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MARCH 17, 1927 



Puhliahcd ApHl, 1903 


The text which follows differs from the many inter- 
esting and valuable school histories which have preceded 
it in laying greater emphasis upon the Contemporary 
Period. This change of values reflects, I think, the ten- 
dency of American schools of history, and these in turn 
are responding to the growing world-interests of the 
American people. An expansion of the Nineteenth Cen- 
tury implies a corresponding contraction in the earlier 
centuries, the period of historical instruction remaining 
constant. It is a pity, when the history of Europe is 
everywhere so attractive ; but it is inevitable. Our fore- 
fathers were content with classical, and often with myth- 
ical personages ; we have been made to comprehend our 
Luther and Loyola, our Mirabeau and Napoleon ; and 
our children will have to make more room for their Ca- 
vour, their Bismarck, and their Gladstone. It is a choice 
of benefits, and there are many substantial reasons why, 
in the building up of a system of popular education, tlie 
present should not be sacrificed to the past. 

I take pleasure in acknowledging my obligation to Dr. 
A F. Nightingale, of Chicago, and to Professor Dana 
Carleton Munro, of the University of Wisconsin, for val- 
uable suggestions ; also, by way of reference to their works, 


to Professors C. M. Andrews and 8. M. MacTane, and to 
MIL SeignoboSy LaTisse, Bamband^ Monod, Drianlt^ and 
de Crozals, who hare done so much of late toward solving 
the rexed problems of historical presentation* 

Mebbick Whitcomb. 



I. — The modern nations 1 

II. — The Renaissance 17 

III.— The Reformation 33 

IV.— Wars of religion 69 

V. — Commerce 78 

VI. — The supremact of France 90 

VII. — The eighteenth century 117 

VIII — The French Revolution 141 

IX. — Napoleon Bonaparte 159 

X. — The Restoration . . . . . . .176 

XI.— France since 1830 186 

Xn.— The German Empirb 204 

XIII.— Austria since 1848 221 

XIV.— The union of Italy 237 

XV. — Russia and the Eastern question • . . . 250 

XVI. — The smaller states 275 

XVII.— England 295 

XVIII.— Africa . 312 

XIX.— The far East 326 

XX.— Material progress 335 

Appendix 351 

Index 367 




Maximilian, Emperor Froniiapiece 

The king and his councilors 2 

Enactment of the Royal Edict 5 

Paris in the fifteenth century 6 

Imperial German city 9 

The young Maximilian instructed in the mysteries of the black 

art , . 11 

Crown of Queen Isabella 14 

Psalter of Queen Isabella 15 

Cosimo de» Medici, 1389-1464 18 

Italy in the fourteenth century 19 

A German patrician 23 

Erasmus 25 

Ship. Time of first Atlantic voyages 27 

Terrors of the deep 30 

Administration of the Sacramenta 33 

Burning of John Huss 36 

Hussite wars in Bohemia 38 

Martin Luther 40 

An indulgence 43 

Emperor Charles V at the time of his election, 1619 . . 44 

Frederick the Wise, Elector of Saxony, Luther's protector 45 

Henry VIII 49 

John CalTin 60 

Paul III, Pope of the counter-reformation and of the council of 

Trent 54 

Ignatius Loyola 64 

Empire of Charles V 58 

Maurice of Saxony 61 

Charles V at the close of his reign 62 

Francis I of France 66 




King Henry II of France 66 

St Bartholomew 68 

Henry IV of France (Henry of Navarre) 69 

Philip II of Spain 72 

The invincible Armada 76 

Office and warehouse of an Augsbarg merchant, 1495 . . 78 

Ocean ship of the fifteenth century 80 

Rhine shipping, sixteenth century 82 

Early English sailors 84 

East India House, London, 1803 85 

Sir Walter Raleigh 87 

The Duke of Sully 91 

Richelieu 92 

Mazarin 94 

Martinitz and Slawata . , 98 

Landing of Gustavus Adolphus 100 

Liitzen, 1632. Death of Gustavus Adolphus .... 101 

Scene in Thirty Years' War 103 

Louis XIV 106 

Versailles 108 

Charles I, by Vandyke 112 

Oliver Cromwell 113 

English gentlemen of the Stuart period 114 

Joseph II 120 

Frederick the Great 124 

Francis I, founder of modem Austrian (Hapsburg Lorraine) 

dynasty 126 

Sans-Souci 128 

Peter the Great 130 

Charles XII 131 

Voltaire 137 

Rousseau 189 

Mirabeau 144 

Oath of the tennis court fo^ng 146 

The Bastille 147 

Modal struck to commemorate the fourth of August * . . . 148 

An assignat 150 

Trial of the deposed king, charged with treason .... 153 

Robespierre ...... .... 165 

Josephine 160 

Bonaparte in Egypt faciiig 161 



Medal of the three consuls 163 

Napoleon, Emperor 166 

Napoleon^s tomb, Hotel des Invalides, Paris .... 171 

Louis XVIII 175 

Talleyrand 176 

Congress of Vienna f€komg \11 

Alexander I, Tsar 179 

Metternich 180 

Flag and sword of German student society 184 

Louis Philippe 187 

Guizot 189 

Napoleon III 198 

The Paris Exposition of 1867 195 

After Sedan facing 196 

Gambetta 198 

MacMahon 200 

Stein 306 

Hardenbeii^ 207 

Bismarck at the opening of his political career . . . .214 

Coronation scene at Versailles . . • . . faomg 217 

The Prince of Prussia in 1849 218 

William II 218 

Distribution of races in Austria-Hungary 220 

Prague, capital of Bohemia facing 222 

Budapest 227 

Kossnth 229 

Francis Joseph, Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary . . 282 

Schonbrunn, summer palace, near Vienna %6Z 

Naples, with Vesuvius in the background . . farcing 238 

Victor Emmanuel II, King of Sardinia 243 

Garibaldi 246 

Victor Emmanuel III 246 

The Kremlin, Moscow 261 

Alexander II, Liberator of the serfs 254 

Nicholas II 254 

General view of Constantinople 257 

Boundaries of the Turkish Empire in Europe .... 260 

Abdul Hamid, Sultan of Turkey 262 

General view of the Acropolis at the present day . . . 263 

George I of Greece 267 

View in Frankfort-on the-Main facing 268 



Charles I, Ejng of Ronmania 270 

Alexander I, King of Servia 272 

The royal palace at Madrid 276 

Alphonso XIII, King of Spain 278 

The Lion of Lucerne 282 

Queen Victoria facing 284 

Oscar II, King of Sweden 287 

Bjomson, leader of the separatist party in Norway . . 288 

Leopold II, King of Belgium 291 

Wilhelmina, Queen of the Netherlands 293 

The house in the wood fcudng 293 

Westminster Abbey 296 

Gladstone 298 

Sir Robert Peel, England^s free trade minister .... 301 

Houses of Parliament, London 304 

Captain Cook 307 

A Boer general 308 

Edward VII 309 

MeheraetAli 312 

Ferdinand de Lesseps 314 

Henry M. Stanley 316 

View on the Congo River 319 

Algiers, from the parade ground 322 

Fusiyaroa, sacred mountain of Japan . . . facing 327 

Japanese infantryman 328 

A typical boxer 329 

Emperor of China 329 

The mosque of the Palace of Khiya 331 

Mongols 332 

View of the Trans-Siberian railway 333 

Early cannon . " , . 336 

Arbalest 337 

Arquebus, 1659 337 

Seventeenth century matchlock ....... 338 

Ship of war, seventeenth century 339 

Early projects of steam navigation 342 

Stephenson's No. 1 engine, 1825 343 

The " Rocket," 1829 344 


The Modem Nations 

§ 1. France 

No sharp line of division separates the Middle Ages 
from modern times. The beginnings of the modern era, 
as distinguished from the medieval, must be 
^modern sought far back in the general political dis- 

order of the fourteenth and fifteenth centu- 
ries. The modern spirit is, however, none the less real 
because its beginnings are so closely interwoven with the 
declining medieval institutions. The ideas to which it 
gives rise, as they gradually free themselves from the grasp 
of feudalism and ecclesiastical control, struggle forward 
to become those tjrpical features of modem life, the devel- 
opment and perfection of which have been the task of 
western civilization up to the present time. 

One of the distinctive features of the new times is the 

modern idea of government. In feudal times the sovereign 

was little more than an over-lord, the great- 

goTemment ®^* noble of the realm. His contact with 

his subjects was not immediate, but only 

through the medium of his feudal barons. The task of 

the new movement, the transition from feudal to modern 

government, was the substitution of a uniform central 

administration for the numerous little states, independent 

in fact, even though subject to the king in feudal theory ; 

2 1 



a gathering together into one hand of the scattered forces 
of the kingdom. That the establishment of tliis later form 
of government was at the expense of feudalism is evident ; 
so that the rise of the modern state, the establishment of a 
central power, is coincident with the decline of the feudal 

Modern government includes among others two great 
functions: the right of administering justice; and the 
right of levyirig taxes. In his gradual asser- 
^^^'" ^^^^ ^^ ^^® right of justice the king was 

greatly assisted by the legists, a body of men, 
chiefly of the middle class, who devoted themselves to the 
study of law. These men were the product of the revival 

of interest in the Roman 
Law, which began in the 
twelfth century at Bo- 
logna. This study spread 
into France, and fur- 
nished men trained in 
the principles of a legal 
system, who, on account 
of their ability to solve 
the difficult problems of 
justice in accordance with 
equity and with the au- 
thority of a written law, 
soon became the neces- 
sary agents of the king. 
The principles of the Ro- 
man Law were opposed 
to the principles of feu- 
dalism. The Roman Law 
contemplated a ruler 
whose authority should extend throughout the length and 
breadth of his kingdom, unhindered by the trammels of 
feudalism. This was the ideal of the legists, and it became 

The Kino Ain> His Councilors. 


the ambition of the king whom they advised. " The king's 
will is law ;'' *^ All justice emanates from the king : "" such 
were the maxims of the legists, and they are also the fun- 
damental principles of modern government. 

The entering wedge was the '^case reserved to the 
King's Bench.'' Gradually, through the interpretation of 
the legists, the number of these cases became greater, until 
the king's authority was everywhere established. His men, 
called baillis, were distributed throughout the provinces, 
to safeguard the royal interests, judicial and otherwise. 
This was the beginning of a royal administration, which, 
strengthened and extended by the kings of France, became 
the centralized monarchy of modern times. 

The authorities of the church were less inclined than 
the feudal nobles to yield to the king's assumption of 
judicial rights, and they were better organ- 
S?Si^^t«. ^^®^ '^^ resistance, with a head at Rome. 
To conservative men of the time it seemed 
questionable, no doubt, whether the rights of people in 
general, which had found their best protection for cen- 
turies in the courts of the church, might safely be en- 
trusted to a temporal prince. Much less were they willing 
to permit the exercise of such rights over the persons of 
the clergy. 

At the close of the thirteenth century the issue was joined 
between the church and the rising royal power of France. 
Philip the Fair, continuing the work of his predecessors 
in extending the royal power, came into hostile contact 
with Pope Boniface VIII. The pope denied the right of 
Philip to tax the lands of the church, or to sit in justice 
over a clerical person. A bitter strife ensued, in which, 
although Philip was forced to abandon the right of taxing 
the clergy, and to accept from them a free gift of money 
in its place, he nevertheless terminated the struggle in a 
manner which greatly injured the papal power for a long 
time. Fomenting an insurrection at Rome, he overthrew 


Pope Boniface with violence, and on his speedy death caused 
to be elected a pope of French sympathies, and saw to it 
that the seat of the papacy was removed to Avignon, in the 
midst of French territory. Here the popes lived for nearly 
seventy years, 1309-1377, subject to French influence, and 
making no further resistance to the extension of French 

The reign of Philip the Fair (1285-1314) gave rise to 
another great modern institution. Up to his time the Es- 
tates of the king had consisted of the great 
U^™^ lords and prelates, to whom he looked for 

aid and counsel. In the struggle with Pope 
Boniface, Philip, in order to strengthen his position, 
called into the Estates the representatives of the cities, 
making of them a Third Estate. In this manner the king 
allied to himself the new and growing commercial and 
industrial element, whose prosperity was dependent on an 
orderly and uniform administration, and opposed to the 
disorders of feudalism. The Estates General of France, 
which in their origin resemble the Parliament of England, 
were destined to play no such grand part in the consti- 
tutional development of France. Now and then, at inter- 
vals when the crown was weak, they came forward to the 
relief of France ; but for the most part they were subordi- 
nated to the overwhelming power of the strong monarchy 
which governed France. 

The political development of France was interrupted 
by a long period of warfare, arising out of the claims of 
Th Hundred English kings to the French throne. With 
Yean' War varying fortunes, the English at one time 

(1346-1453). possessed the northern and southwestern 
parts of France, including Paris ; and the French king was 
driven from his capital. At this moment of greatest i)eril 
to the f rown of France, a simple peasant girl, Joan of Arc, 
impelled by visions which she thought divine, came to the 
relicsf of her king, Charles VII, and infused new courage 


into the spirits of her countrymen. The tide was turned 
against the English, and step by step they were driven back, 
until, except the fortress of Calais, they had no longer any 

Enactment of tub Botal Edict. 

possessions in France. Charles VII (1422-1461), delivered 
from his foe, took up again the centralizing projects of his 
predecessors, and in his reign the absolute monarchy ad- 
vanced a long way toward its perfection. 








I. Instructions to a bailli. — ** If you are knowing to any 
abuse committed by the spiritual lords, it is your duty to in- 
form the king. If the nobles are about to betake themselves 
to violence, you shall not suffer it ; and if the lawyers are de- 
vouring the people, it is your duty to give information 
against them, and send them before the king." 

Strugole op Philip the Fair with Bonipace VIIL 

II. Extract from Boll " Unam Sanotam^" * defining the 
antliority of the church orer the state : '^ In this church and 
in its power are two swords — to-wit, a spiritual and a temporal 
—and this we are taught by the words of the Gospel, for when 
the Apostle said, * Behold, here are two swords (in the church, 
namely, since the apostles were speaking), the Lord did not 
reply that it was too many, but enough. And surely he who 
claims that the temporal sword is not in the power of Peter 
has but ill understood the word of our liord when he said : 
'Put up thy sword in its scabbard.' Both, therefore— the 
spiritual and the material swords— are in the power of the 
church, the latter indeed to be used for the church, the former 
by the church ; the one by the priest, the other by the hand 
of kings and soldiers, but by the will and sufferance of the 
priest. It is fitting, moreover, that one sword should be under 
the other and the temporal authority subject to the spiritual 


Adams : The Growth of the French Nation^ Chapters VIIL, 
IX. ; Lodge : The Close of the Middle Ages, pp. 49-65. 

§ 2. Germany 

In Germany the progress toward a modem form of 
government met with insuperable obstacles. Many things 

' A leaden disk, called in Latin " bulla," engraved with the Papal 
emblem, was attached to the document with thongs or bands, and was 
especially prominent; hence the name Bulls are named from the 
opening words of the text. 


prevented the Emperor from consolidating and extending 
his power, as the King of France had done so successfully. 
_. _^. In France the long period of subjection to 

tad Ha authority in Roman times established a habit 

^"°***^^*'^ of obedience to a supreme power, which 

the disordered conditions of feudal times had not wholly 
extinguished. In the countries east of the Rhine the 
people had never been subjects to the unifying influences 
of Roman administration, and here in German lands the 
old tribal spirit, the separatist tendency, was the stronger. 
Men were Swabians, Saxons, Bavarians, and Austrians in 
practical affairs, and Germans only by sentiment. Then, 
too, the Emperor, if he aspired to weld the German states 
into a united monarchy, was seriously hampered by the 
fact that his office was elective, not hereditary. The in- 
dividual German states were too nearly equal in power, 
too jealous of authority, to permit the Empire to become 
anything substantial. Therefore the Empire came to be, 
as we approach modern times, a mere shadow of suprem- 
acy. Yet, unsubstantial as it was, its mere existence 
prevented, until its dissolution in the nineteenth century, 
any other progressive German power from rising to a 
position of leadership. 

The connection of the Empire with the Papacy was 
also a bar to the development of German unity. Since 

the memorable event of Christmas Day, 800,* 
^S^Spacy. ^^^^ *^^® Empire took its rise, the Papacy 

had claimed the right to interfere in the 
affairs of the Empire. Of the seven great princes who 
elected the Emperor, in accordance with the provisions of 
the '^ Golden Bull '' (1356), three were spiritual princes, 
who owed allegiance first of all to Rome. The papal coro- 
nation was generally thought to be necessary to the com- 

^ coronation of Charles the Great; the beginning of the 
. Empire. 



plete possession of the imperial dignity ; and although 
the Emperor Lewis the Bavarian at one time (1338) form- 
ally declared the voice of the electors sufficient, yet later 
Emperors found it profitable to seek their coronation at 
the hands of the pope. Such foreign interference made 
it impossible for the Emperor to legislate, as Philip the 
Fair had done in France, against the interference of the 
church in the judicial and financial affairs of his terri- 
tory. The formation of a modern state made necessary 
the transference of the affairs of government from the 
hands of the clergy to the king's agents, and this was 
impossible in the Empire, where, in addition to the three 
spiritual electors, quite one-third of the princes who as- 
sembled in the Imperial Diet (or Estates) were clergymen, 
dependent for their offices on the pope. 

With the Empire in this condition of weakness, it was 
the individual states, such as Brandenburg, Saxony, Bava- 
ria, Austria, and others less impot-tant, that 
were touched with the spirit of modern sov- 

The German 

Their dukes and princes 
set about the task which 
resulted in the conver- 
sion of their feudal ter- 
ritories into states in the 
modern sense. They 
sought to bring under 
their immediate control 
all the feudal elements 
within their boundar- 
ies : the free cities, lit- 
tle republics, looking to 
the Emperor as their 
lord ; the free imperial 
knights, the remnant of 
medieval chivalry, who. 

Imperial Obrman Citt. 


while holding estates within the dncal territories, yet 
claimed allegiance only to the Emperor, and refused to 
share the common hardens of taxes and military duty laid 
upon them by the ducal officers. Thus, in miniature, the 
dukes and princes of the £mpire were doing what the 
King of France had accomplished on a larger scale. The 
result in Germany was a group of small states, whose in- 
dependence was limited only by the shadowy authority of 
the Emperor, with mutual jealousies and warring policies. 
Such have been the characteristics of German political life 
down to our times, when a partial unity has at last been 
achieved under the leadership of ancient Brandenburg. 

With Albert II (1438) the imperial crown passed to 
the House of Hapsburg, there to remain, with one brief 

interruption,^ so long as the Empire lasted. 
^^"^ At this time the Hapsburgs, although rich 

in territory, were poor in revenue. They 
had lost Switzerland, but they had gained Bohemia and 
Hungary. Frederick III (1440-1493), cousin and succes- 
sor of Albert, is said to have driven about through his 
possessions with an ox-team, soliciting offerings from his 
great vassals. In Frederick's time, however, came the first 
of a series of great marriages, which made the family rich 
and powerful His son Maximilian married, in 1478, 
Mary, daughter and heiress of Charles the Bold, of Bur- 
gundy, thereby adding to the Hapsburg lands the provinces 
of the Netherlands, rich with commerce and industry. 
Maximilian's son Philip married Joanna, daughter of 
Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain, and, although Philip died 
before his father Maximilian, the child of the Spanish 
marriage, Charles, united the lands of Spain, Burgundy, 
and Austria, building up a vast empire, the fortunes of 
which we shall follow in the historv of the Reformation. 

» 1742-1745 the Emperor was a Bararian, Charles VTI. On his 
^eath, in 1745, the line of Hapsburg was continaed through Maria 
lieresa until the imperial title was laid aside in 1S06. 



The Youno Maximilian Instructed in the Mystebies of the 
Black Art. 


I. Constitution of tlie German Empire : 

(a) Holy Roman Emperor. 

{b) Imperial Diet, consisting of three chambers : 
1. Seven Electors : Archbishop of Mayence. 

Archbishop of Cologne. 

Archbishop of Treves. 

Electoral Duke of Saxony. 


Margrave of Brandenburg. 
Elector Palatine of the Rhine. 
King of Bohemia. 

2. Chamber of Princes, spiritual and lay. 

3. Chamber of imperial cities. 

(c) Imperial Supreme Court of Justice, for the adjustment 
of interstate affairs. [Note. — In the inability of this court to 
settle the affairs of the individual states, and thereby to give 
peace to the Empire, is seen most clearly the impotence of the 
imperial power.] 

II. Extract fh>m the edict of Lewis the Barariany de- 
claring the Empire independent of the Papacy (1338): << We, 
therefore, with the counsel and approbation of the electors 
and other princes of the Empire, do declare that the imperial 
dignity and power is derived immediately from God alone, 
and that, according to the law and custom of the Empire, 
approved from of old, after anyone shall be chosen Emperor 
or King by the electors of the Empire, either unanimously, 
or by the greater part of them, he is straightway, from the 
simple fact of his election, to be considered and entitled true 
King and Emperor of the Romans, and should be obeyed by 
all subject to the Empire. He should, moreover, possess full 
power in administering the laws of the Empire, and in doing 
all those things which appertain to a true Emperor, nor does 
he require the approbation, confirmation, authority, or con- 
sent of the Pope, the Apostolic See, or of anyone whatso- 

Frederick HI, = Eleanor of Portugal. 

Maximilian I, 
= Mary of Burgundy. 

I I 

Fhitip, Margaret 

=r Jm^Eioa of Spain. 

1 I 

Cbark^s V, Emperor, Ferdinand I, Emperor. 

s= Isabella of Portugal. 


Philip M of Spain and Portugal, 
= M^rjf Queen of England. 



Se^x>hm : Era of the Protestant RevohUion, pp. 36-88 ; 
Johnson : Europe in the Sixteenth Century, pp. 106-138 ; 
Lodge : ITie Close qfthe Middle Ages, pp. 894-418. 

§ 3. Spain and England 

In Spain the impulse toward national consolidation was 
aideil by external conditions. The mountain kingdoms^ 

which had struggled side by side against 
2J*j2J^ the common foe, the Mohammedans of the 

South, were welded together by their united 
effort. On the decline of the Moorish power this union was 
made permanent in the marriage of Ferdinand and Isa- 
bella, uniting the two great Christian kingdoms of the 
Spanish peninsula, Aragon and Castile. In 1492, the year 
of the discovery of America, the last of the Moorish states 
of southern Spain, Granada, was overthrown. By the 
terms of the surrender of Oranada, freedom of worship 
and of education, Mohammedan laws and judges were 
promised to the Moors. These terms were violated. Per- 
secutions led to a series of revolts during the years 1500- 
1501, and on the suppression of the rebellion in 1502 a 
royal Spanish decree offered to the Moors the choice of 
baptism or exile. Meanwhile the bigotry engendered by 
centuries of religious strife burst forth against the Jews, 
who were ordered to leave the country in 1492. The exile 
of these industrious peoples was a severe blow to Spain. 
The discovery of America and the consequent influx of 
precious metals seemed for a time to offset the loss ; but 
this source of sudden wealth was fleeting, and served rather 
to discourage habits of thrift and industry than otherwise. 
At a time when other nations were laying the foundations 
of modern industry the Spanish mind was turned toward 
adventure and rapacious methods of gaining wealth. 

In organizing the royal power the rulers of Spain met 


with many obstacles. In no country of Europe were con- 
stitutional privileges, limiting the power of the crown, so 

, ,, numerous and powerful as in Spain. The 

Intemal polioy *■ '■ 

of Ferdinand Cortes, or National Estates, were more vig- 
and Isabella. orous than any similar body in France or 
Germany. In Aragon an official called the Justiciar, 
elected by the Cortes, claimed the right of hearing appeals, 

inquiring into the legality of 
arrests and advising the king on 
constitutional questions. In ad- 
dition to this there were power- 
ful military orders, with wealth 
and authority similar to the 

^ /^ T Templars in France. To over- 

Cbown op Queen Isabella. ^ , , , , , . 

come these obstacles to their 

power the rulers of Aragon and Castile first brought the 

cities to their aid. The principal cities of Castile had 

organized an association, called the Holy Brotherhood, for 

the purpose of protecting themselves against the arbitrary 

demands of kings and nobles. They had established courts 

for the trial of offenses of violence, with mounted police to 

carry out the orders of the courts. This association was 

taken under royal control, and its system of justice used 

in the interests of the rulers, to curb the nobles. 

The fact that for two centuries the wars of Spain had 

been crusades against the unbelieving Moors caused the 

relations between church and state to be un- 
Si*(SuS."^ usually close in Spain. The crown was given 

the right of nomination to the great offices 
and dignities of the church, and they made use of this 
privilege in filling the great bishoprics with men devoted 
to the interests of the king, instead of filling them with 
proud and independent nobles. This led to the elevation 
of able men, of whom Francisco Ximenes, Archbishop of 
Toledo in 1492, is perhaps the most notable. He became 
High Chancellor of Castile, and his ability contributed 



much to the work of national nnity and the building up 
of a strong centralized government in the modern sense. 
At the death of Ferdinand the Spanish possessions, handed 
over to the Spanish-Hapsburg Charles, embraced the whole 
peninsula, with the exception of Portugal, with conquered 
territories in north Africa and south Italy, and infinite 
possibilities of extension in the western hemisphere. The 
Spanish army, drilled by able generals like Gonzalvo, was 
the ablest fighting force in Europe, and Spain was rapidly 
nearing the zenith of her brilliant but brief career. 

Psalter of Queen Isabella. 

The beginnings of modem England are to be found in 
the failure to secure the French crown in the struggle of 
the Hundred Years' War. This fortunate 
event threw England back upon her island 
possessions ; her kings became English kings with Eng- 
lish aims, and her characteristic development was be- 
gun. The bitter contest between the rival houses of 
York and Lancaster, known as the Wars of the Koses 
(1455-1485), weakened the English nobility, and paved 
the way for the coming of a strong monarchy. The old 


nobility was almost blotted out, with slaughter, exile, and 
impoverishment, and new families came to the front with 
less prestige and power, and less inclined to champion 
feudal rights against the rising monarchy. The common 
people, less affected by the wars, were advancing in trade 
and manufacture, and welcomed a strong hand at the helm 
of state. Parliament had declined in power and influence, 
and offered few obstacles to strong government. When 
Henry Tudor came to the thron*? a^ Ilciiry VII (1485) tlio 
ground was cleared for the erectiou of u modeni state. 


Berenues of the King of Spain.— Extract from the report or 
the Yenetian ambassador to Hpiiin ; * From JN'ew Sptilfi t^r^ 
obtained gold and silver, cochineal (little iiiseetj^ like ilies), 
from which crimson dye is matle, leather, cotton, sti^^r, onJ 
other things ; but from Peru nothing is obtained exct^pt tnit 
erals. The fifth part of all that is prcHJueetl gom to t ho kin 
but since the gold and silver is brouf^ht to Spidn, mid ho 
a tenth part of all that which gcjt^ss to tlio mint jiiid w 
and coined, he eventually gets oue-fuurth i>f thf* wlialoj 
which fourth does not exceed in all four or flv<* hrt 
thousand ducats, although it is <'f>nimonly reckoned i 
at a million, but at millions of pounils. 

** From these, his realms, his majosty re<?eivesi 
income of five millions of gold in tiinr^ of iiemsf j 
half millions from Spain ; a half million from th^ 
from Naples and Sicily, and another from FIht 
Low Countries. But his expenses ai^ six tniU 
excess is covered by extraordinary taxes 

Refer ExcKs 
(For Spain) Seebohm: Era of Prottfj^tfnd , 
40; Johnson: Europe in the fiLi-ffdnth ^i 
Lodge: 77?c Close of the Middle Afjf*.n, pp, 
land) Seebohm, pp. 46-55; Adnnis^, Eni 
236-244; Green: Short Histoid uf (M 

The Benaissance 

§ 4. Renaissance in Italy 

The contribution of Italy to modern life was rather in- 
tellectual than political. Italy did not achieve a national 
P Utioal unity after the manner of France, Spain, and 

oonditioii England ; with her, as with Oermany, the 

of July. separatist tendencies were too strong to be 

overcome. In the Middle Ages many cities in northern 
Italy threw off the feudal yoke and became little republics, 
devoted to commerce and industry. Toward the end of the 
Middle Ages the democratic spirit waned. With the accu- 
mulation of wealth derived from commerce with the East, 
Venice and Genoa lost their spirit of liberty. Republics 
in name, they became in fact oligarchies, suppressing the 
voice of the people. Other states, like Milan, lost their 
freedom through violence. As republics they permitted a 
decline of their military spirit, and relied for defense upon 
bands of mercenaries, led by professional captains, con- 
dottieri. These men in many instances seized upon the 
powers they were hired to protect. 

Florence came by another route to the same end. A 

manufacturing city, thronged with artisans, the political 

progress of Florence was toward a greater 

degree of democracy. A clever political 

trickster, a genuine "boss,'' Cosimo de' Medici, holding 

no office in the state, succeeded, by means of money and 

persuasion, in getting control of the government, and, 

what is more remarkable, in passing this control to his 

descendants. There was no employment of force, and 

3 17 



Cosimo's rule was endured, because it brought prosperity 
and splendor to Florence. In southern Italy the king- 
dom of Naples, long a subject 
of dispute between France and 
Spain, was joined at last to 
the Spanish crown. Midway 
of the peninsula lay the Papal 
States. The Pope, their ruler, 
a spiritual lord throughout 
the rest of Christendom, was 
in the Papal States a temporal 
ruler as well. With his vague 
claims upon the lands of Italy, 
the Pope, in his Italian policy, 
was opposed to unity or to the 
erection of a power superior to 
his own. 

The Eenaissance, as its name implies, is a re-birth ; in 
this instance a re-birth of the old Greek and Roman man- 
ner of looking at man and the world in 
which he lives. It was, then, an escape from 
the narrowness of view which characterized 
the Middle Ages. The impetus toward the new ideas came 
from the recovery of the writings of the Greeks and Ro- 
mans. It is not to be supposed that these writings were 
lost during the Middle Ages ; they were merely unappre- 
ciated. With the establishment of Christianity in the 
Roman Empire they came to share in the general abhor- 
rence felt toward things of pagan origin. As the Middle 
Ages advanced, the peculiar type of mind, developed under 
the discipline of the church, had nothing in common with 
the literary products of Greece and Rome ; consequently 
they were neglected and left to moulder in the dusty cor- 
ners of monastic libraries. When in Italy, with the gen- 
eral advance of culture, a higher order of intellect was 
developed which turned with sympathy to the life and 

CosiMO de' Medici, 1389-1464. 







thought of ancient times, the hidden treasures were soon 
brought to light. The man who typifies this higher devel- 
opment in Italy is Francesco Petrarch, 1304-1372, *' the 
first modern scholar and man of letters/' To Petrarch we 
owe the recovery of many priceless Latin works, and his 
enthusiasm was communicated to others, who carried on the 
work : to Poggio, who explored the cloisters of Germany ; 
and to Boccaccio, 1313-1375, who prepared books of myth- 
ology, classical geography and biography, for the better 
understanding of the works already recovered. 

The revival of the Latin classics led rapidly to a desire 
for Greek. Students of Roman literature soon perceived 
that in their higher development the Romans 
sought their inspiration from the Greeks. In 
response to the Italian demand men of By- 
zantine culture came westward in Venetian and Genoese 
galleys, bringing with them a knowledge of ancient Greek 
and the manuscripts of the classical writings. Before the 
fall of Constantinople, in 1453, so much of Greek liter- 
ature as still existed in the East had been transplanted 
into Italy. Thus, while the Latin manuscripts were res- 
cued piecemeal from 

their dusty hiding- 
places, the literature 
of Greece was recovered 
with less toil. Its recov- 
ery led to an advance in 
philosophical specula- 
tion, and in the time of 
Cosimo de* Medici the 
Florentine Academy 
was established for the 
study and discussion of 
the works of Plato. 

The effects of the discovery of the ancient literatures 
were far-reaching, and may be said to mark the opening of 


the modern era. In the annals of Borne were portrayed 
a highly developed ciyil administration^ and a complete 

system of laws. These afforded a stimulus 
^a^MiiM? ^^ modern princes, striving to establish their 

authority against the trammels of the feudal 
system. The bold, inquiring spirit of Greek philosophy 
broke down the narrow limitations of medieval thought, 
hemmed in with the authority of the Schools. Men saw, 
in the exploits of the Oreeks and Romans, such possibili- 
ties as were not dreamed of in the days when this world 
was thought to be little else than a dreary pilgrimage 
toward the life to come. 

With the revival of classical learning came a revival of 
classical art. The importance assigned to art in the life 

of the Greeks and Romans was reflected in 
^[J^jJ^^ the efforts of their Italian admirers, who 

eagerly sought and preserved such master- 
pieces as had escaped the pillage of Italian cities. The 
group of the Laocodn, the Apollo of the Belvidere, and 
other triumphs of Greek art revealed new possibilities of 
pictorial representation to the artists who flourished* under 
the patronage of wealthy popes and princes. The works 
of Raphael, 1483-1520, and of Michael Angelo, 1475-1564, 
in painting and in sculpture were the results. 


I. The making of a library.— Extract flrom Yespasiano^s 
Life of Gosimo de' Medici : '* XII. When he had finished the 
residence and a good part of the church, he fell to thinking 
how he should have the place peopled with honest men 
of letters ; and in this way it occurred to him to found a fine 
library ; and one day, when I happened to be present in his 
chamber, he said to me, * * In what way would you furnish 
this library?" I replied that as for buying the books it 
would be impossible, for they were not to be had. Then he 
said : '' How is it pK>8sible, then, to furnish it ? " I told him 


that it would be necessary to have the books copied. He 
asked in reply if 1 would be willing to undertake the work, 
1 answered him that 1 was willing. He told me to commence 
my work and he would leave everything to me ; and as for the 
money that would be necessary, he would refer the matter to 
Bon Archangel, then prior of the monastery, who would draw 
bills upon the bank, which should be paid. The library was 
commenced at once, for it was his pleasure that it should be 
done with the utmost possible celerity, and as I did not lack 
for money, I collected in a short time forty-five writers, and 
finished 200 volumes in twenty-two months ; in which work 
we made use of an excellent arrangement, that of the library 
of Pope Nicholas, which he had given to Cosimo, in the form 
of a catalogue made out with his own hands. '' 

(Noble and wealthy book collectors looked with suspicion 
upon the new printed books. Vespasiano, speaking of the 
library of the Duke of (Jrbino, says : *' All the volumes are of 
perfect beauty, are written by skilled scribes, on parchment, 
and many of them adorned with exquisite miniatures. The 
collection does not contain a single printed book. The Duke 
would be ashamed to have a printed book in his library." 

Trithemius, Abbot of Sponheim, a German scholar, writes 
(1404): *• A work written on parchment could be preserved a 
thousand years, while it is probable that no volume printed 
on paper will last for more than two centuries. Many im- 
portant works have not been printed, and the copies required 
of these must be prepared by scribes. The scribe who ceases 
his labors because of the invention of the printing-press can be 
no true lover of books, in that, regarding only the present, he 
gives no due thought to the intellectual cultivation of succeed- 
ing generations. The printer has no care for beauty and the 
artistic form of books, while with the scribe this is a labor of 


Paul Van Dyke: The Age of the Renascence, Chapters XI 
and XII; Adams: European History, pp. 269-282; Seebohm: 
Era of the Protestant Revolution, pp. 66-74. For the political 
history of Italy in the Renaissance period see Lodge : The 
Close of the Middle Ages, Chapters VIII, XIV. 


§ 5. The Renaissance North of the Alps 

Italy was the first country of Europe to receive the new 
light. This was largely due to the accumulation of wealth 
in the Italian cities, the result of commerce 
^rmaay. *^^ industry ; because wealth gives leisure, 

and leisure turns toward the refinement of 
life. The same conditions were slower in reaching Ger- 
many^ but about the middle of the fifteenth century the 
South German cities, enriched with the trade in Eastern 
goods, which crossed the Alps from Venice and found their 
way down the Rhine, began to take an interest in the in- 
tellectual development of the South. Young men of Ger- 
man patrician families sought the universities of Pavia 
and Bologna, and brought back to Germany the new Latin 
and Greek culture. 

The New Learning, as it came to Germany, was modi- 
fied by the character and ideals of the German people. A 
^^^ simple folk, with deep religious feeling, the 

ofOerman Germans did not follow the subtle Italians 

Htunaniam. j^^^ ^^^ intricacies of Platonic philosophy ; 

their earnest and practical minds sought rather to apply 
the principles of the New Learning to the affairs of life. 
The fifteenth century saw a reorganization of the school 
system. The towns were thronged with students, many 
of them subsisting from public charity. Throughout the 
German lands, from Holland to Switzerland, and from the 
Rhine to Silesia, the impulse toward a higher education 
seemed to permeate all classes of society. Men of Italian 
learning set themselves to work to produce text-books, to 
replace the clumsy medieval manuals with books better 
adapted for the instruction of youth. The study of Greek 
and even of Hebrew was introduced into the preparatory 

In Germany the universities were the centers of the 
New Learning. Many of them sprang into existence in 


response to the new spirit ; and in all of them the medie- 
val course of study was much modified. Students deserted 
the lecture-rooms of the professors of theol- 
ogy and law, and flocked to the ** Human- 
ities,'' greatly to the disgust of the older in- 
structors, who were dependent for their income upon the 
tuition-money paid by the students. Some of the univer- 


AETXTis* SVAE ASLXO ■ L ill - 


■f »V^H.i ' , ' I » n 


A German Patrician. 


si ties, in which the theological element was the stronger, 
held out vigorously against the new tendencies. Such was 
Cologne, where the influence of the Dominican order was 
supreme. Erfurt, on the contrary, was wholly given to 
the New Learning, and Heidelberg was favorably inclined. 

In France conditions were unfavorable to the recep- 
tion of the New Learning. The nobles were interested in 
-. military exploits and the exercise of arms, 

fienaitttnce and little disposed toward letters. Besides 

in Prance. ^|^jg^ ^.j^g University of Paris, tlie greatest of 

all universities, had been for centuries the stronghold of 
conservative theology, a source of authority in doctrinal 
matters second only to Rome itself. As such it was not 
likely to look with favor upon an intellectual movement, 
the chief spirit of which was that of questioning and criti- 
cism. The artistic side of the Renaissance appealed more 
strongly to the French, and its influence is to be found 
in the palatial buildings erected by French kings of the 
fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, those *' chdteazix** which 
have been the admiration of posterity. 

In England the movement had a deeper meaning. The 
spirit of criticism which scholarly Englishmen imbibed 
-. in foreign travel and study, particularly in 

BenAiflsanoe Italy, increased their dissatisfaction with the 

in England. institutions of the medieval church. The 

University of Oxford became the center of a movement 
looking toward a reform of the clergy and a reorganization 
of the schools. John Colet, who founded St. Paul's School 
in London (1510), and Thomas More, who became Lord 
Chancellor under Henry VIII, were the leaders of the 
Oxford group. They sought, in careful study of the New 
Testament and of the early Christian writers, to learn the 
true character of the early church, that later errors might 
be corrected and removed. 

The finest product and best representative of the deeper 
spirit of the Renaissance was Desiderius Erasmus of Rot- 


terdam. Although of Dutch birth^ he was a citizeu of 
the Christian world. His education was acquired in Ger- 
many, later at the University of Paris and 
in England. A close friend of Colet and 
More during his English residence at the 
close of the fifteenth century, he entered with zeal into 
their projects of reform, and this became the leading mo- 
tive of his life. His years 


were full of literary labors. 
His translation of the New 
Testament from Greek in- 
to Latin opened the way 
for a closer study of the 
sacred texts. The influ- 
ence of his popular writ- 
ings was even wider. In 
the Praise of Folly and 
the Familiar Colloquies he 
scourged with a bitter pen 
the shortcomings of the 
clergy, and by these means, 
no doubt, prepared the 
way for Luther. Indeed, 
his enemies said with 
much truth that "Erasmus laid the egg, and Luther 
hatched it.*' Yet his sympathies were not with Luther. 
He loved the church of Rome and sought its reformation ; 
and when he saw that Luther^s movement tended to break 
the church in two, he recoiled, with the great body of Hu- 
manists, from a remedy which seemed to him more fatal 
than the disease it sought to cure. 



I. German idea of higher learning. From the Adolea* 
oentia of Jacob Wimpheling: ''Everyone should strive for 
learning and virtue, which alone confer nobility. The youth. 


therefore, especially when he comes of distinguished parents, 
should be frequently reminded that he should value the soul's 
advantage and not the gifts of fortune and physical accom- 
plishments. Each day he should exert himself, in order 
that he may not become an awkward, stupid, foolish, wanton 
fellow, as in our day most of the noble-bom are ; but that he 
shall be intelligent and educated ; that he be well instructed 
from his youth and not ignorant of the humanities ; that he 
shall apply himself to the reading of the Holy Writ ; that he 
may be well-bred, just, gentle, and pious, and a friend of 
clever, cultured men." 

II. Italian opinion of the French at the beginning of the 
sixteenth century. From The Courtier of Baldassare Castig- 
lione (an English translation of 1588). — **But besides good- 
ness the true and principall ornament of the minde in every 
man (I believe) are letters, although ye Frenchmen know only 
the nobleness of armes, and passe for nothing beside ; so that 
they not only doe not set by letters, but they rather abhorre 
them and all learned men they doe counfc very rascalles, and 
they think it a great villany when any one of them is called a 
clarke. '* 

III. Extract from letter of Erasmus, U 1 8, renewing prog- 
ress of learning in Germany on the eve of the Reformation : 
"Learning is springing up all round out of the soil; lan- 
guages, physics, mathematics, each department thriving. 
Even theology is showing signs of improvement. All looks 
brighter now. Three languages are publicly taught in the 
schools. I myself, insignificant I, have contributed some- 
thing. I have at least stirred the bile of those who would not 
have the world grow wiser, and only fools now snarl at me. 
. . . But the clouds are passing away. My share in the 
work must be near finished. I do not want the popular the- 
ology to be abolished. I want it enriched and enlarged from 
earlier sources. When the theologians know more of Holy 
Scriptures, they will find their consequence undiminished, 
perhaps increased. All promises well, so far as I can see. 
My chief fear is that with the revival of Greek literature there 
may be a revival of paganism. There are Christians who are 
Christians only in name, and are Gtentiles at heart ; and, 
again, the study of Hebrew may lead to Judaism, which 



would be worse still. I wish there could be an end of scho- 
lastic subtleties, or, if not an end, that they could be thrust 
into a second place, and Christ be taught plainly and simply. 
The reading of the Bible and the Early Fathers will have this 
effect. Doctrines are taught now which have no afl^ity with 
Christ and only darl^en our eyes." 


Paul van Dyke : Age of ths Eenascence, Chapters XIV and 
XX. (For Erasmus) J. A. Froude : Life and Letters of Erdsmus 
(many letters translated) ; Merrick Whitcomb : Select Col- 
loquies of Erasmus, 


§ 6. Invention and Discovery 

The widening of the intellectual horizon led to inven- 
tion and discovery. If this life were worth the living, as 

the Greeks and Romans thought, then it was 

worth while to make it as good and grand 
as possible. The chains of authority which bound the 
medieval man were broken, 
and free range given to in- 
dividual effort. As a result, 
the end of the fifteenth cen- 
tury was marked by inventions 
and by material progress, which 
are the true indications of the 
modern spirit. 

For centuries the sailor was 
the slave of the land. Even 

after he had 
O^pasB. learned to steei 

his course by the 
stars, the dangers of cloudy 
nights and foggy days limited 
his voyages. Even in the 
Mediterranean navigators crept 




'" I: 






''■■ V It -^ 


Time op First Atlan- 
tic Voyages. 


from cape to cape. The magnetic needle was known to 
the Chinese from high antiquity. Its use came westward, 
transmitted by the Arabs, perhaps, and reached the Med- 
iterranean sometime about the period of the second Cru- 
sade (1150). At first the needle, floating freely on the 
surface of water, could only be used in times of calm. 
Step by step it was improved — mounted upon a pivot, set 
in gimbals, to neutralize the action of the waves — and in 
the fourteenth century it became a practical instrument 
of navigation. To this invention is due our knowledge of 
two-thirds of the world ; thanks to this infallible guide, 
the sailor could now entrust himself without fear to the 
trackless wastes of the high seas. 

As early as the tenth century the Chinese practised the 

art of reproducing writing by impression ; and in the first 

half of the fifteenth century books were 

^' made after this manner in Europe. Whole 

pages were cut in wood, and from each engraved block 
a number of copies were printed. The next great step 
was the invention of movable letters. This came about 
the middle of the fifteenth century, and is generally as- 
cribed to Gutenberg of Mayence. Even this advance, 
however, did not constitute printing in its modern form. 
The engraving of the separate types was still a matter 
of great expense. It was the casting of the movable 
types that brought the art to perfection. Thus, with a 
single engraved mould, a vast number of types could be 
clicfq^ly made. About the same time was invented type- 
metal, a mixture of lead and antimony, strong enough to 
i^iei pressure, yet not sharp enough to cut the paper. It 

also said that Gutenberg invented the printing-press. 

rmerlj tlie paper was laid upon the types and pressed 
^tbem with a brush or tool called ** frotton.*' Print- 
\b gift of Germany to the Renaissance, 
icieiit world used papyrus made from an Egyp- 
like plant, for its books; also parchment, made 



from the skins of animals. In the Middle Ages these 
materials were dear^ and it is to their high cost that the 

destruction of classical manuscripts is due, 
^"' the parchments on which they were written 

having been used a second time for literary purposes. 
Cotton paper was introduced from the East by the Vene- 
tians in the tenth century. It was heavy, spongy, and 
dark, and ill-adapted for permanent records. In 1221 the 
Emperor Frederick forbade its use for official writings, 
ordering them to be copied upon parchment. Finally, 
toward the beginning of the fourteenth century, the use 
of linen rags furnished a material that could be indefinitely 
renewed. Without a satisfactory paper, at a moderate 
price, the invention of printing would not have been such 
a boon to humanity. 

The Middle Ages made little progress in geographical 
knowledge. Life centered about the Mediterranean ; to 

the West beyond was the trackless ocean, 
^^^^^^ where the evening sun extinguished its 

fires. Timid mariners, veivturing beyond the 
Straits of Gibraltar, feared to follow the African coast 
to the southward. The heat increased, it was thought, 
and made life impossible ; the sea became thick and im- 
passable on account of the rapid evaporation. It was only 
when Portugal, shut off from expansion inland by the rise 
of Spain, turned her energy toward the sea that the fan- 
cied obstacles were overcome. Prince Henry the Naviga- 
tor, collecting all existing information regarding the west 
coast of Africa, pushed the exploration southward. Step 
by step the coast was won. In 1450 the name of Cape 
Verde, given to the limit of exploration, expresses the sur- 
prise of mariners at finding verdure where life was tliought 
to be impossible. In 1452 the Gulf of Guinea was reached, 
and the zest for gold added to the love of adventure. In 
1487 Diaz, reaching the extreme point of Africa, was 
blown around the Cape of Good Hope. Finally, in 1497, 



Vasco da Oama, doubling the Cape, reached Mozambique, 
and opened a new route to the Indies. 

Very different from the series of ventures just chron- 
icled was the daring project of Columbus. It is his 
faith in his ideas and his power in action 
that mark Columbus as a high type of the 
modern man. His purpose, *^ to seek the Orient by means 
of the Occident," was inspired by the words of Aristotle : 


Tebbobb op the Deep. 

''The earth is round, but at the same time it is not 
very large. '^ With this in mind, he calculated the dis- 
tance from Europe to India to be 90 degrees, or 1,100 
Spanish leagues, about five weeks^ sailing for vessels of his 
time. Fortunately he did not know that it was more than 
twice as far, or four months' journey. For such an expe- 
dition he wonld not have found a company, even if his 
own courage had been equal to the venture. Aided by 


the sovereigns of Spain, he found his Indies, as he sup- 
posed, and ** gave a new world to Castile and Leon/^ In 
1519 Spanish ships, under the command of the Portuguese 
Magellan, circumnavigated the earth, thereby actually 
demonstrating its sphericity. 

Medieval conceptions of the universe, like those of the 
terrestrial globe, yielded to the questioning instinct of the 
new age. At the beginning of the sixteenth 
^^"°^' century Copernicus, a Polish astronomer, 

in his work upon the revolutions of the celestial spheres, 
affirmed that the sun was a fixed star, surrounded by 
planets, of which the earth was one ; described the double 
movement of the earth^s motion, and fixed the position 
of the moon as a satellite of the earth. As a corollary 
of his conclusions, the earth was no longer the center 
of the universe, nor man the prime object of creation. 
Fearful of the effect of his discoveries, seeming, as they 
did, to oppose the teaching and tradition of the church, 
Copernicus delayed the publication of his book until his 
death in 1543. 


I. The primitive compass ; from a description by Ylncent 
de Beauvals in the twelfth century.—** When the mariners are 
unable to find the course that should conduct them safe into 
port, they rub the point of a needle upon the magnet, fasten 
it to a straw, and place it in a vessel of water, around which 
they carry the magnet. The point of the needle turns ever 
toward the magnet, and when by this means they have made 
the needle turn completely around, then they take away the 
magnet all at once. Thereupon the point of the needle turns 
toward the star, and moves not thence.'* 

II. Columbus's account of his first voyage. San Do- 
mingo. — '*The lands are high, and there are many very lofty 
mountains. They are all most beautiful, of a thousand dif- 
ferent shapes, accessible, and covered with trees of a thousand 
kinds, of such great height that they seem to reach the skies. 


I am told that the trees never lose their foliage, and I can 
well understand it, for I observed that they were as green and 
luxuriant as in Spain in the month of May. Some were in 
bloom, others bearing fruit, and others otherwise according 
to their nature. The nightingale was singing, as well as other 
birds of a thousand different kinds ; and that in November, 
the month in which I myself was roaming among them. 
There are palm-trees of six or eight kinds, wonderful in their 
beautiful variety ; but this is the case with all the other trees 
and fruits and grasses ; trees, plants, or fruits filled us with 
admiration. It contains extraordinary pine groves, and very 
extensive plains. There is also honey, a great variety of birds, 
and many different kinds of fruits. In the interior there are 
mcutiy mines of metal and a population innumerable. . . . 
It is extremely rich in gold ; and I bring with me Indians 
taken from these different islands, who will testify to all these 
things. Finally, and speaking only of what has taken place 
in this voyage, which has been so hasty, their Highnesses luay 
see that I shall give them all the gold they require, if they 
will give me but a very little assistance ; spices also, and cot- 
ton, as much as their Highnesses shall command to be 
shipped ; aloes-wood, as much as their Highnesses shall com- 
mand to be shipped ; slaves, as many of these idolators as 
their Highnesses shall command to be shipped. I think also 
I have found rhubarb and cinnamon, and I shall find a 
thousand other valuable things by means of the men I have 
left behind me, for I tarried at no point so long as the wind 
allowed me to proceed. 

Adams : European History, pp. 273-282. 

Administ&ation of the Sac&amunts. 


The Bef ormation 

§ 7. Period of the Councils 

In the contest of Philip the Fair with Boniface VIII 
the papacy, which had for centuries been the supreme in- 
fluence in European affairs, suffered defeat 
at the hands of the modern government of 
France. Bonifaoe was assaulted by French 
agents in his palace, and died of chagrin. After his death 
French influence secured the election of a series of French 
popes, who removed the seat of papal power to Avignon 
on the Rhdne, where it remained for seventy years under 
4 38 

Deoline of 
the papacy. 


French control. This period is called the ''Babylonian 
Captivity." Finally, in 1377, Gregory XI, yielding to the 
entreaties of the Christian world, and moved as well by 
the decay of his power in the Papal States during the 
absence at Avignon, returned to Rome. But matters went 
from bad to worse. Upon the death of Gregory, the car- 
dinals, vacillating between Roman and French influences, 
elected first Urban VI, who took his seat at Rome ; then 
Clement VII, who returned to Avignon. This was the 
beginning of the Great Schism of the West, which endured 
until 1417. The prestige of the papacy was greatly weak- 
ened. It was inconceivable to Christian men that there 
should be two heads of the church, two successors of St 
Peter. Christendom was divided in its allegiance, some 
nations holding to Urban, others to Clement. 

One result of the schism was to give free rein to inde- 
pendent thinkers. Wyclif (1327-1384), in England, voiced 
RMoitsof *'^® sentiments of a party of his compatriots, 

tliesohimi who were jealous of the interference of the 

heiwy. papal power in England, desiring to cut 

their island off from Roman control. The debasement of 
the papacy was Wyclif's opportunity, and he came forward 
as the cliampion of English independence. Although he 
was condemned by a council of English prelates, and 
although his party did not succeed in establishing the 
ecclesiastical independence of England, yet the movement 
of which he was the spiritual leader produced a series of 
legislative acts, which greatly limited the exercise of papal 
authority in England. 

The ideas of Wyclif were carried to the continent, and 
n?adHHl a fuller development in Bohemia, under the lead- 
ership of John IIuss (13(>1>-1415) and Jerome of Prague. 
^..-Bohctiiu was for many years a seat of armed rebellion 
\iiiet tlii^ church, and it wa^s only by means of substantial 

^^ensions that the Bohemian heretics were finally brought 

abtnit themselves to the Roman See. 


Another result of the schism was the formation of a 
party of reform. Conservative men, who loved the church, 
KasnitB f ®®^ ^^ work to remedy its misfortunes. The 

thesohlBiiii center of the reform party was in France, its 

'«*™- leaders, John Gerson and Peter d'Ailly, both 

of them associated with the University of Paris. They 
sought, first of all, to heal the schism, to restore a single 
head to the divided church. In this they were successful 
only after many struggles. Their first effort was to bring 
about a simultaneous resignation of the two popes, and 
then to proceed with a clear field to a new election. This 
the rival popes were unwilling to do. A general council 
of the church was then called by the combined colleges 
of cardinals, who had abandoned their respective popes. 
This was the Council of Pisa, where the rival popes were 
deposed, and a new pope elected in their place. The new 
pope did not, however, meet with general obedience. 
Christendom doubted the authority of a council called 
without the voice of either emperor or pope. Thus the 
Council of Pisa brought it about that three popes reigned 
instead of two (1409). 

But the reformers persevered. In 1414 circumstances 
were more favorable. Sigismund, the Emperor, and John 

XXIII, pope of the Pisan line, joined in 
'^^^^^^ summoning a council at Constance, beyond 

the Alps. The first act of the council was 
to clear the field of papal claimants. Gregory XII volun- 
tarily resigned ; the others were deposed, and for more 
than two years the council remained at the head of the 
church, the papal See being vacant. 

The council next turned its attention to the extirpation 
of the Bohemian heresy. John Huss was summoned from 
Prague, and came to Constance, bearing letters of safe- 
conduct from the emperor. He was tried for heresy and 
condemned; and when, after long and persistent efforts 
had been made to convince him of his errors, he remained 



obstinate, he was stripped of his priestly garb and, in a 
penitent's gown, turned over to the temporal authorities. 
By them he was burned at the stake, in accordance with 
the general law for the punishment of heretics, and his 
ashes uast into ttiG Hhinu, Sigisintiiid limi .some doubt 
about this treatment of his safe-conduct; but was assured 

BuBJtiaro of Joost Husa, 

by the theological doctors that no contract with a lieretic 
could be binding* 

In 1417, when impending wars seemed likely to inter- 
rupt the coimcil, that body proceeded to the election of a 
ptjpe, npon whom it might confer its authority, 1 1^ choice 
■ •*ii8 a member of the Roman family of Colon n», who came 

the throne as Martin V. The first great object of the 

ma party was fulfilled: the papacy waa restored ; Chris- 

dom acknowledged the new poi>e* 



The aims of the reformers, however, were wider. Fear- 
ing a return of disorders in the papacy, they sought to make 

the council a supreme governing body in the 
The^oondliar church, providing by decree for a succession 

of councils at stated intervals. This the 
popes, their power being restored, jealous of a limitation 
of their authority, resisted, and neglected the assembling 
of the councils. Tenacious of their ideas, the reform party 
again came forward and forced the pope to summon a new 
council at Basel in 1431. Seeking to assert its supremacy, 
the Council of Basel quarreled with Pope Eugene IV and 
deposed him, as had been done with the earlier popes at 
Constance. But the verdict of Christendom was with the 
pope against the council. With the papacy on the verge 
of ruin a council might intervene; but with the head of 
the church well established the sympathy of Christians was 
with the pope. Pope Eugene won ; the Council of Basel 
dwindled into insignificance, and the conciliar idea, the 
supremacy of the councils over the papacy, vanished with 
the necessity which called it forth. 

In addition to the restoration of the papacy and the 
establishment of the authority of the councils, the reform 

party had still another aim : the purification 

of the church from certain abuses which had 
grown up along with the widening of the church's infiuence 
and work. It is not to be supposed that these abuses were 
in the nature of personal immorality. It is altogether likely 
that the clergy, rank for rank, were better than any other 
class of people of the time, and that the institutions of the 
church were more wisely and cleanly conducted than the 
institutions of laymen. 

The real abuses against which the reformers protested 
were connected with the finances of the Roman court. 
During the Middle Ages, when the church had a general 
oversight of the affairs of Christendom, the Roman court 
had come to be the great clearing-house for the public 



business of western Europe. The thousand clerks and 
secretaries who performed this work must be paid, and an 
elaborate system of fees grew up, which drew to Rome the 

money of Christen- 
dom, much to the dis- 
satisfaction of local 
princes, who wished to 
collect this money for 
their own needs. More 
than this, the papacy, 
to increase its income, 
assumed the right of 
granting fat church 
livings throughout 
Europe to high offi- 
cials who remained at 
Rome and left the liv- 
ings vacant. Thus the 
offices of the church 
were neglected; 
churches fell into 
ruins because their 
incomes were diverted to Rome. Out of this system grew 
two evils : the money of Christendom was drained away to 
Rome ; and the offices of the church abroad were unfilled. 



I.— The Financial Abuse.— Extract from the Downfall of 
the Church, by Nicholas Clemanges, one of the Reform Party : 

"To the same cause is to be ascribed the ruin of numerous 
churches and monasteries and the leveling with the ground, 
in so many places, of sacred edifices, while the money which 
used to go for their restoration is exhaust^ed in paying these 
taxes. But it even happens, as some well know, that holy 
relics in not a few churches, crosses, chalices, feretories, and 
other precious articles, go to make up this tribute. " 



Il.—Extraetg from Decrees of the Council of Constance : 

1. From the Decree ** Sacrosancta,*^ estahlishing the su- 
pretne authority of the Council, — ** It first declares that this 
same council, legitimately assembled in the Holy Ghost, form- 
ing a general council, and representing the Catholic Church 
militant, has its power immediately from Christ, and every- 
one, even if it be the papal dignity itself, is bound to obey it 
in all those things which pertain to the faith and the healing 
of the said schism, and to the general reformation of the 
Church of 6K>d, in head and members.'* 

2. From the Decree ** FrequenSf'* arranging for regular 
future councils,— *' Therefore, by a perpetual edict, we sanc- 
tion, decree, establish, and ordain that general councils shall 
be celebrated in the following manner, so that the next one 
shall follow the close of this present council at the end of five 
years. The second one shall follow the close of that, at the 
end of seven years, and councils shall thereafter be celebrated 
every ten years in such places as the pope shall be required to 
designate and assign, with the consent and approbation of the 
council, one month before the close of the council in question, 
and which, in his absence, the council itself shall designate. 
Thus, with a certain continuity, a council will always be 
either in session, or be expected at the expiration of a definite 

III.— Popes of the Great Schism 

Roman Line. Avignon Line, 

Urban VI, Clement VII, 

1378-1389. 1378-1394. 

Boniface IX, 

Innocent VII, 

Gregory XII, 

Council of Pisa (1409) deposed 
Gregory XII and Benedict 
XIII and elected Alexander 
V, 1409-1410. 

John XXIII, 1410-1416 (de- 

The Council of Constance (1414) 
accepted resignation of Greg- 
ory XII, deposed John XXIII, 
and elected Martin V, 1417- 

Benedict XIII, 

dement VIII, 




Adams : European History^ pp. 283-288 ; Paul van Dyke: 
Age of the Renaissance, Chapters VII, VIII, IX ; Lodge : The 
Close of the Middle Ages, Chapters IX, X, XI. 

§ 8. The Reformation in Germany 

The failure of the effort for reform occasioned wide- 
spread dissatisfaction throughout northern Europe; but 
nowhere so much as in Germany, where the 
Oauaeaofthe \^q^ ^f ^ strong central government exposed 
the country to the exploitation of the Roman 
financial system. To the hatred of Italian control thus 
aroused was added the spirit of intellectual independence, 
the product of the Renaissance. The Reformation is to be 
regarded as an application of the Renaissance spirit to re- 
ligion, a rejection of authority in this particular sphere, 
as it had been rejected in others ; a splitting up into 
groups, as a result of the exercise of the right of critical 
investigation in religious as in secular matters. At length 

a champion of this right of in- 
tellectual and spiritual freedom 
came forth in the person of 
Martin Luther. 

Luther (1483-1546) was the 
son of a humble family. His 
father was a mi- 
ner in Thuringia. 
Thanks to the ambition of his 
parents, no pains were spared in 
his education. At the human- 
istic university of Erfurt he ac- 
quired such education as Ger- 
many afforded. His nature was 
deeply religious, and during his Erfurt residence he aban- 
doned his professional career and became an Augustinian 

Kaitin Lather. 

Martin Lutheb. 


monk. But his abilities were too marked to escape notice, 
and he was invited to the newly founded university of 
Wittenberg, in Electoral Saxony, where he became pro- 
fessor of theology. In the development of his religious 
views Luther was attracted to the doctrine of ** justifica- 
tion by faith,*' as set forth by St. Augustine, in whose 
honor the order of which Luther was a member had re- 
ceived its name. 

The church of the Middle Ages, while by no means 
neglecting the element of faith, had departed from the 

Augustinian system, in laying a stronger 
fidth^wOTkt'^ emphasis upon the efficacy of "works'' in 

securing eventual salvation. By works are 
to be understood the various duties, penitential and other- 
wise, prescribed by the clergy. No doubt, for the medieval 
man these tangible means of securing the soul's well-being 
were quite as effectual as a more spiritual method. A man 
of Luther's character, however, confident of his ability 
to achieve his soul's salvation through direct contact with 
the Divine Spirit, rejected these material means of jus- 
tification, and laid the emphasis upon faith, by means of 
which this contact might be assured. Here are to be seen 
the workings of the individualistic tendency, the person- 
ality of man's relation with God ; the rejection of that 
authority by which the church sought to guide Heaven- 
ward the lives of men by constant ministrations. 

This sentiment was strengthened by Luther's visit to 
Rome in 1510. As he approached the Eternal City, after 

a weary journey, he cried aloud his greeting 
VirittoRoma. ^^ ^^^ ,, ^.^^ sanctified with the blood of the 

holy martyrs." But the result of his journey was bitterness. 
He was shocked at the luxury and cynicism of the place. 
It was the ever-present antagonism of the rustic toward 
the town, intensified with the enormous contrast between 
German and Italian life and culture. With Luther em- 
broidered garments and marble palaces were evidences of 


vice ; he thought this splendor out of place in the succes- 
sor of the meek and lowly Saviour. It must be remem- 
bered that, in the minds of all German thinkers of the six- 
teenth century, luxury of living was regarded as a depart- 
ure from virtue. 

An event was needed to fire the train of discontent^ and 
this was furnished by the publication of a special indul- 
gence for the building of St. Peter's church 

The sale of ^t Rome. The contributions of the faithful 

Indiilgenoei. ,. . i - 

were solicited for this purpose, and in return 

a letter of grace and pardon was conferred, by means of 
which certain penalties of sin were removed, providing 
always that the applicant had previously with contrite 
heart confessed his sin and received absolution from the 
priest. Luther's antagonism was aroused by this indul- 
gence for the following reasons : 

1. With the emphasis which he placed upon faith as a 
means of grace he was inclined against the system of in- 
dulgences, although not yet prepared to deny wholly their 

2. He was enraged at the financial exploitation of the 
country, the drain of wealth toward Home. 

3. The sale of this general indulgence must have inter- 
fined with the proceeds of a local indulgence at Witten- 
berg, which contributed to the support of the religious 
iiij^titutions connected with the university. 

4. He believed that Tetzel, who had charge of the sale 
af tlie indulgence in the neighborhood of Wittenberg, was 
eliiiming virtues for the indulgence beyond what the theory 
of tlie church justified. 

>[oved by these considerations, Luther, on October 31, 
1517, following a well-established university custom, posted 
ipon the door of the castle church at Wittenberg, Ninety- 
t?e Theses, criticizing the indulgence and the manner and 
ootives of its sale. The Ninety-five Theses were the first 
olow in the great battle of the Beformation ; but Luther 




did not intend them as such. He had no idea of breaking 
away from the church, and was dismayed at the storm he 
had raised. The truth is, Germany was ripe for revolt, 
and needed only the signal. 

An Ikdulobnce. 

