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XXXVI.
A GRAMMAR of the GREEK LANGUAGE.
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XLIV.
The COTTAGER S MONTHLY VISITOR for 1841.
( With Wood Cuts.) Part I. (January to June.)
HISTORY OF CONFERENCES
AND OTHER PROCEEDINGS
CONNECTED WITH THE REVISION Ot
THE BOOK OF COMMON PRAYER;
FROM THE YEAR 1558 TO THE YEAR 1690.
BY
EDWARD CARDWELL, D.D.
PRINCIPAL OF ST. ALBAN s HALL.
OXFORD:
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.
MDCCCXL.
NOV 23 1954
THIS volume is a sequel to the one entitled " The two
Books of Common Prayer, set forth by authority of
Parliament in the reign of King Edward VI, compared
with each other;" and the two volumes jointly are in
tended to contain a complete documentary history of the
English Liturgy from the period of the Reformation down
to the present time.
C O N T E N T S.
INTRODUCTION.
The state of religious opinions and parties during the reigns
of Edward VI. and Mary.
The two objects of the English reformers. . . . the different parts
they were allowed to take. . . . their incidental advantages. . . .
the character of the Sovereign. . . . the state of religious con
troversy .... illustrated from the cases of the Eucharist and
clerical vestments. ... the progress of change. . . . exemplified
in the second Service-book of King Edward. . . . changes made
in the communion service. ... in the rubric respecting vest
ments. . . . principles involved in those changes. . . . opinion of
Lord Bacon. . . . the English reformers in exile. . . . the exiles
at Frankfort. ... at Geneva. . . . state of religious opinions on
the accession of Elizabeth. . . . sentiments of moderation. . . .
divines who had remained in England. . . . Archbishop Parker
.... influence of the exiles. . . . character of Elizabeth. . . . the
tendency of her measures.
vi CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
The revision of the Liturgy in the reign of Elizabeth.
The Queen s neutrality. ... efforts of the two great religious
parties. . . . the Queen s proclamation. . . , committee of revi
sion. . . . the only prudent method. ... of whom composed. . . .
Guest added to the committee .... the report he made to
Cecil. . . . the convocation. . . . articles presented by them to
parliament. . . . approved by the two universities. . . . the Queen
withdraws her bill of uniformity. . . . conference of divines at
Westminster. . . . questions for discussion. . . . proceedings of
the conference .... bill of uniformity again brought before
parliament. . . . passed. . . . opposition in the house of lords. . . .
changes made in the Liturgy. . . . effects of these changes. . . .
with reference to the Eucharist .... to clerical vestments ....
extraneous influences .... conformists actuated by different
motives .... sentiments of the clergy in general .... the con
vocation .... articles proposed in the lower house.
CHAPTER II.
Documents connected with the revision of
Queen Elizabeth,
I. The Device for alteration of religion in the first year of Queen
Elizabeth, (supposed to have been drawn up by Sir Thomas
Smith). Cotton Libr. Julius F. 6 II. Dr. Guest to Sir
William Cecil, the Queen s Secretary, concerning the Service-
book newly prepared for the Parliament. Corp. Chr. Coll.
Camb. vol. 106 III. The first Proposition upon which the
Papists and Protestants disputed in Westminster Abbey. The
Discourse of Dr. Home. Fox s Acts and Mon. and Corp. Chr.
Coll. Camb. Vol. 121. Svnodalia. , . IV. The answer of Dr.
CONTENTS. vii
Cole to the first Proposition of the Protestants. Corp. Chr.
Coll. Camb. Vol. 121. Synod V. The Protestants Dis
course prepared to have been read in the public Conference at
Westminster on the Second Question. Corp. Chr. Coll. Camb.
Vol. 121. Synod VI. Dr. Cox s Letter to Wolfgang
Weidner, with an account of the disputation at Westminster.
Corp. Chr. Coll. Camb. Vol. 241 VII. A Letter of Jewel s
to Peter Martyr, concerning the Disputation at Westminster.
Burnet, Hist. Ref. Vol. in. Part 2. pp. 360362
VIII. The Oration of Abbot Feckenharn in the Parliament
House, 1559, against the Bill for the Liturgy. Corp. Chr. Coll.
Camb. Vol. 121. Synod.
CHAPTER III.
The revision of the Liturgy in the reign of James I.
The progress of Puritanism. . . . the cross and the surplice. . . .
the auxiliaries of the Puritans.. ..the loftiness of their pre
tensions. . . . causes of the support they met with. . . . proceed
ings of the high commission. . . . dissatisfaction with the
government. . . . want of occupation. . . . illustrated in the con
spiracy of 1603. ... all non-conformists treated as state-
offenders. . . . non-conformist ministers. . . . opinions of eminent
statesmen respecting them. . . . publications on the subject. . . .
Cooper, Bishop of Winchester. . . . Bancroft, afterwards arch
bishop of Canterbury. . . . Hooker s Ecclesiastical Polity. . . .
the close of Elizabeth s reign. . . . the millenary petition. . . .
sentiments of King James. ... he grants a conference. . . .
advice of Lord Bacon. . . . declaration from the two Univer
sities. . . . the King s proclamation. . . . divines convened at
Hampton Court. . . . statement of Dr. Montague. . . . resolutions
adopted by the King. ... his method of carrying them into
effect. . . . the alterations made in the Liturgy. . . . disappoint
ment of the Puritans. . . . petition from the Diocese of Lincoln
.... plans of moderation .... strong opinion expressed of their
futility. . . . decided answer in their favour,
a 4
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER IV.
Documents connected with the revision of
King James I.
A proclamation concerning such as seditiously seek reformation
in Church matters. Wilkins Cone. vol. iv. p, 37 1 II. The
opinion of Matthew Hutton, Archbishop of York, touching
certain matters, like to be brought in question at the Con
ference. Strype, Whitgift, vol. iii. pp. 392402 III. King
James to some person unknown in Scotland, concerning the
Conference at Hampton Court. Cott. Libr. Vespasian, F. 3.
.... IV. A letter from Court by Toby Matthew, Bishop of
Durham, to Archbishop Hutton, giving an account of the Con
ference. Strype, Whitgift, vol. iii. pp. 402 407- ... V. The sum
and substance of the Conference at Hampton Court, contracted
by William Barlow, D. D., Dean of Chester. . . . VI. A letter from
Patrick Galloway to the Presbytery of Edinburgh, concerning
the Conference. Calderwood s Hist, of the Ch. of Scotland,
p. 474 VII. Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi et aliis pro refor-
matione Libri Communis Precum. Rymer, vol. xvi. p. 565.
.... VIII. A Proclamation for the authorizing of the Book of
Common Prayer to be used throughout the realm. Wilkins
Cone. vol. iv. p. 377.
CHAPTER V.
Interpolations charged against Archbishop Laud.
Quickness to discover matter of accusation. . . . readiness to give
it credence. . . . character of Abp. Laud. . . . his vigilance over
the press .... his instructions respecting works written against
Popery. . . . displeasure created. ..." The news from Ipswich"
.... Sermons by H. Burton. . . . form of prayer for tbe 5th of
November. . . . for the public fast of jf>3(>. . . . forms of prayer,
&c. 011 different occasions. . . , alteration in the prayer for the
CONTENTS.
IX
royal family. . . . made by competent authority. . . . alteration
in one of the Epistles .... no ground of accusation against
Abp. Laud. . . . the change of " minister" into " priest". . . .
not made by the Archbishop. ... his speech in the star-
chamber. . . . how far these charges were revived at his trial.
CHAPTER VI.
The proceedings of the conference at the Savoy.
The time of the rebellion .... committee appointed by the house
of lords .... entered actively upon their duties .... motives
that actuated them .... the changes they agreed upon ....
effect of their concessions .... ordinances proscribing the
Common Prayer Book .... their natural results .... aided by
collateral circumstances .... strong principles of church-
ascendancy .... the king s declaration .... an exclusive desire
for a strong government .... boldness of the dissenters ....
their unreasonable demands .... the king s refusal. . . . proceed
ings of the episcopal clergy. . . . anxiety of the king s ministers
respecting them. . . . the advice they gave as to the dissenters
.... restoration of the Liturgy. . . . critical circumstances of
the times. . . . the king s method of proceeding. ... a confer
ence resolved upon. . . . good policy of the court. . . . conciliating
demeanour of the king. . . . the dissenters invited to make over
tures. . . . they deliver in proposals. . . . the groundless nature of
their basis. . . . the answer of the bishops. . . . influence of ex
traneous circumstances. . . . the king s ample concessions. .
his private reasons. . . . success of his stratagem. . . . satisfaction
of the dissenters. . . . commission for the revision of the Liturgy
.... the instructions provided. . . . proper interpretation of them
.... proper course of proceeding. . . . dissenters required to
tender their exceptions. . . . the policy of such a method. . . .
uncompromising principle of the dissenters. . . . their list of ex
ceptions and new Liturgy. . . . their high tone of language. .
the bishops determine to act as judges .... their answers ....
the rejoinder of the dissenters. ... its peremptory nature.
CONTENTS.
ten days only remaining .... a personal debate .... its natural
consequences. . . . Bishop Cosin s proposal .... disputation on
one single topic .... general reflections as to toleration .
CHAPTER VII.
Documents connected with the conference at the Savoy.
I. Proceedings of the Committee of Divines appointed by the
House of Lords in 1641. Baxter s Life by Sylvester, B. I. P,
2. p. 369 .... II. The first Address and Proposals of the Mi
nisters to King Charles II. Baxter s Life by Sylvester, B. I. P.
2. p. 232. . . . III. His Majesty s Declaration to all his loving
Subjects, bearing date October 25, 1660. Wilkins Cone. vol.
iv. p. 560. . . . IV. His Majesty s Letters Patents for a Com
mission of Divines, bearing date March 25, 1661. Wilkins
Cone. vol. iv. p. 572. ... V. The Exceptions against the Book
of Common Prayer, presented by the Ministers May 4, 1661.
Baxter s Life by Sylvester, B. I. P. 2. p. 316.. ..VI. The
Answer of the Bishops to the Exceptions of the Ministers.
From the account of the proceedings of the Savoy Commis
sioners, published in 1661. . . . VII. The Disputation in which
the episcopal Divines were opponents and the Ministers re
spondents. From an account printed in 1662.
CHAPTER VIII.
The revision of the Liturgy in the reign of Charles II.
The king s intention to summon a convocation. . . . reasons for his
change of plan. . . . convocation finally summoned. ... its pro
ceedings. ... it receives the thanks of the house of lords. . . .
excitement of the house of commons. . . . their resolute mea
sures. . . . more considerate proceedings of the lords. . . . they
pass the bill of uniformity. . . .jealousy and suspicion felt by
CONTENTS. xi
the commons .... strong provisions added by them to the bill
.... somewhat mitigated by the lords. . . . the bill receives the
royal assent. . . . alterations made in the Liturgy .... amounting
to about 600. ... no changes made to gratify the dissenters ....
some changes made that were known to be galling to them
.... the apparent design was to restrain and exclude them. . . .
and they themselves so interpreted it .... the fear that was
felt of Laudian sentiments. . . . grounds for that fear .... Mr.
Sancroft s book. . . . produced in the convocation. . . . employed
in the revision of the Liturgy. . . . the great use that was made
of it . . . . its leaning towards the Laudian theology.
CHAPTER IX.
The attempt made to revise the Liturgy in the reign of
William and Mary.
