a mile below where Hubbell creek 
enters the bottom, and they settled there in 1803. Andrew Franks settled near 
them on the edge of the bottom; so also in 1802 Elijah Welsh, Peter Ballew, 
James Murphy and William Murphy, all on the edge of the hills leading from 
the present station of Whitewater to Cape Girardeau. Louis Tache, dit 
Eustache, had a grant adjacent Thomas Bull and Peter Ballew already named, 
— must have moved from the edge of the bottom to where the present town of 
Jackson is situated, because he received a grant at that p)oint. Jonathan Fore- 
man came to the country in 1798 and erected a flour mill on his land in 1800, 
his grant being located about a mile west of Jackson. Other settlers in the 
nei^borhood of Jackson were Samuel Pew (1802); Henry Hand (1799); 
Charles Demos (1803) ; John Hand (1803) ; Lewis, Drusilla and Hezekiah Dick- 
son (1803) ; William Hand (1802), and also Lavina MiHs. Near Ithamer Hub- 
bell's place Mathew Hubbell settled, so also Allen McKenzie, and immediately 
north of his place Andrew Franks, heretofore mentioned as having a place on 
the edge of the bottom, also lived. Moses Hurley, in 1 798, in Big Prairie was on 
Hubbell creek during the Spanish occupancy of the country, so also Edward 
Robertson; William Harper; Joshua Goza; Walter Burrows (1797) from 


were left lost and stranded in an immense wilderness. Those who 
had reached the shores of the Arkansas river abandoned the posses- 
sions of Law and went back to New Orleans and, together with those 
who were at New Orleans, secured concessions above the city fronting 
on the Mississippi river, and to this day known as the *' German 
Coast. " There by their industry and perseverance they established 
a flourishing settlement. We know of no other German settlement in 
the province of Louisiana until about 1799, when was laid the founda- 
tion of a solid and compact German settlement on White Water river 
in the district of Cape Girardeau. In that year, Joseph Neyswanger 
settled on this stream between White Water river and Caney fork. 
He came from North Carolina. Near him John Freeman (Freimann) 
also settled in the same year. Thus the settlement began, and within 
a few years a number of other Germans from North Carolina and 
Swiss Germans established themselves in this locality, i. e., Michael 
Snell (Schnell) (1804); Daniel (ELreutz) Krytz (1800); Valentine 
Lorr; John Probst (1800). On the main river, however. Major 
George Frederick Bollinger in 1800 was the most conspicuous settler 
and pioneer. He was a man of great energy and enterprise, and 
both before and after the cession of Louisiana one of the leading 
characters of the territory. He secured a grant of 640 acres at 
what is now known as Burfordsville, for many years known as 
Bollinger's Mill. Major Bollinger came from Lincoln county. North 
Carolina, and on a trip he made subsequently to his settlement in 
the Spanish domains induced one of the first Protestant preachers, 
and no doubt the first German Protestant preacher, to come to this 
district in the latter part of 1803. The Bollinger family were Swiss 
Germans or of Swiss German descent, and the connection emigrating 
into the Spamsh country was numerous. They all settled up and 
down White Water, and thus formed the farthest western settlement 
of the country at the time. These German settlers were greatly 
favored by Lorimier and Cousin, his secretary. Cousin located a 
large tract of land immediately adjacent to Bollinger's Mill, un- 
doubtedly influenced by the idea that this settlement would become 
the most important in the district, and thus the value of his land 
greatly enhanced. About two miles north of Bollinger's Mill White 
Water forks, the main stream running almost due north and the other 
prong running northwest and known as Little White Water,'*^ and 

•• Immediately north of Major George F. Bollinger, Peter and John Krytz 
(Kreutz) settled; next to them John ana Jacob Cothner, followed in order by 


near this fork and up both branches of this stream these German 
pioneers opened farms. 

The first settlers on the upper portion of Castor river, just where 
the river empties its waters into Mingo Bottom, where the village of 
Zalma is now situate, was Urban Asherbramer (Aschenbrenner or 
Asherbrauner) ; who settled there in 1800, and erected a water-mill 
to grind com. This mill is yet operated as a water-mill. Near him 
Philip Bollinger settled. Daniel Asherbramer (Aschenbrenner) who 
settled on White Water with William Bollinger in 1804 was evidently a 
relative of Urban. Other settlers on this river were Joseph Watkins 
(1803) and Robert Harper sometime prior to 1803; also Edward 
Hawthorne. These were the earliest pioneers on that part of Castor 
river, in what is now Bollinger county. 

Another settlement of early date in Cape Girardeau district was 
made on what is now known as Randall's creek, but during the Span- 
ish war as "Riviere Charles." Here the Randalls, from Hamilton 
county, Virginia, arrived in 1797. •John Randall obtained a grant 
situate eight miles from the village "Lorimont" and about one 
and a half miles east of the present town of Gordon ville. Samuel 
Randall, Medad Randall, Abraham Randall, James Randall, and 
Enos Randall all made settlements about the same time on and near 

John and Jacob Miller. Above the forks of Big and Little White Water we 
find, in what is now Cape Girardeau county, Daniel Bollinger and Henry Boll- 
inger secured head-rights; and still further northwest, in what is now Bollinger 
county, Mathias Bollinger, Philip Bollinger, John Bollinger, senior, and Daniel 
Bollinger. John Bollinger, senior, had three sons, Dewalt, Henry, and Philip. 
Mathias Bollinger had one son, David. Philip Bollinger had two sons, Freder- 
ick and Henry ; all these settled up and down and in me neighborhood of these 
streams, and so also William Bollinger (1802). Other settlers were, Joseph 
Baker (Becker) ; Daniel Clingen Smith (Clingensmith) (Klingenschmidt) had a 
mill ; and John Krytz (Kreutz), who all had farms in those days on Little White 
Water. Dewalt Krytz (Dewald Kreutz) settled about two miles east of John Coth- 
ner near Byrd creek. Farther up west, Jacob Slinker, and Frederick (180 1); 
Jeremiah Paynish (1801) ; William Tismon (1802) ; John Hoss (1801) ; Conrad, 
Adam and Peter Stotlar (Stadler) (1802); Peter and George Grount (1802): 
Handel Barks (Bergs) (1803); Frederick Limbaugh (Limbach), a German 
school teacher, and his two sons Michael and Frederick, junior, (1800); Peter 
Hartle (1802); Benjamin and Daniel Heldebrand (1804); John P. Aidenger 
(1802); Daniel Brant (1802); may be the same as in New Madrid in 1798 — 
Isaac Miller ( 1 804) . Where White Water leaves the hill country and flows through 
the bottom lands, a nimiber of American settlers established themselves and 
secured grants, Francis Murphy (1796); James Murphy (1799); Raisin BaUey 
(1802); Alexander Par(r)ish (1802); Alexander Thorn (1802); James Horace 
Austin (1803); Smith (1803); Jacob Shar(r)adin (1803); William Smith (1802); 
Daniel Brant (1802); George (M). Morgan (1803); John Shields, no location, 
(1804); Charles Sexton (1803); William Samer; Daniel Asherbrauner; John 
Hoss; John Abernathee; Jeremiah Paynish, alias Boining; Christopher 
Aidenger ( 1 801); John Ramsay, Jr., owned one slave (1800); William Patterson 
(1803); Alexander Summers. 


this creek, and in 1804 a compact settlement existed in this neighbor- 
hood. Among other settlers we also find William Williams (1798). 
McKendree chapel is located on his grant.'* Joseph Waller, from 
Tennessee (1797) also lived on this creek, but afterwards secured a 
grant on the Mississippi river about twelve miles above Cape Gir- 
ardeau, where he established a ferry across the river, which was long 
known as ** Waller's Ferry." 

On the edge of the Grand Marias, freely translated by the Ameri- 
cans as "Big Swamp," but really not a swamp, the first settlers were, 
John (Seaver) Saviour (1797); David Bowie, a son of Reazin Bowie 
of Marias des Peches (Fish Lake) in what is now Mississippi county 
and Hypolite Mariot (1799) evidently a French hunter attached to 
Lorimier, and to whom he afterwards assigned his land." 

At the headwaters of Cape La Cruz (erroneously spelled Cruche) 
Isaac Williams made a settlement in 1803, but remained only a short 
time and then removed to Mississippi territory. Immediately south 
of Williams on the forks of Cape le Cruz creek William Lorimier, a 
son of Don Louis Lorimier, was supposed to have a farm, and adja- 
cent to him on the west, Lorimier's first secretary Louis Frangois 
Largeau made a claim, but whether he ever occupied it is not known. 
His rights to this property however were afterwards sold under exe- 

** Other settlers on this creek were John Giboney (1797); James Cox, 
senior, and his son-in-law, Simeon Kenyon (1797), and his son James Cox, 
junior, all from Kentucky; Benjamin Hartgrove or Hargrove; Nicholas Seav- 
ers, Sr., 1797); Andrew Franks, (1798); John Guething (1798), a car- 

E enter employed by Lorimier in public works, and in apprehending and 
eeping in custody prisoners; Hugh Criswell (1799); Joseph Thompson, 
who emigrated to this district from Vincennes where he had rendered military 
service in 1 790 — (also on Ramsay creek and the Mississippi) ; James and Joseph 
Worthington (1799) ; James Hannah (1799) ; Jacob Jacobs (1799) — from Uie 
district of Columbia; Daniel Duggan or Duggin, dit Count de Monnangel; 
James Arrell or Earls (1798) from Kentucky; Samuel D. Strother (1797), from 
Kentucky, first settled on the Saline in theSte. Genevieve district, but in 1 799 
lived on this creek; James Dowty, a German (1799); William Thompson; 
Jeremiah Tompson (1798), afterwards moved to Mis»ssippi territory; Elisha 
Whittaker (1802); Benjamin Lougherty or Laferty (1803). In 1797 Josiah 
Lee also lived on this creek. Other settlers here were, Gilbert Hector (1799) ; 
Jonathan Ditch. 

•* Also William Doss resided on the edge of the bottom, (1800), but after- 
wards removed to lower Louisiana; Solomon Thorn, the gunsmith on Apple 
creek also had a grant here ; so Mathew and Jesse Scruggs and Terence Dyal or 
Dial (1799) ; Charles Bunch (1800) , was employed as a messenger for the Post 
of New Madrid in this year, fklward Robertson in 1797 lived here, sold out to 
Andrew Ramsay and moved to Big Prairie, where he was allowed to keep a tavern 
and house for the sale of spirituous liquors ; Jeremiah Simpson, sold to Mathew 
Scruggs. Hugh White received a grant on the Illinois road — on the edge of 
the Grand Marais (Big Swamp) where the Rock Levee begins. White says, 
he came from Cave de Roque in the Indiana Territory. Micajah Harris (1802) 
settled on the edge of this bottom. 


cution and purchased by John Hays. About half way between Cape 
la Cruz creek and Randall creek Enos Randall, already mentioned, 
made his settlement in 1797. Moses Hurley also seems to have been 
a resident of this locality, because his name frequently appears as a 
witness. Immediately north of the post of Cape Girardeau adjacent 
to Lorimier^s grant, Pierre Dumay secured a settlement right which 
he afterward transferred to Pierre Menard. This Dumay lived in 
New Madrid and was a native of Vincennes, and served there in the 
militia. Not far from the mouth of Flora creek Stephen Cavender 

At the mouth of what is known as Indian creek, then called Table 
River (Riviere Table), Cornelius Averit (t) or Everett established 
himself. A projecting rock resembling a table, on the south side of 
this creek, originally gave the name to this creek, and this rock was 
long pointed out by rivermen as the ^^DeviPs Tea Table," but it has 
lately been blasted away by the railroad now running along the west 
bank of the river. Where Apple creek enters the river Pierre Menard 
of Kaskaskia secured a grant from the Spanish authorities, but no 
settlement was made there. Probably he had a trading house at 
this place or supposed it would be a favorable point to locate such an 
establishment, because the villages of the Shawnee and Delaware 
Indians were not far from the mouth of Apple creek, and likely for 
this reason managed to secure a concession. Above the big bend 
north of Cape Girardeau on the Mississippi, Joseph Chevalier in 1799 
made claim under grant of De Lassus. This Chevalier was from 
Kaskaskia where he rendered military service in 1790. South of 
Chevalier, on the river, George Henderson set up a claim under Lori- 
mier, dated 1808.'' 

Shortly before the cession of Louisiana Lorimier promised to pay 
the troops which he was ordered by De Lassus to muster into service 
to punish the Indians near New Madrid, with grants of land, no other 
means being at his command to pay for this military service.'* Of 

" Other settlers on the Mississippi river in the Cape Girardeau district were : 
Lemuel Cheney (1797) from Virginia; John Tayon and John Johnson (1800); 
David Down^ti; Benjamin Rose (1797), who settled above William Ross. 
William Smith from Kentucky also made a settlement near William Ross, but 
assigned his right to Thomas W. Waters, one of the early merchants of Cape 
Girardeau in 1805. Edward Hogan had a farm opposite Thebes, Illinois, in 
1797; the big railroad bridge now passes over his grant. Hogan acquired his 
right from Alexander Millilun who came from Tennessee in 1797. 

** We insert here the names of the members of this Spanish-American mili- 
tary company, arranged alphabetically, as follows: Alexander Andrew, Jr., 
David Asherbrauner; Harris Austin; Washington Abemethie; Comehus 


course no authority existed under the Spanish law to make such a 
grant, but nevertheless he made a grant of 300 arp>ens to each of the 
one hundred and sixty-four men who had served for six weeks in that 
campaign. These grants were all subsequently confirmed. 

Averitt; James Arrell. Daniel Brant; Jonathan Buys; William Bollinger 
(John's); Henry Bollinger; Charles Bradley ; John Burrows; Henry Bollinger 
(Daniel's); Davalt BoUinger (Daniel's); Phiup Bollinger; Henry Bollinger 
(Philip's) ; Frederick Bollinger (Philip's) ; David Bollinger (Mathias') ; Daniel 
Bollinger (John's) ; John Bollinger (John's); Stephen Byrd; Abraham B)rrd, 
Jr.; John B)rrd; Moses B)rrd; William Bonner; Samuel Bradley; Thomas 
Bull; George Frederick Bollinger; Mathias Bollinser; Daniel Bollinger, Sr. 
James Cooper; Jeremiah Conway; Jeptha Cornelius; Peter Crytz; James 
Cox; Hugh Connelly, Jr.; George Cavender; Timothy Connelly; Hugh 
Criswell; Lemuel Cheney; James Cooper; Daniel Clingensmith. Ezekiel 
Dickson ; Charles Demos, (died before the cession and his widow made claim 
for grant); Elijah Dougherty; John Dougherty; David Downard; James 
Dowty; William Dougherty; Peter Franks; Barton Franks; Jonathan 
Forman, Jr.; Jacob Foster, Jr.; George Grount; John Guething; Baptiste 
Godair; Robert Giboney ; David Green; Michael Guinn ; Daniel Grount; John 
Giboney. Jonathan Hubbell, Sr.; George Hays; John Hoss; John Henthom; 
Jonathan Hubbell (Itham); Ebenezer Hubbell; Daniel Hubbell (Mathew's); 
Jonathan Hubbell (Jonathan's); Lemuel Hargrove; William Hand; John Hand; 
John Hays; George Henderson; Daniel Helderbrand; Benjamin Helderbrand; 
Thomas Hening; Gilbert Hector; Christopher Hays; William Jackson; James 
James; Isaac Kelly; Simeon Kenyon; Benjiah Laugherty; Lewis Latham; 
John Latham; John Lorance; Valentine Lorr; Josiah Lee, Jr.; John Losila; 
Charles Lucas; James Mills; George Morgan; James Murphy; Rolland 
Meredith; Daniel .Mullins; Joseph Magee; John May; Hipolite Marotc; 
Allen McKensie ; William Murphy ; Joseph Niswanger; Joseph Niswanger, Sr. ; 
Michael O'Hagan; David Patterson ; John Patterson; Samuel Pew; Alexander 
Parish; Andrew Patterson ; Jacob Probst; Adenston Rodgers; James Ramsay, 
Jr. ; Abraham Randall, Jr. ; Enos Randall ; Thomas Rodney ; Zebulon Reed ; 
James Russel ; Nicholas Revelle ; Andrew Ramsay, Jr. ; Andrew Ramsay, Sr. ; 
Anthony Randall; James Randall; Samuel kandall; Medad Randall; Enos 
Randall, Sr. ; Martin Rodney; Andrew Summers; John Simimers, Jr. ; Frederick 
Slinker; John Saviour; John Sineson; Charles Sexton; Alexander Simimers ; 
Jacob Sharadin; John Sharadin; Dennis Sullivan; John Henry Smith; William 
Strother; Samuel Strother; William Smith; Adam Statler; Conrad Statler; John 
Thompson; William Timantz; Solomon Thorn; Jeremiah Thomas; Joseph 
Thompson, Sr.; Joseph Thompson, Jr.; John Tucker; Elijah Whittaker; 
William James Williamson ; George Welker; Levi Wolverton ; Isaac Williams ; 
John Weaver; Elijah Welsh; Jacob Welker; Thomas Wellborn; Joseph 
Worthington; Philip Young; Austin Young; Joseph Young; John Zellahon. 



Spanish Occupation of Louisiana — The 'Illinois Country" Defined — Spanish 
Colonial Government — ^Public OflSces Sold at Auction — Duties of Officers — 
Judicial Procedure-^System of Jurisprudence — Notable Changes in Exist- 
ing System — Civil and Criminal Jurisdiction — Procedure in Appeals — 
Powers of Lieutenant-Governoi:^ — Names- of Early Syndics — Some Early 
Causes — Copy of Cost-bill — Civil Controversies ^bitrated — Judicial Sales 
made on Sunday — Population of Early Settiements — French and Span- 
ish Relations with Indians Harmonious — The Turbulent Osages — Plan 
of Chouteau to Control Osages — Specifications for Fort Carondelet — 
Influence of Louis Lorimier over Delawares — Treatment of Indians by 
Spain and by English speaking people Compared. 

During the French dominion, the territory now within Missouri, 
was under the jurisdiction of the Commandant of Fort de Chartres 
and the council associated with him. When the Spaniards assumed 
possession, O'Reilly, Governor and Captain-General of Louisiana 
in March 1770, established the office of Lieutenant-Governor of 
"San Luis, San Genoveva and the dktrict of the Ylinneses," * and his 
action was approved by royal cedula dated August 17, 1772.^ In 
place of the French Superior Council of the colony, O^ReiUy insti- 
tuted a Cabildo, composed of six perpetual Regidores, two ordinary 
Alcaldes, an Attorney-General, a Syndic, and a Clerk. This tribunal 
was presided over by the Governor in person. Nothing will 
appear more singular to the reader of the present time than the fact 
that the office of the Regidores could be acquired by purchase, and 
that when these offices were first established by O^Reilly they were 
sold at auction, and that the purchaser acquired a vendible interest 
in these offices, the right to sell and transfer the same to a known 
and capable person, one half of the appraised value to be paid cash 
and the balance at the rate of one-third on subsequent changes.' 
These Regidores held, respectively, the offices of Royal Standard Bear- 
er (Alferez Real), of Provincial Alcalde, of High Sheriff (Alquazil 

^ It should always be remembered that during the French and Spanish 
period, the country east of the Mississippi north of the Ohio, and west of the 
Mississippi, perhaps north of the Cinque Homme, or Apple creek, in what is 
now Missouri, was known as ''Illinois" or the " Illinois country." 

' General Archives of the Indies, Audiencia of Santo Domingo, Louisiana, 
and Florida, 161 3-1 8 18. 

' Gayarre's History of Louisiana, Spanish Domination, p. 3. Martin's His- 
tory of Louisiana, p. 10. 



Mayor), of Depository-General and of Receiver of Fines. They 
elected the ordinary Alcaldes and the Attorney General Syndic and 
clerk. The salary of these Regidores was only $50 a year.* The 
ordinary Alcaldes were the judges in civil and military cases in New 
Orleans and summarily disposed of judicial matters without any writ- 
ing, where the amount did not exceed $25 in value; but in cases in- 
volving larger amounts they sat in Chamber, and their proceedings 
were recorded by a clerk and notary. An appeal could be taken from 
the judgment of these ordinary Alcaldes to the Cabildo. But the Ca- 
bildo did not itself examine the proceeding thus appealed ; it selected 
two Regidores to do so, who, together with the Alcalde who had ren- 
dered the judgment, revised the proceedings, and if the Alcalde and 
the Regidores so selected approved the original finding, the judgment 
stood afiirmed. The Cabildo sat every Friday, but the Governor 
could convene the body at any time. The principal Provincial Al- 
calde had cognizance of all matters out of New Orleans. The Alqua- 
zil Mayor (High Sheriff) executed throughout Louisiana all processes 
from the different tribunals, personally or by his deputy. The Attorney - 
General Syndic was not the prosecuting oflGicer, but represented the 
people in the Cabildo, and it was supposed to be his duty to propose 
such measures as the interests of the people required. All oflGicers 
who received more than three hundred pesos a year were appointed 
by the crown, but those receiving less than this sum were appointed by 
the Governor. The Governor exercised judicial powers in criminal 
and civil cases throughout the colony, but was subordinate to the 
Captain General of Cuba. An Intendant had charge of the Royal 
revenue, and attached to him as legal advisor was an Auditor. A 
Contador, or Comptroller, looked after the accounts. An auditor of 
war looked after the military revenues; and an assessor of the gov- 
ernment was the legal advisor of the Governor. In addition, various 
secretaries, a Surveyor General, Harbor Master, interpreters of the 
English, French and Indian languages, Notaries Public and other 
minor offices were attached to the central government at New Or- 
leans. At every post an officer of the militia or army was stationed 
as Civil and Military Commandant, being of no higher grade than 
Captain. The duties of these commandants were to maintain peace and 
order in their respective districts and places, to examine the passports 
of every traveler in the colony (for no one was allowed to travel with- 
out a passport), to allow no one to settle in his district without express 
* 2 Martin's History of Louisiana, p. 11. 


license and permission, to punish slaves, to entertain jurisdiction in 
civil cases — in lower Louisiana in cases involving less than $20; but in 
upper Louisiana for larger amounts, — to make inventory of estates of 
deceased persons and to attend sales under execution of judgments. 
In upper Louisiana all post commandants were subject to and under 
the control of the Lieutenant-Governor, residing at St. Louis, with 
the exception of the Commandant of New Madrid, who, until 1799, 
when the post of New Madrid was attached to upper Louisiana, 
exercised the powers of a sub-delegate, having a jurisdiction and 
authority independent of the Lieutenant-Governor at St. Louis. 
Spanish was the official language,^ but the use of French was 
tolerated and finally in legal matters, says O'Reilly, an Abridge- 
ment of the Spanish Law ''prepared by my assessor Don Manuel 
de Umistia and by the advocate Don Felix del Rey who made 
them by special commission from me/' was made a guide in civil 
and criminal cases, for all public functionaries and for the people. 
This compendium, however, was merely an index to the body of the 
Spanish law. 

Thus the laws and customs "of the mayoralty and shreevalty of 
Paris" which were extended over "said country of Louisiana," by 
the seventh article of the Charter of Crozat, apparently, were super- 
seded. Originally the "coutume de Paris" seems to have been se- 
lected by the advisers of the King of France, when he granted this 
charter, as the system of law under which Louisiana should be placed, 
because it was the best digest of the French law and to which it was 
proposed to reduce the customary law of all the other provinces of 
France.* Nor were the rights of the people, conferred by the laws and 
customs of Paris, in any wise limited, changed or abridged by the 
transfers made afterward. The third article of the charter of the 
Compagnie deslndes Occidentales, expressly stipulates: "The judges 
established in all the said places shall be held to adjudge according 
to the laws and ordinances of the kingdom and the officers to 
follow and conform themselves to the customs of the Prevdte and 
Vicomte of Paris, according to which the inhabitants may con- 
tract, without that any other custom may be introduced to avoid 

' Cnizat, Lieutenant-Governor of upper Louisiana, was expressly ordered 
to use the Spanish language, in 1778, in adl official documents. 

• Enc. Meth. Jurisp. — Coutume, p. 405. 

' I Moreau de St. Marie, p. 100, cited in American State Papers, 3 Public 
Lands, p. 83. 


Although the Spanish law was introduced, by proclamation 
of O'Reilly, practically only the names were changed of the 
officers administering the existing law. No change took place in the 
essential principles of jurisprudence. • New Spanish officials, desig- 
nated by Spanish titles, were substituted for the French officials. 
The manner also of the proceedings in the trial of causes where such 
trials took place in lower Louisiana to a limited extent was changed, 
so as to be in accord with the digest of Urrustia and del Rey, until a 
general knowledge of the Spanish language and a more extensive 
information of the Spanish law could be secured. The great system 
of law relating to property and defining the rights of persons and 
things was left untouched, so that all remained in the enjoyment of 
these rights by this proclamation. 

During the entire Spanbh occupation, it is said that new rules and 
ordinances were promulgated only in regard to three subjects. In 
1770, O'Reilly publbhed a series of ordinances as to how and in what 
manner land would be granted, and subsequently similar ordinances 
were publbhed by Carondelet, Gayoso de Lemos, and, finally, by 
Don Juan Ventura Morales in 1800. Another subject in regard to 
which new laws were publbhed related to the police, and in addition 
a number of regulations were made in regard to bridges, levees, 
roads, slaves, coasting-vessels, travelers, arms, estrays, fishing and 
hunting. These acts, mainly applicable to lower Loubiana, embod- 
ied about all the changes made in the exbting system during the Span- 
bh occupation of the country. Stoddard says that **An ordinance 
regulating dower and inheritance of intestate estates was the only 
law promulgated in upper Louisiana, independent of the rules and 
regulations in regard to the acqubitions of lands. " ^ 

The inhabitants of upper Loubiana who were of French descent, 
claimed as their inherent birth right, the rights and privileges of 
coutume de Paris, and by these usages and customs governed their 
own domestic affairs and relations as far as they knew. This they did 
without interference on the part of the Spanbh authority, apparently 
in ignorance of the O'Reilly proclamation or because the Spanbh 
law introduced by thb proclamation in no wise conflicted with the 
coutume de Paris. 

While the Spanbh language was made the official language, 
French so thoroughly remained the language of the country and its 

• De Bow's Review for 1847, p. 33. 

* Stoddard's Louisiana, p. 285. 


inhabitants, that judicial proceedings in upper Louisiana were carried 
on principally in that language during the Spanish occupation ; but 
such cases as went by appeal to the Governor-General at New Or- 
leans, were, it seems, presented in the Spanish language, being either 
originally so instituted or translated on appeal. Petitions in judicial 
proceedings and petitions for grants and lands were indifferently writ- 
ten in Spanish or French in upper Louisiana. 

No question directly arose during the Spanish occupancy of upper 
Louisiana as to whether or not the Spanish law had superseded the 
coutume de Paris. The settlements were isolated and unimportant. 
Such legal questions as arose involved facts rather than principles of 
law, and since the coutume de Paris and the Spanish law were de- 
rived from the same common source, it was hardly possible that any 
serious difficulty as to any legal question could arise. We may how- 
ever conjecture, that possibly if a question of law had directly arisen, 
bringing into conffict the laws and regulations as established by the 
coutume de Paris and the Spanish Colonial code, that the Spanbh 
lawyers and officials would have declared that the Spanish law pre- 
vailed in the colony. 

In 1787, FcyrouXy then Commandant of Ste. Genevieve, was 
instructed that he had power to decide only matters "up to the sum 
of fifty pesos, " and that in cases above that sum an appeal must be 
made to the Lieutenant-Governor as in all other matters concerning 
"inventories and finances because of the death of any of those inhab- 
itants," but he was authorised in such cases to take judicial action in 
the presence of two witnesses until the cause could be placed in a sit- 
uation for the Lieutenant-Governor to pronounce sentence. These 
instructions very probably define the extent of the civil jurisdiction of 
the several commandants of upper Louisiana, with the exception of 
New Madrid. Each commandant had the public archives of his 
post under his charge. It was his duty to report, as to the affairs of 
his post, to his superiors. It was the duty of the Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor, or commandant-in-chief, says Trudeau, "to go to any of these 
villages when any criminal or summary process is to be pursued," 
thus taking cognizance of criminal cases in the several districts, al- 
though the local commandants also exercised jurisdiction in some 
criminal matters, subject, however, it is quite certain, to an appeal 
to the Lieutenant-Governor. In a criminal case which arose 
shortly before the cession, one, Moses Burnett was arrested in the 
New Madrid district for stealing two horses from Lorimier and 


sent directly to St. louis to be imprisoned and tried by the Lieu- 
tenant-Governor there.*^ 

During the Spanish government, any one aggrieved by the ruling 
or decision of these military and civil officers of upper Louisiana, 
could not only appeal his case" to the Governor General at New 
Orleans, but could take it thence to a judicial tribunal in Cuba, and 
from this tribunal to the Audiencia of San Domingo, and from thence 
even to the Council of the Indies in Spain." No code of procedure 
was ever devised more carefully safe-guarding the rights of the 
individual in theory than the Spanish colonial code. It was merely 
a matter of money to secure all these rights practically, but the same 
observation may be applied to every other system of jurisprudence. 
But "Judges, codes of law and prisons were of little use where such 

^^This arrest was the cause of a good deal of litigation. Burnett after 
his arrest, escaped from the ^'calaboza" of St. Louis, and returned to the 
Tywappity bottom in the New Madrid district, where his family resided. His 
wife was a sister of Reazin Bowie, who had been S3mdic of this neighborhood. 
Burnett remained at home for some time and then with his wife and her slaves 
and other property started to move by land to lower Louisiana, but Lorimier 
hearing of his return and attempt to move away, followed him with his son, An- 
drew Ramsay, and others, and found Mrs. Burnett at the house of Mr. Payne on 
the St. Francois river. Burnett, however, was in the woods and could not be 
found. Lorimier then took possession of the slaves and twelve horses, all 
claimed by Mrs. Burnett. The province in the meantime having been trans- 
ferred to the United States, Captain Stoddard made an order for the sale of the 
property and then Mrs. Burnett presented her petition to the civil commandant 
of New Madrid, setting forth that all this property belonged to her, that Burnett, 
at the time of her marriage with him, only had one horse, that the horses and 
slaves were inherited by her from her ifather or secured by trades made with her 
property. Under the enlightened rules of the dvil law and which prevailed at 
the time of her marriage in upper Louisiana, her property was not liable for the 
debts of her husband and could not be taken for the debts of the husband. When 
the matter was presented to Captain Stoddard he referred the case to the new 
courts to be organized, but says: "we doubt whether she can legally obtain the 
property mentioned in the petition, because it is personal property and therefore 
became the property of the husband on marriage," applying the common law 
rule, but which was never the rule under the ci^ law. New Madrid archives 
vol. 9, p. 314. 

Burnett, after the cession in 1805, sued Lorimier, for damages, in the new 
court of Common Pleas and Quarter Sessions, in Cape Girardeau, but was 
himself indicted by the grand jurv, at the same term, for burglary, and then dis- 
appeared. It is not known what became of him. Likely went to the Red river in 
Louisiana, where his brothers-in-law were engaged in bringing negro slaves into 
the country via Galveston bay, and which they bought from LaFitte. Was this 
Burnett related to David G. Burnett, first president of Texas, and who was 
empressario of a s^rant coverin£ the country in which the Bowie's operated? 

" Stoddard's Louisiana, p. 285. But appeal must be taken within five days. 

^ Stoddard's Louisiana, p. 285. "But in case of appeal the party appealing 
was first obliged to pay the amount in dispute, if the matter related to a claim, 
to the opposite party, who was required to give bond that in case of reversal 
he would repay tiie sum. This regulation was intended to prevent litigious and 
vexatious appeab for the purpose of delay and partly to shield the poor from 


simplicity of manners prevailed and where every one knew how to 
confide in his neighbor. "" 

The government was a parental desix)tism. To illustrate: the 
common field fence was not maintained in front of the lot owned 
by a Mrs. Verdon, of the village of St. Louis, as required by the 
rules and regulations. Consequently, without any litigation what- 
ever, simply by order of the Lieutenant-Governor, the lot was 
given to Mr. Chouteau, who took possession of it and kept up the 
fence. Such a method Of disposing of the property of a recalcitrant 
lot owner hardly seems possible to us under a system of government, 
where aU affairs are regulated by fixed law and administered by offi- 
cers belonging to different departments. But the Lieutenant-Governor 
united in himself at that time executive, judicial and military func- 
tions; he made concessions of the royal domain; he ordered and 
conducted judicial sales ; he acted as notary and controlled the public 
affairs of the province without the interference of any one ; the people 
regarded him as the representative of the sovereign. Hence when 
property could be secured for the asking, it was not an unusual 
thing, if a person to whom property had been granted neglected to 
do those things required by the established rules and regulations to 
protect the other lot owners, that his property was given to some one 
who would do those things." 

Cases arising in the several settlements and falling within the 
jurisdiction of the local commandants were quickly tried and adjusted 
by them or by the Syndics appointed and acting under them. The 
Syndics resided usually in the remoter settlements, and in the depend- 
encies of the several posts. This position was filled for a time in New 
Madrid by Pierre Antoine LaForge, by Pierre de Treget at Caronde- 
let, Joseph Decelle Duclos at Mine d Breton, Joseph Chartrand at 
Charette on the Missouri river, Richard Caulk at Bon Homme, Ed- 
mond Hodges, north of St. Louis in the neighborhood of Spanish 
Pond, James Sturgess on the Platin, Robert Owen at Marais des 
Liards, about three miles west of Florissant, and Reazin Bowie in 
Tywappity Bottom. These Syndics received no salary. To the 

the oppression of the rich, and had the desired effect. Appeals were not com- 
mon and those who made them could have no other object in view than the 
reversal of erroneous judgments." It is not hard to imagine how disastrous 
such a rule would now be to the legal profession and how it would lighten the 
labors of the appellate courts. 

" Brackenridge's Views of Louisiana, p. 236. 

" Charleville vs. Chouteau, 18 Mo., p. 505. This property is now in the 
heart of St. Louis and worth untold milUons. Madam Verdon died in 1796; 


commandants of Ste. Geneveive, New Bourbon and Cape Girardeau 
was assigned 150 pesos each annually, but the other commandants 
served without pay, although perhaps at greater expense on account 
of receiving the Indians and entertaining them on their visits. Tru- 
deau thought they were entitled to a salary. 

In practice the administration of the laws was simple. After hear- 
ing the stories of both parties, the decree of the Commandant or the 
Syndic was promulgated, and to that decree, with rare exceptions, all 
parties submitted.** It is also true that during the entire period of 
the Spanish occupation, only a few cases were carried by appeal from 
upper Louisiana to the Governor-General at New Orleans. The 
despotism, if so it may be designated, exercised by these civil and 
military officers must have been mild and beneficent in character. 

Under this judicial system we are told "judgment and 
execution might be had in four days," yet, by special indulgence, 
which it seems was always extended, time was generally given to a 
delinquent defendant so that he could pay without distress or sacri- 
ficing his proj)erty. To illustrate: Andrew Ramsay secured a judg- 
ment against Edward Robertson before the Post Commandant of 
Cape Girardeau, but Robertson was not able to pay, and in order to 
secure a stay of execution, addressed the following letter copied 
literally in English to this officer : 

"To Don Louis Lorimier, Commander Civil and Military of the Post at 
Cape Girardeau. 

Honoured Sir; 

In answer to the order given to Mrs. Ramsay by me, the note Mr. Ram- 
say has on me was due in the fall of 1797, which I was ready and willing to dis- 
charge it at that time and Mr. Ramsay purchased the note in the fall of 1798, 
and if he had sent the note from Kentucky at that time, I was able to have 
paid it without any damage to me ; but his knowing that com would be scarce in 
this settlement at this season of the year, must certainly have been his reasons for 
not sending it forward until now, and as this advantage is taken of me, I am not 
able to pay the corn at this season, as it is not to be had in this country and it was 
not my neglect that the com was not paid at the season that it became due. I 
am in hope that your honor will allow me the same season of the year to pay it 
as the note became due. Honoured Sir, if you will please to wait until Mr. 
Ramsay comes home and he will take any property, in lieu of the com, that I can 
spare, I will immediately on his arrival pay him up. I expect he will be at home 
himself in a short time, and is a reasonable man. But as for Mrs. Ramsay, she 
is destitute of anything that is consistent with reason, and Sir, you know very 
well that I have summoned a number of the inhabitants that was indebted to 

her maiden name was Victoire Richelet; she married Joseph Verdon in 1772 
and separated from him in 1775. The piece of ground or lot was situated 
behind the fort adjoining the land of Chouteau and Marly, and the property 
was valued at the time of her death, it seems, at ten dollars. 

"De Bow's Review for 1847, P- 33- 


me before you in order to recover payment of them to answer my contracts and 
am not one dollar the better off, as they are not able to pay me. Therefore, I 
pray your Honor will consider my case with them and give all of us time to make 
the produce before we can pay it. 

13th May, 1799." Edourd X Robertson. 


It is claimed that fees, costs and legal charges were very low during 
the Spanish domination at St. Louis, but the cost bills in the judicial 
proceedings that have been preserved do not bear out this statement.** 
It was notorious that the costs and expenses of every kind attendant 
upon litigation before the Spanish tribunals and officers at New 
Orleans were very great. The American settlers in this Spanish 
territory generally manifested little inclination to enter into litigation. 
Of course, during this period there were no practicing lawyers in the 
country, nor was forensic discussion encouraged or even tolerated. 

No disposition was shown by the people generally to violate the 
criminal code of the province. The French attach more disgrace to 
legal punishment than do most other people.*^ The early American 
settlers were awed by the dread of the " Mexican mines and the dun- 
geons of the Havannah. " However, this threat to send to the mines 
was generally only a hrtUum ftUmen, for according to Clark " if a man 
suffers in such a business his crime must be aggravated, and then he 
is only sent to the mines if devoid of friends or money to bribe his 
judges."*® A single instance will show how even small criminal 
matters in upper Louisiana were managed: In 1800 one Moses 
Moodey, a merchant settler, came to the house of one Griffin in the 
night at about eleven o'clock, and demanded " his things and a settle- 
ment. " But Griffin said that this was no time to settle, and after 
some further dispute, Moodey drew his pistol, threatening both 
Griffin and his wife. Griffin then sprang upon Moodey, who evaded 
his grasp and escaped. All of this was witnessed by one Dr. Wallis. 
Complaint was made by Griffin to Dunegant, the Commandant of 
St. Ferdinand, and Six militiamen were at once ordered to search for 
Moodey. He was duly arrested and sent to DeLassus in St. Louis 
where he was imprisoned. Soulard was deputed to go to St. Ferdi- 
nand to take the evidence, and this he did without delay. After 
remaining in prison a month, Moodey petitioned DeLassus for release, 
acknowledging his guilt, saying that this was his first offense ; that 

*• I Scharff's History of St. Louis, p. 301. 

*' Stoddard's Louisiana, p. 283. 

^* 2d Wilkinson Memoirs, Extract from Daniel Clark's Memoir in Appendix. 


he was under the influence of liquor; that he would pay the costs and 
hereafter ^'give no cause for complaint." In this petition Griffin 
joined, and accordingly Moodey was pardoned." 

It can be easily imagined that seditious language, was especially 
held in profound abhorrence by the constituted authorities, under 
such a combined military and civil judicial S3rstem. Consequently, it 
was only at rare intervals that the French settler, politically cowed 
and tamed, would allow language in derogation of the existing order 
of things to escape his lips, because if such language was reported to 
the Lieutenant-Governor or to the Conmiandant of the post, as it 
would usually be with promptitude, the punishment was swift and 
condign ; no judge nor jury to delay matters, or the execution of the 
judgment. We have heretofore referred to the case of one Le 
Toumeau, who was banished from the society of the happy and 
contentedearly inhabitants of "Paincourt" by decree of Governor 
Piemas. Here k the way Governor Piernas got rid of Monsieur 
Le Tourneau: 

"We, Don Pedro de Piemas, Captain of Infantry and Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor of the Illinois settlements of his Catholic Majesty: In view of the 
complaint of Mr. Louis Lambert of the 15th of August against Amable Le 
Toumeau, a Canadian, accused of using improper and seditious language in con- 
tempt and derision of the ordinance of the King, published by us at the door 
of the church on the day of the Feast of the Assumption, and also of Mr. 
Joseph Labusciere of the same date of the same affect, we declare the said 
Amable La Toumeau duly attainted and convicted of seditious language, and 
a disturber of the public peace, and sentence him to ten years banishment 
from his Majesty's settlements, with still heavier punishment should he dis- 
regard this sentence, and reappear; as also to pay all the costs and expenses 
of this prosecution." 

"Sentence executed this day — Cottin, Alquazil." ^ 

'* The. cost-bill in this case was as follows: 

Govemor's fees, decree and signature, 8 reals, 

Governor's fees, for order to Adjutant Soulard, 8 reals, 

Govemor's fees, in reading affidavit, 24 reals, 

Of the cost ot 12 pages, one real for four pages, 3 reals, 

Signature to cost-bill, 2 reals, 

45 reals, 
or $5.62! 

Soulard's fees : going out of town, 4 ducats, 44 reals, 

Horse and feed, each 8 reals, 16 reals, 

Two taking affidavits, two ducats each, 44 reals, 

Eight and one-half pages, writing 2 reals, 17 reals, 

Eight signatures, four reals each, 32 reals, 

153 reals, 
or $19.12 
Total cost 198 reals, or $24.75. 

•• I Scharff's History of St. Louis, p. 303. 



But the Le Toumeau family seems to have remained, although 
the unfortunate Amable was exiled. After the United States acquired 
Louisiana, one Louis Le Toumeau dit Lafieur and his wife, Marie 
Bissonette, traded property with one Charles Bosseron and Theresa 
Brazeau, his wife, and the difference of $150.00 was settled in "deer 
skins at the rate of two and one half lbs. to the dollar. " 

Malefactors when apprehended did not fare easily before tribunals 
thus organized in these settlements. The foUowing judgment, also 
accidentally preserved, in which Don Louis Lorimier, Commandant 
at Cape Girardeau, deals out summary justice to a horse thief, shows 
how crimes against live property were punished: 

" Whereas, it evidently appears by the written depositions of William Lor- 
imier and Henry Sheridan, that Robert Pulliam, an inhabitant of Horse Prairie 
settlement, in the district of Kaskaskia, territory of the United States, hath 
committed a theft in this place the nineteenth day of the month, we, Don Louis 
Lorimier, Commander, civil and military, of the Post of Cape Girardeau, by 
virtue of the authority vested in us to maintain good order and administer 
justice in the said post, have condemned, and do hereby condemn, the said 
Robert Pulliam to receive thirty lashes on his bare back, and to defray the 
expense incurred by his prosecution, and restore the articles stolen, after which, 
the said Robert Pulliam is hereby ordered to depart without further delay from 
this post, and to appear no more therein, else he shall be liable to receive five 
hundred lashes at every time he shall be apprehended within the limits of our 
jurisdiction. We, therefore, do hereby give orders to the inhabitants of this 
post not to harbor the said Robert Pulliam in or near their plantations, and 
whenever he shall be found within the extent of this post, to apprehend and 
bring him before us; and every inhabitant who shall not comply with the 
present order shall be culpable and fined accordingly. 