Pope Leo X was not disposed to give the matter his at- 
tention. It was merely a quarrel of monks, he said ; but 
when he was at length persuaded of its gravity, he sum- 



Luther driyen to 

moned Luther to Rome. Fortunately for Luther, his 
prince and patron, Frederick the Wise, Elector of Saxony, 
intervened, requesting a hearing for Luther 
in Germany. A hearing was accorded, and 
many efforts made from the papal side to 
quiet Luther, but none of them were permanently success- 
ful. A temporary truce was broken by Dr. Eck, an eminent 
German scholar, who espoused the cause of the papacy, and 
tempted Luther into more radical admissions at the Dis- 
putation of Leipzig (1519). Meanwhile Luther had studied 
much and developed his ideas ; and now wrote vigorously 
against the papacy, rousing the German nation to a breach 
with Rome. His pamphlets called forth a bull of excom- 
munication from Pope Leo, which Luther promptly burned 

in public, a formal dec- 
laration that his ties with 
Rome were broken. 

The Emperor Charles 

V, who succeeded his 


The Diet at 

dertook to 

Emperor Charles V. at the Time 
OF His Election (1519). 

in 1519, un- 
silence the 
Luther was 
commanded to appear be- 
fore him at the Diet of 
1521, held at Worms, the 
first Diet convened by the 
Emperor since his elec- 
tion. The Emperor was 
Spanish bred, without 
sympathy with German 
sentiment or a knowledge 
of German conditions. 

Luther had no chance with Charles ; but his figure, as he 
stood there, a single man before that mighty concourse. 




Fredebick the Wise, Elector of Saxont. Luther's Protectob. 


confronting an Emperor, lord of half the world, was heroic. 
When called upon to retract he replied that, until he was 
persuaded of the error of his way, he could not retire from 
the position he had taken. 

According to the terms of the Emperor's safe-conduct 
Luther was permitted to retire from Worms ; but Charles 
launched against him the Decree of Worms, placing him 
under the ban of the Empire, and ordering the destruc- 
tion of his books. Meanwhile his friends, fearing to defy 
openly the imperial authority, hurried him to a place of 
safety in the castle of Wartburg, where he remained in se- 
clusion until the following spring. 

The Decree of Worms was never carried out. Foreign 
complications and domestic difficulties kept Charles from 
proceeding against Luther. More than once the Emperor 
was forced to ask aid of the Protestant princes, Luther's 
protectors, against the French and Turks. When at length 
the opportunity came it was too late ; Germany was di- 
vided into two great hostile camps — the Lutherans and 
the Catholics. 


I.— The Talne of Indulgences.— Extract fl'om a sermon by 
Tetzel : ** How many mortal sins are committed in a day, 
how many in a week, how many in a month, how many in a 
year, how many in the whole extent of life ? They are well- 
nigh numberless, and they that commit them must needs 
suffer endless punishment in the burning pains of purgatory. 

*'But with these confessional letters you will be able at 
any time in life to obtain indulgence for all penalties imposed 
upon you, in all cases except the four reserved to the Apos- 
tolic See. Therefore, throughout your whole life, whenever 
you wish to make confession, you may receive the same remis- 
sion, except in cases reserved to the Pope, and afterward, at 
the hour of death, a full indulgence as to all penalties and 
sins and your share of all spiritual blessings that exist in the 
church militant and all its members. 

** Do you know that when it is necessary for any one to go 


to Rome, or undertake any other dangerous journey, he takes 
his money to a broker and gives a certain per cent. — five or 
six or ten — in order that at Rome or elsewhere he may receive 
again his funds intact, by means of the letter of this same 
broker ? Are you not willing, then, for the fourth part of a 
florin, to obtain these letters, by virtue of which you may 
bring, not your money, but your divine and immortal soul, 
safe and sound into the land of Paradise ? " 

II.— The Journey to Worms.— Relation of Luther: ''The 
little city of Wittenberg was in the utuiost consternation 
when the imperial summons arrived. Apprehensive for my 
safety, my beloved fellow citizens crowded to my residence, 
and would have dissuaded me from entertaining the idea for 
a moment of thus wilfully putting myself into the hands of my 
eneniiea They besought me to recollect that I lived for them 
as well as for myself ; that my life was of more importance to 
them than that of a thousand popes ; that I would be seized 
by my adversaries, and sacrificed to their vengeance. They 
reminded me of those holy martyrs, Huss and Jerome, whose 
safe-conducts had been violated without scruple. I heard my 
beloved friends in all their remonstrances ; and while I ad- 
mitted the truth of all they advanced, I nevertheless resolved 
to obey the Emperor's mandate, and appear before that great 
assembly of dukes, barons, counts, knights, and other noble- 
men, both temporal and spiritual. ' I am called, * I said to 
them ; * it is decreed and ordered that I proceed to Worms, in 
the name of the Lord Jesus Christ ; and thither I shall go, if 
there were as many devils in that city as there are tiles on its 
houses. Were I to refuse, my enemies would not only tri- 
umph, but ascribe my conduct to cowardice, and that I was 
not able to maintain what I had so often asserted. Fear in my 
case would only be a suggestion of Satan, who, apprehending 
the approaching ruin of his kingdom, was anxious to avoid a 
public defeat before such a great and illustrious assembly a« 
that of Worms. ' " 


Adams : European History, pp. 803-315 ; Seebohm : Era 
of the Protestant Revolution, pp. 94-130 ; Myers : Medieval 
and Modem History, pp. 363-870 ; Johnson : Europe in the 
Sixteenth Century, pp. 153-160. 


§ 9. The Later Reformation 

The blow struck by Luther against spiritual authority 
was felt throughout Europe. Among the Germanic peoples 
the revolt was most complete. The Swiss 
^ ' of Ziirich under the leadership of Huldroich 

Zwingli, threw off the allegiance to Eome (1624) and were 
followed by other Swiss cities and cantons. Zwingli dif- 
fered from Luther in many points of doctrine, and all 
efforts to unite the two Protestant factions were unavail- 
ing. The Zurich reformation led to civil war in Swit- 
zerland, with the result that each canton was permitted 
to select its own religion, and this division between 
Catholic and Protestant has survived down to the pres- 
ent day. 

The right of individual interpretation, championed by 
Luther, led to the rise of numerous sects in Germany. 
Many, particularly of the lower classes, 
Sab ntlstB. where life was hard under the old con- 

ditions, looked forward to a reconstruction 
of society, along the lines of equality and universal 
brotherhood, such as they thought to find in the spirit 
and organization of the primitive church. The leaders 
of these sects, repelled by the conservatism of Luther, who 
saw in this Utopian movement the seeds of anarchy and 
the destruction of his own cause, scattered among the 
peasantry, and by their preaching brought about a social 
and agrarian revolution, the Peasants^ War of 1525, in 
which the peasants were defeated and flung back into a 
still deeper abyss of serfdom. 

At the outbreak of the Lutheran revolt the English 

King, Henry VIII, espoused the papal cause, wrote a book 

against Luther, and in recognition of his 

°^ orthodoxy received from the pope the special 

title of " Defender of the Faith.*' Reasons of state 

brought a change in Henry's views. Desiring to perpetu- 



Henry VIIL 

ate his line with a male heir^ he sought from the pope an 
annulment of his marriage with Catharine of Aragon, 
daughter of Ferdinand and Is- 
abella. The pope refused to 
grant the king^s request, and 
Henry procured his release at 
the hands of an English ecclesi- 
astical court, with the sanction 
of the Archbishop of Canter- 
bury. Resenting this defiance 
of his power. Pope Clement VII 
launched a bull of excommuni- 
cation against Henry VIII, and 
in the controversy that ensued 
English independence of Rome 
again asserted itself, and a vote 
of Parliament proclaimed the 
king '* the only Supreme Head on Earth of the Church of 
England (1535)/' 

Although this step made England independent of the 
papacy, yet it did not immediately change the character 
of the English religion. In England the political changes 
came first and the change in doctrine and method of worship 
afterward. During Henry's reign the forms and spirit of re- 
ligion suffered little change. In the brief reign of his suc- 
cessor, Edward VI, a child at the time of his accession to 
the throne, the Lutheran spirit made itself manifest The 
English Prayer-Book was introduced and church services 
conducted in the English tongue. Edward was followed 
on the throne, in default of male heirs, by his sister Mary, 
(1553), daughter of Catharine of Aragon, and a devoted 
Catholic. With the assistance of the Catholic party 
Queen Mary sought to restore the old faith ; but her ef- 
fort, if indeed it could have been successful under any 
circumstances, was rendered doubly unpopular by her 
marriage with Philip II of Spain, whicli aroused the 



English jealousy of foreign interference and control. 
After a short reign Mary was succeeded by her sister 
Elizabeth (1558), who easily restored Protestant insti- 
tutions and her own supremacy in the church. In her 
reign Protestantism became the religion of the English 

The religion thus established in England was more 
conservative than the reformed religions of the continent, 
and preserved more generally the forms of the ancient 
church. It satisfied, however, the desire for church re- 
form, long since demanded by 
Wyclif and others. It preserved 
an ecclesiastical hierarchy, but 
made it national, freeing it from 
foreign dictation. The English 
reformation was the joint work of 
people and sovereign. 

John Calvin. — The career of 
Calvin offers many points of con- 
trast with the career 
Eeformatlonin ^^f Luther. Luther 

Latin oonntnes. 

was a pioneer, as 

has been shown ; forced into a 
position of leadership, every step 
John Calvin. of his spiritual progress experi- 

mental and unforeseen. It might 
be said of him that he drilled his battalions under fire. 
With Calvin the case was very different. Educated for 
the law, which he studied at Paris and at Lyons, he came 
gradually under the influence of Lutheran opinions, which 
had begun to spread themselves in France, and worked out 
his scheme of doctrine in detail before his actual work as 
a leader of reform was begun. His '^Institutes of the 
Christian Religion,^' which he composed in the quiet of 
his study, was a complete system of Augustinian theology, 
and became the handbook of the sect which he founded. 


Called to Geneva in 1536^ to assume the leadership of 
the reform movement in that city, Calvin ruled and molded 
the little commonwealth, which became a 
hive of industry and a model of sobriety 
under the guidance of his stem and puritanical spirit. 
The Genevan reform, the product of Calvin's legal mind, 
affording a complete system of material and spiritual life, 
commended itself to the most progressive peoples of 
Europe : to the Rhenish Germans, to the Dutch, to the 
Scotch, and eventually to a great portion of the English 
people. Its sterling qualities, as expressed in Congrega- 
tionalism, determined the character of our New England 

In France the logical side of Calvinism made it stronger 
with the middle and upper classes. Its followers, called 
Huguenots, counted in their numbers many 
of the great nobles of the realm. It gained 
ground against Lutheranism, no doubt because its French 
origin caused it to appeal more strongly to the French mind. 
In thus hastily reviewing the effects of the new doc- 
trines upon the several nations of Europe, one fact stands 
out in bold relief : the political organization 
of each country, at the time of the Reforma- 
tion, determines the manner in which the great religious 
question will be decided. In compact nations, with strong 
central governments, as in England, for example, it is 
evident that one party or the other. Catholic or Protestant, 
will ultimately prevail to the exclusion of its opponent. 
England, and France and Spain as well, must be wholly 
Protestant or wholly Catholic. In countries of the other 
class, like Germany, with its hundred principalities, or 
Switzerland, a loosely united group of cantons, tlie prin- 
ciple of state rights is certain to be the determining factor. 
This was in truth the basis of settlement in Germany and 
Switzerland. In Germany, at the Peace of Augsburg, 
1555, each state was permitted to select its own religion, 



Catholic or Lutheran. In Switzerland, by the Peace of 
Cappel, 1531, each canton was at liberty to decide the 
religious question for itself. It is to be borne in mind 
that at this time, and for many generations to come, the 
idea that persons of different religions might live together 
harmoniously in the same state seems to have occurred to 
no one. 

Henry VIII and His Wives 

Henry VIII. 


1. Catharine of Aragon, m. ) Mary, m. Philip II 

1509 ; divorced 1633. ) of Spain (no issue). 

2. Anne Boleyn, m. 1533 ; be- j 

headed 1536. I 

• Elizabeth (unmarried). 


3. Jane Seymour, m. 

died 1537. 

4. Anne of Cleves, m. 

divorced 1540 

5. Catharine Howard, m. 1540 

beheaded 1542 

6. Catharine Parr, m. 
^ survived the king. 




VI (no is- 


!•— The Act of Supremacy (20 Henry Till, 1585).— " Albeit 
the King's majesty justly and rightfully is and ought to be 
the supreme head of the church of England, and so is rec- 
ognized by the clergy of this realm in their convocations, 
yet, nevertheless, for corroboration and confirmation thereof, 
and for increase of virtue in Christ's religion within this 
realm of England, and to repress and extirpate all errors, 
heresies, and other enormities and abuses heretofore used in 
the same : Be it enacted by authority of this present Parlia- 
ment, that the King our sovereign lord, his heirs and succes- 
sors Kings of the realm, shall be taken, accepted, and re- 
puted the only supreme head in earth of the Church of Eng- 
land, called Anglicana Eeclesia ; and shall have and enjoy, 
annexed and united to the imperial crown of this realm, as 
well the title and style thereof, as all honors, dignities, pre- 
eminences, jurisdictions, privileges, authorities, immunities, 


profits, and commodities, to the said dignity of supreme head 
of the same church, belonging and appertaining. 

** And that our said sovereign lord, his heirs and successors 
Kings of this realm, shall have full power and authority from 
time to time to visit, repress, redress, reform, order, correct, 
restrain, and amend all such errors, heresies, abuses, offenses, 
contempts, and enormities, whatsoever they may be, which 
by any manner spiritual authority ought or may lawfully be 
reformed, repressed, ordered, redressed, corrected, restrained, 
or amended, most to the pleasure of Almighty GK>d, the in- 
crease of virtue in Christ*s religion, and for the conservation 
of the peace, unity, and tranquillity of this realm ; and usage, 
custom, foreign laws, foreign authority, prescription, or any 
other thing or things to the contrary hereof notwithstanding. ' ' 

II.— Ordinance Concerning the Times of Assembling at 
Church in Geneva (1547, period of Calvin's influence).— '< That 
the temples be closed except during hours of service, in order 
that no one shall enter therein out of hours, impelled thereto 
by superstition ; and if anyone be found engaged in any 
special act of devotion therein or near by, he shall be admon- 
ished for it ; if it be found to be of a superstitious nature, for 
which simple correction is inadequate, then he sliall be chas- 


Seebohm : Era cfthe Protestant RevoltUion, pp. 167-199; 
Johnson : Europe in the Sixteenth Century^ pp. 271-276 ; 
Green : Short History of the English People, pp. 331-348. 

§ 10. The Counter-Reformation 

The revolts which had torn away one-half of Europe 
from Rome were not without their effect upon the inter- 
Effeoto f th ^^^ organization of the Catholic church. An 

Befozmatioii upon era of zeal and devotion succeeded to the in- 
th«ohiiroh. difference of the fifteenth century ; and this 

new life was felt in all departments of the church. To 
the popes of the Renaissance type, men who, like Leo X, 
were more interested in the patronage of art and letters 



Paul III., Pope of thb 
Counter- Reformation 
and of the council of 

and in the subtleties of Italian politics than in the vital 
needs of the churchy succeeded a line of energetic popes, 

who applied themselvjes vigor- 
ously to the task of reorgani- 
zation. This Catholic revival 
had all the enthusiasm of a 
popular movement. Bome rose 
from her slumbers and showed 
again the greatness of her re- 
sources, her spirit of sacrifice, 
her genius for organization. 
Ancient religious orders were 
reconstituted and new ones 
founded. The Inquisition was 
reorganized in countries where 
the government remained in 
Catholic control ; the Congre- 
gation of the Index was estab- 
lished (1559) for the censorship of the press ; and, in addi- 
tion to these methods of de- 
fense against the new ideas, 
the Society of Jesus, powerful 
and aggressive, became, in 
the hands of the papacy, a 
potent instrument in winning 
back lost ground. 

Loyola was bom in 1491, 

of noble Spanish family. He 

grew up in the 

Ignatin.l.,d». ^ourt of Ferdi- 

nand, with a passion for arms 

and chivalry characteristic of 

his time and station. The 

fortune of war changed in a 

moment the current of his life. Wounded at the siege of 

Pampeluna in 1521, a military career became for him im- 

loNATius Loyola 


possible. Thus suddenly cut off from his earlier interests, 
his vigorous spirit sought employment in the activities of 
the mind. Cured of his wound, but with impaired health, 
Loyola lived some time with the hermits of Montserrat and 
made the pilgrimage to Jerusalem. Recognizing his lack 
of spiritual training, he commenced the study of theology 
at the University of Salamanca and continued his course at 
Paris. There, in association with other Spanish students, 
Lainez and Francis Xavier, he organized, in 1534, a new 
religious order, to which they gave a military name, the 
Company of Jesus. The keynote of their discipline was 
implicit obedience to the papal authority, so generally at- 
tacked in the decade just elapsed. They took vows of 
chastity, poverty, and obedience. Their organization com- 
plete, Loyola and his followers betook themselves to Eome 
and offered their services to the pope. In 1540 their proj- 
ect of association was confirm^ by the Roman See. 

It is interesting to note how the military instinct of 
Loyola, thwarted in its natural career, expressed itself in 
the organization of his spiritual army. Unquestioning 
obedience to the commander, the General of the Order, 
who, under the supervision of the pope, formulated at 
£ome the policy of the association, was the foundation 
principle of the new society. This, with care in the selec- 
tion of its members, made the Society of Jesus the most 
effective instrument of control that Christendom has ever 

The contribution of the Society of Jesus toward the 
Counter-Reformation was threefold : 

1. A ceaseless struggle against heresy, 
Jendtfc *^ a stiffening of the conservative element in 

localities invaded by the new ideas. It is 
largely due to the efforts of the Jesuits (as well as to the 
dissensions among the Protestants : Lutherans, Zwingli- 
ans, and Anabaptists) that Austria and South Oermany, 
at one time largely Protestant, were won back to the 


Catholic fold. Vienna, Ingoldstadt, and Cologne became 
centers of Jesuit influence. 

2. By their close relations with the papacy, standing 
between it, as it were, and the mass of Catholic Christian- 
ity, they held the church aloof from all suggestions of doc- 
trinal change and compromise, and preserved intact the 
main features of the ancient theology. 

3. Recognizing that the Protestant ideas were largely 
the result of the educational tendencies of the Benaissance, 
the Jesuits sought to win back into the hands of the church 
the education of youth. In this they succeeded admirably. 
The Jesuit school system came to be one of the great for- 
mative agencies of modern times. The leading statesmen 
and writers of the three centuries following were educated 
in the Jesuit schools. " Let us have charge of the boys,'* 
they said, **and we shall be sure of the men.*' 

The Emperor Charles V, struggling to reconcile the 
religious factions of Germany, sought, by means of a gen- 
eral council, to solve the problems of the 
^^Oonndlof church, as had been done in the time of 
Sigismund. By imperial order the council 
convened at Trent, in 1545. Its prime object, that of 
reconciliation, was not effected ; nor did the council set- 
tle down to work until after the Peace of Augsburg, 
when division was established, and reconciliation was no 
longer possible. Its real work was the careful formula- 
tion of Catholic doctrine ; so that, in the matter of doc- 
trine, the ultimate effect of the Reformation was rather 
to strengthen than to modify the fundamental dogmas of 
the Catholic Church. The Trentine Council, however, 
while it established more firmly the doctrine of papal 
authority, removed, in a great degree, the old adminis- 
trative and financial abuses, of which the fifteenth cen- 
tury had complained so bitterly. The commercialism of 
the medieval church, which reached its highest point of 
development in the traffic in indulgences and benefices. 


was allayed ; but too late for the unity of the Church ; for 
half of Europe was irretrievably lost to Kome. 


I. — The Index was a list of books, the possession or perusal 
of which was forbidden by the ecclesiastical authorities. That 
it was not without results is shown by the following testimony 
of contemporaries : A Dominican monk, Castiglione, writes, 
in 1581, *'The Inquisitors frequently publish orders forbid- 
ding the sale of this or that work. The booksellers are no 
longer willing, therefore, to take the risk of importing books, 
while they are frequently prevented from selling those already 
in stock. There must be in Rome at present unsalable books 
to the amount of several thousand florins. " 

Josias Simler, in 1565: "A new index has appeared, where- 
in so many books are condemned that a number of professors 
in the Italian universities complain they cannot lecture, if 
the edict remains in force. Frankfort and Zurich and other 
German cities have written to the Senate of Venice, urging it 
not to accept an edict whereby the book trade will be ruined. " 

!!•— Loyola and His Work. From Parkman's The Jesuits 
in North America : * * It was an evil day for new-bom Protest- 
antism when a French artilleryman fired a shot that struck 
down Ignatius Loyola in the breach of Pampeluna. A proud 
noble, an aspiring soldier, a graceful courtier, an ardent and 
daring gallant was metamorphosed by that stroke into the 
zealot, whose brain engendered and brought forth the mighty 
Society of Jesus. His story is a familiar one : how, in the 
solitude of his sick-room, a change came over him, upheaving, 
like an earthquake, all the forces of his nature ; how, in the 
cave of Manresa, the mysteries of Heaven were revealed to him ; 
how he passed from agonies to transports, from transports to 
the calm of a determined purpose. The soldier gave himself 
to a new warfare. In the forge of his great intellect, heated, 
but not disturbed by the intense fires of his zeal, was wrought 
the prodigious enginery whose power has been felt to the utter- 
most confines of the world. 

** Loyola's training had been in courts and camps ; of books 


he knew little or nothing. He had liTed in the anqnestioning 
faith of one bom and bred in the very focus of Romanism ; 
and thus, at the age of thirty, his conversion found him. It 
was a change of life and purpose, not of belief. He presumed 
not to inquire into the doctrines of the church. It was for 
him to enforce those doctrines, and to this end he turned all 
the faculties of Im potent intellect and all his deep knowl- 
edge of mankind. He did not aim to build up barren com- 
munities of secluded monks, aspiring to Heaven through 
prayer, penance, and meditation, but to subdue the world 
to the dominion of the dogmas which had subdued him ; to 
organize and discipline a mighty host, controlled by one pur- 
pose and one mind, fixed by a quenchless zeal or nerved by a 
fixed resolve, yet impelled, restrained, and directed by a single 
master hand. The Jesuit is no dreamer : he is emphatically 
a man of action ; action is the end of his existence." 


Seebohm : Era of the Protestant Revolution, pp. 199-208 ; 
Johnson : Europe in the Sixteenth Century, pp. 261-271. 


|^#A«T M. :^,^T4 

Wars of Belig^on 

§ 11. The Religious Struggle in Germany 

The Lutheran Reformation possesses one characteristic 
which distinguishes it from the religious revolts of the 
earlier period. The movements of Wyclif 
tiateaaLiald *^^ Huss took on extravagant forms, develop- 
ing into forms of social anarchy, and lost 
thereby the sympathy and support of the more influential 
classes. The same danger was present in Luther^s case ; 
but the great reformer showed an ability closely akin to 
statesmanship in keeping clear of embarrassing entangle- 
ments. When Luther raised the banner of revolt all the 
elements of discontent in German life felt that their op- 
portunity had come. The free imperial knights, a class of 
small lords, surviving from the Middle Ages, whose castles 
were little more than robbers' dens along the Rhine and 
other highways of commerce, cast in their lot with the 
new movement, hoping for the downfall of their natural 
enemies, the great princes. At the outset their spokesman, 
TJlrich von Hutten, materially advanced the Lutheran 
cause with his writings ; but when, in the Knights' War 
of 1522, the issue was joined between knights and princes, 
Luther did not permit his cause to be compromised by an 
alliance with the knights, as they had hoped, but held 
steadfast to his natural protectors, the princes, of whom 
Frederick the Wise was one. 

The peasants, in their rising of 1525, looked to Luther 
for aid. Himself a peasant, they thought to find in him a 
friend. But in this they were disappointed. Luther rec- 



ognized clearly that the success of his cause lay in a close 
alliance with the princes, whose protection, especially in 
the case of Frederick the Wise, alone ren- 
Lutherand^ dered the Decree of Worms inoperative. 
We may regret that he turned against the 
peasants with violence, publicly exhorting the princes to 
crush their rebellion ; but it is evident that an alliance 
with a social and agrarian revolution would have con- 
demned the Lutheran movement in the eyes of the only 
people who were able to bring it to a successful issue, by 
holding off the imperial power, until the reform gathered 
strength to stand alone. 

Charles V was prevented in various ways from making 
good the Decree of Worms, So great were the needs of his 
immense empire that more than once he was 
^G^S^. obliged to seek the aid of Luther's protec- 
tors against his enemies. At the Diet of 
Spires, in 1526, when Charles was seeking aid against the 
French, it was left to each German state to take its own 
course in the matter of Lutheran teaching. Again at 
Spires, in 1529, when the Emperor was stronger at home 
and abroad, a decree was passed, re-enacting the Decree 
of Worms, whereupon the Lutheran princes protested, and 
earned thereby the name of " Protestants. '^ The follow- 
ing year, the Diet being held at Augsburg, the Emperor 
came to enforce the ban against Luther and his followers. 
The leaders of the Protestants, John of Saxony (successor 
of Frederick the Wise) and Philip of Hesse, presented a 
conservative statement of the reformed belief, the Augs^ 
burg Confession, and there were hopes of compromisa 
But the Emperor was steadfast, and gave the Protestants 
only a few months for submission. Fearing a resort to 
force, the Protestant princes, on their way home, came 
together and formed the ''League of Schmalkalden," 
for defense. Thus was Germany arrayed in two hostile 



While Luther lived civil war was averted. Luther had 

a horror of war and great respect for the civil power. To 

take up arms for the extension of religious 

principles seemed to him unjustifiable ; it 
was even doubtful if religion might be de- 
fended by force against the ruling powers. Luther's last 


Maurice of Saxont. 

days were embittered with the thought of the impending 

Luther died in 1546. His death was a signal for the 
commencement of hostilities. The Schmalkaldic League 
was crippled by the defection of Maurice, Duke of Saxony, 


consin and rival of the Elector, and the Protestants were 
easily overcome with Spanish soldiery, introduced by 
Charles V from his Italian garrisons. For once, however, 
Charies's judgment was at fault ; his treatment of the Prot- 
estant leaders, John and Philip, who, condemned to death, 
were closely confined in foul dungeons, aroused such anger 

throughout Ger- 
many that Maurice 
was forced to break 
his pact with the 
Emperor, and seek 
to undo the mis- 
chief he had brought 
upon his kinsmen. 
Then, too, all Ger- 
many was enraged 
at the importation 
of Spanish troops, 
contrary to the pro- 
visions of the Em- 
peror^s election 
bond. The nation- 
al pride revolted 
against Spanish 
methods put into 
use against German 
princes, and Ger- 
many made a Span- 
ish province. Mau- 
rice of Saxony, turning to his natural allies, plotted against 
the Emperor, and entered into an alliance with Henry II, 
king of France, by which the Protestants were supplied 
with money, and Henry was permitted to take for his share 
the great frontier posts of the Empire— Metz, Toul, and 

Charles, having no suspicion of Maurice's treachery. 

Charles V. at the Close of His Reion. 


was an easy yictim. Caught in a defile of Tyrol, he was 
obliged to yield. The Convention of Passau, 1552, closed 
the war ; but the peace of Augsburg, 1555, 
A*^W defined the status of Catholic and Protes- 

tant. It gave to the ruler of each state the 
power to define the religion of the land. To this religion 
all persons within the state must conform. Nonconform- 
ists were permitted to migrate elsewhere, and take their 
property with them. This treaty, although weak in many 
particulars (it made no provision for the growing sect of 
Calvinists), furnished a modus vivendi to Germany for sixty 

The Emperor Charles V, overwhelmed with the sudden 
collapse of his imperial power, and broken in health, abdi- 
cated, leaving Spain and the Netherlands to his son Philip, 
and to his brother Ferdinand, Austria and the Empire. 
Charles retired to the monastery of Yuste, in Spain, and 
there remained until his death in 1558 ; but not as a monk, 
for he kept in touch with the affairs of Europe and fre- 
quently advised his successors. 


!•— Regret of Charles T that he had dealt so mildly with 
the New Doctrines at the start.— Extract trom his Abdication 
Speech at Brussels: "Soon came the death of my grand- 
father Maximilian, in my nineteenth year, and, although I 
was still young, they conferred upon me in his stead the im- 
perial dignity. I had no inordinate ambition to rule a multi- 
tude of kingdoms, but merely sought to secure the welfare of 
Gtermany, to provide for the defense of Flanders, to consecrate 
my forces to the safety of Christianity against the Turk, and 
to labor for the extension of the Christian religion. But, 
although such zeal was mine, I was unable to show so much 
of it as I might have wished, on account of the troubles raised 
by the heresies of Luther and the other innovators of Ger- 
many, and on account of the serious war into which the hos- 


tility and envy of neighboring princes had driven me. . . . 
(To his son, Philip) Above all, beware of the infection from 
the sects of neighboring lands. Extirpate at once the germs, if 
they appear in your midst, for fear they may spread abroad 
and utterly overthrow your state, and lest you may fall into 
the direst calamities. " 

II.— Charles T at the Monastery of Tuste.~*'At the end of 
his first year's residence the absence of all fatigue, the calm, 
the solitude, the mildness of the air brought him an almost 
embarrassing surprise, a return to health, something which 
had not entered into his calculations, and which threatened to 
seriously disturb his plans. He did not dream of quitting the 
monastery, to enter the world once more, but at one time he 
formed the resolution, it is said, of undertaking a journey to 
the Pyrenees. 

' * Thus his repose and his isolation were far from being abso- 
lute. His sisters, Queen Mary of Hungary and Queen Eleanor, 
the latter the widow of Francis I, came to visit him at Yuste. 
Their sojourn at the monastery gave him great pleasure. The 
conversations of these three personages, at this solemn hour, 
after a life so full of events, would furnish an interesting page 
of history. Two of them were endowed with superior intelli- 
gence. As for Eleanor, she had neither the spirit nor the 
courage of her sister. It was her carious fate to marry the 
military and political rival of her brother, and, being devoid 
of interest and feeling in the aflfairs of state, she rejoined her 
family after the death of the king, her husband. These two 
queens died in Spain, not at San Yuste, but during the period 
of their brother's residence there. 

"Charles V received ambassadors at the monastery, and 
attended to his correspondence. When, at the day's decline, 
he was conducted to a terrace, built expressly that he might 
enjoy the beauty of the surrounding country, it pleased him 
better to breathe the temperate air, so beneficial to his health, 
and to meditate on the letters, the audiences, and the various 
occurrences of the day, than to admire the southern splendor 
of the landscape and the distant outline of the mountains of 
Estramadura. " — Jules van PraeU 




Seebohm : Era of the Protestant Revolution, pp. 162-166 ; 
Johnson : Europe in the Sixteenth Century, pp. 220-252. 

§ 12. Ebligious Wars in France 

The attitude of the King of France toward the Eeforma- 
tion was largely determined by external politics. Francis 
I, in whose reign the Lutheran reformation 
1516^M7. ^^ begun, was inclined to tolerate the new 

opinions, on account of his sympathy with 
literature and with the cul- 
ture of the Renaissance. He 
even intervened to save from 
destruction his friends who 
were accused by the clerical 
authorities of leaning tow- 
ard the new doctrines. As 
a consequence of this policy 
of indifference and tolera- 
tion, Lutheran ideas rapidly 
gained ground in France. 
About 1529, however, the 
political necessities of the 
king brought about a change 
in his attitude toward the 
Protestants. Defeated by 

his great rival, Charles V, in a struggle for the possession 
of northern Italy, Francis formed an alliance with Pope 
Clement VII against the Emperor, one of the conditions 
of which was the extirpation of heresy in France. This 
change of policy, together with the extravagances of the 
reformers, who placarded the walls of Paris with insulting 
attacks upon the mass, turned the royal attitude from in- 
difference into persecution. 

In the meantime a new and aggressive element had 

Francis I. or France. 



been added to the Lutheran influence in France. Calvin- 
ism brought in the principle of religious association. 

Churches were organized after the demo- 
^4^15*59 cratic system of Geneva, and the forces of 

revolt, gathered together under able leader- 
ship, formed a threatening party in the state. Henry II 
did not possess the literary tastes of his father ; he was only 
twenty-nine when he came to the throne, and he gave him- 
self unreservedly into the hands of the conservative party. 

Euro Henbt II of France. 


Several measures were taken against heretics. It is likely 
that the French king was concerting plans with Philip of 
Spain for a general reduction of the Protestants, when he 
was killed by the accidental thrust of a lance at a tourna- 
ment, in 1559, and the crown was transferred to his son, 
Francis II, a youth of sixteen. 

The death of Henry II was the beginning of a period of 
confusion and decline in the political life of France, which 

lasted forty years. Three children of Henry 
2J^^^ II and Catharine de Medicis his wife,"all of 

them weak and degenerate men, wore in turn 
the crown of France : Francis II (1559-1560) whose chief 
interest in history is his marriage with Mary, Queen of 
Scots ; Charles IX (1560-1574), in whose reign occurred 
the massacre of St. Bartholomew ; and Henry III (1574- 
1589), last of the Valois, who spent his days and nights in 
frivolous rioting, while his kingdom fell into anarchy and 
ruin. During the reigns of these three kings a struggle 
was taking place behind the throne, a triangular contest, 
in which the following persons were engaged : the Queen 
Mother, ambitious of supreme control ; the family of 
Guise, able and aspiring men, leaders of the Catholic 
party, who hoped to establish their line upon the throne 
of France with the extinction of the sterile race of Valois ; 
finally, the Protestant nobles, led by the Admiral Coligny, 
whose candidate for the crown was the Protestant prince, 
allied to the family of Valois, Henry of Navarre. 

Early in the reign of Charles IX, when the direction of 
affairs was in the hands of the Queen Mother, attempts were 

made to reconcile the rival factions. A meet- 
(Wloqny ofPdsay [^^ ^^s held at Poissy, in the presence of the 

king, at which the Protestants were permit- 
ted to present their views for joint discussion. Theodore 
Beza, a disciple of Calvin, a man of courtly training and 
the ablest of the Huguenot orators, spoke before Charles 
and Catharine. The tendency of the time was toward 



toleration. An Edict of January, 1562, permitted the 
Huguenots to assemble for worship in any place outside of 
walled towns. 

The time had not yet come, however, when the minds 
of men were prepared to grasp the principle of religious 
toleration. Up to the nineteenth century it seemed im- 
possible for men of different religious confessions to live 
together in the same community. The idea that religion 

St. Bartholomew. 

On the left is represented the attempted assassination of Colig^y, 
August 22d ; on the right the murder of Coligny on the night of 
August 24, 1572. 

is a personal thing, and can be separated from political and 
even from social life, was beyond the mental grasp of nearly 
all men of the sixteenth century. Chancellor THdpital, 
who was a man far beyond his times, and was responsible 
for the edict of toleration of 1562, himself confessed that: 
'^ A Frenchman and an Englishman who are of the same 



religion have more affection for each other than citizens of 
the same city^ or vassals of the same lord^ who hold to 
different creeds, '* 

The attempted adjustment of Catharine and THdpital 
failed^ and France was thrown into the horrors of civil 
war, which endured, with alternating periods 
a56^]i598) ^^ treacherous peace, until the end of the 
century. In 1589 the assassination of Henry 
III. put an end to the house of Valois, and threw the suc- 
cession, by right of blood, into the house of Bourbon, whose 
representative was Henry of Na- 
varre. But because he was a Prot- 
estant, it took Henry of Navarre 
nine years to make good his claim 
against the opposition of the Cath- 
olics. Even then his success was 
the result of compromise, and a 
very serious one at that Henry 
himself formally accepted the 
Catholic faith, and with this bar- 
rier removed France, exhausted 
with her forty years of civil war, 
was glad to allow his claims, and 
see the great house of Bourbon 
seated on the throne. 

Thus the religious wars came to an end through the 
exhaustion of France, and the Edict of Nantes (1598), 
which fixed the conditions of final peace be- 
tween Catholics and Protestants, is clearly a 
compromise and temporary expedient. Since France was 
a compact nation, no such adjustment was possible as had 
been effected in Germany or in Switzerland ; but the Edict 
sought to apply the same principle, in so far as it was pos- 
sible. The basis of the Edict was the recognition of the 
feudal unit of society. To each lord of a fief was given 
the right to celebrate, in his manor-house, for himself and 

Henry IV. of France. 
(Henry of Navarre.) 

Edict of Nantes. 


his retainers, the religion of his choice ; but in the city of 
Paris, or elsewhere in the presence of the king, the rights 
of the Catholic religion alone might be performed. This 
Edict is an evident makeshift, clearly violating the tradi- 
tional spirit of French political development, which is 
toward unity and a similarity of institutions throughout 
France. The Edict of Nantes contemplated a division of 
France into an infinity of discordant units. It is no 
wonder, therefore, that, when the Bourbon power was well 
established, King Louis XIV should restore the principle 
of unity even at great economic loss to France, in the 
exile of her most industrious citizens. (Revocation of 
Edict of Nantes, 1685. See § 18.) 


I.— Extracts from the Edict of Nantes : 

"VII. It is permitted to all lords, ^ntlemen, and other 
persons, natives and others as well, making profession of the 
said religion called Reformed, having high justice or full 
military tenure in our realm or in the countries of our sway, 
be it as proprietor or in usufruct, in whole or in half, or for a 
third part, to enjoy in their houses of said high justice or ten- 
ure as above mentioned, which they shall be required to name 
before our bailifTs and seneschalls, each one in his jurisdiction, 
as their principal domiciles, the exercise of the said religion, 
as long as they there reside ; or in their absence their wives, or 
indeed their family, or any part of the same.'* 

** XIV. (They are forbidden) * as well from performing 
any function of the said religion in our court or retinue, op 
equally in our lands or territories beyond the mountains, or 
in our city of Paris or within five leagues of said city ; at the 
same time those of the said religion who live in the said lands 
beyond the mountains or in our said city, and for five leagues 
thereabouts, may not be investigated in their houses, nor con- 
strained to do anything in respect to religion contrary to their 
consciences, providing they comport themselves in other re- 
spects according to that which is contained in our present 
Edict.' '' 


II.— French Kingrs of the Reformation Period. 

Francis I = (1) Claude, daughter of Louis XII, his predecessor ; 
1515-1547 I (2) Eleanor, sister of Charles V, 1530 

Henry II. = Catharine de* Medici 

1547-1559 I 

Francis II, Elizabeth, Charles IX, Henry III, Francis Margaret, 
1659-1560, m Philip 1560-1574 1574-1589 duke of m. Henry 
m II, K. of Alen^on, of Na- 

Mary Stuart Spain. died 1584 varre 

(Henry IV 
of France) 

m.— Massaere of 8t. Bartholomew, Augrust 24, 1572. Re- 
lation of Margarety sister of the Kingr : " King Charles, who 
was a prudent man and had been always very obedient to his 
mother, seeing the trend of afTairs, took a sudden resolution 
to join the queen, his mother, and conform to her wishes, 
and protect himself against the Protestants by a closer union 
with the Catholics. Going to find the queen his mother, he 
sent for Monsieur de Guise and all the other Catholic princes 
and captains, and it was there resolved to cause, that night, 
the massacre of St. Bartholomew. And, quickly putting 
their liands to the task, the chains were stretched, the tocsin 
sounded, and each one rushed upon the quarter assigned to 
him, seeking the admiral and the other Huguenots as well. 
Monsieur de Guise went to the lodging of the Admiral, and 
Besme, a Gterman gentleman, mounted to Coligny's chamber, 
and, after having stabbed him, cast his body through the 
window to Monsieur de Guise." 


Johnson: Europe in the Sixteenth Century, pp. 387-448 ; 
Adams : European History, 341-344 ; Myers: Medieval and 
Modem History, pp. 457-468. 

§ 13. Spain and the Netherlands 

Philip II was the most powerful of the Catholic kings 
of the sixteenth century. If his territories were less in 
extent than those of his father, the Emperor Charles, they 



were more absolutely his. The title of Emperor was a fine 
thing, but less productive of revenue than of embarrass- 
ments. In some respects Philip was more 
8*8^ ^ °^ fortunate than his father. He was master of 

Italy, where no one contested his sway. The 
old hostility of France, which had been the chief obstacle 
in his father's path, no longer existed ; by the treaty of 
Cateau-Cambresis Philip was reconciled with Henry II of 
France. Henry abandoned all claims upon Italy, and 

gave to Philip his eldest daugh- 
ter Elizabeth for a wife. Philip 
exercised absolute power over 
his lands, and his galleons 
brought him wealth from 

Philip II looked upon him- 
self as the lieutenant of God 
upon earth for the extirpation 
of heresy. He sought to estab- 
lish a universal Catholic mon- 
archy. From his somber pal- 
ace of the Escorial, surrounded 
by his advisers, he pulled the 
wires of European diplomacy. 
That he failed in his great un- 
dertakings, that Spain touched the pinnacle of her great- 
ness, and advanced far along the path of her decline within 
the fifty-two years of his reign, is due to the fact that with 
all his opportunities he was a man of small intelligence, of 
narrow and bigoted views and misdirected energy. Sus- 
picious of his agents, he reserved to himself the decision 
of all points of policy, delaying action when haste was es- 
sential. ''Time and J," he said, "are a match for any 
other two ; " but it was not so. 

The first task of Philip was to purge the Spanish king- 
dom of heretics. Comparatively few Spaniards were at- 

Philip II. OF Spain. 


tracted to the new doctrines; but about the year 1658 
some few congregations of reformers were to be found in 

the larger towns of Spain. The dying Em- 
^^^"'8*^^ peror, from his retreat at Yuste, mindful of 

his own experience in Germany, urged his son 
to spare no effort in rooting out the evil. Philip required 
no urging ; with him it was a labor of love. He published 
an edict, condemning to the stake all who bought, sold, or 
read the prohibited books. The terrible instrument of the 
Inquisition brought to the stake all those suspected of 
heresy. The " Auto da Fi^^ or public burning of heretics, 
was for years the delight of Spanish audiences. Philip 
included an ^^ Auto da Fe'^ in the f^tes he offered to his 
third bride, Elizabeth of France, on her arrival in Spain. 

In Philip's reign the Moriscoes, or " New Christians," 
as the descendants of the Moors who had accepted Chris- 
tianity and remained in Spain were called, still inhabited 
the uplands of Granada, which they had converted into 
one of the most fertile parts ot Spain. The fanaticism 
aroused by the persecution of Protestants proved their 
ruin. By irritating laws, suppressing their national songs 
and destroying their baths, the Moriscoes were driven into 
rebellion ; they sought the aid of the Sultan of Turkey, 
but in vain. Overwhelmed with Spanish armies, by the 
Edict of 1570 they were scattered and removed to other 
parts of Spain, where they flourished as a result of their 
industrious habits, until in 1609 they were finally forced 
to leave the country, victims of Spanish hatred and fanat- 

In 1580 the grandeur of Philip's reign reached its 
height. Through a vacancy in the succession to the throne 

of Portugal, Philip had added this realm to 

Spam, urging the claims of his first wife, 
Isabella of Portugal. His plans were far-reaching : he 
hoped to take England from Elizabeth ; to aid the Cath- 
olics in France to overthrow their enemies, and thus, with 


France and England at his back, to turn with a supreme 
effort upon Lutheran Germany. But an unreckoned factor 
came to ruin his prospects : the revolt of the Netherlands. 

The Netherlands under Philip's rule contained two 
well-defined racial elements. The northern provinces 
(now Holland) were German, and lived from fishing 
and commerce; the southern provinces (now Belgium) 
were Flemish, and lived from agriculture and manufac- 
tures. The Dutch provinces had become Protestant ; the 
Flemish remained Catholic. The new doctrines had been 
combated with vigor by Charles V and by Philip his son ; 
but the Protestants increased in numbers in the North, 
and chose for their leader William of Orange, called the 
Silent, formerly governor of Holland under Charles V. 

The conflict was fought with obstinacy on both sides. 

Philip sent the Duke of Alba into the Netherlands, and he 

established a reign of terror which endured 

Sd"iJndenoe. ^^^^ ^^^'^ ^ ^^'^^' Seeking to support the 
war in the Netherlands with taxes levied upon 
the people, Philip ruined the commerce of the country. 
Eighteen thousand persons were tried by his military tri- 
bunals and condemned to death. These atrocities drove 
the Flemish provinces to a union with Holland, and 
strengthened the Dutch in their faith and resistance. 
After 1573 a milder policy prevailed ; but all in vain. In 
1579 the Union of Utrecht proclaimed the independence 
of the seven provinces of the North ; but it was twenty 
years before they obtained a recognition of their independ- 
ence. The United Provinces were recognized in 1609 by 
the Archduke of Austria, to whom Philip had given the 
Netherlands at his death. The Peace of Westphalia, in 
1648, ratified the concession, and made it a part of the pub- 
lic treaty law of Europe. The Flemish provinces remained 
under Spanish rule. 

The intervention of Philip in England was equally dis- 
astrous. Rebuffed in his attempt to secure the hand of 




Elizabeth, after the death of Queen Mary his second wife, 
and Elizabeth's half-sister, Philip supported the claims of 

Mary Stuart, widow of Francis II of France, 
^ ' Queen of Scotland and Catholic candidate 

for the throne of England. The execution of Mary of 
Scotland (1587) and the aid given by Elizabeth to the 
Dutch served Philip as a pretext for the invasion of Eng- 
land. An immense fleet was prepared and sent against the 
coasts of England under the command of the Duke of 
Medina-Sid onia. So proud were the Spaniards of their 
fleet, 80 confident were they in its success, that they named 
it the " Invincible Armada/' It was dispersed by tempests 
in the Channel, and the ships of Elizabeth completed its 
ruin. When Philip heard of the disaster, in which his 
hopes of universal Catholic dominion were wrecked, he 
merely remarked to Medina-Sidonia : "I did not send 
you to combat the elements." 

Everywhere Philip's plans miscarried. In France the 
success of Henry of Navarre broke the alliance formed with 

Henry II. Philip's armed intervention in 
eo Bpam. p^j^j^^jg ^^^ jjj y^^j^ . j^jg fQ^ces were defeated 

at Fontaine- Fran9aise, and he was forced to sign the treaty 
of Vervins, leaving Henry IV to reign in peace and to give 
religious protection to the hated Protestants. In that year 
Philip II died (1598). 

At the end of his reign Spain was bankrupt. To the 
surprise of his contemporaries the sovereign of the Ameri- 
can mines had exhausted his resources. Spain had lost, 
since the discovery of America, the taste and habit of labor. 
The expulsion of the Moors and Jews had robbed her of 
her skilled laborers and her enterprising merchants. At a 
time when other nations were laying the foundation of the 
commercial and industrial life of the new time, Spain still 
lived on the results of her plunder of both Indies. Five- 
sixths of her home trade and nine-tenths of her Indian 
trade was monopolized by foreigners. Her copper and her 


leather, her chief products, were exported for manufac- 
ture. Spain failed to seize upon the spirit of the times 
and rapidly declined, so that, from a world power, she 
has become one of the least of European states. 


Why William was called the Silent.— Before the struggle 
with Spain was begun the Prince of Orange was present at the 
court of Henry II of Prance on a diplomatic errand. While 
hunting with the king in the forest of Vincennes that 
monarch unfolded to his guest a plan for the general extirpa- 
tion of Protestants. ** For the furtherance of the scheme in 
the Netherlands, it was understood that the Spanish regi- 
ments would be exceedingly efficient. The prince, although 
horror-struck and indignant at the royal revelations, held his 
peace and kept his countenance. The king was not aware 
that, in opening the delicate negotiation to the prince, he 
had given a warning of inestimable value to the man who had 
been bom to resist the machinations of Philip and of Alba. 
William of Orange earned the title of ** the Silent " from the 
manner in which he received these communications of Henry 
without revealing to the monarch, by word or look, the 
enormous blunder which he had committed. His purpose 
was fixed from that hour. " — Motley : The Rise of the Dutch 


Johnson : Europe in the Sixteenth Century, pp. 316-386 ; 
Myers : Mediceval and Modem History, pp. 437-456. 


§ 14. Struggle for the Indian Trade 

The goods brought from the East to Venice were sold 
in Venice to traders from the North and West. The Vene- 

Distribution ^^^^^ ^^^ ^^^ attempt to distribute their 

of Eastern wares over the continent ; it was left for the 

^^^' merchants of Europe to come to Venice, buy 

the goods, and carry them away. In the fifteenth century 
a constantly increasing amount of Eastern products, in 

particular the 
spices, pepper, cin- 
namon, and cloves, 
was consumed in 
the countries north 
of the Alps, and it 
became a very prof- 
itable business for 
the merchants of 
the South German 
cities, especially 
those situated be- 
tween the Alpine 
passes leading from 
Italy and the head- 
waters of the Rh ine 
and Danube, to en- 
gage in the business of bringing goods from Venice and 
distributing them to the lower Rhenish countries and 
northeastern Germany. The goods were brought through 



AND Warehouse of an Augsburg 
Merchant — 1495. 


the mono tains by wagon^ or on the backs of packhorses 
and even of men. 

It was along these routes of trade that the ideas of the 
Renaissance came into Germany^ and established them- 
selves amidst the patrician population of the wealthy Ger- 
man towns, such as Augsburg, Nuremberg, and Eatisbon. 
It was in these towns that accumulated wealth gave rise 
to art : painting and engraving, wrought-iron-work and 
jewelry of high artistic merit, and the wonderful develop- 
ment of the Gothic style of architecture, perpetuated in 
the cathedrals of Rhenish Germany. 

This high development of German trade was over- 
thrown, together with the commercial supremacy of Ven- 
ice, of which it was a part, by the discovery 
The ocean ^f ^-jj^ ocean route to the Indies by Vasco da 

Gama in 1497. The advantage of the ocean 
route was so great that the spice trade was transferred at 
once to Lisbon. Although the distance was greater by the 
Cape of Good Hope route than by way of Egypt, yet there 
was no transshipment between the East and Lisbon, while 
by the Egyptian route at least three transshipments were 
necessary, and a caravan journey from the Red Sea to the 
Nile. But a still more serious obstacle was the heavy 
duties laid upon goods in transit by the Sultan of Egypt. 
In vain the Venetian ambassadors at Cairo urged a reduc- 
tion of the duties, hoping thereby to compete successfully 
with the Portuguese. The Sultan was too stupid to see 
the point, and at length the whole matter of competition 
was summarily solved by the Portuguese, who seized the 
entrance to the Red Sea from the South, and cut off the 
water carriage of Indian goods to Egypt. Venice was left 
to handle only such goods as she might collect about the 
basin of the Mediterranean. The great spice trade went 
to Lisbon. 

The Portuguese pursued the same policy as the Vene- 
tians in regard to distribution. They brought the goods 



to Lisbon, where they stored them in the royal ware- 
houses. The trade was a government monopoly, and only 
^^ such persons as obtained a royal privilege 

Portnguese were permitted to engage in it. Dutch, Eng- 

®* lish, and German traders bought the India 

wares in Lisbon, and took them to Antwerp, London, and 
other North Sea and Baltic ports for distribution. The 

merchant fleet of 
Portugal set sail 
from Lisbon bound 
for the Indies, con- 
voyed by ships of 
war, once a year, in 
February or March. 
The voyage lasted 
about eighteen 
^ months, and al- 
though, owing to 
imperfect charts 
and clumsy ships, 
the losses were 
great, still the prof- 
its were immense. 

The year 1542 
marks the zenith of 

The Porta. PO""*"- 

guBw oolonial g U e S e 

«"^P^' power. 

For sixty years the 
King of Portugal 
was the supreme ruler of the southern coasts of Asia. In 
the West as well Portugal was powerful in trade. From 
the coast of Africa came ivory, cotton, gold-dust, and 
slaves ; sugar from the Canaries and wine from Madeira. 
In 1600 Cabral discovered the Brazils, named from the 
dye-wood, which was the first product; later found to be a 

Ocean Ship of the Fifteenth Century. 


magnificent empire, successor to the glories of the mother 

The Portuguese colonial empire, so brilliantly and 
rapidly acquired, lasted little more than half a century. 
In 1680 the union of Portugal with Spain brought disas- 
ter to the colonies. Philip lived in his dream of Catho- 
lic restoration, and his wars with the Dutch had the 
effect, not only of wasting the resources of Portugal, but of 
driving the Dutch into the Indian seas, with the conse- 
quent loss of Portuguese possessions. Only a few small 
stations remained of their former great Indian empire. 
The policy of Spain had sapped the strength and vigor of 

The Dutch policy in the East differed materially from 
that of Portugal. Instead of a government monopoly, aa 
at Lisbon, the Dutch trade was controlled 
Sra^ TOwer. ^^ companies, privately organized, and char- 
tered by the States General. The Dutch 
East India Company was chartered in 1602, absorbing 
some earlier and smaller companies. It was empowered to 
make peace and war with Eastern princes, to establish 
forts, and appoint administrative and judicial officers. Its 
headquarters were at Batavia, on the island of Java. 
The eastern dominion of Holland was divided into ad- 
ministrative departments : Java, Amboina, Ternate, Ma- 

In conformity with the ideas of the day, the Dutch 
sought to establish a strict monopoly in spices. The nut- 
meg was permitted to be grown only in Banda, the clove 
in Amboina. Elsewhere the trees were rooted out and 
destroyed. A small product at a high price was thought 
to be more profitable and more easily controlled than a 
larger supply at a smaller price. 

The colonial possessions of the Dutch in the West were 
of less importance. Their attempt to find a northwest 
passage to the Indies resulted in the settlement of Man- 



hattan.* In 1612 a fort was built on the gold coast of 
Upper Guiana, and in 1621 a West India company was 
formed after the model of the great East India Company. 

Various possessions 
were acquired in Af- 
rica and Brazil, but 
New Amsterdam, the 
main settlement in 
the West, was lost to 
the English in 1664. 
Altogether the west- 
ern ventures were not 
profitable, and after 
an unprofitable career 
the company was dis- 
banded in 1790. The 
Dutch colonial empire 
was more enduring 
than the Portuguese ; but what it had won from Portugal, 
Holland was forced to surrender in part to England, re- 
taining, however, to this day, great and wealthy posses- 
sions in the Far East. 

Rhine Shipping, Sixteenth Centcry. 



Calecnt and the Indian Trade; Trade Routes with the West, 
as thi^y existed before the opening: of the Cape Route by 
Vattc« i\a CJaiJia.— From the First Voyage of Yasco da Gama : 

^'Froiu this iiountry of Calecut, or Upper India, ^ come the 
spice* vvlik'li are consumed in the East and the West, inPor- 
tug^il, :iH trt nJl other countries of the world, as also precious 

* ManliuUiio Inland, now New York, was settled in 1615, six years 
-»fU.*r lli'iiilrik Ttudson's voyage up the North River (Hudson), in search 
►itirthwi'st pai^sage. 

lir Jiidhi (jf to-day was called " Upper India,'* while the term 
l^r \ni\hi '' was applied to the country of the famous ** Prester 
idd Cbrintian sovereign of Abyssinia. 


stones of every description. The following spices are to be 
found in this city of Calecut, being its own produce : much 
ginger and pepper and cinnamon, although the last is not of 
so fine a quality as that brought from an island called (^illan 
(Ceylon), which is eight days' journey from Calecut. Calecut 
is the market for all this cinnamon. Cloves are brought to 
this city from an island called Malequa (Malacca). The Mecca 
vessels carry these spices from here to a city in Mecca (Arabia) 
called Judea (Jidda), and from the said island to Judea is a 
voyage of fifty days' sailing before the wind, for the vessels of 
this country cannot tack. At Judea they discharge their car- 
goes, paying customs duties to the Grand Sultan (of Egypt). 
The merchandise is then transshipped to smaller vessels, which 
carry it through the Red Sea to a place close to Santa Cata- 
rina of Mount Sinai, called Tuuz (Suez?), where customs 
duties are paid once more. From that place the merchants 
carry the spices on the backs of camels, which they hire at the 
rate of four cruzados * each, to Quayro (Cairo), a journey oc- 
cupying ten days. At Quayro duties are again paid. On this 
road to Quayro they are frequently robbed by thieves who 
are in that country, such as the Bedouins and others. 

**At Quayro the spices are embarked on the River Nile, 
which rises in Prester John's country in Lower India, and de- 
scending that river for two days they reach a place called 
Roxette (Rosetta), where duties have to be paid once more. 
There they are placed on camels, and are conveyed in one 
day to a city called Alexandria, which is a seaport. This 
city is visited by the galleys of Venice and Genoa, in search of 
these spices, which yield the Grand Sultan a revenue of 
600,000 cruzados in customs duties." 

§ 15. English and French Colonization 

Nearly one hundred years elapsed after the discovery of 
the ocean route to the Indies, before English mariners 
found their way about the southern cape of Africa. The 
struggle against the naval power of Spain developed the 
English into a nation of sailors. In 1582 an English cap- 

1 A erueado was a gold coin of rortugal, worth about $2.25 



tain, Stephens by name, sailed to India. In 1593 the cap- 
ture of a Portuguese ship laden with precioUs oriental 
wares stimulated the cupidity of English 
^^EngUsh in merchants. On the last day of the year 1600 
the East India Company was formed, " The 
Company of Merchants of London trading into the East 
Indies/' In 1601 the first expedition, consisting of five 
ships under Captain Lancaster, was sent out, with bullion, 
broadcloth, tin, cutlery, and glass. The voyage was suc- 
cessful, but it failed 
to arouse enthusi- 
asm in England, 
and for many years 
the volume of trade 
with India was 
small. Factories, 
however, were es- 
tablished at various 
places in India, and 
Bombay, a part of 
the marriage por- 
tion brought to 
Charles II by Cath- 
arine of Portugal, 
was given by the king to the Company, and a mint estab- 
lished there in 1668. 

In the eighteenth century the East India Company, 
which had been organized as a chartered trading company, 
developed into a huge system of territorial government, the 
ruler of vast territories and of millions of people. Since 
the death of Aurungzebe, in 1707, the Indian empire of the 
Moguls had fallen into pieces, and the numerous little 
states into which it was resolved formed an easy prey for a 
foreign power desirous of extending its authority. Both 
France and England strove to improve this opportunity, 
and the second half of the eighteenth century is full of the 

Early English Sailors. 



struggles of these powers for the possession of India. It is 
a noteworthy feature of this conflict, that, although it was 
waged between French and English, yet the penalty was 
paid by the native princes, who became involved as allies 
of one or the other of the rival powers, and eventually lost 
their territories to the stranger. Through the able general- 
ship of Lord Clive, who showed great skill in converting 
the native levies into able soldiery (Sepoys), the East India 
Company extended its possessions and drove the French 


East India House. London, 1803. 

out of India, as the English were, at the same time, driving 
the French out of Canada. In 1765 Lord Clive was governor 
of Bengal, and in the same year received from the Great 
Mogul at Delhi a recognition of English sovereignty over 
northern India. 

So long as the strict monopoly of the East India Com- 
pany continued, the English trade with India was not 
remarkable. It formed in 1780 only one thirty-second 
part of the foreign trade of the kingdom ; but while the 
finances of the Company languished, its officials returned 


home with enormous fortunes. The opportunity for 
plunder was perhaps the greatest that the modem world 
has afforded. For two thousand years a 
plunderT^ stream of gold and silver had been flowing 
from Europe eastward in exchange for Ori- 
ental products. It was this stream of wealth, hoarded 
after the manner of the East, and passed from hand to 
hand by succession or conquest, that filled the treasure- 
chambers of Asian monarchs. Not until the times of 
Lord Clive and his successor, Warren Hastings, was it 
returned to the channels of western trade. 

In 1784 the power of the East India Company was re- 
stricted by the establishment of a board of control. In 
1813 the India trade was partially opened to private enter- 
prise, with a marked result in the increase of trade. Upon 
the renewal of its charter in 1833 the Company was com- 
pelled to abandon entirely its trading, and in 1858 the 
Queen assumed the government of India. 

In the sixteenth century the maritime nations of Europe 
began to turn their attention to the unknown possibilities 
Western ^^ ^^® Western Hemisphere. Spain, by 

dincoveries and right of discovery and of her supremacy on 
odonisation. ^j^^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^.gj. j^ ^.j^^ ^^^^ gj^^ g^l^ed 

at once upon those portions of America which seemed 
most prolific in the precious metals. With the discovery 
of silver-mines in Mexico in 1532, and later in Peru, be- 
gan the flow of precious metals into Spain. Her colonial 
policy, however, was merely one of exploitation. Com- 
paratively few Spaniards went to make their permanent 
homes in America, and of the few that went many mixed 
with the natives, and produced a race inferior in ability 
and enterprise to the European. Tlie same may be said of 
the Portuguese in Brazil. 

It was not until the end of the sixteenth century that 
Englishmen, stimulated to maritime effort by the hostility 
of Spain, turned their attention to the West. The bold 



seamen of the age of Elizabeth, of whom Francis Drake 
was typical, bold pirates and sea-rovers, sailed about the 
world, plundering Spanish galleons and settlements, bring- 
ing home cargoes of booty, with a present for the Queen. 
The first attempts at colonization failed. Sir Humphrey 
Gilbert in Newfoundland and Sir Walter Raleigh at 
Roanoke ; but later efforts met with success, when a band 
of self -exiled men laid at Plymouth and at Charles-Town 
the foundation of New England. In the middle of the 
eighteenth century thirteen colonies stretched from North 
to South between the Allegheny Mountains and the sea. 
Their European population was 
intact and free from native mix- 
ture, preserving the characteris- 
tics of the race from which they 

Holland was too small a 
country to furnish colonists for 
so great an enter- 
prise, and her pos- 
sessions were little more than 
trading stations. France, how- 
ever, had high ambitions toward 
a western empire. Her mari- 
ners, attracted to the cod fish- 
eries of the Newfoundland banks, established her power in 
the valley of the St. Lawrence. Daring explorers navi- 
gated the Great Lakes, and traced the Mississippi from its 
sources to the Gulf of Mexico, taking possession of the 
drainage area of the great river and its tributaries in the 
name of their king, Louis XIV. Thus, while the Eng- 
lish were content with the Atlantic slope, the French had 
registered a claim, by right of discovery, to the country of 
the middle West. With the expansion of the English 
colonies came the inevitable struggle, and in this the 
French, although possessed of points of great strategic 

French oolonies. 

Sir Walter Raleigh. 


value, were handicapped with their lack of population in 
the West : sixty thousand against a million of American- 
English. ""The French and Indian War," with its ter- 
minal Treaty of Paris in 1763, gave to the English the 
country of the St. Lawrence and the Lakes, and an outlet 
to the Mississippi on the West 


I, Magnitude of the Conquest of India.—" We have always 
thought it strange, that while the history of the Spanish 
empire in America is so familiarly known to all the nations 
of Europe, the ipn'eat actions of Englishmen in the East should, 
even among themselves, excite little interest. Yet the victories 
of Cortes were gained over savages who had no letters, who 
were ignorant of the use of metals, who had not broken in a 
single animal to labor, who wielded no better weapons than 
those which could be made out of sticks, flints, and fish-bones, 
who regarded a horse-soldier as a monster, half man and half 
beast, who took a harquebusier for a sorcerer, able to scatter 
the thunder and lightning of the skies. The people of India, 
when we subdued them, were ten times as numerous as the 
vanished Americans, and were at the same time quite as highly 
civilized as the victorious Spaniards. They had reared cities 
larger and fairer than Saragossa and Toledo, and buildings 
more beautiful and costly than the Cathedral of Seville. 
They could show bankers richer than the richest firms of 
Barcelona or Cadiz, viceroys whose splendor far surpassed 
that of Ferdinand the Catholic, myriads of cavalry and long 
trains of artillery which would have astonished the Great 
Captain. ' ' — Macaulay. 

II. After Clivers Conquest of a Native Prince.— *'The 

shower of wealth now fell copiously on the Company and its 
servants. A sum of eight hundred pounds sterling, in coined 
silver, was sent down the river. The fleet which conveyed this 
treasure consisted of more than a hundred boats, and per- 
formed its triumphal voyage with flags flying and music play- 
ing. Calcutta, which but a few months before had been so 


desolate, was now more prosperous than ever. Trade revived, 
and the signs of affluence appeared in every English house. As 
to Clive, there was no limit to his acquisitions but his own 
moderation. The treasury of Bengal was thrown open to him. 
There were piled up, after the usage of Indian princes, im- 
mense masses of coin, among which might not seldom be de- 
tected the florins and byzants with which, before any European 
ship had turned the Cape of Good Hope, the Venetians 
purchased the stuffs and spices of the East. Clive walked 
between heaps of gold and silver, crowned with rubies and 
diamonds, and was at liberty to help himself. " — Macaulay. 

The Supremacy of France 

§ 16. Great Ministers of France 

With the coming of Henry IV to the throne and the 
ending of the religious wars, France entered upon a period 
_ _ , of supremacy in Europe. Her great rivals 

were no longer powerful : Spam was fallmg 
into decay; in Germany religious differences were for 
more than two centuries a bar to national unity. For two 
hundred years the history of France is the history of the 
continent of Europe. Not only was she paramount in 
politics, but her decision was final also in the spheres of 
literature, of science, and of art. The courts of Europe 
reflected the fashions of the Bourbons. 