Defection from the side of the dissenters .... Dr. Tillotson. . . .
still continued to promote a comprehension .... progress of
that cause in the time of Charles II. ... banishment of Lord
Clarendon .... the cabal. . . . the cause supported by bishops
and peers .... always disappointed .... Dr. Tillotson pronounces
it hopeless .... the king s secret designs. . . . their constant
and powerful influence. . . . the court and the dissenters in al
liance. . . . they continually thwart each other. . . . reasons for
the quiescence of the episcopal clergy. . . . King James II. .
new posture of affairs. . . . affinities between churchmen and dis
senters. . . . claims of the Church. . . . acknowledged by the dis
senters. . . . merits on their part. . . . anger of the king. . . .
many circumstances favourable to a coalition. . . . disposition of
the bishops. . . . Archbishop Bancroft. . . . aids the prevailing
sentiment. . . . what were probably his own convictions. . . .
letter of the Bishop of Ely. . . . moderation of King William
. . . . his caution as to the encouragement of the dissenters ....
bills of comprehension and toleration .... the latter bill passed
.... the former laid aside by the commons. . . . who resolve to
petition for a convocation. . . . the lords join in the address. . . .
the king advised by Dr. Tillotson to consent. ... a commission
xii CONTENTS.
of bishops and other divines. . . . concessions expected from
them. . . . much in advance of public opinion. . . . letter of Dr.
Comber. . . . Bishop Patrick. ... his line of conduct. . . . pro
ceedings of the commission .... their report never made public
.... question of re -ordination. . . . collateral circumstances ...
violences in Scotland. . . . the toleration recently obtained. . . .
the non-jurors. . . . danger of making any changes in the Li
turgy. . . . the feeling of the convocation. . . . election of prolo
cutor. . . . objections of the lower house to the address of the
bishops. . . . convocation prorogued.
CHAPTER X.
Documents connected with the attempted revision of
William and Mary.
I. Commission of William and Mary for the Review of the
Liturgy, 1689. From Rennet s Complete History, vol. iii. p.
590. . . .II. Letter from Lord Nottingham to Bishop Burnet,
requiring him to attend as one of the King s Commissioners.
From the original among the Burnet papers in the Bodleian
. . . . III. Proceedings of the Commission of 1689. From Dr.
Calamy s Life of Baxter, p. 452. ... IV. Proceedings of the
Commission of 1689. From Dr. Nicholls Apparatus ad Defens.
Eccles. Angl. p. 95. ... V. The particular acts and adjourn
ments of the Convocation of 1689. From Mr. Long s Vox
Cleri, printed anno 1690, p. 59. (Comp. Wilk. Cone. vol. iv.
p. 619.) VI. Letter to Dr. Tillotson, bearing date Oct. 5,
1689. From the MS. Library at Lambeth. Gibs. 930, No.
183.... VII. An Act for uniting his Majesty s Protestant
subjects. From a MS. among the Burnet papers in the Bod
leian.
CONCLUSION.
No attempt at a revision since the time of King William. . . . ap
plications made to the bishops for that purpose. ... is any new
CONTENTS. xiii
attempt necessary? or desirable? admitted that the Li
turgy is capable of improvement. . . . such an attempt not ne
cessary. . . . except on one supposition. ... a case irrelevant and
unprofitable to discuss. ... is the attempt desirable ?. . . . prac
tical difficulties. . . . supposed case of such an experiment. . .
favourable occasions at the restoration and the revolution. . . .
danger of opening the question. . . . opposite objectors would
rush in. ... probable consequences to the non-conformists. . .
illustrated from the time of Charles II.
ERRATA.
P 142. 1. 29. for was read were. 1 . 271. 1. 16. for as read a.
INTRODUCTION.
The state of religious opinions and parties during the
reigns of Edward VI. and Mary.
English Reformers during the reign of King
Edward VI. were engaged in the distinct, though
kindred, objects of renouncing the corruptions and
authority of the Romish Church, and reconstructing
Sthe Church of England. But the means that they
had of accomplishing these two portions of their work
were extremely different. Having been the principal
agents and conductors of the one, it seemed as if they
were considered to have neither right nor interest in
10 the other. They had exposed the errors and re
nounced the jurisdiction of the Court of Rome ; but
the powers it had exercised were transferred, as of
necessity, to their Sovereign, and no enquiry was
made, whether some of them were not part of his
1 5 original prerogative, and others inconsistent with the
nature of his office. It appeared as if the Church of
England, having drifted away from the shores of the
Papacy, was treated by the statesmen of those times
as a waif a or an estray, and claimed, like all other
20 bona vacantia, as the property of the crown.
With respect, then, to the future condition and
a This view of the case, though resting on other grounds, was
doubtless confirmed by the act of submission, 25 Henry VIII. c. 19.
B
2 Introduction.
the positive reformation of the national church, the
powers of the Reformers were at an end, as soon as
they had shaken off the tyranny of Rome. But though
excluded by the nature of the case from any direct
interference in the reconstruction of the church, theirs
difficulties were mitigated and in great measure re
moved by the circumstances of the time and the
character of the Sovereign. Edward VI. had adopted
the principles of the Reformation to a greater extent
and in a more religious spirit than most of his con- 10
temporaries. Independently of his general attain
ments, and the wonderful proficiency he had made in
every branch of sacred knowledge, his youth, his
ingenuous disposition, and even the delicacy of his
physical constitution were the occasion of placing i5
considerable power in the hands of the Reformers,
by inducing him to confide in their integrity and
wisdom. As yet, moreover, this spirit of confidence,
a spirit least likely to flourish in those exalted regions,
was not repressed by the existing condition of religious 20
controversy, or by the appearance of disunion among
the Reformers themselves. The cause in which they
were engaged had not yet been so successful in its
warfare against the power of Rome, as to afford them
time for turning away their attention from the common 2 5
enemy, and fixing it upon their own differences.
Being a time of general danger, that called for their
constant and united activity, it left no room for the
exercise of curious and idle speculation ; and the party
zeal and bitter hatred, which gradually made their 30
appearance, as the points in dispute were more nar
rowly examined, were still latent among the elements
of the contest, and unknown and unsuspected by the
parties that were engaged in it.
Introduction. 3
And this may be distinctly shewn from the two
controversies on the nature of the Eucharist, and the
proper use of clerical vestments, which were the most
remarkable at the present period. The dispute respect-
Sing the real presence in the Eucharist, which more
than any other occupied the thoughts and exercised
the skill of the Reformers, gave them the first oppor
tunity for pursuing new and more subtle subjects of
discussion, but found them so much in fear of the
10 Romish tenet of transubstantiation, that their confi
dence in each other continued hitherto unshaken.
Even the objections against the use of clerical vest
ments, objections that were levelled at an early period
by the Reformers against each other, and have since
i5 become a fruitful source of discord and disunion,
appear to have been laid aside for the time by general
consent, from an implicit reliance on the prevailing
wisdom and moderation of their counsels.
From these causes, then, from the character and
20 circumstances of the sovereign, combined with the
peculiar state and the limited development of religious
controversy, ensued a general sense of trustworthiness
and a direct influence of public opinion, which, not
withstanding the demands of the prerogative, enabled
25 the Reformers to take their part in removing the
errors and filling up the void of their national church,
as well as in establishing their independence of the
Court of Rome.
It is not necessary to inquire whether the mutual
30 confidence entertained by the Reformers of this period,
and their consequent readiness to include as many as
possible within the terms of communion, were not
owing to a peculiar and transitory state of feeling,
rather than to a condition of things likely to become
B 2
4 Introduction.
permanent. It is sufficient to observe that, after an
interval of no great length, whatever was the cause,
whether the fear of surrendering some essential truth,
or the jealousy arising from past dissensions, the
terms of communion were narrowed, and the nationals
church had then to encounter a new description of
enemies.
But the rapid progress of change during the short
reign of Edward, and the earnest endeavour that was
made to include all degrees of Reformers within theio
pale of the church, may be easily traced in the alter
ations introduced into the Book of Common Prayer
, in the year 1552. j The earlier edition of 1549,
although constructed wisely and with due regard to
the existing state of public sentiment, was soon found 15
to adhere too closely to the ancient learning. The
encouragement, which had in the mean time been
given to the exercise of private judgment, and the
necessity that followed and was readily obeyed, of
appealing to the sole authority of Scripture, had swept 20
away the foundations of Romanism, and brought into the
minds of men principles and motives powerful enough
to throw down the strongholds of their early associa
tions. The older and more thoughtful among the
Reformers were well aware that there was a morals
force in the practice of past ages, and a Christian duty
connected with the sense of God s government of his
church, which should make them fearful of change,
and distrustful of their own impressions. But how
could they forsake the very principle on which their 30
religious freedom had been obtained, or abandon their
more ardent brethren, who had been the most effectual
instruments in obtaining it ? On this impression, then,
they still continued to act in concert, enlarging, as
Introduction. 5
occasion needed, the pale of their communion; but
they seem to have forgotten that some of the special
tenets they were renouncing, were still an important
part of public opinion, and that in extending their
5 limits for the purpose of admitting persons, who had
few articles of faith, b they were unavoidably excluding
others, who believed accurately and completely. It
may be doubted whether in such cases the converts,
who are newly admitted into communion, are more
10 valuable members than those who are displaced by
them. It is certainly not improbable that if the reign
of Edward had been prolonged, and his counsels had
continued to be directed on the same principle, an
attempt would have been made to establish an ecclesi-
i5 astical polity after the model of some foreign churches,
and would have terminated either in civil discord, or
in the permanent loss of some of the best properties in
our church-government.
Two principal alterations introduced into the Liturgy
20 on the revision of 1552, and connected with the two
important points of controversy already noticed, will
illustrate what has been stated. /The service of the
communion had previously been so constructed as to
accord with the belief of the real presence of Christ
25 in the sacred elements, and even in some respects to
favor the doctrine of his substantial and corporal
presence. It was declared, for instance, in one of the
rubrics, after describing the kind of bread to be used,
b " The doctrine of the Lord s Supper hath been so slenderly
30 taught by some, that a number have conceived with themselves that
they receive nothing but the external elements in remembrance that
Christ died for them. And these their cogitations have they
uttered to other to their great misliking." Bp. Cooper s Admo
nition to the People of England, p. 121.
B3
6 Introduction.
and the manner in which it was to be divided, "men
must not think less to be received in part than in the
whole, but in each of them the whole body of our
Saviour Jesus Christ." This service accordingly was
approved by the advocates of the ancient learning, and 5
the sacrament, as thus administered, was received by
many who considered themselves in communion with
the Church of Rome. But the alterations of 1552
were of such a nature as to be consistent with the
belief that the sacred elements had no new virtues 10
whatever imparted to them, and that Christ was
present in the Eucharist in no other manner than as
he is always present to the prayers of the faithfuls 7
That this important change was actually intended, is
evident from the words addressed individually to theiS
communicants, which may fairly be considered as the
cardinal point of the whole service. Those words
fj were no longer " The body of our Lord Jesus Christ
| which was given for thee preserve thy body and soul
unto everlasting life," but merely " Take and eat this 20
in remembrance that Christ died for thee, and feed on
him in thy heart by faith with thanksgiving :" and the
new form appears to have been suggested from the
ritual of a church of foreigners then resident in
England, who were among the most remarkable for 25
their rejection of ancient practices and distinct con
fessions of faith. Here, then, was a difference in a
question of religious belief, where, for the sake of
enlarging the pale of communion, several shades of
opinion were excluded from the public ritual, and 30
exposed to the imputation of being publicly con
demned.
The other important alteration was in regard to the
c See The two Liturgies of King Edward VI. Preface, p. xxix. note.
Introduction. 7
use of clerical vestments. The vestments used by
the Romanists in divine service, and more especially
the further decorations required in the sacrifice of the
mass, had hitherto been retained by the Reformers in
5 their corresponding offices, and probably were not
without their effect in moderating the hostility of their
opponents. But it was owing to the reverence in
which these vestments were held by the people, that
they were odious to the more earnest Reformers, and
10 that the removal of them was declared to be essential
to the purity of Christian worship. It was accord
ingly enjoined in a rubric of 1552 " that the minister
at the time of the communion, and at all other times
in his ministration, shall use neither alb, vestment nor
1 5 cope : but being archbishop or bishop he shall have
and wear a rochet : and being a priest or deacon he
shall have and wear a surplice only."