Given at Cape Girardeau, the twenty-fourth of July, in the year one thou- 
sand seven hundred and ninety nine. L. Lorimier.^' 

Civil controversies were often settled by arbitration. As a case in 
point may be cited, the controversy between Louis Diard and Jean 
Datchurut, a "merchant of Ste. Genevieve in 1769, involving what 
were at that time large interests. Diard having obtained, before 
Don Luis Unzaga, Governor-General at New Orleans, in January, 
1770, a judgment ex parte which was about to be executed in St. 
Louis in upper Louisiana, it was agreed that in order to ** put a stop 
to a suit which might be ruinous to both, " the whole controversy 
should be referred to " three expert arbitrators, knowing their bus- 
iness." The men selected were, " Mr. Perrault, merchant, at present 
in the post of St. Louis" acting for Diard, and " Mr. Laclede Liguest, 
also merchant in this place" and " Mr. Laipbert Lafleur, Lieutenant 
of Militia, " as the third, in case of disagreement. After this agree- 
ment had been signed by the parties, before Don Pedro Piemas, 
Lieutenant Governor, he made the order under the date of June 


ist that "considering the foregoing claim, we order Messrs. Per- 
rault, Laclede and Lambert, heretofore named, will decide between 
Messrs. Diard and Datchurut and will make report to us of their 
award in the case, to be made known to whom it may concern. " 
On June 9th the two arbitrators promptly decided the case without 
calling on the third man, Lambert, settling the whole controversy in- 
volving many complicated questions of commercial law.'^ 

The first legal controversy within the present limits of Madison 
county of which we have any record, arose in 1770. Pierre Mass^ 
dit Picard and Jean Baptiste LaBastille, lead miners living at " Mine 
LaMotte " were the plaintiffs. They had taken out 20,000 pounds of 
lead at this mine, when they were interrupted in their profitable work 
by another miner, named LaRose who forbade them mining any 
more, claiming that the land upon which they had worked belonged 
to him and that he had transferred the land to Datchurut, one of his 
creditors; he also took possession of the lead they had mined. 
Mass^ and LaBastille thereupon applied to Piemas for relief, alleg- 
ing that they did not know the land belonged to LaRose ; that the 
land was not surveyed and the lines run until after they had brought 
out the lead ; that LaRose could not show them his lines when ques- 
tioned ; in short, " that the land had not been measured" and " lines 
established" before they mined the land. This petition was filed 
by them November 30, 1770, and on December ist, Piemas ordered 
"that in default of LaRose having measured and marked his land, 
the said Picard and LaBastille may take away their lead and mineral 
seized by Dachurut and LaRose." 

But Mass^ dit Picard was not so fortunate in another case, also 
arising in this lead district. One Pierre Dagobert was then a merchant 
in Ste. Genevieve ; he also was engaged in operating lead mines, and 
therefore employed Massfe as a miner and agreed to pay him one hun- 
dred francs a month in lead at 5 cents a pound, current price at that 
time, for his work. But when his time was out and he applied to Mrs. 
Dagobert for his pay, Mr. Dagobert being absent, she went with him 
to Mr. Vall^, the Post Commandant at Ste. Genevieve, who had the 
lead in his possession. Vall^ offered payment in cash instead of the 
lead, lead having gone up in price. This led to a dispute in which 
Mass^ says, in his petition to the Lieutenant-Governor, he was violent- 
ly thrown against a trunk by Vall^, who also threatened to have him 
imprisoned and then directed his clerk to write on the back of his 

** I Billon's Annals, p. loi. 


contract of agreement to work, an acceptance of the pay offered him 
by Vall^, and a relinquishment of his claim to the lead, all this over 
his mark of the cross. Massb's petition was filed in February, and in 
March the matter was referred to Charpentier for investigation and 
testimony was taken. A statement was made by Vall^ at the instance 
of Piemas, and in June Lieutenant-Governor Cruzat, who in the 
meantime had succeeded Piernas as Governor, ordered Massfe to make 
a public retraction and apology to Mr. Vall^ for the injurious impu- 
tations made against him in his petiton, '^in the presence of three 
notable citizens to be selected by Don Louis de Villars," and to suffer 
eight days imprisonment. In November Mass^ asked for permission 
to take the case before Governor- General at New Orleans, and this 
permission was granted ; but the decision of Cruzat was confirmed by 
the Governor- General. Then in June, 1776, the Lieutenant- Governor 
gave notice that he had appointed Pierre Laclede, Henry Charpentier 
and Martin Duralde to receive the apology, and Diego Blanco and 
Jean Olivier, two soldiers, were appointed as witnesses, the Lieutenant- 
Governor fixing a day early in November for this purpose, but Vall^ 
was sick on the day fixed and could not attend in person. He there- 
fore appointed Dr. Joseph Connand, at that time a merchant in St. 
Louis, to represent him. On the day appointed Mass^ declined to 
make an apology, saying " he had not given any offense to Mr. VaU^ ;" 
but, apparently having reconsidered the matter, on the 12th of Nov- 
ember, he wrote to the Lieutenant-Governor that he " would comply 
with the decision in the case. " Although Massfe finally lost his case 
it is very evident that he was a sturdy and independent man, not 
easily awed and cowed into submission by the constituted officials, 
who combined executive, judicial and administrative powers, and 
that he did not readily surrender what he considered his rights." 

The speedy disposition of cases is illustrated in another instance. 
In 1780, Charles Gratiot, a merchant at Cahokia, deposited with 
Charles Sanguinet a lot of merchandise, which Sanguinet afterwards 
refused to give up, claiming that Gratiot was indebted to him. 
Gratiot filed what we would call a petition in replevin with Lieutenant- 
Governor DeLeyba on May 8th; Sanguinet replied on May loth; 
depositions were taken next day, and on May 12th Gratiot made an 
offer to Sanguinet to allow him to keep the goods at his (Gratiot's) 

*^ According to Billoiii Masse died July 24, 1780, at the house of Dr. Reynal, 
and was buried in the graveyard which then existed on Market street east of 
Third street in St. Louis. 


appraisement. This Sanguinet declined, but on May i6th he pro- 
posed that the goods be appraised by arbitrators. This Gratiot de- 
clined, and on May 20th Sanguinet finally refused to accept the goods 
at Gratiot's valuation, and on May 26th DeLeyba entered the follow- 
ing decree : 

"All the evidence in this case having been attentively examined 
and duly considered, we decide that Mr. Sanguinet is not sustained 
in his defence ; that he corruptly detained the goods of Mr. Gratiot 
that had been merely entrusted to his care for safe keeping, as is 
proven by all the evidence in the case. In consequence, we condemn 
the said Mr. Sanguinet in all the costs, expenses and damages of this 
suit, and direct him to restore to Mr. Gratiot all the merchandise, 
etc., deposited with him by said Gratoit for safe-keeping, under 
penalty of imprisonment. " 

The rights of laboring men who had entered into an agreement 
or engagement to work were then regarded lightly. If a workingman 
failed to work as he agreed he was liable to be arrested and sent to 
prison until he made up his mind to work, as he had contracted. A 
complaint against a laboring man is preserved in the Ste. Genevieve 
archives and gives us a vivid idea of how laboring men were managed 
then. A man by the name of Mullen had agreed in writing to work 
for Moses Austin, but concluded to quit for some reason or other. 
Austin objected and filed his petition with the Conunandant of the 
district of Ste. Genevieve to make Mullen work as he had agreed 
— in words following : 

"To Don Francesco Vall^, Commandant Civil and Military of Ste. Gene- 
vieve, &c. 

Moses Austin of Ste. Genevieve has the honor to represent to you that one 
named Mathew Mullen, whom he engaged for one year by written contract to 
work at the Mines of Breton, refuses to fulfil his engagement and will not work 
for your petitioner. 

Your petitioner therefore prays you, Sir, to order the said Mullen to fulfil 
his engagement and in case of refusal that he may he compelled thereto by force, 
and you will do justice. 

At Ste. Genevieve the 29th May, 1799. 

Moses Austin." 

Upon this petition the Conunandant endorsed the following order : 

" Let the present be communicated to the party, that he may give reasons 
or adhere thereto. Ste. Genevieve, 29th May, 1 799. 


It can not be denied that however vicious the system, in many 
instances effective and substantial justice was meted out. The cases 
were not long delayed or continued from month to month. Short 


cases, short orders or decrees, and mandate to restore property, or to 
go to the "calaboza," as the jail of that period was generally desig- 
nated, were much in favor. 

Offenses against personal character, such as slander and libel, 
at that time appear to have been quite prevalent, in " Paincourt" (St. 
Louis.) Thus, one Michael Calas was cited for having defamed the 
reputation of Madame Montardy and dealt with in a summary 
way. It was decreed that he personally apologize and ask her par- 
don, and in addition pay a fine of twelve hundred mararedis, one 
half to go to the lady,, and the other one half to go to the church. 
The order closes as foUows : " and to be banished and chased away 
from this part of the Illinois for ten years, as a pernicious calumnia- 
tor and disturber of the public repose, as much for the present offense 
as other violences committed heretofore. To this effect he will be 
conducted by a detail of men beyond the bounds of this province 
where this sentence will be read to him by the constable of this 
post, enjoining on him to respect his banishment and not to re- 
appear under penalty of corporal chastisement if found in the pos- 
sessions of his Catholic Majesty." A certain Menard also, who 
had impeached the honor of one of the early ladies of St. Louis, 
was ordered to publicly disclaim the slander, and in addition con- 
demned to suffer "imprisonment of fifteen days as an example to 
others. " 

Many other cases relating to the women of early St. Louis came 
before the Lieutenant-Governor. So Joseph Robidoux was made 
miserable by a report, which was spread abroad, breaking up a pro- 
posed marriage between him and the daughter of Bequette ; the slan- 
derous words being that his family in Canada had harbored " wicked 
ones. " Robidoux petitioned that Bequette be compelled to disclose 
the informant. The Lieutenant-Governor, however dismissed the 
complaint and very sensibly advised all parties to hold their 
tongues, recommending Robidoux to secure documents from 
Canada establishing the respectability of his family. 

The civil and military Commandants were generally vigilant in 
enforcing all such rules and ordinances as related to the administra- 
tion of public affairs in the country. No one was allowed to settle 
on the public domain in the country without express j)ermit of the 
Post Commandants. No one, not even an old resident of the country, 
was permitted to travel from one village to another more than twenty 
miles distant without obtaining from the Post Commandant a pass- 


port, in which was specifically stated the road to be travelled going 
and returning. ** 

Judicial sales always took place on Sunday at the church door, at 
the close of Mass, at 12 o'clock noon. Everybody was supposed to 
attend church, and consequently, this occasion was deemed most 
appropriate to execute a judicial process. When real property was 
sold it was not finally knocked down to the highest bidder on the first 
Sunday, but it was exposed to sale again on two subsequent Sundays, 
and if no one bid a higher price at these subsequent days, the sale was 
announced as settled. Evidently, real estate speculation was not 
favored at the expense of the distressed debtor. At such sales the 
commandant of the Post or the Lieutenant-Governor was always 
present. On Sunday, too, the decrees, new laws and ordinances of 
the Governor-General of the province or kingdom, and the new rules 
and regulations of the Lieutenant-Governor or Post Commandant, 
were read. 

Under the Spanish law the conmiandants were required to make 
a register of the inhabitants of their respective districts, and of this 
register a copy was required to be sent to the Royal Council of the 
Indies.'* Accordingly almost the first official act of Piernas, when he 
took possession of upper Louisiana, was the issuance of an order to 
take the census. When this was done the total population residing 
in the western Illinois country numbered only 891." At that time 
the population of the villages of St. Louis and of Ste. Genevieve was 
exactly the same.'* The largest part of this population had only 
recently settled on the west side of the river. In 1771, according to 
Hutchins,*' the total population on the east side, including 230 ne- 
groes, was 530, and the total population on the west side, including 
120 negroes, 723. But in 1772, there were 497 persons in St. Louis of 
whom 198 were slaves; and in Ste. Genevieve 592, of whom 287 were 
negro slaves, showing a total population of 1,088, in what is now Miss- 
ouri. During the administration of Miro, in 1785, a census of upper 
Louisiana shows the population of St. Louis to have been 897, and of 
Ste. Genevieve 594, a total of but 1,592. In 1788 the population of 
the St. Louis district had increased to 1,197, and in Ste. Genevieve 

" American State Papers, Public Lands, p. 451, Letter of Hon. Thomas F. 

•* White's Recompilation, American State Papers, 5 Public Lands, p. 225. 

* 2 Martin's History of Louisiana, p. 3. 

* Gayarre's History of Louisiana, Spanish Domination, p. 23. 
" Hutchins' Topographical Description, p. in. 


district to 896. Morgan writes, in 1789, that he was astonished to 
find that in twenty years the country had not advanced in agriculture 
or population, and that, according to the report made by Hutchins 
in 1 769, the present population did not exceed that at the earlier date, 
"whereas, at that time, there was not a single farm settled on the 
waters of the Ohio, and now in Kentucky alone you will find more 
than 150,000 inhabitants. " In 1795 Trudeau reports the total popu- 
lation at 2,927, this report not including New Madrid, which in 
1 791 numbered 219 persons. In 1796 the total population was 
3,083, and in addition New Madrid numbered 457 white persons 
and 42 slaves ; but in 1 797 the population of New Madrid had 
increased to 693. 

When DeLassus was appointed Lieutenant-Governor of upper 
Louisiana in 1 799, the first comprehensive and statistical census of 
Upper Louisiana was taken, showing the following population: St. 
Louis 925; Carondelet 184; St. Charles 875; St. Ferdinand 276; 
Marais des Liards 376; Maramec 115; St. Andre 393; Ste. Gene- 
vieve 949, exceeding the population of St. Louis ; New Bourbon 560 ; 
Cape Girardeau 521; New Madrid 282; Little Meadows (Prairie) 
49 ; total population 6,028. The total number of whites was 4,948 — 
slaves 883, and free colored 197. During this year 34 marriages 
were celebrated and 192 births and 52 deaths occurred. According 
to the last Spanish census of 1803, the population of the Cape Girar- 
deau district was 1,206, an increase of 622 since the census of 1799, 
the population having more than doubled in four years in this 

The era of the French and Spanish possession of Missouri was 
unmarked by such Indian wars, forays or massacres as occurred in 
the Anglo-American colonies. The rules and regulations of the 
Spanish government for the protection of the Indians were numerous 
and specific, and the Government sought in every possible manner 
to protect these aboriginal inhabitants. In upper Louisiana, as 
elsewhere in America, the French settlers managed to live in amity 
with the Indians. When the savage visited the French villages on 
the Mississippi, he felt at home there. These French pioneers 
were free from the haughty arrogance and race superiority that 
characterised even the poorest Anglo-Saxon pioneer and they were 
especially free from the land hunger that consumed even the 
humblest English speaking settlers. Hence the two races generally 
lived in harmony and exchanged good offices. Then, too the French 


understood the Indian character and manifested a decent respect 
for his customs, his habits and his prejudices and for his institu- 
tions; made no attempt to induce him to accept alien and foreign 
ideas, always, of course, excepting the French missionaries, whose 
labors to Christianize them were unceasing and indefatigable. 

But it would be erroneous from what has been said, to suppose 
that during the Spanish government, Indian depredations did not 
occur. The Osages, especially, always gave the Spanish authorities 
much trouble. Trudeau says that they always have " been the great- 
est obstacle to the settlement of the country." In 1794 Auguste 
Chouteau went to New Orleans with a delegation of Osage chiefs, and 
while there with Carondelet devised a scheme to control these In- 
dians. In a secret letter, dated May 24th, 1794, Carondelet wrote 
the Duke Alcudia that the Big and Little Osages had committed 
numerous robberies from the "city of San Luis de Ilinoa," as far 
south as "Nuevo Madrid," and Nachitoches, so that the set- 
tlers scarcely dared to leave the settlements to cultivate the 
fields or hunt. Like his predecessors, he had tried every means to re- 
duce them to perpetual peace with the Spaniards, but that he too, ex- 
p)erienced the same perfidy. He says, also, that he had tried to excite 
other savage nations against them, in the same manner as had been 
done with the Choctaws and Chickasaws, Arkansas and other Ind- 
ian nations, but that while awaiting the results of these measures, the 
expedition organized by the French on the Ohio to invade Louisiana, 
made it necessary to take into account the possibility of these French 
using the Indians against Spain. He therefore thought it best to 
receive a delegation of six of their great chiefs, who came from the 
Osage river to make peace, and accede to their request on condition 
that they pledge themselves to permit the erection, on a height over- 
looking their principal village, of a fort to be garrisoned by Spaniards. 
This was to hold their young warriors in check, and to obtain from 
them satisfaction in case of robberies committed by them. The Ind- 
ians had accepted this proposition. He then adds that he was 
informed beforehand that a citizen of "San Luis," Don Auguste 
Chouteau, who **enjoys the greatest consideration among the Indians" 
had offered to enter into contract to establish such a fort at his own 
expense, on condition that he be granted the exclusive trade with 
these Osages for six years, and that he receive the annual sum of 
$2,060, to be paid a garrison of twenty men of the fort, this sum not to 
be paid in case His Majesty should conclude to alter the arrange- 


ment by sending twenty veteran soldiers of the army to the fort. 
Carondelet then urges the approval of the contract as follows : " It is 
to be observed likewise, that the Commandant of said fort enjoys no 
pay whatever, and that His Majesty can replace him by an officer of 
his troops whenever he may deem proper, but I hold that until these 
Indians become habituated to the intercourse and habits of our na- 
tion, it will not be proper to adopt a different system ; and as the six 
years of the present contract appear to me sufficient, therefore, His 
Majesty will at the end of that time find himself, without the slightest 
expense, master of a fort with all the edifices of stone necessary for a 
garrison of forty men, and will find a powerful nation under his 
dominion, who thus far have been an obstacle to the growth and pros- 
perity of the settlements of upper Louisiana, as the Osages have amid 
the people of Nuevo Madrid alone stolen more than sixty horses in 
one night ; and finally the enemies of this province, whether French, 
American or English would be deprived of a resource, always ready 
at hand, for introducing themselves into our interior possessions and 
extending their incursions three or four hundred leagues. " 

Auguste Chouteau in urging his proposal upon the Spanish offi- 
cials, writes on May i8, 1794, that the Osages count twelve hundred 
warriors, and that in view of the knowledge he acquired of them after 
thirty years of commerce with them, he is of the decided opinion that 
the only means of subjecting these Indians and preventing them from 
destroying and pillaging the settlements, is to construct a fort in 
" their very town," maintaining in it a garrison, and thus enabling the 
chiefs to " restrain the young warriors and prevent them from making 
raids, and chastise with the penalty of death those who conmiit mur- 
der in our districts, and bring about also restitution of such robberies 
as they may commit. " In order to accomplish this with the appro- 
bation of the Osages, he proposed to construct this fort "incurring 
the risk with his brother, Pedro Chouteau" who is to be Commandant 
of the same, until the government should station a detachment of 
regular troops there. To indemnify him for the expense incurred, 
he asks for the sjmce of six years, the exclusive trade privileges among 
the Osages on the Osage river, " without any other trader or hunter, 
except those he may send, on any pretext, presenting himself to trade 
with said nation." This proposal Carondelet accepted on the 
2ist of May 1794, advising the Duke of Alcudia on the 24th of 
May 1794, in the letter already quoted. The plans and specifica- 
tions for this fort, which became known as "Fort Carondelet," are 


dated May i8, 1794. It seems they were drawn up at New Orleans, 
as follows: 

" The said stronghold is to be composed of two parts : The first shall be 
of brick or stone and the second of logs ten inches square laid horizontally one 
upon the other, as the Americans practice. It shall form a perfect square each 
side of thirty-two feet. The second part shall be placed diagonally, that is, so 
that each side shall cut and correspond to the angle of the firat story, and each 
angle to the middle side of the second story : by which means those defending 
the top can exterminate with hand-grenades and guns through the holes in the 
plankwork, all those who attempt to force the door or approach the base of the 

The planking of the first story floors shall be at least three inches thick 
unless the contractor prefer to use tight bricks or stone of same dimensions. 
That of the second story shall be at least two inches thick and that of the gar- 
ret shall be of common boards. 

The elevation of the first story shall be ten feet between first and second 
floors, that of the second story nine feet^in the same manner : the roof shall 
have a height of six or eight feet and be covered with tiles, bricks, slate or mud. 

All the woodwork shsQl be sustained by four posts, set at equal intervals in 
the interior of the edifices, on which the beam shall rest to insure greater 

There shall be two embrasures in each facade of the first story, ten by 
eight inches square, for placing artillery on pillars (?) with a very thick door 
as on the vessels. 

The door of the fort of the most solid nature with hinges, bolts and lock of 
iron, shall be 6^ feet high and five feet wide. The stairway to upper story 
shall be solid and well conditioned; there shall be on each side of second story, 
ten loop-holes for guns 45^ feet over the floor, and two at the extremities of the 
lower sides at a height of six feet, so that they can be used by mounting on a 
chair without danger of the enemy being able to insert guns to fire into the 
l»»wer story. 

New Orleans, May 18, 1794. Auguste Chouteau. 


In order to protect the settlers against the Osages and a possible 
hostile American invasion, Carondelet as already stated induced 
the Shawnees and Delawares to settle permanently in upper 
Louisiana. This immigration and settlement was brought about 
chiefly by Louis Lorimier. The extent and character of his power 
over them is evident from the fact that on one occassion when a 
Delaware Indian killed a white man on his way to Vincennes, in what 
is now Illinois, he induced the Delawares, although at the time living 
without the jurisdiction of the United States, to surrender the guilty 
Indian to the authorities at Kaskaskia for punishment. This 
incident is noted by Jefferson in his correspondence, and the name 
of the man murdered is given by him as Harrison. He instructed 
the Secretary of State to write a letter of acknowledgement to the 
Marquis de Casa Yurjo, the Spanish Ambassador, and also in- 
structed the Secretary of War, General Henry Dearborn, to send a 
copy of this letter, together with a letter of thanks to Lorimier, and to 


arrange to interview and give a medal to the principal chief of the 
Dela wares, Takinantha (or Captain Allen).* 

During the Spanish regime no effort was made to deprive the 
Indians of their land by treaty, "to extinguish the Indian title," as 
it is euphonistically expressed by the Americans. Under the 
Spanish law all the vacant land, as "wasteland,'' was held to be 
the absolute property of the Spanish king, requiring no pretended 
"extinguishment" of the Indian title. The title, however, of the 
Indians to the land which they held in actual possession was fully 
recognized, and many rules and regulations were made to protect 
this possession. 

Only at rare intervals would an Indian rob or kill a French settler. 
In fact (if we except Gabriel Bolon * and his nephews, murdered 
by the so-called Mascoux and the massacre at Mine la Motte 
by the Indians), no record of the murder of a Frenchman by an 
Indian, during the Spanish Government in Missouri, has been 
preserved. Occasionally American settlers were killed by the In- 
dians during the Spanish occupancy. Sometimes too, a French set- 
tler would be robbed by an Indian ; but this did not lead to a bloody 
Indian war. In some way the matter was always amicably adjusted 
by the Spanish authorities. Whenever it was necessary to apprehend 
and punish an Indian, great care was exercised to impress and con- 
vince his tribe that the punishment was just. The American settlers 
never troubled themselves in that way. Whether the chief of the 
tribe or the tribe approved or disapproved the punishment was of 
little consequence. In fact, the chiefs and other Indians could consid- 
er themselves fortunate if they were not killed without ceremony for 
an offense by one of their tribe of which they had no knowledge 
whatever. The Anglo-American asked permission from no one 
before proceeding against the Indians in his neighborhood. He 
took the matter in his own hands, and often remorselessly, cruelly, 
without the semblance of fair dealing, trampled all argument and all 
considerations under foot. If an Indian was tried at all it was in a 
forum, the nature and character of which he did not understand and 
was unable to comprehend ; matters, also, which no one took the trou- 
ble to explain to him. His own chief was not consulted nor asked to 
assent to the justice of the sentence. What wonder Indian wars and 

*• He lived in the big Delaware (or Loup) village near Apple creek. 

'* Came to upper Louisiana from Vincennes; he and his brother Amible 
were Indian inteipreters.for General George Rogers^Clark. 


massacres resulted? And yet we hear much of the cruelty of the 
Spaniard in his dealings with the Indians. No doubt the early 
explorers and conquistadores were guilty of great cruelty, but the 
best commentary on the merits of the two methods is the fact, 
that in all Spanish speaking countries in Central and South America, 
the Indians and their descendants still constitute the bulk of the 
population, reclaimed to some extent to civilization and professing 
Christianity; while on the other hand, in the English speaking 
portion of the continent, they have been exterminated, or if not 
exterminated, driven and moved from place to place until now, 
finally, even their last resting place, assured them as a common home 
" as long as grass should grow and water run, '* against their will, and 
in the interest of great railroads and the land-hungry Anglo-Saxon, 
is divided among them in severalty, so that in some way white men 
may be enabled to secure their last acres. But our procedure is 
justified by the commercialism, the business interests of the country. 
Upon no subject does greater ignorance or more unfounded preju- 
dice generally prevail among the {>eople than in -regard to the 
treatment of the Indians by the Spaniards. The Indians in many 
instances received cruel treatment from the Spaniards, esp)ecially on 
the islands of the Caribbean Sea, but nothing in history can be 
compared with the cruel and heartless manner in which the Indians of 
North America have been maltreated, robbed, plundered and goaded 
into wars of retaliation, in order to absorb their rich heritage. 


The Royal Domain in Upper Louisiana — Public Lands Donated, Not Sold — 
Officials Authorized to Grant Lands — Ordinances of O'Reilly and 
Gayoso — Speculation in Land not Favored — Ancient Spanish Land-Laws 
Cited — Methods of Securing Title to Public Lands — Popular Neglect of 
Same — Regulations of Morales Controverted — ^Authority of Morales Cited 
— Letter of Ramiro de Lopez Angula — Liberal Colonial Policy of Spain 
— Simple Procedure in Procuring Land Grants — First Official Land 
Surveyors — Petition for Land Grants, and Incidental Orders — Large 
Land Concessions Preceding Change of Government — Inteiesting 
Examples of Petitions Securing Immense Grants of Land — Mining Priv- 
ileges — Lead Mine Claims — Salt Spring Concessions. 

Neither the French nor the Spanish Governments sold any por- 
tion of the Royal domain in upper Louisiana. No instance of such 
a sale can be found. Under the French Government grants of land 
were made by the Governor and Ordonnateur; but when O'Reilly 
took possession of the colony, he recommended to the King of Spain 


that the Governor alone be authorized to make such grants, in other 
words, be vested with the powers of the Royal Intendants as exer- 
cised in the other American possessions of Spain. His suggestion 
was approved.'® As such Intendant, O'Reilly published his ordi- 
nances in 1770.** So also Gayoso published his ordinances in 
1798. These ordinances expressly provided for donations of 
land, to actual settlers coming into the province and desiring 
to "establish" themselves, and not for the sale thereof. In 
1798 the Intendancy of the Province however was severed from 
the office of the Governor by Royal decree, and the exclusive 
faculty to grant and distribute land vested in a Royal Intend- 
ant. Don Juan Ventura Morales was appointed to this office, 
and in 1799 promulgated a series of rules and regulations in regard to 
grants of land, and particularly defined how donations of land to 
actual settlers should be made. Sales of land seem also to have been 
contemplated, although none were ever actually made." The first 
sale of land by the sovereign of the soil in upper Louisiana was made 
by the United States. 

In the ordinances of Gayoso, for the first time, reference was made 
to the Illinois country. In his ordinances, it is provided that " In the 
Illinois, none shall be admitted but Catholics, of the class of farmers 
and artisans. They must also possess some property and must not 
have served in any public character in the country from which they 
come. The provisions of the preceding article shall be explained 
to the immigrants already established in the province who are not 
Catholics, and shall be observed by them, they not having done it 
until this time, being an omission and contrary to the orders of his 
Majesty, which required it from the beginning," and "To every 
new settler answering the foregoing description and married, there 
shall be granted two hundred arpens of lands. Fifty arpens shall be 
added for every child he shall bring with him, and in addition, twenty 
arpens for every negro that he shall bring. " 

These regulations also provided that no land should be granted 
to unmarried strangers, not farmers, and without property in negroes, 

'° American State Papers, 5 Public Lands, p. 251. 

*^ These ordinances were published Feb. 18, 1770, and on Aug. 24, 1770, 
the Marquis de Grimaldi informed Don Louis de Unzaga, the successor of 
O'Reilly, that they had been approved. In Mackay vs. United States, 10 
Peters, 341, the supreme court held that they were not in force in upper Louisi- 

" American State Papers, 5 Public Lands, p. 704. 


or merchandize or money, until they had resided in the province four 
years, and conducted themselves "well, in some honest and useful 
occupation," but artisans were fully protected and after having resided 
in the country three years could apply for land. On the reconmien- 
dation of a farmer any unmarried man, if the farmer was "willing to 
give him his daughter in marriage," as soon as the marriage was 
accomplished, could secure a grant of land. On coming into the 
province it was necessary to take the oath of fidelity to the. king of 
Spain. If the immigrant claimed to be married proof of the marriage 
was required, and he had to specify what prop)erty belonged to his wife. 
No land could be granted to traders. Speculation in land was to be 
"by all possible means" prevented, and the new settler to whom 
land was granted lost it without recovery, if within the term of one 
year he did not begin to establish himself upon it, or if in the third 
year he " shall not have put under labor ten arpens in every hun- 
dred," and that "after he has produced three crops this settler has a 
right to sell his lands. " But in case of his death the land descended 
to his lawful heirs, if " he has one, resident in the country, " or if such 
heirs lived "elsewhere they must resolve to come and reside on it." 
These rules also required that the grants should be made so as "not 
to leave pieces of vacant ground between them," since this would 
ofifer greater exposure to the attacks of the Indians and render more 
difficult the administration of justice and the regulation of the police, 
" so necessary in all localities, " and " more particularly in new settle- 
ments. " 

Under these regulations the Spanish officials of upper Louisiana, 
exercising the power of sub-delegates, made grants of lands varying 
in number of arpens according to the prayer or petition, and the cir- 
cumstances of the case. To a poor settler they would give from 200 
to 500 arpens ; but, if he displayed ability and energy in reducing the 
land to cultivation, the Spanish officials were always ready to give 
him additional land. To the wealthy and influential settler larger 
grants would be made, perhaps of several thousand arpens or a league 
square, and, although the ordinances of O'Reilly prohibited a grant 
of more than one league to a person, the ordinance was construed 
as not prohibiting several grants of one league square to the same 
individual." Occasionally, in upper Louisiana, grants were made 
directly by the Governor-General. Thus, Carondelet directly granted 
to Louis Lorimier 7,000 arp)ens of land where the city of Cape 

" Chouteau's Heirs vs. United States, 9 Peters, p. 147. 


Girardeau is now located, and to St. Vrain 10,000 arpens of mineral 
land in the lead district. He also ordered Trudeau to grant Moses 
Austin a league of land. Casa Calvo gave Colonel Christopher Hays a 
special permit to settle, and under this permit he took up his residence 
on Hubbell creek, and obtained a grant of 1,000 arpens from Don 
Carlos DeLassus. 

In upper Louisiana, there were only two "patented officers," 
says De Lassus, these being the Commandants of St. Louis and New 
Madrid, who had the authority of sub-delegates, and as such could 
make grants or concessions of land. Commandants at St. Charles, 
Ste. Genevieve and Cape Girardeau, were "particular" Com- 
mandants, and had no such sub-delegate powers. Prior to 1799 
the Commandant of St. Louis was the sub-delegate " for the Illi- 
nois, " and the Commandant of New Madrid, sub-delegate for that 
district. How these sub-delegations were bounded is not definitely 
known ; but it is probable that the New Madrid district extended as 
far north as Cape Cinqu€ Homme (St. Cosme) creek, the northern 
limit of Morgan's claim. This seems to be confirmed by the fact that 
when Don Louis Lorimier, in 1795, made application for a grant of 
land, situated south of Cinque Homme, his petition was made to the 
Governor-General Carondelet, through Don Thomas Portelle, the 
Commandant of the district of New Madrid, and that his petition was 
prepared by Juan Bamo y Femisola, the official greffier of this dis- 
trict. The order of Carondelet to have the survey made for Lorimier, 
however, was addressed to Don Zenon Trudeau. 

The primary concessions made by the several Commandants 
of the Illinois country, or upper Louisiana, and the rights of posses- 
sion thereunder were, without exception, recognized by the Spanish 
authorities at New Orleans. Together with the survey made in 
accordance with the concession, they formed the foundations for a 
claim to a legal title. During the Spanish domination there was an 
uninterrupted exercise of the power to grant lands by Lieutenant- 
Governors and sub-delegates, which was never challenged, disputed, 
or questioned during that period. But land it should be remembered, 
was then of little value. And although the nth section of the ordi- 
nances of Gayoso expressly says, "No lands shall be granted to trad- 
ers, as they live in towns, they do not want them, " this was held to 
apply only to new settlers and not to Spanish subjects engaged in 
trade. So also it is to be noted, that while under the regulation? of 
O'Reilly, no settler was to receive more than a certain number of 


arpens in front, in 1 789 the Commandant at New Madrid was advised 
" that a greater or less quantity of land, agreeable to the wealth of the 
grantee" may be conceded.'* But it would be a mistake to suppose 
from this that these officers could at any time, with or without reason 
or condition, grant to any one any quantity of land, or that no author- 
ity existed to sup)ervise these grants ; on the contrary, as a matter of 
law, all grants made by these officials were always subject to the 
final approval of the Royal Intendants, these Intendants being the 
particular judges of the causes and questions arising under the Span- 
ish law in their respective districts, relating either to the sale or 
distribution of the Royal domain. Although no case arose in upper 
Louisiana where a concession made by the Lieutenant-Governor, or 
any sub-delegate, was rejected by the Intendant, it is nevertheless true 
that the Intendant had' the power to reject any such grant, and 
that until as the King's deputy, he finally approved such grants, 
the title to the land remained in the Crown. This seems to have 
always been law even before the promulgation of the rules of 

But referring to that class of land grants made as a reward and 
payment for services rendered, a matter in which many of the early 
residents within the present limits of Missouri were deeply interested, 
it was argued that, under a decree of Emperor Charles in 1542, the 
Viceroys of Peru and Mexico, and the Governors of provinces under 
their authority, were authorized to grant such rewards, favors, or 
compensation as to them might seem fit, and that in 1588 this decree 
was recognized by Philip II., in 1614 by Philip III., in 1628 by 
Philip IV., and under Charles II., incorporated into the Spanish 
code for the government of the Indies. It was further argued that 
these laws were in no wise limited by subsequent ordinances, and 
that an order of Philip V., of November 24th 1725, requiring a con- 
firmation by the crown, was revoked by an ordinance in 1754, and the 
Audiencias authorized to confirm such grants in the King's name; 
but that when the sea intervened, the Governors with the assistance 
of other officers, were authorized to issue complete titles ; that by the 
81 St article of the ordinance of 1786 the Intendants of New Spain 
were made the exclusive judges of grants of land;" and finally that 

^ Stoddard's Louisiana, p. 251. 

" Menard's Heirs vs. Massey, 8 Howard, p. 305. 

*• American State Papers, 5 Public Lands, p. 705, where this whole subject 
is fully and learnedly^discussed. 


this ordinance was extended to Louisiana in 1798, when the Intend- 
anty Morales, promulgated his regulations. 

The first civil and military Commandant of the United States in 
upper Louisiana, Stoddard, evidently an advocate of the claim- 
ants, (he seems to have acquired one of these concessions from 
Mackay) says that the regulations of Morales "were never enforced ; 
certain it is that they were not carried into effect. The reason for the 
first is, that the great clamor raised against them, in all parts of the 
province induced the Governor-General and Cabildo to draw up a 
strong protest against them, and to lay it before the King. The 
consequence was, that Morales was removed from office ; though he 
was afterwards reinstated to assist in transferring the country to 
the French Republic. The reason for the second is, that the assessor 
died soon after they were promulgated, which totally deranged the 
tribunal of finances, and rendered it incapable of making or confirm- 
ing land titles." But Stoddard does not tell us who advised him 
"of the great clamor" raised against the regulations of Morales.*' 
Nor does he give us any authority for his statements which seem to 
rest on hearsay. On the contrary it is known,*that in 1 797 Gayoso dis- 
puted the power of the Royal Intendant, Morales, to interfere in mat- 
ters pertaining to grants of land, claiming the exclusive power to make 
such grants, as Governor-General, and that by Royal order dated 
October 22, 1798, it was expressly affirmed that the poipfers of the 
Intendant were plenary to divide and grant the land belonging to the 
King. After this order Morales published his rules and regulations,"" 
and the Governor-General of Louisiana ceased to be the Royal Intend- 
ant of the province, the office having been, as we have seen, merged 
into that of Governor-General, at the suggestion of O'Reilly in 1770. 

Under the regulations of Morales, a very small number of titles 
in upper Louisiana (according to Williams, only thirteen grants)" 

*' Stoddard's Sketches of Louisiana were published eight years after the 
Louisiana Purchase, when the *' clamor" against the Regulations of Morales 
had become very loud among the American land claimants, and their lawyers, 
who had acquired in many instances questionble and doubtful titles, issued in 
the last days of the Spanish government. He was not a resident of Louisiana 
prior to the purchase of the Territory. It is possible that in his mind he carried 
back the ''clamor*' that arose from 1804 to 181 2, and which he heard, to 1799, 
when the Regulations were first promulgated. On the 25th of Sept., 1805. 
James Mackay conveyed the land to him and which became known as " Stod- 
dard's Mound." This land was surveyed by Soulard in 1806. 

" Menard's Heirs vs. Massey, 8 Howard, p. 305. 

'• Williams' Paper on Land Titles in St. Louis, in Scharff 's History of St. 
Louis, vol. I, p. 321. 


were completed, it is said, because the exp)enses of procuring a com- 
plete title at New Orleans were enormous, and the fees extortionate. 
Then too, in 1802, the Lieutenant-Governor of upper Louisiana was 
directed not to forward applications to complete titles until further ad- 
vised. Stoddard, explaining the method by which titles could be 
secured, says that it was " necessary for a concession to pass through 
four, and in some instances seven, offices before a complete title could 
be proou'ed, in which the fees exacted, in consequence of the studied 
ambiguity of the 13th article, frequently amounted to more than the 
value of the land" conceded.*® But it may be observed that a patent 
for land from the United States passes through perhaps as many offices 
before it is issued. On the other hand, the Spanish government 
donated the land to the settlers, while the United States, until the 
passage of the Homestead law, received the value in cash. Perhaps 
the chief reason why the Spanish land titles of upper Louisiana were 
not perfected, may be found in the danger of the journey down the 
river to New Orleans and the expense of a trip through the wilderness. 
The regulations of Morales may also have been unpopular because 
the government reserved the privilege to tax the land, a principle 
then very unpopular in the Spanish possessions. 

The imperfect titles based upon grants made by the various Lieu- 
tenant-Governors, exercising sub-delegate powers, were recognized 
as transferable; they could be and were sold for debts and were 
passed by devise. But the rules of the Intendant, Morales, were 
directly in conffict with this general practice. In the i8th article, it is 
said : " Experience proves that a great number who have asked for land 
think themselves the legal owners of it ; those who have obtained the 
first decree by which the surveyor is ordered to measure it and put 
them in possession, others, after the survey has been made, neglect 
to ask the title for the property ; and as like abuses continued for a 
longer time will augment the confusion, a disorder which will neces- 
sarily result, we declare that no one of those who have obtained the 
.said decree, notwithstanding in virtue of them the survey has taken 
place, and that they have been put in possession, cannot be regarded 
as owners of the land until their real titles are delivered complete, 
with all the formalities before recited." And says the 20th article: 
" Those who without the title or possession mentioned in the preced- 
ing article are found occupying lands shall be driven therefrom as 
from property belonging to the crown." From which, it is very 

^Stoddard's Louisiana, p. 252. 


evident, that at least this regulation of Morales was calculated to 
make definite and certain the title of all grantees. 

DeLassus, last Spanish Governor of upper Louisiana, in his testi- 
mony before the Commissioners, said that the rules of Morales were 
never enforced in upper Louisiana, and, that as Lieutenant-Governor 
he had a right to suspend the execution of any order, if to him it ap- 
peared prejudicial to the interests of the King or people, until he re- 
ceived additional instructions. He said that he did not remember 
causing the regulations to be published, that he gave no orders to 
his subordinates in regard to these regulations, because he did not 
intend to obey them. But in an order dated St. Louis, February 26, 
1 801, he says: ''All concessions and augmentations of property must 
be granted by the Intendant of these provinces on petition, which is 
to be presented by those persons claiming lands. "** And the United 
States Supreme court from this concludes that " the Intendant Gen- 
eral had the power to adjudge on the equity of the claim and to 
exercise the sovereign authority by making the grant as the King's 

A side light is thrown upon the testimony of DeLassus, when 
it is remembered, that it was then supposed that titles to many con- 
cessions for large tracts of land made by Trudeau and DeLassus, 
depended upon establishing as a fact before the United States Com- 
mission, that the rules and regulations of Morales were not in force 
in upper Louisiana, and that as Lieutenant-Governor of upper 
Louisiana he had the power to suspend the rules and regulations of 
the Royal Intendant. Then too, the rule of the King of Spain was 
at an end, and it was easy to say that as Lieutenant-Governor he 
never intended to obey the orders of the Royal Intendant. Yet the 
transfer of the power of Intendant from the Governor to a sep- 
arate official, did not affect the powers of the sub-delegate in upper 
Louisiana, although DeLassus seems to have thought so.^ But a 
delegate could not transfer his power to another, and Morales so 
advised DeLassus in a letter dated August 26, 1 799. Even a casual 
p)erusal of the preamble of the regulations of Morales must lead to the 
conviction that after 1798 no power to make absolute or complete 
grants of land vested in the Governor or Lieutenant-Governor of 
Louisiana. Morales thus sets forth his authority and purpose: 
* However, the King whom God preserved, having been pleased to de- 

^ Chouteau vs. Ek:khardt, 2 Howard, p. 349. 

^ Chouteau's Heirs vs. United States, 9 Peters, p. 145. 


clare and order by his decree, given at Saint Lorenzo, the 2 2d day of 
October 1798, that the Intendancy of this province, to the exclusion 
of all other authority, be put in possession of the privilege to divide 
and grant all kinds of land belonging to the crown, which right, under 
his order of the 24th of August 1770, belonged to the civil and military 
government, wishing to perform this important charge not only ac- 
cording to the 8ist article of the ordinance of the Intendants of New 
Spain, of the regulations of the year 1754, cited in said article and 
the laws respecting it, but also with regard to local circumstances 
and those which may, without injury to the interests of the 
King, contribute to the encouragement and to the greatest good 
of his subjects, did establish, or who may establish them- 
selves in this part of his possessions, after having examined, 
with the greatest attention, the regulations made by his Excel- 
lency, Count O'Reilly, the iSth of February, 1770, as well as 
that circulated by his Excellency the present Governor, Don Manuel 
Gayoso de Lemos, the ist of January, 1798, and that the counsel 
which has been given me on this subject by Don Manuel Seranno, 
Assessor of the Intendancy, and other persons of skill in these matters, 
that all persons who wish to obtain lands may know in what manner 
they- ought to ask for them; and on what condition lands can be 
granted or sold, and those who are in possession without necessary 
titles may know the steps they ought to take to an adjustment, that 
the Commandants, as sub-delegates of the Intendancy, may be 
informed of what they ought to observe, that the surveyor-general 
of this city, and the particular surveyors who are under him may be 
instructed of the formalities with which they ought to make surveys of 
land and lots which shall be conceded, sold or arranged for; that 
the secretary of finances may know the. fees he is entitled to and the 
duties he is to discharge ; and that none may be ignorant of any of 
the things which may tend to the greater advantage of an object so 
important in itself, as the security of property under the conditions 
to enlarge, change or revoke that which time and circumstances may 
discover to be most useful and proper to the attainments of the end 
to which the benevolent intention of his Majesty are directed, etc." 
Nor can there be any doubt that the rules of Morales were pub- 
lished and well known to the principal persons in upper Louisiana. 
That these rules must have been published, is shown by the evidence 
to sustain the Butcher claim, from which it appears on June 15, 
1802, Don Pierre DeLassus de Luziere,.Comniandant of Nouvelle 


Bourbon, approved a p)etition and recommended to Morales, a grant 
to these claimants of 1,600 arpens, 400 of which were located near 
Mine la Motte, and 1,200 on Big river.*" In 1802 Moses Austin also 
secured a complete title from the Intendant Morales, to a league 
square at Mine k Breton, and Antoine Reihle a grant near St. Louis. 
The fact that Barth^lemi Cousins, secretary of the Commandant at 
Cape Girardeau, and also Deputy-surveyor, proposed to purchase 
land immediately after the publication of these rules, a sale of land 
for the first time being authorized by the rules or Morales, certainly 
establishes this publicity. So also the reply of Ramiro de Lopez 
Angula, dated Naples, April 2, 1800, to Don Henri Peyroux. This 
letter, interesting in more than one respect, is as follows : " It was 
never the intention of the King to dispose of the land in such large 
quantities (100,000 aqjens), and under such circimistances as stated 
in your letter of the 9th of February last. No. 9, and the p)etition of 
the inhabitants accompanying it. It is true that in the new regulation 
there are provisions for the sale of lands in the manner referred to, 
but it is only under the previous formalities therein specified and 
with a reference to the ability and force of the persons desirous of 
purchasing, because it would not be just, that for a small consider- 
ation, one or more speculators could make themselves masters of a 
great extent of land to the prejudice of others coming to settle, and 
who consequently find themselves driven to purchase those lands 
which they might otherwise have obtained free of expense. For 
those reasons I cannot accede, at present, to the before-mentioned 
proposal, which you may make known to the parties concerned. 
God preserve you, etc." 