This was due not wholly to the greatness of Henry IV 
and his successors. Only one of the successors of Henry IV 
was a man of strong personality, Louis XIV. It was due 
rather to a succession of great ministers, men of vast crea- 
tive genius and administrative ability : Sully, Richelieu, 
Mazarin, and Colbert. 

The brief reign of Henry IV was a period of recupera- 
tion for France. After a half century of civil war the 
whole fabric of society had fallen in an- 
archy. Havmg made good his claim as 
king of France, and brought the great nobles to his side 
by threats or gifts, Henry's next task was to bring about 
the economic recovery of his realm. In this he was aided 
by his minister, the Duke of Sully. 

Sully wisely held that agriculture was the basis of 
France's prosperity. The chief object of his policy was to 




protect the peasants who tilled the soil, and who, as sub- 
ject to the taille, or land-tax, were the chief contributors 
to the king's treasury. During the civil wars this class 
was crushed under intolerable taxes, and in many instances 
its rights in the land were usurped by nobles, so that a 
considerable body of land was cut off from taxation. The 
aim of Sully was to lessen the burdens of agriculture, and 
restore their property to the peasants. This he accom- 
plished by economy in the public expenditures ; by limit- 
ing the demands of the nobles upon their tenants ; by the 
introduction of new lines of agriculture, such as silk- 
growing ; and by an extension 
of the area of cultivation, drain- 
ing marshes under government 
direction. The grain trade was 
freed from restrictions, and the 
grower allowed to sell in the best 
market, even outside the king- 
dom. The result was an increase 
in the production of grain and 
a greater profit to the producer. 
The king advised his nobles to 
return to their estates and see 
that they were properly culti- 
vated. " Agriculture and stock- 
raising, '' said Sully, " are the two breasts of France ; the 
true mines and treasures of Peru.*' 

Sully was no special friend of manufacture, but the 
king had a wider vision. He encouraged the production of 
articles of luxury — silk, glass, linen, and metal goods— and 
laid the foundation of the specialties of French manufac- 
ture. Commerce received its share of attention ; roads 
were improved, post-routes established, and canals built 
Colonization received an impulse ; in 1608 Champlain 
founded Quebec. 

With the assassination of Henry IV, by the fanatic 

The Duke op Sully. 



Eavaillac, the crown passed to his infant son, Louis XIII. 
The mother of Louis, Marie de Medicis, who became regent, 
lacked political ability, and France seemed 
about to relapse into anarchy. Religious 
discords came again to the front, and the regent, in her 
helplessness, called together the Estates General. The 
three estates could come to no agreement, and their pow- 
erlessness had the effect of discrediting this national parlia- 
ment. It was never again assembled until the eve of the 
great revolution in 1789. The salvation of the house of 
Bourbon came, not through representative government, but 

with the introduction into pub- 
lic affairs of Cardinal Richelieu, 
who became chief minister of 
the king in 1624, and continued 
to direct the royal policy until 
his death in 1642. 

The internal policy of Rich- 
elieu, as he announced it to 
Louis XIII, was " to effect the 
ruin of the Huguenot party, to 
abase the pride of the nobles, 
and to bring all subject to the 
king's obedience. '* To the ac- 
complishment of these ends he 
Altliough Richelieu was never a 
pt^raoTt;]! favfH-ite of tlic king, yet Louis XIH, fortunately 
geeilf and for Fmnee, poBsessed enough intelligence 
hirn to ap|ircH?iate the value of Richelieu's aid. 
gitenots rousitiinteJ in France a state within a 
\ of their ifitrigues would have resulted 
i disrnjytiuti of the realm. Certain for- 
I p!a<je3 ^ven them by the Edict of 
refuge, were points of vantage, from 
Ihe royal authority. Against the chief 
Re seaport of Kochelle, Richelieu turned 


aet liis infttiiible will 


his forces. After a desperate siege, in spite of English aid, 
the city was compelled to surrender. By the Edict of Alais, 
1629, the Huguenots, while retaining liberty of conscience, 
secured them by the Edict of Nantes, were deprived of their 
strongholds, and reduced to the common condition of all 
subjects of the king. 

The struggle with the nobles was long and desperate. 
Although Richelieu enjoyed the confidence and support 
of the king, he had to strive, nevertheless, 
against the influence of the king^s immediate 
family. The queen-mother, and the queen, a Spanish prin- 
cess, were with the nobles. Marie de Medicis summoned 
her son ** to choose between his mother and a valet.'' Once 
the king vacillated and the enemies of Richelieu rejoiced. 
Richelieu prepared to leave Paris ; but the king summoned 
him to an audience, and restored him to his power. This 
was the famous *'Day of Dupes.'' ** Richelieu packed his 
boxes in the morning ; his enemies at night." 

Richelieu conquered the nobles by enforcing against 
them the royal laws, repressing their disorders and check- 
ing their lawlessness, which arose from their pride of inde- 
pendence and belief in their superiority to the law. The 
great work of Richelieu, however, is his extension of the 
power of the royal government in the provinces. He sent 
into the provinces ^Hntendants^ of justice, peace, and 
finance," young and ambitious lawyers, eager to earn fame 
and nobility, devoted servants of the government of the 
king. These men, little by little, usurped the functions of 
the local grandees, who for generations had served, half in- 
dependently, as royal governors. In this wise, and by the 
orderly arrangement of the central government at Paris, 
Richelieu built up a form of centralized control, such as 

* The intendant was an officer of the king, sent into the province to 
attend to the judicial and financial interests of the crown. By faithful 
serrice he gained nobility. 




Europe had never known since Roman times, a system so 
complete and automatic, that it served, in spite of abuses, 
and with weak kings at the helm of state, until the end of 
the eighteenth century. 

Louis XIV, who succeeded his father, Louis XIII, in 
1643, was five years of age. His mother, Anne of Austria, 
was appointed regent, and the minister of 
her choice was an Italian, Cardinal Mazarin, 
a pupil of Richelieu. In Mazarin's time the nobles rose 
against the royal power in the conspiracy of the " Fronde/' 
The Queen and Mazarin were more than once obliged to flee 

from Paris. This last struggle 
against the royal authority filled 
France for two years with the 
horrors of civil war, and ended 
in the triumph of the central- 
ized monarchy. At the death 
of Mazarin, in 1661, Louis XIV 
himself assumed the direction of 

In Colbert Louis XIV found, 
at the beginning of his personal 
reign, a minister 
of finance of great 
, ability. The finances of the 
country at the death of Mazarin were in great confusion. 
Corruption was the order of the day; nor had Mazarin 
been wholly free from suspicion. Of eighty-four millions 
collected in taxes in 1661 only twenty-three millions were 
turned into the royal treasury. Colbert attacked these 
abuses ; new methods of collection increased the revenues 
of the state and lessened the burden of the people. 

But Colbert's measures were not limited to reforms. He 
sought to bring about an age of prosperity through manu- 
facture ; and to secure the best results, he thought indus- 
try must be under government control. This theory of 



'* paternalism/' a product of the ideas of government then 
prevailing, is in direct opposition to our present ideas of 
freedom in industry. By a series of protective tariffs, by 
the introduction of skilled workmen from abroad, by sub- 
sidies, and by minute government supervision of manu- 
facture, intended to secure the best quality of product, 
Colbert built up French industry. Swedes and Germans 
established the iron industry ; Dutch weavers the manu- 
facture of cloth ; the silk manufactures of Lyons became 
famous ; and English and Venetian lace-makers established 
their trade at Valenciennes. Colbert sought to develop 
foreign commerce by similar means. East and West 
India Companies were organized, and given a monopoly of 


To be the chief servant of a king, and to endure his whims 
and uncurbed temper, must have called for great devotion and 
self-control. Henry IV often had occasion to repent his 
violent conduct toward his faithful minister, Sully. The fol- 
lowing is one of the many instances of the kind related by 
Sully in his Memoirs : ** I was still confined to the house by 
an unfortunate accident when the King came to me one day 
to confer with me about some affair of the heart, which I 
have forgotten. All I remember is that I was bold enough to 
represent to Henry that affairs of this kind, which so little 
suited with his age and dignity, were so many baneful wounds 
to his glory, and probably would end in something more fatal. 
My freedom, often graciously received, produced nothing this 
time but an extreme rage in Henry, and drew upon myself the 
most lively reproaches from him. He left my chamber in 
such wrath that he was heard to say aloud, and with great 
emotion : * It is impossible to bear with this man any longer ; 
he is eternally contradicting me, and approves of nothing I 
propose ; but, by Heaven ! I will make him obey me — he shall 
not appear in my presence these fifteen days.' My disgrace 
api>eared to all that were present as a thing absolutely resolved 


on. My servants were afflicted ; but many others, I believe, 
inwardly rejoiced at it. 

** At seven the next morning the king came to the Arsenal 
with five or six persons, whom he brought with him in his 
coach. He would not allow my people to give me notice of 
his arrival, but walked up to my apartment and tapped at my 
closet door himself. Upon my asking, * Who is there ? ' he 
replied, * It is the king. * I knew his voice and was not a 
little surprised at this visit. 'Well, what are you doing 
here ? ' said he, entering with Roquelaure, De Vic, Zamet, 
La Varenne, and Erard the engineer ; for he had occasion to 
speak to me about the fortifications of Calais. I replied that 
I was writing letters, and preparing work for my secretaries. 
And, indeed, my table was all overspread with letters and 
statements of affairs, which I was to lay before the council 
that day. * And how long have you been thus employed ? ' 
said his majesty. *Ever since three o'clock,' I replied. 
'Well, Roquelaure,' he said, turning to him, 'for how much 
money would you lead this life ? ' * In truth. Sire, not for all 
your treasures, ' replied Roquelaure. Henry made no answer, 
but, commanding every one to retire, he began to confer with 
me upon matters in which it was impossible for me to be of 
his opinion ; and this he readily perceived when I told him 
coldly that 1 had no advice to give ; that his majesty having, 
doubtless, taken his resolution after mature deliberation, all 
that remained to be done was to obey him, since he was dis- 
pleased when my sentiments happened not to agree with his. 
* Oh. oh ! ' said Henry, smiling, and giving me a little tap on the 
triieek, * so you are on the reserve with me, and are angry at 
whrit hnp]>t'iied yesterday I However, I am so no longer with 
you ; come, come, embrace me, and live with me in the same 
fat[ijli}irit> fts usual ; for I love you not the less for it ; on the 
contmry, from the moment that you cease to contend with me 
fin ocfitsjoris where I am convinced you cannot approve my 
iitduct. I shall believe you no longer love me.' " 

European History, 1598-1716, pp. 15-38, 132- 



§ 17. The Thirty Years' War (1618-1648) 

The peace of Augsburg, 1555, sought to put an end 
to the religious struggles in Germany by fixing the 
territorid arrangement as it existed at the 
gHiffl^ causes of termination of hostilities in 1552, and per- 
manently limiting the extension of either 
religion. It made no provision for the growth or decline 
of the new faith. Several of its clauses were certain 
to become subjects of disagreement. One, called the 
" Ecclesiastical Reservation," provided that any dignitary 
of the Church, a bishop or an abbot, for example, who 
embraced the new doctrines should surrender the terri- 
tory over which he had ruled as a spiritual prince. This 
provision presented grave difficulties in the Rhine coun- 
try, where the population became Protestant, and the 
bishops desired to convert their lands into temporal sov- 
ereignties. At Cologne the Archbishop Elector, Gebhard 
Truchsess, was converted to Protestantism, and sought to 
retain his archbishopric. Deposed by the pope, he was 
driven out by Spanish troops, and the affair resulted in 
much bitterness. 

The secularizations were another bone of contention. 
No Protestant prince was permitted to appropriate any 
portion of ecclesiastical property, as, for example, the 
lands of a monastery, which had not been secularized in 
1552. By this provision Protestant princes were obliged 
to tolerate the existence of little centers of Catholic influ- 
ence in the midst of territories otherwise wholly Protest- 
ant Another weakness of the treaty was its failure to 
recognize Calvinism, a religion which was making great 
gains in South Germany and in the Rhine valley. The 
Calvinists, having no legal status in the treaty, were will- 
ing to see it broken. 

During the years immediately following the peace of 
Augsburg, when Protestantism was growing in Germany, 



the Protestant princes treated the provisions of Augsburg, 
particularly in . regard to secularizations, very lightly. 
When, however, on account of Jesuit effort and the 
dissensions among the Protestants themselves, the spread 
of the new doctrines ceased, and Catholicism began to gain 
ground, then the Catholic princes began to insist upon a 

literal interpretation 
of the clauses of the 
treaty. A struggle was 
inevitable, and the two 
parties began to pre- 
pare for it ; the Prot- 
estants with the or- 
ganization of the 
^* Union," under the 
guidance of Chris- 
tian of Anhalt ; the 
Catholics with the 
"League,*' under the 
leadership of Maxi- 
milian of Bavaria. 

Since the times of 

John Hubs Bohemia 

had been 

Bohemia. ^ center 

of relig- 
ious unrest. It had 
been retained in the 
church only by the concession of special privileges to the 
Bohemians in the exercise of their religion. The Austrian 
ruler of Bohemia, the Emperor Rudolph II, granted in 
1609 a royal charter which gave to Bohemia a certain 
amount of national independence of Austria, and certain 
privileges, political and religious. Under the Emperor 
Matthias this charter was violated : the Archbishop of 
Prague, an Austrian official, suppressed and destroyed 

Mabtinitz ajxj} Slawata. 


churches of the reformed faith. A riot followed ; a mob, 
led by Count Henry of Thurn, stormed the palace, threw 
Martinitz and Slawata, the imperial regents, from a win- 
dow, and organized a revolutionary government. The 
Emperor Matthias died in March following, and the Bo- 
hemians refused to recognize his successor, Ferdinand of 
Styria. They proclaimed as king of Bohemia Frederick V, 
Elector-Palatine of the Rhine, who had recently married 
Elizabeth, daughter of the English king, James I. 

But James I made no effort to aid his son-in-law. Even 
the " Union,*' ruled by Lutheran influences, held aloof (for 
Frederick was a Calvinist prince), and Frederick was left 
to meet the overwhelming forces of the Emperoi*. Bohemia 
was easily overrun, and the war carried into the Palatinate. 
The Bavarians, under Tilly, and Spanish troops from the 
Netherlands, ravaged the fair Rhenish country for three 
years. Frederick fled to England, and his electoral office 
was given to Maximilian of Bavaria. In this first struggle 
the Catholic powers had won an easy victory, and the 
Lutheran leaders of the ** Union** were not grieved to see 
a Calvinist state despoiled. 

The rapid invasion of North Germany by the imperial 
troops at length aroused the Protestant states to fear for 

their own safety. Christian of Denmark 
^Danish sought to stem the Catholic advance. The 

Emperor was without an army, but chance 
brought to his aid an able commander in the person of 
Wallenstein, a Bohemian nobleman. Wallenstein had dis- 
tinguished himself in the Bohemian campaign against the 
Protestants, and was rewarded with confiscated estates and 
the title of Duke of Friedland. He offered to equip an 
army free of cost to the Emperor, providing for its sub- 
sistence and pay from the pillage of the enemies' country. 
Thus commissioned, he assembled an army of freebooters, 
mounted Croats from Hungary, foot-soldiers from Hol- 
land, the riff-raff of a generation of wars. This system 



of great mercenary armies^ without patriotism, attended 
with a camp-following of desperate men and women, 
twice as numerous as the army itself, moving over the 
country like a scourge, was the feature that made the 

Landing of Gustavus Adolpuus. 

Thirty Years' War the most destructive and terrible of 
modem times. The Danish king was defeated and North 
Germany overrun by Wallenstein. In the moment of 
victory the Emperor issued an edict of restitution, de- 
manding the restoration to the Catliolic Church of all the 
ecclesiastical property confiscated since the convention of 

Up to this time the Emperor had had his way ; but now 
a new defender of Protestantism appeared in the person 
' of the King of Sweden, Gustavus Adolphus, 

^^ the heroic character of the time. With his 
strictly disciplined army, he crossed the Baltic and moved 
through North Germany against the imperial forces, the 
equal, if not the superior, of AVallenstein himself. Al- 
though prevented by the jealousy of thfe elector of Bran- 
denburg from reaching Magdeburg in time to prevent the 
pillage of the city, he defeated Tilly near Leipzig, and 



overcame Walleiistein at the battle of Liitzen, where jGus- 
tavQS himself was killed. The campaign of the Swedish 
king, heroic as it was, had little effect, except to break the 
forces of the Emperor. The war still continued, and the 
Elector of Saxony sought a separate peace and alliance with 
the Emperor. 

The war dragged on. The Emperor was too feeble, 
the Protestant princes too selfish and disunited to give 
the final stroke. It was the intervention of 
rfrnm^!*"**^" a Catholic power, fighting upon the Protes- 
tant side, that broke the spell. The mo- 
tive of Richelieu in intervening was to prevent the ulti- 
mate triumph of the house of Austria, the ancient enemy of 

LuTZEN, 1632 Death of Gustavus Adolphus. 

Prance, and to preserve the principle of disunion among the 
German states. Germany, welded into a Catholic empire 
under the absolute control of the Hapsburgs, would be a 
dangerous neighbor for France. The intervention took 


place in 1635. First the Netherlands were invaded ; then 
the Swedish army, after the death of Gustavus Adolphus, 
passed under the leadership of France. Richelieu died in 
1642, but his foreign policy was carried on by Mazarin 
French victories in Bavaria, the capture of Prague, and 
the threatened advance upon Vienna brought the Emperor 
Ferdinand II to terms. 

A congress representing the powers of Europe met in 
1645 in Westphalia: the Catholic delegates at Miinster ; 
the Protestants at Osnabriick. The negotia- 
WeStohllift tions lasted three years. The Spanish depu- 

ties withdrew, refusing to be a party to a 
general religious peace ; but signed the separate treaty of 
Munster, recognizing the independence of Holland. 

The Peace of Westphalia regulated first of all the re- 
ligious questions of Germany. The principle of ctijus 
regio, eius religio was maintained, each prince retaining 
the right to impose his own religion upon his subjects ; but 
dissenting subjects were given three years in which to mi- 
grate, and were allowed to retain possession of their goods. 
Ecclesiastical property, secularized before 1619 in the 
Palatinate, and before 1624 in the rest of Germany, might 
be held by Protestant princes. Calvinists were admitted 
to the benefits of the Treaty of Augsburg, and given re- 
ligious liberty in the meaning of that document. Thus 
the religious question was settled, but at a fearful cost. 
The wealth and power of Germany were broken, whole 
districts were desolated, and cities lay in ruins. In country 
places the arts of peace were forgotten, and wolves roamed 
over the ruins of former villages. 

The power of the Emperor in Germany was reduced to 
a mere shadow. He became little more than the president 
of the Diet, which held its regular meetings at Frankfort- 
on-the-Main. Each of the 360 princes of Germany was 
made an absolute sovereign in his territories, with the right 
to make treaties and contract alliances with foreign states. 



Thus the separatist principle triumphed completely in 
Germany, as a result of the religious struggle. Germany, 
desolated by war, became a patchAVork of little states, and 
for two centuries ceased to contest with France the su- 
premacy of Europe. The Treaty of AVestphalia ends the 
period of Religious Wars, and effected the most important 
political rearrangement of Europe since the Treaty of 
Verdun (843). 

Scene in Thirty Years* War. 


!• Gnstanis Adolphus.— ImproTements in methods of war- 
fare and in dicipline: "He was indisputably the greatest 
general of his age, and the bravest soldier in the array which 
he had formed. Familiar with the tactics of Greece and 
Rome, he had discovered a more effective system of warfare, 
which was adopted as a model by the most eminent com- 
manders of subsequent times. He re<luced the unwieldy 
squadrons of cavalry, and rendered their movements more 
light and rapid ; and with the same view, he widened the 
intervals between his battalions. Instead of the usual arrav 


in a single line, he disposed his forces in two lines, that the 
second might advance in the event of the first giving away. 

He made up for his want of cavalry by placing infantry 
among the horse ; a practise which frequently decided the 
victory. Europe first learned from him the importance of in- 
fantry. All Germany was astonished at the strict discipline 
which, at the first, so creditably distinguished the Swedish 
armies within their territories ; all disorders were punished 
with the utmost severity, particularly impiety, theft, gambling, 
and dueling. The Swedish articles of war enforced frugality. 
In the camp, the king*s tent not excepted, neither silver nor 
gold was to be seen." — Schiller : Thirty Years' War. 

II. The Scourge of Germany.— Military life of the timey 
described by Adam Junghaus, a coutemporary : "Nothing is 
truer than this : that a soldier must have to eat and to drink, 
whether it is paid for by the sexton or the parson ; for a lans- 
quenet has neither bouse nor home, neither cow nor calf, and 
nobody will bring his food to him. Therefore he must pick 
it up wherever he can find it, and buy without money, whether 
the farmer likes it or not. To-day the brethren must suffer 
hunger and endure hard times ; to-morrow they will have 
such abundance that they may clean their boots with wine 
and beer. Then their dogs will eat roast meat, and the girls 
and boys will have good positions : they will be housewives 
and butlers over other people's property. When the owner 
has been driven out with wife and child, then come the sad 
days for the chickens and the geese, the fat cows, the oxen, 
the swine, and the sheep. Money is divided up by the hatful, 
velvet, silks, and cloths measured with long spears ; cows are 
killed for their hides, chests and boxes are broken into, and 
when all is plundered and nothing more is left then the house 
is set on fire. 

** This is the kind of fire for a lansquenet, when fifty villages 
and hamlets are in flames. Then they go on further and begin 
again. That sort of thing makes fighting men gay, and it is 
a very desirable sort of life— except for those who pay the 
reckoning. It lures many a mother's son into the field, who 
never comes back home again, nor bothers his friends again ; 
for the saying is : Lansquenets have crooked fingers and lame 
hands for work, but for pilfering and plunder the lame hands 


become straight and strong. That has been so before our 
tune, and will be after we are gone. Whithersoever the fight- 
ing people go, they carry with them the keys to all apartments, 
their axes and clubs, and when there is a lack of stables for 
the horses, it makes no difference ; they stall their horses in 
churches and hermitages and in lordly halls. If dry wood is 
wanting for the fire, that is no matter, there are chairs, benches, 
plows, and everything the house contains. For green wood 
one need not go far ; just cut down the fruit trees that stand 
near by in the orchard ; for the saying is : While we live, let 
us live ; to-morrow we are away. Therefore, Master Host, 
cheer up. You have a guest or two, whom you will be glad 
to be rid of ; therefore bring out the best you have, and charge 
it up on the shutter. If the house bums, the chalk will bum 
too. That is the lansquenet's way : to have it charged, and 
ride away, and pay when we come back." 


Adams: European History, pp. 844-855; Wakeman: 
European History, 1598-1715 ; G^ardiner : The Thirty Years* 

§ 18. Age of Louis XIV 

When Louis XIV took up the reins of government at 
the death of Mazarin, 1661, the foundations were already 

laid for the erection of an absolute monarchy. 
L^^of rpj^g enemies of the royal power had been 

vanquished through the labors of Richelieu 
and his pupil. The Estates General, organ of popular 
representation, had been discarded in 1614, and was never 
called again during the long reigns of Louis XIV and his 
successor, Louis XV. When these kings wished to obtain 
popular sanction for their acts, they convoked the Assem- 
bly of Notables, whose members were carefully chosen by 
the king's agents. The Protestants had ceased to be dan- 
gerous since Richelieu had deprived them of their political 
privileges. The nobles were submissive ; their castles were 



destroyed, their haughty spirit broken. Nothing was want- 
ing but a strong personality, and that Louis XIV himself 
supplied. At the death of Mazarin he said to his chancel- 
lor : "I shall be for the future my own chief minister. I 
ask you and command you that no order shall be sealed 
except at my command ; and you, my secretary of state, 
and you, my superintendent of finance, I order you to sign 
nothing except with my consent.*' 

Louis XIV entertained a high idea of his rights of sov- 
ereignty ; he thought he held his throne directly from God. 

This opinion 

diTine right of 

was perhaps 
not new; but 
it was in France, under 
Louis XIV, that it came 
to be erected into a prin- 
ciple, the vital principle 
of European monarchy in 
the seventeenth century. 
If the King of France was 
the chosen instrument of 
God, then the divine ap- 
proval was given to the 
principle of absolute mon- 
archy, and no other form 
of government possessed the divine sanction. This was 
the conclusion accepted by conservative society under the 
Ancien Regime, 

Rossuet, the court preacher of Louis XIV, in a book 
written for the guidance of the son and heir of the king, 
Bays : ** God is the true king ; he establishes the kings as 
his ministers and reigns through them over his people. — 
O, kings, you are yourselves gods, for you carry on your 
forehead the divine imprint. To speak against the king 
Is a crime as great as blasphemy against God.'* Louis 
litm^elf, in his memoirs, prepared for the instruction of 

Louis XIV. 



the dauphin, betrays his conviction of the divine charac- 
ter of his oflfice. *' He who gave kings to the world de- 
sires that they should be respected as his lieutenants, re- 
serving to himself the sole right of examining their 
conduct. It is his will that whosoever is bom subject to 
the king should obey him without hesitation." That this 
theory of divine right was accepted by the contemporaries 
of the Grand Monarche is beyond doubt. One who was 
present at the death-bed of the king related as follows : 
** I watched the king while they bore to him the viati- 
cum. I saw the great tears that fell from his eyes, evi- 
dence of a communion between their majesties divine and 
human. '^ It was left for the eighteenth century to dis- 
cover the hollowness of these pretensions, when the person- 
ality of the great Louis had departed, and in his place was 
found a man of evil life, indifferent to the sufferings of 
France, and powerless to aid her in her effort to adapt 
herself to the march of progress. 

About the person of Louis XIV was assembled the most 
brilliant court that Europe had ever seen. All other courts 

of the century were feeble imitations of the 
^oonrt of Louis household of the '^ King-Sun'^ {'^le roi so- 

leil ''). The royal palaces of Paris were too 
narrow for his establishment. At Versailles he built an 
enormous residence, which, with its fountains and ter- 
raced gardens remains to-day one of the sights of Europe. 
This he made the royal residence ; here he lived with 
oriental magnificence ; here he finished the work which 
Richelieu had begun and Mazarin carried out against the 
nobles in the struggle of the Fronde. Insidiously Louis 
converted the nobility of France into a class of royal de- 
pendents. Lured to Versailles, their fortunes dissipated 
in the extravagances of court life, the nobles were driven 
to seek the generosity of the king* Pensions and appoint- 
ments, civil and religious, were freely given, but only to 
those who acknowledged his authority with abject sub- 


servience. His keen eye was everywhere. He observed, 
in his passage through the throng of courtiers at Ver- 
saillesy the absence of those whose presence he desired. It 
was a demerit to miss the annual sojourn at court, a dis- 
grace to stay away entirely. When an office was sought 
by his friends for such a one, the king replied with vigor : 
^* I do not know him ;" or : ** He is a man I never see ; " 
and this reply was final. To such a pass had been brought 
the proud nobility of France that princes of the royal 
blood competed for the privilege of presenting his gar- 
ments to the king at the royal morning toilet. " The 
countenance of the King,'' said La Bruyere, '* is the whole 
happiness of the courtier." 

The Peace of Westphalia completed the supremacy of 
France. One other virile power remained on the conti- 
nent of Europe ; but the ambitions of Sweden 
r^^ikyof fQj. ^YiQ control of the Baltic led her to the 
North and East, away from the sphere of 
French control. Louis XIV sought the extension of the 
area and influence of France. Claiming the right of suc- 
cession to the throne of Spain, by virtue of his marriage 
with the daughter of Philip IV of Spain, Louis plunged 
Europe into a general war, which lasted for fourteen years. 
By the terminal peace of Utrecht (1713), a great territorial 
adjustment like the Peace of Westphalia, Spain was shorn 
of her possessions in the Netherlands, which went to 
Austria ; and Louis's son, Philip of Anjou, was seated 
upon the throne of Spain as Philip V, founder of the 
Spanish Bourbons. Thus French influence prevailed in 

The revocation of the Edict of Nantes (1685) was the 
logical result of the French spirit of unity and centraliza- 
tion. " One faith, one law, one king," was the watch- 
word of the Bourbon monarchy. Nevertheless, the revo- 
cation inflicted serious loss upon France. The Huguenots, 
who in the Valois period were for the most part turbulent 


nobles^ had come to be^ since the sappression of their 
political privileges^ mainly artisans^ merchants^ and land- 
holders. In spite of the provision of the Edict of Revoca- 
tion forbidding the emigration of Protestants, 300,000 
left the realm and carried into Holland, to London and 
Berlin, the secrets of French manufactures and a hatred 
for their native country. 


Tke Toilette of the King.— A rigid etiquette ruled every 
hour of the king's day. Prom the moment of his awakening, 
and during the stages of his toilette, Louis XIV received suc- 
cessive deputations of princes, lords, and officials ; the proud- 
est nobles were eager to perform the menial service© of valet, 
and secure thereby admission to the intimate circle of the king. 
•* The honor of handing the king his shirt is reserved to the 
sons and grandsons of France ; in default of these, to the 
princes of the blood or those legitimated ; in their default, to 
the grand-chamberlain or to the first gentleman of the bed- 
chamber ; the latter case, it must be observed, being very rare, 
the princes being obliged to be present at the king*s rising as 
well as the princecses at that of the queen. At last the shirt 
is presented and a valet carries off the old one ; the first valet 
of the wardrobe and the first raUt-de-chambre hold the fresh 
one, each by a right and left arm respectively, while the two 
other valets, during this operation, extend his dressing-gown 
in front of the king to serve as a screen. The shirt is now on 
his back and the toilet commences. A raiet-de-chambre sup- 
ports a mirror before the king while two others on the two 
sides light it up, if occasion requires, with flambeaus. Valets 
of the wardrobe fetch the rest of the attire ; the grand master 
of the wardrobe puts the vest on and the doublet, attaches the 
blue ribbon, and clasps the sword around him ; then a valet 
assigned to the cravate brings several of theee in a basket, 
while the master of the wardrobe arranges around the king^s 
neck that which the king selects. After this a valet assigned 
to the handkerchiefs brings three of these on a silver salver, 
while the grand master of the wardrobe offers the salver to 


the king, who chooses one. Finally the master of the ward- 
robe hands to the king his hat, his gloves, and his eane« The 
king steps to the side of the bed, kneels on a cushion and says 
his prayers. This done, the king announces the order of the 
day and passes with the leading persons of his court into the 
cabinet, where he sometimes gives audience." — Taine : Aip- 
ctent Regime (adapted from the Memoirs of Saint-Simon). 


Wakeman : Europe, 1598-1715^ Chapter IX.; Adams: 
The Growth of the French Nation, Chapter XIII. 

§ 19. The Revolution of England 

The theory of the divine right of kings met with more 
opposition in England than in France. To be sure the 
Tudor kings, from Henry VII to Elizabeth, 
pi^St."* had ruled absolutely ; but their absolutism 
was permitted for at least two reasons : their 
reigns were full of danger from foreign foes, and England 
was in need of a strong hand in the period of religious wars ; 
again, the Tudor sovereigns, the Henrys and Elizabeth, 
were strong and vigorous characters, whose brilliant qual- 
ities won them popularity, and made them the cha^ppions 
of the English interests at home and abroad. For these 
reasons the constitutional limitations, so painfully and 
laboriously built up against personal and arbitrary govern- 
ment in earlier times, were, in the Tudor period, suffered 
to decline. 

The Stuarts, who succeeded the Tudors at the death of 
Elizabeth in 1603, were of different stripe, either dull or 
frivolous ; nor were they able to associate themselves with 
the progressive elements of the English race. James I., 
the successor of Elizabeth, was narrow and pedantical, and 
gained for himself the title of the *' Wisest Fool in Chris- 
tendom.'* But he was filled with the idea of divine right, 
and resented any interference on the part of Parliament. 



The Fnritaiui. 

During the last years of Elizabeth's reign the Puritan 
or Calvinistic party was growing rapidly in England. The 
Puritans were distinguished from the Angli- 
cans, or Church of England people, by the 
austerity of their morals and their stern rules of life and 
conduct. Opposed to the king as the head of the Estab- 
lished Church, they stood for popular liberties and de- 
mocratic ideas at variance with the Bourbon-Stuart theo- 
ries of divine right. The Puritan party was strongly 
represented in the House of Com- 
mons, which, by virtue of Eng- 
land's increasing wealth, was com- 
ing to be much more powerful 
than ever before, its members con- 
stituting an aristocracy of wealth 
side by side with the feudal aris- 
tocracy of blood. 

The struggle between the king 
and the middle classes broke forth 
during the reign of 
°*^^"^' Charles I., son and 

successor of James I. In 1628 
Charles was compelled by need of 
funds to sign the ** Petition of Right," which gave to Par- 
liament the right to vote all taxes. This he violated in 
the following year, and upon the refusal of Parliament to 
grant him money, he dissolved that body and sought for 
eleven years to govern England without a Parliament. To 
aid him in securing a revenue, he revived an ancient tax, 
called " Ship-money," formerly levied upon the maritime 
counties of England for purposes of naval defence, and 
made it general for the realm. This was resisted by John 
Hampden as illegal, and, although he was defeated, his 
bold example strengthened the popular resistance to the 
arbitrary measures of the king. 

In Scotland the efforts of Archbishop Laud to change 

Charles I., bt VAin>TKB. 


the forms of Presbyterian worship and introduce the Eng- 
lish prayer-book led to civil war. Charles called Parlia- 
ment in 1640, and strove by compromise to quiet the 
popular indignation. But the leaders of the popular party 
were not easily appeased ; a bill was voted condemning the 
general policy of the crown. The king demanded the ar- 
rest of the five principal signers of the bill, but they had 
escaped. Angry at this check to his authority, Charles 
left London, gathered his friends about him, and sought 
with warlike measures to coerce 
the Parliamentary faction. 

The extreme Puritan party — 
the " Roundheads,*' they were 
called — took the 
SJJ;*;»* field against the 
''Cavaliers,'* or 
partisans of the king. The Puri- 
tans soon found a leader of ability -i 
in Oliver Cromwell. Cromwell's 
troops, well drilled, prepared to 
" fight or pray,'* merited, with Oliver Cromwell. 

their heroic courage, the name 

of ''Ironsides.** King Charles, defeated at Naseby, took 
refuge in Scotland, but was delivered to Parliament in 
1647. Cromwell seized upon the king ; drove from Par- 
liament a hundred members who opposed extreme meas- 
ures, and with the consent of the remainder organized a 
special high court of justice, before which Charles was put 
to trial. Condemned to death as a tyrant and traitor, he 
was beheaded. 

For four years England lived under the rule of the 
"Rump** Parliament. Cromwell and his "Ironsides** 
overran Ireland, and defeated Charles II, who, accepted by 
the Scots, invaded England with a strong army. In 1653 
Cromwell and the army, dissatisfied with the "Rump** 
Parliament, dissolved it by force, and Cromwell assumed 



The Oommon- 

the title of Lord Protector. The Protectorate was a glori- 
ous period of English history; an alliance with Cromwell 
was eagerly songht by foreign princes, and at 
no time had England been so strong abroad. 
England wonld have been able, under the 
guidance of Cromwell, to dispute successfully with France 
the supremacy of Europe ; but the Lord Protector died in 
1658, fully realizing that his death would be the end of his 
great work. His son Richard assumed without resistance 
the title of Protector, but he had 
no ability for public affairs, and 
abdicated after a brief experience 
of eight months. A period of 
struggle followed, ending in the 
restoration of the Stuart claim- 
ant, Charles II. 

The Stuarts profited little by 
the lessons of adversity. Charles 
II brought back 
|^^^»« those extravagances 
of the court so dis- 
tasteful to the middle class of 
Englishmen. His policy was sub- 
servient to the desires of the 
French king, Louis XIV, and he 
plotted to restore the Catholic 
faith; yet so strong was the de- 
votion of his subjects to the principle of legitimacy that 
he reigned for twenty-five years, and left the crown to his 
brother, James II (1685). 

James II emphasized in his reign the unpopular char- 
acteristics of his brother. He assumed the right to sus- 
pend Parliament, to modify its laws, and to interfere with 
the decisions of the courts. In his household he celebrated 
the rites of the Catholic Church with the pomp of Ver- 
sailles. For three years England bore with this king, who 

Enoush Gbntlbmbn of thb 
Stuart Period. 


represented the negation of all she had struggled to estab- 
lish, but waa looking forward to the eventual succession of 
Mary, eldest daughter of James, who was married to the 
Protestant prince, William of Orange, Stadtholder of 
Holland. When, however, in 1688, a son was born to 
James, English patience reached its limit, and William was 
invited to come and take possession of the government. 
He landed in November on the coast of England. Upon 
his banner were the words '' Pro religione et liber tate ;*' 
his device: '^ Je maintiendrai^' (*'I shall maintain,'' i.e. 
the rights of the nation). James fled to the court of Louis 
XIV. Parliament declared the throne to be vacant, and 
promulgated a " Bill of Eights," affirming the ancient 
rights and liberties of England. The crown was oflFered to 
William and Mary, and they accepted it, under the consti- 
tutional limitations of the " Bill of Rights." Thus by the 
revolution of 1688 England overthrew the principle of 
divine right, weakly championed by the Stuarts, and estab- 
lished a constitutional monarchy, the gift of Parliament 
and the nation. 


Cromwell tnms out the Rnmp Parliament,—** Wednesday, 
20th April. — The Parliament sitting as usual, and being on 
debate upon the bill with the amendments, which it was 
thought would have been passed that day, the Lord General 
Cromwell came into the House, clad in plain black clothes, 
with grey worsted stockings, and sat down as he used to do in 
an ordinary place. After a while he rose up, put off his hat, 
and spake ; at the first and for a good while, he spake to the 
commendation of the Parliament, for their pains and care of 
the public good ; but afterwards he changed his style, told 
them of their injustice, delays of justici, self-interest, and 
other faults. Then he said : * Perhaps you think this is not 
Parliamentary language : I confess it is not, neither are you 
to expect any such from me. ' Then he put on his hat, went out 
of his place, and walked up and down the stage or floor in 


the midst of the House, with his hat on his head, and chid 
them soundly, looking sometimes, and pointing particularly 
upon some persons, as Sir R. Whitloek, one of the Commis- 
sioners for the Great Seal, Sir Henry Vane, to whom he gave 
very sharp language, though he named them not, but by his 
gestures it was well known that he meant them. After this 
he said to Colonel Harrison (who was a member of the House) : 
*Call them in.' Then Harrison went out, and presently 
brought in Lieutenant-Colonel Wortley (who commanded the 
General's own regiment of foot) with five or six files of mus- 
queteers, about twenty or thirty, with their musquets. Then 
the General, pointing to the Speaker in his chair, said to Har- 
rison, ^ Fetch him down.' Harrison went to the Speaker, and 
spoke to him to come down, but the Speaker sat still, and 
said nothing. 'Take him down,' said the General ; then 
Harrison went and pulled the Speaker by the gown, and he 
came down. And it happened that day, that Algernon Sydney 
sat next to the Speaker on the right hand ; the General said 
to Harrison, * Put him out. ' Harrison spake to Sydney to go 
out, but he said he would not go out, and sat still. The 
General said again, * Put him out. ' Then Harrison and 
Wortley put their hands upon Sydney's shoulders, as if they 
would force him to go out ; then he rose and went towards 
the door. Then the General went to the table where the 
mace lay, which used to be carried before the Speaker, and 
said, * Take awaj' these baubles. ' So the soldiers took away 
the mace, and all the House went out; and at the going out, 
they say, the General said to young Sir Henry Vane, calling 
him by name, that he might have prevented this extraordinary 
course, but he was a juggler, and had not so much as common 
honesty. All being gone out, the door of the House was 
locked, and the key with the mace was carried away, as I 
heard, by Colonel Otley.''^— Sydney Papers, 


Gardiner: A StudenVs History of England. Part VI.; 
Myers: Mediaeval and Modem History, pp. 504-539. 


The Eighteenth Century 

§ 20. Benevolent Despotism 

During the eighteenth century the personal govern- 
ments of the Bourbons and Hapsburgs were moving to 
j^-. . their decline. The growth of an intelligent 

personal middle class^ alive to the advantages of trade 

goreniment. ^^^ industry, accustomed to habits of thrift 

and economy, increased the dissatisfaction with the loose 
and extravagant methods of absolute monarchy. In France 
the reign of Louis XIV, with its expensive dynastic wars, 
left the country in a condition of financial ruin. His great- 
grandson and successor, Louis XV, lacked the stern and 
vigorous qualities of the Grand Monarche; in his feeble 
bands the system of Louis XIV displayed only its vices. 
Too indolent and self-indulgent to grapple with the prob- 
lems of his time, he left the government to his mistresses 
and favorites, who squandered the resources of France in 
purposeless wars and in the support of a huge and insa- 
tiable aristocracy. Not that Louis XV did not recognize 
the drift of affairs ; he was philosopher enough for this, 
and the immense cynicism of his life is summed up in his 
remark that " France will last long enough for me/' 

For posterity, however, the weakness of his rule was an 
element of advantage. The severe system of repression, 
devised by Louis XIV, to cut off all freedom of thought 
and liberty of expression that might serve to weaken the ab- 
solute character of his authority, although it continued in 
form, was in reality but an empty shell in the reign of Louis 
XV. Under cover of strict censorship, the printing presses 



of France poured forth a stream of philosophy, attacking 
the principle of divine right ; against the protests of the 
church, which stirred the government now and then into 
spasms of repression, the very foundations of the old 
system of theology were undermined. The king was too 
luxurious and too careless to intervene for the salvation of 
his system and his throne. 

In one respect the foreign policy of Louis XV reversed 

the tradition of centuries. Peace was made with Austria, 

the ancient enemy and rival of France, and 

this unnatural alliance was cemented with 

the marriage of the Dauphin, afterward Louis XVI, with 

a daughter of the house of Hapsburg, Marie Antoinette. 

In 1774, at the death of his grandfather, this young 
prince came to the throne. His ability was small, but his 
life was pure and he had the interests of France at heart. 
Far from being indifferent, like his grandfather, he took 
the affairs of his realm in hand, and sought to bring order 
out of the general financial confusion. He called to his 
aid men of pronounced liberal views : Turgot, an econo- 
mist of the new school, and Necker, a Swiss financier. 
These men strove to curtail the privileges of the upper 
classes, by making all property alike subject to taxation ; 
to modernize industry by the destruction of the gild sys- 
tem ; and to cut down the expenses of the court. To this 
the king at first agreed ; but he stood alone in his court 
and family. His brothers and his friends, his young and 
frivolous wife, all sought to dissuade him from a step 
which threatened their interests and pleasures. At last 
he yielded, dismissed his libenil ministers, and fell back 
into the old system of apathy and powerlessness. A strong 
king, conscious of the needs of the times, might perhaps 
have led France through a peaceful reconstruction of her 
political and social organization ; but the task was too 
great for Louis XVI ; it was left for the people to accom- 
plish this for themselves amid the terrors of revolution. 


In Austria a similar task was attempted by a man of 
more ability. Joseph II, Emperor and ruler of the pos- 
sessions of the Hapsburgs, King of Hungary 
^"^ ' and of Bohemia, was a man of advanced 

ideas. Dissatisfied with the unwieldy character of his great 
patchwork empire, he wished to suppress the innumerable 
charters and privileges which his various possessions had 
inherited from the Middle Ages, and weld them all together 
into a unified and homogeneous Austrian state. The task 
was one of great difficulty. In the several states that one 
by one had come together under Hapsburg control were to 
be found the extremes of political and social development : 
Flanders, on the north and west of the Hapsburg lands, 
was a country of great industrial activity ; Hungary, on 
the south and east, was an agricultural state of the feudal 
type, where serfdom still existed in its medieval form. 

The Emperor's scheme of reorganization contemplated 
the general introduction of the German language, a uni- 
form system of laws and administration, 
rf^^MiStt^ education under the supervision of the state, 
and the abolition of serfdom in Hungary and 
Bohemia. The inauguration of these reforms brought 
down upon Joseph a storm of opposition. The Flemish 
cities resisted a political rearrangement which deprived 
them of their city charters, dearly bought with blood and 
treasure ; the clergy were infuriated at the suppression 
of monasteries and the establishment of an imperial system 
of education beyond their control, and branded Joseph 
as an infidel ; the Hungarian lords bitterly resented the 
abolition of their feudal rights, and the absorption of the 
crown of Hungary into the Austrian state. The opposi- 
tion evoked by the reform edicts on every side threatened 
to disrupt the Empire. Joseph was forced to yield, and 
abandon his efforts for reform ; obstacles of race and 
language and religious bigotry could not be legislated away 
by imperial edict. Some great upheaval of the middle 


classes was necessary. Only after the sword of Napoleon 
had swept from central Europe the vestiges of feudalism 
could the dreams of Joseph II be realized. 

Not alone in France and Austria was tried the experi- 
ment of benevolent despotism. The second half of the 
eighteenth century was a period of philoso- 
phic despots and experimenting ministers. 
In Spain, Aranda, minister of Charles III ; in Portugal, 
Pombal, both thoroughly devoted to the principle of royal 
absolutism, were nevertheless believers in the modem 
doctrines of reform, and sought to overcome, with the 
reorganization of education and industry, the exhaustion 
and lethargy of their peoples. The influence of the Jesuits 
in education and government was an object of attack, and 
the pressure of the Catholic powers brought about the 
abolition of the order by Pope Clement XlY in 1773. In 
the Italian states as well, the impulse toward reform was 
felt. Naples enjoyed a period of enlightened rule under 
the Bourbon king, Ferdinand IV. His minister, Tanucci, 
deprived the barons of the feudal right of justice. In 
Tuscany, the Grand Duke Leopold, brother of Joseph II, 
projected the first uniform code of laws, and made of his 
little duchy the most modern state of Europe. 


I. Private Life of Louis XYI ; his tastes and eharacten— 

•• The only passion ever shown by Louis XVI was for hunting ; 
he was so much occupied by it that when I went up into his 
private closets, at Versailles, after the tenth of August, I saw 
on the staircase six frames, in which were seen statements of 
all his hunts, both when dauphin and when king. In them 
was detailed the number, kind, and quality of the game he 
had killed at each hunting party, with recapitulations for 
every month, every season, and every year of his reign. 

Above the king's library was a forge, two anvils, and a 
vast number of iron tools ; various common locks, well made 



and perfect ; some secret locks, and locks ornamented with 
gilt copper. It was there that Gamin taught the king the 
art of lock-making. ' The king was good, forbearing, timid, 
inquisitive, and addicted to sleep,' said Gamin to me ; he 
was fond of lock-making to excess, and he concealed himself 
from the court and the queen to file and forge with me. 

There were two men in Louis XVI — the man of knowledge 
and the man of will. The first of these possessed very ex- 
tended and varied qualifications ; his memory contained an 
infinite number of names and situations; he remembered 
quantities and numbers wonderfully. But on important af- 
fairs of state the king of will and command was nowhere to 
be found. Louis XVI was, upon the throne, exactly what 
those weak temperaments, whom nature has reiiilerof] in- 
capable of an opinion, are in sotioty. AlThuu«*-li fuuid vari* 
ous counsels he often knew whii*ii wns tht^ lit^t^t^ he never had 
the resolution to say : *I prefer the iuhit^i? of such a j>ersoii/ 
Herein lay the misfortunes of tho state. "—From SmiUvi 
Memoirs of th€ Reign of Louis A'VL 

II. Joseph II at Paris, on a Ti^it to ht.^^ sfM^r, Marie , 
nette, — **I was present at the qu^'i'ijV ilium^r 
day. The Emperor would then- t;L>tnik luueh 
He disguised none of his prejudires upon the 
etiquette and customs of tlie court af 
the presence of the king aimed lii^ Kirea 
king smiled, but never made any tiiiswer ; 
to feel pain from them. 

** One day the queen was bufll»*rl in mi 
orders for payment for her househoUU and J 
her secretary, who presented the i^aperhj 
be signed, and replaced them in hia jwrt^ 
going forward the Emperor walk*xl a^ 
once he stopped, to censure the que 
signing all those papers without read| 
without running her eye over tlit^m ; 
most judiciously upon the danger of 
siderately.*' — Relation of Madame M 
the Bedchamber to the Queen. 



Gardiner, B. M.: The French Revolution, pp. 17-32 ; Morse- 
Stephens : The Revolution and Europe, pp. 14-25. 

§ 21. Frederick the Great. 

The eighteenth century witnessed the rise of Prussia, 
and her entrance into the circle of the Great Powers of 
Europe. The house of HohenzoUern took 
its origin on the borders of Switzerland. In 
1275 Frederick of HohenzoUern was made Burgrave of 
Nuremberg. At the time of the Council of Constance 
the Emperor Sigismund conferred upon Frederick IV the 
Electorate of Brandenburg, a Slavic country, lying between 
the Elbe and the Oder, on the western boundary of Poland. 
In the following century Albert of Brandenburg, a brother 
of the Elector, was elected Grand Master of the religious 
order of the Teutonic Knights, who had founded in Prus- 
sia, on the shores of the Baltic, a German colony as an out- 
post against the pagan Slavs. During the early Reforma- 
tion Albert became Lutheran, secularized the territory of 
the Knights, and was recognized by the King of Poland 
as Duke of Prussia, subject to the suzerainty of Poland. 
In 1618 the line of Albert became extinct, and the duchy 
of Prussia reverted to the Elector. Meanwhile the Hohen- 
zoUerns came into possession of a claim upon the territories 
of Cleves and Juliers, in the lower Rhine country, next to 

At the close of the Thirty Years' War the Great Elector 
received, in the rearrangement of Europe at the Peace of 
p, . , Westphalia, East Pomeriinia and the secu- 

Willim,the larized states of Magdeburg, Halberstadt, 

Great Eleotor." ]yiii^(jen^ and Cammin. As a result of the 
decline of the imperial power and the freedom of action 
given to the German princes, Brandenburg became a 



sovereign state. Tlie Great Elector was an autocrat in his 
possessions^ a miniature Louis XIV. His rule was wise, 
tending toward the development of the resources of his peo- 
ple. In 1760 he freed the duchy of Prussia from Polish 
control. Thus, step by step, a fragmentary domain, scat- 
tered from the middle Baltic to the Rhine, was welded 
with the firm hand of an able and ambitious prince. 

The subjects of the Great Elector were warlike. The 
situation of Brandenburg, compelling that state to defend 

itself against the Slavic na- 
tions of the East, tended 
.to foster a military spirit. 
Of all the German states 
Brandenburg was best fit- 
ted, in the disruption of 
the Empire, to take the 
leadership of the Protes- 
tant states of the North 
against the Catholic pri- 
macy of the Hapsburgs. 
The struggle for the politi- 
cal supremacy of Germany 
between the two great 
houses of Hohenzollern and 
Hapsburg fills the history of 
Germany down to our time. 
Frederick III, successor of the Great Elector, became 
Frederick I, King *'of Prussia." Receiving permission 
of the Emperor, still his titular over-lord, 
^^^°^ to assume the royal title for his Prussian 

lands, his title was confirmed by the peace 
of Utrecht in 1713. The son of Frederick I, who came to 
the throne as Frederick William I, was a curious char- 
acter, but of immense use for the future of Prussia. A 
coarse and brutal man, a tyrant in his family and with his 
subjects, his delight was in his army. His sole extrava- 

Frederick the Great. 


gance was to recruit, at any expense, wherever they 
might be found, the largest and finest men for his regi- 
ments. To Frederick his son, whom he sought in vain to 
form after his own coarse model, he left a well-drilled 
army, one of the best in Europe, and a well-filled treasury, 
important instruments in the hands of the ablest states- 
man and general of his times. 

Frederick II came to the throne (1740) with great 
ambitions. He desired to round out his scattered posses- 
sions into a compact kingdom ; to cease to 
Roderick the bg^ ^ Voltaire said of him, **King of the 
Borders/' For the execution of his plans he 
possessed an army, a treasury, and a mind unfettered with 
scruples. Indifferent to the claims of justice, careless of 
good faith, and regardless of his obligations toward other 
princes, he was indomitable in adversity and moderate in 
the hour of triumph. An absolute sovereign, he left 
nothing to his ministers, but took upon himself the super- 
vision of the minutest details. 

Fortune favored Frederick at the start. In the year 
of his succession to the throne, the Emperor Charles VI 
died and left an heiress, Maria Theresa, a girl of twenty- 
three. A dozen claimants sought the imperial crown, 
some with dynastic claims, as the Elector of Saxony and 
the Elector of Bavaria. Frederick II had no claim but 
that of the sword, but he was the first to move upon the 
threatened Empire with the invasion of Silesia, at the 
same time assuring Maria Theresa **of the purity of his 
intentions, and his desire ever to devote himself to the ser- 
vice of the house of Austria." He defeated the Austrians 
at Mollwitz; formed an alliance with the French, and 
recognized the Elector of Bavaria as Emperor with the 
title of Charles VII. The war was continued with varying 
success until the Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, in 1748, closed 
hostilities for the time. Maria Theresa confirmed the 
Prussian title to Silesia ; the Spanish Bourbons obtained 



some Italian duchies ; but with these losses Maria Theresa 
kept her Empire, overthrew the Bavarian claim, and 



seen red the coronation of her husband, Francis of Lor- 
ruine, as Emperor Francis I. 

But the energetic heiress of the house of Hapsburgwas 

'ot content to lose her province of Silesia without another 

niggle. In 1756 hostilities were resumed. This time 


the Franco- Austrian alliance of 1756 placed France upon 
the side of the Empress, Frederick turned to England, 

and concluded in the same year the treaty of 
mSerenYeara' Westminster with George II. Sweden and 

Bussia fell upon the borders of eastern Prus- 
sia ; six armies gathered in upon the Prussian king, Fred- 
erick had a moment of despair ; the odds were too great. 
In spite of the brilliant victories of Rosbach and Leuthen, 
Berlin was pillaged by the Russians, and the Prussian lands 
laid waste. Chance turned the tide. Peter II, an ardent 
admirer of Frederick, succeeded Elizabeth in Russia, and 
withdrew his troops. France had lost her colonies to Eng- 
land, and was tired of the war. Maria Theresa was forced 
to abandon her hope of destroying Prussia, and the Peace 
of Hubertsburg (1763) left Silesia to the Ilohenzollerns. 


!• Frederick William I and his Grenadiers. — To secure 
recruits for his three battalions of giants the king was will- 
ing to spend sums which were enormous for the times and for 
the meagre revenues of Prussia. James Kirkham, an Irish 
recruit, is said to have cost six thousand dollars. **Inthe 
town of JUlich there lived and worked a tall young carpenter. 
One day a well-dressed, positive-looking gentleman enters the 
shop ; wants * a stout chest, with a lock on it, for household 
purposes ; must be of such and such dimensions, six feet six 
in length especially, and that is an indispensable point— in 
fact, it will be longer than yourself, I think, Mr. Carpenter ; 
what is the cost ; when can it be ready ? * At the appointed 
day he reappears ; the chest is ready ; we hope, an unexcep- 
tionable article? *Too short, as I dreaded,' says the posi- 
tive gentleman. 'Nay, your Honor/ says the carpenter, 'I 
am certain that it is six feet six, ' and he takes out his foot- 
rule. * Pshaw, it was to be longer than yourself.' * Well 
it is.' ' No, it isn't. ' The carpenter, to end the matter 
gets into the chest, and will convince any and all mortals. 
No sooner is he in, rightly flat, than the positive gentleman. 



a Prussian recruiting oflQoer in disguise, slams down the lid 
upon him, locks it, whistles in three stout fellows, who pick 
up the chest, walk gravely through the streets with it, open it 
in a safe place and find — horrible to relate, the poor carpenter 
dead ; choked by want of air in this frightful middle passage 
of hi8."~Carlyle, in his Frederick the Great 

II. ^^ Sans-Sonci," the faTorite retreat of Frederick the 
Great at Potsdam.— ** For the last forty years of his life, espe- 
cially as years advanced, he spent most of his days and nights 
in this little Mansion ; which became more and more his favor- 
ite retreat, whenever the noises and scenic etiquettes were 
not inexorable. ' Sans-Souci, ' which we may translate * No- 


Bother.' A busy place this, too, but of the quiet kind ; and 
more a home to him than any of the three fine Palaces (ulti- 
mately four) which lay always waiting for him in the neigh- 

** Certainly it is a significant feature of Friedrich ; and dis- 
closes the inborn proclivity he had to retirement, to study 
and reflection, as the chosen element of human life, why he 
fell upon so ambitious a title for his Royal Cottage. The 
name, it appears, came by accident. He had prepared his 
tomb, and various tombs in the skirts of this new Cottage ; 
looking at these, as the building of them went on, he was 
heard to say, one day : * Qui, alora je serai sans souci (Once 


there, one will be out of bother) t ' A saying which was 
rumored of, and repeated in society, being by such a man. 
Out of which rumor in society, and the evidence of the Cottage 
Royal, there was gradually bom, as Venus from the froth of 
the sea, this name: Sans-Souci : which Friedrich adopted." 
— Carlyle. 


Adams: European History^ pp. 891-399; Hajssall, Euro- 
pean History, 1715-1789, pp. 241-279. 

§ 22. Sweden and Russia 

At the close of the Thirty Years' War (1648) Sweden 

had come to occupy a place among the great powers of 

Europe. She had conquered the southern 

m^htofthe and eastern shores of the Baltic, thereby 
Swedish power. . . , ^ . ^ x^ i 

shutting out her rivals, Russia and Poland, 

from access to the " Swedish Lake.'' Finland was also hers. 
This great advance of Sweden had been accomplished 
through a fortunate combination of circumstances : an 
able leader, in the person of Gustavus Adolphus ; a well- 
disciplined army, filled with religious enthusiasm. These, 
together with the exhaustion of the continental powers, 
gave Sweden her opportunity ; but it was evident that her 
resources were too meagre to permit her to hold the place 
she had won. 

Until the time of Peter the Great, Russia is not to be 

regarded as a European power. During the Middle Ages 

the Russian lands were for two centuries 

under the rule of the Mongols. Step by 

step the princes of Moscow absorbed the neighboring 

states ; in the fifteenth century Ivan the Great threw 

off the Mongol yoke. In 1613 the house of Rurik became 

extinct, and the dynasty of the Romanoffs was founded. 

Russia was still cut off from communication with the 

West ; Sweden kept her from the Baltic on the north ; the 





Turks from the Black Sea on the south. The problem of 
Bussia was to break through to the sea, and this was ac- 
complished by Peter the Great. 

Peter came to the throne at the age of seventeen. The 
empire to which he succeeded was of a medieval rather than 
of a modern character. The task of imposing 
fwSQ^????** ^^^ authority upon his turbulent nobles was a 
heroic one. He had no army ; the imperial 
guard (the '* Streltsi ") had been accustomed to play the 
leading part in the revolutions of the palace. He had no 
fleet ; no Russian Tsar before his time had seen the sea. 
Peter made a voyage across Ger- 
many and Holland to England. 
There he studied the industries 
of the country, labored as a car- 
penter in the ship-yards of Hol- 
land, and on his return to Russia 
brought with him sailors and ship- 
builders, and began the construc- 
tion of a fleet at Archangel, his 
only harbor, on the frozen coast 
of the White Sea. In 1703, while 
at war with Sweden, Peter laid in 
Swedish territory the foundations 
of his new capital, St. Petersburg, 
'^a window to the west.^' Moscow, **the widow of the 
Tsar,*' mourned the change ; but Peter wished Russia to 
leave her Oriental home ; for his new work a new capital 
was necessary, at whose birth western influences had pre- 
sided. Here it was easier for the Tsar to break with the 
old Muscovite traditions. He made his authority absolute 
over his nobles, the ^^boyards.'^ He declared all land to 
be held from the Tsar ; forced the nobles into his service, 
revoking the titles and lands of those who refused, making 
the imperial service the sole road to wealth and distinction. 
In this he was an apt pupil of the Or and Monarche; but 

Peter the Great. 



his methods were those of the East ; the " knout '' often re- 
minded his noble servants that Peter was master in Eussia. 
Having made himself master of Russia, Peter set about 
to destroy the Oriental customs which prevailed in Russian 
Bnuum Society society. In a few years he succeeded, with 
under Peter the forceful measures, in giving to his court a 
Great. superficial gloss of civilization. Long beards 

and robes, after the Persian and Tartar style, were dis- 
couraged, and obstinate boyards were shaven by official 
barbers at the city gate. Struck with the elegance of the 
court of Versailles, which he vis- 
ited in 1717, Peter sought to 
transform his Muscovite women 
into courtly dames, forbade the 
covering of their faces with veils, 
and compelled their attendance, 
nnder penalty of the knout, at 
the assemblies of the court 

The extension of Russian 
Power to the Baltic was not 
achieved except 
against the resist- 
ance of Sweden. 
In 1697 Charles XII came to the 
throne at the age of seventeen. 

Ignorant of the military genius of this young prince, the 
rivals of Sweden — Russia, Poland, and Denmark — formed 
an alliance for the overthrow of the Swedish power. But 
Charles XII was not dismayed. Attacking his enemies one 
by one, he forced Denmark to terms of peace, defeated the 
Russian army, and, entering Poland, drove Augustus II 
from the throne. Here his judgment failed. Lingering 
for several years in Saxony, Charles gave to Peter an oppor- 
tunity of reorganizing his army. Then, instead of turn- 
ing again to the North, he was induced by a Cossack chief- 
tain, Mazeppa, to undertake an expedition against Mos- 

Oharles XII of 



Charles XII. 


€ow. At Pultova he met again the army of Peter, and 
was defeated, lost his army, and fled, with a handful of 
companions, into Turkey. There he wasted time in seek- 
ing to induce the Sultan to renew the war against Bussia. 
jMeunwhile the situation in the north had changed ; Au- 
gustus had recovered the throne of Poland ; Prussia, Eng- 
land, and Holland had joined the combination against 
Sweden. Still Charles fought on, until he met his death 
at the age of thirty-eight, seeking the subjection of Nor- 
way. With his death the power of Sweden rapidly de- 
clined. Her Baltic provinces were lost to Brandenburg 
and Russia. 

A weak state, lying between the rising powers of Russia 
and Prussia, Poland had little chance of preserving her 
nationality. The arrogance of her nobles 
Foknd. ^^^ ^YxQ faults of her constitution prevented 

her accomplishing the transition from a medieval to a 
modern state. Poland was a monarchy of twelve mill- 
ions of people, ruled by a hundred thousand nobles, 
who lived from the labor of a degraded peasantry. 
1'here was no middle class, commerce being in the 
hands of the Jews, who possessed no political rights. 
Tlie king was elected, and a figurehead ; a curious feature 
of the constitution was the liherum veto, which gave the 
power to any member of the Diet to annul legislation. 
Tiiis alone was sufficient to make government impossible ; 
and the nobles were too selfish and stupid to permit a 

On account of the jealousy of the nobles, it was cus- 
tomary to elect a foreign prince as king. In 1697 the Elec- 
tor of Saxony was chosen as Augustus II. Deposed by 
Charles XII of Sweden, he regained his throne, and was 
succeeded by his son, Augustus IIL In 1763 Augustus 
III died, and Frederick the Great and Catharine of Russia 
pressed the claims of Poniatowski, a Polish nobleman. 
His election brought anarchy into Poland, as the great 



enemies of Poland intended it should, and paved the way for 
intervention. But Austria could not be disregarded, and 
in the first partition of 1772 she had her share of the 
spoil. The share of Prussia was the smallest ; but it was 
of great value, since it connected the Prussian lands with 

The succeeding partitions of Poland took place during 
the French Kevolution. In 1793 Poniatowski sought to 

revise the Polish constitution and abolish the 
BeMndpartitioii, merum veto. This aroused the fears of 

Catharine of Russia, lest Poland should be- 
come a virile state. She intervened, championing the in- 
terests of the conservative nobles against such a radical re- 
form. The liberals appealed to Prussia; but Frederick 
William II, refusing his aid, threw an army into Poland, 
and shared with Catharine the spoliation of Polish terri- 
tories. Russia's share again was greater ; but Prussia got, 
among other bits, the cities of Danzig and Thurn. Austria 
was busy fighting France, and had no share. 

The Polish patriot, Kosciuszko, refused to submit to 
the spoliation of his country, and raised the standard of 

national revolt; but his act was disavowed 
m^ partition, ^y Poniatowski, and Poland, divided against 

herself, could offer no front against her de- 
spoilers. A great Russian army entered Poland, and took 
the capital, Warsaw. Poniatowski was removed, and abdi- 
cated in November. Thus Poland for the third time fell 
defenceless into the hands of royal and imperial robbers. 
This time Austria was at hand, and received her portion, 
Galicia. Poland became extinct, easily crushed, at a time 
when France was holding her own against all Europe. 
The reason was that the people of Poland, kept down by 
arrogant nobles, were serfs, and had no appreciation of 
liberty, and no national pride. 



I. Peter the Great as a Soeial Reformer.— ''Peter settled 
the question of dress in his usual radical fashion. He would 
have no more beards, and everybody must wear European cos- 
tume, either French or Hungarian. His ukase on the subject 
was published on the 29th of August, 1699, and patterns of the 
regulation garments were exposed on the streets. The poorer 
classes were granted a temporary delay, so that they might 
wear out their old clothes, but after 1705 every soul was to 
appear in the new uniform, under pain of fines, and even of 
severer difficulties. 