Now this alteration involved an important victory,
not merely because it departed still farther from the
20 practice of the Romanists, but much more because
it led to the admission of a new principle among the
Reformers themselves, a larger interpretation being
given to the right of private judgment. Unlike the
other subject of controversy, which was altogether a
25 question of faith and conscience, and was left on both
sides to be solved by an appeal to scripture, the proper
use of vestments was an ordinance of the church.
Being indifferent in its nature, it had merely the force
of a human regulation, and became binding on the
30 conscience only so far as the church had authority to
make it so. Such, at least, was the opinion which
men in general would entertain respecting it. In
favor, then, of the ancient practice were the authori
tative decision of the church, the conscientious feeling
B4
8 Introduction.
that was unwilling to disturb it, the approbation of
those semi-converts who were attached to the ancient
worship, and the calm assent of the greater portion of
the faithful : opposed to them were the convictions of
a small minority of the Reformers, but those convic-5
tions combining an unconquerable activity, an utter
hatred of Romanism, and a deep persuasion of the
sinfulness of acquiescence. The strong feelings of the
few prevailed against the judgment of the many, and
the sense of individual responsibility was allowed to 10
overpower the voice of church-authority. And yet, in
such a case, where the considerations on the two sides
were so different in their moral nature, where no
religious advantage was gained by maintaining the
ancient practice, and provision was effectually made i5
for the decent performance of public worship, who
shall say that the alteration was unwisely granted,
or unworthy of the high authority that consented
to it?
This view of the matter may be confirmed by the 20
judgment of Lord Bacon, which he expressed at a
later period in the following emphatic language d :
" For the cap and surplice, since they be things in
their nature indifferent, and yet by some held super
stitious, and that the question is between science and 25
conscience, it seemeth to fall within the compass of
the Apostle s rule, which is, that the stronger do
descend and yield to the weaker. Only the difference
is that it will be materially said, that the rule holdeth
between private man and private man; but not be- 30
tween the conscience of a private man and the order
of a church. But yet since the question at this time
is of a toleration, not by connivance which may en-
d Of the Pacification of the Church. Works, vol. ii. p. 541.
Introduction. 9
courage disobedience, but by law, which may give
a liberty, it is good again to be advised whether it fall
not within the equity of the former rule : the rather,
because the silencing of ministers by this occasion, is,
5 in this scarcity of good preachers, a punishment that
lighteth upon the people as well as upon the party.
And for the subscription, it seemeth to me in the
nature of a confession, and therefore more proper to
bind in the unity of faith, and to be urged rather for
10 articles of doctrine, than for rites and ceremonies, and
points of outward government. For howsoever politic
considerations and reasons of state may require uni
formity, yet Christian and divine grounds look chiefly
upon unity."
1 5 Such was the condition of things in the year 1553,
when King Edward died, and a zealous member of the
Church of Rome succeeded to the throne. The his
tory of the English Reformers may now be considered
as transferred to those places on the Continent, where
20 the exiles were permitted to establish themselves, and
to observe their own forms of religious worship.
Amounting in number, as is generally computed, to
more than 800, and consisting of almost all that were
eminent, whether for station or for energy, among
25 the English Protestants, they formed small communi
ties at Embden, Frankfort, Strasburg, Basil, Arau,
Zurich, Geneva, and other places, and communicated
with each other, as occasion required, on all matters
of religious interest. From the places that have
30 been mentioned, it would not be expected that the
Reformers would imbibe a more patient spirit than
they had hitherto shewn, or more temperate
views of religious liberty. At Zurich indeed, and
Strasburg, under the influence of such men as
10 Introduction.
Bullinger and Martyr, moderate sentiments appear
to have constantly prevailed, and to have been followed
by mutual harmony. Building themselves on their
most holy faith, the exiles in those places were
also laying a foundation for future usefulness. But 5
the history of the Churches at Frankfort and Geneva
is a continued narrative of restlessness and discord,
of disorderly passions that were exhibited without
restraint, in places conspicuous for ecclesiastical
license and republican modes of thinking. 10
It is worthy of remark that, with the exception of
the Lutherans and the followers of Bucer, the English
Reformers had universally acquiesced in the doctrinal
alterations of the year 1552, and that the real presence,
which had previously been so fertile in controversy, i5
ceased from that period to be a subject of violent
dispute. The ceremonies of the Church, and through
them, implicitly and eventually, the government of
the Church, were now the question of universal
interest. The exiles of Frankfort, being led by the 20
circumstances of their case to discuss that question
to the uttermost, were unable to detach from it many
feelings of personal animosity and a general spirit of
distrust and jealousy, which exposed themselves and
their followers to a life of perpetual discord. At 2 5
Geneva the same question of ceremonies, less perverted
by any strife among the exiles, but more inflamed
by the influence of republican principles, glided
naturally into a desire for some new scheme of
ecclesiastical polity, and a settled dislike for mo- 30
narchical forms of government. The Genevan 6
notes on the English Bible first published in 1560,
and commending instances of resistance to authority,
e Docum. Annals, vol. ii. p. 12. note.
Introduction . 1 1
the two publications of Knox and Goodman which
appeared during the reign of Mary and countenanced
rebellion, and the ritual adopted by the whole Church,
after the model of that of Calvin, are abundant
5 evidence of the direction and the extremity to which
ecclesiastical questions were carried by the exiles
at Geneva.
What then was the state of religious opinion
and of parties in England on the accession of Eli-
10 zabeth ? The fierce persecutions of the last reign
had certainly repressed the public exhibition of
Protestantism, but at the same time had laid a
foundation for the future increase of it, in the
strong testimony presented by the martyrs to the
i5 truth of their cause, and the compassion and sym
pathy excited by their sufferings. During this trying
interval the minds and consciences of men were
gradually acquiring the solemn conviction that Ro
manism was as unfavourable to moral virtue as it
20 was destructive of civil freedom. There was already
therefore a numerous party that still professing the
leading doctrines of the Church of Rome, but actua
ted by a charitable spirit, were anxious for a more
catholic confession of faith. And these persons, as
25 well from the nature of their sentiments as from
their general character and condition of life, were a
main constituent of public opinion. But there was
also another party, not perhaps so numerous, but
supported by the reputation of greater learning and
3 o more intimate acquaintance with the subject, who,
though opposed to ceremonies and lax as to principles
of church-government, held a midway station in
points of doctrine between the Lutherans and the
Divines of Zurich, and may be considered as the
1 2 Introduction .
followers of Bucer and Martyr. When they attempt
ed an exposition of their opinions, and more especially
on the nature of the Eucharist, their distinctions
were so subtle, and blended with so much of meta
physical refinement, that they made little impressions
upon general hearers. Even Grindal acknowledged
in speaking of the writings of Bucer, f " ita sunt
scripta, ut divinatore potius opus sit quam lee tore."
But when they shewed it was their object to embrace
the different parties of the Church under one com-io
mon confession, so that both Lutherans and Sacra-
mentaries might equally partake with them in their
public worship, they created among common observers
a strong feeling in their favour, and the sanguine of
all parties wished for their success. Hilles,& fori5
instance, a well known merchant and generous friend
of the exiles, acknowledged to Bullinger, that from
the study of the Fathers he had learnt to differ
from the divines of Zurich on some important doc
trines, having formed a decided preference for the 2 o
confession of Augsburg; and yet gave no intimation
of a division in the Protestant body. Gualter
also the friend and colleague of Bullinger, writing
to the Queen s physician early in the year 1559,
and alluding to the attempts at comprehension, 2 5
entreats " that they would not hearken to the counsels 11
of those men, who, when they saw that Popery could
not be honestly defended nor entirely retained, would
use all artifices to have the outward face of religion
to remain mixed uncertain and doubtful; so that 30
f In a letter to Conrad Hubert, Hess, Catal. vol. iii. p. 1 18.
g Hess, Catal. vol. ii. p. 1 13. Comp. a letter from Bullinger to
Utenhovius in Strype, Ann. vol. i. P. i. pp. 76. 259.
h Burnet, Hist. Ref. vol. iii. p. 524. P. 2. p. 353. Hess, Cat. vol. ii.
p. ill.
Introduction. IB
while an evangelical reformation is pretended, those
things should be obtruded on the Church, which
will make the returning back to Popery, to supersti
tion and to idolatry, very easy."
5 These sentiments of moderation may be considered
as entertained by the more valuable portion of the
English laity on the accession of Elizabeth. But
the Divines who now came forth from their con
cealments, and began to exercise the influence be-
10 longing at once to their station and their private
character, contributed on their part to the same
general impression. They were among the more
cautious and prudent of their order, and wherever
they had been conspicuous for their talents or learning,
i 5 had also shewn great forbearance towards their oppo
nents, acquiring such an interest in their good opinion,
as enabled them to pass with safety through the time
of persecution. The whole class may be well repre
sented by one of the ablest and most eminent of
aothenij Dr. Parker, the future Archbishop of Canter
bury. He was a man of learning, of moderation, of
system, and of piety, cautious in the formation of
his opinions, and firm in maintaining them, but
retiring in his habits, slow in his apprehensions,
25 perplexed in his statements, and disqualified for
public speaking, "I am often put," said Bp. Sandys 1
1 Strype, Parker, vol. iii. p. 41. The Archbishop in a private letter
to Secretary Cecil gives the following characteristic account of
himself, " I can not be quyet tyl I have disclosed to youe, as to one
30 of my best willing friends, in secrecy e myn imperfection. Which
greaveth me not so moche to utter in respect of my own rebuke,
as it greavyth me, that I am not able to answer your friendly report
of me before tyme : wherebi to my moche gryef of hart I pass
forth my life in hevynes, beyng thus intruded, notwithstanding my
reluctation bi oft letters to my frendes, to be in such rome, which
14 Introduction.
in a letter to the Primate, " to a doubtful interpreta
tion by reason of your sundry dark sentences." He
naturally betook himself to the study of antiquities,
and at a subsequent period, when every interest both
of church and state was exposed to hazard, and his 5
elevated office made him constantly liable to par
take in the burdens of the government, he found at
all times a relief and a solace from his cares in his
favourite occupation k . But in addition to his general
habits of prudence and moderation there were two 10
other points which would be thought likely at that
critical period to qualify him for the exercise of
church-authority. He had a profound respect for
the prerogative of the Crown, and dreaded the
" germanical natures," as he styled them, of the is
English exiles.
These exiles were become, on the accession of
Elizabeth, a most active constituent of public opinion.
Remembered with affection for their own personal
qualities, for the learning, the energy, and the devotion 20
which they had constantly shewn in their ministrations,
I cannot susteyne agreably to the honor of the realme, yf I should
be so far tryed. The truth is, what with passing those hard yeres
of Mary s reigne in obscuritie, without al conference, or such maner
of studye as nowe might do me service, and what with my natural 25
vitiositie of overmoche shamfastness, I am so abashed in myself,
that I cannot reyse up my hart and stomake to utter in talk with
other, which (as I maye saye) with my pen I can express indif
ferently, without great difficultie. And agayn, I am so evyl
acqueynted with strangers, both in their maner of utterance of 30
their speche, and also in such foreyn affayres, that I cannot
wynne of myself eny wayes to satisfye my fancye in such kynde of
enterteynments." Strype, Parker, vol. iii. p. 355.
k Isaac Walton gives a similar -account of the recreations of
Bishop Sanderson. Wordsw. Lives, vol. v. p. 534. 35
Introduction. 15
their character was invested with a still greater degree
of sacredness from its connection, to which they
seemed especially entitled, with the memory of Cran-
mer, of Latimer, of Ridley, and of their fellow-martyrs.