The rules of Morales did not really increase the difficulties of 
securing land but they seem to have been prepared to protect the 
settler. The careless, loose way in which grants and sur- 
veys were made, no record whatever being kept of these transac- 
tions under the ordinances of O'Reilly and Gayoso, would have 
resulted ultimately in great injury to some of the settlers. The new 
rules required that the surveyor should send a copy of his survey to 
the office of the Intendant, accompanied by a figurative plat, a cer- 

** Bartholomew Butcher, Michael Butcher, Sebastian (Bastian) Butcher 
and Peter Bloom (Blum) were German stone-masons, and de Luziere told Mary 
Ann LaPlante, who came to Louisiana with the family of DeLuziere, that these 
men were such good stone-masons that it was a great object to have such good 
workmen and peaceable subjects retained in the country. The Butchers also 
did work in the Cape Girardeau district, building a house for Don Louis Lori- 
mier in 1802. 


tificate called prochs verbal^ signed by the commandant, or syndic, 
or two neighbors, and the surveyor declaring that the survey was 
made in their presence, and correct, and that it corresponded with 
the concession, gave certainty to the grant and safety to the grantee. 
The concession and survey thus attested was duly recorded, and the 
settler was furnished with this evidence of title for the land, but he 
vas required to perfect his title within three years after settlement on 
the land. 

The liberality of the Spanish government in donating land to 
actual settlers stands in striking contrast with the illiberal policy of 
the United States at that p)eriod. The pioneer settling in the Spanish 
Dominions in upper Louisiana was not expected to pay for land on 
which he established his home. The hardship, the danger, the iso- 
lation from all the comforts of civilization seem to have been fully 
appreciated by the Spanish government. It was thought unjust, 
that in addition to opening a path in the wilderness and with untold 
perils and self sacrifice laying the foundation of civilized order, the 
settlers should also pay the government for the land so settled, or 
should even pay taxes on the same. Yet it has always been fashion- 
able to criticise the colonial policy of the Spaniards. However just 
these criticisms may be when referring to trade regulations, so far 
as the laws and ordinances for the disposal of the Royal domain in 
upper Louisiana are concerned, they arc in nowise justified. 

The proceedure for securing a concession of land in upper 
Louisiana, was simple and direct under the ordinances of O'Reilly 
and Gayoso. The new settler, as soon as he arrived in the country, 
and possessing '' the necessary qualifications to be admitted among 
the cultivators of these provinces," was expected to make applica- 
tion to the Spanish Post-Commandant for permission to settle, no 
one being allowed to settle without permission. In petitioning for 
a grant of land, he was expected to set forth his circumstances, and 
if the Commandant favorably considered this application, as seems 
always to have been the case, he endorsed the petition with his rec- 
ommendation and transmitted the same to the Lieutenant-Gover- 
nor at St. Louis. This was the plan at least prior to 1 799, when 
the Regulations of Morales were promulgated. The Lieutenant- 
Governor granted the request as a matter of course, and ordered 
the surveyor of upper Louisiana to make the survey and put the peti- 
tioner in possession of the land. A trifling fee to be paid to the sur- 
veyor was all the expenses incident to securing a large tract of land. 

erification of the facts 


The application of the petitioner to the Commandant for a grant 
of land was technically called a requite, and the recommendation of 
the Commandant of the post amounted to a verification of the facts 
as expressed in the requite by the petitioner, 
to which the commandant usually added that 
no objection to the granting of the land was 
luiown to exist, sometimes even in strong 
terms assigning various reasons which to him 
might seem to justify the concession. Land 
was held generally of so little value by the 
French and the Spaniards, that it was scarcely 
thought worth while to accept or to pay fees 
for writing the concession or requite.** It 
was only in rare instances that such a con- 
cession was denied, but in no instance was a 
settlement allowed on the crown lands without permission of the 

Carondelet favored Americans and told DeLassus when he 
went to New Madrid in 1796, to invite inhabitants of the United 
States, not hunters, but those who had families and great means, to 
settle in his district, and to grant them as much land as they wanted." 
No list of concessions was kept by the several Commandants or Lieut- 
tenant-Governors, as that was no one's duty. After the land was 
surveyed, and the petitioner placed in possession by reducing to 
cultivation one tenth of the grant within three years, the title of the 
grantee was considered substantially perfected and regarded by the 
people and authorities as his property, although it was evidently not 
a complete tide under the law. 

The first surveyor for upper Louisiana, Don Antonio Soulard, 
was appointed in 1795, and from time to time he appointed a number 
of deputies, or " Lieutenant-surveyors, " in the several districts. He 
first opened a regular office for the registration of land surveys 
made by him and his deputies. Soulard's lieutenant-surveyors in 
the several districts were, Thomas Maddin, Ste. Genevieve; Bar- 
th^lemi Cousin, Cape Girardeau; Joseph Story, New Madrid; 
James Rankin, and James Richardson, St. Louis, and James Mac- 
kay, St. Andre. Officially, Carondelet, Tnideau and DeLassus 
designated Soulard simply as " the Surveyor. " It is not quite clear 

** American State Papers, 5 Public Lands, p. 59. 

* American State Papery 5 Public Lanch, p. 709. 


when all the country north of the mouth of the St. Francois was first 
designated as " Upper Louisiana, " or when the order was made so 
naming this portion of the province, if any order was made at all. 
But after his appointment in 1795, Soulard and his lieutenant 
surveyors made all the surveys in this portion of the province. 

In addition to the small and limited grants made to actual settlers, 
larger questionable grants were made by the Lieutenant-Governors 
of upper Louisiana to reward alleged services, or to favorites, shortly 
before the transfer of Louisiana. The grantees of these large con- 
cessions were all officers and connected in some way with the govern- 
ment. It is evident that when these land grants were made so 
liberally, the Spanish officials knew that a change of government 
would take place. No doubt it was also thought that a change in 
government would add greatly to the value of the land. The great 
rise in the value of land east of the river after the American occupa- 
tion was well understood. A number of Frenchmen who had resided 
in the United States prior to settling in Louisiana, must have fully 
explained to the Spanish officials the value in which land was held 
in the United States, and the great number of Americans already 
settled in upper Louisiana, all anxious to secure land, no doubt also 
impressed these officials with the importance of securing concessions 
for themselves and for their friends, before a change of government. 
The liberal and extravagant land grants made by Trudeau and 
DeLassus shortly before the cession of Louisiana may be sought in 
such reasons and motives. Many, if not all, of these grants and con- 
cessions were suspected of being ante-dated and tainted with fraud, 
and for years were the subject of litigation and controversy. 

A few examples out of many will show upon what slight and 
flimsy grounds large bodies of land were granted to applicants , if 
belonging to the favored dass. James Mackay received a concession 
of 30,000 arpens from DeLassus in 1 799 to reward him for services in 
the years 1 795-6, for a voyage made under a commission of Carondelet 
"to the upper and unknown parts of the Missouri. " St. Vrain, a 
brother of DeLassus, was granted 10,000 arpens on a petition in 
which he says that he desured ** to secure to himself a competency 
which may in the future afford him an honorable existence, '' and 
in 1799 secured an additional grant upon which to "collect his family 
and keep it near him. " Richard Caulk, one of the early American 
settlers west of the Mississippi, was awarded 4,000 arpens " in con- 
sideration of all his gratuitous services, that were often painful and 



onerous" to him, as commandant of the settlement of St. Andre, 
in the absence of the conmiandant Don Santiago Mackay. Francois 
Saucier, a descendant of one of the earliest pioneers of the Mississippi 
valley, and founder of Portage des Sioux, received a grant of 
600 arpens for each of his children — thirteen in number — and 
1 ,000 arpens for himself and wife, to reward him for his ^* laborious 
task" as Conmiandant of Portage des Sioux, a position he filled, 
he says, '^ without remuneration." DeLassus himself while Com- 
mandant at New Madrid, received from Lieutenant Governor Tru- 
deau a grant of 20,000 arpens on the Cuivre and Salt rivers, twelve 
miles west of the Mississippi. Mrs. Vall6 Villars in a petition to 
DeLassus says that she has discovered that the lands near Ste. 
Genevieve have nearly all been divided, and prays that she may be 
granted a league square on the Saline, basing the claim both on the 
services of her late husband and her father, being, she says, in her 
petition, " overburdened with a numerous family. " Francesco Vall^, 
Commandant of Ste Genevieve, also received a league square situ- 
ated nine miles southeast of New Bourbon. Jean B. Pratte, Sr., 
got 1 ,000 arpens by stating that he proposed to devote himself to 
agriculture as the "only safe" resource "upon which one may 
found hopes for the future, " and two weeks afterwards, still full of 
enthusiasm as to the profits of agriculture, he secures a whole league 
square because " convinced that the resources of agriculture are the 
most infallible means to secure to his family an independent exist- 
ence, and to shelter them thereafter from the disasters of pover- 
ty. " Gabriel Cerr^, in 1800, on the plea that he desured to make a 
plantation on an island in the Mississippi, secured the island. He 
also states, that "after a while," he intends "to occupy himself in 
felling building timber and wood for fuel, both of which will soon 
be very much wanted in this town. " Dr. Saugrain although devoted 
to science, seems to have had business forethought as well as an 
idea of the value of lands, and secured from DeLassus 20,000 arpens 
at different places in upper Louisiana, " having in view the estab- 
lishment of mills of various kinds, of a distillery, stock farm, etc." 
Of course the Chouteaus were diligent in securing concessions of 
land when land was so liberally and lavishly distributed. Pierre 
Chouteau secured 30,000 arpens in order to secure a great quantity 
of timber "necessary for the fabrication of salt," and also "to 
maintain a considerable stock farm." Louis Lorimier in 1799, was 
granted 30,000 arpens to rq)ay him for "the cares and troubles" 


which he " experienced in fulfilling the various missions with which 
he was charged, and the frequent voyages he was obliged to make 
to the injury of his private interest during his absence, and even at 
the peril of his health and life. " His secretary, Barth^lemi Cousin, 
received 10,000 arpens for services, for which he says he never 
"received any indemnification," and on the 22nd of March, 1803, 
about the time of the cession of Louisiana, 8,000 arpens additional 
were granted him " as a reward and in the way of salary. " 

According to John Rice Jones, during the Spanish government, 
every subject felt at liberty to dig for lead and smelt it when and where 
he pleased.** No doubt all the subjects of the King of Spain in the 
then far away and out-of-the-way lead district in Missouri, did this, 
but not because it was legal. It is, however, true that the discoverers 
of mines were favored under the Spanish law, and it was the invari- 
able rule to grant to such discoverers the mine discovered, including 
four arpens of land adjacent thereto, leaving the neighboring land for 
others to dig on.*^ When the United States acquired the Louisiana 
Territory, it is said by Jones, that there were only four complete 
titles to land in the lead or mineral district. Nevertheless, many 
claims were set up to mineral grants made prior to the purchase of 
the province by the Lieutenant-Governor and Commandants of the 
various posts. Thus Martin Duralde, specifying no location what- 
ever, secured a concession for what may be called a blanket mineral 
claim ; and James Richardson, who was a Spanish deputy-surveyor, 
claimed under Gabriel Cerr^, 400 arpens mineral land on the Mara- 
mec. The supposed Renault heirs made a claim which was recog- 
nized by Spain on account of an ancient grant made by the Company 
of the West. Indeed every grant made by France, prior to the treaty 
of Fontainebleau, in 1762, was recognized by the Spanish authorities. 
Thirty-one persons set up a claim to "Old Mines," presumably 
including one of the mines worked by Renault. Dr. Walter Fenwick 
claimed four arpens under Francis Azor, dU Breton, at Mine k 
Breton. Moses Austin, under a concession of the Intendant Don 
Juan Bonaventura Morales, definitely located 7053 arpens and 
thirty-three and one-half feet, at and near the village of Mine k Breton. 
St. James Beauvais and Francis Vall^, in order to be perfectly safe, 
made a general claim of sixty feet around every hill where they might 

*• Letter of John Rice Jones, American State Papers, 2 Public Lands, p. 

*' Ibid., p. 606. 


discover mineral, under a concession of Perez dated 1788. The 
widow Moreau claimed 500 arpens of mineral land under a concession 
of DeLassus in 1799; Auguste Chouteau, 810 arpens under a 
concession of DeLassus, dated 1800; J. B. Pratte, 1,000 arpens 
mineral land in Ste. Genevieve county; Easton and Bruff, under 
Gerrard & Fleming, 840 arpens at Mine h, Joe, a famous lead mine to 
this day; Camille DeLassus, 2,400 arpens in Ste. Genevieve county, 
under concession dated October 1 799 ; La Beaume and DeLaurier, 
1 0,000 arpens in the same county in Prairie h. Rondo, and Joseph Decelle 
630 arpens near Mine k Breton, where he acted as syndic. DeLuziere, 
father of Don Carlos DeLassus, no doubt without much difficulty, 
secured a grant of 7,053 arpens on the waters of the St. Francois, near 
the place where the town of Farmington now stands, and J. B. Pratte, 
St. James Beauvais, Francis Vall^, and John B. Vall^ made a claim 
to Mine la Motte under grants from DeLassus, although it is certain 
that this mine had been previously granted to Renault during the 
French dominion; John Perry and Bazil Vall^ also claimed 639 
arpens at Mine k Breton ; Thomas Armstrong, under Rufus Easton, 
640 arpens, at "Armstrong's Diggins" in Ste. Genevieve county. 
Finally John Smith T., a bold and daring speculator set up a claim 
to 10,000 arpens under Jacques de St. Vrain, embracing "Mine k 
Liberty," also " Shiboleth" and "Bellefountaine mines," and to 1,000 
arpens mineral land near Mine k Breton, and under Decelle, he 
claimed 300 arpens at "Doggett's mine," 300 arpens at "Renault 
mine," 250 arpens on McKee's Branch, 200 arpens at the first mineral 
fork at the Maramec, 300 arpens at " Mine k Robina," and 294 arpens 
more at "McKee's Diggins." He also set up a mineral claim on 
White River, Arkansas, in what was then the New Madrid district.^ 

Next in importance to these lead mine claims, were the various 
salt springs which had been discovered. Salt springs, in those early 
days, were deemed very valuable property. Among others, Don 
Carlos Tayon, Commandant at Sfe Charles, secured a concession 
on the Dardenne for 320 arpens on which a salt spring was 
found. Jacques Clamorgan and John Hildebrand made a similar 
claim for 320 arpens near the Maramec; Charles Gartiot, under 
Benito Vasquez, set up a claim to a salt spring tract of 7,056 arpens 
on the same river ; Pascal Cerr^, under Gabriel Cerr^, to one of 800 
arpens, also on this river; DeLaurier under LaBeaume claimed 
10,000 arpens on the Salt river, in St. Charles district, under grant of 

** American State Papers, 3 Public Lands, pp. 607, 608. 


DeLassus, dated March 1801 ; and John Scott, Henry Dodge, and 
Edward Hempstead, under Peyroux, claimed 7760 arpens on the 
Saline creek in Ste. Genevieve district, embracing then the most 
profitable salt springs in the territory. In addition Charles 
Gratiot, under Maturin Bouvet, claimed 400 arpens on the river 
Ohaha, or Salt river, now in Pike county; James McKay claimed a 
saline of 400 arpens on the Bonne Femme in the Boon's Lick country, 
now in Howard county ; and Victor La Gotoire, 400 arpens on the 
Ohaha, or Salt river, also in Pike county. John Smith, T., made a 
claim to a salt spring under a concession to Jacques de St. Vrain of 
sixty-four arpens, six or seven miles from the Missouri river, near the 
dividing ridge between the Bonne Femme and Salt river, to one of 
sixty-four arpens near the Grand Minotaur, then in the St. Charles 
district, to seventy arpens near the Lemoir creek on the Missouri, and 
twenty-five arpens on which was a salt spring near White river, now 
in Arkansas, but then in the New Madrid district. 


Agriciiltxire — ^Huntin^ — Primitive Mechanical Arts and Trades — Voyageurs and 
Engagis — Farming in Common-fields — Farmers Dwelling in Villages — 
Ste. Genevieve Common-field — Maintenance of Fences — Primitive Agri- 
cultural Implements — French Cart — Small Horses — Cattle — First Cattle 
Brought into the Mississippi Valley — ^New Orleans Market — ^Prices For 
Agrricultural Products — Spain paid in Specie — DiflFerence in Prices 
when Paid in Barter — No Common-field at New Madrid — LaForge's 
Complaint as to French-Canadian Farmers — Development of Agriculture 
after Advent of American Settlers — Ag^cultural Production of New Madrid 
and Little Prairie, 1796 — Agriciilture in Cape Girardeau District — ^Produc- 
tions of the District — ^Domestic Slavery — Indian Slaves — Spanish Ordinan- 
ces Prohibiting Slavery — Treatment of Slaves — Maniunission — Fur Trade 
— Forest Peddlers — Early Merchants of St. Louis — ^Nick-names Among 
the French — Effect of Brandy and Rum on Indians — Contraband Traffic 
with English Traders — Intimate Relations of Voyageurs and Caureurs 
des bois with the Indians — ^Their Prodigality — Intermarriage with Indians 
— Fascination of Life in the Wilderness — ^Destruction of Fur Bearing 
Animals — ^Profits of Traders — Value of Fur Trade — French and Spanish 
Laws to Protect Same — Under French Dominion a Monopoly — Under 
Spanish Ordinances a Monopoly not Allowed — Traders Assigned to 
Districts — Contract with Forest Traders — Change in Method of Handling 
Fur Trade — Trading-houses and Forts — Annual Meetings — Gradual 
Extension of Tradine-houses and Forts up the Rivers — Invasion of Terri- 
tory by English Traders — Cheaper English Goods — Spanish Effort to Ex- 
clude Briti^ Companies — Carondelet*s Agreement for the Establishment 
of Forts on the Missouri — Exploring Expe£tion of Glamorgan and Mackay 
— Advantage of Traders Residing on the Missouri and Mississippi — Ship- 
ment of Salt and Bear's Meat to New Orleans — ^Ag^cultural Shipments — 
Ancient Salt Works on the Saline — ^Extent of Business — Salt Works on 
Salt river, the Maramec and in Boon's Lick Country — Grist-mills — Flour 
Contract with Spanish Government — ^Distilleries — ^Tan-yards — Scarcity 
of Metallic Money — Spanish Troops Paid in Specie — Paper Money^Barter 
— Peltry Currency — Carrots of Tobacco Medium of Exchange. 

Agriculture was the principal occupation of the first settlers of 

the French villages in the territory now within Missouri. A few 

merchants supplied what could not be produced on the land ; but all 

the men were also more or less engaged either in hunting during 

at least a part of the year, or in the fur trade. Some residents of 

the villages followed the primitive mechanical arts, among them 

being stone-masons, black-smiths, gun-smiths and cabinet makers.^ 

^ "The mechanic arts did not flourish. Mason work of that day was good, 
but of the rest I can say nothing in praise of them. The cooperage of the coun- 
try amounted to very little more tnan maJdng well-buckets. The carpenters 
were unskilled in their profession. They framed houses and covered them with 
peg-shingles; made batton doors, and in a rough fashion. No shoemakers or 
tanners, but all dressed deer-skins and made moccasins. Almost every inhabitant 
manufactured his own cart and plough, and made his harness, traces, and all out 



The primitive garments worn by the people, were woven at home 
out of cotton or wool, the former raised by the farmers, the seed 
being picked from it by the children, while the wool was shorn from 
the little flocks of sheep which had to be carefully guarded against 
the wolves. Flax too was cultivated and spun and woven into linen. 
The skin of the deer furnished the hunting shirt and a raccoon skin 
the cap. Moccasins, or rude boots and shoes were worn by the 
people ; these were made from leather tanned in the small tan-yards 
found in every village. Military uniforms and more pretentious 
clothes were ordered from New Orleans. Although the merchants 
and traders (negociants) of these villages carried on a comparatively 
extensive business, it would be a mistake to suppose that these mer- 
chants had "open shops or stores" — and displayed their goods as 
the merchants of our day. Merchandise was then kept in different 
chests, under lock and key. These chests were only opened and 
merchandise shown to purchasers, when inquiry for a certain class 
of goods was made. The goods were kept at the residences of these 
merchants, and not in separate stores. Kettles, pots, hoes, guns, 
flint-locks, etc., etc. were all carefully looked after and not allowed 
to lie around loose, such manufactiu'ed articles being considered 
valuable possessions, and generally imported from Europe. 

Many of the men of these French villages, if able to endure 
the hardship of the business, and otherwise in a situation to leave 
home, went out annually on long and dangerous trading expeditions 
far up to the headwaters of the Mississippi and Missouri, and their 

of raw hides.'' Reynolds' Pioneer History of Illinois, p. 88. Yet in these days 
of machine work, it may be doubted if we have mechanics competent to build 
and manufacture by hand, as the mechanics of that time. We give here some 
of the names of die early mechanics who followed their respective trades in 
the different villages : Joseph Mainville, Antoine Pritchet and Fran9ois Delin 
were the carpenters; Jos. Robidoux was the shoemaker; Jean Hervieux the 
gunsmith; Jean B. Bequette the blacksmith, among the first settlers of St. 
Louis, and Jourdan LaRose was the baker. Pierre Payant and Joseph 
L'Amouroux (or Amoureux), in 1795, were the lock and gunsmiths, of New 
Madrid, and Francois Hudison, an immigrant from Richmond, Virginia, an 
iron-worker. Another blacksmith, named James Kavanaugh, from Ireland, 
came to New Madrid in 1796, and in 1799 he made a contract with Jacques 
Dehault de St. Vrain, a brother of Don Carlos, to furnish the blacksmith work 
for a mill St. Vrain intended to build at New Madrid. Solomon Thorn was 
the gunsmith at the post of Cape Girardeau and Francois Berthiaume among 
the Shawnees on Apple creek. Francois Lalumendiere, dit Lafleurs, in 1766 
was the tailor in the village, and the Butchers and Peter Bloom (Blum), Ger- 
mans, were stonemasons in the Ste. Genevieve district. Joseph Vandenbenden 
managed the bakery at New Madrid for Tardiveau & Co., when they had a 
contract to supply the Spanish forces in Louisiana with " biscuit "; Juan Simbn 
Guerin was the mason and brick-layer of the town in 1799, and Jacob Myers 
was the carpenter, who built " Fort Celeste" and the churdi of " St. Isidore." 


tributary streams, in search of furs going either on their own account 
or as voyageurs or engagiSf returning after months of privation and 
adventure. The occupation of a voyageur or boatman at this time 
was not considered a degrading one, on the contrary it was held desir- 
able that a young man should be able to say that he had performed 
a long and dangerous voyage in the far interior. However, even 
before the purchase of Louisiana, this occupation lost character, 
principally owing to the lawlessness, coarseness and vulgarity of the 
American boatmen. 

The farming of the first French inhabitants of Missouri was 
carried on in a common field. In St. Louis the farm lots of the 
common field, as surveyed by Duralde, all had a front of one arpent, 
and a depth of forty arpens, an arpent being equal to 192 feet and 
six inches — English measure. The arpent was both a quantitive 
and linear measure under the French system. Traditionally, it is 
said, the lands were thus surveyed so that the settlers might be near 
each other in case of Indian attacks. It is also said, that the custom 
originated to save fencing, because enclosing large fields under a 
common fence undoubtedly saves fencing. But fencing could be 
saved by surveying the land into more convenient bodies. Perhaps 
the French custom of surveying lanu in long and narrow strips, 
from one to four arpens wide, originated on the lower Mississippi 
or on the St. Lawrence. On the lower Mississippi, because under the 
rules and ordinances in force, each settler was required to maintain 
the levee in front of his ground, both under the French and Spanish 
dominion. As all lands granted to the first settlers fronted on the 
river, this system equitably apportions the burden of the main- 
tenance of the levees. On the St. Lawrence, surveys may have been 
made in this shape to secure all the settlers an equal waterfront, 
in that colony a matter of prime importance to the early pioneers. 
Whatever the origin of the custom, as a fact not only the common 
fields of St. Louis, but the common fields of Ste. Genevieve, New 
Bourbon, St. Ferdinand, St. Charles, and Carondelet were divided 
into long and narrow strips with a common front. The surveys and 
divisions of the common fields adjacent to Kaskaskia, Cahokia, St. 
Philippe and other French villages on the east side of the river were 
also made in the same way. These common fields were under the 
supervision of a syndic and a committee of umpires, whose duty 
it was to carefully examine the fences and report to the syndic. The 
common fences were generally viewed on a Sunday in January, and 


required to be of such character that cattle could not get out of, or 
into, the common field. ^ 

The French settlers generally lived in villages, and these 
common fields were adjacent or near such villages, and during the 
farming season, they went out daily to attend to their agricultural 
labors. Brackenridge, speaking of the conmion-field of Ste. Gene- 
vieve, sa)rs: "Agriculture was carried on in a common field of several 
thousand acres, in the fertile bottom of the Mississippi river, enclosed 
at the common expense, and divided into separate lots, separated by 
some natural or permanent (surveyed) boundary. Horses and cattle, 
depastured, were tethered with long ropes, or the grass was cut and 
carried to them in stalls. It was a pleasing sight to -see the rural 
population going and coming, morning and evening, to and from 
the fields with their working cattle, carts, old fashioned wheel-plows 
and other implements of husbandry." This great field of Ste. 
Genevieve, comprising some three thousand acres, to this day 1907, 
is cultivated as a common-field under a con^mon fence, the farms of 
the several owners being in long strips one, two, or three arpens wide, 
extending from the road, along the foot of the hills tj^ait skirt 
the bottom, across the bottom, to the river bank. These strips of 
land were sometimes from one half to a mile in length. The rules 
and regulations for the fencing of these fields was a subject that greatly 
interested these early settlers and cultivators. All who cultivated 
land in the common field were required to assist and contribute to 
build and maintain the enclosures, but those residents who did not 
cultivate land were held only to aid in making and repairing public 
roads and bridges, and maintaining the commons for the stock and 
other conveniences of which they made use.' 

At New Madrid a common field was not fenced in and divided 
among the settlers during the Spanish occupation. The question 
of enclosing a conmion field, however, was discussed before the Com- 

' In 1782 Perrault, Brazeau, Cerr^ Rene Kiercereau, Joseph Taillon, Joseph 
Mainville, Chauvin and Aug^te Chouteau were the umpires of the St. Louis 
common-fields, and at that time the most prominent citizens of the village. The 
Perrault named above a few years before, in 1779, had been captured by the 
British and Indians on a " Rebel boat", that is to say, on a boat in the service of 
the United Colonies, on his way up the Mississippi. A Michel Perrault acted 
as interpreter for General George Rosers Clark, at Vincennes, in 1780. In 1810 
only 200 acres of this common field were in cultivation — although formerly 
several thousand acres were enclosed — the ground then looked like " the worn 
common in the neighborhood of a large town" and at several places cut open 
into gaping ravines." Brackenridge, Views of Louisiana, p. 221. 

' See order of Lt. Gov. Zenon Trudeau, anle, vol. i, p. 360. 


mandant, but the settlers being Americans objected to the scheme. 
£^ch farmer preferred the labor, trouble and expense of enclos- 
ing his own field, thus evidencing that spirit of individual inde- 
pendence and self-reliance which has always characterized the 

It was remarked early by the Jesuits who visited Ste. Genevieve 
that the soil was very fertile. They also observed that the land was 
not cultivated with care, that wheat which, according to Piemas in 
1769, was the principal crop, yielded only from five to eight fold. 
This lack of success in growing wheat, Father Vivier attributed 
"to the heavy fogs and too sudden heats," but Piemas thought it 
was the fault of the farmers who did not apply themselves. In the 
words of Father Vivier, "maize, which in France is called Turkish 
corn, grows marvelously; it yields more than a thousand fold; 
it is the food of domestic cattle, of the slaves and most of the natives 
of the country, who consider it a treat. The country produces three 
times as much food as can be consumed in it."' Yet, in 1744, not 
enough wheat was raised to supply the colony with flour.* 

When we take into account the character of the farming imple- 
ments of these early pioneer French farmers, their scanty wheat crops 
ought not to surprise us. Their plows were made entirely of wood 
without a single iron fastening. The mould-board had only the 
curve that would be found in a root of appropriate shape, but the 
beam was strong and the wooden point sharpened. A harrow or two 
were held as the common property so to speak, of all the culti- 
vators of the common-held. Trudeau says that the high price of iron, 
for which, in 1 799, the farmer paid from four to five reals per pound, 
compelled him " to get along perforce without the most useful tools 
for his calling," and hence recommends that the Government en- 
courage the establishment of a foundry and forge.* Their other 
agricultural implements were, hoes, grubbing hoes, spades, shovels 
and rakes, all primitive agricultural tools, of the same general shape 
as from remotest antiquity. 

The cart in use was "rather a curiosity," says Governor Rey- 
nolds, " it was constructed without an atom of iron. When the 
Americans first came to Illinois (to the American bottom) they called 
these carts 'bare-footed carts,' because they had no iron on the 

' 69 Jesuit Relations, p. 219. 

* Present State of Louisiana, p. 19 (London 1744)- 

* Trudeau's Report, Jan. 1799, — General Archives of the Indies, Seville. 


wheels."* This cart, called *Charrette,* was made of " two pieces 
of scantling some ten or twelve feet long, framed together by two 
or more cross-pieces, upon one end of which the body, of wicker 
work was placed, and the front ends rounded to serve as shafts, and 
the whole set on the axle-tree of the wheels."' It was on such a cart 
that Madame Chouteau and her children made the journey to Caho- 
kia from Fort de Chartres up the American Bottom, Laclede accom- 
panying her on a little French pony, Cahokia being the nearest 
settlement to the new trading post of St. Louis. But certainly it 
was not easy and pleasant riding in such a "charrette." 

The horses of the country were small ponies resembling mustangs, 
of the Canadian breed, crossed with wild horses of the plains. "A 
fine breed of horses," says Hutchins, "brought originally bythelndians 
from the Spanish settlements." ' They were strong, of great endur- 
ance and required little attention or feed. Men and women tra- 
veled much on horseback, along the trails and paths and through 
the open woods; as a consequence saddle horses were highly prized. 
"The horses and cattle," says Governor Ford, "for want of proper 
care and food had degenerated in size, but acquired additional vigor 
and toughness ; so that a French pony was a proverb for strength and 
endurance. These ponies were made to draw, sometimes one alone, 
sometimes two together, one hitched before the other to the plow or 
carts made entirely of wood, the bodies of which held about double 
the contents of the bed of a common large wheel-barrow. The oxen 
were yoked by the horns instead of the neck, and in this way were 
made to draw the plow or cart. Nothing like reins were used in 
driving ; the whip of the driver with a handle about two feet long and 
lash two yards long, stopped or guided the horses as effectually as the 
strongest reins."* 

According to Marest, the first cattle were brought into the Mis- 
sissippi valley to "Tawarois" in 1712,^® although it is highly proba- 
ble that before this time cattle were brought into the Illinois coun- 
try, because before this time the French tilled land in the Ameri- 
can Bottom. The French, as well as the American settlers in 
upper Louisiana, owned large numbers of cattle, which they allowed 

• Reynolds' Pioneer History of Illinois, p. 50. 
' Billon's Annals of St. Louis, vol. i, p. 85. 

• Hutchins' Topographical Description, p. 100. 

• Ford's History of Illinois, p. 37. 

*® 16 Wisconsin Historical Collection, p. 332. 


to roam in the woods and prairies without any care. " The homed 
cattle," says Father Vivier in 1750, speaking of the French settle- 
ments in the Mississippi valley, " have multiplied exceedingly ; most 
of them cost nothing, either for care or for food." Some of these 
cattle became almost wild." They abo had sheep and hogs. 

French-Canadians settled and cultivated the soil at Cahokia and 
Kaskaskia, certainly as early as 1700. They raised grain, built a 
mill to grind the same, and altogether seem to have lived content- 
ed," enjoying the sourish wine which they made out of the wild 
grapes of the country.^* The farmers of the " Big Field of Ste. Gen- 
evieve," soon began to ship the produce of their fields just as the 
farmers of Kaskaskia, on the opposite side of the river, who shipped 
bacon, salt pork, flour, corn and cattle to New Orleans long before 
the first settlement of Ste. Genevieve.** 

The price realized by these farmers for their products in 
the local market was good. The Spanish Commandants paid 
in specie for all they bought and consequently purchased at 
comparatively low prices. On the American side of the Illi- 
nois country, in 1780, Patrick Kennedy says that ten pounds of 
peltry was paid for a bushel of com, and thirty pounds of peltry per 
100 pounds of flour, that is to say, corn sold for four dollars a bushel, 
and flour at twelve dollars a hundred pounds in our present currency. 
These high prices in barter Kennedy attributed to the the fact, that 
in the Spanish possessions cash was paid for agricultural products 
by the Commandants, which led to the export of same resulting in 
great scarcity of provisions at Kaskaskia, because on the frontier of 
the country and over-run with troops.** A regular ferry was kept be- 
tween Kaskaskia and Ste. Genevieve by one Cailloux, dit La Chance, 
and we can well imagine that the specie payment, made by the 
Spanish officials for produce, attracted the trade of the French 
settlers to Ste. Genevieve, and so too the ferry at St. Louis, the 
trade of the settlers around Cahokia. 

In 1772 St. Louis and Ste. Genevieve produced 5,898 quintals of 
wheat,*' and 1,200 quintals of flour were shipped to New Orleans, 

" 69 Jesuit Relations, p. 221. 

"16 Wisconsin Historical Collection, p. 332. 

'* Account of the Present State of Louisiana, p. 19 (London 1744). 

** 69 Jesuit Relations, p. 213. 

" Draper's Collection, Clark MSS., vol. 60, p. 36. 

*• The old French quintal equivalent to 108 pounds. Century Dictionary 


fifty to Los Arcos and the balance used in the villages. Of this crop 
Don Francesco Vall^, of Ste. Genevieve, alone harvested i,ooo 
quintals, Carlos de Arbas 466, Enrique Carpentier 261, Carlos Vall^ 
166, the remainder being small crops of one hundred and less quintals 
for each farmer. In 1774 the harvest in both villages amounted to 
only 5,018 quintals, but in 1775 the total was 9,097 quintals. In 
1794 the Spanish Illinois country north of New Madrid produced 
39,251 minots of wheat (a minot being the equivalent of 
three bushels), 51,131 minots of com, and 17,040 pounds of tobacco, 
and in 1795, — 35,065 minots of wheat, 75,418 minots of com and 
24,750 pounds of tobacco and the people owned 3,863 head 
of cattle and 618 horses. 

The French-Canadian settlers of New Madrid seem to have 
been poor farmers, if we are to believe La Forge.^^ After the 
Americans settled and opened up farms there, the district quickly 
developed agriculturally. The com crop of New Madrid, in 1794, 
amounted to only 6,000 bushels but in 1795 to 8,795 minots, 
or 26,385 bushels. In 1796, — 17,425 bushels of corn were raised 
in the immediate neighborhood of the town, and the farmers 
there owned forty-two slaves, ninety-six horses and 608 homed 
cattle. In 1797 the com crop yielded 23,060 minots. In addition 
the people owned about 3,000 hogs, 730 cows, 1 29 horses and forty-six 
slaves. In the first year after the Little Prairie settlement was 
founded, 14,040 busheb of com and 190 bushels of wheat were raised 
there, and when the census in 1802 was taken, thirty-four families 
resided in the settlement, owning sixteen slaves, twenty-two horses, 
and 166 head of cattle. 

Cape Girardeau, altogether settled by Americans, was the. most 
prosperous agricultural district in upper Louisiana, at the time the 
colony was acquired. According to the census of 1803, the farmers 
of this district, all Americans, raised in that year 2,950 bushels of 
wheat, 58,990 bushels of com, 3,100 pounds of tobacco, 9,200 pounds 
of flax and hemp, 39,000 pounds of cotton, 19,000 pounds of maple 
syrup, and owned 2,380 head of cattle, and 674 horses. These 
farmers then owned 179 slaves. 

In 1799 the settlers of upper Louisiana owned 7,980 horned cattle 
and 793 horses, produced 83,349 minots of wheat, exported 84,534 
bushels of corn, 28,627 pounds of tobacco; 1,754 bundles of deer 
skins, each valued at forty cents per pound, amounting to $70,160, 

'^ See copy of LaForge's report in i Billon's Annals of St. Louis, p. a68 et seq. 


eighteen bundles of bear skins valued at $256, eighteen bundles of 
buffalo robes, valued at $540, three hundred and sixty quintals of 
lead at six cents a pound, $3,160, and twenty quintals of flour at three 
cents a pound, $60. — total $73,176. In addition 1,340 quintals of 
lead were exported to the United States, and i ,000 bushels of salt were 
made annually. 

Domestic slavery was intimately connected with the agriculture 
of the French and American pioneers of Missouri. On both banks 
of the Mississippi slavery existed from the first French settlement of 
the country. From a letter of Sieur de Ramesay and Sieur Begon, 
dated November 7th, 1 71 S, it appears that the first fqrty-seven French 
settlers in the Illinois country, who established themselves in the 
'* Thamarois," probably in the American bottom near Cahokiat 
were then " living at their ease" there, and, says the latter, " they get 
as many savage slaves as they wish, on the river of the Missoiuis, 
whom they use to cultivate their land; and they sell these to the 
English of Carolina, with whom they trade."*^ Thus early an Indian 
slave-trade was carried on by the French with the English South- 
Atlantic colonies. In the case of Marguerite vs. Chouteau," it was 
argued that Bourgmont bought Indian slaves on the Missouri and 
sent them down to New Orleans to work on his plantation. Accord- 
ing to Rivi^e and Pratte, there were in 1756 many Indian slaves, not 
only at Fort de Chartres, but everywhere through the country.'* 
These Indian slaves were bought and sold just as negro slaves at 
that time. A majority of them were brought down from the Mis- 
souri by the traders, although occasionally some were brought up 
from the lower Mississippi. After the tragic destruction of the 
Natchez tribe, it is recorded that at least one member of that tribe was 
brought up the river to Fort de Chartres. Although this Indian 
slavery, as a matter of fact, existed in the French settlements during 
the French dominion, it is certain that it was not authorised by any 
written law. But it has been argued, that because the French 
Governor, Perier, transported to San Domingo, 300 Natchez, believed 
to have been of the Family of the Sim, nearly all of whom died there, 
the remainder being sold into slavery, that this was evidence of the 
legality of the institution. It was so held by the Supreme court of 

" 16 Wisconsin Historical Collection, p. 332. 

1* 3 Missouri Report, p. 543. 

^ Testimony of J. B. Rivibre and Sebastian Pratte in the case of Marguerite 
vs. Chouteau, a Minouri Report, p. 71. 


Louisiana; but the Supreme court of Missouri in another cele- 
brated case, held that Indians could not lawfully be reduced to slavery 
during the French government in Louisiana.** 

When Spain took possession of Louisiana in 1769, O'Reilly dis- 
covered that the French held many Indians as slaves, and in a procla- 
mation which he issued,declared this " to be contrary to the wise and 
pious laws of Spain," but, while not at once declaring these Indian 
slaves free, he ordained '^ that the actual proprietors shall not dispose of 
those whom they hold in any manner whatever, unless it be to give them 
their freedom" until the orders **of his Majesty on the subject," and fur- 
ther that all owners of Indian slaves should make a declaration of the 
name and nation of the Indians so held in slavery by them, and the 
price at which they valued such slaves. This proclamation was general- 
ly understood by the French settlers of upper Louisiana as emancipat- 
ing all the Indian slaves. As a matter of fact, however, these Indian 
slaves seem to have remained in slavery, either voluntarily or involun- 
tarily. When they escaped they were not returned to slavery ; and 
when they brought action for their freedom they were liberated. 
Thus in 1 786, Governor Miro, in a case that came before him, from 
St. Louis, rendered a judgment liberating several such slaves. 
Reminded by this judgment that the ordinance of O'Reilly was 
not obeyed. Lieutenant Governor Cruzat in June 1787, issued a 
proclamation that Indians could not be held in slavery under the 
ordinance of 1770, and therefore "judged it expedient to repeat the 
aforesaid ordinance so that the public may know its tenor in order to 
conform to it," and accordingly the said ordinance was ordered to be 
"read, published and posted in the customary places." No order 
" of his Majesty on this subject " having been promulgated, in 1 794 
Baron Carondelet ordered two Indian slaves to abide with their 
masters until the Royal will was expressed. But in that year he 
ordered to be liberated, an Indian mestizo slave named Augustin, 
a descendant of the Panimahas, and held as a slave by Jos. Michel, 
a resident of New Madrid.'* 

The first negro slaves brought into upper Louisiana or the Illi- 
nois country, came with Sieur Philip Renault, director of the mines 
of the Company of the West, in 1719. On his way from France, 
Sieur Renault stopped at the island of San Domingo, and there 
purchased 500 negro slaves to work in the mines which were to be 

^ Marguerite vs. Chouteau, 3 Mo., p. 592. 
'' New Madrid Archives, vol. 2. 


opened. These negroes he brought up the Mississippi river to Fort 
de Chartres. From these slaves are descended the old French-negro 
slaves found at Kaskaskia, Cahokia, Ste. Genevieve, St. Louis and 
St. Charles. The slaves found in the Cape Gir^deau and New 
Madrid districts were brought into upper Louisiana by the American 
settlers, and as we have seen, the amount of land granted by the Span- 
ish authorities to such settlers, was made to depend on the number 
of members of the family, as well as on the number of servants or slaves 
brought into the country. These slaves were principally employed 
in farming. They were "regarded in the light of bien foncier or real 
property, and in fact, as the highest species." This also may be 
observed " that the Spanish code was ever more lenient and 
benignant toward the negroes than the colonial system of any other 
nation." The census of 1799 shows the following number of slaves 
held in the respective settlements : St. Louis 268 ; Carondelet, 3 ; St. 
Charles, 55; St. Ferdinand, 17; Marais des Liards, 42; Ste. Gene- 
vieve, 310; Nouvelle Bourbon, 114; Cape Girardeau, 105; New 
Madrid, 71 ; Petite Prairie, 3. Total 988.'' The total population 
then was 6,028, thus giving about one slave for every six white inhab- 
itants, or on an average, one for every family. 