" The reform, thus violently imposed, met with desperate 
opposition, especially among the lower classes. The poor 
Movjik, forcibly deprived of the beard which had kept his 
cheeks warm in 40 degrees of cold, begged that it might be 
laid with him in his coffin, so that after his death he might 
appear decently in the presence of St. Nicholas. 

** But all this was nothing to Peter. In 1704, at an inspec- 
tion of oflHcials of all classes, held as he was passing through 
Moscow, he caused Ivan Naoumof, who had failed to use his 
razors, to be flogged. In 1706, soldiers were posted at all 
the church doors in Astrakhan, with orders to fall upon 
recalcitrant worshippers, and pull out their beards by main 
force. The Tsar also took upon himself to shorten the 
women *s garments, and any skirts which exceeded the regu- 
lation length were publicly torn up, without the slight- 
est regard for decency. Peter had a special and a kind of 
personal hatred for beards. To him they typified all the 
ideas, traditions, and prejudices he was resolved to overcome." 
— Waliszewski : Peter the Q^reat 

II. Mazeppa and the Cossacks of the Ukraine. — " The 
Cossacks had originally the privilege of electing a prince 
under the name of general ; but they were soon deprived of 
that right, and their general was nominated by the court of 

** The person who then filled that station was a Polish gen- 
tleman, named Mazeppa. He had been educated as a page 
to John Casimir, and had received some tincture of polite 


learning in his court. An intimacy which he had in his 
youth with the lady of a Polish gentleman having been dis- 
covered, the husband caused him to be whipped with rods, 
to be bound stark naked upon a wild horse, and turned 
adrift in that condition. The horse, which was brought out 
of the Ukraine, returned to his own country, and carried 
Mazeppa with him, half dead with hunger and fatigue. Some 
of the country people gave him assistance, and he lived 
among them for a long time, signalizing himself in several 
excursions against the Tartars. The superiority of his knowl- 
edge gained him great respect among the Cossacks, and, his 
reputation greatly increasing, the Tsar found it necessary 
to make him prince of the Ukraine. 

*' Being one day at table with the Tsar at Moscow, the 
emperor proposed to him the task of disciplining the Cos- 
sacks, and rendering them more docile and dependent. 
Mazeppa replied that the situation of the Ukraine and the 
genius of the nation were insuperable obstacles to such a 
scheme. The Tsar, who began to be overheated with wine 
and had not, when sober, always the command of his pas- 
sions, called him a traitor and threatened to have him impaled. 

*' Mazeppa, on his return to the Ukraine, formed the de- 
sign of a revolt, the execution of which was greatly facilir 
tated by the Swedish army, which soon afterward appeared on 
the frontiers. He resolved to make himself independent, and 
erect the Ukraine, with some other ruins of the Russian 
empire, into a powerful kingdom. Brave, enterprising, and 
indefatigable, he entered secretly into a league with the king 
of Sweden, to accelerate the ruin of the Tsar, and to convert 
it to his own advantage. " — Voltaire : History of Charles Xlh 


Adams: European History, pp. 886-392; Wakeman : 
European History, 1598-1715, pp. 296-308. 

§ 23. The French Philosophees 

Nothing is better calculated to show the vast gulf that 
lay between the seventeenth and the eighteenth century. 


between the age of Louis XIV and the age of Louis XV, 
than the respective attitudes of these monarchs toward lib- 
erty of thought and expression. In the reign 
JIJjjj^* ^ of Lou is XIV everything was made to conform 
closely to the ideas and desires of the king. 
In literature, as elsewhere, emphasis was hiid upon elegance 
of form. It is no wonder, therefore, that verse was the 
approved method of literary expression, or that the age 
produced great stylists, like Racine and Comeille. Such 
writers, taking their themes from the times of Greece and 
Borne, did not affront the government with the discussion 
of vital questions. 

The reign of Louis XV, on the contrary, was a time of 
indifference, so far as the government was concerned ; but 
in the field of thought and of literature it was a period of 
immense activity. Philosophy no longer confined itself 
to the abstruse problems of pure metaphysics, but became 
practical, dealing with the problems of the day. This is 
the distinctive feature of eighteenth century philosophy, 
due to the weakening of the principle of authority, both in 
Church and State. All things were open to analysis ; the 
worldly lives of the clergy, the skepticism of many of its 
members ; the abuse of despotism and the scandals of the 
court delivered religion as well as royalty to the discus- 
sions of the philosophers. 

The inspiration for the French philosophical move- 
ment of the eighteenth century came from England. The 
events of the Revolution of 1688, depriv- 
ing monarchy of its divme sanction, gave 
rise to a school of practical philosophers, who sought to 
explain and justify the new theories of civil government, 
which had found their expression in the Bill of Rights. 
John Locke (1632-1704) carried rational inquiry into the 
examination of many phases of haman existence, and exer- 
cised great influence upon French thought. He may be 
called the " Father of Eighteenth Century Philosophy. *' 


About the middle of the century Montesquieu (1689- 
1755), a French judge, pursuing his inquiries into the 
comparative excellence of the various forms of govern- 
ment, published his ** Spirit of the Laws/' in which he 
held the view that no form of government possessed any 
special sanction, but that the kind of government best 
suited to a country was that which was determined by the 
peculiar conditions of the country itself — geographical, 
racial, and otherwise. Some countries, especially in Asia, 
were better suited with a despotic government ; others with 
a limited monarchy ; others, again, with a republic. Simi- 
larly with religion : he un- 
dertook to show that while 
Christianity was undoubtedly 
a better form of religion for 
Europe, yet in Asia and Af- 
rica different conditions had 
produced Mohammedanism, 
a religion better suited, be 
thought, to its surroundings. 

The effect of this work, of 
which twenty-two editions 
appeared during the century, Voltaibe. 

may be imagined. The sev- 
enteenth century had proclaimed that one single way was 
possible in all departments of human life and effort. That 
way had received divine sanction : in government, the 
monarchy ; in religion, the Church. No question of dif- 
ferent surroundings was possible ; there must be one law, 
one set of institutions for the whole world. The eigh- 
teenth century opened the whole subject to discussion, and 
later attempts to restore the reign of authority were feeble 
and unavailing, as we shall learn. 

Voltaire lived four years in England, studied Locke 
and Newton, and imbibed a love for English institutions. 
This he expressed in his " Letters on the English/' which, 


although condemned by the French censors, was exten- 
sively read. But Voltaire was not a practical philosopher. 

Aside from his activity as a writer of plays, 
(l6fiSS.778). ^^® ^^^® ^^ largely spent in an attack upon 

the Church, the " Infamous,'' as he termed 
it in his bitterness. A Deist himself — that is to say, a 
believer in a Supreme Power — he attacked with keen in- 
vective all forms of revealed religion, Protestant as well 
as Catholic. More than any other man he influenced the 
spirit of his time. Voltairian skepticism became the fash- 
ion, even in the clergy; no salon was complete without 
a " philosopher '' of this type. 

This is but a single phase of Voltaire's life, but the 
most important for the future. He was, apart from his 
destructive philosophy, the literary arbiter of his time. 
From his retreat at Femay, on the borders of Switzerland, 
where he passed his later years, his influence reached 
throughout Europe. Frederick the Great, Catharine II 
of Russia, the kings and princes of Europe, were flattered 
to receive letters from Voltaire. His crusade against 
intolerance and superstition, although conceived with a 
violence which mars it for our taste, gave, nevertheless, 
to human thought a liberty which it had never known. 
Voltaire was, according to Cardinal de Bernis, *' the great 
man of his century." 

In strong contrast with Voltaire stands his great con- 
temporary, Rousseau. Voltaire was an aristocrat by birth 

and taste; Rousseau was the son of a Gene- 
0670^1741). ^*^ artisan, and had all his life the instincts 

of a vagabond. Yet it is doubtful if any 
man has so largely influenced modern society and in so 
many ways. His " Emile " sketched a new system of edu- 
cation, inculcating simplicity and common sense in the 
training of children; his novel of the *^ Nouvelle Helolse/' 
was one of the first efforts to portray in fiction the artistic 
possibilities of the life of the middle classes. Hitherto 



fiction had dealt by preference with the splendor of 

The most important book of Ronssean, however, meas- 
ured in its effect upon his century, was the ** Social Con- 
tract,'' Here political society is 
described as the result of a con- 
tract freely made between the 
people and their king. For the 
better conduct of human affairs 
the people delegate to a ruler the 
functions of government. If the 
ruler fail in his duty the contract 
is broken, and the people regain 
their right to give to another the 
task of governing them. This, 
it will be observed, is a direct de- 
nial of the theory of the divine 
right of kings. Supreme power, 
instead of coming from above, comes from the people be- 
neath ; the king, far from being a vicar of God, holding 
the nation as a divine gift, becomes a mere agent of the 
people, chosen for the execution of a common task, and 
removable at the will of his master, the people. These 
ideas of Rousseau, appealing strongly to the masses, be- 
came the program of the radical party in the Revolution. 



How Physical Conditions Determine the Form of Govern- 
ment; ftorn the Spirit of the I^aws,—'' In Asia they have al- 
ways had great empires; in Europe these could never subsist. 
Asia has larger plains; it is cut up into much more extensive 
divisions by mountains and seas: and as it lies more to the 
south, its springs are more easily dried up; the mountains are 
less covered with snow; and the rivers, not being so large, form 
more contracted barriers. 

** Power in Asia ought then to be always despotic; for if 


their slavery were not severe they would soon make a division 
inconsistent with the nature of the country. 

*' In Europe the natural division forms many nations of a 
moderate extent, in which the ruling by laws is not incom- 
patible with the maintenance of the state ; on the contrary, it 
is so favorable to it that without this the state would fall 
into decay, and become the prey of its neighbors. 

**It is this which has formed the genius for liberty that 
renders every part extremely difflcult to be subdued and sub- 
jected to a foreign power, otherwise than by the laws and the 
advantage of commerce. 

** On the contrary, there reigns in Asia a servile spirit, which 
they have never been able to shake oflf, and it is impossible to 
find in all the histories of that country a single passage that 
discovers a freedom of spirit; we shall never see anything 
there but the excess of slavery/' 


Gardiner: The French Revolution^ pp. 13-17; Adams: 
European History, pp. 427-428 ; Morse-Stephens : The Revolur . 
lion and Europe, pp. 8-10. 

The French Bevolution 

§ 24. The Meeting of the Estates General 

The French Revolution is not to be regarded as the 
result of a sudden impulse, a volcanic outburst of popular 
exasperation. In its more important phases 
Be'^oT^m^* it is the result of a half century of delibera- 
tion. The reconstruction of French society 
which resulted from the Eevolution had been worked out 
in detail by thoughtful men, before a step was taken 
toward the overthrow of the government of Louis XVI. 

The immediate cause of the Bevolution was the finan- 
cial crisis. The extravagance of Louis XIV, the indiffer- 
ence of Louis XV, had exhausted the resources of the 
government. Debt piled upon debt, until credit was gone. 
The efforts of Louis XVI to reorganize the financial system 
with the aid of Turgot and Necker have been related. 
The court favorites, who followed Necker in the ministry, 
completed the ruin of the treasury ; the nation was bank- 
rupt. Driven to a last extremity,, the king had recourse 
to an expedient which marked the absolute failure* of the 
royal resources. For one hundred and seventy-five years, 
since the firm establishment of Bourbon rule, the Estates 
General had never been called in France. Its summons in 
1789 was a confession that the system of Louis XIV had 
broken down. 

It would be a mistake, however, to suppose that the 
men who came together as delegates to the Estates General 
had in mind only the reorganization of the finances. The 
philosophical discussions of the times had given their 



demands a wider scope. They came together to give 
France a constitution which should express the eighteenth 
century ideas of government and society. 

The evils from which France was suffering at the end 
of the eighteenth century may be summed up in one word 
— privilege: the privilege of the king; the 
kr78°9^''*^°* privileges of the nobles; the privileges of 
the clergy. These constitute the spirit of 
the ancien rSgime. At an earlier time these privileges 
were not without justification. When the clergy were 
burdened with the general superintendence of education 
and the care of the poor and suffering, as was the case in 
the Middle Ages: when the nobles were the bulwark of 
defence against the enemy, and guaranteed the safety of 
the peasant while he tilled the soil; then it was not unjust 
that these upper classes should have a part of the produce 
of the labor which they made possible through their 
guardianship and protection. And did not the king, so 
long as he was regarded as the representive of God on 
earth, possess the land and the people ? And what he 
refrained from taking himself was in his benevolence left 
to others. 

But the eighteenth century changed all this. The 
function of the clergy, if in some respects as great, was in 
material things less evident ; and there were many, such 
as the Voltairians, who doubted altogether its efficiency. 
The nobles had no longer any place in the system. The 
protection which it was formerly their business to supply 
was now afforded by the state, through taxation. As for 
the king, the theory of his divine commission had been 
called into question by the political philosophy of which 
Montesquieu and Rousseau were representatives. 

But if the king, the nobles, and the clergy had lost 
their special usefulness, they had preserved their privi- 
leges. The taxes of the realm went into the king^s privy 
purse. From this fund he drew what he chose, being 


responsible to no man. What he left went for the pur- 
poses of administration. This was the king's privilege. 
The clergy were free from taxes. To be sure, they gave, 
as a body, a sum of money to the king at intervals, called 
the don gratuit ; but it was a small contribution com- 
pared with the value of their estates, which constituted 
one-fourth of France. The nobles were exempt from the 
chief direct tax, the taille, and were permitted to make 
their own assessments for the remainder. None but a 
noble could hold a commissioned office in the army. The 
chief privileges then of the clergy and nobility were a 
whole or partial exemption from taxes, and the possession 
of the great offices of honor and value. From the peasants 
on their estates the nobles not only exacted rent, but a host 
of ancient feudal dues, for which they rendered no equiva- 
lenjfc, squandering at Versailles the money wrung from toil. 
The royal edict for the convocation of the Estates 
General was sent to the provincial governors for publica- 
tion, January 24, 1789. Elections were held 
in each judicial district between the 7th of 
February and the 5th of May. In each district the elec- 
tors chose delegates to the Estates General, and at the 
same time, in accordance with ancient usage, drew up a 
statement of grievances, and suggestions for the removal 
of the same. These statements, or " Cahiers,'* as they 
were called, were to be taken by the deputies to the 
Estates General, and there condensed into three great 
" Cahiers/* one for each of the three estates, the Clergy, 
the Nobles, and the Third Estate, which made up the 
Estates General. Many of these Cahiers are preserved, 
and from them we learn that the people of France had 
thought deeply over the proposed changes; that the 
clergy and nobles were convinced of the necessity of giv- 
ing up their privileges, and that the plan of reform, 
which the Revolution brought about, had been already 
worked out, in its main features, by the people. The 



king and his advisers looked to the Estates General for 
a solution of the financial diflBculties of the crown ; but 
the people instructed their deputies to sit at Versailles 
until France had been given a constitution in harmony 
with her needs and wishes. 

The deputies of the three orders came together at Ver- 
sailles on the 5th of May. They were addressed by the 
king and his minister and left to their own 
£u^Q«MnL d®^^^®^- ^^® ^^^ question of the day was 
whether they should sit as one chamber, or 
as three. In accordance with the decree of convocation, 
the delegates of the Third Estate were equal in number 
to the combined delegates of the 
Clergy and Nobility. Sitting in 
one chamber, the Third Estate, 
with what help it might get from 
the liberals of the other orders, 
might expect a majority for its 
plans. Sitting as three chambers, 
the Third Estate, in spite of its 
larger representation, would be 
always outvoted, two to one. Un- 
der the leadership of Mirabeau 
the Third Estate took the name 
of the National Assembly, and 
refused to recognize the separate 
existence of the other orders. The king sought at first to 
use force, and closed the hall in which the representatives 
of the people held their sittings. Nothing daunted, they 
adjourned to a neighboring tennis court, and took an oath 
not to separate until they had given France a constitution. 
In spite of the king's commands, the Third Estate perse- 
vered in this policy of obstruction, and after two months' 
patient waiting, won ; the king yielded ; at his command 
the Clergy and the Nobles joined the Third Estate, and 
the National Assembly was organized into one chamber. 





I. Among the many pamphlets which flooded Paris on the 
eve of the meethig of the Estates General was one by the 
AbW Si6yes, entitled ''What is the Third Estate? »' In his 
discussion he attempts to show that the privileged orders are 
worse than useless to the state, and that the Third Estate is 
really the sum and substance of the nation. This idea, it is 
evident, lies at the root of the policy of the Third Estate, in 
the early days of the meeting of the Estates Greneral, when 
they declared themselves the National Assembly. Si6y^ says : 
*' Who then shall dare to say that the Third Estate has not 
within itself all that is necessary for the formation of a com- 
plete nation? It is the strong and robust man who has one 
arm still shackled. If the privileged order should be abol- 
ished the nation would be nothing less, but something more. 
Therefore, what is the Third Estate? Everything, but an 
everything shackled and oppressed. What would it be with- 
out this privileged order? Everything, but an everything 
free and flourishing. Nothing can succeed without it ; every- 
thing would be infinitely better without the others. 

"The Third Estate embraces then all that which belongs to 
the nation, and all that which is not the Third Estate can- 
not be regarded as being of the nation. What is the Third 
Estate? It is the whole." 

IL Extracts from a Ca&ier.-— The Nobility of Blois de- 
mand aa follows : 

"That the Estates General about to assemble shall be per- 
manent and shall not be dissolved until the constitution be 
established ; but in case the labors connected with the estab- 
lishment of the constitution be prolonged beyond the space of 
two years, the assembly shall be reorganized with new depu- 
ties freely and regularly elected." 

[Prom this it will be seen that the people were looking 
forward to something more than the mere presentation of 
grievances. Again : ] 

"That a fundamental and constitutional law shall assure 
forever the periodical assembly of the Estates Gteneral at fre- 
quent intervals, in such a manner that they may assemble 


and organize themselves at a fixed time and place, without 
the concurrence of any act emanating from the executive 

** That the legislative power shall reside exclusively in the 
assembly of the nation, under the sanction of the king. 

"That taxes may not be imposed without the consent of 
the nation." 

[A study of the cahiers will show that the great reforms 
of the Revolution were in the minds of the people, and had 
been thoroughly discussed and formulated before the meet- 
ing of the Estates Greneral.] 


Gardiner : The French Revolution, pp. 33-42 ; Morse Ste- 
phens : The Revolution and Europe, pp. 49-59. 

§ 25. The Great Reform of 1791 

The Estates General, converted by the act of the Third 
Estate into the National Assembly, began the work for 
which it was chosen : the political regenera- 
W^I"^ tion of France. The king and the court 
party, who had expected no such result from 
the meeting of the Estates General, were at first inclined 
to resist ; but a popular uprising in Paris, resulting in the 
destruction of the Bastille, a royal fortress and prison for 
state offenders, betrayed too well the temper of the na- 

The first work of the National Assembly was destruc- 
tive. On the night of the 4th of August the Assembly 
voted to abolish all feudal rights. This legislation was 
not forced upon the privileged classes by the Third Es- 
tate ; two great nobles, the Due d^Aiguillon and the Due 
de Noailles were the first to renounce their feudal privi- 
leges. Members of the nobility and of the clergy hastened 
to follow this example. The night has been called the 
^' St. Bartholomew of Feudalism.'' 



Feudal dnea. 

The Assembly, liowever, in spite of the enthusiasm of 
the moment, went carefully to work. It divided feudal 
dues into two classes : 1. Honorific or per- 
sonal dues, originally representing contribu- 
tions exacted by the lord from his vassals in return for 
protection. 2. Dues representing rent, paid to the lord 
for his share in the common land, held jointly, accprding 
to medieval custom. The Assembly cut away the first class 
entirely. There was no longer any protection ; therefore 

no reason for these dues. The second class, the rent dues, 
were retained provisionally, until some plan could be de- 
vised, whereby the peasants might gradually buy out the 
interest of the lord, and become actual owners of the land. 
In many parts of the country, however, the peasantry rose 
up against exacting landlords, burned their ch&teaux, and 
drove them out of the country. 

To destroy the old system was an easier matter than to 



build np the new. Nevertheless, the Assembly faced its 
task with courage, fortified with the extensive discussion 
of the subject in the cahiers, and in the numerous pam- 
phlets which had appeared in the period 
just preceding the convening of the Estates 
General. On August 2Cth the Assembly published a " Dec- 
laration of Rights of Man and of the Citizen,*^ which, start- 
ing with the statement that *^ men are bom and remain 
free and equal before the law,'* went on to secure to 
Frenchmen those privileges of liberty and free speech 
which are the foundations of modern political life, such 
as the right of habeas corpus and of trial by jury. 

Medal Struck to Commemohate the Foubth of August. 

The National Assembly, taking up the task of forming 
a constitution, is called the Constitutional Assembly. At 
this task it labored until its dissolution on the 30th of 
September, 1791, when it had completed and presented to 
its constituents the first written constitution of France. 
It was accepted by the king, and went into operation. 
This Constitution of 1791, as it was called, gave France a 
limited monarchy. Conscious of what the nation had suf- 
fered from the absolutism of former kings, the Assembly 
went to the other extreme, and reduced the royal power al- 
most to nothing. Not alone was the king deprived of 


the right of making laws, which his predecessors had done 
with a simple edict ; but he was even deprived of the 
right of vetoing legislation, when it came from the na- 
tional parliament, the Legislative Assembly, as it was to 
be called. If the Legislative Assembly passed a bill three 
times against the royal disapproval, the bill became law. 

Nor was the king free in the disposition of his minis- 
ters. They might be impeached before a special High 
Court, and, if successfully impeached, removed. This sud- 
den reduction of the royal power was, perhaps, unwise. 
Not only did it startle Europe into an attitude of defence 
against French radical ideas, but it humiliated the king 
and alienated his sympathies from the reform. Although 
he accepted the constitution, he did so from fear, secretly 
intending to renounce his adherence when the opportunity 
came. He began to plot against France with his friends 
and relatives over the border, and did it so clumsily that 
he made the monarchy hateful to the people, and brought 
its ruin along with his own. 

The Assembly was not satisfied with the reorganization 

of the state ; it also desired to reconstruct the church. 

The church excited the apprehension of 

fllA jl1jl-jl.1I 

^^' many thoughtful men, on account of the ex- 

ceptional position in which it stood toward the state. It 
was, to a certain extent, a rival power, directed from Rome 
and owing its allegiance to the pope. The Assembly de- 
sired to nationalize the church, to make it a department of 
the state, to sweep away the whole system of tithes by 
which the church was supported, and to reduce the officers 
of the church to the status of government officials. This it 
proceeded to do in the *' Civil Constitution of the Clergy,'* 
or law for the reorganization of the church. Clergy- 
men were obliged to take an oath of allegiance to the 
Constitution. The property of the church was turned 
over to the nation, and the salaries of church officers fixed 
by schedule, and paid by the state. The enormous revenues 




of the bishops were cut down, and the sahiries of the par 
ish priests, a mere pittance before 1789, were raised. 

In return for this obligation of the state to pay the sal- 
aries of the clergy, the Assembly voted to turn into the 
public treasury the enormous vested wealth of 
the church, houses and lands, estimated at 
one-fourth (by some, one- third) of the real estate of France, 
and yielding an income of two hundred million of francs. 
Eecognizing the impossibility of selling outright so vast a 
body of real estate at anything like its value, and being 
in need of money, the Assembly conceived the idea of issu- 
ing a paper currency. 


called assignats, sup- 
posed to represent the 
land itself, and event- 
ually to be turned in 
for the purchase of 
the property at a fixed 
price. The scheme 
seemed safe, and would 
have been, if the issue 
of assignats had been 
limited to the value of 
the church property ; 
but as the Revolution 
progressed the increasing need of money for public pur- 
poses, and the fatal ease with which it could be taken from 
the printing-press, resulted in an overissue, which carried 
the value of the assignats nearly to zero. The lands 
themselves were largely bought by speculators, but event- 
ually they were cut up, and came into the hands of the 
people, adding to the number of small peasant proprietors, 
who constitute the bone and sinew of the French nation. 

An Assionat. 



I. The Fourth of Augrust; ^^ Abolition of Feudalism/'— 

** A terrible report it was. Chateaux burning here and there ; 
millers hung ; tax-gatherers drowned ; everywhere rioting and 
nowhere peace. Among those who listened to the report was 
the Vieomte de Noailles, a young man of thirty-three, who 
had distinguished himself at the head of his regiment under 
his cousin, Lafayette, in America. The Vieomte de Noailles 
was the first to rush to the tribune. * What is the cause of 
the evil which is agitating the provinces ? ' he cried ; and 
then he showed that it arose from the uncertainty under 
which they dwelt, as to whether or not the old feudal bonds 
under which they had so long lived and labored were to be 
perpetuated or abolished, and concluded an impassioned 
speech by proposing to abolish them at once. One after an- 
other the young liberal noblemen, and then certain deputies of 
the Third Estate, followed him with fresh sacrifices. First the 
old feudal rights were abolished ; then the rights of the dove- 
cote and the game laws ; then the old copyhold services ; then 
the tithes paid to the Church, in spite of a protest from 
Siey^s ; then the rights of certain cities over their immediate 
suburbs and rural districts were sacrificed ; and the contention 
during that feverish night was rather to remember something 
or other to sacrifice than to suggest the expediency of main- 
taining anything that was established. In its generosity the 
Assembly gave away what did not belong to it. The old 
dues paid to the pope were abolished, and it was even de- 
clared that Avignon, which had belonged to the pope since 
the Middle Ages, should be united to France, if it liked ; and 
the sitting closed with a unanimous decree that a statue 
should be erected to Louis XVI, * the restorer of French 
liberty. ' '* — Morse-Stephens: History of the French Revolution, 

II. The ^migrea, — It was the misfortune of France that the 
natural leaders, the men of political and social prominence, 
whose interests and instincts would have served to moderate 
the course of revolution, deserted their posts, and betook 
themselves to the German and Italian frontiers, awaiting the 
intervention of Europe. Meanwhile France was left in the 


hands of a set of new men, inexperienced in public affairs 
and often without any personal stal^e in the great political 
game which they sought to direct. Ciianceilor Pasquier, in 
his Memoirs, thus writes of the Emigration : "It has often- 
times been asked how so extraordinary a resolution came to be 
taken ; how it had entered into the minds of men gifted with 
a certain amount of sense that there was any advantage to be 
derived from abandoning all posts where they could still ex- 
ercise power ; of giving over to the enemy the regiments they 
commanded, the localities over which they had control ; of 
delivering up completely to the teachings of the opposite 
party the peasantry, over whom, in a goodly number of 
provinces, a valuable influence might be exerted, and among 
whom they still had many friends ; and all this, to return for 
the purpose of conquering, at the sword's point, positions, a 
number of which at least could be held without a fight.*' 


Morse-Stephens: The Revolution and Europe, pp. 60-123 ; 
Gardiner: The French Revolution, pp. 49-86. 

§ 26. The Jacobin Revolution 

If the Revolution had ceased with the great reforms 
of 1791, history would have been spared one of its most 
Wh the tragic episodes. Why it did not stop is a 

Seyolntion went question of much difficulty, which cannot be 
^* answered with a word. In all revolutions — 

political, social, and religious — there is a tendency toward 
extravagance : begun by radicals, the movement passes into 
the hands of fanatics. It has been noted in the case of 
Martin Luther that his reform owed its success largely to 
the ability of its leader to keep it from degenerating into 
extravagance and anarchy. 

The French revolution was the end of a long period of 
social oppression. The distinction between nobles and 
bourgeois, and between bourgeois and proletariat arrayed 
the classes in hatred against one another. The reforms 

THE fren(;h revolution 


of 1791 were a triumph for the bourgeoisie, for it had re- 
duced the distinctions between that class and the nobility ; 
and it was felt by the extreme social reformers that the 
work of leveling ought to go on, until all distinctions of 
wealth and social degree had been removed between the 
bourgeoisie and proletariat. A reign of *' liberty, equality, 
fraternity,^' in the literal sense of the words, was their de- 

Under more favorable circumstances the bourgeoisie 

Trial of the Deposed Kino, Charged with Treason. 

would have held their own and prevented the Revolution 
from passing into the hands of the social theorists ; but 
unfortunately, the very foundation of the structure of 1791 
was unsound. The king himself was out of sympathy with 
the government. Putting himself into correspondence with 
his friends outside of France, he conspired to overthrow 
the constitutional monarchy with the aid of foreign bayo- 
nets. The treachery of the king, when it became known, 
broke down the monarchy, gave strength to the demands 
of the masses, and eventually brought about the execution 


of King Louis XVI and his wife Marie Antoinette. With- 
out a king the monarchy could exist no longer ; the Con- 
stitution of 1791 was no longer valid. The conservative 
institutions of the Estates General had failed through the 
defection of the king, and a Constitutional Convention 
was called to devise a new form of government for France. 
The Convention, called for the purpose of giving Prance 
a new constitution, actually governed the country for three 

years. The monarchists, who had guided 
17925795?"' ^^^ Revolution at its start, lost control, and 

the power passed into the hands of a group 
of ambitious lawyers, Rousseauans and social reformers, 
whose strength consisted largely in the fact that they were 
leaders of the Jacobin Club. This club, organized as a 
place of social gathering for the provincial deputies, took 
its name from its place of meeting — the abandoned monas- 
tery of the Jacobin monks. It became the most power- 
ful organization in France, with affiliated branches all 
through the provinces. At its daily meeting the policy of 
the government was made the subject of debate, until the 
club had determined its lines of action ; and then its 
members, who were for the most part members of the 
Convention, went to the sessions of that body, prepared to 
act as a unit in the support of the Jacobin policy. Even 
when numerically in the minority, their unity and formu- 
lated plan of action gave the Jacobins control of the Con- 
vention ; and with their affiliated clubs they were able to 
control the elections in the provinces. 

Under Jacobin pressure the Convention evolved one of 
the most absolute and forceful governments that Europe 

has ever seen. A committee was appointed, 
^^ °^ the '' Committee of Public Safety," and into 

the hands of this committee the Convention 
confided its administrative powers. France, decentralized 
by the Constitution of 1791, became again centralized as 
never before, under the absolute rnle of this committee. 



At its head were Robespierre, Couthon, and St. Just. Eight 
other members divided among them the various depart- 
ments of government : the army, the navy, finance, and 
the like. All measures were reported to the Convention, 
and received its sanction. 

The chief business of the government of the " Terror ^' 
was to defend Prance against her enemies. The states of 
Europe, terrified at the execution of Louis XVI, and fear- 
ing the extension of republican ideas into their own terri- 
tories, took up arms against France. In addition to this, 
parts of the west and south of 
France, faithful to the king and 
church, rose in rebellion, so that 
the Convention had domestic as 
well as foreign foes to fight. But 
the spirit of France in this hour 
of danger was wonderful. The 
country, which under Bourbon 
rule seemed bankrupt, was able, 
in a time of national inspiration, 
to find men and supplies for such 
a war as Europe had never wit- 
nessed. The task was enormous ; 
the armies had to be organized 
and equipped under fire ; but in 
spite of all these difficulties the 
French republican troops defeated the united armies of 
Europe, and not only drove the invaders out of France, 
but carried the war into the enemies^ country and moved 
the boundaries of France to the Rhine. 

While her armies were defending France on the border 
it was necessary to keep down the disaffected ones at home. 
This was accomplished by the system of '' Terror.'^ All 
persons of aristocratic birth, or who were otherwise open 
to suspicion, when not provided with " cards of civism,'* 
issued by the courts, and establishing for the bearer a 



character of patriotism, were '' suspects/' They might at 
any time be arrested and carried before the " Revolution- 
ary Tribunals/' courts especially created for 
"?ww^^*^^ the trial of suspected persons. Indeed, there 
were committees, called ** Revolutionary 
Committees," composed of approved patriots, whose busi- 
ness it was to watch suspects, and report their shortcom- 
ings. To be brought before a '^ Revolutionary Tribunal " 
in those times of mutual distrust and danger, was serious, 
indeed. The usual forms of trial were suspended ; the 
jury had a right to declare itself satisfied and reject 
further evidence. Human life was cheap, and the guillo- 
tine near at hand. So complete was the system of Terror 
that, when the wagons passed tli rough the street with their 
freight of human victims bound for the guillotine, passers- 
by and the people at the windows were afraid to raise 
their eyes, lest an involuntary expression of pity might 
be detected by the lynx-eyed partisans of the Convention. 

The method by which the Convention got its sup- 
plies was in harmony with the arbitrary character of its 
rule. All food-supplies and other military necessities were 
requisitioned and paid for in assignats. The assignats 
were produced at the cost of ink and paper, and their cir- 
culation at par was enforced under penalty of death. 
All persons were required to turn in their gold and silver 
to the government and receive assignats in exchange. In 
order to prevent commodities rising to high prices in ex- 
change for assignats the " Law of the Maximum '* was 
enacted, whereby a maximum price was fixed for articles 
of prime necessity. Such goods might not be sold for 
more than this price, under penalty of death. To prevent 
the withdrawal of goods from sale, it was further enacted 
that every merchant or warehouseman must post an inven- 
tory of all articles held by him ; and all stock not so 
posted was subject to confiscation, one half its value going 
to the informer. By such measures as these all the re- 


sources of Prance were put into the hands of the govern- 
ment of the Terror, and used in the defeat of Europe and 
the subjection of domestic rebels. 

Thus a handful of men governed France with methods 

of terror, while the nation obeyed in fear and trembling. 

The only place of safety for one who had 

Why the Terror ^j^^ misfortune to be of aristocratic birth, 
was endured. . . , , . 

and was too patriotic to desert his country 

in her need, was with the army at the front. But France 
endured the Terror, because it was accomplishing that 
which was of more importance than all the rest — it was 
rescuing the country from the danger of foreign and do- 
mestic enemies. Before we condemn utterly Eobespierre 
and the men of the Terror, let us remember their posi- 
tion. The times were not ordinary times, and called for 
desperate measures. Some system of repression was neces- 
sary to keep down the enemies of the Eepublic, who were 
everywhere, both in and out of France, ready to deliver 
France to the English or the Austrians. It was necessary 
for the Committee to hold them down with one hand, 
while with the other it fought the armies of Europe. 

As soon as the danger passed, and the threat of inva- 
sion was gone, the Terror fell, and the men who had or- 
ganized it, Robespierre and the rest, went to the block. 
Patriots or fiends, deserving well or ill of their country, 
they fell victims to their own ruthless system. Of the 
Committee of Public Safety one alone was saved from 
death or exile : Carnot, who had the army in his charge, 
for he " had organized victory/' 


Exeeation of the Kingr.— On the 10th of August, 1792, 
King Louis XVI, who had become hateful to the people on 
account of his intrigues with the enemies of France, was 
driven from his residence of the Tuileries by a mob, and con- 


ducted for safe-keeping to one of the city prisons. Papers 
found in the king's apartments established beyond doubt the 
fact of his guilt. He was deposed, accused of treason^ and 
tried before the Legislature. Being found guilty, he was con- 
demned to death, and decapitated January 21, 1793. The 
Queen, Marie Antoinette, was executed on the 16th of Octo- 
ber following ; the young Dauphin, only son of the royal 
pair, was given over to the care of a shoemaker, Simon, and 
succumbed, it is supposed, to brutal treatment. The follow- 
ing is Carlyle's account of the execution : **He mounts the 
scaffold, not without delay ; he is in a puce coat, breeches of 
gray, white stockings. He strips off the coat ; stands dis- 
closed in a sleeve-waistcoat of white flannel. The execu- 
tioners approach to bind him : he spurns, resist* ; Abbd Edge- 
worth has to remind him how the Saviour, in whom men 
trust, submitted to be bound. His hands are tied, his head 
bare ; the fatal moment is come. He advances to the edge of 
the Scaffold, *his face very red,' and says : TrenchmeUj I 
die innocent : it is from the Scaffold and near appearing be- 
fore God that I tell you so. I pardon my enemies ; I de- 
sire that France ' — A general on horseback, Santerre or an- 
other, prances up with uplifted hand : * Tambours I ' The 
drums drown the voice. 'Executioners, do your duty I ' 
The executioners seize the hapless Louis, and bind him to 
their plank. Abb6 Edgeworth, stooping, bespeaks him : 
* Son of Saint Louis, ascend to Heaven.' The Axe clanks 
down; a King's Life is shorn away." — The French Revolution, 

Napoleon Bonaparte 

§ 27. Bonaparte, General of the Directory 

The fall of the Terror was followed by the government 
of the Directory. The Convention, freed from the in- 
fluence of the Jacobins, set itself to perform 
The Directory. ^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ j^ j^^ ^^^^ chosen, the 

making of a constitution. Its final work was the Constitu- 
tion of 1795. This provided for a legislature of two 
chambers, the '* Ancients" and the "Five Hundred." 
The executive power was confided to a " Directory '* of five 
members, elected by the legislature, and having in turn 
the right of appointing ministers, generals, and other oflS- 
cers of administration. 

The last days of the Convention were filled with 
struggle. The fall of the Jacobins brought back a host 
of moderates and royalists, who sought by 
v^*dt^dre violence to obtain control of the govern- 

ment. It was in the suppression of one of 
these insurrections, the royalist uprising of the 13th Ven- 
d^miaire, that public attention was first called to Napoleon 
Bonaparte. Barras, to whom the defence of the Conven- 
tion was entrusted, summoned to his assistance this young 
general, then in Paris protesting against his recall from 
the army of Italy on account of his supposed Jacobin 
sympathies. This was Bonaparte's opportunity, and he 
improved it. The rioters advanced upon the palace of the 
Tuileries, the seat of the Convention, expecting a feeble 
resistance ; but Bonaparte placed his cannon to control 
the streets leading up to the Tuileries, and cut down the 




rioters and national guardsmen as they advanced. By these 
means he saved the Convention, and commended himself 
to the Directory, about to assume the reins of government. 
The military successes of the Convention had driven to 
terms of peace all the enemies of France, except Austria 
and England. Against these powers the 
^J^^y Directory was obliged to carry on the war, 

and Austria was selected for the first attack. 
The plan of the campaign of 1796 against Austria divided 
the French forces into three armies, two operating against 
the Rhenish borders of Austria, the third to strike at her 
_ ^ possessions and allies in Italy. 

The Army of Italy was placed 
under command of Bonaparte. 
This rapid promotion was due 
to Barras, who had been chosen 
one of the first five directors; 
to the reputation young Bona- 
parte had gained from the af- 
fair of Vend6miaire ; and also, 
it is said, to a masterly plan 
of the Italian campaign, which 
Bonaparte had submitted to 
the Minister of War. On the 
eve of his departure for It- 
aly, Bonaparte married Josephine Tascher de la Pagerie, 
widow of General Beauharnais, a clever Creole woman of 
West Indian origin, who moved in the influential circles of 
the Directory, and was in a position to aid her husband 
through her influence with politicians. 

When Bonaparte arrived at the headquarters of the 
Army of Italy, his youth (he was only twenty-seven) and 
his inexperience aroused the jealousy of his fellow-officers, 
many of whom were soldiers of experience in the armies 
of the Revolution. By the firmness of his character, and 
by the evident wijjdom of his commands, he succeeded in 






establishing his authority. The common soldiers he 
gained by his care for their welfare, and by the stirring 
promise of his proclamations. 

Advancing into Italy, Bonaparte defeated the Austrians 
and their Italian allies at every point. The petty sovereigns 
of Italy, and the pope as well, cut off from 
Oim^^" Austrian protection, were glad to purchase 

peace at Bonaparte's price ; and this was 
put so high, that the commander of the Army of Italy was 
able to pay the expenses of his campaign, and sent home to 
the Directory a neat balance out of the plunder of Italian 

Three armies sent by Austria into the plains of Lom- 
bardy were defeated in turn by Bonaparte, and in the spring 
of 1796 he began his march northward against Vienna. 
The Austrians, fearing for their capital, sued for peace, and 
it was accorded to them in the treaty of Campo-Formio. 
By this treaty the Emperor, Francis I, recognized the 
natural boundaries of France as the Alps and the Ehine. 
Its most important feature, however, was the constitution of 
Italy. Lombardy and the Duchy of Modena, together with 
some parts of the Papal States, were formed into the 
Cisalpine Eepublic, with a constitution modeled after that 
of France. This was the beginning of that breaking down 
of the feudal states of Italy by Napoleon Bonaparte, which 
paved the way for the eventual creation of the modern 
Kingdom of Italy. On the other hand, liberty lost one of 
its earliest strongholds. Venice, a republic from medieval 
times, lost its independence, and was given to Austria in 
exchange for Lombardy. 

Bonaparte, returning to Paris from his Italian victories, 
was the man of the hour. His immense popularity excited 
the apprehension of the Directors, and well it might, as 
future events proved. But Bonaparte's hour had not yet 
arrived. He applied himself to the preparation of an ex- 
pedition, ostensibly against England, the remaining enemy 


of France ; bat when the expedition sailed from Toalon its 
destination was found to be Egypt. The Directory was 

only too glad, no doubts to send him on a dis- 
2^^g2^ tant and doubtful expedition. The reason 

for the Egyptian expedition is a matter of 
doubt. Was Bonaparte willing that France should learn^ 
by his absence, how necessary he was to her existence ? Was 
it his plan to strike at England through her Eastern pos- 
session, or did he really seek to establish an Eastern empire 
on the ruins of the empire of Alexander, and hope to turn 
back upon Europe from the East, as he once said, at the 
head of an insuperable army of Asiatics, drilled by him to 
a point of efficiency? 

The Toulon squadron escaped the English fleet, which 
was cruising in the Mediterranean, and reached Alexandria. 
The conquest of Egypt was rapidly accomplished. Beneath 
the Pyramids Bonaparte defeated the Mameluke cavalry 
and occupied Cairo. Meanwhile Nelson, with the English 
fleet, had found and destroyed the French squadron, in the 
** Battle of the Nile," and the retreat from Egypt was cut 

Bonaparte organized a government at Cairo and sought 
to rouse a national spirit among the Egyptians, who for 

generations had been subject to the Turks 
^jdltUm into ^^^ t-h^ij^ Mameluke soldiery. Hearing that 

a Turkish army was advancing against him 
by land, Bonaparte crossed into Syria, and met and de- 
feated the Turkish forces at Mount Tabor. Returning to 
Egypt, he found his government disorganized, and learned 
that another Turkish army had been landed by the British 
fleet at tlie mouth of the Nile. Again he defeated the 
Mamelukes at Cairo, and, marching down the Nile, drove 
the Turkish army into the sea ; but at this moment he 
received the first news that had come to him from Europe. 
He determined to return at once to France, and embarked 
with a few friends, leaving K16ber in command in Egypt. 



The 18th 

Bonaparte's ship escaped the English fleet, and he landed 
on the coast of France, October 9, 1799. 

Meanwhile matters had gone ill with the Directory. 
Bussia had joined with Austria, war had been renewed, and 
all that Bonaparte had gained for France was 
lost. The French were driven from Italy, 
and the treaty of Campo-Formio was a dead 
letter. When Bonaparte reached Paris men of all parties 
sought his aid. But he held himself aloof, and with his 
friends planned the event which was to raise him to the 
height of power. The four years of the Directory, with 
its plots and counter-plots, 
its scandals and financial 
difficulties, had discredited 
its rule. The absence of 
Bonaparte had proved his 
worth to France. Sur- 
rounded by enemies, she 
once more sought a strong 
hand at the helm. 

On the 18th Brumaire, 
Year VIII, the two cham- 
bers of the legislature were 
removed to St. Cloud, under 
the pretext that their sojourn in Paris was accompanied with 
danger; and they were then surrounded by troops devoted 
to Bonaparte. Of the Directors, two were unwilling to 
yield, and they were guarded in their palace of the Luxem- 
burg. On the morning of the 19th Brumaire, Bonaparte 
entered the chambers, escorted by soldiers. The Ancients 
yielded quietly, but the popular body, the Five Hundred, 
was less docile, and resisting deputies were expelled with 
force. That evening thirty deputies organized a govern- 
ment, and supplanted the Directory with a provisional 
executive, consisting of three Consuls. A committee was 
appointed to draw up a new constitution. This was the 

Medal of the Three Consuls. 


Constitution of the Year VIII, organizing the Consulate. 
The executive consisted of three Consuls ; of these Bona- 
parte was First Consul, with the powers of a king. 


I. The Beyoliitionary Calendar.— In 1793 the Revolution- 
ists, desiring to efface all memories of the olden time, adopted 
a new calendar. It was dated back to September 22, 1792, 
when the Republican Era began, with the proclamation of 
the Republic. There were twelve months of thirty days each, 
each month divided into three decades of ten days each, with 
every tenth day a holiday. This left five days over (and on 
leap-year six). These were special holidays {** Sans-Culot- 
tides''). The new names of the months were invented by a 
poet of the time and are very beautiful and expressive. They 
are: Vendemiaire (September 22d-October 22d^, Brumaire, 
Frimaire ; Mvose, Pluvidse, Ventose ; Germinal, Floreal, Prai- 
Hal; MessidoTy Thermidor, Fructidor, The years were indi- 
cated with Roman numerals ; and this usage continued until 
the Empire. (For *' Table of Concordance of the Republican 
and Gregorian Calendars," see Morse Stephens: The Revolu- 
tion and Europe, p. 374. ) 

II. Address to the Army of Italy, at the beginning of the 
Campaign of 1796.— "Soldiers, you are naked and ill-fed ! 
Government owes you much and can give you nothing. The 
patience and courage you have shown in the midst of these 
rocks are admirable, but they gain you no renown; no glory 
results to you from your endurance. It is my design to lead 
you into the most fertile plains of the world. Rich provinces 
and great cities will be in your power ; there you will find 
honor, glory, and wealth. Soldiers of Italy I will you be want- 
ing in courage or perseverance ? " 

III. Picture of Napoleon in Italy, after the saccesses of his 
first campaign, as seen by Miot de Mellto.— " I found myself 
in his presence a few moments after he had alighted. I was 
strangely surprised at his appearance. Nothing could be fur- 
ther from the picture which I had formed of him. I saw, in 
the midst of a numerous staff, a man below the medium height 


and extremely thin. His powdered hair, which was cut in 
a peculiar, square fashion below the ears, fell down to his 
shoulders. He had on a straight coat, closely buttoned up, 
decorated with a very narrow gold embroidery, and wore a 
tri-colored plume in his hat At first glance the face did not 
seem to me a fine one, but the striking features, a ^uick and 
searcliing eye, and abrupt, animated gestures proclaimed an 
ardent soul, while the broad, serious forehead showed a deep 

' ' I found Bonaparte at the magnificent residence of Mon- 
tebello in the midst of a brilliant court rather than the head- 
quarters of an army. Severe etiquette was already maintained 
in liis presence. His aides-de-camp and officers were no longer 
received at his table, and he exercised great care in the choice 
of those whom he did admit, it being considered a rare hon- 
or, obtained only with difficulty. He dined, so to speak, in 
public, and during the meal the inhabitants of the country 
were admitted to the dining-room and allowed to feast their 
eyes upon him. He showed himself, however, in no way 
embarrassed or confused by this exhibition of esteem, and 
received them as if he had always been accustomed to such 


Morse Stephens : 27^ Revolution and Europe, pp. 178-211 ; 
Judson : Europe in the Nineteenth Century, pp. 45-58 ; Rose : 
The Revolutionary and Napoleonic Era, pp. 93-118. 

§ 28. Consulate and Empire 

Bonaparte's first task^ on assuming chief power in the 
Republic^ was to chastise Austria. This he accomplished 
in the campaign of Marengo. Again he de- 
feated the Austrian armies in northern Italy, 
and forced the Emperor to the treaty of Luneville, by 
which the conditions of Campo-Formio were re-established. 
A period of peace followed. Even England signed with 
her great adversary the Peace of Amiens, which lasted for 
fourteen months, an interval of peace in what has been 



called the " Second Hundred Years' War between France 
and England." 

This year and more of peace was the only time of rest 


Napoleon, Empeuob. 

France was to know under Napoleon Bonaparte. She 
quickly recovered from the wounds of war, and made rapid 
strides along the path of internal development, under the 


direction of the greatest administrator Europe had ever 
known. Many ideas of the early Revolution were realized 
by Bonaparte. A system of laws, adapted to modern needs, 
the Code Napoleon, was drawn up under his supervision ; 
the finances of the country were regulated ; a system of 
public education, projected by the Convention, was per- 
fected and put into operation ; the recognition of the pope 
was much appreciated by the people at large, who were 
still Catholic, in spite of the extravagances of the Jaco- 
bins. The Consulate was a confirmation of the conserva- 
tive reforms, begun by the men of 1789. In 1802 Bona- 
parte was given the Consulate for life. The popular vote 
(plebiscite) upon the change stood 3,500,000 to 8,000. 

In May, 1804, the Senate, which merely reflected the 
wishes of the Consul, offered him the title of Emperor. 
This time a majority of three and one-half 
^*^' ' millions confirmed the offer. On the second 
of December Napoleon crowned himself in the presence of 
the pope. Five days later Francis II proclaimed himself 
Emperor of Austria, and the Holy Roman Empire was at 
an end. 

Once an emperor. Napoleon surrounded himself with 
all the pomp of empire. He created a court with stately 
ceremonials and ancient customs, and gavo to Paris the 
spectacle of royalty, the absence of which it had long 
regretted. Yet with all this splendor, which recalls the 
times of the Bourbons, it must be remembered that the 
empire of Napoleon was democratic. If his imperial will 
was made law by a subservient legislature, there was 
nevertheless a free field for ability. Any man, no matter 
what his birth, could hope to win the great prizes of the 
civil and of the military career. Three generations of 
nobility were no longer necessary to obtain a captain's 
commission ; there were no privileges of rank ; all was 
open to ability, and in this essential particular the aspira- 
tions of the men of 1789 were realized. 


When Napoleon ascended the throne war with England 
was at hand. A great army was assembled at Boulogne, on 
the Channel, ready for the invasion of Eng- 
^n^^*t. land. The combined French and Spanish 

fleets sought to draw away the English squad- 
ron from the Channel, to permit the transportation of the 
French army to the coast of England. But Nelson destroyed 
Napoleon's ships at Trafalgar, and the project of the invasion 
of England, if ever seriously entertained, was abandoned. 

Meanwhile Austria and Russia had joined with Eng- 
land. Napoleon swung his great Boulogne armament into 
central Austria, and with the victories of Ulm and Auster- 
litz forced the Peace of Pressburg (December 26, 1805), 
with great loss to Austria. Prussia, whose policy had 
been vacillating, was forced out of her position of neutral- 
ity by the war party, and defeated in the battles of Jena 
and Auerstadt. Berlin was occupied, and Napoleon ad- 
vanced against his third great continental adversary, Rus- 
sia, whom he forced, by the victory of Friedland, to the 
Peace of Tilsit (July 7, 1807). Thus in twenty months 
Napoleon had, by the rapidity of his movements and the 
excellence of his organization, defeated the great powers 
of central Europe. His ability as a strategist was great ; 
but his successes were earned with hard work. His cam- 
paigns were planned ahead with infinite pains. In the 
great transcontinental swing from Boulogne to central 
Austria every move was worked out beforehand ; every 
combination came to pass as planned. Napoleon's title to 
genius lay in his ability for continuous mental effort. All 
day and night he worked without rest, while his secretaries 
fainted at his side from exhaustion. 

Although Napoleon had the Continent at his feet, he 
had no means at hand to coerce England. English fleets 
swept the Channel, and invasion was impossible. But on 
her commercial side England was vulnerable. She had be- 
come a vast workshop, and the Continent was her market. 


Once this trade was cut off, and the looms and forges of 
England silenced, England would be ruined. For this pur- 
pose the ^* Continental System " was devised ; 
Jrt^r*^^**^ its aim was to close the markets of Europe to 
English goods. In order to accomplish this 
it was necessary for Napoleon to control the vast extent of 
sea-coast from the Baltic to the Adriatic, a herculean task, 
too great, perhaps, even for the ablest man in Europe. 
Everything in Napoleon's career, after the Peace of Tilsit, 
bears upon this problem. England recognized that for 
her it was a life or death struggle. She spent her money 
freely in support of Austrian and Prussian armies. She 
sent an army under Wellington into Spain, to co-operate 
with the Spaniards, who opposed the introduction of the 
Napoleonic system into Spain. 

Napoleon aimed wider than the mere subjection of 
England. He sought the consolidation of Europe under 
his control, a system of vassal and allied states centered 
about France, drawing their inspiration from his policy. 
He even contemplated a group of palaces on the Seine, 
where each subject prince should spend a portion of his 
time, in touch with the source of power. It was for this 
reason that he placed his brothers and marshals upon con- 
quered thrones : Louis in Holland, Joseph first in Naples 
(succeeded there by Murat), then in Spain ; and for 
Jerome he cut out the new kingdom of Westphalia from 
the petty German states across the Rhine. His stepson, 
Eugene Beauharnais, he placed as Viceroy on the throne of 
Italy, a kingdom created from the nucleus of the Cisal- 
pine Republic. 

It was a noble plan, this European empire. It meant 
the transmission of French intelligence and energy into 
the dark corners of Europe ; it meant the gift to Europe 
of the benefits of the French Revolution. Everywhere 
the Napoleonic impulse touched, Europe was galvanized 
into life. In Italy, in Germany, it was the beginning of 


the new time. Spain and Portugal, where the English in- 
fluence predominated and locked the Pyrenees against the 
beneficent influences of France, alone failed to catch the 
spirit of progress. 

It was the policy of England to prevent a consolidation 
of the continental powers. So long as they were occupied 
with jealousies and wars they left the field of 
apo eon. jj^ j^g^-yy ^j^^ commerce to England. If by 
union Napoleon should give peace and a high industrial 
development to the Continent, the supremacy of England 
would be gone. More or less clearly England perceived 
this, and that her safety lay in the destruction of Napoleon ; 
and to this end she strained every effort She was aided 
by the natural aversion of the larger states to be swallowed 
up in the Napoleonic system. Russia was the first to 
break away and open the Baltic ports to English goods. 
Napoleon protested, and when his protest remained un- 
heeded, marshaled his hosts to strike at Russia and close 
the gap in the system of exclusion. 

Six hundred thousand men of all nations moved east- 
ward ; 315,000 crossed the River Niemen for the March to 
Moscow, the traditionary and religious cen- 
SJo^^12^^ ter of Russia. Moscow was reached without 
difl&culty, but was burned by the Russians 
before the eyes of Napoleon as he arrived. Winter ap- 
proached, and retreat was inevitable. Napoleon had relied 
upon the possession of Moscow, to dictate terms of peace ; 
but Moscow was in his hands, in ashes, and Russia had no 
vulnerable spot to strike. The retreat was terrible, with 
hunger, cold, and the pursuit by the enemy. Of the 
155,000 Frenchmen who entered Russia, not more than 
25,000 recrossed the Niemen. 

Tht* blow was fatal to the Empire. As Napoleon turned 
westward central Europe rose behind him. In 1813 he lost 
the battle of Leipzig ; in 1814 the Allies invaded France. 
Napoleon's military skill was as great as ever, but his 




troops were gone. Step by step he was beaten back, nntil 
in March Paris capitulated, and, abandoned by his gener- 
als, the Emperor abdicated on the sixth of April (1814), 
and was sent into exile on the island of Elba. 

Napoleon's Tomb, H6tel des Invalides, Paris. 



I. Napoleon and his Brothers. 

Charles Bonaparte, 
d. 1785 

I I ' 

Joseph, Napoleon, 
I). I7G8; b. 1769, 
K of Naples, d. 1821; 

180G-1808; =1. Joseph- 
K. of Spain, ine; 

1808-1814; =2. Maria 
d. 1844. Louise, Arch- 
duchess of 


Letizia Ramolino, 
d. 1839 

I I I 

Lucien, Louis, Jerome, 

Prince of b. 1778; b. 1784; 

Canino; K. of Holland, K. of Westpha- 
1806-1810; lia, 1807-1814; 
d. 1846; 
= Hortense, 
daughter of 

b. 1775. 
d. 1840: 

Napoleon II, 
b. 1811, d. 1832; 
K. of Rome, 1811; 
Duke of Reich- 
etadt, 1818. 

= 1. Eliza Pat- 
terson ; 
=2. Catharine 
of Wiirtemburg 

Napoleon III, Napoleon Joseph, 
b. 1808 ; Prince Napoleon ; 
Emperor of the b. 1822, d. 1890 ; 
French, 1851- 

1870; d. 1873; = Clothilde of 
= Eugenie de Montijo Savoy 

Napoleon Engine, 
Prince Imperial, 

b. 1856; 
Killed in Africa, 


Victor Napoleon, 

b. 1862 

b. 1866 

Louis Napoleon, 
b. 1864. 

11. Portrait of Napoleon, by Mme. de Remnsat, at one time 
lady-in-waiting to Josephine. — ''Napoleon Bonaparte is of 
low stature, and rather ill proportioned ; his bust is too long, 
and so shortens the rest of his figure. He has thin chestnut 
hair, his eyes are grayish-blue, and his skin, which was yellow 
while he was slight, became in later years a dead white with- 
out any color. His forehead, the setting of his eye, the line 
of his nose — all that is beautiful, and reminds one of an 
antique medallion. His mouth, which is thin-lipped, be- 
comes agreeable when he laughs ; the teeth are regular. His 
chin is short, and his jaws heavy and square. He has well- 
formed hands and feet ; I mention them particularly, because 
he thought a good deal of them. 

**He has a slight stoop. His eyes are dull, giving to his 


face when in repose a melancholy and meditative expression. 
When he is excited with anger his looks are fierce and men- 
acing. Laughter becomes him ; it makes him look more 
youthful and less formidable. It is difficult not to like him 
when he laughs, his countenance improves so much. He was 
always simple in his dress, and generally wore the uniform 
of his own guard. He was cleanly rather from habit than 
from a liking for cleanliness; he bathed often, sometimes in 
the middle of the night, because he thought the practice 
good for his health. But, apart from this, the precipitation 
with which he did everything did not admit of his clothes 
being put on carefully ; and on gala days and full dress 
occasions his servants were obliged to consult together as to 
when they might snatch a moment to dress him.** 

III. Habits of Work.— Meneval, private secretary of Napo- 
leon, gives the following account of the Emperor's methods : 
**His activity grew in proportion to the obstacles put in his 
way, and he sorely taxed my strength, which was by no 
means equal to my zeal. To give an idea of his prodigious 
activity, it is necessary to acquaint the reader with the new 
order of things which Napoleon had established in the dis- 
patch of his numerous affairs. The Emperor used to have 
me waked in the night. When, by chance, he had got to the 
study before me, I used to find him walking up and down 
with his hands behind his back, or helping himself from his 
snuff-box. His ideas developed as he dictated, with an 
abundance and a clearness which showed that his intention 
was firmly riveted to the subject with which he was dealing ; 
they sprang from his head even as Minerva sprang, fully 
armed, from the head of Jupiter. When the work was fin- 
ished, and sometimes in the midst of it, he would send for 
sherbet and ices. Thereupon he would return to bed, if only 
to sleep an hour, and could resume his slumber as though it 
had never been interrupted. 

"Napoleon used to explain the clearness of his mind and 
his faculty of being able to prolong his work to extreme 
limits, by saying that the various subjects were arranged in 
his head as though in a cupboard. * When I want to inter- 
rupt one piece of work,* he used to say, ' I close the drawer 
in which it is, and I open another. The two pieces of busi- 


ness never get mixed up together, and never trouble or tire 
me. When I want to go to sleep I close up all the drawers, 
and then I am ready to go off to sleep. " 

IT. Financial Improyement of the Peasantry in the Time of 
Napoleon. — ** Before 1789, out of a hundred francs of net rev- 
enue, the peasant gave fourteen to his lord, fourteen to the 
clergy, flfty-three to the state, and kept only eighteen or nine- 
teen for himself. Since 1800, from a hundred francs income, 
he pays nothing to the lord or to the church, and he pays to 
the state, the department, and the commune but twenty-one 
francs, leaving seventy-nine in his pocket. '* — Taine. 


Morse Stephens : TTie Revolution and Europe, pp. 212- 
335 ; Rose : Revolutionary and Napoleonic Era^ pp. 119-292. 


The Restoration 

§ 29. The Congress of Vienna 

The fall of Napoleon placed the destinies of Europe 
in the hands of the Allies. Russia, Prussia, Austria, and 

England assembled to " divide among them- 
S^SS^"^ selves the spoils of the vanquished.'* The 

immediate task was to provide a government 
for France. By the terms of the Treaty of Paris, France 
was reduced to her old boundaries of 1792. The Allies 
affected to believe that they were 
welcome in France as deliverers of 
the land from the grasp of Napo- 
leon. They insisted that Napoleon 
should renounce for himself and 
his descendants the thrones of 
France and Italy ; and the Bour- 
bon claimant, the elder of the two 
brothers of Louis XVI, was seat- 
ed on the throne as Louis XVIII. 
But the new king came to the 
throne as a constitutional monarch, 
thanks to the liberal spirit of the 
Tsar Alexander, who insisted that France be permitted to 
retain her *' institutions, at once strong and liberal, with 
which she cannot dispense in the advanced stage of civili- 
zation to which she has attained.'* Louis XVIII gave to 
the French a constitution, the '* Charter of 1814.*' It dif- 
fered from the earlier constitutions of France in the fact 
that, instead of being the work of the people, it was the 


Louis XVIII. 


gift of a king. Thus the returning Bourbons clung, even 
in a modified form, to the principle of divine right The 
Charter, in the form of government which it provided, 
introduced into France, with some limitations, the English 
parliamentary system ; but, what is of more importance, it 
secured to the French the rights and liberties of the citi- 
zen — in a word, that civil status established by the con- 
servative revolution of 1789. 

If the Allies were unable to undo the real work of the 
Kevolution in France, they undertook the diflficult task of 
preventing the spread of liberal ideas else- 
Oo^essof where. On the first of November, 1814, 

their deputies met at Vienna. Their task 
was the reconstruction of Europe ; the undoing, in so far 
as possible, of the results of the Revolution ; the restora- 
tion of the conditions of 1789. 
Through the diplomatic ability of 
Count Talleyrand, the representa- 
tive of Louis XVIII, France suc- 
ceeded in securing her admission as 
one of the great Powers, and, as a 
fifth important member of the Con- 
gress, gave in many instances the 
deciding vote. 

The chief difference of opinion 
between the Powers arose from a 
Talleyrand. secret agreement between Russia 

and Prussia, whereby Russia wivs to 
acquire the whole of Poland, and Prussia was to be 
recompensed with the gift of Saxony, which was to be 
punished for its adherence to Napoleon after the other 
German states had dropped away. Talleyrand perceived 
at once that England would view with distrust an ex- 
tension of the influence of Russia to the westward, and 
that Austria would never sanction such an addition to 
Prussian territories as would make Prussia the leading 




power in Germany. He therefore set about the forma- 
tion of an alliance of England, Austria, and France, to 
oppose the plans of Russia and Prussia. The Tsar gave 
up with great reluctance his designs upon Poland, and 
Prussia, in the place of Saxony, was given territory pn the 
west bank of the Rhine, including Cologne, Treves, and 
Aix-la-Chapelle. It is notable that, within a few months 
after the occupation of Paris by the Allies, France should 
come forward again as the determining factor in European 
politics. Much was due to the diplomatic skill of Talley- 
rand ; but it may be questioned whether it was not a mis- 
fortune for France that the most vigorous of the German 
states should have been made the guardian of the Rhine 
against the French. The creation of Rhenish Prussia was 
the beginning of the struggle between Prussia and France, 
a struggle which ended in the discomfiture of France in 

The Congress of Vienna discouraged the idea of Italian 
unity, which had been fostered by Napoleon. Here the 
principle of legitimacy was applied to effect 
eronanges. ^^^ reorganization of the former Italian 
states. The Bourbon king, Ferdinand IV, was restored in 
Naples, and a score of petty dukes and princes came into 
their own throughout central Italy. Thus over a disunited 
Italy the influence of Austria was restored, and for fifty 
years this baneful interference held back the development 
of the peninsula. In Spain the Bourbon king, Ferdinand 
VII, was restored ; the Catholic provinces of Belgium and 
Protestant Holland were united in the Kingdom of the 
Netherlands, under the former Stadthalter, William I. 

England's territorial recompense was not great, consid- 
ering the immense pecuniary sacrifices she had made for 
the destruction of the Napoleonic system. Ceylon and the 
Cape of Good Hope she retained from Holland. Her re- 
ward, however, was greatest of all. The Continent, dis- 
united and given over to internal strife, too much occu- 


pied with political wrangling to permit the rise of a com- 
mercial and colonial policy, was her market for the great- 
er part of the century. England was much impressed, 
however, as a result of her recent experience, with the 
danger of an exclusively European market. Her efforts 
were turned toward the establishment of trade relations 
with the Americas, and her championship of the inde- 
pendence of the South American Republics, which were 
seeking to cut adrift from the mother country, Spain, was 
an outgrowth of this policy. 