5 To aid these strong feelings in favor of the exiles
there was now the reputation they had contracted
from their intimacy with learned foreigners, and the
great Fathers of the German reformation. There were
many of them in whom the sufferings they had under-
10 gone, and the religious differences they had witnessed,
had still failed to subdue their vehemence of temper,
or to moderate the severity of their opinions. Such
were Knox, Whittingham, Fox the martyrologist,
Goodman, Sampson, Whitehead, and others, who after-
i5 wards became distinguished in the early history of
Puritanism. But the exiles in general, having learnt
wisdom in adversity, and being supported by the
advice of such men as Martyr, Bullinger, Gualter, and
in some degree of Calvin and Beza, were prepared
20 to adopt a tone of moderation, and even to comply
with some observances which they positively disliked,
in the hope that they might be able at no distant
period to remove the remaining errors. "Id enitimur," 1
said Bp. Home in a letter subsequently addressed to
25 Bullinger, " ut licet male vestiti, bene certe cordati in
opere Domini conficiendo simus. Alii se ab Ecclesia
separantes perinde faciunt ac ii qui cum auram sibi
adversam aliquantulum sentiant, nee possint statim,
quo volunt, per venire, ad meliorem sese ventum re-
soservare nolunt, sed exsilientes e navi in pelagus se
praecipitant ac submergunt."
Over all these elements of public sentiment, attract
ing, and in some degree absorbing them within its own
1 Hess, Catal. vol. ii. p. 220.
1 6 Introduction .
commanding influence, was the great character, moral
and intellectual, of the sovereign. It would be idle to
enlarge on the history of Elizabeth ; but it is necessary
to observe that owing partly to her natural disposi
tion, and partly to the circumstances in which she had 5
been placed, she combined these several qualities a
consciousness of her own capacity, a love and a fitness
for the exercise of power, a fondness for display, a
reverence for old observances, and a jealous mainte
nance of her prerogative together with a sincere 10
desire for the welfare of her subjects. With a cha
racter thus constituted, Elizabeth was placed in the
possession of sovereign power at a time when every
one felt the necessity for the firm and vigorous em
ployment of it. No conjuncture could have been i5
more unfavourable for the views of those who were
adverse to authority or lovers of change. But decisive
as the case was in matters of civil government, it bore
with cumulative force on questions connected with
the church. On such subjects the judgment and the 20
passions of Elizabeth were equally engaged in resisting
the progress of innovation. She was proud of her
scholarship, and gave it a direction to the study of the
Fathers m , from which arose an increasing respect for
the maxims of the ancient learning. She had con- 2 5
" " About this time, the better to inform herself in the truth of
Christian doctrine, and the government of the church in primitive
times, she [the Queen] was very diligent in reading the Fathers :
of which Sir William Cecil, her secretary, wrote to Cox, Bishop of
Ely, in his correspondence with him. Concerning which that 30
Bishop in answer gave his judgment in these words : that when all
was done, the Scripture is that that pierceth. Chrysostom and the
Greek Fathers Pelagianizant. Sometimes Bernard Monachizat.
And he trusted her Grace meddled with them but succisivis horis."
Strype, Ann. vol. i. P. i. p. 540. 35
Introduction. 17
tracted a personal offence against Knox and Good
man" for their works published at Geneva, on the
subject of female government, and by an easy trans
ition a portion of the same resentment was conveyed
5 to all the disciples of the school of Calvin. Under
such circumstances it is not difficult to foresee what
would be the tendency of the ecclesiastical measures
adopted during the reign of Elizabeth.
n In a letter written to sir W. Cecil in Nov. 1559, Calvin laments
10 " officium suum in offerendis Commentariis in Isaiam Reginse non
adeo fuisse gratam ob libellum Goodmanni de imperio muliebri
Genevse ante biennium editum. Quee olim cum Knoxo de eodem
imperio privatim contulerit, candide exponit, seque culpa omni hac
in causa vacare multis evincit rationibus." Goodman himself writing
!5to Calvin in Feb. 1561 says, " Cum Anglis, qui Genevse erant,
durius in Anglia agitur." Hess, Catal. vol. ii. pp. 123. 149.
CHAPTER I.
The revision of the Liturgy in the reign of Elizabeth.
succeeded to the throne on the 17th
of November, in the year 1558; and the earliest,
as it was the most important, of her duties appears to
have been to provide for the peculiar condition of the
church. Although neither of the two great religious 5
parties had as yet reason to look for her unqualified
support, each of them was willing to interpret in its
own favour the line of strict neutrality, which the Queen
thought it prudent to adopt. The Romanists were in
all the places of power and influence, and were notio
only left in the quiet occupation of them, but had also
discovered that there were many circumstances, con
nected with the character of Elizabeth and the secu
rity of her crown, which would make her desirous of
retaining their good opinion. The Protestants, on the i5
other hand, had the best reason for believing her
private sentiments to be in accordance with theirs, and
were publicly supported by those eminent men, who
were known to be in possession of her confidence.
Under these impressions the utmost exertions were 20
made on both sides to improve their respective advan
tages. Disorder naturally ensued ; and the Queen,
anxious to maintain her reputation for neutrality, and
to take no decisive step in favour of either party, until
the whole question had been fully examined, issued a 25
CHAPTER i.] The revision of the Liturgy fyc. 19
proclamation , " commanding all manner of her sub
jects, as well those that be called to ministery in the
church, as all others, that they do forbear to preach or
teach, or to give audience to any manner of doctrine
5 or preaching, other than to the gospels and epistles,
commonly called the gospel and the epistle of the day,
and to the ten commandments in the vulgar tongue,
without exposition or addition of any manner sense or
meaning to be applied or added ; or to use any other
10 manner of public prayer, rite, or ceremony in the
church, but that which is already used, and by law
received ; or the common litany used at this present in
her Majesty s chapel, and the Lord s prayer and the
creed in English ; until consultation may be had by
1 5 parliament, by her Majesty and her three estates of
this realm, for the better conciliation and accord of
such causes as at this present are moved in matters
and ceremonies of religion."
In the mean time a committee of divines had been
20 instructed " to review the Book of Common Prayer,
and order of ceremonies and service in the Church,"
with the design that their report should be laid before
the Queen and receive her approval, before it should
be submitted to parliament. At a time when the
2 s benefices of the church were occupied by Romanists,
no assistance could be obtained from a convocation in
such an undertaking ; and accordingly no questions of
the kind were laid before them. It does not even
appear that the committee of divines had any autho-
30 rity given to them under the great seal, being merely
a private assembly meeting at the house of sir Thomas
Smith, a doctor of civil law, and under his presidency,
Strype, Ann. vol. i. P. 2. p 392.
c 2
20 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
with the power of calling in "other men of learning
and gravity" to assist them. And this was probably
the only method that the circumstances of the case
admitted. To have referred the whole question to the
convocations of the two provinces would have been to 5
put an end to the progress of the reformation : to have
appointed a royal commission after the example of
Henry and Edward, at a time when Henry s statute of
supremacy, having been repealed by Mary, was no
longer in force, would have been to acknowledge the 10
necessity for a power which it might be doubted
whether the crown possessed : and the only alternative
remaining was to take such measures of prudence, and
so to combine the judgments of pious and tem
perate men, as to preoccupy the public mind, and to i5
create a kind of moral necessity for the consent of the
parliament and the approbation of the people.
The committee thus assembled consisted of eight
members, selected in equal numbers from the exiles,
and those who had remained in England, but giving a 20
preponderance to the opinions entertained by the
Queen. The exiles were Cox, Whitehead, Grindal,
and Pilkington, of whom the two last were fair repre
sentatives of the party in general, Whitehead was
resolute in requiring further alterations, and Cox, from 25
his early connexion with King Edward, and his inti
mate acquaintance with the evils of dissent, was likely
to comply with the wishes of the court ; all of them
however were men of high reputation, and well quali
fied for the important duty entrusted to them. The 30
other divines Parker, May, and Bill, with the civilian
at their head, were personally devoted to the Queen,
and desirous of adapting their plans of church-govern
ment to the general institutions of the kingdom.
CHAPTER i.] in the reiyn of Elizabeth. 21
The first question that would naturally offer itself
to this committee, would be the choice between the
two Service-books of king Edward ; and this question
doubtless gave rise to much discussion in an assembly
5 so variously disposed. They soon called in other men
of eminence to assist them, among whom was Guest,
soon afterwards made bishop of Rochester, a divine
who had been much engaged in the earlier history of
the reformation, and held sentiments on doctrinal
10 matters congenial with those of the queen. When
the whole review was completed, and the new Book
of Common Prayer was presented to sir William Cecil,
this divine accompanied it with a paper setting forth
the reasons on which he had assented to several of the
i5 proposed alterations. It appears from that paper that
he had received instructions from Cecil in favor of the
first Service-book of king Edward, but had not found
himself able in every instance to comply with them.
But the fact of greatest interest that we learn from
20 this document, is that after the divines had completed
their work and delivered it to sir W. Cecil, some
important changes were still made, before the book
received the sanction of the legislature. It is sup
posed by some? that these changes w T ere introduced
25 during its progress through parliament ; but it is more
probable from the known sentiments and subsequent
conduct of the queen % that they were inserted previ-
P Collier, Hist. vol. ii. p. 430, &c.
q There is reason to believe that the queen exercised her royal
30 prerogative in a similar manner with regard to the 39 Articles,
after they had been approved by convocation in the year 1562.
The first clause of the 2oth article respecting the positive authority
of the church, which at a subsequent period drew down much
c 3
22 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
ously by herself and her council. This however is
certain, that the committee of divines disapproved of
any distinction, as to the use of vestments, between
the celebration of the communion and the other
services of the church ; and by a still bolder act of 5
concession left it to every man s choice to com
municate either standing or kneeling : both these
changes however were withdrawn before the book
was eventually published, the practice, which was
adopted in the second year of king Edward, being in 10
each case completely restored.
On the 24th of January, 1559, the day after the
meeting of parliament, the convocation of the southern
province was opened by Bonner, bishop of London.
Much doubt would naturally exist as to the right ofiS
convocation to enter upon any business without express
directions from the crown, the statute of Henry, that
prohibited a convocation from doing so, having been
repealed during the last reign. This doubt prevailed
more especially among the members of the lower 20
house ; and when the bishops asked them, if they had
any thing to propose, they answered that they knew
not for what cause they were assembled, or on what
matters they were to treat. Being advised by the
bishops to make a supplication to the queen, they also 26
drew up certain articles for the disburdening of their
conscience, as they said, and the declaration of their
faith, requesting that the bishops would adopt them,
and present them in the name of the whole convo-
unmerited indignation on archbishop Laud, appears to have been
added by command of Elizabeth. See Lamb s Articles, p. 35.30
This is not surprising, as it was the belief of those times that the
proper ratification of all ecclesiastical laws was in the act of the
sovereign. See Docum. Ann. vol. ii. p. 171. note.
CHAPTER i.] in the reign of Elizabeth. 23
cation .to the upper house of parliament. They were
afterwards informed that their articles had been pre
sented in parliament by the keeper of the great seal,
and with the exception of the last article had received
5 the farther approbation of the universities of Oxford
and Cambridge r .
The articles were the following :
1. That in the sacrament of the altar, by virtue of
the words of Christ, duly spoken by the priest, is
10 present realiter under the kinds of bread and wine,
the natural body of Christ, conceived of the Virgin
Mary, and also his natural blood.
2. That after the consecration there remains not the
substance of bread and wine, nor any other substance,
1 5 but the substance of God and man.
3. That in the mass is offered the true body of
Christ and his true blood, a propitiatory sacrifice for
the living and dead.
4. That to Peter the apostle, and his lawful sue-
2ocessors in the apostolic see, as Christ s vicars, is given
the supreme power of feeding and ruling the church
of Christ militant, and confirming their brethren.
5. That the authority of handling and defining con
cerning the things belonging to faith, sacraments, and
25 discipline ecclesiastical, hath hitherto ever belonged
r Bp. Burnet (H. R. vol. iii. p. 527) says " Bonner told the
clergy that all their articles, except the last, were approved by the
two universities." But there is no record in the registers at Oxford
30 that any thing was done by the university in this matter as a cor
porate act. The case is expressed more accurately in the following
note on Wood s Annals, vol. ii. p. 140. " In the latter end of this
year (1558) several articles were sent to the universities from the
convocation of the clergy, containing matters flat against reforma-
3.5 tion, which were subscribed by most of the university."
c 4
24 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
and ought to belong only to the pastors of the church ;
whom the Holy Ghost for this purpose hath set in the
church ; and not to laymen.