In 1800 the Spanish government prohibited the introduction of 
negro slaves into Louisiana, but at the instance of the planters of 
lower Louisiana a French firm was allowed to bring into the province 
5,000 such slaves. DeLassus it appears, also asked permission to 
allow negro slaves to come into upper Louisiana, making an appli- 
cation to the Royal Intendant Morales to sanction it. Morales, 
however, answered that it was the duty of a good subject "to blindly 
obey what is ordered and prescribed by the Royal laws," and then 
refers to the attempted revolution of the negro slaves of Virginia 
and the Carolinas, and gives it as his opinion, "that the American 
government and the owners of the slaves wish to get free of these 
people at any sacrifice." He then proceeds , asking: "What would 
become of this province if its chiefs with closed eyes, to such an im- 
portant matter should introduce in it such a dangerous people?" 
and concludes by saying, that it is the duty of "this Intendancy to 
see to it that the wise law which prohibits the introduction of negro 
slaves is not ignored." DeLassus k ordered to exercise the greatest 
watchfulness to prevent the negro slaves from being brought into the 

^ Gayarre's History of Louisiana, p. 406. In addition 197 free colored 
persons resided in upper Louisiana. 


country,** and if such slaves are introduced to apprehend them and 
to report to him. Evidently the Spanish authorities] then were 
fearful that the slaves would rise in insurrection as in San Domingo 
if allowed to be. brought into the country in large numbers. The 
attempted slave insurrection in lower Louisiana in 1791, and 
reports of various attempts at insurrection in the American states, 
no doubt then current, may also have been the reason for these strin- 
gent orders. It is certain the law was generally ignored in upper 
Louisiana, and that the American emigrants brought with them 
many slaves. 

Generally the French slaves were well treated, they had little work 
to do and were greatly attached to their French masters, and their 
families. They were all Catholics and worshipped in the same 
church with their owners. The same freedom from race prejudice, 
which characterized the French in their relations with the Indians, 
also characterized, usually, their relations with the negro. Holding 
him in bondage, they did not regard him with the same prejudice that 
marked their English-speaking neighbor. It is true that the early 
Anglo-American pioneers usually treated their slaves well, but it can 
not be denied that they regarded the negro, as indeed is generally the 
case now, as belonging to a distinctly inferior race, and that then the 
accepted opinion was that the negro was destined to serve the white 
and superior race. In support of this position arguments drawn 
from the Bible were deemed ample and sufficient. Duden observed 
in 1824 that "so far as bodily comfort, protection from disease and 
amount of labor is concerned, the condition of a slave in the state 
of Missouri is to be preferred to that of a household servant and day 
laborer in Germany."* The largest slave holder in upper Louisiana 
at the time the province was acquired by the United States, was 
M. Beauvais of Ste. Genevieve. 

Occasionally slaves were manumitted by their owners. Thus 
Nicholas F. Guion manumitted " a mongrel boy named Alexis, four 
years old, son of his Indian slave, Madaline, and one, Louie Leritte 
of this place," St. Louis; and Louison a "mestizo slave" of M. 
Lorian was freed "by order of the Governor-General of New 
Orleans." These Spanish Governors-General were liberal in giving 
freedom to slaves whenever cases came before them for adjudica- 

** Chouteau Collection in Mo. Hist. Society. Letter of DeLassus dated 
May 34, 1802. 

* Duden's Bericht aus Nord-Amerika, p. 147 (2d Edition). 


tion. Thus, in 1 783, Charles Henrion bought from Louis Barada his 
illegitimate mulatto child, Marianne, nine years of age, to emancipate 
her and make her his heir, but neglected to make his will, and 
consequently his property came into the hands of the Beaugenous. 
The matter became a subject of controversy, and finally was left to 
the decision of Governor-General Miro, who in 1787, decreed that 
she should be one of the heirs, together with the seven Beauge- 
nous."* In 1770 Xouis de Villars, Lieutenant of Infantry in the 
battalion of Louisiana gave a negress, by the name of Julia, her 
freedom, because of " the zeal and attachment she exhibited in his 
service having' completely ruined her health, he desired to set her at 
liberty with a view to its restoration."'^ Under the circumstances 
detailed certainly a somewhat doubtful liberality. On the other 
hand Jos. I'Amouroux — in 1794 — emancipated his "metif creol, 
mon esclave, sous le nom de Jos. La Motte," gives him 100 piastres 
and recommends that he conduct himself soberly and honestly.** 

The Missionary priests are also recorded as having owned slaves, 
some of whom they manumitted from time to time. Thus Father 
Turgot, Vicar-General of Illinois, freed three slaves belonging to the 
mission, to- wit : Apollon, a negro man of sixty years, who it would 
seem should have had some doubt as to the true motive of his clerical 
master, but for the fact that his wife "Jeanette, aged thirty-eight 
years and a child, aged three and one half years, named Anselmo" 
were also manumitted at the same time. Father Ledru, missionary 
curate, freed his negress Reichelle (Rachel) aged twenty-six years, 
for the price he paid M. Reihle for her, a liberality apparently that 
did not cost the pious Father much. But Father Gibault mournfully 
remarks that he was compelled by want to sell his two slaves, who 
he said could have supported him in his old age. 

The French-Canadian inhabitants of the country before the ac- 
quisition of Louisiana, were all practically engaged in the fur trade in 
one way or another. Piernas in 1769 says in his report: "The 
sole and universal trade consists in furs." French fur-traders 
visited the Missouri and Osages in 1689.* Penetrating from Quebec 
and Montreal into the far interior in search of furs, in early days, 
these voyageurSy and coureur des boisy dazzled the savages in their 

*• Billon's Annals of St. Louis, p. 417. 

^ I Billon's Annals of St. Louis, p. 102. 

" New Madrid Archives, vol. 2. 

* 64 Jesuit Relations, p. 169 (Burrow's Ed.), 


villages with the glittering trinkets in their packs, no less than by 
the knives, awls, hatchets, kettles, gaudy calicos, ribbons, gay red 
blankets and other European commodities, perhaps until then never 
seen by them. Quickly they exchanged these articles for furs, re- 
tiuning with their canoes loaded with rich cargoes* They were forest 
peddlers, not hunters. For the enormous prohts resulting from this 
trade, they endured the hardships and perils incident to traveling 
through unknown countries, and unexplored forests. To secure furs, 
the paddles of their canoes first disturbed the waters of unknown 
lakes and rivers. In this business they followed the Indians, and 
joined them on their hunting excursions. They were the middle- 
men traders between the Indians and the comparatively well-to-do 
merchants of the villages. From these merchants they received, on 
credit, the articles needed in the trade, knives, awls and kettles, hat- 
chets, guns, amunition, tobacco, calico, blankets, beads and trinkets. 
At a later date setting out from Kaskaskia, Ste. Genevieve, St. Louis, 
New Madrid and other points on the Mississippi in companies of 
two, three, or four, usually in canoes, they travelled up and down the 
tributaries of this great river, but often went directly across the country 
to the head- waters of the Arkansas, Maramec, Gasconade or Osage, 
and streams beyond, with packs on their backs or on ponies, to trade 
in some interior Indian village. Merchants like Viviat, Datchurut 
or Lambert dit Lafleur, of Ste. Genevieve, Laclede, Chouteau, Cerr^, 
Robidoux, Lisa, Perrault, Martigny, Clamogran and others of St. 
Louis thus supplied with merchandise such forest traders as Francois 
Marc, Thomas Benir, Sans Chargrin, Claude Rousell dit Sans Souci, 
Pierre Oliver dit Bellepeche, De Coigne, Tous Gaillard, Muslin 
Barb, Du Chemin, Anti Regis, La MarguUier, Martin, the Spaniard, 
Azeau dit Berthoud, Sans Quartier, Langlois dit Rondeau, Blanchette 
la Chasseur, the first settler of St. Charles (Petite C6tes), and many 
others. Of these, some were descendants of the original French 
pioneers of Canada who had intermarried with the Indians, and hence 
had at once something of the wild, untamed and roving disposition 
of the savages united with the innate politeness and courtesy of the 
Frenchman. Peculiar it is, that nearly all these forest traders seem 
to be known by nick-names, showing that in true Indian fashion they 
had acquired and become known by some sobriquet.'® These 

*' It may interest some readers to glance over the nick-names of some of 
the French pioneers, and of a few of the first American settlers among them, 
alphabetically arranged: Francois Aubuchon dit Morelles; Joseph Aubuchon 
dit Yoche; Guillaume Agnet dit Sansquartier, Antoine Bricot dit Lamarche; 


French-Canadian traders, especially when they brought casks of 
brandy and rum, were always welcome, their good cheer, jovial dis- 
position and kindness of heart rejoicing their savage hosts. 

But in the history of the French fur trade it was soon found that the 

Joseph Bodion dit L'Habitant; Nicholas Beaugenou dit Fifi; Nicholas Boyer 
dit Cola; Louis Bienvenue dit Delisle; Francois Bienvenue dit DeLisle; 
Francois Bernard dit L'European; Bravier dit Ciril; Alexander Bulner dit 
Burton ; Charles Bergand dit Jean Louis ; Antoine Barada dit Bardo ; William 
Burch dit Burts; Jean Baptiste Beauvais dit St. Jeme; Charles Boyer dit 
Laffond; Jean Baptiste Berton dit St. Martin. 

Gabriel Caillot dit Lachance ; Rina Coullard dit Depray ; Francois Godin 
dit Chatouiller; Joseph Constant dit Laramie; Carlos Charrion dit Jean Rion; 
John Comparios dit Gascon; Jacque Coutue dit Chatoyer; (or Jacque Cottc; 
dit ChatoiUu) ; Joseph Chauvin dit Charleville ; Jean Comparios dit LaPierre 
Francois Comeau dit Martigny. 

Jean Baptiste Douval (Duval) dit Degrosillier; Jean Baptiste Douchou- 
quette dif Lami, Lamy or Larme ; Baptiste Deroche (Deroksi) dit Canadian ; 
Francois Dunegant dit Beaurosier; Francois Derouse dit St. Pierre; Joseph 
Doublewye dit Deblois; Francois Desalle dit Cayolle ; Toussaint Dechamp dit 
Hunot; Frangois Delauriere dit Normandeau; Andre De Guire dit La Rose. 

Francois Fostin dit Parent ; Fleury dit Grenier. Jean Ferland dit Deloriers ; 
Pierre Come dit Lajeunesse. 

Nicholas Gay dit Gravois or Gravier; Alexander Grimo (Grimaux) dit 
Charpentier; Louis Guitard dit LaGrandeur; Pierre Guerette dit Dumont; 
Baptiste Grebour (Erebour) dit Maturin; Joseph Gerard (Gerau or Gerar) dit 

Megar; William Girouard dit Giroux; Grassard dit GrifiFord; Pierre 

Gautier dit Sans Quartier; Louise dit Heloise Guyol; Andre Godair dit 
Tagarouche ; Henry Gross dit Groves ; Philibert Gagnon dit Laurent. 

Jean B. Hubert (Herbert) dit Lacroix; Charles Hebert dit Cadien; Bazil 
Hebert dit Deshomet; Nicolas Hebert dit Lecompte; Robert Hunter dit 
Polite Robar ; Hebert dit Berry Tabeau ; John Hilderbrand dit Albrane ; Jo- ^ 
seph Alvarez Hortes dit Ortis; Jean Baptiste Hebert dit Foumier. 

Louis Lambert dit Lafleur ; Pierre Lupien dit Baron ; Louis Lasouse (La- 
source) dit Moreau; Louis LeToumeau dit Lafleur; Joseph Labadic dit St., 
Pierre; Richelet Langelier dit Langeliervoles; Laurent Lerouge (Rouge) dit 
Gagnon ; Louis LaffeHer dit Tasmin ; Marion Laroche dit Dubreuil ; Nicholas 
Laplante dit Plante. 

Kierq Marcheteau dit Des Noyer; Charles McLain dit English; Jean Bap- 
tiste Maurice dit Chatillon; Joseph Mainville dit Duchene; Joseph Monmirel 
dit Durant; William McHugn, senior, dit McGue; Daniel McKay, dit Mackay; 
Anthony Meloche dit Hibemois; Moreau dit Parent. 

Jacque Noise dit Labbe. 

Oliver dit Bellepeche. 

Michael Placit dit Michau ; Pierre Payant dit St. Ange ; Joseph Papin dit 
LaChance; Antoine Peltier dit Morin; Amable Partenais dit Magon; Conrad 
dit Leonard Price ; Paul Portneuf dit Laderoute ; Jeremiah Paynish dit Boining ; 
Pierre Porier (Poierrier) dit Desloge ; Eugene Poure dit Beausoliel. 

Pierre Quebec dit Violet; Pierre Querez dit LaTulipe. 

Antoine Roussell dit Sans Souci ; Jean Baptiste Rouillier dit Bouche ; 

Rapieux dit Lamere; Jean Baptiste Riviere dit Baccane; John P. Roy dit 
Lapense; Antoine Roy dit Desjardin; Julien Ratte dit Labriere; Michael 
Rolette dit Laderoute; Louis Rogers dit Indian Rogers; Alexander Langlois 
dit Rondeau ; Joseph Reindeau dit Joachim. 

John Stewart dit Tuckahoe ; Lambert Salle dit La Joye ; George Sip dit 
Sheepe; James Stephen dit Stephenson; Francois St. Marie dit Bouroon; 
Joseph Saurin (Sorin) dit Larochelle. 

Pierre Toumat dit Lajoy ; Louis Tiblon dit Petit Blanc ; Gregoire Tessero 


lawlessness of these forest traders was so great as to call loudly for 
redress. They paid little attention to the rules and regulations pro- 
mulgated by the government, and, over the protest of the Jesuit 
missionaries, introduced brandy and rum into the Indian villages, 
thus quickly demoralizing the Indians.** Far from the seat of gov- 
ernment and authority many of these traders in the woods, learned 
to defy the regulations for the fur trade established by law, and 
often carried on business denounced as illegal and contraband 
with the English traders. In fact all the finer skins went to Canada, 
because these English traders paid better prices than the French 
at New Orleans.'* On their hunts, together with their Indian 
friends, they ranged the woods, lakes and streams, and generally met 
the illicit English traders in some central Indian village and 
exchanged their furs and peltry for the new guns, powder, 
blankets, traps, awls, rivets, camp kettles, hatchets so necessary to 
them, and for glass pearls, and silver rings to bestow on their fa- 
vorite Indian mistresses. Although not addicted to drunkenness, no 
inconsiderable portion of their hard-earned gains was expended for 
ardent spirits. Many learned to regard civilized life as an unbear- 
able restraint. The liberty of the wilderness became for them a 
sweet and joyous existence. Many established some sort of marital 
relation with some one or more of the Indian women of the Indian 
tribes where they spent their winters, often becoming wedded in the 
Indian fashion, to the daughter of some Indian chief, and then 
passed through life as semi-barbarians with a brood of young bar- 
barians growing up around them. 

They affected, too, the manners and fashions of their barbarous 
friends^ and on occasion arrayed themselves in the Indian habiliments 
of war, not disdaining to bedaub their features with grease, vermilion 
and ochre, thus to gain influence among the warriors or to win the 
admiration of some native nymph. Nor were they too good to engage 

dit Bebe; Lewis Tash dit Eustache; Margaret Tash dit Eustache; Tesserot 
4 dit Teporot; Michael Tisson dit Honore ; Francois Thibeault dit Liberge ; J. B. 
Thomure dit La Source. 

Antoine Vachard dit L'Ardoise; Charles Vachard dit Creol L'Ardoisc; 
Rudolph Variat dit Rody; Jean Baptiste Vieo dit Noel; John Vallet dit Bour- 
bonne; Jean Viot dit Gascon ; Antoine Vachard dit Mimi L'Ardoise ; Francois 
Vachette dit St. Antoine. 

John Whitesides dit Juan Wedsay. 

We also occasionally find names evidently assumed as: Jos. Sansfa^on, 
Peter LaBombard ; Louis Sojourner; Gabriel Latrail ; Pierre Quebeck. 

•* i6 Wisconsin Historical Collections, p. 359. 

" Duvallon'% Louisiana, p. 141. (New York, 1806). 


in scalping expeditions against other and distant hostile tribes. It 
was said, by the Jesuits, that "wherever French and savage come 
together there is an open hell." 

After months of such a life of barbaric pleasure and hardship, 
danger and toil, having disposed of their merchandise, at " very great 
profit " " with their canoes and pirogues heavily loaded with furs, the/ 
returned home. The traders who started out with their packs by 
land, generally returned by water in canoes from the head-waters of 
the streams where they traded. Such trading expeditions would 
consume sometimes a year, more frequently two or three years. On 
arrival at the village or fort, these adventurers made a full settlement 
with their merchants, and after that, often in a day or two, many of 
them scattered and squandered all that had been so laboriously 
earned.'* Then with a new pack of merchandise or under a new 
engagement they returned again to the forest, to gather again, and 
then again to squander, if so fortunate as to escape the many perik 
besetting their paths.* Such forest traders or engagSs were scarcely 
ever satisfied to remain away from the wilderness and its wild and 
illimitable freedom. Many finally perished there by hunger, fatigue, 
exposure, the sting of the serpent, the fangs of a wild beast, a fall from 
a precipice, in a treacherous stream or lake, or even by assassination 
from ambush, by a rival anxious thus to obtain a pack of furs. 

To the wild fur-bearing animals of the forest, this fur trade was 
especially destructive. Prior to the advent of the European, wild 
animals were only hunted by the Indians for food and clothing. As 
the country was but thinly inhabited, and the wants of a barbarous 
people few and simple, these animals increased in numbers. After 
the advent of the Europeans, furs were to the Indians a means of 
exchange. To secure furs, i. e. money, they laboriously and diligent- 
ly hunted the lordly buffalo, and snared the beaver, the otter, bear, 
mink, and musk-rat. Farther and farther they wandered into the 
wilderness in order to secure this precious currency, the only means 
with which they could secure the coveted European goods. To illus- 
trate, on one occassion after the Louisiana purchase, and before the 

* Words of Picmas in report dated Oct. 3, 1769. 

** *'They quickly waste whatever they gain in revelling and scandalous 
chambering as is notorious." — Report of Piemas, Oct. 30, 1769. 

'* "And although they have not at times the means for their subsistence 
and vices, as they mid men to back them, who will supply them on account 
of the future trade, they come out on top and always live in idleness, although 
it is known that they corrupt the native youth by their evil example.'' — ^Report 
of Piemas, Oct. 30, 1769. 


war of 1812, the Saukee and Renard Indians made a drive hunt in 
northern Missouri, the squaws as well as warriors turning out en 
masse, all starting at a given point and separating about an equal dis- 
tance apart, marched forward, thus concentrating the game within 
this line and on that day alone killed seven hundred deer * Thus 
all devouring commercial greed soon made the woods tenantless so 
far as the most valuable and precious fur-bearing animals were 
concerned, although at times the over-stocked French fur com- 
panies made an effort to check the supply of beaver skins.*' But 
the fear of competition of the English traders always defeated such 
schemes. For in case the French did not buy from the Indians, the 
English not being subject to tax of one fourth in kind, were ever ready 
to buy and pay a better price. 

The profits of the traders were usually large. An average profit 
of one hundred percent on goods sent out, by no means represented 
the whole gain, because the merchandise going out was valued at its 
selling price at the post from which it was sent, while the furs were 
valued at the price current at the post where they were purchased. 
For instance, red cloth might sell at Ste. Genevieve or St. Louis or 
New Madrid at four shillings, or one dollar, per yard, including freight 
although actually it cost the merchant at the post not more than one 
half that sum, yet this cloth when sold to the Indian would bring two 
dollars or even more. On the other hand, the beaver skins or furs 
with which the Indian paid for such cloth, would be valued at perhaps 
two dollars at the post, but they would fetch in London, five or ten 
times as much. Stoddard estimated the value of the fur trade of 
upper Louisiana for fifteen successive years before the cession, 
amounted to about $200,000 per annum, and that this trade annually 
yielded the traders a profit of over $55,000, which he justly observes 
to be a large sum considering the scanty population."* 

The French as well as the Spaniards jealously aimed to protect this 
trade. Under the dominion of the former, the fur trade was a monop- 
oly granted to individuals or to traders, a certain percentage of the 
profit to be paid by the grantees to the government as a tax ; but under 
the Spanish dominion all subjects, theoretically, were allowed to trade 
with the Indians without discrimination. In the beginning of the 
iSth century, the fur trade was a source of constant friction between the 

*• Draper's Notes, vol. 23, p. 65 et seq. 

"16 Wisconsin Historical Collection, p. 209. 

^ Stoddard's Louisiana, p. 297. 


French and English colonies. The invasion of the French territory 
by English traders, led to the French-English colonial war, and caus- 
ed finally, the destruction of the French-American colonial empire. 
Under the Spanish dominion all foreigners were rigorously excluded 
from participating in the benefits of the Indian trade. The Canadian 
traders, aftet the English acquired Canada, grievously lamented that 
they were excluded from the fur trade in the Spanish territory west of 
the river. Lieutenant Frazier, stationed at Fort de Chartres in 1768, 
says that the English traders can undersell the French at least 25 per 
cent; he says that the Spanish conmiandants always shared in the 
profits of the traders and that there can be no real peace while the 
French are rivals in the trade; that the Spanish officers make "eter- 
nal professions of friendship and good offices with every English- 
man with whom they have the least intercourse, but their double 
manner of acting should put us on guard."" He complains also that 
the traders from New Orleans trade in the English Illinois and that 
they "are in general, most uncon.scientious rascals'' and who make it 
"their interest to debauch from us the Indians and to foment trou- 
ble;" but after his arrival, the New Orleans Company, he says, "con- 
fined their conmierce in the Missouri river. " Private traders " are 
permitted" he says "to go everywhere" and come to the English 
side and particularly trade on the Illinois river. The temptation, on 
the other hand, of the English-French Canadians to poach, as it were, 
in the Spanish territory stretching to the Rocky mountains, for furs, 
was almost irresistible. The country was a wilderness of vast extent, 
and the savages being friendly, the chances of capture, were doubtful 
and remote. Occasionally however, a French-Canadian trader 
like Ducharme was entrapped in the Spanish territory, losing his 
goods, and barely escaping with his life.*® 

The first French grant of a trading privilege on the Missouri was 
made, as we have seen, in 1744 by Governor de Vaudreuil to Joseph 
Lefebvre des Bruisseau, and it is likely that of the fort he erected 

* 2 Indiana Historical Publications, p. 413. 

^ This Ducharme's invasion into the Spanish territory is also mentioned in 
Rivington's "New York Gazette," September 9, 1 770, where it is said that Duchar- 
me "was hardy enough to proceed up that river(Missouri) in direct opposition to the 
orders of the Spani^ Commandant on the Illinois; that his trading and supply- 
ing the Indians occasioned the Spanish no little trouble, and which caused them 
to waylay him and take his pelUy, besides wounding him in the thigh, but he 
esca{>ed to the English shore." — 26 Drapei's Collection (Clark MSS.)- No. 
15. Ducharme's Island located according to Cerr^ about 20 miles above Jeffer- 
son city. Also supposed to be Loutre Idand. 


Baron de Portneuf was commandant in 1752.^^ Under the Spanish 
regulations no monopoly of the Indian trade was authorized. 
But the Spanish officials granted to certain traders the exclusive 
license to trade in certain districts and with a certain tribe — the 
license being usually given to the trader who would pay the com- 
mandant or Lieutenant-Governor the largest price. "These exclu- 
sive permissions to individuals varied as to the extent of country, or 
nations it embraced, and the period for which granted ; but in all 
cases the exclusive licenses were offered to the highest bidder and 
consequently the sums paid by the individual purchasing, were quite 
as much as the trade would bear, and in many instances, from a 
spirit of opposition between contending applicants, much more was 
given than ever the profits of the traffic would justify."** In such 
cases, of course, the individual became bankrupt. 

In the districts thus purchased these traders enjoyed the protec- 
tion of the government officials and the exclusive trade. When 
these territorial limits were changed, or privileges taken away, 
no little feeling and antagonism was created. Thus the Chouteaus 
had the trade with the Osages, until the Spanish authorities gave it to 
Manuel de Lisa, and then the Chouteaus caused some of the Osages 
to leave their villages on the Osage river, and move to the Arkansas. 
The trade with Poncas was granted to Juan Munier,** because he 

** Wallace's History of Illinois and Louisiana, p. 311. — Gayarre's Louis- 
iana French Domination — vol. a, p. 23-24. As to the extent of the French 
tnuling operations, note Voyage des Freres Mallet avec six autre Francais in 6 
Margry, in 1 739-1 740, p. 455. As to this fort on the Missouri, see Bossu's 
Nouveaux Voyages, vol. i, p. 157 (Amsterdam Edition, 1769). 

*' Lewis' Observations and Reflections on upper Louisiana, Original Jour- 
nals Lewis & Clark, vol. 7, p. 369 (Thwaites* Ed.). Bradbury who visited upper 
Louisiana shortly ijter the cession thinks, that the political circumstances under 
which the country was placed during the Spanish dominion precluded the possi- 
bility of prosperity. He says that the Governors were petty tyrants, who con- 
sidered their positions simply a means to aggrandize ana enrich themselves and 
that the interest of the colony was with them only a ''remote consideration," 
that the most depressing reg^ulations were made to shackle the internal trade of 
the country, that no man could sell the smallest article, not even a row of pins, 
without a license and that those licenses were sold by them at an extravagant 
rate, that a straneer coming into the province, offering to sell goods at a reasonable 
rate was arrested and his goods confiscated, that all favors from the command- 
ants, such as grants of land, could only be obtained by bribery, and that these 
officers defrauded their own government, that for instance, a little triangular 
fort above St. Louis, was paid for by grants of land, but that the Governor made 
a claim for a large amount against his government for the work and collected 
the amount. Bradbury's Travels, p. 284. 

^ This name is given as Juan Munie in the Spanish Archives, but evidently 
is Jean Munier, of Kaskaskia, where he rendered military service. Proi>ably 
removed to St. Louis after the conquest of Illinois, like so many other French 
inhabitants of the eastern Illinois country. 


first discovered this tribe in 1789. So also the exclusive trade on 
the upper Missouri was granted in 1794 to the Spanish Com- 
mercial Company, of which Clamorgan was director, for a 
period of ten years, in order to exclude the English traders from 
that territory. Lorimier seems to have enjoyed the trade of the 
Shawnees and Delawares west of Cape Girardeau, as far as the 

When the settlements on the Mississippi, at Ste. Genevieve, St. 
Louis and St. Charles were first established, the Indians brought their 
furs to these posts, and it was not necessary to take goods into the 
country for them. When other posts were established in the upper 
country, the Indians ceased to come to these posts, and the fur traders 
on the river either had to send goods up to them or go out of business. 
Under this system, the traders of upper Louisiana would send 
out, directly, agents to trade with the Indians. A contract between 
such an agent, Alexander Langlois dit Rondeau, and one Antoine 
Hubert, merchant in St. Louis, is now not without interest : 

''Before the Royal notary in Illinois in the presence of hereinafter named 
witnesses, was present in person Alexander Langlois, a traveling trader living 
at the post of St. Louis, who, by these presents, voluntarily binds himself to Mr. 
Antoine Hubert, merchant, residing at the post of St. Louis, to go up for him, as his 
clerk, to the post of the Little Osages to trade, at that place, his goods to the Indians, 
and manage his business, and do all for the advantage of said Mr. Hubert. 
Said Mr. Langlois promises to conduct said boat, and bring her back after 
said trade is over, as also the peltries he may have acquired and give all the care 
to avoid loss or damage to said Mr. Hubert ; and will start from said post of St. 
Louis at the first requisition of said Mr. Hubert. This agreement is made for 
the sum of eight hundred livres in peltries, deer-skins, or beaver, at the current 
price of the same at this post, which they will establish on the peltries of this 
trade at his arrival at St. Louis. It is also agreed that in case said Langlois 
will take a negro in place of said sum of eight hundred livres in peltries, said 
Mr. Hubert obligates himself to deliver him one on the arrival of the convoy from 
New Orleans in the next spring, said negro to be sound and free from all disease, 
in which case the said Langlois will repay to Mr. Hubert said sum of eight 
hundred livres in the same manner in peltries. 

"And said Langlois is free to manage the said Hubert's business as he may 
think best, promising the said Mr. Hubert to do the best he can for him. All 
the foregoing has been agreed to at the post of St. Louis, in the house of Mr. 
Hubert in the year 1768, the 14th of August, in the presence of Mr. Chauvin, 
merchant, and Joseph Blondeau, trader, witnesses, who have, with said Hubert 
and said notary, signed these presents after being read, the said Langlois declar- 
ing he did not know how to write."** 

**In this case Langlois afterward, by arbitration, lost his compensation 
agreed upon, because he did not faithfully comply with his agreement. 


When the agent served for a given compensation as in this instance, 
he was called an engagi. When the trade assumed this character a 
greater variety of goods was forwarded to the Indian villages, and 
larger means were employed in the trade. Often forts and store- 
houses were established in the Indian country. These agents thus 
supplied with every kind of goods demanded by the Indian trade, 
generally made their long, toilsome and dangerous journey in canoes 
and pirogues or batteaus up the Mississippi and Missouri, and the 
numerous tributaries of these great rivers, and established themselves 
in trading houses at some convenient point. From time to time 
they would send down rich cargos of furs, remaining themselves some- 
times for years in the Indian country — visited occasionally, perhaps, 
by their principals. At the trading houses the Indians would 
annually gather to sell their furs. From these posts hunters and 
trappers were sent out to follow and trade with the Indians, and 
successively other posts, or trading posts were established farther up 
the stream or farther in the interior. 

Thus the Chouteaus established Fort Carondelet on the Osage 
in 1794, as well as to secure from the Spanish officials the exclusive 
trade with the Osage Indians. The fort was erected "upon a hill 
which dominates all the vast plain in which the Osages dwell, " says 
Carondelet in his letter to the Duke of Alcudia. Trudeau, who 
conducted an expedition for the Spanish Conmiercial Company, 
established a fort and trading place, in 1796, on the upper Missouri 
which became known as " Trudeau's House, " not far from the present 
Fort Randall. Regis Loisel,^ in 1800, had a trading house at a place 
which became known as " Fort aux Cedres, " from the fact that it was 
built out of cedar logs. He received a grant of 150,000 arpens from 
DeLassus at this point, a grant he afterwards assigned to Clamorgan 
and which was never confirmed. One, Cruzat, in 1802, had a post 
near the site of Council Bluffs. Near Omaha in 1796, Mackay estab- 
lished a trading post which .became known as "San Carlos," Mackay 
also^ conducting an expedition for the Spanish Commercial Com- 

** This "Fort aux Cedars" was a four bastioned fort — which according to 
Chouteau, Loisel began to build in 1800. This Regis or Registre Loisel, was a 
native of Canada — in 1793 he came to St. Louis, where he married Helene — 
a daughter of Jacque Chauvin. In 1804 he made a report to DeLassus, 
of the extent of the boundary claim advanced by the Americans after 
the cession — and offered his "good services as a faithful vassal** to the 
Spanish government. He died in New Orleans in Oct. 1804. One of his 
sons — Regis Loisel, Jr., — became a priest and took up his residence at 


FORTS as3 

pany. Lisa," in 1808, built a trading post on the Big Horn. Chou- 
teau's Post was another trading place, three miles below the mouth of 
the Kansas river. Jos. Robidoux had a post near the present St. 
Joseph, a locality known in early 
times as the " Blacksnake Hills." 
In 1819 Chouteau, Robidoux, 
Berthold and Papin had a trad- 
ing house at the mouth of the 
Nish-na-botna and Pratte and 
Vasquez a similar establishment 
above Council Bluffs. Crooks 
and McClelland had a post in 
1810 near Bellevue. Lisa, in 
1813, built Fort Lisa five or six 
miles below CouncU Bluffs. In 

this way, from time to time, forts and trading places were founded 
to exploit the fur trade in all the vast region stretching westward to 
the Rocky Mountains. 

No doubt the heavy charges made by the Spanish officials for the 
privilege of trading with the Indians caused much of the trade to fall 
into the hands of the English traders. Then, too, the greater enter- 
prise of the Hudson Bay Company and the Northwestern Company 
and the cheaper and better goods furnished the Indians by these com- 
panies attracted the trade, and caused a great loss to the Spanish 
trade. Lewis says that from the Spanish system much evil resulted to the 
Indian, that he was compelled to pay enormous prices to Spanish 
traders for the articles he purchased from them, and that the greatest 
exertions he could make would not enable him to secure tfiose things 
which had become necessary to him ; that the Spanish officials gener- 
ally became more exorbitant in their demands, the traders conse- 
quently raising the price higher, although the fur bearing animals 
became scarcer, and that finally the Indians, seeing they could not 
buy in many instances, took by force the things they considered 

'* Manuel Lisa or De Lisa, bom in New Orleans in 1771, wasoneof the most 
enterprising and conspicuous of the Indian traders and merchants of St. Louis. 
He was a man o[ restless energy and wonderful enterprise. His father was 
Chrisioval De Lisa, who came to Louisiana whetf the Spaniards look possession 
of the province, it is said, from South America, Manuel Lisa came to upper 
Louisiana in about 1790 and at first settled and traded in the New Mailrid 
region and on the Wabash in partnership with Vigo. Then he moved to St. 
Louis — although the date is not precisely knonn, but in 1704 when the Spanish 
Commerdal Company was organized by Tnideau be was evidently not a resident 


necessary to themselves. This led to a loss of much of the Indian 
trade in upper Louisiana, on the Des Moines, St. Peter's, and almost 
to the banks of the Missouri, and which was thus diverted to 
the British merchants, who were selling cheaper and better goods. 
Shortly before the purchase, some of the Indian tribes of these 
upper rivers would lay in ambush and capture boats in their 
descent of the Missouri to St. Louis, and then compel the crews 
to load themselves with heavy burdens of the best furs and carry 
them across the country to their towns on the upper Mississippi, where 
they would dispose of them to the British traders. 

In order especially to exclude the Hudson Bay Company and the 
Northwestern Fur Company from this trade, it was proposed 
in 1796, to erect a chain of forts on the upper Missouri. Governor- 
General Carondelet agreed with the Spanish Commercial Company, 
to pay annually, a subsidy of ten thousand dollars to establish, main- 
tain and garrison these forts. But the Hudson Bay Company and 
Northwestern Fur Company were never successfully excluded from 
the upper Missouri river territory of Louisiana. To the cheapness 
and superiority alone of the goods of English manufacture sold by 
these companies, must be attributed the greater success of the Eng- 
lish fur companies, because the French traders were always per- 
sonally more popular with the Indians than the English, Scotch or 
American traders, and possessed greater influence with them. Yet 
it should be observed, that the ease of access into the interior 

country by means of the great water system of the Mississippi and 

there because his name is not mentioned. In 1800 or 1801, however, his name 
is the first one to a memorial, asking that the exclusive privilege of the Commer- 
cial Company be cancelled. In 1800 he secured the exclusive trade of the Osage 
Indians — a trade the Chouteaus had enjoyed for twenty years. This caused 
a division of the tribe and some of these Indians moved from the Osage river to 
Arkansas. How Lisa secured the privilege of this trade is not known, but 
evidently in the management of the Spanish officials he then was the equal of 
the Chouteaus. But Pedro Chouteau, the Conmiandant of Fort Carondelet 
was in high favor with DeLassus and he reported to the Governor of Louisiana 
— that he was surprised to see *' the confidence which this tribe places in the 
Messrs. Chouteau, and the manner in which they get along with them" and 
**in particular Don Pedro Chouteau." The life of Lisa after the cession was 
one of incessant activity. He was the leading spirit of the first Missouri Fur 
Company in 1808, and from that time until his death constantly traded up the 
Missouri to the head waters of this great river — where he had a fort on the 
Big Horn. As Indian agent in 181 2 he rendered the U. S. conspicuous service. In 
1818 he married a dau^ter of Stephen Hempstead and a sister of Edward Hemp- 
stead. Compelled to come to St. Louis in 1820 to defend his interests against his 
numerous enemies, he was seized with an illness and died on the 12th 
of August. He was the most remarkable man among the pioneer merchants 
of St. Louis. His wife survived him fifty years and died at Galena, Illinois, 
Sept. 3, 1869, aged 87 years. 

SALT 255 

Missouri, gave the traders, then residing in the trading villages on the 
Mississippi, a great advantage and laid the foundation of St. Louis 
as a commercial metropolis. 

For a long time the fur trade represented the principal commer- 
cial activity of the country. A small trade in bear's meat and grease 
from the upper country to New Orleans was carried on. It is 
said by DuPratz, who traveled with the Indians along the St. Francois 
river in Arkansas and Missouri as early as 1745, that in the fall of the 
year merchants and traders came up from New Orleans and estab- 
lished camps along the banks of that river, to salt down bear's meat, 
and for that purpose they had huge troughs hewn out of big cotton- 
wood and poplar trees. The meat thus secured was sent by batteau 
to New Orleans. This trade in bear-meat and bear's grease was a 
comparatively important business at that time. The same business 
was also followed on White river, and to this day one of the bottoms 
along that stream is named "Oil Trough Bottom." Salted and 
dried buffalo tongue and meat, as well as the meat of other wild ani- 
mals, was also shipped by boat. Then the people of New Orleans 
and the garrison located there depended largely for their meat supply 
on salted bear's meat and grease or oil. According to Father Vivier 
in 1750, flour and pork were shipped to New Orleans from the 
Illinois country.*' Later on, bacon, salt pork and lard were exported 
from the upper Louisiana. In 1802 the Cape Girardeau district 
exported to New Orleans 371 barrels of salt pork, fourteen barrels 
of refined lard, 7000 pounds of bacon, 8675 pounds of beef, 1800 
pounds of cotton and in addition maple sugar and corn. 

To these exports from upper Louisiana should be added salt, 
manufactured on the Saline near Ste. Genevieve. In 1768 Frazier 
says, "There is a rich lead mine in that (Louisiana) colony, 
from which they get all the lead that is needed in the country, 
and the river (the Saline) from the water of which (though 
fresh to the taste) they make a sufficiency of salt for the consumption 
of the inhabitants; but these latter conveniences are, unluckily, on 
the western or Spanish side of the river. "*■ Nothing shows the im- 
portance of these salt works on this stream better than the fact that in 
1778 an expedition came from Kentucky to the mouth of the Saline 
to purchase salt, a necessity of which the settlers in Kentucky had 
been deprived since their arrival in that country. For this trip fifteen 

*' 69 Jesuit Relation, p. 213. 

^ Letter of Lt. Frazieri 2 Indiana Hist. Publications, p. 411. 


volunteers of Captain Harrod's company were selected ; this on ac- 
count of the labor and danger the expedition involved. This little 
band — of which Joseph Collins ^ who afterward gave an account 
of the expedition, was one — went down the Ohio and then up the 
Mississippi to the salt works, and securing the salt after some delay, 
returned shortly before Christmas. On their way back four hundred 
Indians were in ambush at the mouth of the Tennessee to intercept 
them, but they escaped and got the salt to the falls, from whence it was 
taken to Boonesboro, arriving there March i, 1779. 

In 1769 a village of four or five houses existed at these salt works, 
and Piemas complains that the company making the salt supplied 
the English at a lower rate than was charged the people at home. 
Francois Vall^, in 1797, had salt works on the Saline, Edward Dugan 
in 1799, and John Hawkins in 1800. Salt was manufactured exten- 
sively there by Israel Dodge and his son Henry ; and that they pushed 
this business with true American energy is shown by the fact that Ste. 
Genevieve salt was shipped by them in boats to Illinois settlements*^ 
as well as to the Big Barrens in Kentucky in 1802. Michaux, who in 
that year went far into the interior of Kentucky on his overland jour- 
ney to Charleston, South Carolina, notes that Ste. Genevieve salt 
was sold on the Cumberland river." Stoddard says that in 1804 most 
of the inhabitants on both sides of the Mississippi derived their salt 
supply, from these works, and that no small proportion of the product 
was shipped up the Ohio by boat.'* On this river and on the Cum- 
berland Ste. Genevieve salt sold at two dollars a barrel of sixty 
pounds. Michaux remarks that saline springs were abundant on 
the Cumberland river, yet the scarcity of labor such that salt could not 
be profitably manufactured. Dodge had several hundred laborers in 
his service at times working his saline, says Reynolds." Salt was 
also manufactured during the Spanish occupancy of upper Louisiana 
for local use by Cabanne west of St. Louis on the Maramec.'* 

North of the Missouri river, in 1795, Maturin Bouvet made salt 
on Salt river, but experienced a great deal of trouble with the Indians, 
who finally destroyed his establishment and killed him. On thk 
account this stream was abo known as Saline Ensanglant^ (Bloody 

*• May be a relative of Capt. Jos. Collins in New Madrid, in 1794. 

•• Reynolds' Pioneer History of Illinois, p.. 86. 

•* Michaux' Travels, p. 146. 

*' Stoddard's Louisiana, p. 411. 

" Pioneer History of Illinois, p. 112. 

^ Reynolds' Pioneer History of Illinois, p. 86. 

MILLS 257 

Saline).* It is claimed that Bouvet shipped salt from his works to 
St. Louis. When Boone and his followers settled in the so-called 
"Boonslick" country, they began to manufacture salt there, but 
for local use only, and as an article of prime necessity. 

Of course gristmills were established in various portions of upper 
Louisiana. The French located theirs in the villages, operated them 
with horses, for they were small and insignificant concerns; excepting 
however the . windmill of Motard in St. Louis, which seems to 
have been a more pretentious establishment. Chouteau too had a 
fine watermiU near the village — secured the power by damming up 
the Petite Rivifere — the dam forming the well-known Chouteau's 
mill pond where are now the St. Louis railroad yards. When the 
Americans settled in the country, they located their mills near where 
they lived, and wherever possible on water-courses, so as to secure 
cheap and ample power. Trudeau says that they all "desire to ob- 
tain good sites for mills, " and he was astonished that two small water- 
power mills were constructed by them "where no one would have 
imagined even that one could really work. "*• It is recorded that 
some of the mills located on these water-courses were repeatedly 
carried away by freshets, as for instance the gristmiU of John Stur- 
gess, located on the Plattin in tlie Ste. Genevieve district. Thomas 
Maddin began to build a mill on the upper portion of the Saline 
in 1799. George Frederick Bollinger, in the Cape Girardeau 
district, erected a more extensive mill on White Water, with a mill- 
dam built of logs and stone. Richard Jones Waters established a 
saw- and gristmill at the mouth of the bayou St. John, on the 
Mississippi river, at New Madrid in 1799, and St. Vrain in 
the same year contracted for another mill, although it does not ap- 
f>ear that it was ever built. Israel Dodge operated a mill on the 
Spring Branch near New Bourbon, originally built by Vall^ in 1793. 
William Montgomery had a saw- and flourmill on the Terre Blue, 
where this stream empties into Big river, and Jonathan Doely built 
the first gristmill on the St. Francois in 1801. Elias Coen, in 1798, had 
the first mill in Bois Brule bottom. Michael Placet in 1787 erected a 
mill in the city of Ste. Genevieve, although it is certain that other 
small mills were in operation in that village before that time. Elisha 
Herrington in 1798 built and operated a horse mill in St. Ferdinand. 
In 1798 Duquette built a windmill in St. Charles. From a part- 
nership contract made in 1793 it appears that Tardiveau and Pierre 
^ American State Papers, 2 Public Land, p. 682. Ante p. ^, 
** Trudeau's Report of 1 798, Greneral Archives of the Indies, Seville. 