The deliberations of the Congress of Vienna were rude- 
ly interrupted by the return of Napoleon from Elba. In 
spite of her sufferings in his wars, France 
The "Hundred ^^g g^jn enamored of the great Corsican. His 
democratic regime seemed the more attract- 
ive when contrasted with the aristocratic tendencies of the 
restored Bourbons. Louis XVIII was not popular, and it 
waji his misfortune that his reign opened with the mutila- 
tion of France at the hands of the Allies. He naturally 
favored his friends of the ancien regime at the expense 
of the new men of the Empire. Returning nobles were 
given the military rank in the French army which they had 
iicqturod while fighting against France, and advanced over 
the veterans of the Empire. 

Wlien Napoleon heard of the dissatisfaction in France 
he felt that his opportunity had come. His stay at Elba 
wns rendered difficult by the failure of the Allies to p^y 
him tlie allowance agreed upon. Accordingly, on the 26th 
of February, Napoleon left the island, landed on the coast 
of Fj'imce, and made his way northward, gathering force 
as he proceeded. As he approached Paris, Louis XVIII 
quittcil the Tuileries and fled to Ghent in Flanders. Na- 
poletai entered the palace, and the army and the populace 
deckred for the Empire. 

But the effort was in vain. The Allies were in arms, 
prepared for such an emergency. One great battle. Water- 




loo, decided the issue of the Hundred Days. Napoleon 
retired to Paris, sought to flee to America, and, failing in 
this, delivered himself over to an English captain of the 
war-ship Bellerophon. He was exiled to the island of St. 
Helena, off the coast of Africa, where he died in 1821. 


The association of the Great Powers for the purpose of pre- 
serving the peace of Europe and of suppressing liberal ten- 
dencies is commonly known as the **Holy Alliance." The 
text of the Holy Alliance was 
prepared by the Tsar Alexander, 
under the influence of the relig- 
ious exaltation which character- 
ized his later days, and was pub- 
lished with the signatures of the 
sovereigns of Russia, Austria, 
and Prussia. It sets forth a 
high ideal of political action, 
but it is difficult to see that it 
exerted any marked influence 
upon the policy of Prince Met- 
temich and his associates ; in- 
deed, it was regarded rather 
humorously by the diplomats 
themselves. Mettemich called 
it mere ** verbiage," and even the Emperor Francis signed with 
some misgivings. It is safe to say that it was in no respect 
the political program of the Allies ; but the name was strik- 
ing, and it came to stand for the whole policy of the Congress 
of Vienna. The following is the opening paragraph of the 
treaty: ** Their majesties, the Emperor of Austria, the King 
of Prussia, and the Emperor of Russia, in view of the great 
events which the last three years have brought to pass in 
Europe, and in view especially of the benefits which it has 
pleased Divine Providence to confer upon those states whose 
governments have placed their confidence and their hope in 
Him alone, having reached the profound conviction that the 

Alexander I., Tsab. 



policy of the powers, in their mutual relations, ought to be 
guided by the sublime truths taught by the eternal religion 
of God our Saviour, solemnly declare that the present act 
has no other aim than to manifest to the world their un- 
changeable determination to adopt no other rule of conduct, 
either in the government of their respective countries or in 
their political relations with other governments, than the 
precepts of that holy religion, the precepts of justice, charity, 
and peace. These, far from being applicable exclusively to 
private life, ought on the contrary to control the resolutions 
of princes and to guide their steps as the sole means of estab- 
lishing human institutions and of remedying their imperfec- 


Alison 'PhilUpB: Modem BuropCy pp. 14-56; Judson : 
Europe in the Nineteenth Century, pp. 73-79. 

§ 30. The Policy of Metternich 

Prince Metternich, prime minister of the Emperor of 
Austria, was the guiding spirit of the Restoration. To 

_, him has been as- 

Metteniioh and cribed the policy 
his policy. ^'^^Yi which for 

thirty years the Allies sought to 
throttle the liberal sentiment of 
Europe. The watchword of the 
system was "legitimacy," its 
task to preserve intact the Eu- 
ropean status determined by the 
Congress of Vienna. It was par- 
ticularly opposed to the grant- 
ing of constitutions by rulers, 
and deplored the fact that in 
France this had been found nec- 
essary. The liberal elements of Europe writhed under the 
weight of this repressive policy ; but Metternich and his 



armies were ever on the alert to repress all signs of revolt. 
The history of Continental Europe to 1848 is the story of 
the gradual weakening of this repressive policy, and its 
final abandonment 

France, in spite of the limitations imposed upon her by 
the conquerors of Napoleon, was politically much in ad- 
vance of the other nations of the Continent. 
^K^M. ^®^' Charter of 1814 assured to her individual 
liberty, and gave, in the parliamentary sys- 
tem which it introduced, a fair field for the attainment of 
political liberty. The parliamentary system, even in Eng- 
land, whence it came, had not in 1814 reached its full 
development. It divided the powers of government be- 
tween two factors, the king and parliament ; but it had 
not yet been determined that the powers of the king were 
wholly administrative, and that the full power of legisla- 
tion was possessed by parliament. Indeed in France, 
under Louis XVIII, the Charter reserved to the king the 
right to initiate legislation. The legislature could con- 
sider only those measures presented to it by the king. 
This limitation of the right of popular legislation was re- 
sented by the French, and was the beginning of a struggle 
for control between the legislature and the king, which 
ended in the overthrow of the Bourbons. 

Louis XVIII died in 1824, and was succeeded by his 
brother, who came to the throne as Charles X. He was 
personally much less liberal than his brother. Standing 
for the principle of absolute monarchy, he represents the 
last struggle of the ancien regime against liberal ideas in 
France. His interests were with the ** ultramontane " or 
Roman party. The wealthy middle class, which had been 
important in the Empire, was offended at seeing the 
court swarming with priests and nobles. A milliard of 
francs (1200,000,000) was voted to the emigrant nobles, 
whose lands had been confiscated and sold by the Revolu- 
tion. As representing a concession to the nobility this 



measure was unpopular ; but it was wise, because it set at 
rest forever the question of the validity of titles to land 
acquired through the Revolutionary government. 

In 1830 the opposition to the king organized itself. An 
address signed by 221 deputies of the lower house criti- 
cised the king's speech from the throne, say- 
'^j^J^^^^^^ ing : " Harmony no longer exists between the 
political views of your government and the de- 
sires of your subjects.*' The king dissolved the legislature, 
but a new election brought back the 221 signers of the ad- 
dress. The king decided upon a coup d'etat. By virtue of 
Article 14 of the Charter, which gave the king the power to 
^' make the regulations and ordinances necessary for the 
execution of the laws and for the security of the state," 
Charles published four ordinances : suspending the liberty 
of the press, dissolving the Chambers, limiting the right of 
franchise, and summoning a new legislature. Forty-four 
journalists protested against this arbitrary interpretation 
of the Charter. Their protest is interesting, as indicating 
the appearance of a new factor in politics — the press. 

The king's act was answered with insurrection ; barri- 
cades were erected in the streets of Paris on July 27th. The 
royal troops were driven from the city, and a provisional 
government invited Louis Philippe, Duke of Orleans, the 
king's kinsman, to act as Lieutenant of the kingdom. 
Charles X abdicated in favor of his grandson, the Count de 
Chambord, and retired to England. August 7th the Cham- 
bers named Louis Philippe "King of the French." The 
Charter of 1814, shorn of the dangerous Article 14, was pre- 
sented by the people to the new king and by him accepted. 

All over Europe, where the Bourbons were reseated on 
their thrones, the people were not long in finding the dif- 
ference between Napoleonic and Bourbon in- 
^^^* stitutions. Eagerly as Spain had struggled 

to pull the English chestnuts out of the fire and repulse 
the mild regime of Joseph Bonaparte, six years of Ferdi- 



nand VII brought them to rebellion. The troops assembled 
at Cadiz for transport to America marched against Madrid. 
Ferdinand was obliged to yield and re-establish the liberal 
constitution of 1812. But secretly he called upon the 
Allies, who assembled at Verona, and decided to send 
troops against the Spanish rebels. The position of the 
French king was embarrassing. Fearing to use his troops 
to put down a liberal government in a neighboring state, 
Louis was still more unwilling to permit a German or 
Russian army to pass through his kingdom on the way to 
Spain. Of the two evils he chose the former, and in 
April, 1823, a French army of 95,000 men marched to 
Madrid and restored to Ferdinand his absolute power. 
Thus was France made an instrument of despotism, much 
to the disgust of her people, and French troops were used 
to put down liberal ideas. 

In Italy as well the Restoration brought revolution. 
Secret societies spread through the land ; in 1819 the Car- 
bonari numbered 60,000. In 1820 Naples 

^' revolted against the brutal government of 

Ferdinand IV, and forced the king to accept the Spanish 
constitution of 1812. A similar movement forced Charles 
Felix, King of Sardinia, to accept a similar constitution. 
But Austria was at hand, willing to make good her author- 
ity in Italy. At the mandate of the Allies she put down 
the liberals with troops and supplied the Neapolitan and 
Sardinian despots with foreign garrisons. 

The Napoleonic regime affected Germany variously, but 
in one way or another it was the beginning of her modern 
life. Western Germany, from the Rhine to 
^**'°^^' the 'Elbe, was directly affected by Napole- 

onic administration. The South German states — Bavaria, 
Wurtemberg, and Baden — creations of the Napoleonic 
wars, were inspired with the liberalism of their French 
neighbor. Prussia, which had never known French ad- 
ministration, was nevertheless influenced by it. In her 




darkest hour, when Berlin was in the hands of the enemy, 
and Prussia stood upon the verge of extinction, began a 
nationalist reaction, which, headed by the noble figure of 
the Queen, Louisa, and voiced by men of letters and uni- 
versity societies, reorganized Prussia in a modem sense, 
adopting voluntarily some of those ideas which the Revo- 
lution had forced upon western Germany. The names of 
Stein, Hardenberg, and Scharnhorst are forever associated 
with the introduction of economic and political reforms 
into Prussia and the reorganization of the Prussian army. 

The German states were 

7T^ formed by the Congress of 

__^^__ Vienna into a loose German 

B mHH^ Confederation, under the 

1 < ;| H Hmp presidency of Austria. Ar- 

T "^UmBH J ^^^^® ^^^ ^^ *^^ constitution 

of the Confederation provided 
that each of the confederated 
states should have a constitu- 
tion with representative gov- 
ernment. But they were not 
accorded (except in Saxe- 
Weimar, and in a limited de- 
gree in Bavaria, Wiirtemberg, 
and Baden). In Prussia a 
powerful and ignorant nobil- 
ity held fa^t to its privileges; in Austria the influence of 
Metteriiich prevailed. The liberals protested, particu- 
arly the student organizations, which had contributed so 
nnch tu the Liberation movement of 1814. In March, 
LSlJi, u theological student, Sand by name, stabbed the 
writer Kotzebue, who was suspected of being a Russian 
agent. Metternich was roused ; he called the princes to a 
eoiigressB at Carlsbad. '' Germany is seized with gangrene,'* 
said, *'and needs the hot iron.** It was applied. A 
feries of regulations, called the " Carlsbad decrees/* were 

Flag and Sword of German 
8ti PENT Society. 


made for Germany. In each university a special commis- 
sion was appointed to watch the students and to arrest dan- 
gerous individuals. A special commission sat at Mayence 
for the apprehension of suspected persons. Thus all Ger- 
many^ like Italy^ fell into the hands of the Austrians. 


One of the tasks of the Allies was to restore to their respec- 
tive owners the art treasures which the victorious Napoleon 
had transferred from the museums and palaces of Europe to 
Paris. A memorial from all the artists resident at Rome 
claimed for the Eternal City the entire restoration of the im- 
mortal works of art which had once adorned it. The allied 
sovereigns acceded to the just demand, and Canova, impas- 
sioned for the arts and the city of his choice, hastened to Paris 
to superintend the removal. It was most eflfectually done. The 
bronze horses (from Venice) were restored to their old station 
in front of the church of St. Mark. The Transfiguration and 
the Last Communion of St. Jerome resumed their place in the 
halls of the Vatican ; the Apollo and the Laocoon af?ain 
adorned the precincts of St. Peter's ; the Venus was enshrined 
again amidst beauty in the Tribune of Florence ; and the 
Descent from the Cross, by Rubens, was restored to the devout 
worship of the Flemings in the Cathedral of Antwerp. The 
amount of curiosities and valuable articles of all kinds — stat- 
ues, paintings, antiquities, cameos, manuscripts, maps, gems, 
antiques, rarities — was immense. Among them were 127 paint- 
ings, many of them of the very highest value, taken from the 
palaces of Berlin and Potsdam alone ; 187 statues, chiefly 
antique, taken from the same palaces during the same period ; 
and 86 valuable manuscripts and documents seized in the 
city of Aix-la-Chapelle. The total articles reclaimed by the 
Prussians exceeded two thousand. — Adapted from Alison: 
History of Europe. 


Judson : Europe in the Nineteenth Century, pp. 80-90 ; 
Alison Phillips : Chapter V. 

France since 1830 

§ 31. Reign of Louis Philippe 

The unnatural union of Belgium and Holland, which 
the Congress of Vienna had decreed, was broken at the 
Separation of ^^®^ shock of the Revolution of July. Brus- 
Belginm and sels rose in revolt, and the Dutch officials 
Holland. ^^^^ driven out of Flanders and Brabant. 

On the 18th of November a congress proclaimed the inde- 
pendence of Belgium. Circumstances were favorable for 
a union of Belgium with France. Language and interests 
were common ; but the Powers hastily intervened to pre- 
vent such an extension of French influence. A conference 
of ambassadors assembled at London, to settle the fate of 
Belgium. The Belgians organized a constitutional mon- 
archy, and offered the crown to the Duke of Nemours, 
second son of Louis Philippe ; but the French king, newly 
seated on the throne, was unwilling to arouse the antago- 
nism of Europe, and especially of England, and the Duke 
of Nemours was instructed to decline the honor. The 
second choice of the Belgians was Leopold of Saxe-Coburg- 
Gotha, a petty German prince, related to George IV, King 
of England. He was made king. The King of Holland 
refused to accept the decision of the London Conference 
regulating the frontiers of Belgium, and a French army, 
with the mandate of the Powers, wrested Antwerp from 
the Dutch. It was not until 1839 that King William of 
Holland recognized the independence of Belgium. Thus 
in liberal northwestern Europe, by the expulsion of the 
Bourbons from France, and the recognition of the Belgian 




insurgents, the system of the Congress of Vienna was fall- 
ing to pieces. 

The position of the new King of France, Louis Philippe, 
was one which called for much tact and diplomacy. The 
king of a revolution, he owed his throne to a 
^^ pitiien popular uprising, and to the hatred felt for 
the expelled Bourbons. It was necessary, 
then, that he should show his democratic principles in 
his disregard for the pomp of royalty. His predecessor, 
Charles X, was anointed at Rheims with the sacramental 
oil of Clovis ; the coronation of Louis Philippe was con- 
ducted without religious forms. 
The Citizen King walked in the 
streets of Paris, clad in the mod- 
est frock-coat and stove-pipe hat 
of the bourgeois, and sent his 
sons to the public schools. At 
the beginning of his reign he 
avoided the Tuileries, and re- 
mained at his family residence, 
the Palais Royal, receiving depu- 
tations from the communes and 
cities of France, and shaking 
hands with his subjects in true 
democratic style. 

But the problem which faced the " King of the Barri- 
cades,^' as his legitimist enemies called him, was one of 
great difficulty. Like any man raised to a mighty throne, 
he desired to rule with force and dignity, and to secure 
the succession for his sons. His problem was to establish 
himself in France, and to win his reception among the 
crowned heads of Europe, many of whom looked with sus- 
picion upon his revolutionary origin. 

One of his embarrassments came from the impulse 
which the Revolution of July gave to liberal movements 
throughout Europe. Everywhere liberals rose in insur- 

Louis Philippe. 


rection against the yoke of Metternich, and looked to 

France for aid. France, the source of liberty, having 

T 1 Tjvi. thrown off the Bourbon dominion, would, it 

Louis Philippe 

and foreign was thought, como again to the rescue of 

*'^'"*^^~°^^"' Europe. In Italy, in the Rhenish states of 
Germany, and in Poland the effect of the July Revolution 
was felt. 

But Louis Philippe had no desire, by means of such 
associations, to lay further emphasis upon his revolution- 
ary origin. In France itself the difficulty of suppressing 
the Republican factions kept him sufficiently employed. 
The sole hope of the monarchy in France was to avoid a 
policy of foreign interference, and to disarm the suspicions 
of European courts by turning a deaf ear to the entreaties 
of foreign revolutionists. In Italy the French Government 
contented itself with demanding the withdrawal of Aus- 
trian troops from the Papal States, occupying Ancona 
with French troops as a check to Austrian influence. In 
Poland, when French public opinion clamored for inter- 
vention, Louis Philippe co-operated with England in a pro- 
test to the Tsar Nicholas against the revocation of the 
liberties granted to Poland by the Congress of Vienna. 
With these half measures the Bourgeois Monarchy grace- 
fully withdrew from the leadership of liberal Europe. 

The question of whether king or parliament should rule 
the land was inherited by the monarchy of Louis Philippe 
from the Bourbon regime, along with the 
fi^T""**^ Charter of 1814. Two great political par- 
ties were developed, representing the oppos- 
ing views ; one, under the leadership of Guizot (whose lit- 
erary works have outlived his political fame), sustained the 
view that it was the king's prerogative to choose his minis- 
ters and formulate his policy independent of the desires 
of the majority in the legislature. The other party, headed 
by Thiers (whose great labors for France were just begin- 
ning), maintained that the king should choose his minis- 



try in accordance with the will of the legislature, and 
leave his ministers to govern without personal interfer- 
ence. Its motto was : ** The king reigns, but does not 
govern." Louis Philippe naturally inclined toward the 
policy of Guizot, and, after a period of parliamentary 
struggle, a temporary but fatal peace was obtained by the 
Guizot ministry, which inaugurated a system of electoral 
corruption, buying up the votes of deputies with offices 
and other executive favors and thereby gaining a majority 
in the legislature. Thus a deceptive calm was secured ; 
but the liberal opposition, overcome in the legislature, was 
driven to other methods of 
appeal to the people, and the 
outcome was fatal to the mon- 

The keynote of the foreign 

policy of Louis Philippe was 

the alliance with 

^Spaniahmar. England. The 

interchange of 
goods and capital, resulting 
from this era of good-feeling 
between the two countries, was 
aiding the economic develop- 
ment of France and building 

up the wealth of the middle class. The Spanish mar- 
riage, the result of the Citizen King's desire to establish 
his dynasty firmly in Europe, led to a rupture of these cor- 
dial relations, and to a weakening of the king's support. 
Queen Isabella of Spain and her younger sister, Louisa, 
were of marriageable age. Louis Pliilippe would have 
souglit the hand of Isabella for his son, but England ob- 
jected to so close a union of France and Spain as disturb- 
ing the " Balance of Power " in Europe. In 1845, how- 
ever, it was settled that Isabella should marry a Bourbon 
prince, and that after an heir had been born to the Span- 



ish throne, the Princess Louisa might be married to the 
Duke of Montpensier, a younger son of Louis Philippe. 
But through the excessive zeal of the French minister at 
Madrid the two marriages were celebrated simultaneously. 
The English Government regarded the affair as a breach of 
faith, and declared the good understanding between Eng- 
land and France at an end ; whereby Louis Philippe lost 
his great liberal ally, and injured the business interests of 
his middle-class supporters at home. 


I. Personalltj of Louis Philippe.—** Louis Philippe, bom 
in 1773, was the son of that notorious * Egalit6 ' who, during 
the revolution, had ended his checkered career under the guil- 
lotine. His grandmother was the noble Elizabeth Charlotte, 
a native of the Palatinate, who had the misfortune to be the 
wife of the effeminate Duke of Orleans, brother of Louis XIV. 
Louis Philippe was a Bourbon, like King Charles ; but the 
opposition of several members of this Orleans branch of the 
royal house had caused it to be regarded as a separate family. 
Prom his youth up he had displayed a great deal of popular 
spirit and common sense. Seemingly created by nature and 
career to be a citizen king, he had long since, as early as 1814, 
determined to accept the throne in case it were offered him." 
— Miiller : Political History of Recent Times, 

II. The System of Gnizot, against which the efforts of the 
Liberals were directed — ** The population of France was then 
84,000,000, and the privilege of the political franchise was 
vested exclusively in those who paid in direct taxes a sum not 
less than forty dollars. The class numbered little more than 
200,000. The government had 130,000 places at its disposal, 
and the use which was made of these during the eighteen years 
of Louis Philippe's reign was productive of corruption more 
widespread and shameless than Prance had known since the 
first revolution. In the scarcely exaggerated language used by 
M. de Lamartine, * the government had succeeded in making 
a nation of citizens a vile band of beggars.' It was obvious to 
all who desired the regeneration of Prance that reform must 

FRANCE SINCE 1830 191 

begin with the representation of the people. To this end the 
liberals directed much effort. Reform banquets, attended by 
thousands of people, were held in all the chief towns, and the 
pressure of a peaceful public opinion was employed to obtain 
the remedy of a great wrong. '* — Mackenzie : 27^6 Nineteenth 


Alison Phillips : Modem Europe, pp. 186-198 ; Judson : 
Europe in the Nineteenth Century, pp. 90-96 ; Lebon : Mod- 
em France, Chapter IX. 

§ 32. Revolution op 1848 and Second Empire 

Several causes brought about the fall of the Bourgeois 
Monarchy and the Revolution of 1848 : 
S^IS^T^''' 1. The failure of the foreign policy of 
Louis Philippe, and especially the rupture 
with England, regretted by the moneyed classes. 

2. The Liberal protests against the methods of the 
Guizot ministry, the corruption of the franchise. Since 
by these methods the Liberals lost their representation in 
the legislature, they inaugurated a campaign of banquets, 
at which the king and Guizot were criticized, and toasts 
were offered to the ** Spirit of 1789.'* 

3. Another and most important cause was the growth 
of a socialist movement, which took a strong hold upon the 
artisan population of Paris and of other industrial cen- 
ters. The relations of labor and capital, of which we hear 
so much in our time, were coming to the front as public 
questions. France alone of Continental nations had ad- 
vanced to a point where, the equality and rights of the 
citizen before the law having been established, she could 
turn her attention to the solution of the social questions. 
At this time socialism seemed to Frenchmen the natural 
remedy for social inequality. Louis Blanc, a socialist phi- 
losopher, developed a scheme of production, according to 


which the state should assume control of all manufactures, 
and assure to each laborer the certainty of employment. 

The Liberal reformers planned a great banquet in one 
of the wards of Paris, to voice the opposition to the policy 

of Guizot. The government forbade the 
|ijjjj^^' meeting, and the revolt which ensued, al- 

though it seemed at first a mere demonstra. 
tion, spread like wildfire through the inflammable and 
dissatisfied population of Paris. On the 23d and 24th of 
February the streets were full of fighting. Louis Philippe 
dismissed Guizot ; but the concession came too late. Con- 
vinced of his unpopularity, and wishing to preserve the 
throne for his family, the king abdicated in favor of his 
grandson, the Count of Paris ; but the Chamber of Depu- 
ties, invaded by a mob, crying ** Down with Royalty!'' 
yielded to the popular demand and appointed a provisional 
government. Meanwhile the followers of Louis Blanc at 
the City llall proclaimed the Republic. 

A struggle ensued between these two factions. The 
followers of Blanc desired to introduce at once state social- 
ism, and workshops were established in Paris for the un- 
employed ; but the socialists were in the minority, and the 
deputies, who came in from all parts of France, in re- 
sponse to a summons for a Constitutional Convention, to 
devise a new government for the nation, had little sympa- 
thy with the socialist demands. They were republican, 
but not socialistic, and they decreed : " France shall be 
constituted a republic." ** The French Republic is demo- 
cratic. Its principles are Liberty, Equality, Fraternity ; its 
foundations : the family, rights of property, public order." 
The President of the Second Republic was elected by 

universal suffrage. Among the candidates 
p^jJ^^JJJJ^ was Louis Bonaparte, head of his house, 

and heir to the claims of Xapoleou. The 
thini son of Louis Bonaparte, brother of Xapoleon and 
for a time King of Holland (1806-1810), he had come to 



be the representative of the Bonaparte party by the death 
of Napoleon's son, the ** King of Rome '' (1832), and of 
his own two elder brothers. Educated in Switzerland, 
Louis Bonaparte had. made himself known to the French 
already by two ineffectual and absurd attempts to enter 
France and assert his imperial claims during the reign of 
Louis Philippe. After the first attempt he had been 
shipped off to America; but the second attempt led to 
his imprisonment in the fortress of Ham, whence he made 
his escape into Germany. After the fall of the "July 
Monarchy,'' Bonaparte came to Paris and was elected a 
delegate to the Constitutional Con- 
vention. As candidate for the pres- 
idency he received, thanks to his 
name, 5,400,000 votes, against 
1,118,107 for General Cavaignac. 
He took his seat with these words : 
** I shall regard as enemies of the 
Republic all those who seek to 
change by illegal methods that 
which France as a whole has es- 

The insurrection of the socialists 
in February had inspired in France 
a profound fear of social revolution. 

The result was that the elections returned as 
Je^t"**^*^^ deputies to the new legislature a majority of 

monarchists (500 out of 750). By them the 
suffrage was restricted, taking away the votes of millions 
of laborers. This decreased the probability of Bonaparte's 
re-election in 1856 (the presidential term was seven years), 
and drove him to an act of violence. With the army at 
his back, he dissolved the legislature by force, and gave to 
the country a new constitution, modeled after that of the 
Consulate. The nation approved the President's act with 
7,400,000 votes out of eight millions, and the Prince- 

Napoleon III. 


President was installed for ten years. Resistance in Paris 
and elsewhere was put down with an iron hand. (Decem- 
ber 1-4, 1851.) 

The next step came soon. In November, 1862, the 
Senate decreed the Empire, and its decree was ratified 
^^^ with a plebiscite. Louis Bonaparte was pro- 

claimed Emperor with the title of Napoleon 
III. The Emperor did not seek, like Louis Philippe, to 
ally himself with the dynasties of Europe, but married in 
the following year Eugenie de Montijo, a Spanish Count- 
ess. One child was bom, the Prince Imperial, in 1856. 

The second empire was, until its close, a period of 
prosperity for France. While parliamentary liberties were 
restricted by the autocratic policy of the Emperor, yet 
France regained to a certain extent her voice in European 
affairs. The revolution of 1848 had swept away Metter- 
nich and his policy, and the field was open for a master in 
diplomacy. Napoleon III did not rise to this level, but 
his earlier efforts won him some renown. In 1854 France, 
England, and Sardinia joined forces to defend Turkey 
against Russia. The Crimean War, with its siege of Se- 
bastopol, brought the Emperor some credit. In 1859 he 
aided Italy in throwing off the Austrian yoke, completing 
the task his uncle had begun in the union of Italy, and re- 
ceived in return Savoy and Nice, added to the Empire. 
His lat^r projects were less successful. The attempt to 
establish the Austrian Archduke Maximilian as Emperor 
of Mexico failed, owing to the hostile attitude of the 
United States. 

Meanwhile the ambitious plans of Napoleon III brought 
him in contact with the rising power of Prussia, which in 
1866 had defeated Austria and won the 
^^*^' leadership of Germany. In diplomacy Na- 
poleon was no match for Bismarck, and his failing health 
threw the decision of affairs more and more into the hands 
of the Empress and her clerical advisers, who bitterly op- 



posed the growing Protestant power of Prussia. Pooled 
and humiliated by Bismarck in his effort to secure Luxem- 



burg for Prance, the Emperor was spurred to a vigorous 
protest against the project of seating a prince of the house 
of Hohenzollern upon the vacant throne of Spain. The 


candidate. Prince Leopold, was withdrawn, but the im- 
perial government sought to soothe its wounded dignity 
by insisting upon a pledge from the King of Prussia that 
Prince Leopold should never again become a candidate. 
This was refused, and France declared war. 

Under the stress of war the Second Empire collapsed. 
The French army was found to be unfit for service, al- 
though on paper it seemed large and powerful. Austria, 
the natural enemy of Prussia, and Italy, the beneficiary of 
France, refused a French alliance. Alone the French had 
to meet the army of von Moltke, the ablest military force 
the world had ever seen. The result was immediate ; war 
was declared July 14, 1870 ; September 2d Napoleon 
capitulated at Sedan, and the Second Empire was at an 


I. Orgranization of the workshops established in Paris. — 

" These workshops were established in the outskirts of Paris. 
A person who wished to take advantage of the offers of the 
government took from the person with whom he lodged a 
certificate that he was an inhabitant of the Department of 
the Seine. This certificate he carried to the officials of his 
ward, and obtained an order of admission to a work-shop. 
If he was received and employed there, he obtained an order 
on his ward for forty sous. If he was not received, after 
having applied at all of them, and found them all full, he 
received an order for thirty sous. Thirty sous is not high 
pay ; but it was to be had for doing nothing ; and hopes of 
advancement were held out. Besides this, bread was distrib- 
uted to their families in proportion to the number of chil- 
dren. We have before us a list of those who had been enrolled 
on May 19th, and it amounts to 87,942. A month later it 
amounted to 150,000 — representing, at four to a family, 600,- 
000 persons — more than half the population of Paris. To 
suppose that such an army as this could be regularly organ- 
ized, fed, and paid for months in idleness, and then quietly 
disbanded, was a folly of which the Provisional Government 



FRANCE SINCE 1830 197 

was not long guilty. They soon saw that the monster which 
they had created could not be subdued, if it could be subdued 
at all, by any means short of civil war. "—Senior : Journals 
kept in France and Italy ^ 1848-1852. 

The result was the terrible ** Days of June " (June 23-26), 
which followed the closing of the workshops by the govern- 
ment, in which 12,000 persons lost their lives. At the crisis 
of a political revolution the conditions were particularly un- 
favorable for an industrial experiment of such magnitude. 

II. Sedan 5 Fall of th© Empire.—" That night— the night of 
September 1st — an aide-de-camp of the Emperor carried this 
note to the camp of the King of Prussia : * MonMeur Mon Frlre, 
—Not having been able to die in the midst of my troops, it 
only remains for me to place my sword in the hands of your 
majesty. I am your majesty's good brother, Napoleon. ' With 
Napoleon III fell not only his own reputation as a ruler, 
but the glory of his uncle and the prestige of his name. The 
fallen Emperor and Bismarck met in a little house on the 
banks of the Meuse. Chairs were brought out, and they 
talked in the open air. It was a glorious autumn morning. 
The Emperor looked careworn, as well he might. He wished 
to see the King of Prussia before the articles of capitulation 
were drawn up ; but King William declined the interview. 
When the capitulation was signed, however, he drove over to 
visit the captive emperor at a ch&teau where the latter had 
taken refuge. The interview was private ; only the two sov- 
ereigns were present. The French Emperor afterward ex- 
pressed to the Crown Prince of Prussia his deep sense of the 
courtesy shown him. The next day he proceeded to the beau- 
tiful palace at Cassel called WilliamshChe. " — Latimer: 
France in the Nineteenth Century, 

The Emperor afterward removed to England, and died at 
Chiselhurst, January 9, 1873. 


Alison Phillips : Modem Europe^ pp. 232-272 ; Judson : 
Europe in the Nineteenth Century, pp. 137-144 ; Lebon : 
Modem France, Chapters XII, XIII. 


§ 33. The Third Republic 

The disaster of Sedan caused the fall of the Empire. 
The "Revolution of September 4/' at Paris, drove the 
Empress out of France, and established the 
gj^^B^W^*" '^Government of National Defense. '^ Its 
representative, Jules Favre, sought to nego- 
tiate with Bismarck, but unwilling to meet the German 
demands for the cession of Alsace and Lorraine, the Gov- 
ernment of National Defense resolved to continue the war. 
The seat of government was established at Tours, and as 
the Germans drew their lines about Paris, Gambetta, the 
head and soul of the French resist- 
ance, escaped from Paris in a bal- 
loon, and joined his colleagues at 
Tours. In spite of desperate effort 
the undisciplined French troops 
made little headway against the Ger- 
man army, and the surrender of Ba- 
zaine at Metz with 120,000 men was 
followed by the capitulation of Paris 
on January 28, 1871. 
Gambetta. -^^^ hope being lost, an armistice 

was signed on the following day, and 
in February a National Assembly was convoked at Bor- 
deaux, to discuss the terms of peace. Thiers was chosen 
to represent the French side, and he signed with Bismarck, 
at Versailles, the preliminaries of peace, which were form- 
ally ratified on May 10th, at Frankfort-on-the-Main. France 
lost Alsace and part of Lorraine, a loss of 1,500,000 citi- 
zens. She also engaged to pay a war indemnity of five 
milliards of francs (a billion of dollars), and to permit the 
occupation of French territory by German troops pending 
the payment of the indemnity. 

But France had not yet touched the depth of her 
humiliation. The withdrawal of the German troops was 

FRANCE SINCE 1830 199 

followed by a local insurrection, more destructive of the 

city than the German bombardment. A body of desperate 

^ ^ men, socialists and revolutionists by trade. 

The Oommimd. • ^, » - , - , » 

many of them foreigners, professmg to fear 

a return of monarchy, organized an insurrectionary gov- 
ernment (the " Commune ") in Paris, and refused to rec- 
ognize the National Assembly, which had changed its seat 
from Bordeaux to Versailles. It was only after days of 
fierce fighting that the troops of the National Assembly 
overcame the Communards, and then not until in its 
mad rage the Parisian mob had destroyed with fire some of 
the finest buildings of the city, monuments of art, such as 
the Palace of the Tuileries and the H6tel de Ville (City 
Hall). Thousands of the Communards were killed and 
exiled, and their trials went on until 1876. 

The National Assembly, " awaiting the nation's deci- 
sion as to the eventual form of government, '* named Thi- 
Q^ . ers ^' head of the executive power'' avoiding 

Thien (1871- the use of the word *^ Republic." Indeed the 
deputies of the people, in the years immedi- 
ately following the fall of the Empire, were not in favor of 
republican government. It was only the struggle between 
the royalists and the Bonapartists that made the republic 
possible as a compromise. This is the leading fact in the 
history of the Third Repiablic. The Republic was a tem- 
porary makeshift, until the royalists or Bonapartists could 
develop, either of them, a preponderance of strength. 
Meanwhile these parties have lost their strength, and the 
Republic, originally a compromise, has survived and won 
popular esteem. 

Meanwhile Thiers had taken the title of " President of 
the Republic." Originally an Orleanist, he became con- 
vinced that the Republic was best for France. Fearing 
lest he should make it permanent, the royalists and im- 
perialists joined together to secure the defeat of Thiers' 
policy, and brought about his resignation. Marshal Mac- 



MahoDy a man of high character, personally a royalist, was 
elected by the conservative majority. At the beginning of 
PrMMMifiTofiCaA. ^**^ presidency an effort was made to unite 
KalumdSTS- the royalist parties (Boarbon and Orleanist) 
1879). ^jj^ gj^g France a king. The Orleanist pre- 

tendant, the Count of Paris, grandson of Louis Philippe, 
visited the Count of Chambord, the Bourbon heir, at his 
residence of Frohsdorf in Austria. The Count of Cham- 
bord, " Henry V," as he was pleased to call himself, was 
childless, and the Count of Paris was willing to be chosen 
as his successor, thereby uniting the two lines. But the 

royal claimants could not agree 
upon the flag of the combined 
monarchy. "Henry V,'^ de- 
clared himself bound to retain 
the white flag of the Bourbons, 
*^ received as a sacred deposit 
from the old king, my grand- 
father, dying in exile, *' and to 
reject the tricolor, ** symbol of 
revolution." The Orleanists 
had accepted the tricolor in 
1830, and it was generally rec- 
ognized that France would ac- 
cept no monarch who brought 
back the symbol of the Bourbons. This failure to adjust 
the royalist pretensions made the formal acceptance of the 
Republic inevitable. The National Assembly proceeded 
to the enactment of a series of constitutional laws, which 
form the body of the Constitution of 1875. 

The President of the Republic is elected by a joint ses- 
sion of the legislative bodies, the Senate and the Chamber 
of Deputies, and holds ofRce for seven years, 
^nrtitutlonof jj^ jg permitted, in case of a legislative dead- 
lock, to dissolve, with the consent of the 
Senate, the Chamber of Deputies. 


FRANCE SINCE 1880 201 

The legislative power belongs to the Senate and the 
Chamber of Deputies. • The Chamber of Deputies is chosen 
by universal suffrage. Members are elected for four years, 
and all are elected at one time. The Senate, as originally 
constituted, consisted of seventy-five life members, elected 
by the National Assembly from its own members. The 
remaining 225 members are chosen by indirect suffrage, 
the lectoral college of each department being made up of 
local governing bodies within the department, such as city 
councils and the like. Senators serve for nine years, and 
one-third of the Senate is renewed every three years. By 
an amendment of 1884 no more life Senators are to be 

All public acts of the President of the Republic are 
performed through ministers, who are responsible to the 
Chambers for the policy of the government This minis- 
terial responsibility makes the Chambers (and practically 
the Chamber of Deputies, because in France the Senate 
has drifted into the background) the prime factor in gov- 
erning the country. Each deputy has the right of Inter- 
pellation ; that is, he may, after due notice, call upon the 
ministry to explain or defend, before the Chamber, its 
policy or action in any matter. If the explanation is un- 
satisfactory to the Chamber, a resolution may be passed, 
expressing the Chamber's lack of confidence in the minis- 
try, whereupon the ministry resigns, and the President 
has the task of forming a new ministry that will be satis- 
factory to the Chamber. In this manner the Chamber of 
Deputies controls the policy and acts of the government, 
and may be said to govern France. 

As a result of the war of 1870, and the consequent loss 

of territory and prestige, France has lost her position of 

political superiority in Europe. If her intel- 

^' lectual superiority is no longer evident, it is 

due to no decline in the arts and sciences in France, but to 

the fact that other nations have advanced, and that intel- 


ligence and intellectual activity are now generally dissemi- 
nated throughout Europe. Her colonial extension, which 
is, in modern times, so large an element of national prog- 
ress, is hampered by the fact that the population of 
France does not increase, and there is no surplus of popu- 
lation for colonial settlement. But France is rich, and in 
no country are there more facilities for the enjoyment of 
life, or a greater degree of thrift and industry. Whatever 
the future position of France in Europe, she is entitled to 
the distinction of having been for two centuries the labora- 
tory of ideas for Europe. 


I. The Commnne. — Hopeless of maintaining their hold 
upon Paris against the troops of the French Government, the 
Communards in their rage sought to destroy the city. ** On 
the 12th of May, in accordance with a public decree, they had 
destroyed the private residence of M. Thiers, with all its pictures 
and books ; on the 16th the magnificent column erected in the 
Place Venddme in memory of Napoleon I, and crowned with 
his statue, was undermined on one side and then pulled to 
the ground by means of ropes and utterly destroyed ; and 
now on the 24th, in the last effort of despairing rage, bands of 
men and women, still more frantic and eager for blood than 
were those of the Reign of Terror, rushed through the doomed 
city. Early in the morning the Tuileries, the Hdtel de Ville, 
the Ministry of Finance, the Palais d'Orsay, and other public 
and private buildings were seen to be on fire. The Louvre, 
too, with all its inestimable treasures, was in flames, and was 
saved with the utmost difficulty. If the Commune was to 
perish, it had clearly resolved that the city was to perish with 
it. Men and women marched about in bands with petroleum, 
and aided the spread of the conflagration by firing the city in 
difTerent places." — Martin : Popular History of France. 

II. Last Chance of the Bourbons, — * • Now was formed and 
matured a deliberate project to overthrow the young republic, 
and set up monarchy in its place. All circumstances com- 
bined to favor its success. The Orleanist princes agreed to 

FRANCE SINCE 1830 203 

waive their claims, and the Count of Paris was persuaded to 
pay a visit to the Count of Chambord at his retreat at Prohs- 
dorf, to acknowledge the elder Bourbon's right to the throne, 
and to abandon his own pretensions. The Assembly was care- 
fully canvassed, and it was found that a majority could be 
relied upon to proclaim, at the ripe moment, Chambord as 
king, with the title of Henry V. The Republic was now, in 
the early autumn of 1873, in the most serious and real peril. 
It needed but a word from the Bourbon pretender to over- 
throw it, and replace it by the throne of the Capets and the 
Valois. Happily, the old leaven of Bourbon bigotry existed 
in * Henry V. ' He could concede the point of reigning with 
parliamentary institutions, but he would not accept the tri- 
color as the flag of the restored monarchy. He insisted upon 
returning to France under the white banner of his ancestors. 
To him the throne was not worth a piece of cloth. To his 
obstinacy in clinging to this trifle of symbolism the Republic 
owed its salvation. The scheme to restore the monarchy thus 
fell through. The result was that the two wings of monarch- 
ists flew apart again, and the republicans, being now united 
and patient under the splendid leadership of Gambetta, once 
more began to wax in strength. " — Towle : Modem France. 


Alison Phillips : Modem History, pp. 472-485 ; Judson : 
Europe in the Nineteenth Century, pp. 176-189; Lebon: 
Modem France, Chapters XIV, XV. 

The German Empire 

§ 34. Development of Prussia 

Although Prussia, unlike the Rhenish states of Ger- 
many, did not pass under French domination, yet she was 
revolutionized by the crisis brought upon 
SpSo^owm^ her by the wars of Napoleon. The system 
of Frederick the Great, although effective 
when vitalized by his genius, fell to pieces in the weak 
hands of his successors. Prussia was an absolute mon- 
archy ; the people were without voice in the government. 
Society was divided into hereditary castes : nobles, citizens, 
and peasants. All civil and military oflSces were reserved 
for the nobles ; and the peasants lived in a condition of 
feudal subjection to the great landowners, who exercised 
over them the medieval rights of justice and control. 

King Frederick William III was in no sense a reformer. 
It was with much hesitation, and against the advice of his 
nobles and officials, that he was induced to take the first 
steps toward reform. Curiously enough, the men who laid 
the foundations of modem Prussia were not Prussians. 
Baron Stein, the first of the great trio of reformers, was 
from Rhenish Germany ; Hardenberg and Schomhorst 
were Hanoverians. All came from parts of Germany that 
had been subjected to French influences. 

The Prussian reformers were not the result of the polit- 
ical philosophy of the eighteenth century. There was no 
impulse in Prussia, as in France, to transfer the source of 
power from the monarch to the people ; no declaration of 
rights, after the manner of the Revolution of 1789. The 





principle of despotic power remained unimpaired, and the 
reforms were, like those attempted by Joseph II of Aus- 
tria, a gift of the king to the people ; and 
^^°'^* had for their object, not the concession of 
certain rights to the citizens of Prussia, but 
the reorganization of a broken-down regime, with a view of 
making the subjects of the king more able to contribute to 
the needs of the state. 

The most fundamental of these reforms was the edict 
of 1807, which broke down the social organization of 
castes. Up to this time the individual was bound to re- 


main in the social group into which he had been bom ; 
but by this edict nobles were permitted to enter into busi- 
ness or professional careers, and the line of 
division between burgher and peasant was 
no longer hard and fixed. In 1818 followed a law giving 
full liberty of change of residence and in the selection of 
a pursuit. '* No man/' the edict ran, '* shall be restricted 
in the enjoyment of his civil rights and liberty, further 
than is necessary for the general welfare of the state/' A 
decree of 1810 abolished the monopoly of gild organiza- 
tions. Any person paying the license fee was permitted 
to follow his occupation anywhere in the kingdom. 

Although the people were given no voice in the gov- 
ernment of the kingdom, the king gave to his subjects a 

... measure of local self-government in the ad- 
Oityadmiiiittratioii. - . ^ . ▼ , . 

ministration of city affairs. In each city a 

council was created, the members of which were elected by 
inhabitants owning property or enjoying an income suffi- 
cient to endow them with the right of citizenship. This 
council was unsalaried ; but supervised the affairs of the 
city, in connection with elected officers, who devoted their 
whole time to the city administration, and were paid. The 
council controlled the city expenditures and imposed the 
taxes. This union of responsible citizens, serving for 
honor and for the common interest, with paid officials, 
supervised by them, has made the Prussian cities the best 
governed in the world. 

The Prussian peasantry was of two classes : those who 
were tenants on crown lands, and were free from the 

burdens of serfdom ; and those on the private 
Sj^SlSl^."^ estates of the nobles, who were still attached 

to the soil and still subject to the degrading 
conditions of medieval land tenure. The introduction of 
Napoleonic reforms on both sides of Prussia, particularly 
the emancipation of the Polish serfs in 1807, forced the 
Prussian Government to take steps toward the improve- 



ment of the condition of its peasantry. In 1807 *' hered- 
itary subjection " was abolished thi:oughout the kingdom, 
and all persons were declared to be personally free. On 
crown lands peasants were given full ownership on pay- 
ment of an annual sum to the crown. The same principle 
of instalments was applied in 1811 to the estates of nobles, 
except that here the peasants were obliged to give up one- 
third of their holdings to the landlords, retaining two- 
thirds for themselves. In this manner the question of 
joint feudal ownership 
was settled, and each 
given the right of 
ownership in the mod- 
em sense. 

The reorganization 
of the army was the 
most com- 
' plete of 

the Prussian reforms, 
and one which was full 
of consequences for the 
future of Europe. Re- 
jecting the old system 
of hireling troops, the 
new army was built up 
on universal military 
service. **A11 the In- 
habitants of the state are by birth its defenders.'^ All 
able-bodied men were to become soldiers. The principle 
was most democratic, because it placed the military bur- 
den upon all classes alike. The period of service was fixed 
at three years, and the men who had been retired from the 
active army were kept in readiness by a short annual term 
of service in the reserve. 

The adoption of universal military service was a turn- 
ing-point in the history of Prussia. It gave her a national 



army, full of patriotism, and a nation of drilled reserves. 
It made her a military nation, because war was the busi- 
ness and the affair of all. The system has since been 
extended to all the great states of continental Europe. 
France, after her defeat in 1870, reorganized her army on 
the Prussian model. The advantages of the Prussian mili- 
tary system are evident ; its disadvantages are also great. 
While it permitted Prussia to rise to a position of the first 
military power in Europe, yet its adoption by the other 
states has fastened ah immense burden upon the produc- 
tive resources of Europe. Europe is a group of armed 
camps, each state straining, with limitless expenditures, to 
secure the highest efficiency in the art of war. The solu- 
tion of this vexed problem of waste energy is one of the 
tasks of the twentieth century. 

It will be evident, from the character of the reforms 
described, that Prussia, spurned by the heel of Napoleon, 
had roused herself from her antiquated despotism, and put 
herself into the path of modern progress. Some of her 
reforms were forced upon her by the spirit of the French 
Revolution ; others were of her own conception ; and of 
these the new municipal system and the military reorgan- 
ization have contributed much to the substantial character 
of the modern German state. 


Fichte : philosopher and university profesHor, 1762-1814,— 

Touched by the sight of his country's humiliation under the 
flail of Napoleon, Fichte sought to rouse his countrymen to 
resistance. He is to be reckoned among those who, in the 
days of Germany's deepest humiliation, sounded the note of 
moral and political regeneration. The following is an extract 
from the Addresses to the German Nation^ uttered in the 
presence of the French conquerors : ** In these addresses the 
memory of your forefathers spealcs to you. Think that with 
my voice there are mingled the voices of your ancestors from 
the far-ofT ages of gray antiquity, of those who stemmed with 


their own bodies the tide of Roman domination over the 
world, who vindicated with their own blood the independ- 
ence of these mountains, plains, and streams which under you 
have been suffered to fall a prey to the stranfi^er. They call to 
you :— * Take ye our place ; hand down our memory to future 
ages, honorable and spotless as it has come down to you, as 
you have gloried in it and in your descent from us. Hitherto 
our struggle has been deemed noble, great, and wise ; we have 
been looked upon as the consecrated and inspired ones of a 
divine world-plan. Should our race perish with you, then 
will our honor be changed to dishonor, our wisdom into folly. 
For if Germany were ever to be subdued to the Empire, then 
had it been better to have fallen before the ancient Romans 
than before their modem descendants. We withstood those 
and triumphed ; these have scattered you like chaff before 
them. But as matters now are with you, seek not to conquer 
with bodily weapons, but stand firm and erect before them in 
spiritual dignity. Yours is the greater destiny — to form an 
empire of mind and reason ; to destroy the dominion of rude 
physical power as the ruler of the world. Do this and ye 
shall be worthy of descent from us. ' " 


Morse Stephens : The Revolution and Europe, pp. 288-304 ; 
Rose : Revolutionary and Napoleonic Era, pp. 184-194. 

§ 35. The Revolution of 1848 

The idea of German unity was growing during the first 
half of the nineteenth century. In the enthusiasm of the 

successful struggle against Napoleon came a 
^hSon. reawakening of the German instinct, a new 

desire for welding the fragments, into which 
the triumph of the separatist principle had split the an- 
cient German Empire. The Congress of Vienna, however, 
followed by tlie influence of Austria, succeeded in repress- 
ing all tendencies looking to change. The French Revo- 
lution of July passed over Germany without effect ; the 
policy of Metternich remained unbroken, 


Meanwhile^ among the educated classes there was grow- 
ing a spirit of dissatisfaction with the system of repression, 
combined with, the desire for national unity and modern 
institutions. It expressed itself in the works of political 
writers. Von Gagern, prime minister of Hesse-Darmstadt, 
drew up aiplan for establishing a central constitution, con- 
sisting off a president; a senate, representing the several 
states ; and a popular chamber, elected by the German na- 
tion. It was at this time that the " German Rhine '' and 
the ^' Watch on the Rhine,'* expressions of the nationalist 
spirit, became the popular songs of Germany. In 1847, the 
Deutsche Zeitung, a nationalist newspaper, was founded 
at Heidelberg by a professor of the local university, Ger- 
vinus. In the same year a meeting of German radicals 
at Orenburg protested against the suppression of free 
thought ; and a meeting of moderates at Heppenheim de- 
manded the creation of a German parliament. 

The outbreak of the Revolution of February in France 
suddenly developed this general dissatisfaction into revo- 
lution. As the news came from Paris the 
^ liberals organized meetings, demanded lib- 

erty of the press and a representative system. Fifty-one 
liberals met at Heidelberg and appointed a committee to 
assemble, at Frankfort, a Vor-Parlament, or preliminary 
parliament, which should make arrangements for the con- 
vening of a National Assembly and the organization of a 
united Germany. 

The smaller German states assented without difficulty ; 
but the great military kingdoms, Austria, Prussia, and 
Bavaria, were obstinate. In the meantime they were men- 
aced with revolutions in their own capitals. On March 
13th the Viennese rose and drove Metternich from his seat 
of power. Metternich fled to England, and his imperial 
master took refuge in the mountains of Tyrol. Prassia at 
once caught the revolutionary spirit ; on the 15th of March 
barricades began to appear in the streets of Berlin. There 


was here no liberal organization, only a discontented mul- 
titude, moved by a vague democratic feeling, that rose 
against the king. 

King Frederick William yielded before the storm, in- 
formed, no doubt, of the collapse of the government at 
Vienna. He addressed the people, and spoke in favor of a 
** constitutional organization of the German states,^' by an 
" agreement of the princes with the people.'* Robed in the 
colors of the Empire — red, black, and gold-r-he presented 
himself to his subjects, accepting the leadership of German 
unity. For Prussia he announced himself in favor of a 
constitutional system, and sanctioned the convocation of a 
Prussian National Assembly. 

Meanwhile the great assembly of the German nation 
came together at Frankfort. The deputies represented the 
intellectual 61ite of Germany — lawyers, uni- 
^Uim'^t^ versity professors and literary men, full of 
ideas, but without political experience. The 
old imperial supremacy of Austria was recognized in the 
appointment of the Archduke John of Austria as " Impe- 
rial Administrator. *' To him the Diet of the old Confed- 
eration transmitted its powers and was dissolved. The 
Assembly then proceeded to the creation of a constitution 
for united Germany. The university professors occupied 
the time with profound and scholarly debates. During 
the nine months of learned deliberation, Prussia and Aus- 
tria had recovered from their fright, and were prepared to 
resist the popular movement, to which, in a moment of 
weakness and fear, they had yielded. The insurrection at 
Vienna had been quelled with troops ; at Berlin Frederick 
William felt strong enough to dissolve the Prussian Na- 
tional Assembly and proclaim a constitution of his own 
making. Thus when the Frankfort Assembly finally com- 
pleted its constitution, in March, 1849, conditions were no 
longer favorable for its reception by the larger states. 

The Assembly and the German people divided into two 


parties : one, the " Great Germany '^ party, wishing to in- 
clude all German elements, reconciled themselves to the 
admission of Austria, with her majority of non-German 
peoples : the other, the "Little Germany" party, rejected 
Austria. This was the party which looked to Prussian 
leadership, and, after some very exciting contests, it pre- 
vailed in the Assembly by a vote of 261 to 224. By a vote 
of 290 the King of Prussia was declared Emperor of the 

But Frederick William refused a popular crown, " a 
crown of mud and wood." " If anyone is to award the 

crown of the German nation, it is myself and 
l^mbl^f my equals who should give it" His liberal 

sentiments of the March days had evapo- 
rated ; he would not be the Emperor of a Revolution. 
The advice of other German governments was asked. 
Twenty-eight states accepted the constitution, the heredi- 
tary empire, and the choice of the Assembly ; the larger 
states, Wurtemberg, Bavaria, Saxony, and Hanover, how- 
ever, rejected the election, jealous of Prussian control. 
Austria withdrew her deputies from the Assembly, and 
Frederick William, alarmed, definitely refused the im- 
perial crown. 

The Assembly, deserted by Prussia, struggled on, drift- 
ing into the hands of radicals. Revolutionary uprisings 
took place in Baden and elsewhere, but were quelled with 
force. In June the Assembly, reduced to 105 members, 
removed to Stuttgart. The government of Wurtemberg 
finally closed the hall and scattered the delegates. The 
last stand of the radicals was taken in Baden, where the 
insurgents set up a provisional government. With Prus- 
sian aid they were conquered and dispersed. Many fled 
abroad, to Switzerland, France, and America. The repub- 
lican party was exterminated in South Germany, the in- 
fluence of Austria re-established, and the old Confederation 



The King of Prussia and the Imperial Crown,—* * Frederick 
William had from early years cherished the hope of seeing 
some closer union of Germany established under Prussian in- 
fluence. But he dwelt in a world where there was more of 
picturesque mirage than of real insight. He was almost su- 
perstitiously loyal to the House of Austria ; and he failed to 
perceive, what was palpable to men of far inferior endow- 
ments to his own, that by setting Prussia at the head of the 
constitutional movement of the epoch he might at any time 
from the commencement of his reign have rallied all Germany 
round it. Thus the revolution of 1848 burst upon him, and 
he was not the man to act or to lead in time of revolution. 
Even in 1848, had he given promptly and with dignity what, 
after blood had been shed in his streets, he had to give with 
humiliation, he would probably have been acclaimed Emperor 
on the opening of the Parliament of Frankfort, and have been 
accepted by the universal voice of Germany. But the odium 
cast upon him by the struggle of March 18th was so great that 
in the election of a temporary Administrator of the Empire in 
June no single member at Frankfort gave him a vote. Time 
was needed to repair his credit, and while time passed Austria 
rose from its ruins. In the spring of 1849 Frederick William 
could not have assumed the office of Emperor of Germany 
without risk of a war with Austria, even had he been willing 
to accept this office on the nomination of the Frankfort Par- 
liament. But to accept the imperial crown from a popular 
assembly was repugnant to his deepest convictions. Clear as 
the Frankfort Parliament had been, as a whole, from the 
taint of Republicanism or of revolutionary violence, it had, 
nevertheless, had its birth in revolution : the crown which it 
oflfered would, in the King's expression, have been picked up 
from blood and mire. Had the princes of Germany by any 
arrangement with the Assembly tendered the crown to Fred- 
erick William the case would have been different ; a new 
Divine right would have emanated from the old.'* — Fyffe : 
Modem Europe, 


Alison Phillips : Modem Europe, pp. 318-328 ; Judson ; 
Europe in the Nineteenth Century, Chapter VIII. 



§ 36. The New Empire 

Frederick William IV, who so successfully quenched 
the fires of German patriotism in 1849, became mentally 
incompetent in 1857. His brother William 
abSS^?* became regent, and on the death of Fred- 
erick William, in 1861, succeeded to the 
crown. The autocratic spirit of King William was shown 
at his coronation. " The kings of Prussia,*' he said, " re- 
ceive their crowns from God.'* At the outset the king 
found himself in conflict with the Prussian House of Rep- 
resentatives. The " Progress *' party demanded the com- 
pletion of the "Constitutional State/' and enforced its 
opposition by refusing to vote appropriations for the in- 
crease of the army. 

Bismarck at tub Opening of His Political Career. 


The King dissolved the House of Reppesentatives, and 
called to his aid Otto von Bismarck-Schonliausen, a gen- 
tleman of Brandenburg, known for his distrust of parlia- 
mentary institutions and his devotion to the principle of 
absolute rule. The policy of Bismarck became the policy 
of the crown. Together King William and his minister 
created the Germany of to-day. Their methods were un- 
constitutional, and their diplomacy was wily, but their 
plans were well formulated, and their efforts crowned with 
success. '* It is not Prussians liberality that Germany 
looks to, but her military power,^^ said Bismarck ; and 
again : ** The unity of Germany is to be brought about 
not by speeches, nor by the votes of majorities, but by 
blood and iron.^' In this spirit Bismarck solved the diffi- 
culties with the legislature ; the protests of the House of 
Representatives were disregarded, and the crown raised 
directly the money needed for the army. 

The union of Germany under Prussian leadership was 
accomplished by means of three wars : one with Denmark 
Th SoUeswiff ^^ ^^^^ ^ ^^® second with Austria in 1866, 
HolBtein oontro- and the third with France in 1870. The 
^•^' Danish war arose from a dispute over the 

succession to the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein. King 
Frederick VII of Denmark was the last of the male line 
which united under one crown the kingdom of Denmark 
and the Duchies. The future of the Duchies hald been 
taken up by a convention of the great Powers in London, 
in 1852, when it had been decided to continue the union 
under Christian IX, the successor of Frederick VII to the 
throne of Denmark. The Estates of the Duchies, how- 
ever, had not ratified the decision of the London Confer- 
ence. A majority of the inhabitants of the Duchies were 
German, and desired a separation from Denmark ; but on 
his advent to the throne. King Christian sought to carry 
out the decision of the Powers. 

This led to an explosion of German national feeling. 


The Diet of the German Confederation, championing the 
cause of the Germans in the Duchies, ordered the occupa- 
tion of Schleswig and Holstein by the troops of Saxony 
and Hanover. But Bismarck disregarded the action of 
the Diet. Inducing Austria to act with him, he caused 
Prussian and Austrian troops to be moved into the Duch- 
ies, and swept aside the forces of the Diet. The war with 
Denmark was brief. By the treaty of Vienna (October 
30, 1864) Denmark ceded the Duchies to the King of 
Prussia and the Emperor of Austria jointly. They were 
divided, Austria taking Holstein, and Prussia Schleswig. 

But Bismarck was not content with this solution. The 
time had come for a trial of strength with Austria, a con- 

TheSeveiiW kt» *®®^ ^^^ ^^^ leadership of Germany. The 
War (June-Jidy, Prussian army had shown its metal, and was 
1866). j.g^y i^j. ^jj^ ^^,^ rpjjg j^g^jj, ^f ^Y^^ Duch- 

ies furnished the occasion ; urging as a pretext that the 
Austrian government of Holstein was working in a way 
prejudicial to Prussian interests, Prussia marched her 
troops into Holstein and drove the Austrians out of the 

Meanwhile Bismarck had been making his preparations 
for a war with Austria. The neutrality of Russia, the 
'* backbone of the Bismarckian policy,*' had been assured ; 
to Napoleon III, Bismarck held out vague hopes of a rec- 
ompense in the lower Rhine country, perhaps the Duchy 
of Luxemburg ; and with Italy an offensive alliance was 
formed, the price of Italy^s aid to be the province of 
Venetia, an Italian state still held by Austria. Even to 
the Diet of the Confederation, which both Prussia and 
Austria had discredited in the scramble for the Danish 
lands, he made overtures, announcing that Prussia '^ held 
to the unity of the German nation,'* and promising a new 
federal constitution with an elective parliament. 

The war was brief. The minor German states, fearful 
of Prussia's power, armed against her. Hanover and 





Hesse-Cassel were overrun, and the great battle of the war 
was fought against the Austrians at Sadowa in Bohemia 
(July 3, 1866). Austria was beaten at the start, with the 
Prussians invading from the north and the Italians on her 
southern borders. The issue of the war established the 
supremacy of Prussia over the German states. Hanover, 
Hesse-Cassel and Nassau, Schleswig-Holstein, and the free 
city of Frankfort were annexed to Prussia ; Venetia went 
to Italy. The German Confederation was dissolved and a 
new union formed, the North German Confederation, with 
the King of Prussia as president. The new Confederation 
more nearly fulfilled the dreams of German patriots. Its 
upper house was composed of representatives of the several 
states ; its lower house elected by universal suffrage. Here 
was a German national government, with a strong execu- 
tive and a democratic parliament. It lacked only the final 
step to convert it into the Empire. 

Napoleon III committed a grave error in passively con- 
tributing to the rise of Prussia. His true policy would 
have been to keep open the question of Ger- 
^* man leadership, and this might have been 

done, if he had inclined to Austria in the Seven Weeks' 
War. But he was wheedled into neutrality by Bismarck 
with the vague promise of Luxemburg. After the Peace 
of Prague Bismarck had no further need of Napoleon, but 
by a series of subtle irritations he kept alive the French 
sense of humiliation, until it burst forth in bitterness, of • 
which the war of 1870 was the result. That magnificent 
engine of war, the Prussian army, projected by the patriots 
of the Liberation period, and perfected by the genius of 
von Moltke, swept over France almost without resistance. 
By its side marched the armies of the South German 
states, Bavaria, Wiirtemberg, and Baden, upon whose hos- 
tility to Prussia Napoleon had counted, but who were won 
for German unity. In the Hall of Mirrors of the palace of 
Versailles, surrounded by a victorious army, the King of 



The Prince op Prussia, 

in 1849. 

(Afterwards Emperor William. ) 

Prussia was crowned Emperor in the presence of the Ger- 
man sovereigns (January 18, 1871) receiving the crown 

**from himself and his 
equals." The Empire in- 
cluded all the German lands, 
save those of Austria. The 
conquered territory of Alsace 
and Lorraine was not annexed 
to Prussia, but became an im- 
perial province, common to 
all the Empire. 

The history of the Empire 

of Bismarck and William has 

been one of re- 

C^«™"^ ^ markable pros- 

tcKlay. . . ^ , 

perity and 

growth. In commerce and 
manufacture Germany has become the second power of 
Europe, rivalling Great Britain. 
In education, in invention, in the 
arts and sciences, she has no supe- 
rior. Her political organization 
differs from that of the states of 
western Europe. The Emperor is 
an autocrat; his will constitutes 
the policy of the nation; no real 
•parliamentary government exists. 
Thus far the Emperor's policy has 
been acceptable to the nation, so 
great is the gratitude of the Ger- 
man people to the Hohenzollern 
founders of Germany's greatness. 
Prosperity as well has made all things tolerable. The real 
problem of popular government has yet to receive its solu- 
tion in Germany. 

William II. 



Military Service in Germany.—** In Germany the army is 
the nation in a literal sense. According to the letter of the 
law, every male subject is liable to be called on to serve 
when he has completed his seventeenth year, and the liability 
continues to the end of his forty-fifth year. The term of 
service in the standing army is seven years, and it usually 
begins with the twenty-first year. Two years (instead of 
three, as formerly) are now passed with the colors, after 
which the time-expired soldier passes by successive stages into 
the first reserve, the Landwehr, and finally into the Land- 
Sturm. This last is the army of emergency, comprising all 
male citizens between the ages of seventeen and forty-five who 
do not belong to the army or navy, and it is only intended to 
be called up in the event of the regular forces proving insuffi- 
cient for home-defense. Though obligation to serve his coun- 
try under arms applies to every able-bodied German save the 
members of reigning and mediatized houses— who, neverthe- 
less, are seldom slow to act upon the principle of noblesse 
oblige — the law is applied with all possible leniency. Physi- 
cal weakness, even of a slight character, exempts, of necessity ; 
but the sole bread-winners of families, theological students, 
and even the sons of farmers, tradespeople, and others who 
cannot be spared from home, are also excused. Further lati- 
tude is allowed by the enrollment of what are known as 
* One-year volunteers,* who enjoy a curtailed service in con- 
sideration of their satisfying certain high educational require- 
ments, and undertake to clothe, maintain, and house them- 
selves during the year with the colors without cost to the 
state."— Dawson : German Life in Totjon and Country, 


Alison Phillips : Modern History, Chapters XVII, XVIII ; 
Judson : Europe in the Nineteenth Century, Chapter XVII. 