Such was the only measure in connection with the
church adopted by the convocation of 1559; and it 5
was evident from this measure that the queen s govern
ment must proceed with the utmost caution in their
plans of reformation. It was doubtless occasioned in
a great degree by the report that had been made to
the council by the committee of divines ; as a bill of 10
uniformity had already been submitted to the house of
commons, and the designs of the court with regard
to the liturgy were made publicly known. Warned
therefore by these strong tokens of hostility, and by
the great influence of the Romanists in the country at i5
large, Elizabeth resolved upon withdrawing the bill of
uniformity for the present, and adopting some method
of turning the stream of public opinion more strongly
in favor of the reformers. She decided upon a con
ference between the most eminent divines of the two 20
rival parties, to be held at Westminster in the presence
of her privy council ; being convinced that whatever
in other respects might be the issue of it, much
advantage would be obtained for the direction of her
future measures. 25
The following were the questions proposed for dis
cussion :
1. It is against the word of God, and the custom of
the ancient church to use a tongue unknown to the
people in common prayer and the administration of 3
the sacraments,
2. Every church hath authority to appoint, take
away, and change ceremonies and ecclesiastical rites,
so the same be done to edification.
CHAPTER i.] in the reign of Elizabeth. 25
3. It can not be proved by the word of God, that
there is in the mass offered up a sacrifice propitiatory
for the quick and the dead.
The divines appointed to conduct the discussion
5 were White, Watson, Baine, and Scot, bishops of
Winchester, Lincoln, Lichfield, and Chester, with the
four doctors, Cole, dean of St. Paul s, Langdale, Harps-
field, and Chedsey, archdeacons of Lewes, Canterbury,
and Middlesex, on the side of the Romanists ; and
ioScory, (late bishop of Chichester), Whitehead, Jewel,
jElmer, Cox, Grindal, Home, and Guest, on the side
of the reformers.
The proceedings of this important conference may
be stated in the words of the report published by
i5 authority of the privy council soon afterwards for
general circulation.
The declaration* of the proceeding of a conference begun at
20 Westminster, the last of March, 1559, concerning certain
articles of religion ; and the breaking up of the said con
ference, by default and contempt of certain bishops, parties
of the said conference.
THE queers most excellent majesty having heard of diversity
25 of opinions in certain matters of religion, amongst sundry of
her loving subjects, and being very desirous to have the same
reduced to some godly and Christian concord, thought it best,
by advice of the lords, and others of her privy council, as well
for the satisfaction of persons doubtful, as also for the know-
30 ledge of the very truth, in certain matter of difference, to have
a convenient chosen number of the best learned of either part,
s This is taken from an original among Abp. Parker s papers in the Library of
Corpus Christi College Cambridge, vol. 121. entitled, " Synodalia." Comp. Burnet.
H. R. vol. 2. P. 2. p. 483. A longer and more minute account of this conference
35 is given by Fox, Acts and Mon. vol. 2. p. 21 19. edit. 1583.
26 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
and to confer together their opinions and reasons ; and thereby
to come to some good and charitable agreement. And here
upon, by her majesty s commandment, certain of her privy
council, declared this purpose to the arch-bishop of York,
(being also one of the same privy council,) and required him, 5
that he would impart the same to some of the bishops, and to
make choice of eight, nine, or ten of them ; and that there
should be the like number named of the other part ; and further
also declared to him (as then was supposed) what the matters
should be : and as for the time it was thought meet to be as 10
soon as possible might be agreed upon ; and then after certain
days past, it was signified by the said arch-bishop, that there
was appointed, by such of the bishops to whom he had impart
ed this matter, eight persons ; that is to say, four bishops
and four doctors, who were content, at the queen s majesty s i5
commandment, to shew their opinions, and, as he termed it,
render account of their faith in those matters, which were
mentioned, and that specially in writing : although, he said,
they thought the same so determined, as there was no cause
to dispute upon them. It was hereupon fully resolved, by the 20
queen s majesty, with the advice aforesaid, that, according to
their desire, it should be in writing on both parts, for avoiding
of much altercation in words. And that the said bishops
should^ because they were in authority of degree superiours,
first declare their minds and opinions to the matter, with their 25
reasons, in writing. And the other number, being also eight
men of good degree in schools, and some having been in dignity
in the church of England, if they had any thing to say to the
contrary, should the same day declare their opinions in like
manner. And so each of them should deliver their writings 30
to the other to be considered what were to be improved therein ;
and the same to declare again in writing at some other con
venient day ; and the like order to be kept in all the rest of
the matters.
All this was fully agreed upon with the arch-bishop of York, 35
and so also signified to both parties ; and immediately here
upon divers of the nobility, and states of the realm, under
standing that such a meeting and conference should be, and
CHAPTER i.] in the reign of Elizabeth. 27
that in certain matters, whereupon the court of parliament
consequently following, some laws might be grounded, they
made earnest means to her majesty, that the parties of this
conference might put and read their assertions in the English
5 tongue, and that in the presence of them, of the nobility,
and others of her parliament-house, for the better satisfaction,
and enabling of their own judgments to treat and conclude
of such laws, as might depend thereupon. This also being
thought very reasonable, was signified to both parties, and
I0 so fully agreed upon ; and the day appointed for the first
meeting to be the Friday in the forenoon, being the last of
March, at Westminster church, where both for good order,
and for honour of the conference, by the queers majesty s
commandment the lords and others of the privy council were
l5 present, and a great part of the nobility also.
And notwithstanding the former order appointed and con
sented unto by both parts, yet the bishop of Winchester, and
his colleagues, alleadging, they had mistaken that their asser
tions and reasons should be written, and so only recited out of
20 the book, said, Their book was not ready then written, but
they were ready to argue and dispute, and therefore they would
for that time repeat in speech, that which they had to say to
the first proposition.
This variation from the former order, and specially from that
2 5 which themselves had, by the said arch-bishop, in writing
before required, (adding thereto the reason of the apostle, that
to contend with words, is profitable to nothing, but to subversion
of the hearer) seemed to the queen s majesty"^ council somewhat
strange ; and yet was it permitted, without any great repre-
3 o hension, because they excused themselves with mistaking the
order, and agreed, that they would not fail, but put it in
writing, and, according to the former order, deliver it to
the other part.
And so the said bishop of Winchester, and his colleagues,
3 5 appointed Dr. Cole, dean of Pauls, to be the utterer of their
minds, who partly by speech only, and partly by reading of
authorities written, and at certain times being informed of his
colleagues what to say, made a declaration of their meanings
and their reasons to their first proposition.
28 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
Which being ended, they were asked by the privy council,
If any of them had any more to be said ? and they said ; No.
So as then the other part was licensed to shew their minds,
which they did accordingly to the first order, exhibiting all
that which they meant to be propounded, in a book written. 5
Which, after a prayer, and invocation made most humbly to
Almighty God, for the enduing of them with his Holy Spirit,
and a protestation also to stand to the doctrine of the catholick
church, builded upon the scriptures, and the doctrine of the
prophets and the apostles, was distinctly read by one Robert 10
Horn, bachelor in divinity, late dean of Duresme. And the
same being ended, (with some likelyhood, as it seemed, that
the same was much allowable to the audience) certain of the
bishops began to say contrary to their former answer, that they
had now much more to say to this matter ; wherein, although i5
they might have been well reprehended for such manner of
cavillation, yet for avoiding any more mistaking of orders in
this colloquie, or conference, and for that they should utter
all that which they had to say, it was both ordered, and thus
openly agreed upon of both parts, in the full audience, that 20
upon the Monday following, the bishops should bring their
minds and reasons in writing to the second assertion, and the
last also, if they could, and first read the same ; and that done,
the other part should bring likewise theirs to the same ; and
being read, each of them should deliver to other the same 25
writings. And in the mean time the bishops should put in
writing, not only all that which Dr. Cole had that day uttered,
but all such other matters, as they any otherwise could think
of for the same ; and as soon as they might possible, to send
the same book, touching that first assertion to the other part ; 30
and they should receive of them that writing which master
Horn had there read that day ; and upon Monday it should be
agreed, what day they should exhibit their answers touching
the first proposition.
Thus both parts assented thereto, and the assembly quietly 35
dismissed. And therefore upon Monday the like assembly
began again at the place and hour appointed ; and there, upon
what sinister or disordered meaning, is not yet fully known,
(though in some part it be understanded) the bishop of Win-
CHAPTER i.] in the reign of Elizabeth. 29
Chester, and his colleagues, and especially Lincoln, refused to
exhibit or read, according to the former notorious order on
Friday, that which they had prepared for the second assertion ;
and thereupon, by the lord keeper of the great seal, they being
5 first gently and favourably required to keep the order appoint
ed, and that taking no place, being secondly, as it behoved,
pressed with more earnest request, they neither regarding the
authority of that place, nor their own reputation, nor the credit
of the cause, utterly refused that to do.
10 And finally, being again particularly every one of them apart
distinctly by name required to understand their opinions there
in; they all saving one (which was the abbot of Westminster,
having some more consideration of order, and his duty of
obedience, than the other) utterly and plainly denied to have
1 5 their book read, some of them as more earnestly than other
some, so also some other more indiscreetly and irreverently
than others.
Whereupon giving such example of disorder, stubbornness,
and self-will, as hath not been seen and suffered in such an
20 honourable assembly, being of the two estates of this realm, the
nobility and the commons, beside the presence of the queen s
majesty s most honourable privy council, the same assembly
was dismissed, and the godly and most Christian purpose
of the queen s majesty made frustrate : and afterwards, for the
25 contempt so notoriously made, the bishops of Winchester
and Lincoln, having most obstinately both disobeyed com
mon authority, and varied manifestly from their own order,
and specially Lincoln, who shewed more folly than the other,
were condignly committed to the Tower of London ; and the
30 rest, saving the abbot of Westminster, stand bound to make
daily their personal appearance before the council, and not to
depart the city of London and Westminster, until further
order be taken with them for their disobedience and contempt.
N. Bacon, cust. sigill.
35 F. Shrewsbury. F. Bedford. Pembrook.
E. Clynton.
G. Rogers. F. Knollys. W. Cecill. A. Cave.
30 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
Strengthened and directed by the proceedings and
the issue of this conference, the queen s government
again brought into the house of commons a Bill
of Uniformity with a copy of the Book of Common
Prayer annexed to it. So decided was now the 5
impression in its favour, that it was read in that
house on three successive days, and passed appa
rently without any difference of opinion. It was sent
to the house of lords on the 26th of April, and was
passed by them on the 28th of the same month, 10
having there encountered great but ineffectual oppo
sition. The speeches of the Bishop of Chester and
the Abbot Feckenham are still preserved, and may
be read in the ensuing chapter; and the Romanist
party on the last division were eighteen in number, i5
consisting of all the spiritual lords "then present, with
the addition of the Marquis of Winchester, the Earl
of Shrewsbury, Viscount Montague, and the Barons
Morley, Stafford, Dudley, Wharton, Rich, and North.
It was ordered that the book should begin to be 2 o
in use from the following festival of St. John the
Baptist.
It is necessary to mention the points of difference
between this book and the second service-book of
King Edward, as they will clearly denote the par- 20
ticulars in which Elizabeth, whether expressing her
own opinions or summing up the wants of her subjects,
deviated from the sentiments of her royal brother.