Audrain were to furnish the Spanish government annually 6,000 
barrels of flour. They agreed to build a miU and baking house 
in New Madrid, and a second mill at Ste. Gene\ieve, this mill to be 
under control of Pierre DeHngny and Pierre ^lenard. The flour of 
these mills was to be marked "Social." Audrain, it was agreed, 
should buy the grain, and bufld light barges to ship the grain and 
flour in ; the biscuit bakery was to be managed by Joseph Vanden- 
benden and Pierre Tardiveau. 

But all the mills mentioned were large establishments compared 
with the corn-mills of the sectary settlers called hand-miUs, which 
consisted of two stones, the upper stone being made to revohx horizon- 
tally upon the disk of the other, a child, usually, or a woman, introdu- 
cing through a perforation of the upper stone a few grains of com at a 
time, which was thus ground into meal. A stiU more primitive way 
of making meal consisted merely in putting the com into an excava- 
tion on the top of a stump and fraying it with a pestle.*' 

The manufacture of whiskey was an important industry' after the 
Americans began to settle in the countr}'. Auguste Chouteau secured 
a concession of land on Beaver Pond (Marais Castor) in the St. Louis 
district, from DeLassus, for the purpose of procuring fuel for a dis- 
tillery, which he truthfully and ingeniously said could not be kept in 
operation without fuel. DeLassus, apparently deeply impressed with 
the importance of the matter, made a grant of wood land for the 
distinct and expressed reason that a distillery was considered ''by 
the Government as an establishment of public utility and benefit. "^ 
James Vamum in 1801 built a distiUery between the Plattin and 
Joachim and operated the establishment until 1804. Thomas Mad- 
din also operated one on the lower Aux Vase. Lieutenant-Govemor- 
Trudeau made an additional grant of land to Jeduthan Kendall 
for the purpose of enabling him to enlarge his tan-yard at Ste. Gene- 
vieve, by adding to his establishment a shoe factory and distiUer)*. 
Whether the shoe factory was established is not recorded, but it may 
almost be considered certain that the distillery was put in operation. 
On the Aux Vase, in the Ste. Genevieve district, Pascal Detchemendy 
operated a tan-yard, which he sold in 1799 to Jean Guibourd. Fran- 
cois PoiUevre in 1793 operated a tan-yard on the river Establishment, 
in the same district. 

Metallic money was scarce among the first settlers of upper Lou- 
isiana. The only coin in circulation was the now much despised 

" Long's Ezpeditioiii voL i, p. 78. 

" American State Papers, 2 Public Land, p. 532. 


Mexican dollar, which was even cut into four or eight equal parts, 
popularly called "bits," and passed as current money. The Spanish 
troops, when they were paid oflF at all, received hard Spanish milled 
dollars, coined in Mexico. Thus about twelve thousand dollars 
were put in circulation annually in upper Louisiana. This was by no 
means a sufficient supply of money for the commercial needs of the 
country even at that time. The amount so distributed quickly disap- 
peared, went to New Orleans, or was safely stored away by the French 
inhabitants for a rainy day. During the previous French dominion pa- 
per money was in circulation, and the French troops were for a time paid 
off in such currency. Concerning this early paper money the author 
of the "Present State of Louisiana" says, "Perhaps the reader will be 
glad to know what we do with our paper notes when they are much 
worn ; we sew them up, or when they are too old we carry them back 
to the treasury and get new ones, "•• and he says that even the chUdren 
"understand paper notes before they know their letters or their 
God. " However, during the period of both the French and Spanish 
regime trade was mainly carried on by barter among the early inhab- 
itants of the country, just as in the first settlements elsewhere. Furs 
were the principal currency of the pioneers, up almost to the time 
Missouri was admitted into the Union. Beaver skins generally were 
the standard of value.'® But tobacco, bees-wax, potash, maple-syrup, 
salt, feathers, bear's oil, venison, fish, wood and lead could be ex- 
changed for merchandise. All these commodities had a value meas- 
ured by the various furs of the country. Thus a pound of shaved 
deer skin of good quality represented about twice the value of a livre, 
that is to say, forty cents in our present money. A pack of deer skins 
was about one hundred pounds in weight, and the fixed price for the 
finest deer skin was what would be forty cents per pound, for me- 
dium thirty cents, and for inferior twenty cents per pound, in our 
present currency. A number of beaver skins, otter or ermine, rep- 
resented a certain number of pounds deer skin. A "pack" of the 
skins of a certain animal had a definite weight. "In 1804," says 
Stoddard, "a bundle of beaver (Castor) skins were worth one hundred 
and eighty dollars on the spot, a bundle of l3mx skins five hundred 
dollars, a bundle of otter four hundred and fifty dollars, and a bundle 
of marten three hundred dollars. A bufiFalo robe (happy times) could 

***'The Present State of Louisiana," translated by Capt. Alymer, p. 18. 
(London, 1744). 

*^27 Bancroft, p. 458. As late as i8o7,Judge J. B. C. Lucas purchased a 
residence at St. Louis from Pierre du Chouquette and wife for $600, payable in 


be bought for six dollars and a bear skin for three dollars. " Thus 
trade was carried on. The cash value of the peltr\' could be realized 
only at New Orleans. It required time and eiq)ense to take peltry- 
there, and in addition there was the danger and loss incident to a 
long voyage. Until shipped to New Orleans, these furs were care- 
fully stored in small warehouses. 

But furs were not the only currency. A "carrot" of tobacco also 
had a certain accepted value, a '^carrot" being a roll of tobacco in 
appearance of the shape of a bologna sausage, and called a "carrot " 
because resembling the root of that name. The "carrot " had a cer- 
tain weight, and was usually valued at ten livres. "Carrots" were 
sometimes prepared by boring one-half inch or one inch holes in a log 
of tough wood ; the tobacco, dampened and cured, was wedged in this 
hole tightly with a maUet and pegged ; when the plug was tight and 
tough as desired, the log was split and it was then taken out This 
' carrot " of tobacco then was used and generally accepted as a 
medium of payment or exchange. 

The effect of this peltry- currency was to greatly advance prices. 
"All commercial transactions, unless otherwise especiaUy agreed, 
are made conformable to this standard of value, and are taken 
in barter at the rate of forty cents per pound, but as they have to be 
taken to New Orleans to realize that price, there is much risk and loss ; 
so consequendy the merchant sells his goods at a charge proportionate 
to the venture he assumes. Everything sells at an enormous price, 
the result of which is that the commonest workman receives pay for 
labor at the rate of ten or twelve franks per day. " 

In an order of sale of the effects of Louis Dubreuil of New Orleans, 
ordered by Don Antonio Cruzat, "Lieutenant-Colonel of the Loub- 
iana Regiment of Infantry and Conunandant of the western portion 
of the Illinois country, " it is expressly provided that the goods sold 
should be paid for in deer skins or beaver skins at the current value, 
or in money, as the purchaser might elect, on a credit of five months, 
good security given. At the sale one hundred and six carrots of 
tobacco were sold for one hundred and ninety-two livres; a yoke of 
steers sold for three hundred and ninety-nine livres and ten sols, and 
one hundred empty bottles for thirty-nine livres, but "a lot of his- 
torical books" sold for only "ten sols." Among the early French 
and American settlers a public sale was always well attended and the 
whole neighborhood would meet on such occasions, making the day of 
sale a social reimion, women attending also and bidding for articles. 


Isolation of Early Settlers — Slow and Perilous Mode of Travel by Land — River 
Navigation — Description of a ** Keel-boat" — Perils of River Navigation — 
"Cordelling" a Boat Up-stream — Down-stream Traffic — Charm of the 
Virgin Land — ^The Early French-Canadian Inhabitants — French Frontier 
Costumes — Personal Property Highly Prized — Some Personal Estates — 
Stocks of Merchandise — Manners of Pioneer French-Canadians — Char- 
acteristic Traits — The Carnival Season — Training Given Children — 
Hospitality — Taverns and Inns — French Schools and Teachers — 
Religion — The Sabbath and Religious Festivals — Pioneer French Cookery 
— Frugality — Sobriety — Political Indifference — Pioneer Houses Described 
— Osage Indian Raids — American Immigration to Early French Settle- 
ments — Some Early English-Speaking Residents — Only Few Spanish 

It is difficult for us now to imagine the isolation of the early settle- 
ments on the upper Mississippi, situated almost in the center of the 
continent, surrounded by powerful and warlike Indian tribes. These 
settlements were more completely separated from the nearest center of 
population, if we take into consideration the hardship to be endured 
to make the journey, than the settlements and settlers in the interior 
of Africa, at Bulawayo, or those on the Congo are now separated 
from London ; or the denizens of Tashkand, or Tobolsk, from St. 
Petersburg or Berlin or Paris. The little cluster of small villages 
and settlements on the Mississippi at Kaskaskia, Fort de Chartres, 
Prairie du Rocher, and Cahokia on the east side of the river, and 
St. Charles, St. Louis, Ste. Genevieve, Cape Girardeau and New 
Madrid on the west side, were, so to speak, lost in an immense 
and what must have seemed to the inhabitants of these locali- 
ties, a boundless continent. Taking the nearest and most convenient 
water route, it required a journey of a thousand miles through a wil- 
derness to reach New Orleans and its adjacent settlements. This 
journey must be made in a pirogue on the Mississippi, bordered 
as Bossu says, with " trees which appeared as ancient as the world." * 

' Bossu's Travels, p. 33. Have not been able to find any particulars about 
Bossu. He styles himself in the title page of his '"Travels" as "Captain in the 
Marines/' but he does not give his Christian name. The preface is aated "Cape 
Francois, Feb. ik, 1751." On the title pa^ of his Nouveaux Voyages, a series of 
letters addressee to M. Douin, "Chevaher, Capitaine dansles Troupes du Roi, 
ci-'devant son comarade dans le nouveau Monde,'' published in Amsterdam in 
1772, he styles himself " Chevalier de Tordre royal et militaire de Saint Louis, 
ancien Captaine d'une Compagnie de la Marine." In a note to the preface 



Travel thence across the ocean was imperiled not only by the 
dangers of the sea, but also by the numerous buccaneers and pirates 
then infesting the southern waters. The trip by land through the 
interior meant a journey for many hundred miles on foot or horse- 
back along Indian trails and war paths, across unbridged streams 
and morasses, often over swollen creeks and rivers, at times im- 
passable for days, and through unblazed and unfrequented woods, 
to the shores of the Great Lakes or across the Alleghany mountains 
to the seashore. How far away must Quebec have seemed to the 
French habitans of Kaskaskia in 1700, and to those dwelling in Ste. 
Genevieve in 1735! How long and difficult the march to the seat 
of power on the St. Lawrence through pathless woods and prairies 
in the summer heat or on bleak winter days, when all nature was 
wrapped in ice and snow! Yet such journeys must be made. Thus, 
for instance, Gabriel Cerr^, then one of the principal merchants of 
Kaskaskia, and afterward of St. Louis, for a number of years went 
'annually to Canada. Scantily supplied with provisions the traveler 
began his toilsome march, camped at night beneath the stars or a 
cloudy sky, fortunate if in winter he could secure a small Ere and a 
dry strip of ground between it and a log to warm his limbs be- 
numbed with cold ; he counted himself doubly fortunate if able to 
kill some game and to escape the bands of roaming Indians, who, 
even if friendly, would devour his meagre substance. Or, from the 
forks of the Ohio, he might go up or down, by water, exposed to 
many perils. On such a journey down the Ohio Judge H. H. 
Brackenridge, a man famous in western Pennsylvania in his time, 
sent his little boy scarcely seven years old from Pittsburg in 1793, 
to Ste. Genevieve to learn the French language there, a fact inter- 
esting because the earliest instance of a pupil being sent to the 
Spanish country, now in Missouri, to be educated in a foreign 
language. In a canoe the boy passed down the Ohio, with shores 
then infested by ferocious Indians, to New Madrid in charge of 
J. B. C. Lucas, at that time engaged in the Indian trade. Thence 
on a pony with Lucas and a guide he traveled through the wilderness 

of these letters, it is said that Bossu served in the wars in Italy — participated in 
"diverse actions" particulary at ChAteau-Dauphin in the Alps — that he was 
wounded, being one of the first that entered the "embrasures du canon de cette 
placet qui fut emport^e d'assaut par les Brigades de Poitou et de Conti, le 19 
fuillet 1744. L'epoque de cette brillante joumde sera h, jamais memorable 
dans rhistoire de la vie S. A.S. Monseigneur le Prince de Conti et dans les fastes 
de la France." Was this Bossu, of the same family as Coimt Bossu in conmiand 
of the Dutch army in 1578 ? See Motley's Dutch Republic, vol. 3,p. 334-5. 


along an Indian trail to his place of destination, camping out in the 
forest or in Indian wigwams. Of this journey he afterward gave a 
graphic picture.' When such a journey was made on horseback, a 
supply of provisions was taken along, packed on each side of the 
horse, with a coffee-pot, tin-cup, a hatchet to cut wood and a blanket 
strapped on the saddle for bedding at night, or, as a cover in case of 

A voyage up the Mississippi in a bateau consumed months. 
Laclede's boat required four months to reach Ste. Genevieve from 
New Orleans. It took Piernas " on one of the bateaus of the king" 
from September 4th to November 26th to reach the Isles a la Course 
(Race Islands) where he was stopped by the ice, ninety miles below Ste. 
Genevieve.' DeLeyba made the trip to St. Louis in 93 days.* At a later 
date, these light bateaus were succeeded by keel-boats. In outward 
appearance they resembled a canal boat, and were constructed with 
gunwales twelve or fourteen inches thick.* The boats were often 
propelled by oars, and when the wind was favorable a sail was 
hoisted, but usually they were pulled up the river by a cordeUe 
('^little rope") fastened to the top of the mast and then passed 
through a ring, fastened by a stout rope to the bow of the craft, and 
thrown over the shoulders of men who would walk in a stooping 
position along the shore. The path along which the men walked in 
pulling the boat was called the " tow-path," and in all grants made 
by the Spanish authorities this "tow-path" was reserved to the public* 
The reason why the cordelle was attached to the mast was to 
swing the rope clear of the brush on the bank of the river, and by 
passing the rope through the ring fastened to the bow, it greatly 
assisted to guide the boat. The setting poles were ten or twelve feet 

' See Recollections of West, p. 22. 

* Report of Piernas to Gov. O'Reilly, dated Oct. 31, 1769. 

* Report of DeLeyba to Gov. Galvez, dated July i, 1778. 

* A keel-boat was a craft built on a regular model, with a keel running from 
bow to stern, and thus derived its name. From the deck, projecting about four 
or five feet, rose the cargo box, where the freight was stored, extending to within 
ten or twelve feet from each end of the boat. Occasionally also state-rooms 
were fitted up in this part of the boat when it was used for passenger travel. 
Such boats were strong and substantial and built in accordance with well settled 
principles of ship construction. 

* C Fallon vs. Doggett, 4 Mo. Francois Douchouquette in his testimony 
before Com. Hunt says, in 1825, that he lived in St. Louis forty eight years; 
that it was always understood that a tow-path was reserved along the river for 
boats, by the Spanish authorities, and that fences that interfered with this path 
were torn down. Hunt's Minutes, vol. i, p. 160, of copy of Missouri Historical 


long, the lower end shod with iron and the upper end with a knob to 
press against the shoulders. In using these, when the water was of 
sufficient depth, the men placed themselves in single file on the narrow 
gunwale on each side of the deck near the bow, with their faces toward 
the stern, their heads bent low, planting their poles on the river 
bottom pointing down stream, and as the boat moved ahead they 
walked toward the stern on the gunwales on each side of the cargo 
box; and as the one in front reached the end of the gunwales he 
would turn about, pass the others and take his position in the rear. 
Sometimes the men on the gunwale would drop the setting-poles and 
catch the limbs and brush along the shore and thus drag ahead; 
this, says Peck, was called "bush-whacking." A long heavy oar 
with a wide blade was attached to the stern, and moved on a pivot, 
which the pilot or captain managed while standing on the roof, or 
deck, or cargo box, as it was variously called.^ 

The perils of this slow and laborious navigation were neither 
slight nor inconsiderable. Sometimes, at night, the boats would 
break from their moorings, the small trees and saplings yielding to 
the strain while the navigators were asleep or inattentive ; then they 
would silently drift down the stream, a distance greater than had been 
laboriously covered on the previous day. At times, too, trees would 
unexpectedly fall into the stream, wrecking or imp)eriling the boat. 
On the Ohio, boatmen would often run on rocks and gravel bars, 
especially when the river was falling rapidly, and it required incredible 
labor to get the boat safely out of such a situation. Every mile or 
two there was what the French boatmen called an " embarrasy^ that 
is, rafts often extending out twenty or thirty yards, and here the 
current, vexed bv thi*^ interruption, would rush around with preat 
violence. Then, too, to pass around enormous trees often over one 
hundred feet long, lying in the river at right angles, with limbs out- 
stretched like long arms, and holding fast to the shore, with a foaming, 
rushing current greatly increased by such an obstruction, was a 
task of great difficulty. Sometimes, too, the wind blowing into a 
gale would drive the helpless craft to or from the shore. Their es- 
capes from such dangers seemed wonderful to those early navigators. 
Only on rare occasions could a sail be raised and the boat thus moved 
up the river. 

No employment can be imagined more laborious or dangerous 
than thus pulling a boat against the swift current of the river, 

' Life of Peck, p. 83. 



because owing to the character of the short and the numerous 
impediments the cordelle often became entangled among snags, 
sawyers, limbs of overhanging trees and sfanibs, and hence great 
dexterity was required by the leader of the cordelle. Sometimes 
the boat fell back for a distance in spite of every effort. Thus, amid 
ionamerable difficulties and painful labor, slowly the keel-boat moved 
or "worried" up the river in a manner hardly conceivable at this time. 
Ten to twelve miles a day up stream n-as a fair average distance for a 


keel-boat to make, and an average distance of eighteen miles was 
deemed worthy of record. 

A journey down the river of course did not consume as much 
time as that up stream. A trip from Pittsbui^ to Louis\-ille, ac- 
cording to Michaux, consumed 8 or 9 daj-s. In 1803, the usual 
time consumed from Louisnlle to New Orleans vras from thirty 
to thirty-five days; from St. Louis about twenty-five or thirty 
days. Many of the boats going to New Orleans were flatboats, 
called "broad-horses," huge square bottomed and square built 
crafts. These never were brought back, but were broken up 
and wrecked and the timber and material in them sold ; the 
crews, if from upper Louisiana, would return by land, or if from 
Kentucky, they would often go to New York or Philadelphia by sea. 


thence to Pittsburg and down the Ohio back home. The freight 
rate down the river by flatboat was reasonable enough. In 1802 a 
boat containing from two hundred and fifty to three hundred barrels 
of flour carried the same to New Orleans for $100.' 

Little, however, did those early settlers regard their isolated 
situation or the difficulties and perils of a journey to or from 
their homes. Many soon became charmed and fascinated by 
the boundless and apparently illimitable expanse of woods and 
prairies by which they were surrounded, and freedom from 
almost all restraint and control. To them it seemed as if they dwelt 
in a fairy land. Says Bossu, " Merchants, tradesmen and strangers, 
who live here, enjoy as it were an enchanted abode, rendered deli- 
cious by the purity of the air, the fertility of the soil and the beauty 
of the situation." For them all natiure seemed to provide ; for them 
great herds of buffalo, stag and roebuck, in the autiunn season when 
the water in the interior country began to run low, seemed to gather 
on the margin of the Mississippi and its tributary streams, so that 
with ease they could provide provisions for the inclement season of 
the year ; for them the fat bear seemed to come out of the St. Francois 
basin ; for them the fowls of the air seemed to wing their flight 
from the wintry and stormy north, to fill their neighboring 
lakes and waters ; for them the prairie hen and the turkey seemed to 
fill the land. Here, sa3rs Bossu, " the pleasures of hunting and fishing 
and all the enjo3anents of life are abundant," and on both shores of 
the Mississippi the pure and delicious waters of this river run " for 
forty leagues between a number of habitations, which formed an ele- 
gant sight on both shores,"* and then, speaking of the vast extent of 
uninhabited country, he adds, ** what a pity, that so fine a country has 
no inhabitants but brutes."*® 

These French inhabitants of Missouri bore little resemblance to 
the "gay and perhaps frivolous"Frenchmen of the age of Louis XV, 
and still less to those who participated in and " felt the racking storm 
of the revolution."" They were principally descendants of the 
French-Canadian pioneers. Driven by the disasters of the revolu- 
tion a few families also came directly from France to find a home in 

* Michauxs' Travels, p. 182. Bradbunr says that going down the Missis- 
sippi below New Madrid ne passed 24 such 

sippi below New Madrid ne passed 24 sucn flatboats going south in one day. 

* Bossu's Travelsi vol. i, p. 24. (London, 1771.) 

*'Ibid., p. 112. 

" Brackenridge's Views of Louisiana, p. 235. 


upper Louisiana. It was observed that the French Canadians spoke 
the French language with a purity remarkable, considering that they 
were separated so long from their ancestral home and from all 
literary and other intercourse with it.*' But it was observed that 
they lengthened the sound of words and thus gave the language a 
languid softness, by no means disagreeable to the listener, but devoid 
of that animation generally possessed by the French. A few words 
they added to the language, but many words were in use among them 
which had become obsolete in France, just as English words are in 
use among us which have become obsolete in England, although 
we now travel from one end of the globe to the other in a few weeks. 
Volney says that the French-Canadians at Vincennes ** spoke a 
pretty good French intermixed with military terms and phrases, 
all these settlements having been made by soldiers. " " The primitive 
stock of the settlers of Canada belonged to the Regiment Cardi- 
gan. But Collot says that the people spoke a corrupt French, 
"esp^e de jargon." ** 

Removed from the great centers of population, trade and fashion , 
these French-Canadians dressed in a peculiar fashion, as best they 
could, yet plain and simple. "The men wore a blanket coat of 
coarse cloth or coating, with a cape behind which could be thrown 
over the head, from which circumstances it was called capote." " 
Both sexes wore blue handkerchiefs on their heads, but no hats. 
They had "a strong predeliction for the blue color" says 
Reynolds. *• Moccasins or Indian sandals were used. These 
moccasins were both neat and serviceable. The dress of 
the females was generally simple, and the variety of the fashions 
few, although in good taste, but the women were dressed neater 
and better then the men. The women "caught up the French 
fashions from New Orleans and Paris" and "adopted them 
to the full extent of their means and talents". Both men 
and women were always provided with a proper and neat 

" Brackenridge's Views of Louisiana, p. 239. See also Stoddard's Louisi- 
ana, p. 330. 

** Volney 's Views, p. 353. 

** Collot's dans L'Amerique, vol. 2, 517. 

^* In 1 81 7 Nuttall describing the dress of the French-Canadians at Arkansas 
Post says, ** Blanket capeaus, moccasins and overalls of the same material, are 
here, as in Canada, the prevailing dress ; and men and women commonly wear a 
handkerchief on the head in place of hats and bonnets." — NuttalPs Arkansas, 

P- 75- 

*• Reynolds' Pioneer History of Illinois, p. 5 1 . 


dress for the church and ball room.^^ Brackenridge, who spent 
three years as a boy in Ste. Genevieve, describing M. Beauvais, 
in who^ family he lived, says that he was ^^ dressed in the costume of 
the place," that is, " with a blue handkerchief on his head, one corner 
thereof descending behind and partly covering the eel skin which 
bound his hair, and a check shirt, coarse linen pantaloons on his hips, 
and the Indian sandal or moccasin, the only covering to the feet worn 
by both sexes," and M. Beauvais was then the wealthiest man, not 
only in Ste. Genevieve, but in upper Louisiana. 

The inventory of the house-hold effects of Jacques Louis Lam- 
bert, dit Lafleur, a merchant and militia officer, a person of some 
consequence in those days, who died at Ste. Genevieve December 
26, 1 77 1, gives us a good idea of the articles of dress owned and 
of the personal property of the more wealthy early inhabitants. 
The great value in which personal property was held is indicated by 
the minuteness with which it is noted down. According to this 
inventory, Lambert died possessed of a regimental coat and 
vest, sword and belt, gun and powder-horn, gold watch worth 200 
livres, gold button, silver snuffbox, three pairs of silver buckles, 
silver cross, silver spoon, silver fork, two silver rings, hunting knife, 
two purses, two looking glasses, one hat, and an Indian pipe. 
In addition he died possessed of twenty- two shirts, twelve night 
caps, thirty handkerchiefs, six drawers, two umbrellas, two 
mattresses, one feather bed, one blanket, one coverlid, one 
bed curtain, one pillow case, three cravats, three table cloths, 
eight pair of breeches, candlestick, yard stick, brush, powder bag, 
clock, muff, capot, curling iron, plates, tureen, bottles, basket, bowl, 
pots, copper kettle, barrel, bird cage, and a lot of deer skins and other 
property. From this inventory it is also apparent that, in 1771, 
real estate was considered of little value and importance in what is 
now Missouri. A house and lot valued at 1,000 livres, or 200 dol- 
lars, was all the real property one of the richest residents of upper 
Lousiana then owned. Nor need this surprise us, for land was 
granted by the government gratuitously to all who applied for it in 
order to improve or cultivate it, and was only valuable for 
cultivation and on account of improvements made on it. The 
wealth of the inhabitants was measured by the personal property 
they possessed.^* 

^^ Reynolds' Pioneer History of Illinois, p. 52. 
** Brackenridge's Views of Tjouiriana, p. 938. 


One Jean B. Butand, dit Brindamour, who died in 1771 at the 
house of J. B. Sarpy, then a merchant at St. Louis, did not leave so 
extensive an estate as Lambert; but the articles of personal dress 
of which he died possessed, fairly indicate the value and character 
of the worldly possessions of most of the people at that time. 
Butand's effects consisted of six white shirts, two red checked 
cotton shirts, two blue cotton shirts, three pair of large cotton 
breeches, one beaufortbed sheet, two blanket capotes, a blue jacket, 
one pair of blue woolen stockings, four pairs of old shoes, six cot- 
ton handkerchiefs, one vest, one cottonade jacket, one red cloth 
vest, an old tnmk, feather bed with skin cover, one buffalo robe, 
a pillow and old couch, one old gun, one hat, seven pewter spoons 
and a plate, two iron forks, a pair of scissors, and pair of brass 

On the other hand, the inventory of the personal possessions of 
Denau Detailly, an Indian interpreter, married to an Indian squaw, 
shows how small and valueless the personal assets of the poorer classes 
of inhabitants of upper Louisiana would be considered now. When 
Detailly died, he had one old feather bed covered with skins, and 
another with ticking, four delf plates, a tin pan, shovel, seven pewter 
spoons, four iron forks, an adz and saw, an oven, table, four old chairs 
two sheets, two pairs of old cotton breeches, ragged at that ; a shirt 
worn and torn, an old blanket coat, straw hat and mittens ; and these 
assets and possessions were deemed then of sufficient importance to 
warrant the Lieutenant-Governor Perez, Don Antonio de Oro, 
officer of the garrison, and other officials to go several miles out in 
the country to cause an inventory to be made. In addition, Detailly 
had a claim for thirty-seven livres, and which was duly inventoried, 
against one Mongrain for the price of a pirogue.^ 

The stock of goods carried by the old French traders, or merchants, 
also gives us some idea of the manner in which these pioneers of Mis- 
souri were clad. From the invoices and inventories of these traders 
and merchants which have been preserved, we find that they had for 
sale, blankets, blue and red cloth, kersey jackets, blanket capotes, 
colimanco cloaks, double flannel cloaks, cotton and plain shirts, 
scarlet cloth, also ribbon, thread, pins, (each pin made by hand 
because this was before the days of machine pins), table cloths, 
cravats; and for the Indian trade, coarse white and grey Indian 

'* This Mongrain was doubtless Noel Mongrain, a half breedi nephew of 
Chevaux Blanc, the principal chief of the Osages. 


muslin, red cotton handkerchiefs, knit caps and striped caps.^^ In 
1796, however, Collot observes that about the same goods and 
merchandise find sale in upper Louisiana as in the Western 
States of the Union — although in lower Louisiana a better and 
finer grade of goods found a market.^^ 

In their manners, these early French-Canadian settlers were plain 
and simple. In ordinary deportment they were sober, sedate and 
serious, and "retained the politeness and suavity of their race" with 
" something of the gravity of the Spaniard," but happy and hilarious 
like the French inhabitants on the east side of the river, when amuse- 
ment was the business of the hour.'' But Lieutenant Frazier, for a 
time stationed at Fort de Chartres, shortly after the English took 
possession of the coimtry east of the river, speaking of some of these 
French-Canadians says, that they "are for the greatest part drunk 
every day when they can get drink to buy in the colony."" Frazier, 
however, evidently was prejudiced against the people and contradicts 
himself. For instance, referring to the fact that many of the French 
residents had removed to the west bank of the Mississippi he says, 
that the country is "well quit of them," but later on inconsistently 
adds, that "it is to be hoped that they will see now that they have 
been imposed upon and that so many will come back as will be able 
to supply our troops plentifully."'* 

These old French-Canadians had little of that restlessness, 
nervousness and impatience that distinguished their European com- 
patriots. In person, men and women were well formed, agree- 
able and pleasant in appearance, courteous, indicating a cheerful 
and serene disposition, untroubled by want, care or anxiety. Nor 
could it well be otherwise, for the necessities of life were easily 
secured, and beggary was unknown. Courtesy and politeness was 
universal even among the humblest. The children vied with each 
other to show kindness to strange children." The gentle and easy 
life they led was reflected in their manners and to a certain degree 
in the softness and mildness of their languages." Kindness was 
manifested in all their domestic relations. "The women were 

^ Scharff's History of St. Louis, p. 277. 

'* Collot's Voyagje dans L'Amerique, vol. 2, p. 273. 

** Ford's History of Illinois, p. 36. 

^ Indiana Hist. Publication, vol. 2, p. 412. 

** Ibid., p. 414. 

* Brackenridge's Recollections, p. 20. 

* Brackenridge's Views of Louisiana, p. 236. 


remarkable," says Governor Ford, who in his youth lived among 
these French pioneers, " for the grace and elegance of their manners 
and sprightliness of their conversation." '^ The wife was not the 
slave but the partner of the husband, and was so considered by law ; 
she was consulted and usually decided all affairs relating to the 
common welfare. They were faithful and affectionate wives, only 
rarely did one abandon or desert her husband. Cases of seduction 
were almost unknown. 

Honesty and punctuality characterised all their dealings. They 
spoke the truth and scrupulously carried out their bargains and those 
of their fathers. This is shown by the fact, that after the United 
States acquired Louisiana, and lands and lots had consequently in- 
creased wonderfully in value, they often ratified and confirmed the 
verbal contracts of their ancestors, although legally they could not be 
compelled to do so. Says Reynolds, " that sleepless, ferocious ambi- 
tion to acquire wealth and power which seizes on so many people of 
this day, never was known amongst the early settlers of Illinois,"" 
and we may add Missouri. They were uneasy when in debt. They 
abhorred litigation. Criminal offenses were almost unknown among 
them. "In no country," says Stoddard, "were aggravated crimes 
more rare than in Louisiana." The people were educated to obey 
the laws and the guilty were not allowed to escape with impunity. 
They had great respect for law and the constituted authorities. 
The flippant contempt with which every law is now regarded, that 
does not suit the opinion, prejudice or interest of the individual, 
was then unknown in Missouri. "Besides, the French attached 
more disgrace to punishments than any other people." * 

No caste separated the people and there was scarcely any distinc- 
tion of classes, the wealthy and more intelligent were considered more 
important, but even this manifest difference was not clearly marked. 
It was observed in New Orleans in 1804, that " they feel cordial 
and equal respect for all ranks and conditions who have good man- 
ners and deportment. 'Tis good conduct which rules with them," '® 
— and this was also true in upper Louisiana. At the balls which 
often took place on Sunday after Mass, rich and poor mingled 

^ Ford's History of Illinois, p. 37. 

'* Reynolds' Pioneer History of LoiiisianEi p. 37. 

*• Stoddard's Louisiana, p. 282. They paid great deference to ** men in 
power," not from obsequiousness, "but from habitual respect." They 
yielded obedience "without a murmur to their official superiors," p. 327. 

*• American Pioneer, vol. 2, p. 235. 


on terms of equality. As a matter of fact, nearly all these early 
French-Canadian inhabitants were connected by ties of affinity 
or consanguinity. In some places so extensive was this relation- 
ship that on account of the death of a relative at an inopportune 
time, the carnival season, the greatest occasion for festivity in those 
days, was allowed to pass cheerless and unnoticed. Otherwise 
during the carnival season, balls and dances followed each other in 
rapid succession. The children, too, were permitted to be present at 
these dances, not indeed as a place of frivolity but rather as a school 
of good manners, and here also the children of the rich and poor were 
placed on a footing of perfect equality. The only difference between 
them was a more costly, but not a cleaner or neater dress.'* The 
strictest decorum prevailed on such occasions and solemnity and 
seriousness prevailed, as at a Sunday school. Two aged discreet 
persons were chosen to presei*ve order and decorum — called Pro- 
vosts — one to select the ladies for the dance, and the other the 
gentlemen so that all could dance at their proper turn.** Thte 
children were required to be seated, and neither boisterous conduct, 
promiscuous running about, confusion or disorder was allowed. 
The dances were cotillions and reels, but the minuet was popular. 
The customs their ancestors brought from France to the New World 
gave that grace of manner to these French pioneers which distin- 
guishes the French men and women everywhere. From earliest 
infancy, even in the western wilderness, the importance of graceful 
and elegant deportment was impressed on the children. No vulgarity 
or rowdyism was tolerated and often the priest of the village 
graced by his presence these festive occasions. Such manners dis- 
tinguished these French pioneers from many of their American 
neighbors who were too often coarse and clownish in their conduct. 
Flint was much impressed by the amiability, the polish and refine- 
ment of the people of Ste. Genevieve." But all the writers do not 
give the same charming picture of the training given by the early 
French settlers to their children and of these French habitans. 
In an account of the early education of the youth of the 
French and French-Canadian settlers, one writer says: "The youth 
here are employed in hunting, fishing and pleasuring ; very few learn 
the necessary sciences, or, at best, it is what is least attended to. The 

*' Brackenridge's Recollections of the West, p. 25. 
*' Reynolds' Pioneer History of Illinois, p. 53. 
" Flint's Recollections, p. 100. • 


children,'^ even of the best sort, know how to fire a musket or shoot an 
arrow, catch fish, draw a bow, handle an oar, swim, run, dance, or 
play at cards." Strange as it may seem. General Collot contra- 
dicts what has been observed by other early travellers. He says: 
"Most of the habitans are traders, adventurers, coureurs des 
bois, rowers or soldiers, ignorant, superstitious and stubborn, but 
they endure great hardship, fatigue and privations and fear no 
danger in their enterprises, and which they prosecute to the end ; 
they have preserved the French virtue of courage but they are 
indolent, lazy and drunken and cultivate only a little land ; they 
have even forgotten the divisions of time and the months and 
when asked as to certain events answer, du temps des grandes 
eaux, des f raises, du mais ou des pommes de terre," that they 
will not change their habits or usages and when asked to enlarge 
their commerce and expand their farming operations they simply 
respond that such has been their custom and they in no wise de- 
sire to change it. He says, however, that they love France and 
speak with pride of it.* From all of which it would appear that 
General Collot was a disgruntled observer and perhaps did not 
receive as much attention as he thought he was entitled to from 
the residents of upper Louisiana. 

Hospitality was universal and " exercised as in the first ages" ^ 
and none thought of being otherwise.'^ The stranger was welcomed 
and never turned from the door. They did not believe what Palfrey, 
the distinguished New England historian, so dogmatically asserts, 
'' that hospitality is the universal virtue of a lazy and unsettled 
people." *' Taverns or public inns, however, were licensed by the 
commandants. Thus, at New Madrid Jacob Myers was licensed 
" to hold an inn and public tavern," and this privilege was granted 
him as the highest bidder "in consideration of 60 piastres payable 
in cash in the course of six months." ^ 

** Dumont's Present State of Louisiana, p. 29. This pamphlet was written 
by an officer of New Orleans, London, 1744. 

* Collot's Voyage dans L'Amerique, p. 515. Bradbury also says that they 
are much attached to the manners of their ancestors and to their practices in 
husbandry and that they cannot be induced to abandon them. Travels, p. 260. 

** Brackenridge's Views of Louisiana, p. 236 

'^ ist Niles Register, p. 214. 

" Palfrey's History of New England, vol. 3» p. 37. 

" This license was granted in 1795, at public outcry at Fort Celeste. Myers 
was the highest bidder and entered into bond with Dr. Samuel Dorsey as surety 
— in substance as follows: ist to have a house stifficiently large to entertain 
voyageurs and other persons with ^* tranquility and safety'' ; 2nd, to have on hand 


The cause of education was not so neglected as might seem.^® 
There were private schools in Ste. Genevieve, St. Louis, and 
New Madrid. The schools generally were maintained in connection 
with the church of the village, and afforded a modest ele- 
mentary instruction. To such a school in Ste. Genevieve, Bracken- 
ridge was sent by his father in 1793. Who the teacher was we do 
not now know, but the institution seems to have been under the 
supervision of the village priest. Father St. Pierre. Jean Baptiste 
Trudeau was the first teacher of a boys' school of St. Louis. He was 
born in 1748 in Canada and came to St. Louis in 1774 when about 26 
years of age. In 1781 he married Madeline LeRoy, widow of Fran- 
cois Hebert in St. Louis. Under him, all the old French residents 
received the rudiments of an education. He was a relative of Don 
Zenon Trudeau, who to show his appreciation and gratitude for the 
education given his "numerous family" by Jean Baptiste, made 
him a free gift or present of $400 in due legal form, in 1 799. This 
form was necessary, because under the Spanish law, a man could 
only give away a certain amount of his property although perfectly 
free from debt. Trudeau continued to teach school in St. Louis 
for 23 years after the cession, and died in 1827 at the age of 79 years. 
The first school for girls was established in St. Louis by Marie Josepha 
Pin^onneau dit Rigauche. Her maiden name was Payant. She 
came from New Orleans in 1777 with her husband, Ignace Pin- 
9onneau dit Rigauche, a trader, who died in 1788. Madame Pin- 
gonneau was generally known as Madame Rigauche. She opened her 
school for girls in St. Louis at the instance of Baron Carondelet, with 
whom she probably became personally acquainted in New Orleans. 

the necessary eatables and provisions; 3rd| to keep a supply of drink and strong 
liquor, not only for consiunption and use in his house, but enough "that 
the village may not be in need of it/' and this was an "essential condition/' 
and failure to have such a supply on hand of "drink and strong liquor/' for- 
feited the license; 4th, that he would not sell to any Indian savage, or to any 
slave of color, any liquor or strong drink,' and in case of violation of mis provision 
of the bond he forfeits 30 piastres as fine, and all "his liquor" and in addition, was 
liable to go 30 days to prison ; 5th, he binds himself not to sell liquor on holidays 
and Sunday during divine service, nor in the evening after the beating of the 
retraite — under a penalty of 6 piastres, and la da3rs imprisonment; 6th, agrees 
not to present any claim or l^al demand to the commandant for any unpaid 
liquor bill, on penalty "of his &mand being rejected;" 7th, agrees not to take 
pay or surety for any unpaid liquor bill from any soldier, or sailor, or from the 
son of a family under 18 years of age, nor from a slave or to accept pajrment for 
such a bill in any garment "from foot to head," or shoes or clothing belonging 
to either children or slaves, on penalty of a fine of 15 piastres and imprisonment 
of 15 days. This bond was entered into Aug. 24, 1795. 

^ Stoddard's Louisiana, p. 309. ' 


The Baron promised ber a Dumthly salary- of fifteen dcdlars, but 
ihb amouot was never paid, and in lieu, thereof, she received 
from DeLassus a grant of land of [,6oo arpens." Madame 
Rigauche died at Si. Ferdinand in 1833, aged 95 years. To hei, 
doubtless belongs the honor of having hrst established a school for 
the education of girls, west of the Mississippi — in upper Louisiana 
at least. In N'ew Madrid in 1793, Thomas Jacob was authorized 
to tealcb school. Charles Chartres in 1S03, had a pri\-ate school 
there, where English instruction was given. His terms were two 
dollars a quarter, school beginning in March and ending in No- 
vember. Other teachers in New Madrid were Louis Baby and 
Philip Duncomb. 

All the French settlers were strict and exemplary Catholics. Thus 
Madame Beauvais had some "little compunction at putting bim, 
(Brackenridge) a little heretic, in the same bed with her own cbil- . 
dren." However, (be inhabitants were far from being bigoted or 
superstitious, but as a rule they observed the discipUne of their 
church strictly, as well as the holy days of the calendar.*' Says 
Reynolds : " I do not believe that there was a more devout people 
than these primitive French."*" Some of the more intelli^nt and 
influential inhabitants of these villages, it was observed in 1S18 by 
Peck, were French liberalists and in&dels.*' Yet he remarks that 
the French universally treated all ministers of the gospel who came 
to the country, on the acquisition of Louisiana, with great courtesy. 

One thing, however, deeply disturbed the religious feeUngs of 
Peck, because with them the " Sabbath was a day of hilarity." Mass 
was attended in the morning, but in the afternoon the people 
assembled for social amusement. Brackenridge says that the Sunday 
balls of Ste. Genevieve were comparatively innocent and advises us 
particularly that M. and Mm. Beauvais were "rigid Sabbatarians." 
Even Stoddard, coming from New England, and witnessing these 
universal festivities says: "They play at billiards and other games; 
and to balls and assemblies the Sundays are particularly devoted. 
To those educated in regular and pious habits, such parties and amuse- 
ments appear unseasonable and strange, if not odious, and seem 

" American State Fspera, 3 Public Land, p. 466. 

" Brackemid^'s Views of Louisiana, p. 337. "Obstinately altached to 
(hi! Calholic religion," says Stoddard, p. 330. 

* Reynolds' Pioneera of Illin<HS, p. 51. 

**LlfeofPeck,p. SS. Bui Stoddard says, "when apprehensive of death they 
cling to it u the only anchor of their hope," p. 330. 


prophetic of some signal curse on the workers of iniquity. It must, 
however, be confessed, that the French people on those days avoid 
all intemperate and immoral excesses, and conduct themselves with 
apparent decorum. They are of opinion that there is true and unde- 
filed religion in their amusements; much more, indeed, than exists 
in certain night conferences, and obsciure meetings, in various parts 
among the tombs. When questioned relative to their gaiety on 
Sundays, they will answer that men were made for happiness, and 
that the more they are able to enjoy themselves, the more acceptable 
they are to their Creator. They are of opinion that a sullen counte- 
nance, an attention to gloomy subjects, a set form of speech and a 
stiff behavior, are much more indicative of h3rpocrisy than of religion ; 
and they have often remarked that those who practice these singular- 
ities on Sundays will most assuredly cheat and defraud their neighbors 
during the rest of the week. At the time we now describe, the greatest 
interest in religious festivals and processions was always manifest." ** 

These religious festivals and processions were admirably calcu- 
lated to divert the minds of the people from discontent with the estab- 
lished paternal despotism. Great was the excitement which such 
occasions would cause in these French settlements. The Christmas 
holidays, especially, were always splendidly celebrated. Then the 
village church was open all night, the altar illuminated with the larg- 
est wax candles the village could afford, and to the young assembled in 
the church, the sacred images on the walls, with crosses in their hands, 
lent an indescribable awe, the spectacle, appearing to them as 
though in reality what they but represented.** 

The French have always been famous for their cooking. They 
enjoyed the pleasures of the table. With the poorest French, cooking 
is an art well understo'^d.*^ They made use of many vegetables and 
prepared them " in a manner wholesome and palatable." Fried and 
roasted meats were not always on the table, neither was fat hog meat, 
hot com bread, nor cold pones, hard as a brick, as in the homes of many 
American settlers. Instead, they had soups, fricasses, salads, 
chickens, game, etc., prepared as well as by the chefs of Paris. Yet 
they were not acquainted with the use of the chum, and made their 
butter by beating the cream in a bowl or shaking it in a bottle.** 

^ Stoddard's Louisiana, p. 316. 
^ Recollections of the West, Brackenridge, p. 25. 
*^ Brackenridge's Recollections of the West, p. 21. 
^ Views of Louisiana, p. 239. 