Austria since 1848 

§ 37. The Race Question 

No understanding of the problems of Austria in the 
nineteenth century is possible without taking into account 

her racial composition. The Empire of Aus- 
Ite^ortanoe in |.j.j^ jg ^ conglomeration of peoples, living 

side by side under the same sovereign. It 
has often been remarked that the name " Austrian/' un- 
like the names " Italian '^ or "French" or "Spanish/' 
has no racial signification. An " Austrian '' may be one of 
a dozen different nationalities, each speaking a different 
language and representing a different stage of civilization. 
In early times this mosaic of peoples was held together 
with the cement of German culture. The Germans, al- 
though a minority of the population, possessed the learn- 
ing and the ability to govern. They were the ruling 
classes, and the other races were content to occupy a sub- 
ordinate position. With the spread of intelligence, how- 
ever, and the general improvement in the condition of the 
subject races, these non-German peoples came to possess a 
sense of national pride ; each race began to cultivate its 
language, literature, and traditions, and to insist upon a 
recognition of its nationality in the councils of the Em- 
pire. The German nationality has given way before the 
non-German majority with great reluctance. The strug- 
gles of the rising nationalities for power has threatened 
and still threatens the integrity of the Empire, and is to- 
day the factor in European politics most likely to bring 
about a reconstruction of European boundaries. 



For the study of the races of Austria it is convenient to 

divide them into seven groups : 

* . ^ 1- ^^ Germans. — The central lands of 

Btooii of Aiifltrift* 

the Austrian crown, lying west of Vienna 

along the upper Danube, comprising the provinces of Upper 
and Lower Austria, Styria, Carinthia, Salzburg, and Tyrol, 
are essentially German. At Vienna and elsewhere through- 
out this region the German language and culture prevail. 

2. TTie Czechs. — In the provinces of the Crown of B(5- 
hemia, Bohemia and Moravia, the population is mainly 
Slavic (Czech), although there are islets of German popu- 
lation scattered here and there, particularly in the north- 
west portion of Bohemia, adjoining Saxony. The Czechs 
are proud of their nationality, and for centuries have pro- 
tested against German supremacy. The fact that they are 
a small national group, surrounded on three sides with 
Germans, and intermixed throughout with German popu- 
lation, makes the problem of their political future one of 
especial diflSculty. Their nearest kinsmen are the Poles, 
also a Slavic people, on the east. 

3. The Poles, — Galicia, on the northeast, is the part of 
Poland that fell to the share of Austria. The inhabitants 
of Galicia are mostly Poles, although in the eastern part 
the peasantry are Buthenians, another Slavic people. 

4. The South Slavs. — Slovenians, Croats, and Serbs. 
These people, the last to come forward in the path of in- 
tellectual and national aspiration, were simple peasants at 
the beginning of the nineteenth century. They inhabit 
the southern tier of provinces of Austria and Hungary, 
the coast lands — Krain, Croatia, and Slavonia. A group 
of Slavs of less development are the Slovaks, in the north- 
western part of Hungary, adjoining Moravia. These are 
the people who come in large numbers to the United 
States under the name of Hungarians. 

5. The Magyars or Hungarians. — They are the ruling 
element of the Kingdom of Hungary, which lies between 



Austria and the Carpathian Mountains oti the east. Of 
Tartar origin, speaking a language which has no relation- 
ship with the other languages of civilized Europe, the 
Magyars have ever been a proud, independent people, con- 
scious of their racial isolation and jealous of foreign con- 
trol. By constant protest and armed resistance they have 
prevented their absorption by the Austrian Germans, and 
have kept the Crown of St. Stephen, the national emblem 
of Hungarian independence, distinct from the imperial 
crown of Austria. 

6. The Roumanians — These people, claiming to be 
descendants of ancient Roman colonists, and speaking a 
language related to Italian, inhabit the eastern part of 
Hungary, the province of Transylvania. The greater part 
of the Roumanian race lies still farther east, in the King- 
dom of Roumania. Until recently the Roumanians of 
Hungary were rude, ignorant people, peasants and shep- 
herds, kept in subjection by the Magyars and the German 
(Saxon) colonists, who migrated from the west centuries 
ago and settled on the borders of Hungary. Of late the 
Roumanians have felt the spur of national pride, and have 
been developing in sympathy with their kinsmen of the 
Kingdom of Roumania. 

7. The Italians, — In 1848 Austria ruled over a large 
Italian population, all northern Italy, from the Adriatic 
to the Kingdom of Sardinia, The greater part of these 
people have since been gathered into the Kingdom of 
Italy ; but a few Italians still remain under the rule of 
Austria. They are found in the southern portion of Ty- 
rol, which stretches down through the Alps toward the 
plains of Lombardy, and in the towns of the eastern coast 
of the Adriatic, from Triest southward, which were for- 
merly part of the maritime state of Venice. 

From this brief review of the distribution of races in 
Austria and Hungary, it will be evident that her political 
problem is a complicated one, increasing with the develop- 


ment of the national spirit in the yarious nations of which 
she is composed. It is a new separatist tendency, more 
serions than the old separatism of Germany, which so long 
prevented German unity, because it is based upon the deep 
and wide distinctions of race. The internal history of 
Austria since 1848, when the great impetus was given to 
racial development, has been an effort to avoid, in so far 
as possible, the claims of the warring racial units to a pro- 
portionate share in the government of the Empire, at the 
expense of former German supremacy. 


!• DeTelopment of the Czechs.—** Whoever knows what Bo- 
hemia was thirty years ago, and compares the racial condi- 
tions then with those of to-day, must wonder at the changes 
that have taken place. The Czech has progressed materially 
and intellectually in a manner which cannot fail to strike the 
impartial observer with wonder. Up to the end of the fifties, 
most of the towns in Bohemia had a decided German charac- 
ter. The better classes almost exclusively spoke German ; the 
schools, the academies, the theatres, commerce and industry — 
all these were entirely German. The Czech language was 
only spoken by the peasant and the villager, or, in the case 
of the towns, by the working-class and domestics. How all 
this has altered ! 

** In the course of thirty years the Czechs have created a 
powerful political party, a literature and a musical school of 
their own. We have it on the authority of the Encyclopaedia 
Britafinica, that at the present day their more prominent 
names in philosophy, theology, and politics are too numerous 
to be mentioned in detail. In all Slavic districts a network 
of savings banks, public credit institutions to advance money 
to small traders, oo-operative societies and manufactories, has 
l)een spread out far and wide. Slavic schools are everywhere 
largely attended, commerce and industry are flourishing. In 
short, the Czechs have everywhere risen to the level of their 
German competitors.*' — Whitman : The Realm of the Haps- 


II. Modem Hnngary.— •* The world has been accustomed to 
marvel at the growth of trans-oceanic communities. Hun- 
gary, however, can show an almost equally remarkable spec- 
tacle. Here is a great country of the past, in which national 
independence had been forfeited 250 years prior to the collapse 
of Poland, and which continued to exist at one time as a 
Turkish province, at another as a portion of Austria, but 
which suddenly becomes endowed with new life, makes peace 
on equal terms with its conqueror, and rises up again a new 
nation. In the course of a short space of twenty-five years, 
this people succeeds in creating commerce and manufacture, a 
network of railways, a thorough system of public education, 
a national school of literature, science, drama, painting, and 
music. These, and many other things besides, have the Hun- 
garians succeeded in bringing into life, mainly by the force of 
national enthusiasm. Other factors as well have, of course, 
been at work. In the first place, the bounteous hand of Na- 
ture herself has given her in the Danube a river similar to 
what the Mississippi is to North America. Then, again, she 
is possessed of a soil, the fertility of which qualifies her to be 
the granary of Europe ; though against this must be placed 
the excess of heat, and consequently recurring disastrous 
droughts and floods."— Whitman. 


Judson : Europe in the Nineteenth Century ^ pp. 167-169; 
Alison Phillips : Modem Europe, pp. 241-249. 

§ 38. Revolution of 1848 in Austria 

Up to 1848 the iron rule of Mettemich held together 
the nations of Austria ; but in spite of all repressive meas- 
ures the new ideas of liberty found their way 
^I^J!^^^^ into the Hapsburg dominions. In Prague 
the Czechs established reviews and clubs ; in 
Hungary Louis Kossuth, a young lawyer, founded the first 
Magyar political paper ; Galicia was a centre of Polish 
plots; and in the south the Croats were dreaming of a 


Kingdom of Illyria. To make matters still more compli- 
cated, the Italian provinces of Lombardy and Venetia, 
held by Austria and bitterly hating Austrian rule, were on 
the verge of revolution. Even in the German lands a 
spirit of liberalism was abroad. 

Only a spark was necessary to set Austria aflame ; and 
this was furnished by the French Revolution of February. 
In Vienna the revolution came with a single riot. A mob, 
headed by students, cried " Down with Metternich ! '' A 
provisional government was established in Vienna by the 
insurrectionists. The imperial authorities were terror- 
stricken, and, yielding to the demands of the revolutionary 
committee, convoked an assembly, elected by universal 
suffrage, for the purpose of drafting a constitution. Met- 
ternich escaped to England, and the Emperor, a feeble 
man, fled with his family to the fastnesses of Tyrol. The 
Constitutional Assembly met at Vienna, July 22d ; among 
the deputies were ninety-two peasants. It abolished all 
feudal rights, as the French Assembly had done fifty years 
before, and suppressed all distinctions between nobles and 

In Hungary the liberal elements were unchained. A 
Committee of Safety was chosen, and a demand made 
upon the Emperor for a liberal constitution, 
^wghontthe Reforms were voted : liberty of the press, 
equalization of taxes, and the abolition of 
feudal rights, A constitutional Assembly met at Buda- 
pest, and henceforth Hungary was governed separately 
and made independent of Vienna ; an army was formed, 
the national Hungarian colors adopted, and a separate 

Likewise in the Slavic provinces the separatist ten- 
dency prevailed. The Czechs in Prague formed a Slavic 
militia and prepared for resistance. A provisional govern- 
ment was formed and a National Assembly promised from 
Vienna. The South Slavs rose in revolt under the leader- 


ship of Jellacic, a Croatian coloneL Even in Transyl- 
vania the Roumanian peasants held a mass-meeting, and 
demanded equality with other nations of the Empire. 

In Italy Lombardy and Venetia strove to break the 
Austrian bonds. At Milan the Austrian troops were driven 
from the city. Venice proclaimed the Republic of Saint 
Mark, and, thinking the time had come to strike for Italian 
unity, marched to the aid of the Italians of Lombardy and 
Venetia. The fate of Austria seemed at hand. 

Fortunately for the house of Hapsburg, the army was 
faithful and unconquered. Two able generals turned the 
fortunes of the Empire, General Radetsky in 
Lombardy and Count Windischgratz in Bo- 
hemia. The collision between the populace and the gar- 
rison in Prague came on the 12th of June. A week later 
Windischgratz was in possession of the city, and the Bo- 
hemian revolution was at an end. In Italy Radetzky met 
the Sardinian king, Charles Albert, routed him in a series 
of battles, and won back Lombardy. 

This gave the government at Vienna a breathing spell, 
and set free troops for the reduction of Vienna and the 
East. With Hungary a fatal weakness lost her her cause. 
Much as the Magyar hated the German, he hated the Slav 
with equal intensity. It was one thing for Hungary to 
seek her national independence ; but quite another thing 
to concede the same to the Croats, especially when it 
meant the separation of Croatia and Slavonia from the 
Crown of St. Stephen. This jealousy of the South Slavs 
was made use of by the government at Vienna. Hungary 
was put under martial law, its liberties revoked, and Jel- 
lacic, the Croat, appointed to supreme military and civil 
command. In this manner the Croats were played off 
against the Magyars. 

But now the trouble shifted to Vienna. The populace 
of the capital had no sympathy with the Emperor's vacil- 
lating policy toward the Hungarians. It rose to prevent 



Bevolt in Vienna. 


troops from going against Hungary ; a mob surrounded 
the residence of the minister of war, called him out, and 
hanged him. The Emperor fled again in 
terror, this time into Moravia, and in an im- 
perial manifesto called upon the Austrian people to rise 
against the revolution. Again the army saved the day. 
Windischgratz marched upon Vienna from the north ; 
Jellacic advanced from the east, while a Hungarian army 
came up the Danube to the aid of the Viennese insur- 
gents. The Hungarians were repulsed by Jellacic, and 
Windischgratz took the city. 
Vienna was subjected to a 
reign of terror. 

A stronger hand came to 
the helm ; the weak-minded 
Emperor Fer- 
dinand was in- 
duced to abdi- 
cate in favor of his nephew, 
Francis Joseph. Aided by an 
able minister. Count Schwartz- 
enberg, the new Emperor set 
aside the conflicting promises 
of his predecessor, and pro- 
ceeded to crush the liberal-national movement throughout 
the Empire. In Hungary the radical party, led by Kos- 
suth, secured control and declared the independence of 
Hungary, proclaimed the Hungarian Republic, and elected 
Kossuth president. With 50,000 men in the field Hungary 
was no mean antagonist ; but Austria's resources were not 
yet at an end. She called on Russia for aid, and Nicholas 
the Tsar, fearing the establishment of republican institu- 
tions on his borders, readily responded and sent an army 
of 80,000 men into the Magyar country. The Hungarian 
Republic was lost ; Kossuth and his immediate followers 
fled to Turkey. (Capitulation of Vilagos, August 13, 1849.) 



In Austria the imperial government dissolved the As- 
sembly, '* for having placed itself in contradiction with the 
actual conditions of the monarchy/' A con- 
Sntd^^^*^ stitution was granted by the Emperor, with 
a legislature and a responsible ministry ; but 
it was never put into operation and was revoked by impe- 
rial decree in 1851. Hungary was declared to have forfeited, 
by its late revolt, its ancient privileges ; was cut into five 
administrative districts, and governed by officials from 
Vienna. An imperial manifesto announced the intention 
of " uniting into one great state all the countries and races 
of the monarchy.*' The dream of Joseph II seemed likely 
to be realized with force. 

Yet the revolution of 1848 was not entirely without re- 
sults of the better sort. The hasty abolition of feudal 
rights, accomplished by the revolutionary assemblies in 
Vienna and at Budapest, could not be undone. If politi- 
cally the Empire and its dependencies were projected into 
a deeper gloom of absolutism, yet socially and economic- 
ally much had been gained. 


How Kossuth became famous.— *' He was a gentleman of 
noble origin, of course, but his whole fortune lay in his tal- 
ents, which at that period (1832) were devoted to journalism, 
a profession which the Hungarians had not yet learned to 
estimate at its full value. At this time no printed proceed- 
ings of the Hungarian parliament had ever yet been published. 
To supply this defect, Kossuth resolved to devote the time, 
which would otherwise have been wasted in idle listening, to 
carefully reporting everything that took place, and circulated 
it all over the country in a small printed sheet, which was 
read with extraordinary eagerness. The Cabinet, however, 
took alarm, and prohibited the printing of the reports. This 
was a heavy blow, but Kossuth was not baffled. He instantly 
gathered around him a great number of young men to act as 
secretaries, who wrote out a great number of copies of the 


journal, which were circulated in manuscript through Hun- 
gary. The government stopped his journal in the post-office. 
He then established a staff of messengers and carriers, who 
circulated it from village to village. The enthusiasm of the 
people was fast rising to a flama Kossuth was seized and 
thrown into prison. The charge brought against him was, 
that he had circulated false and inaccurate reports ; but the 
real ground of the offense was, as everybody knew, that he 
had circulated any reports at all.'' — Condensed from E. L. 
Godkin : History of Hungary. 


Judson : Europe in the Nineteenth Century, Chapter IX ; 
Alison Phillips : Modem Europe, pp. 375-308 passim. 

§ 39. The Dual Government op Austria-Hungary 

The system of absolutism and national repression re- 
mained intact so long as Austria continued prosperous. 
When, however, she met with the first of a 
Mofabso- series of reverses, which drove her out of 
Italy and reduced her to a second place 
among the states of Germany, she found it necessary to 
make peace with her subjects. 

In 1859 Italy, under the leadership of Sardinia, and 
with the help of Napoleon III, achieved her unity. In a 
series of battles fought on the plains of northern Italy the 
Austrian troops were defeated by the combined forces of 
Italy and France. Lombardy was lost, and Venetia alone 
left to Austria south of the Alps. After the defeat of its 
army, the government of Francis Joseph, wishing to reor- 
ganize its military establishment, found its credit gone. A 
loan offered in 1860 was only partially subscribed. Evi- 
dently the people were out of sympathy with the govern- 

The Emperor appealed directly to his subjects, offering 
reforms in exchange for their support. A certain liberty 


of political discussion being permitted, the political ele- 
ments of the empire soon formed themselves into two par- 

•om.^ . ^ , ties : the party of nnity, which sought a 
siBSan at oentral- • r>, , . . , . 

isation, 1860- Continuance of German administration at 

^®®^' Vienna; and the federalist party, which 

wished to make the various national governments inde- 
pendent of Vienna. These were the Magyars, Czechs, 
Poles, Croats, and Slovenians. 

The Emperor was at first inclined to give full play to 
public opinion. The federalist party was in the majority, 
and in 1860 Francis Joseph re- 
stored the national Diets, abolish- 
ing the common ministry of the 
Empire. But with this measure 
of liberty Hungary rapidly took 
the lead to complete indepen- 
dence of the Empire. Her Diet 
declared for the Constitution of 
1848, the constitution of the Rev- 
olution which had constituted 
Hungary an independent state. 

^ , „ The Emperor, hastening to check 

Francis Joseph, Emperor . . , . . , . . - , r ^ 

OP Austria, King of the disintegration of his Empire, 
Hungary. published the Additional Act of 

1861, which, while pretending to 
amend the Constitution of 1860, introduced quite another 
system. Its leading feature was an annual parliament for 
the Empire, consisting of twp houses : a House of Lords, 
appointed by the Emperor, and a House of Representatives 
of 343 members, chosen by the provincial Diets. The 
Emperor was to appoint his ministry and retain absolute 
control of the government. It was altogether a consti- 
tution differing not widely from the French Charter of 
Louis XVIII. 

The greater nationalities protested. Hungary, under 
the leadership of De&k, refused to accept the constitution. 



declaring that it would never ** sacrifice the constitutional 
independence of the nation/' The Magyars refused to 
send delegates to the central parliament^ and 
refused to pay taxes. The Czechs and Poles 
eventually followed, and withdrew their delegates. There 
remained in the parliament only the Germans and the del- 
egates of the lesser nationalities. The Vienna authorities 
were obliged to goveni temporarily as best they could, 
abandoning constitutional methods. The deficit contin- 

Sch5nbrunn, Summeb Palace near Vienna. 

ued, debt increased, and prosperity waned. At length, 
Francis Joseph, disgusted with the system of unity, de- 
spairing of breaking down the resistance of Hungary, 
opened negotiations with the Magyars on the basis of the 
old relations between Austria and Hungary. 

The war of 1866 with Prussia, the defeat of Sadowa, 
the humiliation of Austria and the loss of Venetia to the 
Italians broke the spirit of the Emperor, and made him 
willing to adopt a policy of complete reconciliation with 
his subjects. It was a choice between Dualism, Which 


wonld reconcile the Hungarians, and win them to the side 
of the Empire, and thereby stave off for a while the claims 
of the lesser nationalities ; and Federation, a complete 
concession of the nationalist principle. The Emperor 
chose the former. By the Compromise of 1867 the pres- 
ent Austro-Hungarian dualism was established. 

By the Compromise of 1867 Hungary remains an inde- 
pendent Kingdom. The Emperor of Austria is recrowned 
at Budapest with the crown of St. Ste- 
^^^^^^' phen, as " Apostolic King " of Hungary. 
The Kingdom of Hungary includes Hungary, Croatia, 
Slavonia, Transylvania, and the Military Frontier. The 
remaining states are under the imperial crown of Austria. 

The two states are joined together not only by the per- 
sonal union through the sovereign, but by a union govern- 
ment, which has charge of affairs common to both states. 
Such affairs are : foreign relations, the army and navy, 
and the finances necessary for carrying on these joint 
establishments. For the management of these common af- 
fairs there exists a union ministry, and a union legislature, 
known as the Delegations. The Delegations consist of 
two bodies of delegates, chosen respectively from the Aus- 
trian and the Hungarian legislatures, sixty members from 
each. The Delegations meet alternately at Vienna and at 
Budapest. They sit separately, each deliberating in its own 
language, and communicate with each other by written 
messages. They control the expenditure of the common 
funds, of which Hungary contributes thirty per cent., and 
Austria the remainder. All other matters are determined 
by each of the two states for itself in its own legislature. 

At the close of the war waged by Russia in 1877 against 

Turkey, in behalf of the Christian nations of the lower 

Danube, the Congress of Berlin detached 

from Turkey the Slavic provinces of Bosnia 

and Herzegovina, and placed them under the guardianship 

of Austria-Hungary. The population of the protected 


provinces consists mainly of Croats and Serbs, in racial 
sympathy with the Austrian subjects across the border, 
and their progress since the union has been rapid. 

The present trend of politics in Austria-Hungary is a 
continuance of the race problem. What the Magyars have 
achieved is eagerly sought for by the Czechs and other 
races. To concede their claims would be to split the 
Empire-Kingdom into a dozen federated fragments ; an 
arrangement which would be greatly complicated by the 
intermixture of races. The force which at present holds 
together these warring groups is the personal popularity 
of the Emperor Francis Joseph. Unfortunately for the fu- 
ture, the death by suicide of his only son and heir, Ru- 
dolph, has weakened the dynasty, by throwing the succes- 
sion into a collateral branch, whose members are less 
popular. Meanwhile in the Austrian legislature the Slavs 
have crowded the Germans to the wall, creating a dissatis- 
faction among the Germans, which, in the event of a re- 
organization of Austria, would impel them toward a union 
with the German Empire. 


Warring Races of Anstria- Hungary.— Views of an Aus- 
trian. — ** The Czechs want the re-establishuient of the King- 
dom of Bohemia, and finally the union with Russia. The 
Ruthenians, oppressed by the Poles, and differing in language 
and religion from them, look forward to an incorporation 
with the Empire of the Tsar. The Poles proclaim secretly, if 
not openly, the restoration of the Kingdom of Poland. Italia 
irredenta * is ever alive in the Trentina and Trieste, no matter 
how hard the Slavs, officials and police, try to suppress it. 
The southern Slavs of the coastlands, Balmatia, Croatia, and 
Slavonia, are clamoring for a unification, and their ultimate 

* A patriotic society of Italians, who have vowed never to cease 
their efforts, until all the regions inhabited by Italians, now held by 
Austria and France, are united with the Kingdom of Italy. 


aim is the re-establishment of the old Servian Kingdom, em- 
bracing also Servia, Bosnia, Herzegovina and Montenegro. The 
Roumanians wish their annexation by the young and vigorous 
Kingdom of Roumania; and lastly, not least, the Germans 
of Bohemia, Austrian Silesia, Lower Austria, Styria and the 
most advanced and politically educated inhabitants of the 
Alpine regions desire a union of the German provinces with 
Germany. Every visitor to Bohemia must notice in the der- 
man districts the ostentatious display of the pan-Gbrmanic 
banner (black, red, gold) instead of the Austrian colors (black, 
yellow), and that scarcely a peasant hut is without the pict- 
ures of the Emperor William and Bismarck ; while, on the 
other hand, in the Czech districts, he will find likenesses of 
Huss and the Tsar hanging side by side. 

" The cement that holds the centrifugal forces loosely to- 
gether is Emperor Francis Joseph. Although neither a gen- 
ius, nor a man of initiative, nor a ruler of will and energy, he 
is liked by the people at large because he is a fairly good and 
decent man, has tried his best, to be a constitutional ruler, 
and does no harm wilfully.'* 


Judson : Europe in the Nineteenth Centui*y, Chapter XV ; 
Alison Phillips : Modem Europe^ pp. 444-448. 

The Union of Italy 

§ 40. Efforts to Achieve Unity Unaided 

The struggle for Italian unity is as old as modem times. 
Dante and Petrarch, inspired by the glory of ancient 
Rome, dreamed of a New Italy, rising from 
O^ntbnof tijQ degradation of medieval anarchy. But 
a different fate was in store for Italy ; the 
land fell into the hands of* foreigners, French and Span- 
iards, and, on the dissolution of the Spanish empire, came 
under the influence of Austria. The hopes of unity were 
never so slight as in the eighteenth century, when the 
peninsula, parceled out into a dozen petty kingdoms and 
duchies, was dominated by the Austrians. 

Napoleon I broke the spell, and paved the way for 
eventual unity. By the erection of the Cisalpine Republic, 
afterward the Kingdom of Italy ; by the incorporation of 
the Papal State and the Grand Duchy of Tuscany into the 
territory of Prance, and by the mild rule of Joseph and of 
Murat at Naples, he taught the Italians a lesson in democ- 
racy and the benefits of good government. More than 
this, he broke down the prestige of the old governments, 
which had existed so long that they seemed to be a part 
of the nature of things. With this he roused a hope of 
unity, and kindled the fires of Italian patriotism from 
Milan to Palermo. The Congress of Vienna brought back 
the old system, but it had lost its sanctity. 

Five years after the restoration of Austrian influence 
and the re-establishment of the ** legitimate " sovereigns 
upon their thrones, Italy burst forth into revolution. The 



characteristic of the revolntionary movements of this pe- 
riod is that they were local, independent of one another, 

« _i J *T 1 and without common head or direction. 
Period of Local 

revolntionB, 1820- They were largely incited by the Carho- 
^^' nari, a secret society, organized in lodges, 

after the model of the Freemasons. At Naples in 1820, 
in Sardinia in 1821, insurrections forced the kings to grant 
liberal constitutions. In each instance the revolution was 
quelled by Austrian troops at the behest of the Allies. 
The Sardinian revolution was accompanied with an event 
which was important for the future fortunes of Italy. On 
the side of the conspirators, who were moving for a liberal 
constitution, was Charles Albert, nephew of the king, 
popularly supposed to be a member of the Carbonari. 
The king, Victor Emmanuel I, was without direct heirs, 
and after the king's brother, Charles Felix, an old man 
and childless, the succession would pass in due order of 
events to the nephew, Charles Albert of Carignano. His 
participation in the revolution brought down upon the 
Prince of Carignano the hatred of the Austrian court. 
Metternich sought to have him deprived of the right of 
succession, but the other powers resisted, and he was obliged 
to expiate his liberalism by joining the French expedition 
against the Spanish liberals. It is also said Charles Albert 
promised Metternich that he would never grant a consti- 
tution to Sardinia. King Victor Emmanuel I retired in 
1821, and at the death of Charles Felix in 1831 the Prince 
of Carignano came to the throne. The eye of Italy was 
upon him as the future champion of Italian unity. 

In 1830 the Revolution of July in Paris and the acces- 
sion of Louis Philippe aroused Italian hopes. In the 
Papal States and in the Duchies of Modena and Parma in- 
surrections took place. But the Italian liberals soon 
found out that Louis Philippe was not disposed to lend 
his aid to foreign insurrections, and the insurgents were 
put down with Austrian bayonets. At Rome the ambassa' 







dors of the Powers presented a memorandum to Pope 
Gregory XVI, recommending certain reforms in the ad- 
ministration of the Papal States ; but nothing came of it, 
and the pope engaged two Swiss regiments for twenty 
years for the defense of his throne against the liberals. 

Up to 1831 the eflforts toward Italian unity had been 
local and under the direction of secret societies. Now the 

_ _. movement entered the domain of literature 

The KiBorffimento. , ,. . , , . -rr . 

and political speculation. Various literary 

works of the time contain the most diverse suggestions for 

the achievement of Italian unity. Mazzini^ a Genoese, 

proposed the establishment of the Republic of Italy. In 

1831 he founded "Young Italy,** a secret society, into 

which were admitted only men of forty years of age and 

over. Later he enlarged his project and founded ** Young 

Europe," looking to a republicanization of all Europe. 

Each country was to form its own republic, and all of 

Europe was to be bound together with ties of fraternity. 

Mazzini lived much of his life abroad, published much, 

earning his livelihood by literary work, and directed his 

movement from France and England. 

In contrast with Mazzini the republican, was Gioberti, 

a priest, who in 1843 inaugurated a pacific movement 

looking toward unity. He sought the desired result under 

the papacy, with the papacy as the center of the new Italian 

state. His book was called " Moral and Political Headship 

of Italy J' Among others who contributed to the discussion 

through the medium of the press were Count Balbo and 

the poet d'Azeglio. Thus began the period called the Ri- 

sorgimsnto (Resurrection), when the idea of united Italy 

became a sentiment which pervaded the intellectual classes. 

It was admitted that Italy must rise and throw off the 

foreign yoke ; but as to the manner and the means there 

was much difference of opinion. Who should be the 

head ? How might it be done ? The latter question was 

solved for the time being by the remark of Charles Albert 


When asked how Italy might carry out her plan for unity, 
he replied, " Italia fara de se (Italy will do it of herself)." 

The impulse of the Revolution of February gave Italy 
an opportunity to try the suggestion of the King of Sar- 
dinia. The weakening of the Austrian power 
seemed to be Italy's opportunity. With the 
news of the fall of Metternich, Lombardy revolted, and 
Charles Albert marched at the head of a Sardinian army 
to the aid of Milan and Venice. But in vain ; under the 
command of Badetzky the Austrian troops were every- 
where victorious. At Novara (March 23, 1849) Charles 
Albert, having sought death in vain in the front of battle, 
recognizing that Austria would never forgive him his 
breach of faith, resigned his crown to his son, Victor Em- 
manuel II, and went into exile, dying a few months later 
at Lisbon, broken-hearted. The revolution was crushed, 
and the stern military rule of Austria displaced the hopes 
of national liberty in Lombardy and Venetia. 

At Rome the revolution raged most fiercely. Pope 
Pius IX, elected in 1846, had been greeted by many as the 
head of New Italy, heralded by Gioberti. He adopted a 
most liberal policy, and when in 1848 the revolution broke 
out, granted a constitution. But the republican elements 
of Rome swept away the liberal r6gime of Pius IX, drove 
the pope from Rome, and established the Roman Republic, 
under the leadership of Mazzini. Four Catholic powers 
offered aid to the pope — France, Austria, Spain, and Naples. 
The Neapolitan troops were repulsed by the republican 
army of Rome ; Spain sent only two ships ; Austria occu- 
pied Bologna and the northern part of the Papal States. 
It was left for a French republic, under the presidency of 
Louis Bonaparte, to escort the pope back to Rome. After 
a brief resistance, Rome, defended by Garibaldi and his 
"red-shirts,'^ was taken by French troops (July, 1849), 
who guarded the papal throne until 1870. Thus Italy had 
failed in the attempt to achieve unity for herself. 



I. Rome, the True Center of Italian Unity : from Mazzini's 
Address " To the Toung Men of Italy/'—** Love your country. 
Your country is the land where your parents sleep, where is 
spoken that language in which the chosen of your heart, blush- 
ing, whispered the first words of love ; it is the home that 
God has given you, that by striving to perfect yourselves 
therein you may prepare to ascend to him. It is your name, 
your glory, your sign among the people. Give to it your 
thoughts, your counsel, your blood. Raise it up, great and 
beautiful, as it was foretold by our great men, and see that 
you leave it uncontaminated by any trace of falsehood or of 
servitude ; unprofaned by dismemberment. Let it be one, as 
the thought of God. You are twenty-five millions of men, 
endowed with active, splendid faculties ; possessing a tradi- 
tion of glory, the envy of the nations of Europe. An immense 
future is before you ; you lift your eyes to the loveliest heaven, 
and around you smiles the loveliest land in Europe ; you are 
encircled by the Alps and the sea, boundaries traced out by the 
finger of God for a people of giants — you are bound to be 
such, or nothing. Let not a man of that twenty-five millions 
remain excluded from the fraternal bond destined to Join you 
together ; let not a glance be raised to that heaven which is 
not the glance of a free man. Let Rome be the ark of your 
redemption, the temple of your nation. Has she not twice 
been the temple of the destinies of Europe ? In Rome two 
extinct worlds, the Pagan and the Papal, are superposed, like 
the jewels of a diadem ; draw from thence a third world, 
greater than the two ; from Rome, the holy city, the city of 
love (Amor), the purest and wisest among you, elected by the 
vote and fortified by the inspiration of a whole people, shall 
dictate the Pact that shall make us one, and represent us in 
the future alliance of the peoples. Until then you will either 
have no country, or have her contaminated and profaned." 
— From WorWs Best Orations. 

II. Norara. — ** All day long the king courts death, pressing 
forward where the balls fell like hail and the confusion was 
at its height, with the answer of despair to the devoted 


officers who sought to hold him back : * Let me die, this is 
my last day.' But death shuns the seeker. Men fell close 
beside him, but no charitable ball struck his breast. In the 
evening he said to his generals : * We have still 40,000 men, 
cannot we fall back on Alessandria, and still make an honor- 
able stand ? ' They told him that it could not be done. 
Radetsky was asked on what terms he would grant an armis- 
tice ; he replied : * The occupation of a large district in 
Piedmont and the heir to the throne as a hostage.' Then 
Charles Albert knew what he must do. * For eighteen years, ' 
he said, *I have made every effort for the good of the people ; 
I grieve to see that my hopes have failed — not so much for 
myself as for the country. I have not found death on the 
field of battle, as I ardently desired ; perhaps my person is the 
only obstacle to obtaining juster terms. I abdicate the crown 
in favor of my son, Victor Emmanuel.' And turning to the 
Duke of Savoy he said: 'There is your king.' " — Countess 
Cesaresco : Tlie Liberation of Italy, 


Judson : Europe in the Nineteenth Century, Chapters 
X, XI ; Alison Phillips : Modem Europe, 237-241 ; 280-311. 

§ 41. Unity Achieved Through Foreign Aid 

The revolution of 1848 had failed, and Italy found 
herself once more parceled out and controlled by foreign 
powers. Something, however, had been 
JjJ^^P®^ learned. It was evident that unity, if 
achieved, must be won under the leadership 
of a temporal, and not of a spiritual power. Sardinia, 
and not Rome, must be the champion of Italian national 

Fortunately, Sardinia was the one state which pre- 
served her liberties through the storms of 1849. The lib- 
eral constitution of 1846, granted by Charles Albert, and 
preserved by Victor Emmanuel II, secured for Sardinia 
a parliamentary government, a senate, appointed by the 


king, a Chamber of Deputies, elected by the people, and a 
ministry responsible to the chambers. Sardinia became 
the only liberally governed state in Italy. 

Victor Emmanuel was passionately fond of hunting, 
and was by taste a military man. Left to himself, it is not 
likely he could have solved the problem of 
Italy ; but, like William of Prussia, he found 
a servant greater than himself, who made h\^ reign illus- 
trious. Cavour was educated for the army, discharged 
for liberalism in 1830, and spent some years traveling in 
France and Germany. In 1847 he 
founded a liberal monarchical paper, 
11 RisorgimentOy at Turin. During 
the Revolution of 1848 he was a 
moderate, and in 1850 was called 
to the king^s ministry. There he 
evolved the policy that was to lead 
to the Kingdom of Italy. 

Ten years were devoted to the 
preparation. The resources of Sar- 
dinia were strengthened. Cavour 

sought to revive agriculture and ^^ 

1 -1 1 1 ^ XI 1 Victor Emmanuel II., 

commerce, and added to the royal ^^^^ ^^ Sardinia, 

revenue by secularizing the estates i849-i86i; Kino op 

of the regular clergy. At the same Italy, 1861-1878. 

time the army, in which the king 

took great pride, was reorganized after the Prussian model 

by General La Marmora. Cavour put himself in touch 

with Italian patriots thoughout Italy. These local leaders, 

defeated in their efforts to achieve independence through 

their personal efforts, turned to Sardinia and Cavour as 

the sole remaining means for the redemption of Italy. A 

secret organization, the " National Union," served to bind 

together the scattered elements of resistance to Austrian 


The foreign policy of Cavour was masterful, and marks 


him as one of the great diplomats of the nineteenth cen- 
tury. Convinced that Italy could never hope to win her 
liberty without foreign aid, he sought the friendship of 
the great liberal powers, England and France. Napoleon 
III was especially well disposed toward Italian unity, 
because as a boy, while visiting his father, the ex-King of 
Holland, in Italy, he had taken, it is said, the oath of the 
Car Jowart, ^and thus allied himself for life with the 
cause of liberal Italy. In the Crimean War Cavour of- 
fered troops to France and England ; and although Sar- 
dinia drew no territorial advantage from the war, yet she 
won the fellowship of two great powers, and raised the 
reputation of Italian troops in the eyes of Europe ; and at 
the Congress of Paris, which established the conditions of 
peace at the close of the war, Cavour succeeded in bring- 
ing the Italian question before the attention of the world. 
England refused to intervene, and the fate of Italy de- 
pended on the will of Napoleon. Cavour's influence over 

the Emperor was great, but Napoleon hesi- 
IB5M0."^ tated to involve his Empire in a costly war, 

from which no great advantage could accrue 
to France. The attempt of the Italian, Orsini, against 
the Emperor's life (January 16, 1858), and a letter, in 
which Orsini told Napoleon that his life was forfeit as a 
recreant CarbonarOj may have turned the scale. Cavour 
was summoned to an interview at Plombidres (July, 1858), 
and there the conditions of French aid were arranged. 
Napoleon was to deliver Lombardy and Venetia, and to 
receive for his reward Savoy and Nice. The warlike prep- 
arations of France and Sardinia alarmed Austria ; she sent 
to demand explanations ; they were refused, and war was 

It was a war of absolutism against the liberal elements 
of Europe. Against Austria were arrayed, not only France 
and Sardinia, but all Italian patriots, Freemasons and Be- 
publicans. Garibaldi and his volunteers fought beside 



the regular army of Sardinia. The Austrians were de- 
feated at Montebello and Magenta^ and driven oat of 
Lombardy ; coming back to the attack they were checked 
at Solferino (June 24th). All at once Napoleon stopped 
and began to negotiate for peace ; he dared go no farther. 
The battles of Magenta and Solferino had set France to 
counting the cost, and dangerously strengthened the cleri- 
cal opposition to his Italian policy. Prussia was mobiliz- 
ing her troops on the French frontier. The Peace of 
Ziirich November 10, 1859, freed Lombardy, which was 
annexed to the Kingdom of Sardinia, but left Venetia in 
Austrian hands. Cavour, in de- 
spair, resigned. Napoleon, al- 
though he had not "freed Italy 
as far as the Adriatic, ^^ insisted 
on his pay. Savoy and Nice. He 
could not do otherwise ; France 
was at his back, demanding the 
price of Magenta and Solferino, 
the immense loss of men and 
treasure. But Italy never for- 
gave her liberators for their hard 

The central states came of 
their own accord to Sardinia ; Tuscany, Modena, Parma, 
and the papal province of Romagna rose against their rulers 

and annexed themselves to the kingdom of 
^Kingdom of Victor Emmanuel. The south of Italy was 

smoldering with revolution, and needed 
only a spark to set it into flames. Sardinia dared not in- 
terfere, lest Europe should interpose a hand ; but Garibaldi, 
secretly aided by Cavour (who had resumed his post in Jan- 
uary, 1860), organized his " Marsala Thousand,^' and in- 
vaded Sicily. Garibaldi defeated the Neapolitan troops at 
Milazzo, freed Sicily, crossed to the mainland and entered 
Naples, while King Francis II fled to Gaeta (September 6, 



taken by force, entered the city. The Komans voted for 
annexation, 130,000 against 1,500. The papacy was de- 
prived of temporal power, and to this day has never recog- 
nized the government of Italy. The capital of Italy was 
established at Rome. 

Thus was created the new kingdom of Italy, by Cavour 
and Garibaldi, aided by Napoleon III. The history of 
Italy since 1870 has been uneventful. • Drifting away from 
France, she joined the Triple Alliance with Germany and 
Austria. This has involved a heavy burden of expense 
for the army and navy, which has been a serious drain 
upon Italy^s slender finances. Aspiring to a part in the 
world's work, Italy sought to establish colonies in East 
Africa (Erythraea) ; but her efforts were unsuccessful. 


I. Count Cavour: His Devotion to Italy.—'' Many generals 
have passed terrible hours on the field of battle; but he 
passed more terrible ones in his cabinet, when his enormous 
work might suffer destruction at any moment, like a fragile 
edifice at the tremor of an earthquake. Hours, nights of 
struggle and anguish did he pass, sufficient to make him issue 
from it with reason distorted and death in his heart. And it 
was this gigantic and stormy work which shortened his life 
by twenty years. Nevertheless, devoured by the fever which 
was to cast him into his grave, he yet contended desperately 
with the malady in order to accomplish something for his 
country. *It is strange,' he said sadly on his death-bed, *I 
no longer know how to read ; I can no longer read.' 

** While they were bleeding him, and the fever was increas- 
ing, he was thinking of his country, and he said, imperiously: 
* Cure me ; ray mind is clouding over ; I have need of all my 
faculties to manage important affairs. ' When he was already 
reduced to extremities, and the whole city was in a tumult, 
and the king stood at his bedside, he said, anxiously, *I 
have many things to say to you. Sire, many things to show 


you ; but I am ill ; I cannot, I cannot ; ' and he was in de- 

** And his feverish thoughts hovered ever round the State, 
round the new Italian provinces which had been united with 
us, round tlie many things which still remained to be done. 
When delirium seized him, * Educate the children I ' he ex- 
claimed, between his gasps for breath, ' — educate the children 
and the young people— govern with liberty I ' " — Edmondo de 
Amicis : Ctiore, 

II. Garibaldi, the Patriot. —'* Garibaldi died last night 
(June 2, 1881). Do you know who he is? He is the man 
who liberated ten millions of Italians from the tyranny of the 
Bourbons. He died at the age of seventy-five. He was bom 
at Nice, the son of a ship captain. At eight years of age he 
saved a woman's life; at thirteen, he dragged into safety 
a boatload of his companions who were shipwrecked; at 
twenty-seven he rescued from the water at Marseilles a drown- 
ing youth ; at forty-one, he saved a ship from burning on the 
ocean. He fought for ten years in America for the liberties of 
a strange people; he fought in three wars against the Aus- 
trians, for the liberation of Lombardy and Trentino; he 
defended Rome from the French in 1849; he delivered Naples 
and Palermo in 1860 ; he fought again for Rome in 1867 ; he 
combated with the Germans in defense of Prance in 1870. 
He was possessed of the flame of heroism and the genius of 
war. He was engaged in forty battles, and won thirty-seven 
of them. 

** When he was not fighting, he was laboring for his living, 
or he shut himself up in a solitary island, and tilled the soil. 
He was teacher, sailor, workman, trader, soldier, general, 
dictator. He was simple, great, and good. He hated all 
oppressors, he loved all peoples, he protected all the weak; he 
had no other aspiration than good, he refused honors, he 
scorned death, he adored Italy. When he uttered his war- 
cry, legions of valorous men hastened to him from all quar- 
ters; gentlemen left their palaces, workmen their ships, 
youths their schools, to go and fight in the sunshine of his 
glory. In time of war he wore a red shirt. He was strong, 
blond, and handsome. On the field of battle he was a thun- 
derbolt, in his affections he was a child, in affliction a saint. 


Thousands of Italians have died for their country, happy, if, 
when dying, they saw him pass victorious in the distance; 
thousands would have allowed themselves to be killed for 
him; millions have blessed him and will bless him/' — Cuore, 


Judson : Europe in the Nineteenth Century , Chapter XIV; 
Alison Phillips: Modem Europe, pp. 356-484 passim. 

Bii88ia and the Eastern Question 

§ 42. The Russian Empire from 1814 

The Russian Empire in Enrope was already in its 
present form in 1814, and was by far the largest of the 
European states. It had come to be a factor 
^R^SaT^*^ in the political life of Europe at this time, 
although its internal history scarcely reflects 
the great political and social changes that were going on in 
Europe. It is the policy of Russia toward the other 
powers with which it has come in contact that constitutes 
the important part of Russian history in the nineteenth 

Russia is also a conglomeration of peoples ; but, unlike 

Austria, Russia controls her subject nations, and is not 

« . lit- * controlled by them. This is due to the fact 

Biuniaf like Ans- *' 

iria, hM iu noe that Russia contains so large a nucleus of 

quMtioni. Muscovite Slavs, who are the dominant race, 

and their supremacy has been sustained by the absolutism 
of their Tsars. Instead of yielding to racial decentraliza- 
tion, as Austria has been obliged to do, Russia has pursued 
a rigid policy of Russianization, against the Germans of 
the Baltic provinces, the Lithuanians and Poles of the 
West, the Cossacks and Asiatic tribes of the South, and, 
last of all, the Finns of the North. Each one of these 
non-Muscovite elements is too small to offer serious resist- 
ance, and too isolated from other subject nationalities to 
effect a union for defense. 

Alexander I was the most liberal of the Tsars. This 
he owed to his education, which was superintended by 



Laharpe^ a liberal of the French school. When Napo- 
leon I had been defeated^ and the allies assembled at Paris 
to divide the spoils, it was the influence of 
"^ ' ' Alexander that saved France from the fury 

of the English and Germans, and secured for her the liberal 
Charter of 1814. Later, at the Congress of Vienna, 
Alexander disclosed his cherished hope, to solve with 
general satisfaction the Polish problem. He wished to 
acquire the whole of ancient Poland ; then grant to the 
Poles a separate constitution, making the crown of Poland 
distinct and separate from the imperial Russian crown. 
His effort to acquire Prussian Poland was thwarted by 
Talleyrand ; but Alexander carried out his Polish policy 
in the Polish provinces of Bussia, and the Kingdom of 
Poland was re-established in 1815, with a constitution, 
securing to the Poles a native administration, with a par- 
tially elective legislature; a greater degree of political 
liberty than was possessed at that time by any other people 
in central Europe. 

The system, however, did not become popular in 
Poland. Secret societies, copied from the Carbonari, even 
plotted against the Tsar^s life. Alexander became dis- 
couraged with his experiments in liberalism, and after 1818 
became converted to the views of Mettemich. A religious 
mysticism veiled the closing years of his life, and he died 
in 1826 on the coast of the Black Sea, conscious of the 
failure of his early hopes. His younger brother, Nicholas, 
who succeeded to the throne, put down the Poles with an 
iron hand, abolished the Charter of 1815, and gave Poland 
a Russian governor. " Poland shall henceforth be a part 
of the Empire,** he said, '*and form one nation with 

Nicholas had none of the sympathy with liberalism 
which formed so large a part of his brother's character. 
He abhorred constitutions and hated western ideas. His 
policy was to shut out Russia from the west, which was. 


perhaps, the better policy for Russia. Up to this time 
Russian life had been an Asiatic travesty of western Euro- 
pean ideas and customs ; the policy of Nich- 
olas called forth a Russian literature and 
national sentiment, and promised Russia an indigenous 
development. Although Nicholas withdrew Russia from 
the leadership of Metternich, yet he had no sympathy 
with revolutions. When the Hungarians were struggling 
against Austria in 1849, it was with willingness that 
Nicholas sent a Russian army to crush them. 

In 1848 Nicholas, confident of the strength of his army, 
thought the time had arrived for the conquest of the Otto- 
man Empire. He looked upon Turkey as 
mean ar. j^ij.g^y jj^ ^^le throes of dissolution. To the 
EngliElh ambassador he suggested in 1852 that, as the 
'^ Sick Man " at Constantinople was about to die, England 
and Russia " ought to agree about the funeral. '^ Finding 
an opportunity for intervention in the quarrels of Roman 
and Greek monks about the Holy Sepulchre, Nicholas 
advanced his army into Turkey, coming as the protector of 
the Orthodox (Greek) Church. To his surprise he had to 
meet the combined armies of England, Prance, and Sar- 
dinia, which were prepared to defend the integrity of the 
Ottoman Empire. The war was carried into the Crimea 
(1854), and Nicholas, defeated by the western powers he 
affected to despise, died broken-hearted. 

Alexander, son of Nicholas, reversed his father^s re- 
strictive policy, and entered upon a career of reform. The 
great act of his reign was the abolition of 
" serfdom. The peasants, bound by law to the 

soil, paid dues to the proprietor of the land, labored in his 
fields, and obeyed him as their master. There were forty- 
six millions of the unfree, half of them on crown lands. 
By the Emancipation act of 1861 all serfs were freed. They 
were given parcels of land, on payment of an annual rental, 
and at any time they might become proprietors of the land 



Alexander II, Libera- 
tor OF THE Serfs. 

by the payment of a fixed sum. The government stood 
ready to advance the purchase money, to be repaid in 
installments. In addition to the 
emancipation of serfs, Alexander 
introduced other reforms : local as- 
semblies (Zemstvos), public schools 
after the western model, and a re- 
organization of the army on the 
Prussian plan. 

But a constitution Alexander 
would not grant ; and with the 
growth of political discussion 
which his reign permitted, there 
rose up against him a great secret 
association of terrorists, recruited 
largely from the student class, 
whose object was the destruction 
of the absolutist system. Persecuted by the secret police, 
the " Nihilists '* resolved upon the death of the Tsar, and, 
after three unsuccessful attempts, 
succeeded in March, 1881. His 
son, Alexander III, turned by 
this event from the reform policy 
of his father, restored the despot- 
ism of Nicholas I. The press was 
muzzled, the land filled with 
spies, and Siberia became the fate 
of suspected persons. The policy - 
of Russian ization was continued 
by Alexander III, and the aim of 
the Empire to-day is to make the 
Russian language and the Rus- 
sian church sole and supreme 
throughout the land. For this 

reason the Jews have been persecuted, and the condition 
^of their residence in Russia made intolerable. The Grand 

Nicholas II. 


Duchy of Finland was the last country to be Russianized. 
Unmindful of his coronation oath, the Tsar, who had 
sworn to preserve the constitutional liberty of the Grand 
Duchy, began there also the policy of Eussianization. 
Nicholas II, who succeeded Alexander III in 1894, con- 
tinues the policy of the first Nicholas. Russia stands in 
much the same position as France in 1789, in respect to 
her political and economic problems ; with a population, 
however, much less enlightened and advanced* Her mod- 
ern period is yet to come, and her rulers hope, by exclud- 
ing western influences, and keeping Russia close in the fold 
of the Orthodox Church, to direct her development along a 
path which shall avoid those pitfalls into which, in their 
estimation, western Europe has stumbled. 


Russian Students as Bevolutionists.— Of late years Rus- 
sian university students have been prominent in the re- 
ports of political and socialistic agitation. The government 
has been obliged at times to close the universities on this 
account. The following extract attempts to account for this 
phenomenon : ** For some time past the disturbed condition 
of the student world, especially in the universities and theo- 
logical seminaries, has caused the government no little anxiety. 
For several reasons the Russian students of both sexes are far 
more inclined to revolutionary ideas than those of almost 
any other European nation. Conscious of the backwardness 
of their own country, the susceptible nature of the Slav leads 
the younger generation to seek a remedy for this reproach by 
adopting what they believe to be the very latest and most 
advanced theories of modern civilization. Besides this, a 
large proportion of the students are in a state of poverty, 
almost of destitution, which renders them yet more disposed 
to give free play to their imaginations, and build up society 
anew upon a system in which hunger and cold and suffering 
shall Ik* abolished forever. 

** When the universities were thrown open to all classes of 


society a vast number of scholarships were founded for the 
support of indigent students. The Emperor Alexander II 
gave half a million rubles to the university of St. Petersburg 
for this purpose, and his example was at once followed by an 
immense number of private persons. As a result of this well- 
meant munijftcence nearly two-thirds of the students in the 
universities are now dependent upon Government or private 
subsidies, but these are generally so small in amount as hardly 
to suffice for even the barest necessaries of life. Quite recently, 
in several of the universities, many of the students were unable 
to leave their lodgings to attend the classes for weeks at a 
time, as in their ill-clad and shoeless condition they dared not 
face the cold of a Russian winter. Male and female students 
crowd together in the cheapest lodgings that they can jftnd, 
while their families, generally living far away in some remote 
corner of rural Russia, are unable to exercise any wholesome 
influence to counteract the atmosphere of discontent and 
suffering and wild dreams of a 'Social Reformation' that 
their condition almost necessarily creates around them. It is 
hardly surprising that in the days of Nihilism nearly all the 
revolutionists condemned for political offenses had received 
* superior instruction ' and only one per cent were illiterate. " 
— Palmer : Russian Life in Toton and Country, 


Alison Phillips : Modem Europe ^ pp. 839-860 (for Crimesn 
War) ; Judsoii: Europe in the Nineteenth Century, Chapter 

§ 43. The Eastern Question 

The Ottoman Empire, founded at the close of the 
Middle Ages by a Turkish dynasty, retained in 1814 an 

immense territory. In Asia there was Asia 
Sfi^T"" Minor, Syria, the Euphrates country up to 

Persia, and the suzerainty of Arabia; in 
Africa, Egypt and the northern coast of Africa to Mo- 
rocco ; in Europe, the whole of the Balkan peninsula, and 
north of the Danube the principalities of Moldavia and 



Wallachia. The empire, however, although vast, verged 
on ruin. The task of the Turk in Europe was impossible. 
An arbitrary government, without method in administra- 
tion, seeking its law, religious, civil, and political, in the 
Koran, its existence was based upon the ignorance of its 
subject peoples. Intelligence and the knowledge of liberty, 
as it progressed across Central Europe, was certain to bring 
about the dismemberment of Turkey. 

Whoever became a Mussulman, no matter what his 
origin — Greek, Croat, or Albanian — became a Turk, and 
The Turkish ^^® entitled to all the privileges of the 
nation inoinded original founders of the empire. The Koran 
only MnssnlmaoB. permi^iie^ ^q inequality amongst believers. 
Society in the Ottoman Empire was divided, therefore, 
into two great classes, Mussulmans and raias, as the sub- 
ject Christian peoples were called. All offices of whatever 
class, civil or military, were held by Mussulmans ; the 
raias retained their languages, their customs, their clergy, 
and their village administration ; they paid a special head- 
tax, due from infidels, and were at the mercy of the unsal- 
aried, rapacious officials of the Sultan. 

In Asia the raias were relatively few and scattered — 
Greeks, Jews, and Armenians ; but in Europe the Turks 
were in the minority, holding by force great groups of 
conquered peoples. North of the Danube were the Rou- 
manians, occupying the principalities of Moldavia and 
Wallachia, governed by Greek governors appointed by the 
Sultan. South of the great river were the Serbs, a race 
of peasants with Turkish lords ; farther to the south and 
west the Bosniaks and Albanians, partly Christian, partly 
of the Moslem faith ; and on the east, occupying both 
slopes of the Balkan Mountains, the Bulgarians, in the 
three provinces, Bulgaria, Eoumelia, and part of Mace- 
donia. South of the Bulgarians were the Greeks, inhab- 
iting the extremity of the peninsula and the adjacent 


The position of the Sultan was that of a stranger in 
Europe — a conqueror encamped on the shores of the 
Bosphorus. When the Christian sovereigns 
OaMtiSJf*™ ^^ Europe came together to discuss and ar- 

range matters of importance to all Europe, 
the Sultan did not form one of the council. At the Con- 
gress of Vienna, Turkey first came into the field of general 
European politics. Austria, extending the policy of Met- 
ternich to all Europe, asked the Congress to guarantee 
to the Sultan the integrity of his possessions. This Russia 
refused to do ; but since all the Powers were more or less 
interested in the fate of Turkey, it was agreed that all 
must be consulted in the disposition of her affairs. Thus 
the Eastern Question was born, in 1815. The " Question ^^ 
was this : Should the Turkish Empire be preserved intact ; 
or, if dismembered, what disposition should be made of its 
territories ? But the rivalry of the states kept the Turk- 
ish power erect in Europe. The policy of Russia was to 
push southward, and seek an outlet in the Mediterranean ; 
the policy of the other Powers was to prevent her, and to 
preserve the " balance of power ^* in Europe. England in 
particular feared the extension of Russia to the southward, 
as threatening her possessions in India. 

But while the European concert tended to protect the 
Turk in Europe, his power was threatened from another 
source. Up to 1821 the danger was from 
S^b^nt^"" without; later it came from within. The 
awakening of a sense of national conscious- 
ness in Greece led to revolt, and the Greek insurgents 
appealed to the Christian states for aid against the Turk. 
Metternich sought to restrain the Russian Tsar, while 
Turkish soldiers massacred the inhabitants of the Greek 
Isles, and the Sultan hanged the Greek Patriarch, with 
three archbishops, in the doorway of their church. But 
liberal Europe was particularly attracted to the cause of 
the descendants of the ancient Greeks ; Philhellenic socie- 



ties were formed, and step by step statesmen were brought 
around by the force of public opinion. England joined 
with Russia in negotiations with the Porte for the inde- 
pendence of the Greeks. This the Sultan refused, and the 
two powers, allying with them France, proceeded to inter- 
vene ; a Russian army forced the Porte to terms, and Greece 

^-^l!— "•'' '':■''':■. 

Tub Turkish Empire in Europe. 

was made free. Thus through the force of public senti- 
ment the concert of the powers was overthrown and the 
integrity of Turkey violated. 

In 1852 the question rose again, when Nicholas sought 
to settle the affairs of the '^ Sick Man of Europe." The 
Congress of Paris, which followed the defeat of Russia 


in the Crimea, defended the Turkish Empire against the 
further spoliation, closed the Black Sea to ships of war, 
declared the Danube a neutral river, and guaranteed again 
the integrity of Turkey. In return, the Sultan promised 
reforms and a mild government for his Christian subjects. 
But it was in vain ; it was impossible for the Turks to 
look upon the Christians as their equals before the law. 
" The doctrine of the Koran draws an indelible line 
between Turks and Christians ; equality before the law 
will remain a dream in Turkey.'^ This project of the 
Powers, however sincerely entertained, was no solution of 
the problem ; that was to come in the dismemberment 
of the empire, and the political separation of the Christians 
from the Mussulmans. 

Twenty years later events occurred which made the 
policy of the Powers untenable. In 1876, while the insur- 
gent mountaineers of Herzegovina were 
S>*^^"7^^ holding the attention of the Turkish army, 
the Bulgarians rose in arms and declared 
themselves independent. The Sultan sent against them 
the Bashi'bazouks, irregular volunteers, serving for the 
opportunity of plunder, who destroyed a hundred villages, 
massacred 30,000 inhabitants, and carried off 12,000 
women into slavery. The " Bulgarian Atrocities '' aroused 
the indignation of Europe ; the Powers dared no longer 
attempt the defense of the Turkish Empire. Servia en- 
tered the war in July and Russia followed with the inva- 
sion of Turkey in the name of the persecuted Christians. 
The Turks fought with valor, but were overcome, and 
Constantinople lay in the grasp of Russia (Peace of San 
Stefano, March 3, 1878). Here the Powers intervened, 
however, and the Congress of Berlin (June 13-July 13, 
1878) arranged the final conditions of peace. The Sultan 
recognized the complete independence of the Christian 
states of Roumania, Servia, and Montenegro. Bulgaria, 
between the Danube and the Balkans, was erected into a 


Christian principality, subject to Turkish suzerainty. Of 
the other Bulgarian states Roumelia was to be allowed a 
certain amount of self-government, enough to make the 
condition of her Christian population tolerable, with a 
Christian governor appointed by the Sultan. Greece was 
given Thessaly, and Austria was invited to occupy the 
provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The introduction 
of Austria into the Balkan Peninsula was intended as a 
check to Russian influence. Russia, as the material re- 
ward of her victory, received an addition to her Asiatic 
territory on the south shore of the 
Black Sea ; while England, as pro- 
tector of Turkey, received the gift 
of Cyprus. 

Thus Turkey in Europe was al- 
most wholly torn from the Sultan's 
grasp. There remained to him the 
Mussulman lands of Albania and 
the province of Constantinople ; of 
Christian subjects, the Bulgarian 
and other Christian nationalities of 
Macedonia, and the Greeks of the 
province of Salonika. The Christian 
countries of the Turkish Empire in 
Europe have become independent states, as before the 
Ottoman conquest ; and the Eastern Question is in a fair 
way to solve itself, in spite of the diplomats of Europe. 

Abdul Hamid, Sultan 
OF Turkey. 


Synopsis of the Treaty of Berlin.— **(1) Bosnia, including 
Herzegovina, was assigned to Austria for permanent occupa- 
tion. Thus Turkey lost a great province of nearly 1,250,000 
inhabitants. Of these about 500,000 were Christians of the 
Greek Church, 450,000 were Mohammedans, mainly in the 
towns, who offered a stout resistance to the Austrian troops, 
and 250,000 Roman Catholics. By the occupation of the Novi 


Bazar district Austria wedged in her forces between Monte- 
negro and Servia, and was also able to keep watch over the 
turbulent province of Macedonia. (2) Montenegro received less 
than the San Stephano terms had promised her, but received 
the seaports of Antivari and Dulcigno. It needed a demon- 
stration of the European fleets off the latter port to make the 
Turks yield Dulcigno to the Montenegrins (who alone of all 
the Christian races of the peninsula had never been conquered 
by the Turks). (8) Servia was proclaimed an independent 
principality (became a kingdom in 1881). (4) Roumania also 
gained her independence and ceased to pay any tribute to the 
Porte, but had to give to her Russian benefactors the slice ac- 
quired from Russia in 1856 between the Pruth and the northern 
mouth of the Danube. In return for this sacrifice she gained 
the large but marshy Dorbrudscha district from Bulgaria, and 
so acquired the port of Kustendje on the Black Sea. (5) Bul- 
garia, which according to the San Stephano terms, would 
have been an independent state as large as Roumania, was by 
the Berlin Treaty subjected to the suzerainty of the Sultan, 
divided into two parts, and confined within much narrower 
limits. Turkey was alloyred to occupy the passes of the Bal- 
kans in time of war." J. H. Rose : A Century of Continental 


Judson : Europe in the Nineteenth Century y Chapters XXIV, 
XXV ; Alison Phillips : Modem Europe, Chapter XIX (for 
Treaty of Berlin). 

§ 44. Greece 

The ancient Greek nation, overrun by Slavs and Alban- 
ians during the Middle Ages, fell into the hands of the 

Turks and shared the general fate of the Bal- 
^der Turkisli ^^^ Christians. Under the dominion of the 

Turks the Slavs and Albanians dwelling in 
Greece were Hellenized, and little by little there was formed 
a hybrid nation, speaking the Greek tongue and occupying 
the territories of ancient Greece. Outside of Greece men 
of Greek extraction were scattered through the Turkish 


Empire ; in Constantinople they occupied a quarter of the 
city, called the Phanar, whence they received the name of 
** Phanariots." A sharp, shrewd race, equal to the Jews 
as traders, they largely controlled the commerce of the 
Danube, and were found in the ports of the Adriatic and 
even as far west as Leghorn and Marseilles. 

During the French Eevolution and the Napoleonic wars 
Greek sailors, under the neutral Turkish flag, drove a 
thriving trade in the Mediterranean, carrying Bussian 
grain from Odessa to the ports of western Europe. In 1816 
they possessed a fleet of 600 vessels with 17,000 sailors. 
These Greek sailors inhabited three barren rocks, called 
the Nautical Isles — Hydra, Spezzia, and Psara — facing the 
Gulf of Argolis. There they lived in three little republics, 
tributary to the Sultan. Their vessels were armed with 
cannon, for defense against the Barbary pirates. The 
general peace of 1814 put an end to their trade and made 
them ready for adventure of any sort. On the mainland 
bands of mountaineers, half brigands, lived in defiance of 
the Turkish authorities. 

The contact with western nations roused the national 
spirit of the Greeks. Merchants, grown rich in trade, estab- 
Btnurrle for Hshed schools at Bucharest, Corfu, and Con- 

iodependenoei stantinople. The Greek language, debased 
1821-1829. ^j^j^ foreign elements, began to be studied 
in its classical form, and a consciousness of the ancient 
grandeur of their race spurred the educated Greeks toward 
a resurrection of their national life. The revolt against 
Turkish rule took place at the same time in the Morea, 
in Epirus, and among the Danubian Greeks of Roumania. 
In the north the insurgents were soon suppressed, but in 
the Morea they were more successful, and drove out the 
Turks. A brutal war ensued, which lasted for four years. 
To make matters worse, the Greek revolutionists quarreled 
among themselves, and civil war was added to the horrors 
of Turkish invasion. At length, in 1826, the Sultan called 


upon his vassal, Ibrahim Pasha, Viceroy of Egypt, for aid. 
Two armies invaded Greece : a Turkish army from the 
north, while troops from the Egyptian fleet landed in the 
south and devastated the Morea with fire and sword, until 
Greece was again in Turkish hands. 

But the Powers came to the rescue. England and 
France, driven by the force of public opinion, joined with 
Russia, whose motive was to rescue her brethren of the 
Greek Church from the hands of the infidels. The Powers 
projected a naval demonstration to compel Ibrahim Pasha 
to withdraw. A mixed fleet under the command of an 
English admiral took possession of the harbor of Navarino, 
where the Egyptian fleet was at anchor. The bitter feeling 
between Christian and Mohammedan sailors led to hostili- 
ties which were not intended ; a shot from an Egyptian 
gunboat brought about the battle of Navarino (October 20, 
1827), in which the Egyptian fleet was destroyed. The 
Sultan demanded an indemnity, which was refused ; and 
after fruitless negotiations an English fleet, threatening 
Constantinople, secured the recall of Ibrahim Pasha, while 
France sent an army into the Morea. Russia moved south- 
ward across the Danube, and, defeating the Turks in Bul- 
garia, approached Constantinople. The peace of Adrian, 
ople (1829) granted the independence of Greece within 
narrow limits, stripped of Thessaly and Crete, a poverty- 
stricken state of 750,000 souls. 