They point out at once what were then considered
the most vulnerable places in the ritual of the 30
Church, and the additional defences that were
thought necessary for their protection. These differ
ences were afterwards stated by Archbishop Whit-
CHAPTER i.] in the reign of Elizabeth. 31
gift, in answer to an inquiry* from lord treasurer
Burghley, in the following manner :
t Strype Ann. vol. i. P. i . p. 123. Besides the alterations noticed
in this list of Abp. Whitgift, there were several changes made in the
5 Calendar, such as the appointment of proper lessons for Sundays,
as well as for several holidays, for which there were previously
epistles and gospels, but no proper lessons. The alterations are
described in the following manner in the act of uniformity, (i Eliz.
c. 2 . . 3 .) " That all and singular ministers in any Cathedral or Parish
i o Church, or other place within this realm of England, Wales and the
Marches of the same or other the Queen s dominions, shall from and
after the feast of the nativity of St. John Baptist next coming, be
bounden to say and use the mattens, evensong, celebration of the
Lord s Supper, and administration of each of the sacraments, and all
1 5 the common and open prayer, in such order and form as is mentioned
in the said book, so authorized by parliament in the said 5th and 6th
years of the reign of King Edward VI. with one alteration or addi
tion of certain lessons to be used on every Sunday in the year, and
the form of the Litany altered and corrected, and two sentences only
20 added in the delivery of the sacrament to the communicants, and
none other, or otherwise." But the tables of proper lessons were
not yet satisfactorily arranged, and in the following year (i 560) the
queen issued a warrant authorizing her ecclesiastical commissioners
" to peruse the order of the said lessons throughout the whole yere
2 5 and to cause some new calendars to be imprinted whereby such
chapters or parcels of less edification may be removed, and other
more profitable may supply their roomes." It seems that the bishops
were willing to leave this discretion to be exercised by the clergy at
large ; for in the year 1564, when the second book of Homilies was
30 published, the following admonition was prefixed to it: " where it
may so chance some one or other chapter of the Old Testament to
fall in order to be read upon the Sundays or holidays, which were
better to be changed with some other of the New Testament of more
edification, it shall be well done to spend your time to consider well
35 of such chapters beforehand." And this discretion continued to be
exercised at a later period ; for " Dr. G. Abbot (afterwards Abp. of
Canterbury) did reckon this liberty, granted in the said admonition,
to be in force even in his time . . . saying, It is not only permitted
to the minister, but commended to him, if wisely and quietly he do
32 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
I. "King Edward his second book differeth from
her Majesty s book in the first rubric, set down in
the beginning of the book ; for King Edward s second
book hath it thus :
The morning and evening prayer shall be used 5
in such place of the church, chapel or chancel, and
the minister shall turn him, as the people may best
hear. And if there be any controversy therein, the
matter shall be referred to the ordinary, and he or
his deputy shall appoint the place. And the &c. i
Whereas the Queen s book hath it thus :
4 The morning and evening prayer, shall be used
in the accustomed place of the church, chapel or
chancel, except it shall be otherwise determined by
the ordinary of the place. And the chancels shall i5
remain as they have done in times past.
Again, King Edward s second book hath it thus :
Again, here is to be noted that the minister at
the time of the communion, and all other times in
his ministration, shall use neither alb vestment nor 20
cope: but being Archbishop or Bishop shall have
and wear a rochet ; and being a priest or deacon,
he shall have and wear a surplice only.
The Queen s book hath it :
6 And here is to be noted that the minister at 25
the time of the communion, and at all other times in
his ministration, shall use such ornaments in the
read canonical scripture, where the apocryphal upon good judgment
seemeth not so fit ; or any chapter of the canonical may be conceived
not to have in it so much edification before the simple, as some other 30
part of the same canonical may be thought to have." Strype Ann.
vol. i. P. 2. p. 105. Docum. Ann. vol. i. p. 260. It is clear how
ever that no such discretion is allowed under the act of uniformity
13 and 14 Charles II. c. 4.
CHAPTER i.] in the reign of Elizabeth. 33
Church, as were in use by authority of Parliament
in the second year in the reign of king Edward VI.
according to the act of Parliament, set forth in the
beginning of this book.
5 2. In king Edward s second book in the litany
there are these words, From the tyranny of the
bishop of Rome, and all his detestable enormities;
which are not in her Majesty s book.
3. In the litany, her Majesty s book hath these
10 words more than are in king Edward s second book,
viz. Strengthen in the true worshipping of thee,
in righteousness and true holiness of life.
4. In the end of the litany there is no prayer in
king Edward s second book for the king nor for the
i5 state of the clergy. And the last collect set in her
Majesty s book next before the first Sunday in Advent,
and beginning, O God, whose nature and property
is ever to have mercy, is not in king Edward s
second book. Further, there are two collects ap-
20 pointed for the time of dearth and famine ; whereas her
Majesty s book hath but one. And in king Edward s
second book this note is given of the prayer of St.
Chrysostom, The litany shall ever end with this
collect following; which note is not in her Majesty s
25 book.
5. King Edward s second book appointeth only these
words to be used, when the bread is delivered at the
communion, Take and eat this in remembrance that
Christ died for thee, and feed on him in thine heart
30 by faith with thanksgiving. And when the cup is
delivered, * Drink this in remembrance that Christ s
blood was shed for thee, and be thankful. Whereas in
her Majesty s book at the delivering of the bread these
words must be said, The body of our Lord Jesus
D
34 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
Christ, which was given for thee, preserve thy body
and soul unto everlasting life. Take and eat this, &c. :
and at the delivery of the cup these words, The blood
of our Lord Jesus Christ, which was shed for thee,
preserve thy body and soul unto everlasting life. Drink 5
this &c. " *
From this comparison then of the two Books of
Common Prayer it appears to have been the persuasion
of the queen and her council that in the important
questions of the Eucharist and clerical vestments too 10
much had been done in the reign of king Edward in
the way of innovation : that the mysteries of religion
had been impugned by excluding words that might
suggest, though they would not necessarily involve,
the doctrine of the real presence, and the authority i5
of the Church had been injured in the alteration
respecting vestments. On the first point accordingly
the form of words addressed individually to the com
municants was now made to combine the two separate
forms of the time of king Edward. With the same 20
view also was expunged the rubric u which had been
11 The rubric, after stating in its preamble the necessity for
kneeling, and the misconstruction put upon it, proceeds thus : " We
do declare that it is not meant thereby that any adoration is done
or ought to be done either unto the sacramental bread and wine 25
there bodily received, or unto any real and essential presence there
being of Christ s natural flesh and blood. For as concerning the
sacramental bread and wine, they remain still in their very natural
substances, and therefore may not be adored ; for that were idolatry
to be abhorred of all faithful Christians; and as concerning the 30
natural body and blood of our Saviour Christ, they are in heaven
and not here ; for it is against the truth of Christ s true natural
body to be in more places than in one at one time." This rubric
does not appear in either of the editions printed by Whitchurch in
1552, copies of which are now in the Bodleian; but it does appear 36
CHAPTER i.] in the reign of Elizabeth. 35
added to the Communion Service by that king on his
own authority after the publication of his second
liturgy, declaring " that no adoration was done or
ought to be done to any real or essential presence
5 there being, of Christ s natural flesh and blood." To
these changes no reasonable objection could be made
on either side. The Eomanists could not disapprove
of what they held to be improvements, although they
did not amount to all that was desired: and the
10 Sacrament aries could not complain of the combined
form of words addressed to communicants, unless they
would condemn the use of scripture language, or
require the continuance of a rubric which had never
received the authority of the legislature. On this
i5 point therefore there was little important controversy
for the future, although the demand made in the time
in each of two editions by Grafton, printed in August 1552, copies
of which may also be seen in the same library. The act of parlia
ment, which ratified the second service-book, was passed in April
20 1552 ; so that this early insertion of the rubric in Grafton s editions,
almost immediately after the editions by Whitchurch had been
published, is a strong evidence of the alarm in which Cranmer and
the council were held on the subject of the real presence, even after
the great alteration they had made respecting it in the service of the
25 Communion. The fate of this rubric is worthy of notice. It was
excluded by queen Elizabeth in 1559 ; and its removal clearly shews
that the church could not then be brought to express an opinion
adverse to the real presence : it was restored in 1661, on the revision
of king Charles II. ; and its reappearance may likewise be employed
3 to shew that the church at that time also was unwilling to make any
declaration on that important tenet. To prevent misapprehension
on this point, the words " or unto any real and essential presence
there being of Christ s natural flesh and blood" were altered to the
very different expression " or unto any corporal presence of Christ s
3^ natural flesh and blood." Comp. The two Liturg. of Edw. VI.
Pref. p. xxxvii.
D 2
36 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
of king Edward for the restoration of the communion
service, as it existed in his first liturgy, was occasionally
renewed.
But the controversy respecting vestments imme
diately became formidable. It had hitherto confined 5
itself to the evil associations arising from a long
and vicious practice, and their tendency to encourage
in vulgar minds some of the worst corruptions of
Romanism. It had also been much abated by the
alterations made in the second service-book, when the 10
more objectionable habits had been prohibited, and
a hope had been created that even the use of the
surplice might eventually be discontinued. But the
rubric of 1559, that restored the ornaments and vest
ments of the second year of king Edward, was extremely i5
galling to the exiles, and would probably have pre
vented the greater number of them from becoming
ministers of the church, had not the act of uniformity
furnished them with a plea for complying. It had
been enacted x that the queen with the advice of her 20
commissioners or the metropolitan, might make such
changes in the rubrics as might afterwards be found
requisite. The reformers y therefore were not without
some reason for hoping that their brethren who might
be advanced to high stations in the church, would s5
retain their present spirit of moderation, and exercise
x i Eliz. c. 2. . 25. 26.
Y Strype, Ann. vol. i. P. i.p. 122. Burnet, H. R. vol. ii. P. 2. p. 465.
Bp. Sandys said in a letter to the archbishop, " The last book of
service is gone through with a proviso, to retain the ornaments 30
which were used in the i st and 2nd year of king Edward, until it
please the queen to take other order for them : our gloss upon this
text is, that we shall not be forced to use them, but that others in
the meantime shall not convey them away, but that they may remain
for the queen." 35
CHAPTER i.] in the reign of Elizabeth. 37
a salutary influence on the future proceedings of the
court. But the clauses in question, however available
for such purposes, were probably introduced with very
different designs. It appears that they were added to
5 the bill at the express direction of the queen, and were
intended to assist her in carrying forward the high
views of doctrine and authority which she was known
to entertain.
It is impossible at this distant point of time to
10 collect together and to give their several values to the
many elements of the question then at issue ; although
it has never ceased at any period to be a subject of
interest and contention. We must remember that the
religious discord was then so predominant in its nature,
iSthat like the pestilence recorded by the Athenian
historian, it drew within it all the other grievances of
the period, and was aggravated by their additional
bitterness. We must remember that great scandal
had arisen to the cause of the reformers from the
20 insubordination it had occasioned, and the divisions
which appeared to be inseparable from it ; that it was
calculated generally to encourage principles unfavour
able to the received maxims of civil government and
the admitted claims of the prerogative ; and in one of
25 its most important sections, the school of Geneva, was
hostile to the institutions of a monarchy : that, to add
to the contrast, the opposite party had the sanction of
antiquity and the force of established usages in their
favour ; that they might naturally look for assistance
30 in the interference of foreign courts; and above all,
that the next in succession at that time to the throne,
separated from it by a life which was often deemed
precarious, was a Romanist, devotedly attached to the
principles of her church. In pondering then the reli-
D 3
38 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
gious question, the queen and her council would be
influenced by these considerations in a manner inde
pendent of the real merits of the argument, and to
a degree that would prevent them from being justly
appreciated. Even the divines themselves, though less 5
likely to be misled by secular interests, could not be
insensible to the difficulties of their position, wearied,
as they were, with their past dissentions, and dreading,
not without much reason, the total extinction of Pro
testantism. It appears accordingly that together with 10
those divines who approved entirely of the existing
state of things, there were two distinct parties con
forming to the national church ; the first under the
direction of Parker, Home, and Cox, who were per
suaded that in so feverish and fluctuating a state ofi5
public opinion no better terms could be obtained ; the
other represented by Grindal, Sandys, and Jewel, who
acceded to the terms proposed, with the avow r ed inten
tion of employing all honest methods for moulding
them according to their own principles. The first of 20
these two parties possessed the confidence of the court,
and was employed during the reign of Elizabeth in all
the important measures she adopted for the govern
ment of the church. But the wishes of the other
party were also consulted, in the removal, for instance, 26
of the crucifix from the queen s chapel, in the altera
tion 2 of the rubric respecting vestments, and in other
z The advertisements issued by the archbishop and bishops in
commission in the year 1564, though they did not overcome the
objections of the violent puritans, moderated the ancient rubric 30
respecting vestments, by removing the distinction between the
eucharist and other services in parish churches and retaining it in
cathedrals only. The orders then were " In the ministration of the
holy Communion in cathedral and collegiate churches the principal
CHAPTER i.] in the reign of Elizabeth. 39
matters then considered of importance. Arid these
gradual alterations would probably have been carried
to a greater extent, had not intemperate designs and
theories dangerous to civil order been mingled with
5 the controversy, a result, which may be apprehended
in all periods of excitement, and which in those days
of high prerogative could not but be fatal to the
progress of reformation.