They extracted "a syrup from a certain tree" — that is to say, they 
made maple syiup. They raised wheat and had flour, and " did 
not use Indian Com meal for bread to any great extent." Hominy 
com was raised for the voyageurs. It was bard, flinty and ripened 
early in the fall. Through the simple luxuries of their tables many 
of the Americans became enticed by the lives, habits and charms 
of the daughters of the French pioneers. The daughters like their 
mothers, were generally good and thrifty managers, and neat house- 
keepers." On the other band, only on rare occasions did a French 
settler intermarry with an American family. 

Stoddard attributes the sallow complexion and ^ckly aspects 
which characterized some of these French pioneers, "though they 
experience a good degree of health, in a great measure to the 
nature of their foods, mostly of a vegetable kind, and their 
manner of preparing it." Evidently he did not relish the French 
cuisine now so popular. But the suggestion, that the use of a vege- 
table diet caused their " sallow complexion and sickly aspect" though 
"they experienced a good degree of health," clearly shows that 
Stoddard did not know that in a new country, where the bottoms were 
covered with heavy timber and malaria necessarily prevailed 
more or less, a vegetable diet was most beneficial. These 
old French settlers were wiser than he. He also says that " they are 
temperate; they mostly limit their desires to vegetables, soups and 
coffee." This is characteristic of the French everywhere, He also 
further observes that "they are great smokers of tobacco" that this 
practice " no doubt gives a yellow tinge to their skins," and 
contradicting Gen. Collot directly, states that "ardent spirits 
are seldom used except by the most laborious class of so- 
ciety. They even dislike white wines, because they possess too 
much spirit. Clarets and other light red wines are common among 
them, and those who can afford it, are not sparing of this bever- 
age."*" They also made "a sourish wine in the Illinois country" 
which was consumed by those not able to afford imported wines. 

These French settlers were not extravagant or wasteful. It is 

■ But iee BtWement of Alvord in Ilia. Hist. Coll. vol. i, p. 13, that the 
Fimch womcD were poor, caieless and extravagant housekeepers, dtJog Vol- 
■er*! Viewi, p. 316. vo\ory quotes the apology of the Ameiicans who natural- 
\r fiiactd ill lheTi)s?es ihe FtcDcfa had suffered by the chansc of p>vcmmcnt on 
the French themselves Stoddud uys "this passion for cTeaaliness is paiticu- 
laily Fihibited 1^ Ihe wornen, who freqiKQlly esrry i( to excess." Stoddatd's 
Louisiana, p. 39 S. 

" Stoddard's Louisiana, p. 315. 


remarkable that the use of the spinning wheel and loom was 
unknown among them, and that no domestic manufacture was 
carried on in their homes." They displayed "great economy in 
their family matters, not however, because of a miserly disposition, 
nor always because of a want of means but rather as the result 
of a conviction that their constitutions" required it. They readily 
sacrificed "what may be termed luxury for the preservation of 
health." They seldom contracted the diseases that are the result 
of excess. Nor need it be thought that these statements, made 
on the authority of Stoddard, applied only to the rich or wealthier 
class of the French pioneers of Missouri. Any one will recognize 
the most salient features of French character in all the accounts 
given by early travelers of the habits and customs of the first 
French settlers in this country. It is true that the French Cana- 
dian voyageurs and coureurs des hois coming from long voyages 
or from the hunts, often freely imbibed taffia and other strong and 
intoxicating beverages, for a day or more, (and it is probable that 
Lieutenant Frazier referred to this class in his letter) but nevertheless, 
even among this class, drunkards were few. Although laboring 
hard for months and years, far up the Mississippi and Mi<^souri, 
and their hundreds of tributary streams, on their return to St. 
Louis, St. Charles and Ste. Genevieve, they quickly spent their 
earnings. Plain and simple in their wants, without guile, and gen- 
erally without ambition to acquire wealth or property, these people 
easily fell a prey to their more calculating countrymen, and the 
many Americans who, even before the Louisiana purchase, began 
to invade the country, and used this harmless and unsuspecting 
folk as tools to accomplish their purposes. They were as a class, 
neither a persistent, industrious nor money-saving people. But 
they were content and happy. 

The people were not allowed to participate in public affairs. 
Politics and politicians were unknown. The Commandant of the 
post was supposed to look after matters concerning the welfare of 
the community. The French residents generally were very ignorant 
on all such matters. Of an extremely peaceful disposition as to 
political subjects, they were also devoid of public spirit. Enterprises 
necessary to build up a country, found little support among them. 

The houses in which they lived were built of logs planted upright 

** Reynolds' Pioneer Histor)* of Illinois, p. 88; Brackenridge's Views of 
Louisiana, p. 218. 


in the ground or erected on top of a wall. Sometimes instead of posts 
they were made on a frame work, with comer posts, and studs hori- 
zontally connected with cross pieces and the intervening, spaces 
filled with stone or mortar. These houses so constructed were white 
washed. ."The French houses," says Ford, "were mostly of hewn 
timber set upright in the ground or upon plates laid upon a wall, the 
intervals between the upright pieces being tilled with slone and 
mortar. Scarcely any of the houses were more than one story high, 
with a porch on one or two sides, and sometimes all around, with low 
roofs, extending with slants of different steepness from the comb to 
the side of the lowest part of the porch. They were generally placed 
in a garden and surrounded by fruit trees, apples, cherries and peaches 
and in the village, generally each enclosure of the house or garden 
occupied a whole block or square." On the ridge of the house, or 
over the gates, one frequently saw a wooden cross." 

These long and low dwellings, when owned by the wealthier and 
more prosperous, had a chimney in the center of the house, thus divid- 
ing it into two parts, and giving a great fire place to each room. One 
end served as a dining-room, parlor and principal bed chamber ; the 
other was the kitchen. From each of these rooms, however, a small 
room was often cut off for a private chamber. But some had spacious 
halls in the centre and chimneys at both ends." While many of 
the houses had no garrets, or stairs leading to the garret, stairs being 
rare in the French villages of the time, some houses like the Vall^ 
bouse, and other houses owned by the richer habitans, had large 
garrets with dormer windows or windows at the gable end, thus 
lighting up the garrets. The furniture was simple, consisting of beds, 
looking-glasses, a table or two, some chairs and an armoire. The 
whole house was one ponderous frame, with walls often not weather- 
boarded, but spaces between the timber filled in with clay and rock 
andwhite-washed,presentinga neat and attractive appearance." Very 
few nails were used in the construction, the timbers being tenented 
and mortised and wooden pegs driven to fasten the whole structure 
together. Nails being made by hand were scarce. The roofs were 
fastened down by wooden pegs or pins. The chimney generally was 
made by planting four posts converging toward the top so that the 

"Stoddard's LouiJana, p. jaij. 

)f YaHi and other houses at Sic, Genevieve, in vol. i. p. 350, 
Also the Chouteau and other houses at 5i. Louis, pp. 48 and 60, ante. 


diameter of the chimney at the top was not more than one half as great 
as at the hearth, and the space between these posts was also filled with 
rock and mortar. But in Ste. Genevieve many of the houses of the 
wealthier class had stone chimneys with fire-places four or five feet 
wide. In such fire-places in the kitchen the culinary preparations were 
carried on. When the family owned servants, the kitchen was usually 
located in a detached building several steps from the main house. 
The house had one window of eight or ten panes of glass to each room. 
The windows opened like doors, and were protected on the outside 
by heavy, solid wooden shutters. This was a protection against the 
neighboring Indians, who in Ste. Genevieve would sometimes, when 
in an ugly mood, and half drunk, take the town.* " The insolence of 
the -other nations who came openly to their villages, the Peorias, 
Loups, Kickapoos, Chickasaws, Cherokees, etc., is inconceivable. 
They were sometimes perfect masters of the village, and excited 
general consternation. I have seen the houses on some occasions 
closed up, and the doors barred by the terrified inhabitants." ^ It 
can hardly be imagined now that such conduct would not lead to 
bloody encounters. Under such circumstances, however, well pro- 
tected windows, heavy doors and high picket fences were necessary 
it would seem. In St. Louis some of the houses of the wealthier 
residents were built out of stone. 

The better houses had spacious galleries. In such houses the 
floors were made of plank nicely jointed, but those not able to 
afford such luxury had puncheons, that is to say, heavy timber 
hewed and joined together. The joists were made out of logs hewn 
square. All timber was then sawed by hand. The houses were 
in enclosed yards, fenced off by pickets seven feet high and eight 
or ten inches in diameter, driven into the ground and sharpened 
to a point on top, but the Chouteau house in St. Louis was after- 
ward surrounded by a stone wall. The yards in front of the houses 
were small, but in the rear large, according to the wealth of the owner 
and the number of slaves owned, and the amount of stock and stable- 
room required. Beyond this enclosure large and spacious gardens 
enclosed in pickets in the same manner as the yard, were situated. 
In these gardens every variety of the finest vegetables were cultivated 
together with flowers and shrubs. There was also an orchard on one 
side filled with choicest fruit trees. Thus lived many of the richer 

** Views of Louisiana, p. 245. 

** Views of Louisiana, p. 146. 


French pioneers in their villages, far more comfortable, and relatively 
almost in elegance, as compared with the Anglo-Saxon pioneers, who 
dwelt on isolated homesteads on their land-grants. 

The first dwellings of the American settlers from Virginia and 
the Carolinas, as well as from Pennsylvania, were similar in construc- 
tion in all sections of the west. Both before and after the cession of 
Louisiana they were usually double cabins, or two distinct log pens, 
the logs being laid longitudinally upon each other eight or ten feet 
high. The log houses consisted of two single rooms with an open 
space between. This space was equal in size to one of the cabins, or 
rooms, the roof covering each of the log rooms being extended over 
this space, or hallway. Sometimes too, the roof extended over the 


walls of the houses so as to form a shed or porch in front and in the rear. 
The space between the log rooms being thus covered was left open 
as a passage-way with the bare earth as a floor, and here, in the sum- 
mer time, the family found a cool and airy retreat from the heat of the 
day. The roof was made from pole rafters, across which logs were 
laid and fastened with wooden pins, or by notches, and on these logs 
were laid clap-boards four or five feet long, and upon these three or 
four heavy logs, called " weight logs," fastened down at the ends with 
withes, holding down by their weight the clap-board roof, thus sup- 
plying the place of nails. One or two doors were cut into these 
rooms, the spaces between the logs were chinked or daubed with 
clay and a few small openings were left for light and air, or when 
glass could be procured, for windows. The floor consisted of 


puncheons laid on heavy logs. Each cabin had a broad fire-place 
built of wood and clay, or made out of rock whenever accessible. 
One cabin or room, served as a kitchen, while in the other, in the 
winter, before huge log fires, the men and boys assembled to discuss 
the news, the latest arrivals in the settlement, the exploits in the field 
or chase, the wars and rumors of wars that then were current, and 
above all, the Indians and their forays. 

In case the family owned slaves another log room, or cabin, was 
built for a kitchen, usually in the rear of the hall-way and about the 
width of the hall-way from the dwelling. Here the colored women 
did thtir work under the supervision and instruction of the mistress, 
who trained them to industry and order. The cabins of these servants 
usually, were neax'by in the same lot. The wealth, industry and enter- 
prise of an American pioneer was shown by the nimiber of his corn 
cribs, the size of his smoke house, the number of his live-stock, cattle, 
hogs and horses. Trudeau evidently speaking of poorer classes of 
French settlers observes, in 1798, that the houses of the new American 
settlers were better than the houses of Creoles and Canadians " who 
were settled in the villages thirty years ago." *^ 

The first considerable Anglo-American emigration into upper 
Louisiana dates from the visit of Colonel George Morgan in 1 788-^89, 
already mentioned. The immigrants came principally from Penn- 
sylvania and followed Colonel Israel Shreeve, Peter Light, Colonel 
Christopher Hays, — all surveyors — Captain Hulings, John Ward, 
and many others who had accompanied Morgan. That the country 
attracted them is shown by the fact that they nearly all remained, or, 
if they returned home up the Ohio, soon came back with others. In 
fact, these explorers with Morgan first spread abroad on the forks of 
the Ohio and through what was then the western portion of the 
United States, the fame of the beauty and fertility of the soil 
of what is now Missouri ; they set in motion that stream of immi- 
gration which, a few years afterwards, began to move into Louisiana 
and caused Dr. Saugrain to tell Brissot, that the Spaniards sooner or 
later would be forced to quit the Mississippi, that the Americans 
would pass it and establish themselves in Louisiana, a country which 
he said he had seen, and considered ''one of the finest countries in 
the universe." " Yet even before Morgan and his adventurers came, 

" Trudeau Report of 1798; General Archives of the Indies, Seville. 

** Brissot's New Travels, p. a6i. Brissot de Warville was a relative of 

284 fflSTORY OF ^flSSOURI 

English speaking people had settled in the colony. Thus we find 
in 1 77 1, Mathew Kennedy in Ste. Genevieve, engaged in trade * In 
the village of St. Louis, Marie Newby, the widow of John Claiborn, 
evidently an Anglo-American family or of Anglo-American descent, 
married one Philibert Gagnon in 1778, and afterward Philip Fine. 
This Fine in 1786 settled between the Maramec and the Mississippi. 
In the same year Captain John Dodge settled at New Bourbon in the 
Ste. Genevieve district not far from Kaskaskia. A family named 
''Reed" lived in St. Louis, from the foundation of the settlement 
and if they were Anglo-Americans, as the name would certainly 
indicate, must be considered the oldest English-speaking fasnily of 
upper Louisiana. Laurent Reed said that when the Indians 
attacked St. Louis in 1780, he was seventeen years old, that he had 
lived in St. Louis all his life, and that he was bom there. This latter 
statement, however, must be an error, as St. Louis was not founded 
until 1764, and if Reed was seventeen years old when the Indians 
attacked St. Louis, he was bom there before the town was settled. 
Reed evidently was mistaken as to his age. 

As early as 1774, John Helderbrand (or Hildebrand), by the 
Spaniards called "Albran," settled on the Maramec.*® In 1780, 
Pierre Chouteau went to his place to warn him and others of the 
dangers of Indian attacks and depredations. In the same year 
this Helderbrand, living on the Negro Fork of the Maramec, was 
killed by the Indians, (in 1788 according to a statement of William 
Bellew) while in the woods hunting his horses. This William Bellew, 
who was on the Maramec as early as 1 788, was probably an American 
hunter or trapper. The family of Rev. Ichabod Camp must be 
included among the earliest English-speaking residents of St. 
Louis. Dr. Camp was a clergyman of the Protestant Episcopal 
church, born in Durham, Connecticut, in 1726; he graduated at 
Yale college 1 743 ; then went to England and was ordained a priest 
by the Bishop of London in 1752 ; he returned to the United States 
in August, 1752, and commenced his ministry at Christ church, Mid- 
dleton. He was married twice, his first wife being Content Ward, 
who died in 1754. In 1757 he married Ann Oliver, who survived 
him, dying October 27, 1803 at St. Louis. The Camps came down 
the Ohio with General George Rogers "Clark on a flat-boat, but they 
did not stop at the Falls of the Ohio as most of the others did who 

"See vol. I, p. 352, note 39. 

** See his petition for land, American State Papers, 5 Public Land. 

REV. CAMP 285 

came down the Ohio at that time, but passed on to Natchez ; one of 
the daughters dying there, Rev. Camp moved up the Mississippi to 
Kaskaskia. At this place it seems he was intimately associated with 
the early American residents of Kaskaskia, such as Sjj^adrach Bond, 
Joseph Hunter (who afterward settled in the New Madrid district), 
and James Wiley. While at Kaskaskia in 1785, one of the daughters, 
Catherine, married a French-Canadian named J. B. Guion; but 
being ill-treated she returned to her father's house. This incensed 
Guion and one night while somewhat intoxicated, he went to the 
house and endeavored to force her to return to him. Rev. Camp 
stood at the door and remonstrated with him, but he drew a pbtol 
and shot Camp, and he died of the wound almost immediately, on 
April 20, 1786, and was buried at Kaskaskia. Mrs. Camp shortly 
afterward removed to St. Louis. Here she purchased property at 
the comer of what k now Spruce and Second streets. In 1791 she 
received a grant of a lot from Lieutenant-Governor Perez on Third 
and Almond streets, and in 1797, another concession from Trudeau 
of 2,600 arpens on the Rividre des Peres, at a place which at a later 
period, by reason of a spring thereon, became known as 'Xamp's 
Spring." She also owned a mill on property on the Cul de Sac 
in i8oo.** . 

James Richardson, long a deputy surveyor under Soulard, an- 
other early American settler, came to the St. Loub dfetrict in 1787, 
settling near St. Ferdinand. In 1795 he was a resident of the Village 
k Robert, but also owned property on the Maramec in 1796, 
and built a still house on the Maline in 1799. Richardson had killed 
a man in Kentucky and fled from that state to upper Louisiana. 
Thomas Jones was an early American resident on the Maramec. 
In 1780 he received a grant on Richard creek from de Leyba but 
later he was driven away by the Indians. His son, John Jones, 
was a witness before the Board of Commissioners as to the dates of 

•' Her daughter Louise married Mackay Wherry of Pennsylvania, March 
19, 1800; another daughter, Charlotte, married Moses Bates in 1805. 
Bates then lived in Ste. Genevieve, but afterwards removed to St. Charles, and 
Catherine the widow of John B. Guion, married Israel Dodge January 4, 1804, 
then residing at New Bourbon in Ste. Genevieve county. He settled on her, 
by marriage contract, ''a house and grounds in New Bourbon, one thousand 
silver dollars, two youn^^ slaves and one thousand arpens of land." The second 
daughter married Antome Reihle and died in St. Louis in 1 793. The heirs of 
Mrs. Camp April 15, 1804, petitioned Captain Stoddard, the acting Governor 
of Louisiana Territory, to amicably partition the estate of Mrs. Camp, which 
|>etition was granted and is the first official act imder the American government 
m upper Louisiana. 



settlements as far back as 1 786, and events in that locality. No doubt 

this Jones and his faniily were among the earliest Anglo-American 

jl settlers of the country. It also appears from the records, that Gre- 

, goire Davy in ^786, and John Gregor in ^787 resided on the Mara- 

mec ; Jesse Raynor, from Kaskaskia who served in the militia there, 
resided on Sandy creek in St. Louis district in 1785, but removed 
from Louisiana in 1799. On June 21, 1788, an Englishman named 
Keer resided with his wife and family, about six miles north of St. 
Louis on Bellefontaine, but he, his wife, one son and two daughters ^ 
were killed, a son of fifteen or sixteen and a daughter two years 
old escaped. This Keer had just moved from the American settle- 
ments across the river, and from the inventory made under the direc- 
tion of the Lieutenant-Governor, Don Manuel Perez, it would appear 
that he was possessed of ample house-hold effects, valued at 1,773 
livres.*' After 1790 English names among the settlers became more 
numerous, and in a few years large, exclusively American settlements 
rapidily sprang up in the several districts. 

No considerable number of Spaniards settled in upper Louisiana. 
Most of the Spanish soldiers who were sent up from New Orleans 
returned. Spanish names in the records of upper Louisiana are, 
Ortes (Hortez), Alvarez, Vasquez, in St. Louis; M^uel Blanco, a 
soldier who took up his residence at Mine ^ Breton, was at New 
Madrid in 1 794. These are about the only names of Spanish residents 
which occur. The prevailing language in the villages was French, 
because the villages were almost occupied exclusively by them. The 
Americans residing on the land outside of these villages were en- 
gaged in farm work, so as to perfect the titles to their lands by actual 
cultivation, as required by the rules and ordinances. These land 
titles always were a matter of more consequence to the American 
settlers than to their French neighbors. 

*' Billon's Annals of St. Louis, vol. i, p. 249. 


Activity of French Missionaries — Marquette in Missouri — Fathers Allouez 
and Gravier — Father Gabriel Marest — Conflict of Early Church Author- 
ities — Friendly Relations Between Missionaries and Indians — Voyage 
Down the Mississippi, in 1699, of Fathers Davion, Montigny and 
St. Cosme — Fathers Vivier, Tartarin, Aubert, Wattrin and DeGuyenne 
— First Resident Priests of Ste. Genevieve — Perils Incurred by Priests Visit- 
ing Settlements — Father Meurin — Father Gibault — His Unique List of 
Baggage — His Influence Causes the French to Espouse the American 
Cause — Denounced by the British Commander — TVibute to, by Patrick 
Henry — Father Hilaire and his Controversy with his Parishioners — Father 
James Maxwell — "Maxwell's Hill" Near Ste. Genevieve — Father Valen- 
tine, First Resident Priest of St. Louis — Ceremony of Dedication of First 
Church Bell of St. Louis — Building a New Church in St. Louis, 1 776 

— Report on Condition of St. Louis Church Building in 1797 — The 
Church of Florissant — The Parish of St. Isidore — Salaries of Parish 
Priests — Cession of Louisiana Affects the Church — Church Property 
Ceded to Congregations — Church Authorities and Elminent CaUiolic 
Dignitaries at Time of Cession — Tour of Bishop Flaget, 181 4 — Bishop 
Dubourg — Father Felix De Andreis — His Marvelous Talents and Acquire- 
ments — Colony of Priests of the Congregation of the Missions in Ml^uri 

— Establishment of St. Mary's Seminary — First Colony of the Order of 
the Sacred Heart at St. Charles — Removed to Florissant in 1809 — Madame 
Duchesne — The Germ of the St. Louis University. 

The activity of the French missionaries in the 17th and i8th cen- 
turies, in the vast territories stretching from the mouth of the St. 
Lawrence across the continent, and from the Hudson Bay to the 
mouth of the Mississippi, was unceasing and extraordinary. To 
propagate the faith, they traversed the solitude of boundless 
forests and prairies, and with their pirogues disturbed the quietude 
of unexplored lakes and rivers. Surrounded by unknown and 
often dreadful perils, they visited barbarous tribes of savages and 
first planted the cross among them, and sowed the seed of a 
higher and better life, too often stamped out and destroyed by 
the immoralities, and as Father Vivier says, by the "bad example of 
the French, who continually mingle with those people," and by 
"the brandy that is sold to them."* For this reason, he mournfully 
adds, the harvest did not correspond to their labors. 

'To propagate the faith. Father Marquette accompanied Joliet 
and greatly rejoiced when he found himself "in the blessed neces- 
sity" to expose his "life for the salvation of all these people, and 

* 69 Jesuit Relations, p. 149. 



especially of the Illinois;" he piously vowed that if the great river 
should be discovered, he would name it the river of the ''Immaculate 
Conception," and that the first mission established among the new 
people he might discover, should also be named the " Mission of the 
Immaculate Cofiception."' Accordingly oh Marquette's map, the 
Missksippi is named the "Rivifere de la Conception," and the 
first mission among the Kaskaskia Indians at Kaskaskik, founded 
by Gravier, was also named the ''Mission of the Immaculate 
Conception" and the present church and parish of Kaskaskia still 
retains this name.' 

Joliet and Marquette in their downward voyage must have camped 
at various places on the right bank of the Mississippi. It may be 
that the Illinois villages Marquette visited, which on his map are 
named the Pe-8-area or (Pe-8-ar-8-as) and Moingwena, or (M-8- 
ingonenas) on the west side of the river, were located in what is now 
Missouri, since he states that these villlages were "in parallel 41 and 
as low as 40 degrees, and some minutes," although it is well to re- 
member that the latitude given at that date, differs from ours by from 
one half to a whole degree. If our conjecture be correct, Marquette 
was the first missionary who visited Missouri. 

Although we have no dbtinct evidence of the fact, it k certain 
that Fathers Allouez and Gravier, and two other Jesuit missionaries 
visited the Indians residing on the west bank of the river. They in- 
deed may have established the first settlement in the Mississippi 
valley at the mouth of the "Rivi^e des Pferes," of which Austin 
makes mention.^ These missionaries traveled up and down the 
river doing missionary work among the Indians in the Illinois coun- 
try, then dwelling on both banks of the river, above and near the 
mouth of the Missouri on the west side, and above the mouth of the 
Ohio on the east side of the Mississippi. 

Father AUouez, in 1690, was appointed Vicar-General of the 
Illinois country, succeeding Father Marquette who was appointed 
Vicar-Geoeral of thk western country when he was selected to 
accompany Joliet. The first entries of the records of the "Church 
of the Immaculate Conception" of Kaskaskia were evidently 
made by Allouez. Father Gravier succeeded him and for a time 

'59 Jesuit Relations, p. 108. 

' Marquette did not found the ''Mission among the Kaskaskias," as was so 
conspicuously, but erroneously, emblazoned in raised letters on the monument 
erected in his honor at the late "Louisiana Purchase Exf>osition.*' 

* Austin's Journal, 8 American Historical Review, p. 518. 


resided in the village of the Kaskaskias, which was then situated on 
the lower Illinois river in latitude 40 degrees 41 minutes, on the edge 
of a prairie on one side, and a ''multitude of swamps,"* on the other. 
While Father Gabriel Marest was in charge of the Kaskaskia mis- 
sion at this point, these Indians precipitately abandoned this village 
and moved further south, establishing a new village on the banks of 
a river ever since known as the Kaskaskia. The church records of 
1690 were begun at the old village and when the Indians fled to the 
new town, they were carried there. Father Gravier greatiy regretted 
this emigration as it separated the Kaskaskias from the Pe-8-ar-8-as 
and M-8-ingonenas, and he feared it would lead to hostilities be- 
tween them. 

Father Gabriel Marest, who accompanied the Kaskaskias, 
leaving the Pe-8-ar-8-as without a missionary, traveled far and 
wide among the Illinois Indians, and was able to endure an incredi- 
ble amount of fatigue. He understood their language perfectly 
and mastered it in four or Ave months.* Father Marest labored 
successfully in the Pe-8-ar-8-as villages which Marquette had 
visited, and converted a famous chief of that tribe before his death. 
In 1700 he was among the Tamaroas, then residing on Cahokia 
creek opposite where St. Louis now stands. At this time, Father 
Pinet was also stationed among the Tamaroas, and performed ''in 
peace all the duties of a missionary.'' Father Bergier, a Seminarian 
priest, Grand- Vicar of the Bishop of Quebec who, however, only 
had charge of the French residing in this village, then lived there^, 
and ultimately this led to a conflict between the Seminary priests 
and the Jesuits. Father Bergier claimed that the Jesuits had the 
powers of Vicar-General merely with regard to the savages, and not 
over the French settlers among them, and thus he took away the 
French communicants from the Jesuits, informing the latter that they 
had no authority over them in spiritual matters.* Bergier admitted 
that Gravier was Superior of the Illinois missions, and that, although 
the Bishop of Quebec gave the power of a Vicar-General to the Su- 
perior of these missions, he had been deprived of the^e powers by the 
Bishop afterward. All of this Father Gravier denied in 1708, 
but, he says that he does not aspire to "nominis umbram" and 

*6o Jesuit Relations, p. 161. 
* 65 Jesuit Relations, p. 103. 
' Ibid.| p. 103. 
' 66 Jesuit Relations, p. 227. 

290 mSTORV OF ^^^^OURI 

would dadl y concede the superiority and the powers of Mcar-Gcneral 
to Father Mermct. Father Gravier was e\-idendy gready disliked 
by the Seminarian priests, and of course had no lo%-e for them in re- 
turn. They called him an " arch-ploner," and he says that Father 
St. Cosme "had not made a single Christian among the Natchez,'* 
that Father Davion had '"abandoned his mission through fear of the 
English and savages," that ''this flight does him no credit,^ that 
Father Bergier said, that "on the first alarm of the enemy, he would 
abandon the place (Tamarouhar and come to New Orleans,'' and 
then, he sarcasticallv remarks, " ne%-er-the-less these gentlemen have 
undertaken to pro\ide missionaries."* 

The missionaries at Tamarouha, Cahokia (Kaoukia^^ and Kas- 
kaskia, dwelling with the Indians there, also \-isited the west 
bank of the Mississippi, because these Indians crossed and 
recrossed the river on their hunting e3^)editions, and the Jesuit 
missionaries were in the habit of often accompanying them on such 
occasions. Father Gravier says that the Michigamia, who dwelt 
near the St. Franyois when Joliet and Marquette went do^wTi 
the Mississippi," wintered in 1700 with the Tamarouha on a fine 
bay of the river, coming more than sixty leagues (180 miles) in 
order to do so, and that these two tribes at that time formed one 
village. A year before, in 1699, Fathers Darion, Montigny and St. 
Cosme, missionaries of the Sulpician order, went down the Missis- 
sippi.** On the 6th day of December they reached the \'illage of the 
Tamarouha and a week afterward leaving the Tamarouha \-illage and 
descending the river, St. Cosme relates that he ascended a rock on the 
right hand side going down the river, and erected a cross, performing 
this interesting ceremony in Missouri within the limits of what is 
now Perry county.** 

The settlement at the mouth of the Saline which Penicaut found 
there in 1700, was \'isited by the Jesuit priests GraWer and Marest. 
Father Jean Marest, a "Religieuse of the Company of Jesus, Mis- 
sionaries of the Illinios," who died at Kaskaskia in 1735. certainly 
came to this setdement on his spiritual errand as well as to the old 
village of Ste. Genevieve, on the west side of the river. The Sulpi- 

•66 Jesuit Relations, p. 131. 
^•66 Jesuit Relations, p. 131. 
" 59 Jesuit Relations, p. 151. 

»* Penicaut says that D'Iberv-ille met St. Cosme on April 17, 1700. on his 
trip up the Mississippi. 

"See vol. I, page 241-42- 


cians, Maxtigny, Davion, St. Cosme, Zebedie, Lejeune Donne and 
others, we may be sure also found this oasis in the vast wilderness of 
woods and prairie, although no express mention is made of the 
fact. Father Luc, stationed at Fort de Chartres, and Father 
Gagnon, a secular priest of the ancient parish of St. Ann, attached 
to the Fort, also crossed the river in performance of their religious 

After the foundation of old Ste. Genevieve, the Jesuit priests of 
Kaskaskia came to the village. No records of these visits exist, but 
it is not to be thought that they omitted to cross the river to look after 
the spiritual welfare of the settlers there. From 1735 to 1760, Father 
Vivier," Father Tartarin," Father Aubert," Father Wattrin," and 
Father DeGuyenne" all Jesuit priests stationed at Kaskaskia, can 

** Father Gagnon and Father Luc were both buried in the grave-yard of 
St. Ann parish, but when the Mississippi began to wash away the Fort and 
village, Father Meurin had their bodies removed and re-interred at Prairie 
du Rocher in 1768. 

** Father Francois Louis Vivier, bom at Issoudun, October 6th, 1714, in 
the province of France; entered the Society of Jesus September 1731 ; came to 
Canada in 1749; sent to the Illinois countiy in 1749; remained at Kaskaskia 
until 1753 or 17541 then transferred to Vincennes, where he died in 1756. His 
two letters preserved in the Jesuit Relations give most valuable information 
of the life and condition of the French and Indians in the Illinois country. From 
1749 to 1750 he was stationed at Kaskaskia in charge of the Illinois missions. 

^* Rene Tartarin, a Jesuit priest, bom January 22nd 1695, came to Canada 
1727, according to Father Jones he was stationed at Kaskaskia several years; 
died in Louisiana September 24, 1745. 

" Francois Jean Baptiste Aubert, bom in the province of Lyons, March ist, 
1 722 ; entered the Society *of Jesus 1 739 ; came to Canada in 1 754 ; cut6 at Kas- 
kaskia until the expulsion of the Jesuits; returned to France in 1764; in 1784 
was engaged in the ministry at Grenoble, France. 

"Father Philibert Wattrin, or Watrin, also spelled "Vattrin'* by Vivier, 
bom at Metz, province of Champaigne, France, April ist, 1697; entered the 
Society of Jesus 171 2; arrived in Cai^uia 1732; lived at Kaskaskia and the Illi- 
nois countiy thirty years; parish priest at Kaskaskia; Superior of the Illinois 
missions; first pari^ priest at Ste. Genevieve in what is now Missouri in 1760. 
In 1763 went to New Orleans to defend the interests of the Jesuit Order when 
the future state of the order in Louisiana was "still between hope and fear." 
69 Jesuit Relations, p. 213. In a pathetic letter relating the troubles of the 
Jesuits in the Illinois country he says that they were driven from their own 
houses, and that at the age of sixty-seven he departed on foot to find *'a lodging 
a league away with a confrere of his, a missionary to the savages, " Father Meurin, 
and that the French who met him on the way "groaned to see persecution begun 
with him.'' Embarking at New Orleans November 24, 1764, he returned to 
France. Wattrin's account of how the decree to banish the Jesuits was carried 
out in the Illinois country is highly interesting. 70 Jesuit Relations, p. 213, 
et seq. 

*• Alexis F. X. DeGuyenne, bom at New Orleans 1696; entered the Society of 
Tesus at Paris in 1 713 ; arrived in Louisiana 1 726, but, according to Father Jones, 
"in Canada in 1727,'' a missionary among die Alibamu (Alibamas) until 1730, 
then among the Arkansas Indians, then among the Miamis, then Superior of 


be reasonably supfK)sed to have been at Ste. Genevieve £rom time to 
time in the discharge of their sacied office. But expressly confirming 
this, Father Wattrin, in 1764, defending the Jesuits against the 
charge of neglecting their ^iritual work, writes, ''but here is >*et an- 
other proof of the care that the Jesuits have taken of this parish; 
fifteen years ago, at a league from the old village, on the other bank 
of the Mississippi, there was established a new village under the 
name of Ste. Genevieve. Then the cur^ of Kaskaskia found himself 
obliged to go there to administer the sacraments, at least to the sick ; 
and when the new inhabitants saw their houses multiply, they asked 
to have a church built; this being granted them, the journey of the 
missionary became still more frequent, because he thought he ought 
then yield himself still more to the willingness of his new parishoners 
and their needs. However, in order to go to this new church he must 
cross the Mississippi, which in this place is three-eighths of a league 
wide; he sometimes had to trust himself to a slave who alone guided 
the canoe ; it was necessary in fine, to expose himself to the danger of 
perishing, if in the middle of the river they had been overtaken by a 
violent storm. None of these inconveniences have prevented the 
cur6 of Cascakias from going to Ste. Genevieve when charity call- 
ed him thither, and he was always charged with this care until means 
were found to place at Ste. Genevieve, a special curd, — which 
occured only a few years ago, when the inhabitants of the place 
built a house for a pastor. These two villages, that of Cascakias 
and that of Ste. Genevieve, made the second and third establish- 
ments of the Jesuits in the Illinois country."''^ 

The church records of Ste. Genevieve begin in 1759. The parish, 
or church of the village was then called ''St. Joachin'^ and Father 
Wattrin performed the duties of curd in that year. Father VVat- 
trin must have come over from Kaskaskia, where he was curd from 
1746 to 17499 after he was relieved of his duties there, perhaps as early 
as 1750. From 1760 to 1764, Fathers Wattrin, J. B. Salveneuve" 

the Illinois missions from 1749 to 1756; died in the Illinois country in 1762; 
seems to have been well versed in the Indian languages, and Father Vi\'ier says 
that he acted *'as my master in the study of the Illinois language." Father 
DeGuyenne spent thirty -six years as a missionary among the Indians; was 
cur6 at Fort de Chartres before his death; suffered from partial para^sis. 70 
Jesuit Relations, p. 229. 

* 70 Jesuit Relations, p. 235. 

" Jean Baptiste Francois Salveneuve, bom June 8, 1708; arrived in Quebec, 
Canada, in 1743, thirty-five years of age, was assigned to the Huron missions 
and remained there until 1761, then came to Illinois country and was stationed 


and John LaMorinie '* the church records show, were the ministers 
regularly domiciled within the limits of what is now Missouri. 
Father Meurin succeeded these missionary priests in Ste. Gene- 
vieve and acted as curd of that parish frotn 1764 to 1768, and 
together with Father Luc, also parish priest of St. Ann parish at Fort 
de Chartres, and Father Collet, had charge of the Kaskaskia parish 
at the same time. The people of Kaskaskia, influenced by the domi- ^ 
nant party in Louisiana, although at the time under English rule, 
were hostile to Father Meurin, because he was a Jesuit, and many 
would not recognize him, and it is said that not more than ten men 
came to communion in four years. Father Meurin could only visit 
ICaskaskia by stealth at night, but at Fort de Chartres and St. 
Philippe he was very popular, and the people at Prairie du Rocher 
offered to build him a house and give him a horse and caliche, as 
well as a negro servant, in order to induce him to take up his resi- 
dence there. 

Father Meurin was the only Jesuit missionary allowed to remain in 
the country after the expulsion of the order from Louisiana, and he de- 
serves more than passing notice. He was bom in 1 707 in France ; enter- 
ed the Order of the Jesuits in 1 729 and came to Canada in 1 741 . The 
following year he was sent to the Illinios country where he labored 
among the savages uninterruptedly until 1763. In that year he went 
to New Orleans with the Superior of the Illinois missions. Father 
Wattrin, and others, but instead of going to France, he obtained 
permission to return to the Illinois in order to save his savage Illinois 
neophytes from forgetting religion, as he felt sure would be the case 
if they remained long without a missionary.** He was not a strong 
man and his health was never good during the many years he spent 
in the wilderness. All the property of the Jesuits had been sold and 
he could draw upon no fund for subsistence. No one was obliged to 
furnish him anything and all that was promised him when he returned 
was, that an effort would be made at court to secure for his support 

at Ste. Genevieve until 1763, when the Jesuits were expelled. He returned to 
France in 1 764, but it is also said that he died in Louisiana in that year. 

** Father Jean Baptiste de La Morinie in charge of the Ste. Genevieve 
church in 1762 to 17641 was animated by a "motive and a zeal that refuses 
itself to nothing. ** 70 Jesuit Relations, 277. He was born at Puigneux, France, 
December 24, 1705; became a Jesuit at the age of eighteen; came to Canada 
in 1736; was a missionary among the Hurons at Detroit 1738; at Michilimacki- 
nac in 1741, then a missionary in the Miami villages, and finally at Kaskaskia 
until the Jesuits were expelled. He returned to France in 1764. 

" 70 Jesuit Relations, p. 293. 


an annual |)ension of 600 livres, about $125. But nothing daunted, 
he returned. "Ste. Geneneve is my residence," he ^Tites Bishop 
Briand, "as it was stipulated in the condition of my return to this 
country. From it I come even- spring and \-isit other \-illages for 
Easter-tide, I retiun again in Autiunn and whene\-er I am summoned 
for a sick call. This is all mv infirmities and mv means enable me 
to do; and even this displeases and prejudices the people of Ste. 
Geneneve." Although his \'isits to other settlements displeased the 
people there, he continued his apostolic work in the vast region which, 
by order of the French Go\'emment, had \'inuaUy been deprix-ed of 
all spiritual laborers. He not only \nsited Kaskaskia, Cahokia and 
Prairie du Rocher, but also the camps of many Indian neoph}'tes 
on both sides of the ri\'er. The statement that he was present when 
Laclede established his trading post where St. Louis now stands is 
clearly erroneous, as Father Conwav has well demonstrated.'* It 
may be p)ossible that Father Meurin was in St. Louis in 1766, but 
this even is very doubtful. It, however, seems to be supposed that 
because an entr\' in the marriage records of St. Louis shows that 
Toussaint Hunot and Marie Beaugenou were married by Father 
Meurin, that this priest must have been in St. Louis, to perform the 
ceremonv, but this does not necessarilv follow. It is far more likelv 
that the young and ngorous hunter, with his intended wife, walked 
over to Cahokia to get married, than that the feeble old priest worn 
out by many hardships, would walk from Cahokia over to the east 
bank of the river at "Paincourt," and then cross in a canoe, to 
perform the ceremony.** In 1769, Father Meurin was appointed 
Vicir-General by the Bishop of Quebec. The territorial limits of 
his juri Miction seem to have been vaguely defined. In his letter of 
acceptance, Father Meurin says, that he feels that he is incapable "of 
such an office," and that he has been left to himself so long that he 
barely knows the duties of a simple priest, that he is weak in body 
and mind, and that he possesses no memor)- and less of firmness. In 
conclusion he says, "I am no longer good for anything but to be laid 
in the ground." However, this appointment became to him the 

*^ Catholic Church of St. Louis, by Rev. J. J. Conway, p. 7. 

* Scharf gives a copy of a certificate, dated 1766, in which Father Meurin 
states that he baptized in a tent (for want of a church) Mar>', daughter of Jean 
B. Deschamps and Mar}- his ^ife. Mr. Rene Tiercerot (Kiercereau) being 

god-father, and Mar\' god-mother, all in the country* of Illinois, 

St. Louis, which may or may not mean that he was in St. Louis on the west side 
of the Mississippi. 2 Scharff's History of St. Louis, p. 1639. 


source of trouble, because, when he obtained permission to return to 
the Illinois country, he entered into an agreement with the Capuchin 
Fathers at New Orleans, who on the expulsion of the Jesuits claimed 
sole spiritual jurisdiction in the Illinois country, that he would always 
act as their Vicar, be subject to their visits, their reprimands and cor- 
rections, and their jurisdiction in the whole of the country on the Mis- 
sissippi. Accordingly, when the Capuchins heard that the Bishop 
of Quebec had appointed Father Meurin as his Vicar-General in this 
territory, they caused a warrant of proscription to be issued against him. 
This would have been promptly executed if he had not escaped from 
Ste. Genevieve, where he then resided, to the English territory. Here 
he at once took the oath of allegiance as a former resident, and thus 
secured himself, as he says, "against Spanish persecution." But 
although Father Meurin was feeble physically, intellectually he was 
anything but feeble. He was prompt to assert the rights of his 
order, and when one LaGrange, who had purchased the property of 
the "Mission of the Holy Family among the Cahokias," attempted 
to sell this property to an Englishman, he took it upon himself to op- 
pose this sale, claiming the property as still belonging to the "Gentle- 
men of the Seminary." He so effectively asserted his authority to act 
to the commanding ofl&cer, Forbes, that for a time at least he prevented 
a sale of the property. Nor was he at all considerate of the feelings 
of the persons who had purchased the property of the Jesuits at Kas- 
kaskia. Thus, Sieur Jean Baptiste Beauvais, who had purchased 
some of it, was continually reproached by him "on that score," so 
that "he kept him away from the sacraments for three years," and he 
asked the advice of the Bishop in case he should present himself to 
him or to another, whither or not " he can be granted absolution and be 
dispensed from handing over the said articles to the parish church." 
All the property of the Jesuits, he claimed, was wrongfully seized and 
confiscated by the French government, because this seizure was made 
after the cession of the country to England, a contention in which he 
was undoubtedly clearly in the right. His life, however, was truly a 
life of poverty and hardship, and during the four years he administered 
to the English parishioners he says he "received naught but what was 
given me out of charity by some." 