Capodistrias, a Greek, who had been in the Russian ser- 
vice, was chosen President in 1827. He fell a victim to local 
f (!-«««« jealousies and was murdered four years later. 
^"^^®™ ® • Meanwhile the Powers had been seeking a 

foreign king for Greece. Leopold of Saxe-Coburg, who sub- 
sequently became King of Belgium, refused the honor. In 
1832 Prince Otto, of Bavaria, was chosen king. He brought 
with him Bavarian advisers, and put the army into German 
uniform. As a Catholic and a German he failed to make 
himself popular with his new subjects, but succeeded fairly 



Modern Oreeoe. 

well in organizing the government and introducing institu- 
tions of western Europe, such as the University of Athens 
in 1836, and a national bank in 1841. In 1843 the Greek 
soldiers rose against the king, a National Assembly was 
called, and the king was compelled to accept a constitution, 
with a ministry responsible to a Chamber of Deputies 
chosen by universal suffrage. But Otto continued unpop- 
ular, and a revolution in 1862 drove him from the throne. 
Prince George of Denmark, the English candidate, was 
chosen king in the following year, and England turned 
over to Greece the Ionian Islands, 
held by England since the Congress 
of Vienna. 

The Constitution of 1864 abolished 
the Senate established by the Consti- 
tution of 1843, and gave 
the whole parliamentary 
power to the BouU or National As- 
sembly, elected by universal suffrage. 
Since then the history of Greece has 
largely consisted of repeated attempts 
to add to the Greek kingdom those 
parts of Turkey which are Greek in 
population. Through the good offices 
of France and England, Thessaly and a part of Epirus 
were added in 1881, a delayed result of the rearrange- 
ment of the Turkish Empire by the Treaty of Berlin. The 
Greeks were yet unsatisfied. The island of Crete revolted 
against Turkish dominion in 1896, but its union with 
Greece was prevented by the Powers. In 1897 Greece 
declared war against Turkey, and was defeated by the 
Turkish army, which had been reorganized under the 
direction of military experts loaned by the Emperor of 

Greece has been made possible by the sympathy of 
Europe, and the ancient traditions of her name. The 

George I. of Greece. 


enthusiasm which accompanied her resurrection has been 
only partially justified by her progress as a nation. Her 
extension northward is checked by the growth of the Slavic 
states, Servia and Bulgaria, and by the entrance of Austria 
into the Balkan peninsula. But Greece is growing in 
wealth, and hef population includes 2,200,000 out of a 
total eight millions of Greek-speaking people. 


Execution of the Patriarch : An Episode of the Greek Rero- 
lution (see § 43). — ** While the new patriarch was assuming 
the insignia of liis official rank the deposed patriarch was led 
to execution. He was hung from the lintel of the gate of 
the patriarchate, with a fetva, or sentence of condemnation, 
pinned to his breast.^ The old man met death with dignified 
courage and pious resignation. His conscience was at ease, 
for he believed that he had fulfilled his duty as a Christian 
priest by concealing from an infidel sovereign the existence 
of an orthodox conspiracy, of which he may have obtained 
detailed information only in the confessional. In the evening 
the grand -vizier, Benderli Ali, walked through the streets of 
the Phanar. attended by a single tcTiaous, On reaching the 
gate of the patriarchate, he called for a stool, and sat down 
for a few moments, looking calmly at the body hanging before 
liim. He then rose and walked away without uttering a word. 
Ottoman justice is deeply imbued with the principle that men 
in high office are hostages to the Sultan for order in his 
dominions and that they ought to expiate crimes of the peo- 
ple which are attributable to their neglect. 

**The body of Gregorios remained publicly exposed for 
three days. It was then delivered to the Jews to be dragged 
through the streets and cast into the sea. This odious 
task is rendered a source of horrid gratification to the Jew- 

* The patriarch (head of the Greek Church) was accused of con- 
cealing knowledge of the plots of Greek revolutionists. It was held 
that as official of the Sultan (by whom he was appointed) he waa in 
duty bound to disclose such knowledge to the Turkish authorities. 







ish rabble at Constantinople, by the intense hatred which 
prevails between the Greeks and the Jews throughout the 
East. The orthodox, who regarded Gregorios as a martyr, 
watched the body, and at night it was taken out of the water 
and conveyed in an Ionian vessel to Odessa, where the Rus- 
sian authorities welcomed it as a holy relic, which the waters 
had miraculously cast up to strengthen the faith, perhaps to 
animate the bigotry, of the Sultan's enemies. The body was 
interred with magnificent ecclesiastical ceremonies and much 
military pomp."— Finlay : History of Greece. 


Alison Phillips: Modem Europe^ pp. 114-168; Judson: 
Europe in the Nineteenth Century, pp. 260-263 ; 278-281. 

§ 45. The DANUBiAisr States 

Of the Dannbian states which formed at one time a 
part of the Turkish Empire, Boumania was least affected 
by Ottoman dominion, on account of her 
remoteness from the center of Turkish 
power. Modern Roumania is made up of two states which 
formerly existed as the principalities of Wallaehia and 
Moldavia, tributary to the Porte. Wallaehia lay between 
the Danube and the Carpathians ; Moldavia between the 
Carpathians and the Black Sea. At the beginning of the 
nineteenth century they were governed by Hospodars, 
governors selected by the Sultan from the Phanariots of 
Constantinople. In 1834, through the intervention of 
Russia, they were permitted to choose their own Hospodars, 

The Roumanians, as their name implies, are tradition- 
ally of Roman origin. They claim to be descended from 
the colonists settled by the Roman Emperor Trajan upon 
the Danube. Their speech is a Romance tongue, related 
to French, Spanish, and Italian ; in religion they are ad- 
herents of the Orthodox church. The population in 1834 
consisted of peasants, who tillod the plains, and land -own- 



ing nobles, who lived in the cities, Bucharest and Jassy. 
The peasants were abject serfs ; the nobles, influenced by 
their supposed common origin with the French, imitated 
in a rude way the customs of Paris. 

The Treaty of Paris (1856), which terminated the 
Crimean War, placed the principalities under the protec- 
tion of the Powers. Their union, which was 
1^^*^ forbidden by the Sultan, was effected in 1859, 
when a Moldavian noble, Couza, elected 
Hospodar in both principalities, took the title of Alex- 
ander I, ** Prince of Eoumania,'* 
and called a National Assembly 
at Bucharest, the capital. The 
servile peasantry were made pro- 
prietors in 1864, buying the in- 
terest of the nobles in their hold- 
ings by means of fifteen annual 

Alexander was the victim of 
local jealousies, and was forced to 
resign in 1866. Con- 
^*^^' vinced that the no- 
bles would never endure the rule 
of a native prince, the Roumanians 
chose a Catholic German prince, 
Charles of Hohenzollern, who came to the throne as 
Charles I, and still reigns. Under his able constitutional 
rule the kingdom has prospered. The army was reorgan- 
ized after the German model, and co-operated with the 
Russians against the Turks in the war of 1877-78. The 
war made Roumania a sovereign state, obtaining from the 
Sultan a formal recognition of her independence. Charles 
took the title of king in 1881. 

The problem of Roumania, apart from her industrial 
development, is to extend her borders to include the whole 
of the Roumanian nation. Apart from the subjects of 

Charles I, Kino of 



King Charles, there are over three millions of Roumanians 
in adjacent states, of whom two millions and a half are in 
the Kingdom of Hungary. 

Servia is called the " Peasant Nation/' Its ancient na- 
tive aristocracy was lost in the conquest by the Turks, 

and replaced with Mussulmans, who settled as 

conquerors in the country. The industry of 
Servia was swine-raising, and such prominent individuals 
as there were among the native Serbs at the beginning of 
the nineteenth century had arrived at distinction through 
success in this industry. The two families about which the 
history of Servia revolves were of this character : the 
Karageorgewitches, taking their origin from Kara Georges 
(Black George), a heroic leader of the Serbs against the 
Turks in the early years of the century ; and the Obre- 
no witches, who furnished the first modem prince of Servia. 
Kara Georges, worsted by the Turks, fled to Austria. 
His rival, Milosh Obrenowitch, pursued a different policy, 

bowing to Turkish authority, and received 
Thetwodynas- f^^^ Constantinople the title of " Prince of 

the Serbs of the Pashalik of Belgrade.'^ In 
1830 he was made hereditary prince, and the Turkish 
garrisons removed from Servia. Thus Servia was formed, 
as yet a dependency of Turkey, but self-governing. 
Meanwhile Milosh had murdered his rival, Kara Georges, 
who returned from Austria in 1818. In 1837 Russia and 
the Sultan, listening to complaints of Milosh's absolutism, 
imposed upon him a ministry, who asked him for an ac- 
counting of the national funds, whereupon he abdicated 
in favor of his son, angry at such questioning of his au- 
thority. Three years later a revolt drove the Obreno- 
witches from the throne, and seated there a son of Kara 
Georges, Alexander. He in turn was driven out in 1859, 
and the Obrenowitches returned to power. These rapid 
changes of dynasty reflect the intrigues of the two great 
powers, Russia and Austria, each seeking to make good its 



inflnence in Servia. In 1868 Milan Obrenowitch^ edacated 
at Paris^ came to the throne, and in the following year a 
constitution was adopted, and an attempt made to intro- 
duce a western form of government. The Skouptchinaj 
an ancient assembly of heads of families, was made into 
an elective parliament. 

In 1876, excited by the revolt of Christians in Herze- 
govina, Servia declared war against Turkey. Conquered 
and overrun, she was saved by European in- 
^^°™° ' tervention; but during the Russian inva- 
sion of Turkey in 1877 Servia reopened the war. The 
Peace of Berlin gave her greater 
territory and complete indepen- 
dence; but the establishment of 
Austria in Herzegovina was a se- 
vere blow to the national aspira- 
tion, since it cut her off from the 
hope of a larger Serbian union. 
She saw a chance for Serbian ex- 
pansion on the south. There 
Greeks, Serbs, and Bulgarians, 
each looking to the establishment 
of a great Balkan state, were in- 
triguing to secure a paramount in- 
fluence in the mixed provinces of 
Boumelia and Macedonia, still sub- 
When Roumelia chose for its gov- 
ernor the Prince of Bulgaria, thereby effecting a union with 
Bulgaria, Servia rushed into war. She was completely 
beaten, and was happy when Europe intervened to stop 
the victorious Bulgarians. Thus for a time her schemes 
for a greater Servia were checked. Milan abdicated in 
1889, and his son Alexander I, the reigning king, pre- 
serves his throne with difficulty, leaning upon Austrian 
influence, while Russia holds a Karageorgewitch in reserve. 
The Montenegrins are the Swiss of the Balkans. A 

Alexander I, Kino of 

ject to Constantinople. 


democracy of warriors, of Serbian blood, although nomi- 
nally subject to Turkey, they were governed by a family, 
M te ' atal succeeding from uncle to nephew, under 
ian for Tohema- the title of Prince-Bishop (Vladika). In 
*^' 1851 Danilo dropped the episcopal title, 

married, and founded a dynasty. He was succeeded by 
his nephew, Nikita. Montenegro has been in continual 
struggle with the Turks, looking to Russia as her protec- 
tor. In 1878 her territory was made independent, and a 
seaport added on the Adriatic (Dulcigno). The sovereign 
is absolute, with a Council of State, half appointed by 
himself, half elective. A daughter of the Prince is now 
Queen of Italy. 

The principality of Bulgaria was created by Russia, 
and accepted by the Congress of Berlin. As contemplated 
by Russia, it comprised Bulgaria and Rou- 
^ ' melia, almost wholly peopled by Bulgarians, 

and Macedonia, a mixture of Bulgarians, Serbs, Greeks, and 
Wallachians (Roumanians). The Congress of Berlin cut it 
down to Bulgaria, which remained tributary to the Porte, 
with a prince, elected by the people and approved by the 
Sultan. Alexander of Battenberg, a German prince, was 
chosen. The constitution established a ministry and a 
single assembly, the Sobranje, elected by universal suffrage. 
In 1885 Roumelia, desiring union with Bulgaria, re- 
volted against its Turkish governor, and called for aid 
upon Prince Alexander. The Prince could not resist the 
desire of his subjects, took the title of ** Prince of the Two 
Bulgarias,'* and occupied the province. The Powers pro- 
tested, and Servia went to war. The Turkish Government 
finally accepted a compromise, and Alexander was ap- 
pointed governor of Roumelia. In 1887 Alexander, re- 
fusing to submit his policy to Russian control, was sur- 
prised by conspirators, forced to resign, and hurried out of 
the country. In the absence of a prince, Stambouloff, 
president of the Sobranje (Bulgarian legislature), governed 


the country. It was not an easy matter to find a prince ; 
but finally Ferdinand of Coburg, an ofl&cer in the Hun- 
garian army, accepted the title, and was recognized by 
the Sultan. The agitation for the union bf Macedonia is 
now the sensitive point of Bulgarian politics. 


*^ Carmen Sylya," Queen of Bonmanla.—'* Prince Charles 
had occupied the Hospodarial throne of the United Principal- 
ities for a little more than three years and a half before he 
sought and obtained the hand of one of the most highly gifted 
and accomplished young ladies in Europe, the Princess Eliza- 
beth of Wied. From the date of her arrival in the country 
of her adoption, Princess Elizabeth addressed herself to the 
di£Qcult task of winning the hearts of her subjects, instinc- 
tively averse to and suspicious of foreign-bom persons. She 
devoted several months of unremitting labor to the study of 
the Roumanian language, literature, legendary lore, and music. 
She and all the ladies of her court (at her instance) wore the 
national costume, setting an example of reaction against 
Paris fashions and extravagance which the great Boyarins 
could not but follow. She founded charitable institutions in 
the principal towns of both Principalities, reorganized the 
public hospitals, and was an unwearied visitor of the poor. She 
translated ballads, fables, and love-songs, and published them 
under the pseudonym of * Carmen Sylva,' thus spreading the 
fame of Roumanians cherished bards far and wide throughout 
civilized Europe. Her gentle manners, engaging appearance, 
sweet disposition, and, above all, inexhaustible interest in the 
history, traditions, and customs of Roumania, rapidly effected 
the conquest of Trajan's rugged but warm-hearted descend- 
ants, and before she had been a year on the throne, ' Marea 
8a ' (her Highness) had attained the summit of her ambition, 
an unexampled popularity in her brave and sagacious hus- 
band's realm." — Condensed from W. Beatty-Kingston : Mon- 
ircTis I Have Met. 


Judson : Europe in the Nineteenth Century, Chapters 

The Smaller States 

§ 46. Spain and Portugal 

While the Spaniards were waging their war of liberation 
against Napoleon I, and their king, Ferdinand VII, was 
a prisoner in France, a liberal movement, . 
k!^B^df^*^ stimulated by contact with French and Eng- 
lish, took place in the peninsula. A Cortes, 
or National Assembly, chosen by universal suffrage, came 
together in 1811, and proclaiming the doctrine of the 
French Revolution that ** Sovereignty is vested essentially 
in the nation,'' drew up the Constitution of 1812, a charter 
not unlike the French constitution of 1791. It vested the 
executive power in the king, and provided for a Cortes of 
a single chamber, elected by universal suffrage. Thus the 
Spaniards, although jealously repulsing French control, 
had ended by accepting the principles of the French Revo- 

The English army brought back the king. Once seated 
on the throne, he gave free rein to his Bourbon instincts, 
abolished the Constitution of 1812, condemned to prison 
or to exile the liberal leaders, and restored the old system, 
with its absolutism, privilege of nobles, Inquisition and all. 
But the government was embarrassed on all sides ; the 
country was impoverished with war, its debt increased, and 
armies were necessary to subdue the American colonies, 
which had risen in revolt. A military expedition was pre- 
pared against Buenos Ayres and lay for three years at Cadiz, 
awaiting ships to carry it to America. 

The general dissatisfaction found expression in 1820. 


The army at Cadiz, idle and unpaid, led the revolt, and 
was followed by the liberal sympathizers in the cities. A 

Junta, or insurrectionary committee was 
J^Tolutlonof formed, which proclaimed the Constitution 

of 1812. The king, alarmed and stripped of 
military support, yielded, and expressed his readiness to 
accept the charter. A Cortes was elected, and for three 
years Spain lived under a constitutional monarchy. 

But the Powers of the Congress of Vienna were not dis- 
posed to permit so grave a disturbance of their labors. In 
1823 a French army, commissioned by the Powers, crossed 
the Pyrenees and restored the absolute monarchy. Perse- 
cutions followed, liberals and Freemasons were executed, 
liberal and foreign books were forbidden ; students of the 
universities were obliged to swear not to recognize the sov- 
ereignty of the people, nor to join secret societies. 

Ferdinand had two children, both of them girls. 
The Salic law, introduced with the Bourbons from France 

(1713), forbade succession through the female 
tawwr^ line, and by law the crown would pass to the 

king's brother, Carlos. Ferdinand, however, 
wishing to preserve the crown for his daughter, Isabella, 
published an edict restoring the old Spanish order of female 
succession. Carlos protested, and on the death of the 
king in 1833, Spain was divided into two parties, devoted 
respectively to the claims of Carlos and of Isabella. Eng- 
land and France supported Isabella ; the absolute govern- 
ments, the claims of the pretender, Carlos. 

The government of the Queen Regent, Christina (for 
Isabella was an infant), sought liberal support, and granted 
a constitution similar to the charter of Louis XVIII. But 
the country was disturbed with Carlist plots. For five 
years (1834-39) the issue was in doubt ; but the incompe- 
tence of Carlos turned the scale against him ; his partisans, 
weary of the struggle, withdrew, and Carlos fled abroad. 
His claim still lives with his descendants, and a Carlist 


party still stands ready to profit by the weakness of the 
Spanish Government. 

The regency of Christina and the reign of her daughter, 
Isabella, were vacillating, unprogressive, and filled with 
scandal. In 1868 the army and navy rose 
^^buf**^ "^ ^^^^ pronunciamentos against the crown, 
Madrid joined the insurgents, and Isabella 
fled to France. A provisional government offered the 
crown in vain to one prince after another. The offer to the 
Prince of HohenzoUern-Sigmaringen was the immediate 
cause of the Franco-Prussian War. Finally, Amadeo, son 
of Victor Emannuel of Italy, accepted 
the honor, but finding it impossible 
to reconcile the Spanish political fac- 
tions, resigned in 1873. The Cortes 
proclaimed a Republic. The Repub- 
lic was, however, no solution. A 
struggle of embittered partisans, it 
degenerated into a military dictator- 
ship under Marshal Serrano. In 1874 
Martinez Campos, a military leader, 
proclaimed in favor of Alphonso XII, 
son of Isabella, and he was accepted. 

'^'''^Tp Sp^«^' ^"^ ^'^ ""^^^ ^"^ "^®''^^' politically ; but 
in order to reconcile the pope, who 
had declared in favor of the Carlist claimant, Alphonso 
closed Protestant chapels and schools, and abolished civil 
marriage. The army was reorganized on the German 
model ; civil affairs were left to a ministry responsible to 
the Cortes. Alphonso died in 1886, and was succeeded by 
his posthumous son, Alphonso XIII. 

In colonial matters Spain has been unsuccessful. This 
is due in part, no doubt, to her methods ; but it remains 
to be shown that any other power can deal successfully 
with the same material. In the West Indies and in the 
Philippines her colonial subjects have been for years in 


constant revolt. The Cuban War of 1895 resulted in the 
intervention of the United States, and in the brief war 
which followed Spain betrayed her poverty 
^*°^* *"' and lack of military resources. The treaty 
of Paris stripped her of her chief possessions, Cuba, Porto 
Kico, and the Philippines. 

John VI, King of Portugal, of the house of Braganza, 
fled before Napoleon to the greater Portugal, Brazil. There 
he remained after the restoration, and gov- 
^'^^"^ emed Portugal from Rio de Janeiro. In 1820 

John VI died, and left two sons. Pedro, the elder, chose 
to remain in Brazil, and proclaimed himself emperor ; 
Miguel, the younger, came to Portugal, but was driven 
out in 1824. Pedro, not wishing to come to Europe, 
yielded his rights to his daughter, Maria da Gloria, who 
granted a constitution in 1826, similar to the French 
charter of 1814. 

A struggle for the throne ensued between Maria and 
Miguel, which lasted until 1834. The powers intervened 
and drove Miguel out of the kingdom ; he promised, in 
return for a yearly allowance, to renounce the crown, and 
live in exile. Maria married a German prince of the house 
of Coburg. 

Portugal has reflected, in her political development, the 
movements of Spain. The constitution has been modified 
and made more liberal ; the suffrage made more general. 
Portugal remains, however, the most backward country of 
western Europe. 


I. Decline of Spain's Colonial Empire.— ' ' The people stand- 
ing at the threshold of the twentieth century have viewed 
the collapse of the last important edifices in the Spanish 
colonial domain. Spain, after a reig^n of just about four 
hundred years over an empire on which the sun never set, 
retained, at the termination of the war with the United States, 


but a reinnant of its vast realms. In the Oceanica, the Caro- 
line Islands and Palos, as well as the Ladrones (except (j^uam), 
with a total area of 010 square miles and a population of 37,000 
souls, were yet Spanish ; but since then they have been sold to 
Gtermany. In Africa, Spain still owns territory amounting 
to 243,877 square miles, and having 186,000 inhabitants. A 
further district on the Campo and Muni rivers, measuring 
09,000 square miles and counting 500,000 residents, is in dis- 
pute with Prance. 

''A detailed discussion of the reasons for the misfortunes 
suflfered by the Spaniards in colonization is not necessary. 
In every epoch and region the seeds were sown to reap the 
whirlwind. Too centralized an administration, utter lack of 
self-government, corrupt officials, avaricious greed for quick 
returns at the sacrifice of future prospects, a restrictive commer- 
cial system, trade monopoly, erroneous economic doctrines, 
the admission of the Church to an exaggerated share in public 
affairs, and general wastefulness of resources, accompanied 
with enormous taxation, are the elemental defects to which 
disaster was due. The Crown always clung to the maxim that 
it was the right of the parent state to draw all possible benefit 
and advantage for itself from the colonies, irrespective of the 
interests of the latter. Conquest would more aptly designate 
its motive of action in taking possession of foreign territory. 
Whatever may have been the temporary objects, the results 
are clear ; the record must inevitably be closed with the ver- 
dict of failure due to false policy and deplorable methods. " — 
Morris : Hwtory of Colonization. 

II. — In spite of the disasters which have fallen to the lot 
of Spain in the nineteenth century, she has not escaped the 
liberalizing and progressive influences of the times. Emilio 
Castelar, the great democratic leader, has written as follows : 
*' When we turn the eyes of our memory to the sad realities of 
the past and compare them with the realities of the present, 
we see what may be accomplished without the fulfilment of 
Utopian dreams and unrealizable ideals. Those who have 
seen an almost absolute monarchy may to-day see a demo- 
cratic monarchy. Those who once scarcely dared to express 
their thoughts, to-day can write whatever they think proper. 
Those who were once excluded from the universities for pro- 


claiming free thought and the proper standards of science, 
to-day have a right to teach what they think and believe. 
Those who once felt their hearts stirred with indignation 
against slavery and the markets where human beings were 
bought and sold, as in Nineveh and Babylon, now know that 
to-day there is not one slave under the Spanish flag. We 
may well feel content with the work of the past forty years." 

III.— The Spanish Saceesslon 

Francis. Ferdinand VII = Maria Christina Carlos. 

1814-1833. I of Naples. 

Francis = Isabella, Louisa = Duke of Montpensier. 

of Este 


Alphonso XII,* 

1874-1885. * Amadeo I.. 18T0-18T8 ; Repablic, ISTO-ISTC 

Alphonso XIII, t t In the Interval betw een de atti oi Alphonso XII 

^QQa and birth of Alphonso Xm the succession was 

iooo- ■— • ^th the danghter of Alphonso XII. Maria-de-las- 

Regency to 1902. Mercedes. 


Judson: Europe in the Nineteenth Century ^ pp. 299-804; 
Alison Phillips : Modem Europe, pp. 122-129. 

§ 47. Switzerland 

In the eighteenth century Switzerland was a league of 
thirteen sovereign states, loosely bound together for pur- 
poses of defense. The Peace of Westphalia 
d^tSnSoe^^ ^^ recognized their independence in 1648, 
but two centuries had failed to knit the 
states together into a common government. Differences 
in religion, which each canton had settled for itself, was 
one of the obstacles to closer union. In mountain cantons, 
where the population was pastoral or agricultural, and 
poverty was the rule, democratic institutions prevailed ; 



the people met together in open-air assemblies^ and regu- 
lated their common affairs ; bat in the cities^ an aris- 
tocracy, enriched with trade and manufacture, governed 
with despotic powers. Indeed the bond of union between 
the states was as slight as could be imagined, and civil 
liberty, as understood in later times, was not a feature of 
Swiss life in the more populous cantons. 

The Lion op Lucerne. 

The French Revolution broke rudely in upon these 

self-satisfied communities, and forced upon them unity 

and liberty against their will. In 1798 Swit- 

ThoReTolutlon zerland was invaded by the armies of the 
and Napoleon. •^ 

French Directory, and a Helvetic Republic 

established after the pattern of the French Republic then 
existing, with a central government and civil equality. The 
conservative Swiss resented vigorously the reformation 
from without, and a period of civil war ensued. In 1803 
Napoleon restored the sovereignty of the cantons, and re- 
stricted the central government to the conduct of foreign 
and military affairs ; but he added six new cantons, and 


forced each canton to adopt a constitution, based on civil 
and religious liberty. 

The fall of Napoleon and the spirit of reaction which 
prevailed in Europe gave to the Swiss conservatives an 
B^^. ^ opportunity to show their dislike of French 

institutions. The older cantons withdrew 
their representatives from the Diet and demanded back 
their eighteenth-century institutions. The new cantons 
held to the Napoleonic constitution, and Switzerland found 
herself divided into two hostile camps. At length mode- 
rate counsels prevailed, and the " Federal Pact of 1815 '* 
was adopted, a loose federation, leaving to each canton 
the right of regulating its internal affairs, and giving to 
the central government, the Diet, the organization of the 
postal service, the regulation of the coinage, and the con- 
trol of foreign affairs. The reaction did not carry Switzer- 
land completely back to its pre-Revolutionary status, but 
it emphasized the principle of state rights and gave evi- 
dence of the determination of the Swiss not to ie hurried 
by outside influences along the line of political reform. 
The Federal Pact of 1815 was not unlike the Confederation 
of the United States before the adoption of the Constitu- 
tion of 1787. The individual cantons, left to organize 
their own governments, restored for the most part their 
aristocratic forms. The Congress of Vienna added three 
cantons, taken from French territory, making the number 
twenty-two, as at present. 

But the political and civil reforms which Switzerland 
would not receive from strangers came gradually about 
through internal progress. Situated in the 
^J[J^^ midst of Europe, the Swiss were not insen- 

sible to the growth of liberty about them. 
A democratic party, consisting of the people crowded out 
of public affairs in the aristocracies, demanded in 1830 a 
revision of the cantonal constitutions. The governments 
were alarmed and yielded. One by one the cantons 


amended their constitutions in a liberal sense. In some 
cases this was accomplished peacefully, in some by revolu- 
tion ; but in the end civil and political rights were gener- 
ally established. 

Religious differences were the causes which eventually 
brought union out of disunion. The Pact of 1815 guar- 
8 d bund War ^^^^^^ ^^^ rights and privileges of religious 
and Oonstitation institutions; but the wave of democratic 
reform broke down this guaranty, demand- 
ing the abolition of monasteries and the expulsion of the 
Jesuit order. In 1843 the seven Catholic cantons formed a 
league for mutual defence, the " Sonderbund/' and with- 
drew their deputies from the Diet For four years this 
league within a league existed, but in 1847 war broke out. 
The great powers, Austria, Russia, Prussia and France, 
agreed to intervene and reinforce the Pact of 1815 ; but 
before they could act the army of the Diet struck a 
quick, sharp blow, and in eighteen days the Sonderbund 
was defeated. (Lucerne, November 24, 1847.) 

Constitutional revision followed at once ; a strong pro- 
gressive government had become a necessity. A committee 
of the Diet was appointed to draft a new constitution, and 
under liberal influences the Constitution of 1848 was pro- 
duced. By it a Federal state was established in place of 
the old, loose Federation of 1815. Switzerland became, 
like the United States, a Federal Republic. Each canton 
preserved its state government, and exercised all rights not 
specially conferred upon the federal power. The federal 
legislature is composed of two houses : a Senate, with two 
members for each canton ; and a National Council, elective, 
representing the people, like our House of Representatives. 
The executive is a board of seven men, sitting in joint 
session ; the President merely chairman of the board. In 
1874 a Federal Supreme Court was* added. 

A peculiar Swiss institution is the Referendum, much 
admired in other countries. Any bill which has passed the 

Queen Victokia, 


two houses must be submitted, on demand of thirty thou- 
sand qualified Swiss citizens, or of eight cantons, to the 
vote of the people, before it can become law. 

Switzerland to-day is one of the most progressive of 
European nations. In education, in legislation governing 

the hours and conditions of labor, in industry, 
^jitoopland of ^^^ j^ general well-being Switzerland stands 

in the van of modern progress. Her constitu- 
tion, with its large allowance of local self-government, suits 
admirably a country whose population is composed of three 
race elements. The Germans, who make up two of the 
three millions of the Swiss people, live harmoniously with 
the French of the five western cantons, and the 150,000 
Italians of the Canton of Ticino on the South. 


Switzerland a Toluntary Union.— << Look at Switzerland, as 
she is even now. Does she not stand for a representation — on 
a small scale and imperfectly, it may be— of what poets and 
philosophers have pictured to themselves the world might 
some day become? Is she not already, in her way, a minia- 
ture Parliament of Man ? For she is not a national unit, like 
France and Spain, existing as such in spite of herself. The 
nucleus of the Swiss Confederation was perhaps formed by na- 
ture to be free and independent, but the outlying districts 
Joined the Union of their own accord ; in other words, it is the 
will of the Swiss people and their fixed determination which 
keep them united. Consider the mixture of races and religions 
which they represent. Of the twenty-two Cantons, thirteen 
are G^erman speaking, four are French ; in three German and 
French both are spoken, in one Italian, and in another Ro- 
mansch. The population of German Switzerland is almost 
purely Teutonic ; that of French Switzerland about half- 
and-half Teutonic and Celto-Roman ; while Italian and Ro- 
mansch Switzerland can boast of Celto-Rouian, Ostro-Gothic, 
and even Etruscan elements. Some of these Cantons are 
Protestant, others Roman Catholic, and others, again, have a 


mixed population of both faiths. If these incongmous, often 
antagonistic Cantons can meet upon some common plane and 
conform to some common standard, can live side by side in 
peace and prosperity, surely the task of some day uniting the 
nations of the world upon a similar basis is not altogether 
hopeless and chimerical." — McCrackan : ** The Rise of the 
Swiss Eepublic*^^ 


Judson : Europe in the Nineteenth Century, pp. 284-287 ; 
Alison Phillipps : Modem Europe, pp. 262-265. 

§ 48. The Scandinavian States 

Norway, Sweden, and Denmark are ranked in the nine- 
teenth century among the minor states. Their great im- 
portance in the Middle Ages, when they 
^thrSMrtL***" ®®^* forth hordes of conquering Northmen 
to rule the destinies of western Europe, has 
found no counterpart in modern times. The meteoric ap- 
pearance of Charles XII of Sweden was the last gleam 
of Scandinavian greatness. 

In Napoleon's time the northern states were much dis- 
turbed by the ambitions of the Emperor and the Tsar. 
Sweden lost the Grand Duchy of Finland to Kussia. One 
of Napoleon's generals, Bemadotte, was chosen by the 
childless Swedish king as his heir. After the fall of 
Napoleon, Denmark, which had remained faithful to the 
Emperor's fortunes, was punished by the loss of Norway, 
detached by the Allies in 1814, and added to the crown of 
Sweden, a reward for Bemadotte, who prudently deserted 
his old commander in his failing fortunes. The Danish 
king retained only Denmark and the Duchies of Schles- 
wig and Holstein. Bemadotte offered the Norwegians a 
viceroy and a constitution ; but they refused and war be- 
gan. Finally an agreement was made between the two 
countries : the king should be King of Sweden and of 




Norway ; but each people should retain its separate gov- 

Sweden preserved her aristocratic form of government • 
well into the nineteenth century. The king governed 
with a Council of State; a Diet, consisting 
of four orders, nobles, clergy, citizens, and 
peasants, registered the will of the king. The Lutheran 
church was secured and all other religions were pro- 
hibited. Eeligious freedom was not secured until 1858 ; 
a reform movement resulted in the Constitution of 1866, 
which transformed the old Diet 
into a modern parliament. 

In Sweden, as elsewhere in 
Scandinavia, the composition of 
political parties was peculiar. In 
France, Italy, and Germany, as 
we have seen, the cities were the 
centers of the liberal movement. 
In France, for example, the 
revolutions have ever proceeded 
from Paris, and were echoed in 
the lesser towns, such as Lyons 
and Marseilles. This is due to 
the fact that the cities contained 
a large population of laborers 
and of the unprivileged classes, who were always seeking 
to improve their condition. But in the Scandinavian 
states the cities, where the courts and their officials pre- 
dominated, were the centers of conservatism, and the 
liberals were the country people, intelligent, accustomed 
to independence, and jealous of their liberties. 

After the separation from Denmark Norwegian society 
was reduced to peasant proprietors, merchants, sailors, and 
pastors ; a democratic nation, with no idle nobility to sup- 
port. The scattered population, orderly and accustomed 
to the regulation of local affairs, demanded little govern- 

Obcar II, Kino of Sweden. 




ment^ and the national legislature met but once in three 
years. It was in conflict with Bemadotte (Charles XIV) 
during the whole of his reign (1818-1844). 
Oscar I (1844-59) yielded to the Norwe- 
gians, recognized their national flag, and lived in peace. 
Religious liberty was established, and in 1869 the sessions 
of the legislature, the Storthing , were made annual. 

Norway soon became prosperous. The population 
increased rapidly ; the debt was paid off, and Norway 
came to be one of the leading maritime nations, owning 
one-fourth of the merchant ship- 
ping of Europe. With Oscar II, 
who succeeded Charles XV in 1872, 
the struggle with Sweden was re- 
newed. The constitution of Nor-, 
way (1814) forbade the king^s min- 
isters sitting in the Storthing, lest 
their presence should influence the 
deputies. Now, however, wishing to 
establish the English system of a re- 
sponsible ministry, the Norwegians 
sought to amend their constitution, 
making the ministers responsible to 
the Storthing, and compelling their 
appearance before that body. The 
king refused to concede this, and 
claimed that the constitution could not be amended, ex- 
cept with his consent. The Storthing passed the meas- 
ure three times over the king^s veto, and declared the con- 
fititutiou amended, against the protest of the king. War 
seemed inevitable ; but in 1884 King Oscar yielded, and 
Norway i>assed over to the parliamentary system, which 
means th*j government of the country by the people. 

But Norway was not satisfied with this. Jealous of 

ittSLJ'^*^^ ^''*-'t^'^J^ upon her national independence, she now 

"^ the right to regulate her own foreign affairs and 

Bjornson, Leadeb of 
THE Separatist Par- 
ty IN Norway. 



establish consuls abroad. In 1895 the Storthing voted for 
a Norwegian flag without the symbol of union. There is 
a mutual lack of confidence in the united kingdoms^ and 
the union seems strained almost to breaking. One party 
in Norway demands the establishment of a republic. 

In 1814 Denmark was much lessened in importance by 
the loss of Norway. In 1864 Denmark was still further 
reduced by the loss of Schleswig and IIol- 
stein, forcibly torn away by Prussia and 
Austria. One article of the treaty in which Denmark sur- 
rendered the duchies provided " that the people of north- 
ern Schleswig, if by a free vote they signify their desire to 
be reunited to Denmark, shall be ceded to that country ; '^ 
but this provision was never carried out, and was canceled 
by Germany in 1878. The Schleswig Danes have never 
been reconciled to the separation. 

The adversities of Denmark, as so often happens in the 
histories of nations, modified the absolutist form of her 
government, and brought about the Constitution of 1866, 
under which the country has been governed since that time. 
This constitution, like the French Charter of Louis XVIII, 
left in doubt the control of the ministry — whether by king 
or by parliament. Since 1873 a parliamentary conflict has 
raged about this question, and it is still unsolved. 

Iceland, the frigid dependency of Denmark, has had 
her political experiences. She demanded flnancial inde- 
pendence, freedom from control at Copenhagen, and re- 
ceived a new constitution in 1893, establishing home rule. 
Iceland has a legislature, the Althing ^ of two chambers : 
an Upper Chamber of twelve members, half of which are 
appointed by the king ; and an elective Lower House. 


Norwegian Dissatisfaction.— Many things tend to make the 
union with Sweden unpopular in Norway. Sweden, directed 
by the aristocratic tendencies of her court, leans toward an 


intimacy with Germany; but democratic Norway turns for 
sympathy toward the liberal nations of the West, France and 
England. The same tendencies bring together Norway and 
Denmark, the latter state still smarting under the losses of 
the Schleswig-Holstein wars. An eminent French historian, 
Charles V. Langlois, has given the following estimate of Nor- 
way : * * Norway has in recent years excited much interest in the 
outside world. Her writers, such as Ibsen ; explorers, such as 
Nansen, and artists like Thaulow and Grieg enjoy an inter- 
national reputation. The Norway of to-day, which is in many 
respects, as, for example, in her school system, and in her 
efforts to restrict the excessive use of alcohol, notably in ad- 
vance of the larger countries of Europe, is at the height of her 
material and intellectual development. She is now passing 
through a phase of national existence somewhat similar to 
that which Portugal passed through in the sixteenth, and 
Sweden and Holland in the eighteenth century. The Nor- 
wegian nation is to-day that people of all Europe which most 
nearly resembles the peoples of the new world, of North 
America, of Australia, and of South Africa." 


Judson : Europe in the Nineteenth Century^ pp. 298-298. 
(For constitution of Norway-Sweden) Woodrow Wilson : Hie 
State, Chapter IX. 

§ 49. Belgium and Holland 

The Kingdom of the Netherlands, created by the Con- 
gress of Vienna out of the United Provinces (Holland) and 

the Austrian Netherlands, was an ill-assorted 
^^^^^ union. The Belgian provinces of the south 

had little in common with the Dutch prov- 
inces of the north. The former had received their lan- 
guage and ideas from France ; the latter, inhabited by peo- 
ple speaking a language closely allied to German, had ever 
been open to German influences. Besides this the Dutch 
were Protestant ; the Belgians, Catholic. 



French occupation, during the Revolution and the 
Napoleonic period, swept away the old political and social 
institutions, Miiiich had existed in the Netherlands since 
the Middle Ages, and made the foundations ready for the 
erection of a modern state. It did for the Netherlands 
what Joseph II wished to do for his Belgian provinces in the 
eighteenth century, and more. Although the Netherlands 
had suffered from the trade restrictions imposed by Napo- 
leon in his attempt to incorporate them into his Continental 
System, yet the people were shrewd enough to recognize 
the advantages of the French 
methods of administration. The 
Fundamental Law of 1814, which 
organized the Kingdom of the 
Netherlands, established a consti- 
tutional monarchy after the pat- 
tern of the French charter of 
Louis XVIII. 

Belgium is a product of the 
Revolution of July. The King- 
dom of the Nether- 
^^®^ lands fell to pieces 

at the first shock to 
the system of the Congress of 
Vienna. The Belgians made good 
their revolt, secured recognition from the Powers, and 
chose for king Leopold of Coburg. The Dutch king 
refused to recognize the decision of the Powers, and a 
French army drove the Dutch troops from Belgian soil. 
It was not until 1839 that King William accepted the in- 
evitable division of his kingdom. 

At the time of their revolt the Belgians declared in 
favor of a hereditary monarchy with representative institu- 
tions. A liberal constitution was adopted, which declares 
that "all powers emanate from the nation.*' The king 
governs through a ministry responsible to the Chambers, 

Leopold II, Kino of 


the ministers resigning when they have no longer a major- 
ity in the Chamber of Deputies ; an arrangement which 
makes the Chamber the ruling power in national affairs. 
Complete liberty of the press and of worship was estab- 
lished. Thus in 1830 Belgium was far ahead of all the 
nations of the Continent in the possession of constitutional 
privileges and parliamentary government. 

Since 1830 political struggles in Belgium have turned 
upon two questions : education and suffrage. The Liberal 
and the Catholic party have had about equal 
^*"" ^' chances at the helm of government. The 

liberals have labored to make the school system independ- 
ent of the church ; but this the Catholic party has vig- 
orously opposed. 

The Constitution of 1830 limited the suffrage to men 
paying taxes to the amount of twenty florins (18.00). In 
1891 it had come to be recognized quite generally that the 
requirements for voting needed to be changed ; because, in 
a population of 6,000,000, there were only 135,000 voters. 
After two years of debate a system of plural voting was 
adopted. Each man over twenty-five years has one vote. 
If he is the head of a family, he has an additional vote ; if 
possessor of real estate or of 2,000 francs in the savings- 
bank, a vote ; if graduate of a high school, a vote ; pro- 
vided that he may not have more than three votes in all. 
This system of voting produced 1,350,000 voters with 
2,066,000 votes. Voting is obligatory. 

The political struggles of Belgium have never endan- 
gered the constitution nor prevented a rapid increase in 
the population and wealth. The population has nearly 
doubled since 1830, and Belgium has become one of the 
foremost industrial countries in the world. King Leopold 
II has sought to furnish a colonial outlet for Belgian en- 
terprise in the creation of the Congo Free State in Africa. 

After the loss of Belgium, affairs were quiet in the Neth- 
erlands for several years. In 1844 a Liberal party began the 



agitation for a modern constitution, and this was drafted 
by the States-General and promulgated in 1848. A leg- 
islature of two chambers was established, 
KS^ISSS!' t*»e members of the Upper Chamber ap- 
pointed by the local governments of the pro- 
vinces ; the members of the Lower Chamber elected by 
voters paying a certain amount of direct taxes. Uni- 
versal suffrage, although demanded by the Liberals, has 
never been adopted in the Nether- 
lands. The ministry is responsible 
to the legislature, which still re- 
tains the ancient name of States- 

As might be supposed in a coun- 
try formed by the union of inde- 
pendent provinces, the individual 
provinces retain large powers of 
local self-government. Each prov- 
ince has its estates, which are 
largely concerned with the impor- 
tant task of keeping up its canals. 
The communes (towns and villages) 
are responsible for the repair and 
maintenance of the dykes. The 
nineteenth century has been a period of prosperity for the 
Netherlands ; her population has doubled since 1830. 

The Grand Duchy of Luxemburg was given to King 
William in 1814 as an indemnity for the loss of certain 
Rhenish lands belonging to his family, which 
iiepen e es. ^^^^ ceded to Prussia. It was attached to 
the Dutch crown through a personal union, and was not 
made a part of the Netherlands. Since succession in the 
Grand Duchy is through the male line only, on the death 
of William III in 1890, and the succession of his daughter 
Wilhelmina, the Grand Duchy was lost to Holland, passing 
to the Duke of Nassau, next in succession in the male line. 



Wilhelmina, Queen of 
THE Netherlands. 


The Netherlands looks small on the map^ but it possesses 
a huge colonial empire, which forms an outlet for ambitious 
young men, and brings vast wealth to the home country. 
From 1850 to 1873 the colonies produced a surplus of rev- 
enue, which went toward defraying home expenses and 
the retirement of the national debt In 1873 the war 
against the Atchinese in Sumatra necessitated heavy mili- 
tary expenditures, and turned the account. 


Peace Conference at The Hagne.— On the 24th of August, 
1898, Count Mouravieff, Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs, on 
behalf of his imperial master, the Tsar Nicholas II, placed in 
the hands of all foreign representatives at St. Petersburg a 
proposal for an international conference, looking toward the 
maintenance of universal peace and a possible reduction of 
the excessive armaments with which the Powers are burdened. 
'' The ever-increasing financial burdens," the proposal reads, 
*• strike at the root of public prosperity. . The physical and 
intellectual forces of the people, labor and capital, are diverted 
for the great part from their natural application and wasted 
unproductively. Hundreds of millions are spent in acquiring 
terrible engines of destruction, which are regarded to-day as 
the latest inventions of science, but are destined to-morrow to 
be rendered obsolete by some new discovery. It is the supreme 
duty, therefore, at the present moment, to put some limit to 
these increasing armaments, and to find means of averting the 
calamities which threaten the whole world." 

In response to this invitation representatives of nearly all 
independent governments (the exceptions were the South 
American republics, the Emperor of Morocco, the King of 
Abyssinia, and the Grand Lama of Thibet) met at The Hague 
on the 18th of May, 1899, and there organized a system of 
courts for international arbitration. Nothing was accom- 
plished in the way of reducing the standing armies of the 
European states. 


Alison Phillips : Modem Europe, pp. 186-199 ; Judson : 
Europe in the Nineteenth Century, pp. 287-293. 


§ 60. Political Reforms in England 

England is the only one of the European states which 
has gone through the nineteenth century without revolu- 

Enffland tth be- ^^^°* ^^^ ^^^ preserved in the main the 
ginning of the nine- form of government which was established 
teenth century. ^^ ^j^^ ^^^ ^^ ^j^^ seventeenth century, after 

the expulsion of the Stuart kings. Such changes as have 
taken place have not involved the writing of new constitu- 
tions ; for England has no written constitution, and the 
introduction of new forms and usages gradually accommo- 
dates the form of government to the needs of the times. 
Such forms and usages, once adopted, become precedents, 
with the force of law ; and in this manner the unwritten 
constitution of England keeps pace with the demands of 

At the beginning of the nineteenth century the gov- 
ernment of England consisted of a king, a ministry, and a 
Parliament of two houses. Lords and Commons. The king 
governed through his ministry, and the ministry was in the- 
ory responsible to Parliament. This parliamentary system, 
which set the mark toward which all liberal Europe was 
tending during the first half of the century, would, if car- 
ried out to its logical conclusion, have resulted in England 
in the rule of Parliament. But certain of the English 
kings were not disposed to surrender the supreme power 
without a struggle. George III was the last of the kings 
who sought to impose his personal will upon the nation, 
and the failure of his policy in the American Eevolution 




gave a final blow to personal government in England. 
The dcHperate struggle in which England was engaged 
against revolutionary and Napoleonic France checked for 
a time her internal development^ and the fear of liberal 
ideas, which was the outcome of this struggle, postponed 
the reform movement in England for a generation. 

Westminsteb Abbey. 

Ne«d of reform. 


But England's political liberties at the beginning of 
the nineteenth century were more apparent than real. It 
is true that Parliament governed the coun- 
try ; but Parliament did not represent the 
people. It represented a relatively small group of persons, 
the land-owners and wealthy manufacturers, an aristocracy 
of blood and money. Owing to the traditional aversion of 
the English for change, the system of parliamentary repre- 
sentation remained practically the same as in the seven- 
teenth century, although during that period the popula- 


tion of England had undergone a complete change of 
distribution. In the seventeenth century the South of 
England, a rich agricultural country, with Channel ports 
controlling the foreign trade, was most populous ; but 
toward the end of the eighteenth century a new era of 
steam manufacture built up great cities in the north, such 
as Manchester and Birmingham, near to the mines of coal 
and iron. Yet these cities of 100,000 population were 
given no representation in Parliament, while the old de- 
cayed towns, often dwindled to a hundred souls, still pre- 
served their two members each in the House of Commons. 
Places of this kind were called "pocket boroughs,^' be- 
cause they were controlled by a single man or family. 
Sometimes the memberships, to which the borough was 
entitled, were sold, and the proceeds divided among the 
few inhabitants. The borough of Sudbury advertised it- 
self for sale to the highest bidder. 

Apart from the towns the conditions were no better. 
In the English counties no one but landowners had the 
right of voting. In Scotland matters were still worse ; 
out of a population of 2,000,000, there were less than 
3,000 voters. "The county of Bute, with a population of 
14,000, had only twenty-one voters, and of those only one 
was resident. He took the chair, moved and seconded his 
own nomination, put the vote, and elected himself unani- 
mously as county member. '^ The result was that the seats 
in Parliament were almost wholly acquired by inheritance, 
by purchase, or by family influence. The House of Com- 
mons was not representative of the people ; it was an as- 
sembly of landlords and plutocrats, and their nominees, 
who represented their interests. It was impossible to se- 
cure such legislation as would meet the needs of the grow- 
ing industrial centers. 

In 1815 public opinion was aroused upon this question. 
An association was formed at Birmingham for the purpose 
of bringing the subject to the attention of the people, by 



means of the press and public meetings. The government 
was obliged at length to meet the issue. The Duke of 
Wellington, chief of the Tory (conservative) 
Movement toward ministry then in power, refused to yield ; he 
declared that "the representative system, 
just as it stood," was "a masterpiece of human wisdom." 
In 1830 Wellington was overthrown, and a Whig (liberal) 
ministry under Earl Grey presented a Reform Bill. 
Twice it passed the House of Commons, but went no 
farther ; it was shattered against the aristocratic tradi- 
tions of the House of Lords. 
Riots broke out, and revolution 
seemed at hand ; but the cool 
common sense of the English pre- 
vailed ; a way was found to cir- 
cumvent the House of Lords. 
The ministry announced that the 
crown would create enough Lib- 
eral peers to overcome the Tory 
majority. Upon this the Lords 
weakened ; enough stayed away 
to permit the passage of the bill, 
and in this manner the Reform 
Bill became law, in 1832. 
The Reform Bill broke down the aristocratic majority 
in Parliament, and let the Newer England into the gov- 
ernment. This was accomplished by redis- 
hng emocrafly. ^pj^^j^g ^.j^g country. From the old " rotten 

boroughs" were taken away members, who were distrib- 
uted among the new, vigorous towns. The suffrage was 
enlarged, and political power was transferred from the 
upper to the middle classes. The same reforms were ex- 
tended by Disraeli in 1867. The secret ballot was intro- 
duced in 1872. In 1884 Gladstone extended the ballot 
to 3,000,000 rural votes, mostly agricultural laborers. In 
1885 electoral districts were constituted on the American 



plan, and the last vestige of the old apportionment disap- 
peared. London, which before the Reform Bill of 1832 
had six members, now received sixty-two. Gradually and 
without disturbance the tendency is toward the inclusion 
of the whole people in the task of self-government. 


Abolition of Slavery in the West Indies, 1888.— The period 
which succeeded the passing of the Reform Bill was charac- 
terized by an immense activity and earnestness in legislation. 
One of the greatest of its prpducts was the complete abolition 
of the system of slavery in the British colonies. The slave 
trade had itself been greatly limited through the efforts of 
Great Britain, but now the whole system of West Indian 
slavery was brought to an end. A long agitation on the part 
of a small but energetic anti -slavery party brought about this 
result in 1833. The name of William Wilberforce (1769-1838) 
is most intimately connected with this reform. The bill which 
passed Parliament, and which took effect from the first of 
August, 1834, gave immediate freedom to all children subse- 
quently bom, and to all those who were then under six years 
of age, while it prescribed for all other slaves a period of ap- 
prenticeship lasting five years (and in the case of agricultural 
slaves, seven years), after which they obtained absolute free- 
dom. The bill also appropriated £20,000,000 for the compen- 
sation of the slave-owners. Two colonies, Antigua and the 
Bermudas, dispensed with the apprentice system altogether, 
and in no case did it last beyond 1838. The number of slaves 
at the time of the emancipation was estimated at 674,000. — 
Adapted from McCarthy : The Epoch of Reform. 

Gardiner : A StudenVa History cf England, Chapter LVI ; 
Judson : Europe in the Nineteenth Century, Chapters XVIII, 


§ 51. The Corn Laws and Other Problems 

Before the reorganization of Parliament by the Reform 
Bill the landowners were in power, and saw to it that their 
interests were protected. Laws were passed 
* ^'' early in the century for the purpose of keep- 

ing up the price of grain. When grain fell to eight shil- 
lings a quarter, importation was forbidden. The benefit 
of this artificial price of grain went, not to the tenant, who 
cultivated the soil, but to the landlord, who confiscated 
the additional profit by advancing the rent. On the other 
hand the Corn Laws kept the price of food high for the 
laborer, and so increased the cost of manufacture. Eng- 
land was then hanging in the balance between her agri- 
cultural and her industrial interests ; and as Parliament 
was controlled by the class whose interests were agricul- 
tural, little attention was paid to the demands of the indus- 
trial class for cheap food. 

The change in the composition of Parliament brought 
about by the Reform Bill solved the problem. The old 
landowning aristocracy was unseated in the Commons, 
and the new element stood for trade and industry. The 
results were soon apparent. In 1838 an Anti-Corn Law 
League was formed. The leading spirits were Richard 
Cobden and John Bright. Through the press they carried 
on a ** Campaign of Education,'* which ended in convinc- 
ing the majority of Englishmen. The fact was that the 
industrial element had by this time grown so strong that 
it would no longer permit dear food to stand in the way of 
England's commercial supremacy. About this time the 
great famine in Ireland, by which Ireland lost about 
2,000,000 of her population, strengthened the demand for 
clieap food. The Corn Laws were repealed in 1846 in the 
ministry of Sir Robert Peel, and by 1852 the protective 
duties were all gone. England had passed over to the doc- 
trine uf free trade, under which she grew to be, in the 




nineteenth century, the greatest trading and manufactur- 
ing nation in the world. 

Since 1673 Roman Catholics were debarred from hold- 
ing public office and sitting in either house of Parliament 
by the requirement of a declaration against 
^dioemandpa- g^j^^ ^f ^.j^^ j^^j^^ points of Catholic doc- 
trine. In 1793 the Irish Parliament, seven 
years before its abolition, admitted Catholics to the right 
of voting, but after the union in 1801 none but Protestant 
members could be sent from Ireland into Parliament in 
England. Both George III and 
George IV, when there was talk 
of removing the disability, de- 
clared that they were bound by 
their coronation oaths to uphold 
the Anglican Church against 

In 1828 O'Connell, a power- 
ful orator and a Roman Catholic, 
was sent to Parliament from Ire- 
land, lie was refused a seat. 
The ministry desired to yield, 
but George IV refused his con- 
sent. The ministry resigned, 
and the king, unable to form 
another ministry to uphold his 

policy, was obliged to concede the general demand for tol- 
eration. In 1829 the Catholic disabilities were removed ; 
Catholics were admitted to sit in both houses of Parlia- 
ment, and to hold all offices, civil and military, with one 
or two exceptions. 

England has solved most of her vexatious questions ; 

but the Irish question seems incapable of solution. It 

is her race question, but a race question 

que on. gn^jji^tered with religious differences. The 

Irish are pure Celts ; the English are of mixed origin, but 

Sir Robert Peel, Eng- 
land's Free Trade Min- 


largely of German blood, with an admixture of Norman 
French. The Irish have remained attached to the Catho- 
lic Church ; the English are for the most part Protes- 

Ireland has been governed as a conquered country ; 
ever since the conquest in the seventeenth century the 
Irish have been ruled by the English. In 1815 the Angli- 
can Church was the State church in Ireland, supported by 
tithes and the income from church estates. Although its 
adherents were only 620,000 out of a total population of 
5,000,000, yet the whole of Ireland was taxed to support 
it. In some parts there was a church and a rector, but no 
congregation at ail ; nevertheless the tithes were collected 
and the rector paid, and the peasantry were obliged, in addi- 
tion to the tithes, to support Catholic services out of their 
voluntary contributions. The land belonged to English 
landlords, who for the most part were "absentee,** living 
out of Ireland. The Irish peasant occupied for genera- 
tions a small farm, on which he built his cabin, and for 
which he paid rent. Likely to be evicted at the pleasure 
of the landlord, he was not disposed to make improve- 
ments, which would only induce the landlord to seek a 
new tenant at a higher rental. The shiftlessness and 
wretchedness of the Irish peasant became proverbial. 

In 1782 Ireland was a dependency of Great Britain, 
with a Parliament of its own at Dublin. This Parliament 
was not representative of the Irish people, for it was wholly 
Protestant, no Catholic being allowed to hold office in the 
island. In 1793 the disabilities of Catholics as to voting 
were removed ; but in 1801, at a time when the Irish were 
looking to Napoleon to free them from the hated bondage 
to England, Ireland was united to England by the Act of 
Union, its Parliament suppressed, and representation given 
to Irish Protestants in the English Parliament, both in 
Lords and Commons. Locally Ireland was governed by a 
Lord-Lieutenant, appointed by the English crown. 


During the nineteenth centnry the condition of the Irish 

has been improved. In 1869 Gladstone brought about the 

disestablishment of the Irish church. Ire- 

The strngg . j^^^ ^^ ^^ longer obliged to support with 

tithes a church in which she had no interest. The tenure 
of land by Irish peasants has been much improved. In a 
series of acts, from 1870 to 1885, Mr. Gladstone brought 
to the peasantry fair rents and fixed tenure, and now the 
government advances to the tenant, upon easy terms of 
payment, the cash for the purchase of his holding. In 
time the Irish, with any showing of thrift, will become 
free proprietors, and Irish rents will become a thing of the 

But Ireland is not satisfied with this. She wants at 
least self-government. Whether, with self-government in 
Ireland, England would find a friend or an enemy on the 
west is an important question. Mr. Gladstone undoubt- 
edly believed in Ireland's friendship, for he set to work to 
crown his benefits to Ireland with the gift of Home Rule, 
which the Irish party in Parliament, under the leadership 
of Pamell, had advocated since 1870. In 1886 the Liberal 
(Mr. Gladstone's party) introduced a bill into Parliament 
providing for an Irish legislature. The Conservatives op- 
posed it as a step toward Irish independence, and they 
were joined by a considerable body from the Liberals (the 
Liberal-Unionists, led by Joseph Chamberlain). The bill, 
defeated at the time, was reintroduced in 1893. It passed 
the Commons, but was rejected by the Lords. In 1894 
Mr. Gladstone, on account of age, was obliged to retire 
from the leadership of his party, his projects for Ireland 
unaccomplished. Since then the Liberal party has never 
been strong enough to urge the Irish question, even if it 
were disposed to do so. 



The Irish Famine of 1846-47.—*' In 1841 the population of 
Ireland was 8,176,124 souls. In 1846 it had probably reached 
to nearly nine millions. To anyone looking beneath the sur- 
face the condition of the country was painfully precarious. 
Nine millions of a population living at best in a light-hearted 
and hopeful hand-to-mouth contentment, totally dependent 
on the hazards of one crop, destitute of manufacturing in- 
dustries, and utterly without reserve or resource to fall back 
upon in time of reverse. Yet no one seemed conscious of 
danger. The potato crop had been abundant for four or 
five years, and respite from dearth and distress was compara- 
tive happiness and prosperity. Moreover, the temperance 
movement (of Father Mathew) had come to make the ' good 
times * still better. Everything looked bright ; yet signs of 
the coming storm had been given ; quite recently warnings 
that ought not to have been mistaken or neglected had given 
notice that the esculent which formed the sole dependence of 
the peasant millions was subject to some mysterious blight. 
In 1844 it was stricken in America, but in Ireland the yield 
was healthy and plentiful as ever. The harvest of 1845 proved 
to be the richest gathered in many years. Suddenly, in one 
short month, in one week, it might be said, the withering 
breath of a simoom seemed to sweep the land, blasting all in 
its path. I myself saw whole tracts of potato growth changed 
in one night from smiling luxuriance to a shriveled and 
blackened waste. A shout of alarm arose. " [Nearly two mil- 
lion of people died, and as a result of the hard times one 
million emigrated from Ireland to America between 1847 and 
1861.]— Sullivan : New Ireland. 


Gardiner : A Student* s History of England, Chapter 
LVIII ; Judson : Europe in the Nineteenth Century, Chapter 



§ 52. England's Possessions 

England may be regarded as tlie most snccessfnl in col- 
onization of all nations. This is due to 
*^^'^- three facts: 

1. She has had a surplus of population, energetic 
enough to seek to improve their condition in the colonies. 

2. Her colonists have not mingled with the natives 
with whom they came in contact. In this way the colo- 
nists have kept intact their European institutions, ideals, 
and culture. 

3. England developed a liberal policy toward her col- 
onies, giving them full measure of self-government. The 
result has proved the wisdom of the policy. Free to go, 
they have preferred to stay. The bond of blood grew 
stronger as the political bond was relaxed. 

But this liberal policy was not adopted by England 
until the loss of the United States and the threat of fur- 
ther loss brought her to a closer study of the colonial 
problem. In 1837 Canada, after having for a generation 
protested against the aristocratic government thrust upon 
her from London, rebelled against the crown. The rebel- 
lion was put down with some severity, and in the following 
year a commissioner was sent from England to examine 
carefully and report upon the situation. As a result of 
his report, the home government decided to reverse its 
policy of repression and concede the Canadian demands. 
In 1840 Upper and Lower Canada were united and given a 
representative government, afterwards enlarged unto the 
Dominion of Canada, 1867. A Governor-General, appointed 
by the crown, is the only tie of political connection with the 
mother country. Although England has a right of veto 
over Canadian legislation, it is never used. 

The English first became interested in Australia through 
the explorations of Captain Cook, who took possession of 
the eastern coast in the name of England in 1770. No 




immediate settlement was made. In 1788 an expedition 
was sent out and a penal colony founded at Botany Bay. 
Early in the nineteenth century sheep-raising 
was begun and other parts of the continent 
occupied. Tasmania was settled in 1803 ; New Zealand in 
1838. The settlements flourished, and before 1840 they 
numbered 80,000 souls. In 1851 the discovery of gold 
aroused additional interest in Australia. The self-govern- 
ment granted to Canada in 1840 was extended to Aus- 
tralia. New Zealand received representative institutions 
in 1852, New South Wales in 1855, and other colonies as 
soon as they were prepared 
for self-government. The 
use of the colonies as penal 
settlements was objected to 
by the new element that came 
to make homes, and the sys- 
tem was abandoned in 1860. 

On January 1, 1901, the 
commonwealth of Australia 
came into being, a federation 
of the five continental colo- 
nies of Australia and Tasma- 
nia. New Zealand, on ac- 
count of its distance from 
the continent, remains apart. The constitution of the 
new Commonwealth is similar to that of the Dominion of 
Canada, with a Governor-General, appointed by the crown, 
and two Houses of Parliament. 

The defeat of Napoleon left England in possession of the 
Cape of Good Hope, which had been taken from the Dutch 
allies of France. England's actual possession 
dates from 1806. The Cape Colony acquired 
self-government in 1853, with the same parliamentary 
system as Canada and the Australasian colonies. The 
Dutch colonists were never reconciled to British rule. In 

Captain Cook. 

The Gape Oolony. 



across the river Vaal. 

1834^ dissatisfied with the proximity of the English^ a 
large body of them migrated ('' trekked/' as they called it) 
northward into the African wilderness. There, in Natal, 
supposing themselves to be beyond the reach of English 
ambitions, they set up a republican government of their 
own. In 1843 Natal was declared a British colony, and a 
great part of the Dutch ^'trekked'' again up into what 
was afterward known as the Orange Free State. Again 
civilization pursued them, and the more unreconciled of 
the '* Boers '' moved away in 1848 into the wilderness 
Here in the Transvaal they were 
for many years undisturbed, and 
those who remained in the Orange 
Free State were acknowledged in- 
dependent in 1854. 

The Boers had fierce struggles 
with the native blacks, and looked 
to England for aid ; 
but the aid came at 
too high a price, when the govern- 
ment of Disraeli, England's 
*^ Jingo" prime minister, planted 
the English fiag in the Transvaal. 
In 1880 the Boers took up arms, 
and defeated the British in the 
battle of Majuba Hill ; but the government changed in 
England, and Gladstone reversed the policy of his prede- 
cessor and acknowledged the independence of the Boers, 
reserving to England the control of the foreign relations 
of the Transvaal. 

Unfortunately for the Boers, the discovery of gold 
brought into their land an invasion of foreigners, who 
soon outnumbered the Boers and built up, at Johannes- 
burg, the largest of the South African cities. The Boers 
resented the intrusion, and refused political rights to the 
newcomers ; and, when England attempted to bring pres- 

The Boer War. 

A Boer Geneeal. 



sure upon them, sprang to arms, the Transvaal and the 
Free State together (1899). The vastness of the country 
and the valor of the Boers made the war a difficult and 
costly one for England. Canada, Australia, and New Zea- 
land came to the aid of the mother country, showing their 
willingness to share the imperial burden ; but the sym- 
pathy of the rest of the world was with the Boers. 

Besides the Anglo-Saxon lands the British Empire 
includes the great and populous countries of southern 
Asia, known as 
India. The Sepoy 
mutiny of 1857, due partly to re- 
ligious scruples, and partly to a 
dislike of British rule, put an 
end to the governmett of the 
East India Company, and India 
was transferred to the crown. 
In 1876 Queen Victoria took the 
title of Empress of India. India 
is governed by a Viceroy and 
Council appointed by the crown. 