What were the sentiments of the clergy in general
jo respecting the Book of Common Prayer, thus published
by authority of parliament, may be learned from the
proceedings of the memorable convocation of 1562.
After the discussions connected with the 39 Articles
of religion, the convocation proceeded to consider the
1 5 measures proposed to them for the reformation of the
public liturgy. Bishop Sandys moved that the queen
should be prayed, agreeably with the provisions of the
act of uniformity, to make such alterations as would
exclude women from administering the sacrament of
20 baptism, and put an end to the practice of signing the
infant with the cross ; and that in conformity with the
plans of the late kings Henry and Edward a com
mission should be appointed to draw up a code of
minister shall use a cope with gospeller and epistoler agreeably ;
2 5 and at all other prayers to be sayde at that Communion table, to
use no copes but surplesses. Item, that every minister sayinge any
publique prayers or ministringe the sacramentes or other rites of the
churche shall weare a comely surples with sleeves to bee provided
at the charges of the parishe." It is true that these advertisements
30 were not binding in law, as they had not been sanctioned under the
great seal: but it is clear they were considered binding, as they
certainly were approved by the queen, and it had not yet been
ruled, that edicts issued by the queen s commission were not bind
ing, unless they were confirmed by the queen officially. See
35 Document. Annals, vol. i. p. 287. Croke s Rep. 2 Jac. p. 37.
D 4
40 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
ecclesiastical laws. A memorial was presented by
thirty-three members of the lower house containing
seven articles, which exhibit all the changes called for
at that early period of the controversy, and the wishes
entertained by the general body of the exiles. Theses
articles were afterwards modified and reduced to six,
and on the 13th of February were proposed in the
lower house in the following order :
1. That all the Sundays in the year, and principal
feasts of Christ, be kept holydays ; and all other 10
holydays to be abrogated.
2. That in all parish churches the minister in com
mon prayer turn his face toward the people ; and
there distinctly read the divine service appointed,
where all the people assembled may hear and be is
edified.
3. That in ministering the sacrament of baptism,
the ceremony of making the cross in the child s fore
head may be omitted, as tending to superstition.
4. That forasmuch as divers communicants are not 20
able to kneel during the time of the communion for
age, sickness, and sundry other infirmities ; and some
also superstitiously both kneel and knock ; that order
of kneeling may be left to the discretion of the ordinary
within his jurisdiction. 26
5. That it be sufficient for the minister, in time of
saying divine service and ministering of the sacra
ments to use a surplice ; and that no minister say
service, or minister the sacraments, but in a comely
garment or habit. 30
6. That the use of organs be removed.
The number in favour of these articles were forty-
three present, and fifteen proxies ; the number opposed
to them were thirty-five present and twenty- four
CHAPTER i.] in the reign of Elizabeth. 41
proxies; so that the articles were rejected by the
majority of one. In the former list were all those
members who had been brought into friendly contact
with the practice of foreign churches in the reign of
5 Mary, including several, as Lever and Sampson, who
afterwards became nonconformists ; in the latter were
the friends of the archbishop and of bishops Home
and Cox, together with those reformers who had
remained in England during the reign of Mary, and
10 several who had at the same period relapsed into
Romanism.
CHAPTER II.
Documents connected with the revision of Queen Elizabeth.
I. The Device for alteration of religion in the first year of Queen
Elizabeth, (supposed to have been drawn up by Sir Thomas Smith).
Cotton Libr. Julius F. 6.
II. Dr. Guest to Sir William Cecil, the Queen s Secretary, con
cerning the Service-book newly prepared for the Parliament. Corp.
Chr. Coll. Camb. vol. 106.
III. The first Proposition upon which the Papists and Protestants
disputed in Westminster Abbey. The Discourse of Dr. Home.
Fox s Acts and Mon. and Corp. Chr. Coll. Camb. Vol. 121.
Synodalia.
IV. The Answer of Dr. Cole to the first Proposition of the Pro
testants. Corp. Chr. Coll. Camb. Vol. 121. Synod.
V. The Protestants Discourse prepared to have been read in the
public Conference at Westminster on the Second Question. Corp.
Chr. Coll. Camb. Vol. 121. Synod.
VI. Dr. Cox s Letter to Wolfgang Weidner, with an account of the
disputation at Westminster. Corp. Chr. Coll. Camb. Vol. 241.
VII. A Letter of Jewel s to Peter Martyr, concerning the Dis
putation at Westminster. Burnet, Hist. Ref. Vol. in. Part 2.
pp. 360 362.
VIII. The Oration of Abbot Feckenham in the Parliament House,
1559, against the Bill for the Liturgy. Corp. Chr. Coll. Camb.
Vol. 121. Synod.
CHAPTER ii.] The device for alteration fyc. 43
IX. Another Oration made by Dr. Scot, Bishop of Chester, in the
Parliament House 1559, against the Bill for the Liturgy. Fox MSS.
Vespasian, D. 18.
X. An Extract out of the Journal of the Lower House of Con
vocation. Burnet, Hist. Ref. Vol. HI. Part 2. pp. 419. 422.
I.
The device for alteration of religion, in the first year of
Queen Elizabeth.
I. When the alteration shall be first attempted?
AT the next parliament: so that the dangers be fore-
u seen, and remedies therefore provided. For the sooner
that religion is restored, God is the more glorified, and as we
trust wilbe more merciful unto us, and better save and
defend her highness from all dangers.
II. What dangers may ensue upon the alteration I
I0 The bishop of Eome, all that he may, wilbe incensed. He
will excommunicate the queen s highness, interdict the realms,
and give it to prey to all princes, that will enter upon it ; and
incite them therto by all manner of means.
The French king will be encouraged more to the war, and
1 5 make his people more ready to fight against us, not only as
enemies, but as heretics. He wilbe in great hope of aid from
hence, of them that are discontented with this alteration,
looking for tumult and discord. He will also stay concluding
peace upon hope of some alteration.
20 Scotland will have some causes of boldness ; and by that
way the French king wil seem soonest to attempt to invade us.
Ireland also will be very difficultly stayed in their obe
dience, by reason of the clergy that is so addicted to Rome.
Many people of our own wilbe very much discontented ;
25 especially these sorts.
All such as governed in the late queen Marie s time, and
were chosen thereto for no other cause, or were then most
esteemed for being hot and earnest in the other religion,
44 The device for alteration [DOCUMENTS.
and now remain unplaced and uncalled to credit, will think
themselves discredited, and all their doings defaced, and
study all the ways they can to maintain their former doings,
and despise all this alteration.
Bishops and all the clergy wil se their own ruine. In 5
confession and preaching, and all other ways they can, they
wil perswade the people from it. They wil conspire with
whomsoever that wil attempt, and pretend to do God a
sacrifice, in letting the alteration, tho 1 it be with murther of
Christen men, or treason. 10
Men which be of the papist sect ; which late were in
maner all the judges of the law; the justices of the peace,
chosen out by the late queen in all the shires ; such as were
believed to be of that sect; and the more earnest therin,
the more in estimation. These are like to joyn and conspire i5
with the bishops and clergy.
Some, when the subsidy shalbe granted, and money levied,
(as it appeareth that necessarily it must be don,) wilbe
therewith offended ; and like enough to conspire and arise,
if they have any head to stir them to it, or hope of gain 20
and spoil.
Many such as would gladly have the alteration from the
church of Eome, when they shal se peradventure, that some
old ceremonies shalbe left still, or that their doctrine, which
they embrace, is not allowed and commanded only, and all 25
other abolished and disproved, shall be discontented, and call
the alteration a cloaked papistry, or a mingle mangle.
III. What remedy for these matters ?
First, for France, to practice a peace ; or if it be offered,
not to refuse it. If controversy of religion be there among 30
them, to help to kindle it.
Rome is less to be doubted ; from whom nothing is to be
feared, but evil will, cursing, and practising.
Scotland will follow France for peace. But there may
be practised to help forward their divisions; and especially 3 5
to augment the hope of them, who incline them to good
religion. For certainty, to fortify Berwick, and to employ
demilances and horsemen for the safety of the frontiers. And
some expence of money in Ireland.
CHAPTER ii.] of religion by Queen Elizabeth. 45
The fifth divided into five parts.
The first is of them which were of queen Mary s council?
elected and advanced then to authority, only or chiefly for
being of the pope s religion, and earnest in the same. Every
5 augmentation or conservation of such men in authority or
reputation, is an encouragement of those of their sect, and
giveth hope to them, that it shall revive and continue,
although it have a contrary blast. Seeing their pillars to
stand still untouched, [will be] a confirmation to them that
10 are wavering papists, and a discouragement of such that are
but half enclined to that alteration. " Dum in dubio est
animus, paulo momento hue illuc impellitur." These must
be searched by all law, as far as justice may extend ; and the
queen s majesty s clemency to be extended not before they
1 5 do fully acknowledge themselves to have fallen in the lapse
of the law.
They must be based of authority, discredited in their
countries, so long as they seem to repugn to the true
religion, or to maintain their old proceedings. And if they
20 should seem to allow or to bear with the new alteration,
yet not likely to be in credit, quia neopliytl. And no man
but he loveth that time wherein he did flourish. And when
he can, and as he can, those ancient laws and orders he
will maintain and defend with whom and in whom he was
25 in estimation, authority, and a doer. For every man
naturally loveth that which is his own work and creature.
And contrary, as those men must be based, so must her
highness s old and sure servants, who have tarryed with
her, and not shrunk in the last storms, be advanced with
30 authority and credit : that the world may see that her
highness is not unkind nor unmindful. And throughout all
England such persons as are known to be sure in religion,
every one, according to his ability to serve in the common
wealth, to be set in place. Whom, if in the cause of
35 religion, God s cause, they shall be slack, yet their own
safety and state shall cause to be vigilant, careful, and
earnest for the conservation of her state, and maintenance
of this alteration. And in all this, she shall do but the
46 The device for alteration [DOCUMENTS.
same that the late queen Mary did, to maintain and establish
her religion.
The second of these five is the bishops and clergy, being
in manner all made and chosen, such as were thought the
stoutest and mightiest champions of the pope s church, who 5
in the late times [by] taking from the crown, impoverishing
it, by extorting from private men, and all other means
possible, per fas et nefas, have thought to enrich and
advance themselves ; these her majesty, being enclined to so
much clemency, yet must seek as well by parliament, as by 10
the just laws of England, in the pr&munire, and other such
penal laws, to bring again in order. And being found in
default, not to pardon, till they confess their fault, put
themselves wholly to her highnesses mercy, abjure the pope
of Rome, and conform themselves to the new alteration. i5
And by this means well handled, her majesty s necessity of
money may be somewhat relieved.
The third is to be amended even as all the rest above,
by such means as queen Mary taught, that none such, as
near as may be, be in commission of peace in the shires, 20
but rather men meaner in substance and younger in years ;
so that they have discretion to be put in place. A short
law made and executed against assemblies of people without
authority. Lieutenants made in every shire : one or two men
known to be sure at the queen s devotion. In the mean 25
time musters and captains appointed, viz. young gentlemen
which earnestly do favour her highness. No office of juris
diction or authority to be in any discontented man s hand, as
far as justice or law may extend.