Whether Father Meurin could legally exercise the ofl&ce of Vicar- 
General in that part of Illinois, west of the Mississippi, under an 
appointment of the Bishop of Quebec, the country having been ceded 
by France to Spain, is a subject learnedly discussed by Father Con- 






way, who holds that under the canonical law he could do so in this 
territory ceded to Spain, until the boundaries of the diocese were 
j changed by the Holy See. But it is evident that the Spanish officials 

% were determined not to recognize the spiritual jurisdiction of the 

Bishop of Quebec over the territory, and Father Meurin himself 
admits that he was declared a criminal because he received authority 
from Quebec "which is so opposed to the intentions and interests of 
Spain."'* The question was not considered at the time a canonical, 
but a political one. The Spaniards held that all the territory west of 
the river was within the spiritual jurisdiction of the Bishop of San 
Domingo. In 1776, at the instance of Spain, the ecclesiastical juris- 
diction of the territory of Louisiana was transferred from the diocese 
of Quebec to that of Santiago de Cuba. In 1777 when the latter 
'i diocese was divided, Louisiana was attached to the new diocese of 

i St. Christopher of Havanna, and finally in 1799, Louisiana and the 

I Floridas were formed into the diocese of Louisiana. The Right 

I Reverend Luis Penalver y Cardenas was appointed Bishop, and 

later also Archbishop of Guatamala. That the Spanish officials viewed 
the appointment of Father Meurin as Vicar General by the Bishop 
of Quebec as a political matter, is shown by the fact, that when it be- 
'{' came known De Rocheblave, at the time Commandant at Ste. Gene- 

vieve, said to him, "I recognize no English Bishop here, and in 
a post where I command I wish no ecclesiastical dominion recog- 
nized except that of the Bishop of San Domingo." 

When Father Meurin fled from Ste. Genevieve, he first went to 
Kaskaskia where he remained until the arrival of Father Gibault. 
Then he accepted the offer of the people of Prairie du Rocher, 
before mentioned. Father Conway says that Father Meurin 
returned to Cahokia, but the Reverend John Mason Peck states that 
he removed to Prairie du Rocher and died there in 1777. Peck, an 
eminent Baptist clergyman, and deeply interested in everything per- 
taining to the early history of the west, says that Father Meurin 
"was a very learned man, left a valuable library and a manuscript 
dictionary of the Indian and French languages in twenty volumes.*' 
• It is surmised that Father Meurin, after he fled from Ste. Genevieve, 
visited St. Louis and exercised his spiritual functions there in 1767-68 
and 1769, but this conjecture is unfounded. 

The first church in the territory, now Missouri, was built in the old 
I village of Ste. Genevieve. It was a large wooden structure, and in 

"71 Jesuit Relations, p. 75. 




1794, it was removed to the present town and used as a church until 
1835.*^ ^^ this edifice services were held from 1760 to 1764 by Fathers 
Wattrin,*^ Salveneuve and LaMorinie, already mentioned. They 
were succeeded by Father Meurin* until 1768, then from 1768 to 
1773, Father Gibault was parish priest, being succeeded by Father 
Fran9ois Hilaire, from 1773 to 1777, who became involved in a con- 
troversy with his parishioners. They complained to the Lieutenant- 
Governor that the good Father was demanding "the tenth of all the 
produce of our land," although "hithereto, we have paid no more than 
the twenty-sixth part."'® The matter coming before Governor-Gen- 
eral Unzaga, he ordered that "the custom shall not be altered" and 
that the "commandant shall not tolerate the introduction of any inno- 
vation in the matter," but he allowed the Reverend Father " 50 pesos 
fuertes" annually for a servant as an addition to his salary. "It is 
to be noted," says Unzaga, "that the King has absolute control of the 
tithes in these Kingdoms," and that it is not right, that "while the 
King supports" the parish priests, "for them to try and get another 
fee," and this he says shall "be told to said parish priest on this 
occasion," so that he may " not dare to demand from his parishioners 
in the future more than what they are accustomed to pay."'* In 
1778, Father Gibault returned and again oflSciated until 1784. Fath- 

" Rozier*s History of the Mississippi Valley, p. 116. 

^ The first baptism perfonned by Father Wattrin as village priest was 
performed on the 24th of February 1760. 

* On the 30th of October, 1 764, a religious marriage which took place 
at the old village was celebrated by Father Meurin, the parties married being 
Mark Constantino Canada and Miss Susan Henn, who had been made a prisoner 
about five years before by the Shawnee Indians in Pennsylvania. Canada, 
it seems, also lived among the Indians. The witnesses to this marriage were 
Jean Ganion and T. Tebriege or (LeBirge). Rozier's History of the Mississippi 
Valley, p. 118. 

*• The names of these Ste. Genevieve parishioners who remonstrated were : 
LaRose, Rosier (Roussin?), Charpentier, Lalumandier, Biyas (Buyat), Luis 
LaCroix, Beauvais, Baptiste LaCroix, Tangelier, DeGuire, Pierrop, Lalande, 
Lanfenes (Lefrenay), Adelmar, Diehle, Vignon, Bouche, Robinette, Louis 
Frasseur, Joseph Motier, Regis (dit?) La Source, Louis La Source, Vall6, jun., 
Pratte, Pierre AubouchoA, Paul LaBrosse, Jean Claimet, Hypolite Robat, Fray 
Chean, Aubouchon, Dudon. 

" Don Luis De Unzaga, was a colonel in the Havanna Regiment and came 
with O'Reilly to Louisiana. He was appointed Governor in 1 770, and his admin- 
istration was very popular, as he did not enforce the stringent trade regulations of 
Spain, and consequently the Colony was very prosperous, commerce expanding 
very rapidly. Slaves being introduced by the English contrary to the Spanish 
ordinances the plantations quickly increased in number and size. Unzaga 
married a daughter of St. Maxent, the partner of Laclede, and was a brother- 
in-law of Galvez who also married a St. Maxent. In 1776 Unzaga was 
appointed Captain-General of Caraccas. 


er Louis Guiques was the village priest from 1786 to 1789, and Father 
de St. Pierre from 1789 to 1797. In 1796 Father James Maxwell was 
appointed Vicar-General of upper Loubiana and parish priest of Ste. 
Genevieve, and held that position when the United States acquired 
the country until he died. 

Father Gibault performed the duties of parish priest at St. Gene- 

vieve, while residing at Kaskaskia, 

/^ /^'X/y^/Ji fi^'^ ' fromi768toi773,andsoalsoat"La 
/; ^^^^UUJ^ f: e/A/^j^^ Salinas," by which name the settle- 
ment near the mouth of the Saline 
creek was known, and at "Old Mines" now in Washington county, 
and probably at St. Louis, as well, although it is not explained why 
the Spanish officials should have allowed Father Gibault to discharge 
his spiritual functions in these places, and excluded Father Meurin, 
when both priests belonged to the Diocese of Quebec. From an or- 
der in the archives of New Madrid it appears that Guy Carlton, 
"Lieutenant-Governor, Brigadier in command" in 1768, gave a 
permit to Father Gibault to go to the Illinois country with his mother, 
Marie Gibault, and his sister Louise Gibault, by way of Michilimack- 
inac with his baggage '' and that on the 26th day of July he was 
allowed to pass there "unmolested," by Spiesmacher," the com- 
mandant. He must have arrived there sometime before that date, 
because on the 23rd of July he baptized an infant at this post, styling 
himself the " Vicaire General des Louisiane," evidently considering that 
his spiritual jurisdiction embraced all of Louisiana ,and that no conflict 
existed, or if he knew of this conflict, that he did not intend to recognize 
the claim of the Spanish Bishop of Havanna. Subsequently, however, 
he signed himself simply "Vicaire General des Illinois et Tamarois."'* 
He took his mother and sister with him to the Illinois country, con- 
trary to the order of the Bishop of Quebec, and for this was severely 
reprimanded by him." Arrived at Kaskaskia, he began his laborious 
task, and at Easter-tide in 1769 he had brought to their duties nearly 

'* His baggage consisted of one bale, four kegs of brandy, four of wine, and 
his canoe-men were, Jacques Perrein, Pointe Claire, Jean B. Salle of Longvcil, 
Francois LaMarche of Longveil, Jean B. Dubue of Montreal, Pierre La Chapelle, 
also of Montreal, and Michael I^aVoix, of Chambley. The passengers who 
traveled with him in the canoe were, Francois Loillet of LaVallerie and Fran<,ois 
Beaugie of Beaufort, a senior (seigneur). Was this "Beaugic" the ancestor of 
the Bogy's of St. Genevieve? 

" Major Frederick Christian Spiesmacher, of the 6oth Royal American, a 
nephew of Haldimand. 

"* 18 Draper's Collection. (Clark MSS.) 

•• Letter of the Bishop of Quebec, in New Madrid Archives. 


all the Kaskaskians, that is to say, the French folk of the town, the 
Indians camped near the town on the river, and all the Catholics of 
the 1 8th Royal Irish Dragoons.'* Afterward he crossed over the 
river to Ste. Genevieve and visited **La Salinas" and the "Old Mines." 
In fact all the settlements on both sides of the Mississippi, Cahokia, 
Prairie du Rocher, St. Philippe and Fort de Chartres were the scenes of 
his spiritual labors. In 1770 he visited Vincennes, and he writes the 
Bishop of Quebec that the people there crowded down the banks of the 
Wabash to receive him, that they fell on their knees unable to speak, 
while others could only speak in sobs, and some cried out, " Father, 
save us, we are almost in hell." From Vincennes, where he remained 
for two weeks, he returned to Kaskaskia and then visited Ste. Gene- 
vieve where he met the newly arrived Spanish Commandant, Lieu- 
tenant-Governor Don Pedro Piernas, promising him to include 
St. Louis in his missionary work. Thus he labored alone in this 
wide and boundless field, with unceasing activity, traveling through 
the wilderness, visiting the isolated frontier settlements and the In- 
dian converts. The report of his apostolic labors, the Bishop of Que- 
bec writes him, brought tears to his eyes, and he hopes that by his 
power he may "bring back to the fold some of the stray sheep." 
The Bishop then says, "Take good care of Father Meurin, I was a 
member of his company. People who speak ill of him do so only by 
ignorance or on account of the calumnies spread by European-French 
people on the rdigieuse of his order. In Europe it is thought to be 
the greatest persecution that assailed the church since the persecu- 
tion in the early centuries of Christianity."*' In 1775 Gibault went 
to Canada, visiting the Indians on his way to Detroit. On his 
return he made a second visit to Vincennes, and on the death of 
Father Meurin in 1777, for several years he was the only priest in the 
Illinois country on either side of the Mississippi, and Vicar-General 
of this vast domain. Through all this region he went on foot, or in 
a canoe, or on horseback, carrying with him in saddle pouches the 
sacred utensils of his ministry. But Father Conway pictures him 
as traveling with "his gun across the saddle bow, and a belt about 
his waist with pistols and a-bowie knife," a veritable fighting cow- 
boy, because he thinks that "the frontier priest went armed" to de- 
fend himself "against the otherwise unawed Indian thieves and 

*• Conway's Catholics of St. Louis, p. 25. English's Conquest of the North- 
west, vol. I, p. 186. 

" Letter of the Bishop of Quebec, in the New Madrid Archives, vol. 2. 


murderers, as well as against white ruffians who then infested as they 
do yet infest our western frontier." A perusal, however, of the letters 
of the early Jesuit missionaries, wherein they so graphically picture 
their arduous labors, leaves on our mind a different impression . Gen- 
erally these early missionaries went unarmed, relying on moral force 
alone, on their benevolent intentions, on the superiority of the trained 
and disciplined mind over ignorance, and above all relying on the 
divine Master for guidance in the hour of peril, rather than on a gun, 
pistol or bowie-knife, if such a thing as a bowie-knife was known to 
them at all at that time. It is thus we would prefer to imagine 
Father Gibault as moving through the wilderness in his apostolic 
work. Physically too, he was not calculated to inspire the savages 
with terror, because he was small in size.** 

Father Gibault was parish priest of Kaskaskia in July 1778, when 
General George Rogers Clark captured the town, and, "to him next 
to Clark and Vigo," says Judge John Law, in his History of Vincennes, 
"the United States are more indebted for the accession of the states 
comprised in what was the Northwestern territory, than any other 
man." At the time Clark surprised Kaskaskia with his Virginians, 
Father Gibault took a deep interest in everything pertaining to the 
spiritual, social, educational and material prosperity of the French 
habitans. He was the most influential person there, and it 
was through his influence that the people were won over. By his 
individual efforts alone were the inhabitants of Vincennes induced 
to drive out the English garrison and raise the American flag. When 
he saw that Clark was greatly exercised about the situation at Vin- 
cennes, he told him to leave the matter to him, and that he would 
give the people such advice as would allay all opposition, and induce 
them to espouse the American cause. He absolved the people from 
allegiance to England, encouraged the French inhabitants to enter 
the American service and form military companies. Without the 
assistance of these French allies Clark never could have accomplished 
the conquest or successfully held the Illinois country. When after- 
ward the English made preparations to reconquer the country, and 
it was supposed they were approaching Kaskaskia with a large 
force, Father Gibault naturally was in some trepidation, and probably 
on the advice of Clark, crossed over to Ste. Genevieve into the Span- 
ish possessions. That he had good cause for apprehension is suflS- 
ciently clear from the vicious denunciations of Colonel Hamilton, 

» 18 Draper's Collection. (Clark MSS.) 


the British commander in the territory north of the Ohio, who char- 
acterized him as "an active agent for the rebels, and whose vicious 
and inmioral conduct was sufficient to do infinite mischief in a colony 
where ignorance and bigotry give full scope to the depravity of a 
licentious ecclesiastic. This wretch," he says, "it was who absolved 
the French inhabitants from their allegiance to the King of Great 
Britain." He further adds, "to enumerate the vices of the inhabi- 
tants would be to give a long catalogue, but to assert that they are not 
in possession of a single virtue is not more than truth and justice 
requires, still the most eminently vicious and scandalous was the 
Reverend Monsieur Gibault." Thus the Englbh conmiander testi- 
fied his hatred for the great services rendered by this patriotic priest. 
Father Gibault was "the power behind the throne," he it was who 
enthused the French population, and induced them to join their 
fortunes with that of the colonies. When Clark left Kaskaskia with 
his combined American and French forces in February 1779, to re- 
capture Vincennes, of which the English, under Colonel Hamilton, 
had again taken possession. Father Gibault addressed the small army 
and bestowed on it the blessing of the church. Truly Patrick Henry 
said, "This country owes many things to Father Gibault for his zeal 
and services." These services were recognized by a Resolution of 
the Virginia legislature in 1780; but he received no other recompense. 
In May 1790, Father Gibault presented a memorial to Governor 
St. Clair, for a grant of land. In his petition he recites his services, 
saying that he was never backward in venturing his life on many 
occasions when his presence was useful to the United States; that 
he sacrificed his property ; that he took American paper dollars at the 
value at which he could have received Spanish milled dollars, 
in payment of his tithes and his beasts, and thus set an example to 
his parishioners, who were apprehensive that this currency was 
intended to pillage them ; that the want of money had compelled him 
to sell two good slaves, who could have supported him in his old age ; 
that he rejected all offers made by the Spanish government to settle 
in upper Louisiana, and exerted himself to retain the people in the 
dominion of the United States, never doubting that he would be 
compensated ; and that lie now hopes his demand will be received 
favorably; that he expects that a grant of land will be made him, in 
full propriety in his private name and not as a missionary and priest, 
to pass to his successors, that otherwise he would not accept such a 
grant; that it is upon services he has rendered and hopes to render 


that he founds his demand. On the recommendation of St. Clair a 
grant of four hundred arpens in the Kaskaskia district was finally 
made to him, under Acts of Congress 1788 and 1791, and then he 
sold the land to John Rice Jones. This grant was confirmed in 181 1. 
He also received two other tracts of land embracing about two hundred 
and fifty acres in the Cahokia commons, which he sold to Nicolas 
Jarrot. But these land grants became to him a source of trouble. 
Bishop Carroll of Baltimore objected to their being made to Father 
Gibault individually,'* and from a letter dated 1792, and preserved 
in the New Madrid archives, addressed to the Father, it would appear 
that the Bishop had been advised that he was converting church 
property to his individual use. In 1785 Father Gibault was parish 
priest of Vincennes, but in 1786 was superseded as Vicar-General, 
or, at least, he ceased to act in that capacity. The Reverend Huet 
de LaValiniere, as "pretre vicarie General miss, de la St. Familie," 
appointed in 1788, by the Bishop of Baltimore, claimed superior 
ecclesiastical dominion over the western territory of the United 
States, — the Illinois country. In 1789 accusations and complaints 
made against him apparently induced Father Gibault to request the 
Bishop of Quebec to recall him. Yet in 1789 Father Gibault still 
appears to be parish priest at Cahokia. In January 1790 the Bishop 
of Baltimore writes him about the complaints that had been made 
against him, and that "these complaints were confirmed from differ- 
ent sources," and he adds, that he is sorry to tell him ** that the Bishop 
of Quebec in a letter sent " to him says, *' that his predecessors did not 
have as much confidence in you during the last years as they had in 
the beginning of your apostolic career. " From Cahokia Gibault re- 
moved to Kaskaskia and, in 1792, he crossed into the Spanish terri- 
tory on the west side of the Mississippi, settling in New Madrid, 
where in July 1793 he was appointed parish priest of the parish of 
St. Isidore. In 1792 he seems to have been at Arkansas Post, for he 
there received James Dorst, his wife and six children into the 
church. Father Gibault afterward was under the immediate spir- 
itual jurisdiction of Father Maxwell, of Ste. Genevieve, Vicar- Gen- 
eral of upper Louisiana. From letters addressed by him to Father 
Gibault it appears that he was considered by his spiritual superior 
as entirely too lenient in collecting the legal fees for publishing the 
marriage banns, and performing the marriage ceremony, to part of 
which fees Father Maxwell was entitled as Vicar-General. In one 
* English's History of the Conquest of the Northwest, vol. i, p. 188. 


letter, dated October, 1801, which has been preserved in the New 
Madrid archives, Father Maxwell severely reprimands him for per- 
forming a marriage ceremony between a Mr. Randall and Miss Sarah 
Waller, the latter being a minor, without the consent of her father 
and mother, both being residents of the Cape Girardeau district, 
a dbtrict Father Maxwell says, within his ecclesiastical juris- 
diction, and also with dispensing with the banns of matrimony 
illegally and wrongfully. Father Maxwell further advises him that 
heretofore he had granted him his protection ^nd favorably reported 
as to his conduct to the Bishop, who he says had instructed him to 
keep a watchful eye upon him, but that if he persevered in his con- 
duct he would have to pursue a different course. From this it is 
evident that Father Gibault was not then in favor with the eccle- 
siastical authorities in New Orleans. But while he was parish priest, 
Father Gibault built a church in New Madrid, securing from Morales, 
in 1799, the necessary funds for that purpose.*® From the time he 
took up his residence in New Madrid until his death in 1802, he was 
active in all spiritual matters, and as a priest of the parish he received 
a regular salary from the government. During this period he also 
visited not only Arkansas Post but other isolated settlements of this 
district. Upon his death his papers and correspondence came into 
the possession of the Commandant of New Madrid, and on the 
change of government were transferred and remained in New Mad- 
rid, where some of them are still found in the archives, although un- 
doubtedly many valuable and important papers have been lost. His 
will, dated Ste. Genevieve, 1782, and found in the New Madrid 
archives, shows that he had a brother named Jacques Gibault, an 
uncle named Antoine St. Jean, living in St. Pierre parish, Montreal, 
and that his sister Louise, who came to the Illinois country with him, 
married one Joseph Migneau. As executors of his will he named 
Francois LeClaire and Jean Baptiste Vall^ (negociants), at that time 
in Ste. Genevieve.*^ 

Of De St. Pierre, parish priest of Ste. Genevieve from 1789 to 
1797, we have no further information than that he held this office at 
Kaskaskia in 1785, and according to Major Hamtramck, was also 

* Letter of Don Juan Ventura Morales, dated February 27th, 1799, in New 
Madrid Archives. 

** A copy merely of the original will is found in the New Madrid Archives, the 
original having been delivei^ to the Missouri Historical Society, according to 
memorandum endorsed on the copy left with the Circuit clerk in lieu of the 


priest at Cahokia.*' He caused Bishop Carroll, of Baltimore, some 
inquietude, because when he departed from that city he had not ob- 
tained from the Bishop the power to administer the sacrament 
(pouvoir pour Padministration des sacramens) nor did he satisfy the 
Bishop that he came to America with the consent of the superior of 
his order, and this inquietude was not lessened by the fact that La 
Valiniere reported that de St. Pierre paid no attention to his authority.** 
But St. Pierre, by crossing over the river and taking up his residence 
in Ste. Genevieve, abandoned the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Balti- 
more, and thus probably ceased to disturb his mind. We have 
only another notice of Father St. Pierre. When young Brackenridge 
arrived at Ste. Genevieve in 1792, and became a member of the 
Beauvais family, the fact that he had not been baptised caused Mad- 
ame Beauvais no little anxiety, and she felt some repugnance at 
"putting a little heretic in the same bed with her own children," but 
Brackenridge says, "that the good curate Pere St. Pierre, who made 
a Christian of me" soon removed this anxiety, "M. and Madame 
Beauvais becoming my sponsors,"** This is all we know of this 
parish priest except that from Ste. Genevieve he removed to lower 

Father de St. Pierre was succeeded by Father James Maxwell. 
Father Maxwell was a native of Ireland, and appointed Vicar-General 
over the English and American settlers of upper Louisiana, his 
appointment being dated at San Lorenzo, November 22, 1794. 
The Bishop of Salamanca had great confidence in him and brought 
him to the notice of the King of Spain. Lopez Armisto, Secretary of 
the Province of Louisiana, also relied upon him to convert the many 
American settlers in the Spanish dominion, to the Catholic religion, 
and in a proclamation issued in 1789, the Commandant of Ste. 
Genevieve stated that the King had permitted the Americans to settle 
in the province (vagabonds excepted) and that those accepting this 
offer might continue their religion in private, but could not exercise 

*' Hamtramck's Letter to General Harmer, dated April, 1789. Draper's 
Collection, Hanner's Papers, vol. i. 

** In his letter to Father Gibault, Bishop CarroU says: " I feel uneasy about 
M. De St. Pierre. He left here without the power to administer the sacrament. 
I could not give him the power, because I did not know whether he came to 
this country with the permission of his superior. Mr. de la Valiniere has in- 
formed me that Mr. De St. Pierre pays no attention whatever to the first Vicar, 
who is his superior, appointed by me. Please inquire also whether this is true. 
I have not had any news from Mr. La Valiniere for some time." Letter in 
New Madrid Archives, vol. 11. 

** Brackenridge's Recollections of the West, p. 23. 



it in public, that all churches must be Catholic, ''and served by 
priests from Ireland."** 

Father Maxwell came to Ste. Genevieve in 1796, and was a very 
active and enterprising man.** -From letters in the New Madrid 
archives addressed to Father Gi- 
bault, it is evident that he was 
vigilant in collecting the ecclesiastical fees due him as Vicar-General, 
and in asserting his jurisdiction and authority. He, too, was active 
in securing concessions of land. On November 3, 1799, he ob- 
tained a grant from Lieutenant-Governor DeLassus for four leagues 
square in the forks of Black River in the district of Ste. Genevieve. 
This concession was surveyed, and embraced within its limits 112,896 
arpens of land. Upon this concession he agreed to establish a colony 
of Irish Roman Catholics, but when the concession came before the 
Conunissioners for Spanish land grants, he explained that owing to 
the existing wars and subsequent prohibition of immigration from 
Ireland, he was not able to colonize his grant. He also secured 
another concession of two hundred and ninety arpens on Gabourie 
creek, and on the loth of September 1799, another concession of 
three thousand arpens on the Mississippi, at the mouth of St. 
Laurent creek where the little town of St. May's is now situated in 
Ste. Genevieve county, was made to him, and this grant was appar- 
ently approved by the Intendant-General, the Assessor-General, 
and confirmed by the Intendant Lopez Angulo, under date of New 
Orleans, July 8, 1800. Upon this claim Father Maxwell built a 
large hous^. As assignee of Bernard Pratte, Father Maxwell also 
claimed a league square near the St. Francois river, and as 
assignee of Henry Dielle another five thousand arpens near the same 
river, all in the Ste. Genevieve district. Altogether, Father Maxwell 
made claim to about 128,250 arpens of land. His claims, with the 
exceptions of two hunded and ninety nine arpens on Gabourie creek, 

^ Ashe gives us a description of the altar of the church at Ste. Genevieve as 
follows : 

''At the upper end there is a beautiful altar, the fronton of which is brass 
gilt and enriched in medio-relievo representing the religions of the world, 
diffusing the benefits of the gospel over the new world. In the middle of the altar 
there is a crucifix of brass gUt and underneath a copy of a picture by Raphael 
representing the Madonna and child, St. Elizabeth and St. John. In a second 
group there is a St. Joseph, all perfectly well drawn and colored. The beauty 
and grace of the Virgin are beyond description and the little Jesus and St. John 
are charming." 3 Ashe's Travels, p. 119. 

** EUicott's Journal, p. 32. EUicott who met him at New Madrid, on his 
way down the Mississippi to survey the southern boundary, says that he ''was 
a well informed liberal gentleman." 


were rejected, but occasionally the story is revived that his heirs 
intend to set up claim to these vast possessions. A beautiful elevation 
about one mile above Ste. Genevieve, near what is known as 
"Little Rock Landing," overlooking the Mississippi, the bottom 
lands on both sides of the river, and the railroads now passing through 
these fertile fields, is yet known as "MaJtwell's Hill," perpetuating 
his name. 

Father Gibault no doubt visited St. Louis on his missionary tours, 
looking after the spiritual welfare of the people there, although there is 
no evidence that he resided in St. Louis from 1770 to 1772 as stated 
by Scharff.*! During this period Father Gibault resided at Kaskas- 
kia, traveling far and wide in Illinois country in the performance of 
his apostolic mission, nor is it likely that the Spanish ecclesiastical 
authorities would then have allowed a priest of the Diocese of Quebec, 
to actually reside and exercise his spiritual functions in the Spanish 
territory, without intervention. Probably, however, no objection 
Aras made to an occasional visit by a priest of that diocese, to supply 
the spiritual needs of the people, in the absence of the regular priest, 
appointed by the Bishop of Havanna. The first resident priest of 
St. Louis, as shown by the records of church burials, was Father 
Valentine, who, on the 6th of June 1773, ofiiciated there at the funeral 
of William Bissette. In 1772 he was at Arkansas Post, and appears 
to have removed from there to St. Louis.** The records also show 
that Father Valentine remained there for two ye^rs, until June 7, 
1775, officiating on that day at the funeral of Joseph DuBreuil. From 
St. Louis, he was transferred or removed to Kaskaskia. It is not 
explained why the Bishop of Quebec allowed him to take up his 
spiritual functions in his diocese, when apparently the dignitaries 
of the Spanish church were so jealous of the priests of the diocese of 
Quebec. Nevertheless it appears from the church records of Kas- 
kaskia that he was probably a parish priest there until 1783, when 
he was superceded by Father Bernard who had been his successor at 
St. Louis. Father Valentine was a Capuchin Friar and, while 
officiating at St. Louis, describes himself as "priest of the parish of 
St. Louis and its dependencies." As priest at St. Louis, he officiated 
on December 27, 1774, at the funeral of Louis de St. Ange, "Cap- 
tian attached to the Battalion of Louisiana" — thus incidentally show- 

*' 2 Schartf's History of St. Louis, p. 1630. 

*® In Unzaga's Report, dated July 11, 1772, of the religious conditions of 
Louisiana, he enumerates among the priests Father Valentine, as of the 
"parish of San Luis de los Uinnesses, at the place commonly called Pancorto.*' 


ing that St. Ange, at the time ofrhis death, was an officer of the Spanish 
military establishment of Louisiana. A few days before the death 
of St. Ange, a bell, the first church bell of St. Louis, was duly baptised 
"Pierre Joseph Felicite," in honor of Pierre Joseph de Piemas and, 
Lady Felicite de Portneuf de Piemas, his wife, — god-father and 
god-mother of said bell — by Father Valentine, all of which was 
duly attested by the said god-father and god-mother, and Barrois and 
Benito Vasquez, as witnesses. Before the advent of this bell, which 
was probably sent from France or Spain, the congregation of St. 
Louis was summoned to devotion by means of a large iron mortar, 
beaten by a heavy iron pestle.^ But in 1799, according to Moses 
Austin, the church was only "a frame building, "making an "indiflferent 
appearance," and having, he says, "neither steeple nor bell." From 
1775 to 1776, no regular priest was stationed at St. Louis, but Father 
Hilaire, parish priest of Ste. Genevieve, made occasional visits to the 
town, to solemnize marriages and perform the ceremony of baptism. 
Father Hilaire was also a Capuchin priest and Apostolic prothon- 

The possession of a church bell was apparently the means of 
bringing home to the St. Louis congregation the necessity of a new 
church, because two days after the bell had been baptised, on the 
26th day of December 1774, the people assembled in the Govern- 
ment building, and in the presence of Governor Piemas and Father 
Valentine as well as the church warden M. Sarpy, determined to build 
a new church. It was resolved that the dimensions of this edifice 
should be 30 by 60 feet, and further that the ash posts should be 
eighteen feet long, hewed on both sides above the ground, to the 
width of six inches. The wooden material for this structure was to 
be furnished by the people, according to an assessment "made on 
each white and black person of the age of fourteen years and up- 
wards," widows and those over sixty years old only excepted. Pierre 
Baron, who was present, was made "superintendent of the building 
and of the assessment," and promised "to do his duty."*" His 
assistants in this work, which undoubtedly then was considered an 
undertaking of great magnitude, were Rene Kiercereau, Antoine 
Riviere dit Baccane, Joseph Taillon and Jacques Noise dit DesNoyer. 
Baron, the superintendent, died soon afterward and consequently, in 
January 1776, Francesco Cmzat as commandant of the post, award- 

*• 2 Scharflf's History of St. Louis, p. 1649. 
*® 2 Scharflf's History of St. Louis, p. 1646. 


ed the contract to buUd the church 1^ Juan Cambas as the lowest 
bidder, the work to be completed for 1,480 livres, which was to be 
paid in shaved deer skins. 

In 1776 Father Bernard de Litnpach, a native of Liege^, undoubt- 
edly a German whose real name was Bernhardt Von Limbach, was 
appointed parish priest by Friar Dagobert de Langwy, Superior and 
VicarGeneral of Louisiana, to be duly inducted inlo office as "parish 
priest of St. Louis of Illinois, Post of Paincourt, with all its rights and 
appendages, upon condition of actual personal residence there, and 

not otherwise." This order of appointment Father Bernard duly 
deposited for safe keeping in the Government office of St. Louis, as 
certified by Don Francesco Cruzat, Commandant. Father Bernard 
remained in St. Louis until 1787, and during his administration of the 
parish a new stone parochial residence was built for him, in place of 
the old log building in which his predecessor had resided. This new 
building was forty feet long by twenty seven wide. It was begun by 
Jean Cambas and Juan Ortes, the contractors, in July 1777, and 
completed the next spring. To this building Father Bernard contrib- 
uted 437 livres in peltries, a sum he had received at New Orleans to 
pay his passage to St. Louis. An assessment was also made on all the 
inhabitants of the town over fourteen years of age, widows and per- 


sons over sixty years of age excepted, for the balance of the amount 
necessary to build this parochial residence. Where Father Bernard 
was stationed after he left St. Louis, we have not been able to ascer- 
tain. While at St. Louis he seems to have visited Kaskaskia, at any 
rate the church records of that parish show that he officiated there 

Father Ledru succeeded Father Bernard as parish priest of St. 
Louis. Before he came to St. Louis he was stationed at Kaskaskia, 
and Major Hamtramck writes General Harmer, in 1789, that he leaves 
Kaskaskia on account of the lawlessness prevalent there, and that he 
regrets his departure. Father Ledru remained until 1794. In 1789 
he urged that the church of St. Louis ought to be rebuilt and Lieuten- 
ant-Governor Perez in a letter to Miro says, that the ^'habitans do not 
refuse to do it," but that the majority are not able to contribute "as 
they would like to" because of their poverty. "" After 1794 Father 
Ledru was succeeded by Father Pierre Joseph Didier, a priest of the 
religious order of the Benedictines of the congregation of St. Maur, 
who from time to time, officiated until April 1799. Father Didier, 
before he came to St. Louis, was a missionary priest at Florissant. 
It may be noted that in 1797, Auguste LeClerc brought suit against 
Father Didier to adjust his liability on a note of 2,050 livres, which 
Father Didier denied owing. The matter was referred by consent to 
arbitrators. Father Didier saying, "If my refusal is not a just one, I 
consent to pay." After Father Didier's departure in 1799 from St. 
Louis, Father Janin was in charge of the parish until the acquisition 
of Louisiana by the United States. Father Janin came to St. Louis 
from Arkansas Post, where he was parish priest from 1796 to 1798. 
In 1798, Father Maxwell, by order of the Bishop of Louisiana, made an 
examination of the church building at St. Louis and reported that 
"it is too small for the village," that "its timbers are rotted" and that 
"it can not be kept from falling into the river," that the church has 
only 1,213 pesos in cash available for a new church, and no fixed in- 

" Letter of Perez to Miro, dated Nov. 9, 1 787. Father Ledru came from 
France. In a letter found in the New Madrid Archives, Bishop Carroll gives 
his real name as Father Jacobin, called Ledru. In this letter he says: "that 
according to an agreement with the Father Provincial he was to send me a 
letter testifying to the good conduct of Father Jacobin and authorizing him tostav 
in America," but that on the contrary he had " received by way of New York 
information on the conduct of this religieuse in Acadia, which makes me feel 
very sad and causes me to reproach myself for having given him even limited 
power. Kindly inquire about him and send me as soon as convenient any 
information you can get about his behaviour at Kaskaskia." He was also curiS 
of Cahokia for a time. 



come, and that the well-to-do inhabitants are obliged, " under the laws 
of these kingdoms," to contribute **to the construction of the temple." 
This report was submitted to Governor Gayosa by the Bishop, but 
with no results.*' 

The church of St. Ferdinand, at Florissant, a wooden structure, 
was built in 1792, but it is certain that long before that time religious 
services were held in this neighborhood. The first entry made by 
Father Didier, in the St. Ferdinand church-record is dated August 
2, 1792, recording the baptism of Claude Fallot, in the church. Af- 
ter the departure of Father Didier, Father Lusson, priest of "St. 

Charies of the little Hills 
of Missouri," served the 
people of Florissant as 
well as St. Charles where 
a small chapel also 
existed, which, it is 
claimed, was erected as early as 1772. This parish was created by 
the Bishop of Louisiana in 1797.*^ The Bishop never visited the 
parishes of upper Louisiana. 

After the removal of Father Gibault to New Madrid, he organized 
the parish of ** St. Isidore " there, as already stated, and built a church 
(fabrique), and for this purpose received a sum of money from the 
Intendant Morales at New Orleans. The total value of the church 
property in 1804 was estimated to be 1,620 pesos. The church 
was an edifice 60 feet long, 28 feet wide, and 16 feet high between 
the ground and ceiling. "Its carpenter work" says the report of 
the commissioners, made at the time of the cession, "is con- 
structed of cypress timber, doubled on the outside with planks 
of the same wood. It has a partition in its width for the 
sacristy, ten openings with their windows and gratings; an altar, 
with a tabernacle of cherry wood ; a picture of the Holy Virgin Mary, 
8 feet high, by 5^ feet wide, framed in wood ; a railing in front where 
communion is taken; a pulpit of cherry wood; a belfry with a metal 
bell weighing 50 pounds," and was estimated to be worth 1,200 pesos. 
The parochial residence was a building 21 feet long and 16 feet wide, 
"doubled without and within with cypress plank, the floor and ceiling 
and a wall of cypress planks, a double brick chimney; four openings 

"See Maxwell's Report to Bishop of Louisiana, dated February 14, 1798. 
General Archives of the Indies, Seville. 

" Report of the Bishop of Louisiana for 1 789-1 797 — Audiencia of Santo 
Domingo, — General Archives of the Indies, Seville. 


with their windows and doors and gratings ; a gallery in front, with 
floor and ceiling ; a cellar under said house, and a stairway to mount 
the garret. In addition, to this parish residence, was attached a build- 
ing near by, used as a kitchen, 18 feet long by 15 feet wide, estimated 
to be worth 350 pesos, and also a bake house, 15 feet long and ten 
feet wide, with a brick chimney, and an oven 30 feet in circiynference, 
with frames complete made of brick, a roof made of carpenter 
work to cover it, and this bake house was equipped with a bread 
maker, flour sieve, shovels, poker, casks, canvasses and sheets 
for covering the bread and other utensils, all valued at 120 pesos.** 
In the parochial residence surrounded by a large garden Father 
Gibault lived in ease and comfort with his colored servants, well 
able to entertain the Vicar- General of upper Louisiana, Father 
Maxwell, as well as Father Lusson of St. Charles, who occasionally 
during this period visited him at New Madrid on spiritual errands, 
then long and laborious journeys. 

During the Spanish government, the parish priests of Ste. Gene- 
vieve (including the adjacent settlements of Nouvelle Bourbon, 
Saline, Old Mine and St. Michael) St. Louis (including certainly 
Carondelet), St. Charles (including it would seem the church of St. 
Francois at Portage des Sioux and the church of St. Ferdinand at 
Florissant) and the parish of St. Isidore or New Madrid, (including 
Arkansas Post and other settlements), received a regular salary of 
$600 per annum,, and in addition the burial and marriage fees, which 
were not inconsiderable. This afforded a very decent support for 
that time. The expense of building and maintaining the several 
churches was paid by the Government.** 

With the cession of the country to the United States the small 
annual stipend to the established clergy and the governmental care 
of the church buildings, of course, ceased, and the priests became 
directly dependent upon the support of their respective congrega- 
tions. The church buildings with the other property belonging to the 
church was ceded to the several Catholic congregations. Thus the 
church property at Ste. Genevieve, St. Louis, St. Charles, St. Ferdi- 
nand, of Portage des Sioux, New Madrid and some vacant ground in 
Little Prairie (now Caruthersville) was granted to the Catholics of 
those villages. In Ste. Genevieve the Catholic congregation also 

^ Report of Inventory of Royal Property at New Madrid — Archives of the 
Indies, Seville. 

"Stoddard's Louisiana, p. 316. 


claimed and was allowed a tract of land three arpens in front by fifty 
in depth, — land which is still the property of the church and the 
rents of which go to its support. 

Among the Catholic priests of the newly acquired territory of 
upper Louisiana Rev. James Maxwell, of Ste. Genevieve, was the 
most active, being "a learned and practical Irish Catholic priest. " " 
He took a deep interest in public and political affairs. In the Act of 
1808, incorporating the Ste. Genevieve academy, he is named as one 
of the trustees, and in 1813 he was appointed by Jefferson a member 
of the Territorial Council, and was elected president of the same. At 
the time of the cession he was Vicar-General of upper Louisiana, but 
how long after the cession he remained Vicar- General is not certain. 
He died in 1814. Rev. Patrick Walsh who was appointed his Vicar- 
General by the Right Reverend 
^ J /^/ f yf Penalver y Cardenas, BLshop of 

CyyUOlJ/ffO ^C^IA Louisiana and the Floridas, re- 
^y^ siding in New Orleans, when the 

^l i{/7JJct^'70 Ou^^^ territory was transferred to the 

v^'— ^^ United States, appears to have 

( ^^ remained in charge of the whole 

'^ diocese, and it is likely that for a 

time at least Rev. James Maxwell also remained Vicar-General of 
upper Louisiana. Rev. Patrick Walsh, as Vicar- General after the 
cession, removed a priest at New Orleans, but the latter refused to 
recognize his authority and appealed to the congregation who then 
elected him.**^ This led to litigation. The Vicar-General appealed 
to Governor Claiborne, praying for such relief against the ** schismatic 
and rebellious conduct** of this priest as could be afforded. 

Bishop Cardenas did not reside at New Orleans after 1801, but 
removed to Guatamala, having been appointed Archbishop of that 
diocese, but in a letter addressed to the Very Reverend Canon Thomas 
Hassett, making him administrator of the bishopric, he styles him- 
self ** Bishop of Louisiana and Archbishop of Guatamala.'* It is 
said by Bishop Spaulding that after the appointment of Bishop 
Cardenas to Guatamala, a second Bishop was appointed for "New 
Orleans, " although Bishop Cardenas styled himself " Bishop of Louis- 
iana," but that the name of this Bishop is not now known. Spaulding 

*• Life of Bishop Flaget, p. 60. 

^ Gayarre's Louisiana, American Domination, vol. 3, p. 106. He removed 
a Spanish priest named Antonio de Sedella, " the same who attempted to intro- 
duce the Inquistion into Louisiana in 1789." 


says that the Archbishop of Baltimore was canonically charged with 
the administration of this diocese after Cardenas resigned the charge, 
and that Archbishop Carroll appointed Rev. Olivier, Vicar-General 
of this diocese with ample jurisdiction, very likely Succeeding the 
Very Reverend Patrick Walsh. The Vicar-General Olivier was a 
brother of the venerable missionary priest Father Donatian Olivier, 
parish priest of Prairie du Rocher, who after the death of Father 
Maxwell occasionally visited Ste. Genevieve and administered to 
the spiritual wants of the people there until October 181 5, when 
Bishop Flaget of Bardstown who then administered the affairs of 
the diocese of Louisiana appointed Father Henri Pratte " as parish 
priest. Father Olivier died on the 29th day of January, 1841, at 
St. Mary's of the Barrens, aged 95 years.'' Rev. M. Sibourd suc- 
ceeded Vicar- General Olivier, and succeeding him Dr. Dubourg was 
placed in charge of the diocese. The Bishop of New Orleans or 
Louisiana was considered at Rome as a suffragen of the Archbishop 
of Havanna, and this connection was not officially dissolved until 
1826, a very short time before Bbhop Dubourg departed for Europe. 
If Bishop Carroll had charge of the bishopric of Louisiana, for by 
that name it was then known, it must have been at the request of the 
Archbishop of Havanna. In 1807 on the recommendation of Bishop 
Carroll four new sees were erected in the United States, but the bull 
which created the see of Bardstown strictly speaking only embraced 
the states of Kentucky and Tennessee and the country northwest of 
the Ohio and east of the Missbsippi,*^ leaving the country west of 
the Mississippi within the diocese of New Orleans, or Louisiana, and 
the western Floridas. When the Rev. Patrick Walsh ceased to be 
Vicar-General of Louisiana is just as uncertain as when the Rev. 
James Maxwell ceased to act. But it b recorded that in 18 15 Abb^ 
Dubourg as the highest ecclesiastical dignitary of the church then 
residing at New Orleans received General Jackson at the door of 
the ** time-honored cathedral" of that city. Dr. Dubourg was at this 
time, says Bishop Spaulding, "administrator of the diocese of New 
Orleans," evidently meaning ** diocese of Louisiana." 

" Father Henri Pratte was born January 19th 1778 at Ste. Genevieve and 
died there September 7, 1822. He in 1803 entered the College of Montreal, Can- 
ada, where he was ordained priest. He was very energetic in attending to the 

affairs of the church, and during his pastorate the church was much enlarged 

red as pi 
and St. Michael, frequently visiting these places. 

and improved. In addition he served as pastor of the church at Old Mines 

•• Life of Bishop Flaget, p. 1 28. 
•° Ibid., p. 60. 