The tendency of English oc- 
cupation has been toward expansion, to reach northward 
for a natural boundary against the aggressions of Russia. 
These two states, England and Russia, have absorbed be- 
tween them western and central Asia ; Persia, Afghanis- 
tan, and China alone remain independent, and they are 

English rule in India has in later years been wise and 
just ; but the problem of India remains for the future to 
solve, if, indeed, it is capable of solution. The English 
have put a stop to the constant warfare between the petty 
states which made up India in earlier times ; she has given 
to this mass of oriental peoples the '^ Pax Britannicaj" 
life is safe as it has never been before ; but the mass of the 
population remains at the same low level of poverty and 

Edwakd VII. 


degradation. Of 200,000,000 in British India, only six per 
cent, can read and write ; famines increase in intensity, 
and it is doubtful whether the more intelligent Indians are 
grateful for British efforts in their behalf or are in sym- 
pathy with British rule. 


I. The English in India.—'' The truth is, the English are by 
nature unfitted to win the affections of a fanciful and dreamy 
oriental people. For the English temper is arrogant, hard, 
stubborn, practical, and unimaginative. Endowed with a 
genius for government, the Englishman has scant respect for 
races wliich have no capacity for politics and no aptitude for 

' * What, then, is to be said of the contact of these two incon- 
gruous races? Is India really benefiting by a rule which 
arouses her antipathy? That she is well governed cannot be 
denied. Law and order reign throughout her wide domains 
as they never have reigned through the efforts of her native 
people, and from such an efficient and well-ordered rule the 
Hindoos must inevitably acquire new standards of political 
conduct. But chafing under the haughty and unbending 
dominion of a people whom they hate, they can hardly put on 
more than a veneer of civilization, and their longing to live 
their own life seems wholly natural and justifiable." — Sears : 
Political Orowth in the Nineteenth Century. 

II. The Lesson of Honesty.— ** Of cliief importance, per- 
haps, is the fact that, from the natives as well as from the ad- 
ministrators themselves, one learns that the Europeans have 
established among the natives, who, generally in most countries 
of the Orient, are themselves disposed to be corrupt and un- 
truthful, a reputation for rigid honesty as regards all financial 
matters, and for truthfulness and justness in their dealings 
with others. Justice is done by the Europeans even against the 
personal interests of their own fellow-countrymen if need be, 
or against themselves in the settlement of disputes between 
Europeans and natives or among the natives. It is practically 
universally true throughout the English and Dutch colonies 
alike that if a native has a good case in which he wishes jus- 


tice done, whether the case be civil or criminal, he will prefer 
the European judge. 

** When one realizes that the chief obstacle among oriental 
peoples to the establishment of self-government is not a lack 
of intelligence, but rather a lack of trustworthiness and truth- 
fulness, qualities upon which all successful organization in 
both business and politics must rest, the deep significance of 
such facts must not be overlooked." — J. W. Jenks : Report to 
War Department^ 1902. 


§ 53. Egypt 

The nineteenth century witnessed an extension of Eu- 
ropean influence into Africa. Previous to 1800 the inte- 
rior of the ^* Dark Continent " was unknown 
Ot^^rtates ^^^ uncared for. A few stations on the 
West Coast had been established, centers of 
the traffic in ivory, gold, and slaves. The states along the 
northern coast, bordering the Mediterranean, were rem- 
nants of the once great Mohammedan empire, still loosely 
attached to the center of the faith at Constantinople. The 
conquests of Napoleon in Egypt had been abandoned when 

the emperor gave up his 
oriental schemes for the 
greater project of the con- 
trol of Europe, and Egypt 
had returned into the 
hands of her Turkish gov- 

In the troublous times 

which followed the French 

invasion of 

Egypt a new 

and strong dynasty arose. 

Mehemet Ali, Pasha of 

Egypt, while nominally 

governing as viceroy of the 

Sultan, set to work to reorganize the country. The estates 

of the great landholders were converted into national do- 


Mehemet Alii 

Mbhembt Ali. 

l»Hi« « E4 .4 T 





main^ and from the income of these lands and from taxes 
Mehemet Ali built up an able army after the European 
pattern, officered with French military experts. His fleet 
was greater than the Turkish fleet and better manned. 

The Greek revolt gave Mehemet Ali an opportunity to 
try his forces. The Sultan, unable with his own resources 
to put down the Greeks, called his Egyptian vassal to his 
aid, and the invasion of Crete and the Morea followed. 
That the Greeks were not wholly crushed was owing to the 
sympathy aroused in Europe and the intervention of the 
Western Powers. Mehemet Ali was forced to retire, but 
he claimed his reward, the government of Sjrria, which the 
Sultan had promised him in return for his assistance. 
Waiting three years in vain, he advanced into Syria, took 
the province by force, and made his way northward toward 
Constantinople. The powers intervened and Mehemet Ali 
was checked, but retained, through the good offices of 
France, the government of Syria. In 1839 Turkey sought 
to drive him out, but the Egyptian army was again suc- 
cessful, and marched once more upon Constantinople. 
Nothing but the intervention of the Powers prevented the 
Egyptian Viceroy from seizing the throne of Turkey. 
England and France sent their fleets to the Bosphorus and 
co-operated with the Turkish troops in the defence of the 
city. Again Mehemet Ali was driven back, and forced to 
terms of peace, by which he gave up Syria and contented 
himself with the hereditary government of Egypt, con- 
ferred lipon him and his descendants by a decree of the 
Sultan. Thus the Powers again saved Turkey from con- 
quest, and established a hereditary dynasty on the throne 
of Egypt. 

Egypt, regenerated and strongly governed by the fam- 
ily of Mehemet Ali, extended its influence, in the reign of 
Ismail Pasha (1863-1879), into the heart of Africa. The 
region of the Upper Nile was conquered by the Egyptian 
army, commanded by European officers, and the empire of 



lamail Pashat 


Ismail extended to the great lakes at the Nile sources 
and to the Indian Ocean on the Somali coast. During 
his reign the Suez Canal was constructed, 
through the indomitable energy of Ferdinand 
de Lesseps. It was formally opened with great celebration in 
the presence of the Empress Eug6nie, on November 19, 1869, 
"the last great day of the Second Empire/' as it has been 
called. England was doubtful of the success of the under- 
taking, but, when once it had been accomplished, she saw 
that the safety of the route to India lay in her control of 
the canal. With commercial shrewdness she took advan- 
tage of the financial needs of the 
Khedive, Ismail, and purchased 
his 177,000 shares in the Suez 
Company, thereby obtaining a 
majority interest. Ismail, carried 
away with the sudden importance 
and prosperity of his rule, plunged 
into extravagances and borrowed 
freely in Europe. Bankruptcy 
was threatened, and French and 
English creditors urged their re- 
spective governments to inter- 
vene. Thus a new motive was in- 
troduced into the international 
politics of the world, a financial motive, likely to be as im- 
portant for the future as the earlier motives of legitimacy 
and balance of power. The orientals are good borrowers, 
and their chronic inability to pay leads in. the end to for- 
eign intervention. 

Under this pressure England and France intervened to 

force Ismail to entrust the administration of 

'^dominium. ^^^ finances to English and French agents. 

He refused and was deposed and replaced 

with his son Tewfik, who accepted the joint control, and 

made a place in his ministry for two financial agents, one 

Ferdinand de Lesseps 


French and one English. This was the end of Egyptian 

This intervention was not cheerfully accepted, how- 
ever, by the national Egyptian party. A military agitator, 
Arabi Pasha, organized a movement against the foreign 
control. At the same time, in the Upper Nile country, a 
pretended prophet or Mahdi, Mohammed Ahmed, preached 
a crusade against the hated Christians. This double in- 
surrection came to a head in 1882 : Arabi Pasha, with the 
Egyptians of the Lower Nile, pillaged the houses of Euro- 
peans and seized Alexandria. The English invited the 
French to intervene, but, in an evil hour for her, France 
refused. An English fleet bombarded Alexandria; Gen- 
eral Wolseley disembarked 20,000 men, defeated Arabi 
Pasha at Tel-el-Kebir and entered Cairo. In this manner 
England broke the Condovitnium, and has since remained 
in possession of Egypt, to the exclusion of French influ- 

It remained to conquer the Mahdi, who showed great 
powers of resistance. His troops, under the command of 
Osman Digma, swept the valley of the Nile, 
and took Khartoum, where the Anglo- 
Egyptian general, Gordon, was murdered (January, 1885). 
A national hero, his fate aroused great indignation in Eng- 
land, and hastened the reconquest of the Soudan. Gen- 
eral Kitchener, with admirable organization and well- 
planned advances, overthrew the Mahdi, and re-established 
Egyptian rule in the Upper Nile country. 

Meanwhile, English rule has greatly benefited the 
Egyptians. Extensive works for regulating the overflow 
of the Nile, upon which the fertility of Egypt depends, 
are now in progress, and their completion will largely in- 
crease the area of Egyptian tillage. 



Oentral Africa. 

§ 54. The Congo Free State 

The explorations of Livingstone opened up the heart of 
the Dark Continent. Before his death in 1873 he had 
carried the British name and influence into 
regions up to that time unknown. In 1871 
Stanley began his travels, destined to draw the attention 
of Europe to the valley of the Congo, and to set in motion 
that scramble for land which in a few years caused the 
whole of this great continent, hitherto despised, to be 

divided up among the Powers of 
Europe. An important discov- 
ery was that the Lualaba River, 
found by Livingstone in Central 
Africa, was the upper stretches 
of the Congo. This gave a great 
waterway from the West Coast 
to the interior, and promised to 
make Central Africa accessible 
as it had never been before. 

In 1876 Leopold II, King of 

the Belgians, gathered together 

at Brussels a con- 

raphers and other 
persons interested in African explorations from all parts 
of Europe. The African International Association was 
formed, the main object of which was to extinguish the 
slave-trade in Central Africa, where thousands of poor 
negroes were captured by bands of slave-hunting Arabs, 
and carried off for sale in the slave-markets of the Mo- 
hammedan world. The International Association did little 
of itself, but French, Belgian, and German explorers were 
sent out in national expeditions to explore East Central 

In January, 1878, Stanley landed at Marseilles, coming 

Henbt M. Stanley. 


directly from his Congo explorations. King Leopold pro- 
posed to him to attack Africa from the west, by way of 
the Congo. Stanley accepted and entered the service of 
the Belgian king. In the following year his expedition 
arrived at the mouth of the Congo, and carried around the 
cataracts, which interrupt the navigation of the river not 
far from the coast, several steam-launches, which were put 
together in the upper river, at Stanley Pool. With these 
the expedition proceeded along the upper river, establish- 
ing posts and laying the foundations of a new African state. 
The activity of King Leopold hastened the scramble 
for African possessions. France sent de Brazza into the 

new Congo country, and even Portugal was 
^*?,^^,^^^- awakened to the fact that her old African 

claims, long neglected, were becoming valu- 
able. Out of this jumble of conflicting claims Prince Bis- 
marck summoned order by suggesting an International 
Conference at Berlin, for the purpose of discussing African 
questions and arranging boundaries. 

In the meantime the Congo Association, formed under 
the auspices of the Belgian king, had arranged its diffi- 
culties with the separate powers. It conceded to Portugal 
the south bank of the Congo at its mouth, but secured by 
the north bank the access to the ocean which it desired. 
The powers of the Berlin Conference recognized the exist- 
ence of an Independent Congo State, under the control of 
the Congo International Association. There was to be ab- 
solute freedom of trade and navigation of the Congo basin, 
and all nations were to enjoy equal privileges. 

In 1885 the Belgian parliament authorized King Leo- 
pold to accept the headship of the state founded by the 

Congo International Association. " The un- 
T^e Congo Free j^j^ between Belgium and the new state was 

to be exclusively personal.*' Soon afterward 
King Leopold announced to the Powers that the Associa- 
tion had been changed to the Congo Free State, and he 


declared the perpetual neutrality of the new state. Yet it 
was evident that King Leopold looked forward to the 
eventual union of the Congo State with Belgium. By his 
will, in 1889, he made Belgium heir to the Congo State. 
In the following year the Belgian Government advanced 
twenty-five million francs for African improvements (mainly 
the railroad to Stanley Pool), with the condition that after 
ten years Belgium might annex the Free State ; in 1894 
the constitution of Belgium was amended to permit such 
annexation. The government has never yet foreclosed its 
mortgage, very likely because it is more convenient to have 
the Congo governed as a separate state, without bringing 
it into the parliamentary struggles of the home country. 

The exploration of the Congo and the establishment of 
the authority of the Free State along the great river and 
its tributaries brought the Belgian officials 
S!"^?**^ into hostile contact with the Arab slave- 
hunters. The methods of these hunters of 
men were particularly atrocious. Surrounding African vil- 
lages, they bum and kill and devastate the settlements, 
leading the survivors off to the slave markets of Khartoum 
or Zanzibar. Whole tribes have been exterminated and 
great districts laid waste. In 1885, when the Belgians 
arrived at Stanley Pool, they found the chief of the slave- 
hunters, Tippo Tib, already established there. War was 

It broke out in 1891, and lasted three years. In this 
time the power of the Arabs was broken ; the slave-hunters 
were killed off, forced to flee or be taken prisoners. In this 
campaign the Congo troops, pressing eastward, established 
the authority of the Free State to the limits imposed by 
the Berlin Congress. Thus through the creation of the 
Congo State the original purpose of the African Interna- 
tional Association has been accomplished, and the slave- 
trade, attacked in its hunting-grounds, has been practically 


The Interaational State, opened to all nations alike, 
as contemplated by the Berlin Conference, has been trans- 
formed, in the course of events, into a Bel- 
The Adminlitra- ^^^ colony. But it is not likely that the 
Berlin project could have succeeded. Im- 
mense expenditures were necessary to open the Congo 
basin, and it is improbable that King Leopold would have 
invested his fortune in a project of general interest. The 
15,000 miles of navigable river in the Congo basin were of 
no avail until transportation could be secured from the 
coast to the cataracts ; and for this a railroad must be 
constructed at a cost of many millions. Into this Leopold 
and the Belgians have turned their resources. It seems 
likely to be a good investment, both for king and people. 
By a decree of 1885 all vacant lands are the domain of the 
king. The royal revenue from rubber and ivory, amount- 
ing to many millions a year, are reinvested by the king in 
agriculture, in the creation of great plantations, which in 
later times will be immensely valuable. The same is being 
done by many chartered Belgian companies. 

§ 55. Europe in Africa 

English influence in Africa has two lines of extension : 
from the Cape northward ; and from Egypt southward to- 
ward the sources of the Nile. This has sug- 
^i^nfl. seated the project of the " Cape to Cairo'' 

railway, which, with one exception, the 
crossing of German East Africa, would traverse territory 
possessed by or controlled by England. From the Cape 
the English have passed northward, beyond the Dutch 
Republics, now, by the issue of the Boer War, included 
within the sphere of British control, annexing the lands of 
various native tribes, and incorporating them into British 
Central Africa, reaching to Lake Tanganyika on the north. 
British East Africa, with the Island of Zanzibar, assigned 


to England by the Congress of 1885, extends to Lake Vic- 
toria on the west, and reaches on the north to the Soudanese 
protectorate. On the West Coast Gambia, Sierra Leone, 
and the Oold Coast are possessions dating back to slave- 
trading times, while Nigeria is a recently acquired pro- 

France began to interest herself in Africa in 1830. 
Algiers was then a dependency of Turkey, and the Alge- 
rian pirates had been for centuries the bane 
^^MMions ^^ Mediterranean commerce. In 1827 a 

quarrel between France and Algiers, arising 
from an interference with the rights of merchants of Mar- 
seilles to engage in the coral fishery off the African coast, 
resulted in hostilities. Charles X sent an army across 
the Mediterranean and compelled the capitulation of the 
city of Algiers. Three weeks later came the Revolution 
of February, and Louis Philippe became King of the 
French. The military operations in Algiers continued ; 
in 1837 the city of Constantine was taken and the Turkish 
garrisons driven from Algiers. The Arabs had next to be 
reckoned with, the military lords of the country, who had 
in earlier times conquered the Berbers, or natives of Al- 
giers, but were forced to yield in turn to Turkish rule. 
Abd-el-Kader, emir of Mascara, roused the Arabs to a holy 
war against the Christians. Defeated, he retired into 
Morocco, where he induced the Sultan of Morocco, Abd- 
er-Rhaman, to declare war against France. Hostilities 
continued until 1847, when Abd-el-Kader was captured 
and taken to France, where he was held prisoner until 
1853, when he was set at liberty. Turks and Arabs hav- 
ing been subdued, there still remained the original popula- 
tion, the Berbers. Their subjugation was a long and tedi- 
ous affair ; it was not until 1880 that the more distant 
tribes of the Sahara were finally brought under French 

The possession of Algeria led to the occupation of the 


neighboring state of Tunis. The depredations of the 
Tunisian tribesmen in Algeria was the pretext for French 
interference ; the real motive was the fear of Italian occu- 
pation. In 1881, taking advantage of some trifling misun- 
derstanding with the Bey of Tunis, French troops entered 
the country and imposed upon the Bey the Treaty of 
Bardo, whereby the French protectorate was recognized. 
This great French state of North Africa, with Algeria and 
Tunis on the north, stretches southward across the desert, 
including Senegal on the West Coast. Reaching to the 
River Niger on the south, it extends eastward to Lake 
Tchad, including a rich and populous country, the last of 
Africa to be contended for by the Powers. At Lake 
Tchad the spheres of French and English influence meet. 
During the troubles in the Soudan the French explorer, 
Marchand, penetrated eastward into the valley of the upper 
Nile, then lost to Egypt, and defeated a band of Dervishes 
at Fashoda. Here Marchand met the English column 
advancing southward, and, yielding to orders from France, 
gave way. An Anglo-French convention in the following 
year defined the boundary between English and French 
protectorates. The Marchand incident may be regarded 
as a French protest against the English occupation of 
Egypt (ever a sore point with France), but the French 
Government was not prepared to carry the protest to a 
point of hostilities. 

France also possesses settlements on the West Coast, 
French Congo and Daliomey ; but next to French North 
Africa her most important African colony is 
^ the island of Madagascar. In 1638, in the 

reign of Louis XIII, Fort Dauphin was founded at the 
south end of the island ; but French interests developed 
slowly. In 1868 the queen of the Hovas, a tribe of Malaj 
origin, inhabiting the table-lands of Central Madagascar, 
was converted by English missionaries, whose influence 
was hostile to the French. In 1878 war broke out with 


the Hovas, and continued with some interruptions until 
1895, when an expedition was sent from France, which 
occupied Tananarive, the Hovas capital, and Queen Bana- 
valo was exiled to the island of Reunion. Slavery has 
been abolished in Madagascar and efforts made to encour- 
age education and industry. 

The Germans were also desirous of African possessions. 
Coming late into the field, they have found little opportu- 
nity for colonial expansion ; the Indies were 
GamanposMs- occupied; American colonization prohibited 
by the Monroe Doctrine ; only Africa re- 
mained. The Congress of Berlin gave to Germany : Ger- 
man East Africa, between Zanzibar and Lake Tanganyika ; 
Southwest Africa, or the regions of Damara and Nama- 
quas, north of the Orange River ; the Cameroons, at the 
foot of the Gulf of Guinea ; and Togo, between the English 
Gold Coast and French Dahomey. The Germans have not 
shown as yet a marked ability for colonial enterprises. Of 
the thousands of Germans who migrate every year from the 
Fatherland, the greater part are still seeking their homes 
under foreign flags. 

Italy, arriving late, but wishing to take a hand in the 
partition of Africa, seized the territory about Massoura on 
the Red Sea, and sought to create the colony 
^^ftwpoMwd^. ^' Erythrcea, with a protectorate over the 
Kingdom of Abyssinia. The task proved dif- 
ficult beyond her expectations. In 1896 her troops were 
annihilated by the army of the Abyssinian king, Menelik, 
and Italy's colonial ardor was quenched for the time. She 
has established a protectorate on the Indian Ocean over 
the land of the Somalis, and still holds Massowa and the 
neighboring territory. 

Portugal, once mistress of Africa, still possesses im- 
portant colonies, unprogressive and badly governed. On 
the West Coast she has Portuguese Guinea, and Angola, 
south of the mouth of the Congo ; on the East Coast, 


Mozambique, stretching southward from German East 
Africa along the coast opposite Madagascar, including the 
port of Lorenzo Marques, important as the entrance to the 
Transvaal from the sea. The Portuguese had hopes of 
uniting Angola and Mozambique, and thus forming a belt 
across Africa ; but the English have extended their hold- 
ings northward from the Cape, cutting away the " Hinter- 
land " of Portugal and confining her to the coast 

Spain's possessions in Africa are few. Opposite the 
Canaries she has a strip, whose back country extends in- 
definitely into the Desert of Sahara. In the Gulf of Guinea 
she has the island of Fernando Po and some small settle- 
ments on the main. She looks, however, upon Morocco as 
her eventual share of Africa, if France ever should allow 
her to take it, and the Powers permit its appropriation. 

The Far East 

§ 56. China and Japan 

Before the middle of the nineteenth century the great 
oriental nations of China and Japan were outside the 
range of European politics. China had 
been for centuries, it is true, a field for mis- 
sionaries and traders. The Chinese are essentially a com- 
mercial people, and their teas and silks have long been 
known in western markets. For purposes of trade Eu- 
ropeans were permitted to establish settlements along the 
coast, and many ports upon the sea and on the great nav- 
igable rivers have been opened for trade, often with force, 
and always against the desire of the exclusive Celestials. 
China, however, with her ancient and highly developed 
civilization, has resisted the introduction of western ideas 
and has clung tenaciously to her established customs. 
Her people have migrated into all tlie lands bordering 
upon the Pacific Ocean, and given evidence of their 
ability to compete successfully with other nations in com- 
merce and industry, everywhere preserving their racial 

Japanese history lias been very different. Satisfied with 
her institutions, and fearful of the intrusion of foreigners, 
she remained until the middle of the nine- 
*'**"' teenth century a sealed empire. This policy 

she was able to carry out successfully, on account of her 
compact political organization, whereas China is little 
more than a group of eighteen semi-independent provinces, 
feebly held together by the imperial power at Pekin. 

FusiTAMA, Sacred Mountain op Japan. 


Japan's early experience with the Spanish and Portuguese 
strengthened her policy of exclusion, and led her to cut 
herself off utterly from intercourse with the western world. 
A law of 1637 prohibited all natives of Japan from leaving 
their country, and visited with the penalty of death any 
attempt to open communication with foreigners. For 
over two centuries the only connection of Japan with the 
outside world was through a little settlement of Dutch 
merchants, permitted to occupy, under conditions which 
practically made them prisoners, an island in the harbor 
of Nagasaki. 

In 1852 the government of the United States resolved 

to establish, by force, if necessary, diplomatic and trade 

relations with Japan. In the following year 

enyan apan. q^jj^jj^^^^j.^ Perry entered the harbor of 

Yedo with four war vessels, and presented a letter to the 
regent (or Tai-kun), whom he took to be the emperor. 
Returning in 1854 for his answer, he overawed the Yedo 
authorities with his show of force and extracted a treaty, 
which permitted the establishment of trade, and resulted 
in the opening of the ports of Yokohama, Nagasaki, and 
Hakodate. The European powers quickly followed, and 
treaties were signed with England, Russia, and France. 

The foreign policy of the Tai-kun was resented by the 
conservative elements of the Japanese people, who viewed 
with fear the prospect of a foreign invasion. Outrages 
upon foreign representatives and merchants followed, and 
these were promptly punished with the bombardment of 
Japanese ports by American and European fleets, and by 
the exaction of indemnities. A change of feeling toward 
foreigners gradually came about, largely through the in- 
fluence of young Japanese, who visited Europe and Amer- 
ica and discovered that the western nations had no other 
than pacific intentions toward Japan. Upon their return 
they communicated this to their people and eventually dis- 
pelled their fears. 




Meanwhile the intercourse with foreigners and the edu- 
cation of young men abroad were working great changes in 
the national spirit. The sacred emperor, 
the " Child of Heaven/' had for centuries 
been a recluse, and all powers vested in the 
regent. In 1868 the progressive party brought the em- 
peror from retirement, and after severe fighting established 
his personal power. Mutsohito inclined toward western 
ideas. He began the new regime by 
transferring his residence from Kyoto to 
Yedo, changing the name of the latter 
city to Tokyo, the "Eastern Capital.'' 
Foreigners were welcomed ; many young 
men were sent abroad to be educated ; a 
new military system was introduced, with 
railroads, telegraphs, and schools ; society 
was revolutionized with the abolition of 
feudalism. In 1882 an imperial decree 
established a constitution with represen- 
tative government The manner in which 
Japan has taken on a western civilization 
and made it in all respects effective is the 
wonder of the century. 
Corea, the " Hermit Kingdom," lies near to Japan, and 
is a market for Japanese products. Traditionally Corea is 
a dependency of China, although independent in her in- 
ternal affairs, and governed, in a wretched manner, by a 
king. Russia, on the north, looks with envious eyes 
upon the Corean peninsula, as rounding out the Asiatic 
Empire of the Tsar on the Pacific. Russia and China 
were combined to oppose the Japanese influence in Corea. 
In 1894 a rebellion broke out in Corea, and the king 
called upon China for aid. Japan resented 
the interference of China, and sent troops 
to offset the Chinese intervention. War 
was the result ; the Chinese troops were rapidly driven 

Japanese Infan- 

The Ohineae- 
Japanese War. 



from Corea, and the war carried into China. The 
Japanese troops, finely disciplined and equipped, met 
little resistance from the ill-formed Chinese 
levies. Pekin was threatened ; China sued 
for peace, and Li-Hung-Chang, a noted Chi- 
nese statesman, was sent to Japan to arrange 
the conditions. China acknowledged the 
independence of Corea, ceded to Japan the 
island of Formosa, the Liao-tung peninsula 
on the coast of China, and agreed to pay a 
great indemnity. But Russia, France, and 
Germany intervened and prevented the ces- 
sion of any portion of the mainland of China 
to Japan. Under one pretext or another the 
western powers took for themselves the stra- 
tegic points on the Gulf of Pechili, which 
they had denied to Japan. Russia took Port 
Arthur, gaining a southern terminus for her 
Trans-Siberian railroad ; England, seeking 

always to check Russian advance in 
the Orient, took the port of Wei- 
hai-wei, across the Gulf from Port 
Arthur ; and Germany, seeking rep- 
aration for the murder of some mis- 
sionaries by the Chinese, seized upon 
the harbor and neighborhood of 
Kiao-tcheou. Thus, on the Chinese 
coast, spheres of European influence 
have been established, and the way 
opened for an eventual dismember- 
ment of the Celestial Empire. 

In 1900 a wave of anti-foreign 
feeling swept over China, the result 
in part of the seizure of Chinese ter- 
ritory by the western Powers. A patriotic society, called 
the " Boxers," sought to exterminate the Occidentals and 

A Typical 

Emperor op China. 
(Alleged portrait.) 


pnt an end to the invasion of western influences^ which 
have always been unwelcome, and which seem to threaten, 
with railroads and new religions, the ancient 
civilization of the '* Middle Kingdom/' Mis- 
sionaries were massacred and the foreign embassies at 
Pekin besieged. A joint army of the Powers (of which the 
United States was one) was sent to the relief of the em- 
bassies, and after much effort Pekin was reached and 
sacked, and the ambassadors and their families rescued. 
The Chinese Government sued for peace, and consented to 
make apologies and pay a huge indemnity. In 1902 Eng- 
land and Japan formed an alliance for the preservation of 
the territories of China and Corea, an act which is likely 
to check for a time the dismemberment of the '* Middle 

§ 67. Russia in Asia 

In the reign of Ivan the Terrible the Cossack leader, 

Irmak, at the head of 850 men crossed into Asia, and, 

traversing the immense forests of Tobol, de- 

Pormtlonofthe f^^^^^ ^j^^ Tartar Khan and took Sibir, his 
aobiuui £mpirOi 

capital. Thus a new crown, that of Siberia, 

was added to the crown of Russia. In the seventeenth 

century the progress of annexation carried the Russians to 

the Pacific Ocean and to Lake Baikal in the south. The 

peninsula of Kamtchatka was annexed in 1707. Up to 

this time the Asiatic possessions were of small importance 

to Russia ; the northern portion of Siberia is too cold for 

habitation, except by Arctic tribes. 

The eighteenth century added little to Asiatic Russia. 
The Kirgis Tartars acknowledged the sovereignty of the 
Tsar, and Russia was rid of a race of fierce robbers, who 
lived by the plunder of caravans, and barred the way to 
the East ; but their territory is a desert waste. 

The nineteenth century saw a wide extension of the 
Asiatic Empire. In 1801 the Tsar Paul, an enthusiastic 



admirer of Napoleon, planned a campaign against the 
English in ludia^ and crossed the Caucasus and annexed 
Georgia. This was the beginning of the Russian province 
of Caucasia, where subsequent annexations (Mingrelia, 
1803, to Kars, 1877), have built up the most populous and 
flourishing section of Asiatic Russia. The soil is pro- 
ductive ; there are mines of copper, lead, and coal, a dis- 
trict of oil-wells at Baku on the Caspian, and the people 
are civilized and industrious. 

The Ehanatea. 

The Mosque of the Palace of Khiva. 

The second half of the nineteenth century was marked 
by the extension of Russian power into the southwest of 
Asia, in the direction of Afghanistan and 
India. Turkestan was made a Russian prov- 
ince in 1865, a sterile land, except in the valleys of the 
rivers. The conquest of one Tartar tribe led to further 
warfare, until the whole country had been absorbed down 
to the independent state of Afghanistan. Here lay some of 
the most fertile tracts of Western Asia. The Khanate of 
Bokhara, taken in 1868, is the richest of the Asiatic lands 
of Russia, with a population of two and a half millions. 



The Khanate of Khiva^ taken in 1873^ is smaller^ with a 
population of 700,000. The people are Mohammedan. It 
has been the policy of Russia to hold these great Khanates 
as vassal states. This saves the friction and expense of 
military occupation, and yet insures to Russia the advan- 
tages of trade. Surrounded on all sides by Russian gar- 
risons, the Khanates are thoroughly subdued. 

In 1880 a new expedition under General Skobeloff sub- 
dued the Turkomans south and east of the Caspian, took 
Merv in 1881 and completed the subjugation of Turkestan. 
A railway, started from Krasno- 
vodsk on the east shore of the 
Caspian, runs southeast by way of 
Merv to Bokhara, Sarmakand, 
and Tashkend, passing along the 
northern border of Afghanistan 
and reaching atone point, Kuskh, 
to within eighty miles of Herat, 
the "Gate of India." Between 
Russian Turkestan and India lies 
the " buffer state " of Afghanis- 
tan, which Russia threatens with 
her railroad and her chain of for- 
tresses on the northern border. 
Here, and in Persia on the west, 
Russian and English influences struggle for control. 
There are frequent rumors of a Russian railway extension 
across Persia to the Persian Gulf. This would give Russia 
access to the Indian Ocean, where a Russian fleet would 
prove an additional menace to the English power in India. 
Apart from this, Russia has no doubt given peace and the 
prospect of advancement to southwestern Asia. 

Having reached the limits of her present extension on 
the borders of Afghanistan and Persia, the later activity 
of Russia in Asia has been directed toward the extreme 
East, at the expense of the northern provinces of the Chi- 



nese Empire. The Treaty of Pekin, 1860, secured to 

Russia all that former Chinese territory north of the Amur 

River, together with the maritime province 

TheOhinew ^^ Ussuri. Here Russia looks across the 


sea to Japan and joins Corea on the south. 

This was a better outlet to the Pacific than the frozen 
waters of Okhotsh ; but the southernmost harbor of Us- 
suri, Vladivostok, is still too icebound for a perfect har- 

ViEW OP Trans-Siberian Railway. 

bor, and Russia continued to scheme for an outlet into 
warmer seas. 

Meanwhile the great Trans-Siberian Railway was pro- 
jected and begun by Alexander III. This vast system of 
railway, connecting St. Petersburg with Vladivostok, has 
been pushed forward with great energy, until it is now 
nearing completion. The threatened break-up of China, 
the result of the war with Japan, gave an opportunity for 
a more southerly terminus. In the scramble of Russia, 
Germany, and England for Chinese ports Russia secured 
Port Arthur, on the Gulf of Pechili. An agreement be- 
tween, the courts of Pekin and St. Petersburg has given 


Russia a free hand in Manchuria, and permission to con- 
struct a southern branch of the Trans-Siberian Railway 
through Manchuria, under the name of the "Eastern 
Chinese Railway/' This concession, with a rendezvous for 
the Russian fleet at the terminus. Port Arthur (or Dalny), 
gives Russia a fine naval and commercial base on the Pa- 
cific. Strategically, its advantages are limited somewhat, 
perhaps, by the English occupation of the port of Wei-hai- 
wei, directly across the mouth of the Gulf of Pechili. 

These two great powers, England and Russia, have 
marched across Asia side by side, Russia on the north, 

England on the south, a zone of high moun- 
^Sain^Ajift. ^^^^® ^^^ deserts between them. On the 

west of Asia their interests clash in Persia 
and Afghanistan ; on the east, in China. France, with 
her colonies of Tonking and Annam on the south, bars 
the way to English advance along the southern line into 
China. The newly risen power of Japan will have some- 
thing to say, before she sees her Chinese cousins become 
the vassals of distant western powers. Already we have 
the whisperings of an Asiatic '^Monroe Doctrine *' of 
" Asia for the Asiatics/' But China is to-day the checker- 
board of European diplomacy. She is being pushed un- 
willingly along the path of progress. It will be interest- 
ing to see under what guidance and with whose aid she will 
accommodate herself to western ideas and methods. 

Material Progress 

§ 58. The Art of War 

In the Middle Ages the mounted knight, clad in armor, 
with lance and sword, decided the issue of battle. But 
Ohamre fro M 1^*^^^® ^as thought of the foot soldier ; war 
dieval to Modem was the business of nobles, and the task of 
Warfare. ^^ peasant and the artisan was to labor for 

the support of the gentleman-at-arms. The medieval 
battle had no element of strategy ; no effort to take ad- 
vantage of the character of the country, its hills and valleys, 
for superior position. Indeed, the principles of chivalry 
rather indicated that the opposing armies should meet in a 
'^ fair field," without advantage to either host. The battle 
was a judgment of God, and, when each commander was 
assured of the justice of his cause, there was no need of 
seeking a superior position. The opposing armies rode 
furiously at each other, and the clash of lances and the en- 
suing play of swords determined victory. 

Modem times have revolutionized the art of war with 
the introduction of foot soldiers. They came from two 
sources : the English archer, with his long-bow and cloth- 
yard shaft emptied the saddles of the French knights in 
the battles of the Hundred Years' War ; but a more im- 
portant factor was the phalanx of Swiss pikemen, against 
whom the armed knights dashed themselves in vain. The 
success of the Swiss made them sought for by all princes, 
and their presence decided many battles of the fifteenth 
and sixteenth centuries. Meanwhile their methods were 
adopted, with some improvements, by the Germans and the 




Spaniards. Behind the rows of defensive pikes were 
placed .men with swords and other weapons of offense. 
When the horsemen had been routed with the pikes, the 
front rows parted and let through the swordsmen, who 
finished with the defenseless cavalry. The day of the 
knight was over, and infantry became the important branch 
in warfare. 

Early Cannon. 


The use of gunpowder gradually supplanted the bow 
and cross-bow. Siege-guns were earlier adopted than ex- 
plosive hand-arms. The great weight of the 
ancient arquebus, which made it necessary to 
carry a forked iron for a rest, limited its use. The com- 
plicated mechanism of the later wheel-lock and the fire- 
lock retarded their introduction. In the sixteenth century 
might be seen, side by side, the bow, the arquebus, and the 
mechanical cross-bow, the arbalest. 



The musket was the arquebus, somewhat shortened and 

reduced in weight, without the fork. They were made 

with both wheel and match-locks. 

In the seventeenth century bands 

of musketeers were reinforced with 

pikemen ; having fired their shot, 

the musketeers retired behind the 

pikemen who guarded them from 

attack during the tedious process of 

reloading. In 1664 the French bor- 
rowed the paper cartridge from the 

Spaniards, who seem to have be 

the military inventors of the time. 

About 1630, the flint-lock was known 

in Italy ; but it did not supplant the 

musket until the beginning of the 

eighteenth century. The bayonet 
came about 
the same 
time. For 
over a hun- 
dred years the flint-lock held 
its place in the armies of Eu- 
rope. In the eighteenth cen- 
tury, although much progress 
was made in the science of war, 
in the organization of battles 
and the direction of sieges, 
little was accomplished in the 
improvement of weapons. The 
great wars of the French Rev- 
olution and of Napoleon were 
fought with the flint-lock. At 
a time when the mind of all 

Europe was centered upon war, science and invention 

made no contribution. The battles of Napoleon were won 


Abquebus, 1559. 



by the superior mobility of his troops, '* with the legs of 
his soldiers/' To this must be added the immense enthu- 
siasm which animated a 
democratic army, in 
which any man, with 
bravery and ability, might 
win a marshaFs baton. 

During the first half 

of the century progress 

was not 

Nineteenth r^pid. To 

be sure, the 
invention of the percus- 
sion cap made possible a 
lighter and more reliable 
weapon ; but in military 
science the period was rel- 
atively barren. The Cri- 
mean War was a lamenta- 
ble failure to feed, clothe, 
and otherwise provide for 
large bodies of men at a distance from the base of supplies. 
The Italian campaign of Napoleon III, with its battles of 
Magenta and Solferino, was a contest of brute force, the 
hurling of great bodies of men against each other, with- 
out ability to foresee the outcome. The carnage was so 
terrible that Napoleon dared not proceed to the conquest 
of Venetia. 

But military science was growing ; the Prussian school 
of von Moltke placed war upon a scientific basis. With 
a perfectly drilled and equipped army, arid a knowledge 
of the enemies' country, war became a great game of 
strategy. Invention came to the aid of the Prussians. 
In 1847 the needle-gun, a breech -loading weapon, using 
a metallic cartridge, was adopted. After the Prussian 
victory over Austria this weapon became, under various 

Seventeenth Century Matchlock. 



forms — Chassepot, Mauser, Martini — the weapon of Eu- 
rope. The breech-loading principle applied to cannon 
worked a similar revolution. Since 1880 the great ma- 
kers of ordnance, Armstrong, Krupp, Creusot, have vied 
with each other in the production of rapid, long-range 
cannon. The discovery of new and powerful explosives 
has added much to the efficacy of these new weapons. 
Nitro-glycerine, dynamite, and other similar compounds 
have a destructive force much greater than gunpowder. 

Ship op War, Seventeenth Century. 

Smokeless powder has made possible a lighter gun, a 
smaller ball, and longer range. New explosives — melanite, 
roburite, and the like — have replaced gunpowder for use 
in high-power artillery. 

Since the invention of the high explosives, and since 
the states of Europe have become, with the introduction 
of the Prussian system of compulsory military service, 
great armed camps, no war between powerful nations has 
taken place. The idea of such a war is frightful ; and in 


the minds of many, this universal armament and inven- 
tion, by making war so hideous, paves the way for peace ; 
and this is at least to be hoped. 

In naval warfare, as well, the nineteenth century has 
brought about great changes. The American War of the 
Rebellion produced a new type of armored 
Havalw . y^gg^i^ which rapidly took the place of the 
old wooden war-ship. Instead of great wooden forts, mod- 
ern navies are made up of complicated steel mechanisms, 
filled with wonderful devices, set in motion by steam and 
electricity. England leads the world in the number and 
variety of these formidable engines of marine warfare, and 
she is closely followed by the other great nations. Of late 
the effort of invention has been toward the perfection of 
submarine, torpedo-bearing craft. Of all these the real 
efficacy is unknown. No trial of strength has yet taken 
place between two modem navies. The events of the 
Chinese War and of the Spanish-American War were but 
naval skirmishes, viewed with intense interest by naval 
experts of all nations. The modern naval battle has yet 
to be fought. 

§ 59. Invention 

The nineteenth century was especially prolific in in- 
vention. The sciences, which up to that time were largely 
the playthings of philosophers, became in 
the nineteenth century the sources whence 
came innumerable inventions, tending to increase the 
wealth and comfort of mankind. The practical arts have 
been so revolutionized that **the distance is much greater 
between the industrial processes of the eighteenth century 
and those of the present day than between those of the 
eighteenth century and the ancient arts, even those of 
Egypt. ^' 

Between 1790 and 1815 the English used water-power 
for driving their spinning and weaving machinery. The 


use of steam as a motive-power^ the invention of Watt^ im- 
proved by the American, Oliver Evans, and by others, 
came into use soon after. The steam engine has been put 
to three great uses : the stationary engine, first used in 
mines, now replaces animal, wind, and water power in the 
manufacture of goods of all kinds, and in agricultural 
operations, such as threshing ; secondly, it is used for 
propelling steamboats ; and, thirdly, it furnishes the mo- 
tive power for land transportation (railways). 

The idea of applying steam to transportation seems to 
have haunted the minds of many men at the close of the 
eighteenth century. The practical solution, 
tomraortatioii however, is attributed to the American, Ful- 
ton, whose steamboat successfully navigated 
the Hudson River in 1807. In 1814 the Savannah, an 
American steamship, crossed from Savannah to Liverpool 
in twenty-five days, six more than was required by fast sail- 
ing vessels; in 1821 the '^Enterprise," an English steam- 
ship, made the voyage to India in forty-five days. In 1838 
the first screw-propeller boat was built in England, and from 
this time on the propeller began to take the place of side- 
wheels for deep-water navigation. England has led the 
nations of the world in the manufacture and use of steam 
vessels, although of late the German builders have pro- 
duced some of the swiftest ocean 'Miners." Iron and steel 
have replaced wood in the construction of steamships. 

The railway, like other great inventions, came gradu- 
ally. In 1800 Evans propelled a car with steam in the 
streets of Philadelphia ; but his experiment aroused little 
interest. In England the idea was taken up, and in 1812 
Stephenson constructed a machine somewhat resembling 
the locomotive of to-day. For several years the locomotive 
was used for hauling coal-cars from the mines. In 1839 
the first steam passenger train ran from Liverpool to Man- 
chester. Railroad lines were rapidly constructed in Europe 
and America, and now they have become a necessary ele- 


HnU'B Steamboat, 1786. 

Fitch's First Boat, 1787. 

The Clermont. 1807. 
Earlt Projects of Steam Navigation. 



ment in our lives. Great lines of railway traverse both 
hemispheres from Atlantic to Piicific, and a Trans-Saharan 
line is the dream of French engineers. 

The employment of electricity is a triumph of the sec- 
ond half of the nineteenth century. It has been adapted 
to the electric telegraph, to the telephone, 
to electric lighting, and to the propulsion of 
vehicles. Before 1850 the aerial telegraph, a method of 
signaling with semaphores, from hilltop to hilltop, was 



Stephbnson*8 No. 1 Engine, 1826. 

the most rapid means of transferring intelligence. Be- 
tween 1833 and 1838 the principle of electric telegraphy 
occupied the attention of physicists in France, Germany, 
and England, when Morse discovered a method by which 
messages could be transmitted along one wire. After 1850 
the electric telegraph came into general use. In 1851 the 
first submarine telegraph cable was laid between Dover and 
Calais : and a transatlantic cable in 1857. Now all parts 
of the world, the Indies and Australia, are connected with 
Europe and America. The telephone is an invention of 
the end of the century, competing with the telegraph for 



long-distance land lines, but of greater utility for local 

The discovery of the electric light goes back to the be- 
ginning of the century, but it was not until the end of the 
century that a satisfactory electric lamp was produced. 
Edison and Swann perfected this apparatus about 1881, 
and since that time electric lighting has been one of the 
features of town life. The use of electricity for the pro- 

The *• Rocket," 1829. 

pulsion of street-cars has resulted in the general substitu- 
tion of this power in the place of draft animals, to the 
great convenience of the public. Electricity has also been 
adapted to the automobile, or horseless carriage, where it 
competes with steam and gas as a motive force. 

Among the agents of enlightenment which have bene- 
fited from invention is the newspaper. The introduction 
of the steam press (London Times, 1814), together with 
the cheapening of the cost of paper, has brought the news- 


paper within the reach of all. In the early years of the 

nineteenth century the daily newspaper was a luxury re- 

_, „ served for subscribers of the middle class : 

The Newspaper, ' 

but now the use of the newspaper has be- 
come so general that the formality of subscription has in 
most instances given way to a daily or semi-daily purchase 
by all classes of the urban population. 

The wide circulation of the newspaper among all classes 
has made it an important political agent. It brings the 
government into contact with the people, making unneces- 
sary the formal posting of proclamations and laws, as was 
formerly done ; it also brings the people into contact with 
the government, enabling the dissatisfaction of the people 
with the acts of government to find expression, and mak- 
ing unnecessary the old right of petition, so strongly in- 
sisted upon in earlier times as an important element of 
popular liberty. 

The growing importance of industry, as compared with 
agriculture, has had its effect upon the distribution of 
population. At the beginning of the nine- 
teenth century the bulk of the population 
was rural ; few cities had a population of more than 50,000. 
New industries, which centered in the cities, in order to 
secure the advantages of transportation and exchange, 
brought together there workmen and commercial em- 
ployees in thousands. In England, where industry has 
made the greatest encroachment upon agriculture, more 
than three-fourths of the population is urban. 

The contribution of chemistry to modern progress has 
been very great. It has revolutionized agriculture in the 
use of chemical fertilizers ; it has given us 
matches, beet-sugar, preserved foods, and 
photography, together with a thousand other benefits. 
From a new natural product it has separated a great num- 
ber of valuable substances. In Germany the manufacture 
of coal-tar products adds $60,000,000 yearly to the national 


wealth. With the biological sciences, it has given us 
anesthetics, which render surgery painless ; antiseptics, 
which facilitate the cure of diseases ; and the two seem 
likely to ameliorate and prolong the duration of human 

§ 60. Problems of To-day 

At the beginning of modern times society was organ- 
ized on a basis of birth ; a man was and remained noble, 
burgher, or peasant, according to the condi- 

^*'**^' tion of his parents. A few men of the su- 

perior classes, who were called "well-born," monopolized 
the good things of earth, and possessed themselves of the 
offices of wealth and distinction, by virtue of their birth. 
They controlled public affairs and gave to society its 
form. Such a society is called an aristocracy. 

Little by little the aristocratic form of society became 
subject to criticism. We find it attacked with vigor by 
the ''philosophers" of the eighteenth century. A nu- 
merous and able class of men were coming forward, the 
''middle class," enriched with trade, and more closely in 
touch with the changing needs of society than the aris- 
tocrats, who were too well satisfied with themselves and 
with their conditions to wish for, or even tolerate, change. 
The resistance of the aristocracy to the spirit of democracy 
in France resulted in their overwhelming defeat. In 
other countries, where the revolution was more gradual, 
they have little by little ceased to be a factor of impor- 
tance. In England, in Hungary, and in some German 
states they still retain slight privileges of birth, but even 
here their pretensions provoke amusement rather than 

Tiu^ word " democracy " is no longer restricted to its 
origiuul meaning of a direct government by the people. 
It hm come to be used to designate a society free from the 
distinctions of birth. It is not necessarily associated with 


a republic ; the French empires were democratic mon- 

In the political field the democratic spirit demands 
that all men shall be equal before the law ; that in mat- 
ters of justice and taxation or of military 
dem^wy. ^^^^ ^^ distinction based on rank or posi- 

tion shall be known ; that all offices of the 
state shall be open to all persons alike, who are able to give 
evidence of their fitness ; that there shall be no bar to the 
entrance of all persons into the various occupations, pro- 
fessional, commercial, and industrial. This freedom of op- 
portunity, declared by the French Revolution and largely 
realized in the Empire of Napoleon the Great, has now be- 
come general in Europe and America. Universal military 
service is an application of this principle to one side of 
modern life, and it is further safeguarded in the reformed 
civil-service establishments of all progressive nations. 

The democratic spirit is not satisfied, however, with its 
victories in the political field. No sooner had a reason- 
able degree of political liberty been won than 
^o^y. ^^^® struggle was begun for economic liberty 

and well-being. The system of manufacture 
on a large scale, as it developed during the nineteenth cen- 
tury, aided by steam and by improved means of transpor- 
tation, divided the persons interested into two classes : the 
capitalists and the laborers. These two classes began to 
array themselves against each other about the middle of 
the century. The feeling of the laborer, who earned so 
little that he lived from hand to mouth, and was ruined, 
if he lost his employment, was that he received too small 
a portion of the product for his share ; and that the capi- 
talist-employer, who lived in much more agreeable circum- 
stances, and accumulated wealth, received too much ; and 
no amount of explanation on the part of economic philoso- 
phers could convince him that he ought to bear his lot 
with patience and humility. 


Out of this dissatisfaction of the laborers grew several 
parties, who sought to establish a juster division of the 
product of toil. In England, where prog- 
°^' ress has ever been conservative, the effort 
toward solution took the form of an organization of labor 
into unions. These unions, by strikes and other means 
of coercion, have achieved much for the laborer in the 
way of bettering his condition. Capital, opposed by or- 
ganized labor, has been obliged to yield much. Labor 
legislation, by reducing the hours of labor, and forbidding 
in many instances the competition of women and children, 
is an expression of the democratic spirit. 

In France, where men have ever been most daring in 
experimenting with the structure of society, the movement 
took at first the form of socialism. Impa- 
tient of winning their way inch by inch with 
the organization of labor, certain theorists of the labor 
party advised a short cut to the desired end, by means of 
a thorough reconstruction of industry. The state was to 
become the sole capitalist and employer of labor, dividing 
among the producers the whole product of their labor. 
The experience of the Eevolution of February discouraged 
this idea in France ; but a similar scheme, more carefully 
prepared, was advanced by Lasalle and Marx in Germany 
twenty years later. Out of their writings has grown the 
Social-Democratic party in Germany. The deputies of 
this party in the imperial Reichstag have increased in 
number from two in 1871 to fifty-six in 1898. The Social- 
Democratic party demands that the '* instruments of labor 
— factories, mines, railroads, etc. — shall cease to be the 
property of individuals and shall become the general prop- 
erty of the nation. '^ 

Here we have outlined the two chief methods that have 
been devised for arriving at economic democracy. Which 
of them, if either, shall bring about the desired condition 
is a problem the solution of which lies in the future. 


The desire for a democratic society has been a strong 
stimulus toward universal education, as likely to break 
down one of the obstacles in the way of a 
more democratic organization of society. 
Formerly a private or family affair, education is now re- 
garded as one of the most important functions of the state. 
Formerly education was under the supervision of the 
church ; but, like many of the functions of society (poor 
relief, for example), it has now been transferred to the 
state, in order that it may have a more general enforce- 
ment. In many of the German states instruction is obliga- 
tory ; so also in Switzerland, Scandinavia, France (since 
1882), and in many of the States of the American Union. 

A noticeable feature of the nineteenth century is the 
increase in wealth. All classes now dispose of an amount 
of money per capita that would have seemed 
w^ST ^ fabulous to the men of a century ago. Many 

things which then were luxuries, to be ob- 
tained only by the more fortunate, such as sugar, choco- 
late, books, silks, and musical instruments, are now in 
general use, together with a hundred other things of later 
invention. The manual laborer of to-day has more luxu- 
ries, more opportunities for enjoyment and for mental 
culture than the middle classes in the year 1800. More 
than all this, he has in many ways, political and social, his 
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*' Abolition of Feadalism,'' 146, 151. 

Alx-la-Chapelle, peace of, 125. 

Alba, 74. 

Albert U (of Auatria), 10. 

Alexander I (of Ruaua), 249 ; Alex- 
ander II, 253; Alexander lU, 253, 

Alexander I (of Servia), 271. 

Algiers, 321. 

Alphonso XII (of Hpain), 277; Al- 
phonBo Xin, 277. 

Amadeo, King of Spain, 277. 

Anabaptists, 48. 

AnHefi Regime, 14a 

Arbalest. 837. 

Armada, 76. 

Arquebus, 386. 

AssigncUa, 150. 

Anerstftdt, battle of, 16a 

Augsburg CTonfession, 60. 

Augsburg, peace of, 68, 97. 

Aurungzebe, 84. 

Austerlitz, battle of, 16a 

Australia, 305. 

Austria-Hungr.ry, government of, 283. 

Avignon, 4. 

Bailli, instructions to, 7. 

Basel, council of, 37. 

Bastille, 146. 

Belgiam, 290. 

Berlin, treaty of, 260. 

Bemadotte (Charles XIV of 8weden)» 

Bill of Rights, 115. 
Bismarck, 194, 197, 215. 
Blanc, Louis, 192. 
Boccaccio, 19. 

Boors, 807, 320. 

Bokhara, 331. 

Bologna, university of, 2. 

Bonaparte, Napoleon, 150, 164, 172, 

178. 178, 236. 
Boniface VUI, 8, 83. 
BouU (Greek Nat*l Assembly), 266. 
Boxer troubles in China, 32a 
Bulgaria, 257, 260, 272. 

Cahiers, 143, 145, 148. 

Calendar, revolutionary, 164. 

Calvin, 50. 

Campo Formio. peace of, 161, 165. 

Canada, 305. 

Cape Colony, 806. 

Capodistrias, 265. 

Carbonari, 188, 287, 24a 

Carlists, 276. 

♦* Carlsbad Decrees," 184. 

»* Carmen Sylva," 273. 

Castelar, 279. 

Castiglione, 26 

Catharine de Medicis, 67. 

Catharine II (of Russia), 18a 

Catholics, disabilities of, 300. 

Caucasia, conquest of, 331. 

Cavour, 243, 246. 

Charles Albert (of Sardinia), 227. 237. 

Charles (the Bold) of Burgundy, 10. 
Charles I (of EngUnd), 112 ; Charles 

n, na 

Charles I (f»f Roumania), 269. 
Charles V, Emperor. 44, 56, 60, ^. 64. 
Charles VII (of France), 5; Charles 

IX, 67 ; Charles X, 181, 187, 321. 
Charles XU (of 8weden), 131, 285. 




Chinese-Japanese War, 328. 

Cbinese trade, 326. 

Civil constitution of clergy, 149. 

Clemanges, Nicholas, 38. 

Clement VTI, 65. 

CUve, Lord, 86, 88. 

Code NapoUon, 167. 

Colbert, 94 

Colet, John, 24. 

Cologne, university of, S34. 

Columbus, 30. 

Commune, 199, 202. 

Compass, 27, 31. 

Congo State, 291, 81& 

Congress of Vienna, 176, 251, 368, 276. 

Constance, council of, 85. 

Constantinople, 19. 

Constitution of 1791 (France), 14a 

Consulate, 168. 

Continental system, 109. 

Copernicus. 31. 

Com laws, 299. 

Corea, 328. 

Count of Chambord, 200, 206. 

Count of Paris, 200. 208. 

Crimean War, 252, 269. 388. 

Cromwell, 113, 115. 

Czechs, 221, 22a 

d»Ailly, 85. 

*• Day of Dupes," 9a 

De&k, 231. 

Democracy, modem, 846i 

Denmark. 215. 288. 

Diaz, Bartholomew,. 29. 

Diet, Imperial German, 11. 

Directory, 159, 168. 

DisraeU, 297, 307. 

Divine right of kings, 106. 

Dutch Colonial power, 81. 

East India Company, 84. 809. 

<' Eastern Question," 258. 

Egypt, 162. 

Electricity, use of, 848. 

Elizabeth of England. 50, 76. 

Enoancipation of serfs in Russia, 252. 

English colonization in America, 87. 
Erasmus. 24. 
Erfurt, university of, 24. 
Estates General, 4. 105. 143, 146. 
Eugene IV, 37. 

Famine in Ireland, 804. 
Favre, Jules, 198. 
February, revolution of, 192. 
Ferdinand of Aragon, 13. 
Ferdinand VH (of Spain), 274. 
Fichte, 208. 

Firearms, introduction of, 336. 
Francis I (of France), 65; Francis II, 

Francis Joseph, Emperor of Austria, 

Franco-Prussian War, 195. 
F^rankfort parliament, 210, 212L 
Frankfort, peace of, 198. 
Frederick III, Emperor, 10. 
Frederick the Great, 125, 128, 188. 
Frederick V (of Bohemia), 99. 
Frederick the Wise, 44, 59. 
Frederick William I (of Prussia), 124. 

127; Frederick William III, 204; 

Frederick WUliam IV, 211, 213. 

French colonization in America, 87. 
French kings of reformation period, 

table, 71. 
Friedland, battle of. 168. 
Fulton, Robert, 341. 

Gama, Vasoo da. 80, 79. 82. 
Gambetta, 198, 208. 
Garibaldi, 243, 245, 247. 
Grenoa, 17. 

George I (of Greece), 266. 
George III (of England), 294. 
German Empire, mediseval, a 
German Empire, modem, 217. 
German military system, 219. 339. 
German possessionB in Africa, 324. 
Grerson, John, a5. 
Gioberti, 238. 
Gladstone, 297, 802, 807. 



Golden Bull, 8. 

Gonzalvo, 15. 

Gordon, General, 315. 

Greeks. 258, 263, 313. 

Guizot, 188, 190. 

Gostayas Adolphua, 100, 103, 129. 

Gutenberg, 28. 

Hague Peace Conference, 293. 

Hampden, John, 112. 

Hapsburg, House of, 12. 

Hardenberg, 204. 

Hastings, Warren, 86. 

Helvetic Republic, 281. 

Henry, Prince, the navigator, 29. 

Henry VII (of England), 16 ; Henry 
VIU, 48 ; list of wives, 52. 

Henry II (of France), 62, 66, 72; 
Henry III, 67 ; Henry IV (and Na- 
varre), 69, 90, 91. 

Hohenzollem, House of, 128. 

Holy Alliance, 179. 

Holy Brotherhood, 14. 

" Hundred Days," 178. 

Hundred Years' War, 4, 15, 335. 

Huss, John. 84. 

Hutten, Ulrich von, 59. 

Iceland, 28a 

ludex, congregation of, 54, 57. 

India, English in, 309, 310. 

Indiat, route to, 30. 

India trade, 78. 

Irish peasantry, 301. 

Isabella I (of Spain), 18 ; Isabella II, 

189. 276. 
Ismail Pasha, 318. 
Italian possessions in Africa, 324. 
Italians in Austria, 222. 

I Joan of Arc, 4. 

! John XXni, 35. 

I John of Saxony, 60. 

I Joseph II, Emperor, 119, 122. 

Josephine, Empress, 160. 

July, revolution of, 182, 187. 196. 

Justiciar, Spanish, 14. 

Kara Georges, 271. 
Khiva, 332. 
Kossuth, 224, 229. 

Labor Question, 348. 

Leo X, 43, 53. 

Leopold I (of Belgium), 265, 290; 

Leopoldll, 291,316, 820. 
Lesseps, P'erdinand de, 314. 
Lewis (the Bavarian), Emperor, 9, 12. 
I'Hopital, Chancellor, 68. 
Livingstone, 316. 
Locke, John, 136. 
Louis XIII (of France), 92; Louis 

XIV, 90, 94, la"), 117, 136, 141; 

Louis XV, 117, 136. 141; Louis 

XVI, 118, 121, 141, 153, 157; Louis 

XVIII, 175, 181. 
Louis Philippe, 182, 186, 190, 237, 321. 
Loyola, 54, 57. 
Luneville, peace of, 165. 
Luther, Martin, 25, 40, 59, 61. 
LUtzen, battle of . 101. 
I Luxemburg, 216, 292. 

Jacobins, 154, 159. 

James I (of England), 111 ; 

II, 114. 
Jelhwic, 227. 
Jena, battle of, 168. 
Jews in Spain, 13. 

Macedonia, 257, 261, 271, 273. 

MaoMahon, Marshal, 200. 

Madagascar, 323. 

Magellan, 31. 

Magenta, battle of, 244. 

Magyars, 221, 228. 

Mahdi, 315. 

" March Days " in Berlin, 210. 
James Bfaria Theresa, Empress, 125. 

Martin V, 36. 
I Mary of Burgundy, 10. 
' Mary, Queen of England, 49, 76. 
1 Mary, Queen of Scots, 67, 76. 



Bfaorioe of Saxony, 61. 

Maximilian of Bavaria, 98. 

Maximilian, Emperor, 10. 

Maximilian of Mexico, 194. 

Mazarin, 94, 107. 

Mazeppa, 181, 134. 

Mazzini, 288, 340. 

Medici, Cosmo, 17, 20. 

Mediaeval warfare, 335. 

Mebemet Ali, 312. 

Mettemich, 180, 184, 210, 225, 258. 

Michael Angelo, 20. 

Milan, 17. 

Milan. King of Servia, 271. 

Mirabeau, 144. 

Montenegro, 271. 

Montesquieu, 186. 

MoorB in Spain, 13. 

More, Thomas, 24. 

Morisooes, 78. 

Moscow, expedition to, 170. 

Musket, 887. 

Nantes, edict of, 69, 93; revocation, 

Naples. 18. 

Napoleon the Great (see Bonaparte). 
Napoleon's brothers, table of, 172. 
Napoleon III (Louis Bonaparte), 172, 

192. 280, 248. 
Naseby, battle of, 113. 
Naval warfare, 840. 

Navarino, battle of, 265. , 

Netherlands, 73, 289, 292. 
New Zealand, 306. 
Nicholas I (of Russia), 251; Nicholas 

U, 253, 293. 
Nicholas V, 21. 
NihiUsts, 258. 254. 
Ninety-five theses, 42. 
North German Confederation, 217. 
Norwegian government, 287. 
Novara, batUe of, 239, 2W. 

O'Connell, 300. 
Oscar of Sweden, 287. 
Otto, King of Greece, 265. 

Paper, use of, 29. 

Paris, university of, 24. 

Peasants' War of 1525, 4a 

Perry in Japan, 327. 

Persia, English and Russians in, 884. 

Peter the Great, 130, 184. 

Petrarch, 19. 

PhUip the Pair, 8, 9, 33. 

Philip of Hesse, 60. 

Philip II (of Spain), 10, 71. 

Pisa, council of, 35. 

Pius IX, 239. 

" Pocket l^ronghs ^' in England, 296. 

Poggio, 19. 

Poissy, colloquy of, 67. 

Pohmd, 132, l'J6. 206, 251. 

Poles, 221. 

Popes of great schism, list of, 89l 

Portugal, 73,79,81,27a 

Portuguese Africa, 324. 

Port Arthur, 329, 838. 

Pressburg, peace of, 16a 

Printing, 28. 

Protectorate (England), 114. 

Prussian National Assembly, 211. 

Radetsky, 227. 

Raiaa, 257. 

Raphael, 20. 

Referendum in Switzerland, 288. 

Reform BUI (Enghmd), 297. 

Reign of Terror, 154. 

Renaissance, art of, 20. 

Revenues of Spain, 10, 

Richelieu, 92, 107. 

Robespierre, 157. 

Roman law, 2. 

Romanoflfs, rise of, 120l 

RoBcs, wars of, 15. 

Roumania,.260, 268. 

Roumanians, 222. 

Roumelia, 257, 271, 273. 

Rousseau, 133. 

" Rump ** Parliament, lia 

i Sadowa, battle of, 217, 282. 

I Saint Bartholomew, massacre of, 67, 71, 





Scandinavian Sooiety, 286. 

Soharnhont, 204. 

Sohleswig-Holstein oontroveray, 215. 

Sohmalkadio League, 60. 

•• Seven Weeks' War," 216. 

Siberia, oonqnest of, 880. 

8i6ye«. 146. 

Sigismund, Ehnperor, 35. 

Slavery, abolition of, in British Em- 
pire, 298. 

Socialism, 34a 

Society of Jesus, 54, 121. 

Solferino, battie of, 244. 

Honderbund War, 288. 

South Slavs, 221. 

Spanish discoveries in America, 86. 

Spanish possessions in Africa, 3'^. 

Spanish succession, nineteenth cen- 
tury, table of, 280. 

Stanley, Henry M., 316. 

Steam, application of, 841. 

Stein, Baron, 204. 

Stephenson, 341. 

Stuart, Mary, 67, 7a 

Suez Canal, 314. 

Sully, 90, 95. 

Supremacy, act of, 52L 

Tai-Kun, 327. 

TaUeyrand, 17a 

Thiers, 199. 

Thirty Years' War, 97. 

Tilly, 99. 

Tikit, peace of, 16a 

I Trans-Siberian Railway, 33a 

Trent, Council of, 56. 

Trithemius, 21. 

Tunis, 328. 
I Turkestan, Russian, 832. 

Unam Sanctatn, Bull, 7. 
I Universities of Germany, 22. 
, Urbino, library of, 21. 

Utrecht, union of, 74. 


Venetia, 216, 227, 230. 

Venice, 17, 22, 7a 
I VersaUles, 107. 

Vespasiano, 20. 

Victor Eraannuel II, 289, 241. 
j Victoria, Empress of India, 809. 
' Villages, capitulation of, 228. 

Voltaire, 137. 

Von Gagem, 210. 

Wallenstein, 99. 

Westphalia, peace of, 74, 103, 109,280. 

William I, Emperor-King, 214, 218;, 

William II, 2ia 
WUliam the SUent (of Orange), 74, 77. 
William and Mary, 115. 
Wimpheling, Conrad, 25. 
Windisohgrtttz, 227. 
Worms, Decree of, 4a 
Wyclif , 34. 

Ximines, Francesco, 14. 

Zwingli, 4a 




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