When in 1814 Bishop Flagct of Bardstown visited upper 
Louisiana, he did so at the request of Dr. Dubourg." The 
Bishop crossed I he river in a canoe at St. Louis on June 
30, 1814, but on this visit found a cool reception, and the days 
spent there, says his biographer, were 
days of "great sadness for him." 
General religious apathy prevailed, 
"the rich, the fathers, the mothers, 
the chUdren over 15 years of age 
staid away from the confessional," 
and he complains that he could make 
" no impression whatever on their 
callous hearts." ** Perhaps this spir- 
itual condition could be attributed to 
the fact that shortly after the cession 
Father Pierre Janin left the St. Louis parish, and that no priest re- 
sided there from 1804 to 1813. The interments only were recorded 
in the church register by Jean BaptLste Trudeau, the school teacher. 
From 1806 and 1810 Father James Maxwell of Ste. Gene^-ieve occa- 
sionally visited St. Louis on spiritual errands. In 1808, '09, '10, 
and '11, Father Urban Guillet, a Trappist, residing at the monastery 
of "Notre Dame de Bon Secours," near Cahokia, made like 
visits; so also did the Rev. Marie Joseph Dunand, another 
Trappist missionary, in 1808, '10, '11 and '13. Father Bernard, too, 
who had formerly lived in St. Louis, came up from Kaskaskia in 1810. 
In 1813 Father Savign^, who before this time occasionally had vis- 
ited St. Louis, permanently located there. Father Savign^, it is said, 
was the last priest sent west by the Canadian mission. When Bishop 
Flaget came to Cahokia on his way to St. Louis, as he entered his 
house he found Father Savign^ there, "holding the handle of a skillet 
to make an omelette,"" 

From St. Louis, in 1814, Bishop Flaget went to Florissant where 
the "entire population turned out with joy to welcome him" — and a 
procession headed by chanters was formed, to escort him to the 
church. Among those present on this occasion, he records, were two 
men, respectively ro; and 108 years of age. He was much affected 
by the firm faith of the people here, "who seem to have been true 

" Life of Bishop Flagcl, pp. lit), 131. 

"IKd., p. 133. 

' Life of Bishop Flaget, p. 131. 


Israelites in whom there was no guile." He remained in Florissant 
three days, then crossed the Missouri river, sitting in an arm chair 
in "a canoe decorated with flowers," and visited another congrega- 
tion divided into hostile factions, probably a congregation on the Dar- 
denne. From there he went to St. Charles, arriving there on the 
i8th of July. On the 21st, he departed for Portage des Sioux, 
remaining there until the 28th, when he returned to St. Charles. 
Here, also, the congregation was at war with its priest. From St. 
Charles he returned to St. Louis, where he arrived August 3, 1814, 
but he says that his "sojourn here will be almost useless." He was 
treated, however, with every possible attention by Governor Clark, 
who prevailed on him to baptize three of his children. Although 
the good Bishop was not satisfied with the result of his spiritual 
visit to St. Louis, he no doubt accomplished great good, and brought 
back into the fold many who had wandered away or had become 
indifferent, and also restored harmony in some of the congregations. 
From St. Louis on the 14th of September, he departed for Cahokia, 
Prairie du Rocher and Kaskaskia. 

On the 2ist of September he arrived at Ste. Genevieve where he 
was received with great honor. Here he delivered a powerful sermon 
against the violation of the laws of abstinence, and against balls and 
dancing, the favorite amusement of the people. From Ste. Gene- 
vieve he made a visit to the Catholic- American settlement "in the 
Barrens," in what is now Perry county. On his return to Ste. Gene- 
vieve he preached to an assembly of five hundred negroes, and found 
that marriage was not common amongst them. "He threatened 
their masters with privation of the sacraments unless they afforded 
their servants every facility to enter lawfully into this holy contract." 
The people of Ste. Genevieve presented him with a new suit of clothes 
and fifty dollars in money. During this "episcopal campaign," as 
he calls it. Bishop Flaget says that he traveled 900 miles in order to 
visit ten or twelve thousand Roman Catholics, scattered on the borders 
of the Missouri and Mississippi, sometimes traveling for days with- 
out a human habitation in sight. 

In 181 5 Bishop Dubourg was consecrated Bishop of upper and 
lower Louisiana at Rome; but he then urged that upper Louis- 
iana be detached from his diocese, and Bishop Flaget be made first 
Bishop. To this change Bishop Flaget did not object, but the plan 
was frustrated by the opposition and loud protest of the people of 
New Orleans against the appointment of Bishop Dubourg. This 

at least temporarily. 



unpleasant situation induced Bishop Dubourg to locate his episcopal 
residence at some place in upper Louisiana to be determined upon, 
at least temporarily. In a letter to Bishop Flaget, he requested him 
3 ascertain from the Catholic residents of 
Ste. Genevieve and St. Louis in upper 
Louisiana, what they would do to meet his 
requirements to secure the residence of a 
Bishop among them. These requirements, 
which seem modest to us now, were, however, 
not so easy for that time. They consisted of 
(i) three thousand dollars to defray his trav- 
eling expenses and those of missionaries 
from Europe, (a) a necessary donation of 
■tsHor DDBODKO '^"^ ^°^ ^ cathcdral and episcopal mansion, 

and (3) suitable salaries for the missionaries. 
Bishop Flaget, accompanied by Fathers DeAndreis and Rosati, and 
the lay brothers Blanca, and a Mr. Tucker as guide, visited upper Lou- 
isiana on this mission. They found that in upper Louisiana also con- 
siderable prejudice had been created against Bishop Dubourg among 
the Catholics. In Sle. Genevieve, where the first overture was made to 
locate the seat of the Bishopric, he was received with much coldness and 
indifference. In St. Louis the people look no more interest, says Bishop 
Flaget in aletter to Father David, in the matterof the reception of Bishop 
Dubourg "than about that of the Emperor of China," and he describes 
the presbytery as without doors, windows, floors or furniture, and the 
church as in a still worse condition. He says that "the people were 
filled with prejudice against their Bishop whom they had never seen," 
But subscriptions were started, and the example of Jeremiah O'Con- 
nor who gave a thousand dollars, at that time a princely sum, had a 
good influence with the rest of the population. Bishop Flaget was 
shown great consideration by n on -Catholics. Colonel Benton called on 
him, and many others, and thus his mission was finally made success- 
ful. He returned to Bardslown awaiting the returnofBishop Dubourg. 
The latter had sailed from Bordeaux on the ist of July 1817, and 
landed at Annapolis on (he 4th of September, accompanied by five 
priests, twenty six young men, some of whom were candidates for the 
ministry, and others destined to become lay brothers to assist the 
missionaries in temporal affairs. On December and he arrived at 
Bardstown, and on the 12th departed on the steamboat "Piqua" for 
St. Louis, accompanied by Bishop Flaget and a company of priests. 


On Christmas day they were at the mouth of the Ohio, and on the 
evening of that day the boat stopped at or near the farm of widow 
Fenwick, a Catholic, opposite Grand Tower, where they were happy 
to visit. On the evening of the 30th of December they arrived at Ste. 
Genevieve, and early the next morning sent a messenger to the Rev. 
DeAndreis to announce their arrival. They were received with 
great ceremony, and on the first day of the year, 181 8, Bishop Dubourg 
celebrated the first Pontifical mass at Ste. Genevieve. From Ste. 
Genevieve the rest of the journey was made by land by way of Prairie 
du Rocher and Cahokia to St. Louis. Here he also was received 
with great pomp ; and as soon as he became personally known to the 
people, was greatly esteemed and loved. Bishop Flaget now re- 
turned to Kentucky, and Bbhop Dubourg began his episcopal labors 
in a territory extending over the whole western portion of the Mississippi 
valley, from New Orleans to the Rocky mountains and the Great 
Lakes. In all upper Louisiana there were then only four priests under 
his spiritual jurisdiction and to his visible temporal authority, seven 
small chapels were subject. But he was a man of zeal, who had well 
planned his work before he came to St. Louis.^* While in Italy he 
induced Rev. Felix DeAndreis, Rev. Joseph Rosati and others to 
come to America to take up their residence in upper Louisiana. They 
were members of the "Congregation of the Priests of the Mission of 
St. Vincent de Paul." While residing in St. Louis he annually visited 
New Orleans and lower Louisiana. In 1824 he removed the seat of 
his episcopal residence from upper Louisiana to New Orleans. 
Among the priests Bishop Dubourg induced to come to upper 
Louisiana, Father Felix De Andreis was certainly the most eminent. 
Before his departure from Italy for America Bishop Dubourg appoint- 
ed him Vicar-General of his diocese.^ Father DeAndreis was bom 
December 13, 1778 at DeMonte, Piedmont; studied rhetoric and 

•* Bishop Louis William Valentine Dubourg was born at Cape Francois, on 
the island of San Domingo, February 14, 1766; educated in France; studied 
theology at St. Sulpice ; driven from France by the Revolution ; fled to Spain ; 
came to Baltimore in 1 794 ; a priest'of the order of St. Sulpice in 1 796 ; president 
of St. Mary's Seminary; established the Sisters of Charity in Baltimore; in 
181 5 went to Rome, consecrated Bishop there of upper and lower Louisiana; 
in 1815 founded in America the Society for the Propagation of the Faith; re- 
moved from St. Louis to New Orleans in 1824; in 1826 was made Bishop of 
the see of Montauban in France, and in 1833 was Archbishop of Besanjon; he 
died October 1833. A man of great energy, zeal and piety. " A man," says 
Lucas, "of distinguished talents and personal accomplishments." Letter dated 
August 18, 181 7. 

* Life of Felix DeAndreis, p. 97. 


philosophy at Cuneo ; at the age of sixteen made application to join 
the Congregation of the Priests of the Mission of St. Vincent ; entered 
as a novitiate in the house of the Mission at Mondori, and in 1797 
assumed the habit of St. Vincent, and under the guidance of the Rev. 
Joseph Giordana applied himself to his holy vocation. In 1800 he 
studied at Turin, and afterward at Placentia, and so assiduous was 
he in pursuing his studies, " that he became a profound philosopher, 
a learned theologian, an erudite historian, besides being well versed 
in literature, chemistry, natural history, astronomy, mathematics, 
medicine, music, geography, and skilled in Hebrew, Greek, French, 
and Spanish languages. As for Latin, he spoke it fluently, and wrote 
it with elegance.'* He was "gifted with so piercing an intellect 
that he penetrated at first glance, the most difficult questions and 
most abstruse theories." His memory was extraordinary, and having 
once read a book he could, years afterward, repeat many passages 
and give a resumd of its contents. He had a marvelous knowledge of 
the sacred Scriptures, the works of the holy Fathers, the canonical 
decisions of the church, the moral and ascetic books by the most 
eminent divines, and the great writings of St. Thomas, St. Augustine, 
St. Bernard and St. John Chrysostom. Such were his qualifications 
in 1801, when in Placentia he was promoted to the priesthood. After 
his ordination he was at once entrusted with the complete exercise of 
the apostolic ministry, and became a conspicuous missionary, teach- 
er and director of collegians. But his ardor for knowledge did not 
lead him away from the "science of the saints," and he kept contin- 
ually in mind the admonition of St. Vincent to students, not to allow 
"an inordinate avidity for learning to invade their hearts." Hence 
he resolved only to "give to study a stated portion of time," and be- 
yond that to "banish every thought of it" because, he says, "Study is 
not God, nor even the most direct road to him." He resolved there- 
fore to more assiduously "exercise piety" and "practice virtue, "and 
labor to "overcome self esteem" because "humility is the gate to 
truth," and remembering that the "prudence of the flesh kills the 
soul," he resolved to practice mortifications by giving up certain com- 
forts of life in which he had indulged, under the pretext that they pre- 
served his health and strength. 

From Placentia, Father DeAndreis was transferred to Monte 
Citoria in Rome, where he soon became celebrated on account 
of his missionary labors in many parts of Italy. Here he taught 
theology to the priests of his own order and also to the clergymen 


of the college of the Propaganda, by order of Pope Pius VII, 
and thus were discovered the vast treasures of sacred learning 
he possessed. Bishop Rosati who attended these lectures says that 
they "inflamed" the hearts of his listeners, and that "his words 
pierced the inmost depths of the soul." When he spoke of the 
"truths of religion," or the "maxims of eternal salvation," his coun- 
tenance, naturally pale, "perceptibly changed its color" and it seemed 
when he addressed the students of the Propaganda, that he "longed 
to transmit to their hearts the heavenly Are that would make them 
fervent apostles for infidel lands, to which they were destined." •• 
His fame soon filled Rome. Cardinal Delia Somaglia attended his 
lectures, and afterwards told the Pope that he seemed to hear a 
"St. John Chrysostom or a St. Bernard." During this period of his 
career he had frequent presentiments that he would go to America 
and die there. As early as 1810, he told Bishop Rosati that they both 
ought to learn English, and he then predicted that that language would 
be needful to them. This presentiment was finally realised, when 
in the year 181 5, Bishop Dubourg came to Rome to be con- 
secrated as Bishop of Louisiana. But not without a struggle did 
Bishop Dubourg secure this brilliant and shining light of the priest- 
hood of Rome. Accidentally, or providentially, some would say, ojie 
evening he passed a public hall where he heard a young priest "in 
sonorous language address a large audience;" he entered and listened 
attentively, and turning to the young student of the Propaganda who 
escorted him, asked who was the young priest that was preaching so 
well ; he then learned his name and that he was a mbsionary of the 
Congregation of the Missions, and said " O, how glad should I be if I 
could have some of these priests for my diocese." Then the student 
told him that Father DeAndreis desired nothing more ardently than 
to be employed in foreign missions. This was enough for Bishop 
Dubourg. His rare energy, persistence, intelligence and indomi- 
table will were directed to secure Father DeAndreis and missionaries 
of his order. He became personally acquainted with DeAndreis, met 
many obstacles but overcame them all, and at last, December 27, 
181 5, secured the establishment of a seminary of the order of St. 
Vincent for Louisiana. 

On the 14th of October Bbhop Dubourg surrounded by a 
little colony of missionaries, destined to plant a seminary of the 
"Congregation of Missions" in his diocese, composed of Fathers 

••Life of Father DeAndreis, pp. 18, 31. 


Felix DeAndreis, Jean Baptiste Acquaroni and Joseph Rosati 
and Mr. Joseph P. Peira, postulant priest, and Mr. Leo Deys, a 
student of the Propaganda, and Anthony Boboni, postulant lay 
brother, in an audience with the Pope received his apostolic blessing. 
The Pope conversed with them for over one hour, exhorting them to 
put their entire trust in God, animated them to bear cheerfully the 
many labors they must necessarily undergo, and predicting that in- 
numerable blessings would flow from their work. They then bade 
farewell to all their friends, and on the 21st day of October departed 
from Rome. As they went out of the Flaminian gate their 
** hearts palpitated with holy joy and the most lively gratitude to GkKi 
for the apostolic ministry," to which they were destined in a foreign 
land, for the sufferings they would meet ** while laboring to extend 
the kingdom of Jesus Christ." Thus was laid the foundation of 
**St. Mary's Seminary" established in what is now Perry county 
in 18 18, incorporated by the territorial legislature of Missouri, 
and generally known among the Catholic hierarchy as "St. 
Mary's of the Barrens," the mother-house and the nursery of many 
priests and bishops of the Catholic church of the United States. 

But a long and arduous journey and many labors were still before 
Father DeAndreis and his little band, before they were permitted to 
lay the foundation of their seminary in the wilderness, to rear the 
humble log cabins in which to preach and practice the precepts of their 
order and begin their religious educational labors. Although they 
did not understand the English language they yet aspired to preach 
and teach in this language. To master the tongue they devoted many 
hours and days. Father DeAndreis with brother Martin Blanka, 
made the journey across the Alps and expected to meet his compan- 
ions with Father Rosati, in the South of France. At this day we can 
hardly realize the hardships such a long tour by land across the 
mountains in the inclement season of the year then involved. Leav- 
ing the balmy air and sunny land of Italy, Father DeAndreis on this 
journey crossed Mont Cenis in January, walking much of the distance 
through snow knee deep with the cold and frigid wind almost taking 
away his breath and incrusting his clothes with a thick coating of 
ice. At last he reached Montpelier most anxious regarding Father 
Rosati and his companions, of whom he had heard nothing for a 
long time. He was then told that of 21 vessels that had sailed from 
Italy for the southern ports of France, 19 had perished, and this filled 
him with great and lively apprehensions for their safety. But on 


the 24th day, at Toulouse, he joyfully embraced them all, to learn that 
they had been equally distressed on his account. 

On the 30th of January they arrived at Bordeaux where they 
remained until the 12th of June following. They then embarked 
on a brig called the "Ranger," bidding adieu to Bishop Dubourg 
who in the meantime, had also arrived but was obliged to remain 
in France to adjust some affairs of his diocese. In addition to those 
already named. Fathers Carretti and Ferrari, and Messrs Francois 
Xavier Dahmen, Joseph Tichitoli and Casto Gonzalez, seminarists, 
also joined the party of Father DeAndreis, and three young 
laymen, Francois Moranville, Medard Dilatre and John Flegifont, 
who had some intentions to enter the order. These missionaries 
were almost the only passengers on the brig, and their voyage 
across the ocean was made very pleasant because the Captain, 
although an unbeliever, facilitated as much as he could, the perform- 
ance of their religious exercises, and took pleasure in assisting at 
divine service and hearing them speak of religious subjects. But 
all efforts to convert him. Father DeAndreis says, failed because he 
would candidly say "that the business of this world seemed to him 
more important than that of the next ;" on which Father De Andreis 
comments: "What lamentable blindness!" 

On the 26th day of July, at 10 o'clock in the morning, they landed 
in Baltimore. They were received by Father Bout^, the Presi- 
dent of St. Mary's College, a house of the Sulpicians, with great joy. 
DeAndreis enjoyed "the honor of singing high mass at the cathedral," 
but he says that it was "a painful thing for me, to hear bells pealing 
from magnificent temples, and to be told that these edifices belonged 
to heretics." In Baltimore they remained until September loth 
when they started in "a stage" for Bardstown, Kentucky, then the 
residence of Bishop Flaget. As can be well imagined, this journey 
was a revelation to Father DeAndreis and his companions. The 
falling rain, the frightful roads, the wretched taverns, the swollen 
creeks and rivers, reduced them to a pitiful condition, and some of 
the party could "not refrain from shedding tears." The expenses, 
too, of the trip were such as to threaten to leave the party without 
means, and in order to economize they put their baggage into a wagon, 
separated into bands and set out on foot, and "then it was," says 
Father DeAndreis, "happening to be alone and somewhat apart from 
the rest of the company, in the midst of these frightful mountains, in 
doubt as to the road, and scarcely knowing how to get on, the smiling 


picture of Rome, its churches, and the friends I had left there, pre- 
sented themselves to my mind in glowing colors, and like daggers, 
made me experience, for an instant, all the tortures of melancholy." 
But, he adds, " God, faith, and the desire of the salvation of souls, 
soon brought back to my soul, peace and serenity." On the aand of 
September the party reached Pittsburg, and, at last, on the 19th of 
November, 1816, they arrived at Louisville and from there, on horse- 
back, Father DeAndreis went to Bardstown, forty miles distant. 
Here he met Bishop Flaget and accepted his generous offer that he 
and his companions remain awhile at his seminary, St. Thomas, four 
miles from Bardstown, a resolution which Bishop Dubourg at first dis- 
approved, but subsequently, when he arrived on the spot, applauded. 
Here DeAndreis met Father David, Superior of the seminary, and 

afterward Bishop of Mauricastro in parli- 

^^^^ bus, and coadjutor of the Bishop of Bards- 

^^^^ town. At this time twenty young ecclesi- 

I E^^ astics resided there in a log house covered 

i ^^sT "■''i rough boards, the attic of which served 

£^^^^^^^L as a common dormitory. Not far from this 

^l^^^^^^^^k collegiate building was the episcopal resi- 

^^^^^^^^^^A dence, also constructed of logs but two stories 

^^^^^^^^^^^H high, the hrst floor divided into three rooms, 

^^^1^^^^^^^^ the largest of which sensed as a school room 

nTHEit oE *NDiiEi5 ^""^ fcf^ctory, aod in the other two smaller 

rooms Father DeAndreis and Rosati were 
located. The Bishop occupied a room in the upper story, while 
near his room was a small library and cabinet which he also gave up 
to one of the band of Father DeAndreis. 

Father DeAndreis and associates remained here until September 
and learned " many useful things " of which if they had been ignorant, 
he says frankly, "might have been very prejudicial to ourselves and 
others." He also found that "a certain amount of toleration is 
laudable" and, that "if it had always been observed by other mission- 
aries, many scandals would have been prevented," that the "enemies 
of Christianity would not have had so many arguments against us," 
and that the "adjuration of heretics and the conversion of infidels 
and savages would have been a work of much less difficulty." But 
the irreproachable and austere life led by the two Bishops of the sem- 
inary, the total abstinence from all intoxicating liquors they practiced, 
the invariable rule by which they banished such liquors from their 


table and the seminary table, and refused for themselves to accept 
any donation of the same on pretense of thus recruiting their strength, 
was an example of mortification, a source of much edification to 
Fathers DeAndreb and Rosati, and they determined to follow it in 
the same manner as soon as settled in their new home. Of course 
Father DeAndreis, during his residence at St. Thomas, daily gave 
instructions in theology and other subjects, and he and all his 
companions also assiduously studied English. Father DeAndreis 
began to preach in English, hear confessions in English, and began to 
translate his sermons into English, studied English prose and poetry, 
and always in his walks with his pupils conversed in English. 

When Bishop Flaget made his trip to upper Louisiana, already 
mentioned, to ascertain the sentiments of the inhabitants. Father 
DeAndreis accompanied him, and also brother Blanka. When, 
after a journey of nine days, he and Bbhop Flaget came to Kaskaskia 
he was moved to tears "at the sight of the cross that rose on the spire 
of the church," at that time but seldom seen in the cities and villages 
of the United States. At Kaskaskia he and Bishop Flaget were re- 
ceived with great hospitality at the residence of Colonel Pierre Menard. 
From there they went to Ste. Genevieve where Father Henri Pratte 
was the parish priest, and thence to St. Louis, arriving October 17, 
1817, where Bishop Flaget, as we have seen, successfully arranged 
for the residence of Bishop Dubourg. 

While they were in St. Louis two members of the parish of 
"St. Mary's of the Barrens," situated about eighteen miles from Ste. 
Genevieve, came to St. Louis at the instance of Father Dunand, 
the last Trappist priest remaining in the Missouri country, who 
occasionally visited that parish, and in the name of the other members 
of the congregation, numbering thirty five families, requested the 
Bishop to intercede with Bishop Dubourg to choose their parish 
as the location for the future seminary. They oflFered to donate six 
hundred and forty acres of land to that end. They received the 
assurance that the wish of the inhabitants, on the arrival of Bbhop 
Dubourg, would be favorably entertained. Bishop Flaget then re- 
turned to hb own diocese, after leaving Father DeAndreb at Ste. 
Genevieve, where afterward, as we have seen, he received Bbhop 
Dubourg. Bbhop Flaget sent Father Pratte to St. Loub to remove 
any diflficulties that might arise there, prior to the arrival of Bbhop 
Dubourg. Father DeAndreb remained at Ste. Genevieve, and thb 
was the first scene of hb apostolic labors in the diocese of Loubiana. 


From Ste. Genevieve he wrote Father Sicardi, "We need whole col- 
onies of missionaries with considerable pecuniary resources in 
order to make rapid prepress in these immense woods." 

As his Vicar- General, Father DeAndreis went with Bishop Du- 
bourg to St. Louis. As soon as the Bishop was settled there, another 
delegation from the parish of "St. Mary's of the Barrens" waited on 
him and repealed the proposal made to Bishop Flaget. The Bishop 
was much impressed by the generosity of the offer, and the ardor of 
the faith which animated the people. He promised to personaJly 
visit them and examine the location ; when shortly afterward he did 
so, he found the location very satisfactory and so reported to Father 
DeAndreis, who immediately, as Superior of the order in America, 
approved the plan to establish a house 
of the Congregation of the Missions 
there. The work of erecting St. Mary's 
Seminary was now ordered begun which 
for half a century was to shine "like a 
beacon light of learning in the west," 
and give celebrity to the name of the 
"Barrens." The name "Barrens" was 
applied to the small prairies of South- 
western Kentucky, from whence most 
of the early settlers came, and by them 
bestowed on the prairies they found in 
their new home. In speaking of the seminary, the old students 
usually simply refer to it as "the Barrens." 

Father DeAndreis now called Father Rosati and the other mem- 
bers of his order from Bardstown to "the Barrens," to push the work 
of erecting (he new seminary. Father De La Croix, a priest skilled 
in architecture, was sent there by Bishop Dubourg. In the spring 
of 1818, with the assistance of the people, the work had already made 
considerable progress. Some ground had been cleared, log cabins 
erected, and the foundation for a church laid. In December, 1818, 
all the members of the Congregation had arrived from Bardstown at 
"the Barrens" where, says Father DeAndreis, reside "the best Cath- 
olics in the diocese, all Anglo-Americans, an honest and industrious 
people." In this year Father Carretti, a native of Porto Maurizio who 
came to America with Bishop Dubourg, died in St. Louis. Father 
DeAndreis also records that Father Francois Xavier Dahmen and 
Father Tichitoli studied theology under him in St. Louis. Father 


Dahmen afterwards, from 1822 to 1840, was parish priest of Ste. Gene- 
vieve.*' In this year Father Cellini and two students, F. Borgna and 
another, arrived there from Italy to attend the seminary. Father 
Cellini was parish priest of St. Michaels (Fredericktown) from 1827 
to 1849. ^^ d^^ January 6th, 1849 at St. Louis, old age rendering 
him unfit for active ministerial duty. 

During the progress of the work, Bishop Dubourg and Father 
DeAndreis frequently visited '*the Barrens" and gave assistance as 
appears from what Father DeAndreis writes to Father Baccaria, the 
Superior of the order, at Monte Citerio. In a letter dated 19th of 
September, 181 9, he says, "I wish I could give you some idea of our 
establishment which covers about one square mile of land, seemingly 
uncultivated since the time of Adam. Our house will be habitable 
next November; the expense of building in this country is enormous, 
though we are as saving as possible and everyone does his share of the 
work. Father Cellini labors like any hired workman, and the Bishop 
himself does not shrink from helping to carry the lumber, he remains 
the whole day in the heat of the sun spurring on the workmen and 
superintending the undertaking." In the meanwhile, he says, the 
seminary is "in a miserable log cabin" made of logs roughly put 
together, and that the rules of the order were observed with as much 
exactitude as the situation would admit. He, however, observes 
that the fare was very poor, consisting of ill-baked bread, water 
instead of wine, meat now and then, potatoes, cabbage and other 
vegetables, milk and bread being their choicest food. He complained 
of the extremes of heat and cold, and also of the insects, of which he 
counted ten different species, "which attack us in the night," but, of 
all these, "the tick" which buries itself in the flesh, caused the great- 
est suffering, and he concludes, that "the glory of God and salvation 
of souls" alone is what induced him to remain. All this, however, did 
not prevent Father Beccari, who had succeeded Father Sicardi, from 
sending new colonies of missionaries to "St. Mary's of the Barrens." 

In 1820, this first and oldest collegiate institution of Missouri was 
well established. But now, too, the life of Father DeAndreis was 
fast ebbing away, and October 14, 1820, he died at St. Louis, much 
regretted and lamented. Father Leo R. DeNeckere, then a young 
priest of the "Congregation of the Missions," but afterwards Bishop 

" He was the first priest consecrated in St. Louis by Bishop Dubourg; 
he had been a soldier in Bonaparte's army. The famous priest Father Charles 
Nerinyck on the 24th of August, 1824, died at his house on his return from 
Perryville where he had founded the Bethlehem convent of the Sisters of Loretto. 


of New Orleans, watched at his bed-side during the closing dajrs of 
his life. From St. Louis his body was carried to St. Mary's of the 
Barrens, and there beneath the altar of the church, rest his mortal 
remains. Before his death he appointed Father Rosati*' Superior of 
the "Congregation of the Missions" in America, and under his 
able and energetic management, the Seminary of St. Mary's of the 
Barrens soon attained a wide reputation. In 1827, Father Rosati 
was appointed Bishop of Tenegra in paiiibus, and in 1829, first Bish- 
op of St. Louis. The church of St. Joachim at Old Mines, in Wash- 
ington county, consecrated on the 29th day of October, 1820, was one 
of the first fruits of the missionary labors of this order.* 

Among the many eminent men who received their training at St. 
Mary's Seminary Bishop John Timon should also be mentioned. 
He became a resident of St. Louis in 181 9 and engaged in business 
there. But in 1823 he abandoned worldly pursuits, entered St. 
Mary's Seminary as a theological student, was admitted to the priest- 
hood, performed much missionary work and died Bishop of Buffalo. 
When he entered the seminary it consisted only of several small log 
houses. "In the largest cabin," says his biographer, "one story in 
height was the university; in the northwest comer of the building 
was the theology department for study and lecture ; in the northeast 
corner was the room for philosophy and general literature ; the south- 
west corner was used for a tailor-shop, and the southeast for a shoe- 
maker's department." All the surroundings indicated poverty, but 

" Bishop Joseph Rosati, a native of Sora, kingdom of Naples, where he 
was born in 1789; became a member of the Congregation of the Priests of the 
Mission of St. Vincent de Paul; came to America with Father DeAndreis; ap- 
pointed second superior of the order in America; first Bishop of St. Louis; 
established the Jesuits in St. Louis, the Sisters of St. Joseph, the Ladies of the 
Sacred Heart, the Sisters of Visitation and Sisters of Charity, and founded the 
St. Louis Hospital and several colleges for boys and three academies for girls; 
member of the Provincial Councils of 1829, 1833, 1837, and 1840; calleid to 
Rome, sent on diplomatic mission to Hayti ; consecrated Archbishop Kendrick 
as coadjutor; died in Rome September 24, 1843, and buried at Monte Citario 
in a chapel dedicated to St. Vincent de Paul. 

* This chuich was consecrated by Father Joseph Rosati, the successor as 
superior of the order of Father de Andreis, assisted by Fathers Frangois Cellini, 
F. X. Dahmen, John Odin, Louis Rondot, John Timon, Philip Borgna, Angelic 
Mascaroni, Regis Loisel and Benoit Roux, and the following laymen — Louis 
Tucker, Frederick Saucier, Hilary Tucker, George Hamilton, and James Shan- 
non. Reverend Henri Pratte, Parish priest of Ste. Genevieve, had chax^ of 
this parish until his death in 1822. He was succeeded by Reverend Francois 
X. Dahmen, 1822-1828, and he, by Reverend John Bouillier. The parish 
register begins April 20th 1820, recording the baptism of Edward Colman. The 
St. James Catholic church of Potosi was first attached to the church of St. 
Joachim as a mission and the earliest baptism at Potosi, dated 1827, was re- 
corded by Father John Timon. 


^'such was the piety and the resignation of the inmates of the semi- 
nary under the pious government of Father Rosati that all seemed 
to feel happy and advanced in the way of salvation. "'^ In connection 
with the seminary a college for seculars was opened in an unfinished 
house, and here also many sons of the early Protestant settlers of 
Missouri received an education. At the time Bishop Timon attended 
the seminary, Father J. M. Odin, afterwards Bishop of New Orleans, 
was also a student there. 

When Bishop Dubourg was in France in 181 7, he applied to the 
Superior-General of the Order of the Sacred Heart for a colony of 
those religious ladies to establish a house of their order and a school 
in his diocese. This request of the Bishop, who knew so well how 
to appeal to the religious and charitable feelings, was acceded to and 
five members of this order with Madame Duchesne as Superior were 
sent from France to establish a school for girls in that then far away 
diocese. This little band of devoted and heroic women sailed from 
France in the spring of 181 8, reached New Orleans safely, and on 
the 22nd day of August arrived at St. Louis. At first they opened a 
school at St. Charles, but through either the poverty or indifference 
of the people met very little encouragement. After remaining there 
for one year it became manifest to these ladies that with their school 
they would not be able to earn even a scanty subsistence at St. 
Charles and they therefore concluded to remove to Florissant. Fa- 
ther Dunand, the same pious Trappist who had induced the people of 
**the Barrens" to petition the Bishop for the location of the seminary 
in their neighborhood, now assisted the sisters in their removal to 
Florissant, where on Christmas Eve 18 19 they occupied their new 
home. Here they remained until 1827 and then began to erect a 
convent on a tract of 27 acres of land adjacent to St. -Louis, condi- 
tionally donated to them by John Mullanphy. In 1847 ^^^y sold 
their convent at Florissant and removed to St. Louis. Madame 
Duchesne remained Superior of the order in America until 1840. The 
labors and hardships she endured, the holy life she led, and heroic 
virtues she manifested, entitle her to a conspicuous place among the 
early female educators of our state. Few are the old families of St. 
Louis in which some daughters were not educated by the accom- 
plished ladies of this order. So conspicuous were the merits of 
Mother Duchesne that the Congregation of Rites in Rome, it is 
said, has under consideration her beatification. 

^' Life of Bishop Timoiii p. 28. 


With the presence of Bishop Dubourg, life and activity began to 
characterize the Catholic congregations of the territory which before 
his time had seemed to be suffering from dry-rot. Almost imme- 
diately after his arrival in St. Louis he laid the comer-stone of a new 
brick church to replace the old post and log structure. The archi- 
tect of this new church was Gabriel Paul and the builder Hugh 
()*Neil. But this church was never plastered and ceiled, for it soon 
gave way to a stone cathedral. 

In St. Charles and Portage des Sioux, after the departure of Father 
Dunand, Father Charles de LaCroix for a time supplied the congre- 
gations. Father Dunand was known among the French Catholics 
of Florissant and elsewhere as **le Pere Prieur," and was held in high 
esteem. In May 1820 he returned to France. From 1804 to the 
time of his departure to France he seems to have visited every 
Catholic community west of the river, and was indefatigable in his 
religious lalx)rs. 

Father Francois Niel, a French priest, in 181 8, under the auspices 
of Bishop Dul)ourg, opened a school in St. Louis which continued 
until 1819. In 1820 Father Leo Deys, Father Andreas Ferrari, Father 
Aristidc Anduze and Father Michael Saulnier who came with Father 
DeAndreis, at the recjuest of Bishop Dubourg, acted as professors in 
this school. At this time F'ather Niel was curate of the cathedral. 
This school was the germ from which grew the St. Louis University, 
founded a few years afterward by the Jesuits. 


The Louisiana Purchase — Westward Movement of American Pioneers — Britisli 
Proclamation, 1 763, Prohibits Settlements West of the Alleghanies — Virginia 
Colonial Assembly, 17691 Asserts Authority over Botecourt County "on the 
Mississippi'* — Relations of France and Spain to Colonial Boundary Claims 
— Territory Northwest of Ohio to the Lakes Becomes Part of Virginia by 
Conquest — By Treaty of 1783 Free Navigation of the Mississippi Seciu^ to 
United States and Great Britain — Boundary Lines of Canada Fixed by the 
Military Operations of Virginia — Significance of Erection of Fort JefiFerson 
South of the Mouth of the Ohio — Free Navigation of Mississippi Denied by 
Spain Leads to Louisiana Purchase — ^New England and Eastern States Dis- 
posed to Acquiesce in Spain's Denial of Free Navigation — Indignation Aroused 
m Kentucky — Independent Spirit of Western Pioneers — Iscuation and Dis- 
satisfaction of Western Population Basis of Spanish Intrigues — ^New 
Madrid a Spanish Port of Entry — Spanish Espionage of River Com- 
merce — The District of "Miro'* — General James Wilkinson Chief Agent of 
Spain — His Intrigues and Efforts to Deliver Kentucky to Spain — Sentiment 
for Independent Government in Order to Secure Free Navigation of the Mis- 
sissippi-— Colonial Scheme of Colonel Morgan Frustrated by Wilkinson — 
Gayoso Goes to Mouth of the Ohio to Meet American Emissaries — 
Free Navigation of the Mississippi Secured under Treaty of 1 795 — Louisiana 
Acquired by Napoleon, 1800 — Free Navigation of the Mississippi a^ain 
Denied — Universal Discontent of Western Population — WarlikePrej>arations 
Authorized by Congress — ^Negotiations by Monroe and Livingston in Paris — 
Motives Impelling Napoleon to Sell Louisiana — Sale Quickly Consummated 
— Marbois' Account of ihe Conclusion of the Treaty — Objections to Ratifi- 
cation of Treaty in United States — Constitutional Impediments — A Con- 
ceded Unconstitutional Precedent — Predicted Consequences of the Purchase 
of Louisiana — Dissolution of the Union Planned in Massachusetts — Popular 
Approval of the Louisiana Purchase — Survival of the Union Due to the 
Purchase of Louisiana. 

The acquisition of Louisiana, from France, by purchase, will 
always be considered by the student as one of the most impor- 
tant events in the history of the United States, and in its far 
reaching consequences certainly one of the greatest governmental 
transactions ever consummated by peaceful methods. 

The story of the gradual spread of the English-speaking settlers, 
from the Atlantic seaboard across the formidable barriers of the 
Appalachian range, through a wilderness tenanted by fierce and 
war-like savage Indian tribes, to the waters of the Mississippi, is a 
romance of heroic achievement. Slowly, from the frontiers of Penn- 
sylvania, Virginia, the Carolinas and Georgia, these settlers moved 
westward.* Across the mountains and through the virgin forests 

^ Marbois, p. 108. The planters who had come from England at first were 
in no hurry to advance toward the mountains. 



they opened roads, and moved beset by every peril. In the wilder- 
ness they reared their rude log cabins, homes and fortresses at once, 
and in the unbroken woods opened farms and planted the seeds 
of future states. 

Before the Revolution, these bold and hardy pioneers had 
crossed the Alleghanies, built their homes on the banks of the 
Alleghany and Monongahela ; organized society in the valley of the 
Watauga; penetrated the wilderness beyond the Chattahoochee; 
and, some of the most adventurous spirits following the Ohio, 
Tennessee and Cumberland, had reached the mighty waters of the 
Mississippi. Nor could the British government restrain this west- 
ward movement. Although by royal proclamation, bearing date 
October 3, 1763, settlements were prohibited farther west than the 
Alleghanies, nevertheless such settlements were made. Evidently 
with a view to assert its authority over, and its claim to the west, 
when Botecourt county was organized by the Virginia Colonial As- 
sembly in 1769, the following clause was inserted, **And whereas, 
the people situated on the Mississippi, in said county of Botecourt, 
will be very remote from the court-house, and must necessarily become 
a separate county as soon as their numbers are sufficient, which prob- 
ably will happen in short time ; be it therefore enacted by the authority 
aforesaid, that the inhabitants of that part of the county of Bote- 
court which lies on the said waters,' shall be exempted from the pay- 
ment of any levies to be laid by the said county court for the purpose 
of building a court-house and prison for said county."' The 
celebrated settlement west of the mountains on the banks of 
the Watauga, one of the branches of the Holston, was formed in di- 
rect defiance of this royal proclamation and in 1776 was admitted 
to representation in the Constitutional Convention of North Carolina. 

The Revolution did not impede this westward march; it found 
some of its staunchest supporters among the western settlers. Nor 
during the struggle did the southern states lose sight of their western 
boundary. It was well understood that Georgia claimed the country 
to the Mississippi on the parallel of Savannah ; and during the war 
North Carolina and Virginia began to survey their boundary lines 
from the Atlantic to that river. North Carolina formed the Watauga 
settlement into a county out of its territory west of the Alleghanies, 
with the Mississippi as a western limit and this territory now consti- 
tutes the state of Tennessee. 

* Kercheval's History of the Valley of Virginia, p. 154. 



Spain observed these claims with undisguised jealousy. In 1777, 
Galvez, the Spanish Governor of Louisiana, was instructed in case 
the Americans showed a disposition to captiu'e the British posts on 
the lower Mississippi, and deliver them to his Catholic Majesty, to 
receive and hold them "in trust or deposit." ' Nor did France think 
it advisable to give the Americans all the strength which was then 
attainable. Spain at one time might have secured the largest part of 
the territory claimed by the southern states, but failed to do so. 
Galvez, however, in several brilliant campaigns conquered both 
Floridas, and thus the limits of Spain were extended to the thirty- 
first degree of north latitude, on the east bank of the Mississippi; 
and it was also afterward claimed, that the expedition of Don Eugenio 
Pur6e in 1781, from St. Louis, to the post of St. Joseph, and the cap- 
ture of this post, gave possession of the country along **the river of 
the Illinois," to Spain. The rupture between England and Spain, 
and consequent conquests of the two Floridas by Galvez during the 
Revolutionary war, gave the United States great satisfaction; a 
minister was sent to Madrid by the Colonies to negotiate an alliance, 
and particularly to secure the right of a free navigation of the 
Mississippi to the sea, but this right Spain, supported by France, was 
not willing to concede. 

In 1778, during the Revolutionary war, under commission from 
Virginia, General George Rogers Clark conquered all the British terri- 
tory northwest of the Ohio River, to the Great Lakes, and established 
American authority in the old French settlements on the Mississippi. 
This conquered country was erected by Virginia, in 1778, into the 
county of Illinois, and Colonel John Todd was appointed County 
Lieutenant and Civil Commandant of the same. Under the orders 
of Patrick Henry, Gen. Clark built Fort Jefferson at the mouth of the 
Ohio.* North Carolina extended her boundaries to the Mississippi, 
and Georgia proposed to establish, as the county of Bourbon, the 
territory now embraced within the limits of the state of Mississippi. 
In addition, the Indian victories of the troops of the southern 
colonies in the Cherokee and Chickasaw country, was a palpable 
assertion of dominion in this disputed territory. 

When finally the negotiations for peace began, the country east of 
the Mississippi and north of the Floridas had de facto become the west- 

' Gayarre's History of Louisiana, p. iii, — Spanish Domination. 

* At the mouth of Mayfield •creek, near the present town of Wyckliffe, in 
Ballard county, Kentucky. 


em limits of the southern states. Nevertheless, France and Spain 
were anxious to exclude these states from the Mississippi, and de la 
Lucerne, French Minister at Philadelphia, obtained from Congress a 
resolution that our Minister should, in the peace negotiations as to 
the western boundary, then pending, treat under the direction of 
France; and further he was directed to "not insist" upon the free 
navigation of the Mississippi below the thirty-first degree of north 

Relying on the proclamation of 1763, which practically conceded 
to the Indians, the Shawnees, Choctaws, Creeks, and Chickasaws, 
the territory between the Alleghanies and the Mississippi, it was 
claimed during the peace negotiations between France, Spain, England 
and the United States, that the western boundary of the United States 
could not extend to the Missksippi, because Great Britain had ex- 
cluded the whites from this territory, and thereby acknowledged the 
independence of the Indians settled in it. Count de Vergennes 
suggested that the western boundary of the United States south of 
the Ohio, be a line starting at the north boundary line of Florida, on 
the Tombigbee river, up that river northeast until its head was reached, 
thence across to the bend of the Cumberland, and down the river to 
the Ohio, — all east of this line to be territory of the United States, and 
all west to be free Indian territory, but under the protection of Spain ; 
and the territory north of the Ohio, Vergennes proposed should be 
regulated by the "Court of London." But Spain as already stated 
even denied the title of the United States to the territory northwest 
of the Ohio, claiming that she had conquered the country "near the 
sources of the Illinois," and that all the country not conquered and 
owned by her belonged to the Indians, and therefore could not belong 
to the United States.* Thus it was proposed to exclude the United 
States from the Mississippi river, France conspiring with Spain, and 
perhaps looking to the future re-acquisition of the Louisiana country. 
But Jay would not assent to these terms ; and after tedious and pro- 
tracted negotiations, a final treaty of peace was concluded September 
3, 1783, the ratification being exchanged May 17, 1784, which secur- 
ed Spain west and east Florida ; and by the eighth article of the treaty, 
free navigation of the Mississippi from its source to its mouth, was 
conceded to both citizens of the United States and Great Britain. 
The Mississippi was made the boundary line on the west between 
Spain and the United States and on the south, it was fixed on the 

• Carr's Missouri, p. 72 


thirty-first degree north parallel, running due east from the Missis- 
sippi to the Appalachicola, thence down the middle of that river to 
its junction with the Flint, thence to the head of St. Mary's river, 
and down that river to the Atlantic ocean. 

The full significance of the energetic action of Virginia during 
the Revolutionary war in extending the sphere of her military opera- 
tions to the Mississippi, and northwest of the Ohio, is not fully appre- 
ciated at this day. Through the m