The fourth is not to be remedied otherwise than by gentle 3
and dulce handleing, by the commissioners, and by the
readiness and good-will of the lieutenants and captains to
repress them, if any should begin a tumult, murmur, or
provide any assembly, or stoutness to the contrary.
The fifth, for the discontentation of such as could be 3 s
content to have religion altered, but would have it go too
far, the straight laws upon the promulgation of the book,
and severe execution of the same at the first, will so repress
CHAPTER ii.] of religion by Queen Elizabeth. 47
them, that it is great hope it shall touch but a few. And
better it were that they did suffer, than her highness or
commonwealth should shake, or be in danger. And to this
they must well take heed that draw the book.
5 And herein the universities must not be neglected ; and
the hurt that the late visitation in queen Mary s time did
must be amended. Likewise such colleges where children
be instructed to come to the university, as Eaton and
Winchester : that as well the encrease hereafter, as at this
10 present time, be provided for.
IV. What shall be the manner of the doing of it 2
This consultation is to be referred to such learned men
as be meet to shew their minds herein ; and to bring a plat
or book hereof ready drawn to her highness. Which being
1 5 approved of her majesty, may be so put into the parliament-
house, to the which for the time it is thought that these are
apt men ; Dr. Bill, Dr. Parker, Dr. May, Dr. Cox, Mr.
Whitehead, Mr. Grindal, Mr. Pilkington.
And sir Thomas Smith do call them together, and to be
20 amongst them. And after the consultation with these, to
draw in other men of learning and gravity, and apt men for
that purpose and credit, to have their assents.
As for that is necessary to be done before, it is thought
most necessary, that a straight prohibition be made of all
26 innovation, until such time as the book come forth ; as well
that there should be no often changes in religion, which
would take away authority in the common peoples 1 estima
tion ; as also to exercise the queen s majesty s subjects to
obedience.
30 V. To the fifth, What may be done of her highness for
her own conscience openly, before the whole alteration :
or, if the alteration must tarry longer, what order be
fit to be in the whole realm, as an interim \
To alter no further than her majesty hath, except it be to
35 receive the communion as her highness pleaseth on high
feasts. And that where there be more chaplains at mass,
that they do always communicate in both kinds. And for her
highnesses conscience till then, if there be some other devout
sort of prayers or memory said, and the seldomer mass.
48 Guest to Sir W. Cecyl. [DOCUMENTS.
VI. To the sixth, What noblemen be most fit to be made
privy to these proceedings, before it be opened to the
whole council ?
The lord marquiss Northampton, the earl of Bedford,, the
earl of Pembroke, and the lord John Grey. 5
VII. To the seventh, What allowance those learned men
shall have, for the time they are about to review the
Book of Common Prayer, and order of ceremonies, and
service in the church, and where they shall meet ?
Being so many persons which must attend still upon it, 10
two mess of meat is thought yet indifferent to suffice for
them and their servants.
The place is thought most meet [to be] in some set place,
or rather at sir Thomas Smith s lodgings in Chanon Row.
At one of these places must provisions be laid in of wood, i5
and coals, and drink.
II.
Guest to sir William Cecyl, the queers secretary, concerning tlie
Service-book, newly prepared for the parliament to be con
firmed ; and certain ceremonies and usages of the church. 20
Eight Honourable,
THAT you might well understand, that I have neither
ungodly allowed any thing against the scripture, neither
unstedfastly done any thing contrary to my writing, neither
rashly without just cause put away it which might be well 25
suffered, nor undiscreetly for novelty brought in that which
might be better left out ; I am so bold to write to your
honour some causes of the order taken in the new service :
which enterprise, though you may justly reprove for the
simple handling, yet I trust you will take it well for my good 30
meaning. Therefore, committing your honourable state to
the great mercy of God, and following the intent of my
writing, thus I begin the matter.
CHAPTER ii.] Guest to Sir William Cecyl. 49
OF CEREMONIES.
Ceremonies once taken away, as evil used, should not be
taken again, though they be not evil of themselves, but might
be well used. And that for four causes.
5 The first, because the Galatians c were reproved of Paul
for receiving again the ceremonies which once they had for
saken : d bidding them to stand in the liberty wherein they
were called ; and forbidding them to wrap themselves in the
yoke of bondage; saying, e they builded again that which
i o they had destroyed; and reproving Peter, for that by his
dissembling he provoked the gentiles to the ceremonial law,
which they had left ; looking back hereby from the plough
which they had in hand.
The second cause, because f Paul forbids us to abstain not
1 5 only from that which is evil, but also from all that which is
not evil, but yet hath the appearance of evil. For this cause
Ezekias destroyed the s brazen serpent ; and Epiphanius the
picture of Christ.
The third cause, because the h gospel is a short word, put-
20 ting away the law, which stood in * decrees and ceremonies ;
and k a light and easy yoke, delivering us from them. There
fore is it said, that we should l worship God in spirit and
truth, and not in ceremonies and shadows also, as did the
Jews. And m Paul likeneth us Christians, for our freedom
25 from ceremony, to men which live in all liberty; and the
Jews, for their bondage in them, to men living in all thraldom.
Wherefore Augustyn, "writing to Januarius against the mul
titude of ceremonies, thus saith ; " Christ hath bound us to
a light burthen, joyning us together with sacraments in
3 number most few, in keeping most easy, in signification most
passing." And in the next epistle following he bewaileth
the multitude of ceremonies in his time, and calleth them
presumptions. Which yet were but few in respect of the
number of ours.
35 Gal. 5. d Gal. 5. Gal. 2. f Phil. 2. s 2 Kings 1 8. h Rom. 10.
i Eph. 2. k Matt. 1 1. 1 John 4. m Gal. 4. n Epist. 1 18, 119.
E
50 Guest to Sir William Cecyl. [DOCUMENTS.
The fourth cause, because these ceremonies were devised
of men, and abused to idolatry. For Christ with his apostles
would not wash their hands before meat, though of itself it
was an honest civil order, because it was superstitiously used.
Paul forbad the Corinthians Ho come to the gentiles tables, 5
where they did eat the meat which was offered to idols :
though an idol was nothing, nor that which was offered to it
any thing.
OF THE CROSS.
Epiphanius, in an epistle which he wrote to John, bishop 10
of Jerusalem, and is translated by ^Hierom, sheweth how he
did cut in pieces a cloth in a church, wherein was painted
the image of Christ, or of some saint, because it was against
the scriptures ; and counsels the bishop to command the
priests of the same church to set up no more any such cloth i5
in the same place, calling it a superstition to have any such
in the church. Leo, the emperor, with a council holden at
Constantinople, decreed, that all images in the church should
be broken. The same was decreed long before in the pro
vincial council at Elibert in Spain, cap. 36. 20
OF PROCESSION.
Procession is superfluous, because we may, as we ought to
do, pray for the same in the church that we pray for abroad ;
yea, and better too. Because when we pray abroad, our
mind is not so set upon God for sight of things, (as expe-25
rience teacheth,) as when we pray in the church, where we
have no such occasion to move our mind withal.
^f
OF VESTMENTS.
Because it is thought sufficient to use but a surplice in
baptizing, reading, preaching, and praying, therefore it is 30
enough also for the celebrating of the communion. For if
we should use another garment herein, it should seem to
teach us, that higher and better things be given by it than
o Mat. 25. P i Cor. 10. q Hieron. 2. torn. epi.
CHAPTER ii.] Guest to Sir William Cecyl. 51
be given by the other service; which we must not believe.
For in baptism we put on Christ : in the word we eat and
drink Christ, as Hierom and Gregory write 1 ". And Austin
saith, the word is as precious as this sacrament, in saying,
5 " He sinneth as much which negligently heareth the word, as
he which willingly letteth Christ s body to fall on the ground. 1
And Chrysostom 8 saith, " He which is not fit to receive, is
not fit to pray." Which were not true, if prayer were not of
as much importance as the communion.
10 OF THE DIVIDING THE SERVICE OF THE COMMUNION INTO TWO PARTS.
Dionysius Areopagita l saith, " That after the reading of
the Old and New Testament, the learners of the faith before
they were baptized, mad men, and they that were joyned to
penance for their faults, were shut out of the church, and
1 5 they only did remain which did receive." Chrysostom wit-
nesseth also u , that these three sorts were shut out from the
communion. Therefore Durant writeth x , that the mass of
the learners is from the Introite until after the offertory,
which is called missa, masse, or sending out : in that it sendeth
20 out: because, when the priest beginneth to consecrate the
sacrament, the learners be sent out of the church. The mass,
or sending out of the faithful, is from the offering till after
communion ; and is named missa, a sending out, because when
it is ended, then each faithful is sent forth to his proper
25 business.
OF THE CREED.
The Creed is ordained to be said only of the communi
cants, because Dionysius, and Chrysostom, and Basil, in their
liturgies, say, that the learners were shut out or the Creed
30 was said ; because it is the prayer of the faithful only, which
were but the communicants. For that they which did not
receive were taken for that time as not faithful. Therefore
Chrysostom y saith, " That they which do not receive, be as
men doing penance for their sin."
3^ r Supp. Eccle. Sup. ca. 6. Job.
Lib. 50. Honiiliarum; Homiliar. 26. toni. ro. Chrysost. Horn. 61. ad pop.
Antioch. e Dionys. in cosiest. Hierar. cap. 3. part, secunda tertia.
u Chrysost. secunda expos, in Mat. Horn. 72.
x Durant in rationali Divinor. lib. 4. cap. i. y Chr. Horn. 61. ad pop. Antioch
52 Guest to Sir William CecyL [DOCUMENTS.
OF PRAYING FOR THE DEAD IN THE COMMUNION.
That praying for the dead is not now used in the commu
nion, because it doth seem to make for the sacrifice of the
dead. And also because, (as it was used in the first book,)
it makes some of the faithful to be in heaven, and to need no 5
mercy ; and some of them to be in another place, and to lack
help and mercy. As though they were not all alike re
deemed, and brought to heaven by Christ s merits : but some
deserved it, (as it is said of martyrs ;) and some, for lack of
such perfectness, were in purgatory, (as it is spoken of the 10
meaner sort.) But thus to pray for the dead in the commu
nion was not used in Christ and his apostles time, nor in
Justin s time ; who, z speaking of the manner of using the
communion in his time, reporteth not this. So that I may
here well say with Tertullian, a " That is true which is first ; i5
that is false which is after : that is true which is first ; that is
first which is from beginning ; that is from beginning, which
is from the apostles."
OF THE PRAYER IN THE FIRST BOOK FOR CONSECRATION,
merciful Father, &c. 20
This prayer is to be disliked for two causes. The first,
because it is taken to be so needful for the consecration, that
the consecration is not thought to be without it. Which is
not true : for petition is no part of consecration. Because
Christ, in ordaining the sacrament, b made no petition, but 25
a thanksgiving. It is written, " When he had given thanks,"
and not, " When he had asked." Which Christ would have
spoken, and the evangelists have written, if it had been
needful, as it is mistaken. And though Mark saith, " that
Christ blessed, when he took bread," yet he meaneth by 30
blessed, gave thanks, or else he would have said also, He
gave thanks, as he said, He blessed, if he had meant
thereby divers things. And speaking of the cup, he would
have said, Christ blessed, when he took the cup, as he saith,
He gave thanks, if gave thanks and blessed were not all one. 35
Or else Christ should be thought to have consecrated the
bread and not the wine, because in consecrating the bread,
z Secunda Apolog. pro Christianis. a Tertull. contr. Prax. contra Mar.
b Mat. 26. c Mar. 14. Luke 22. i Cor. n.
CHAPTER ii.] Guest to Sir William Cecyl. 53
he said blessed, and in consecrating the wine, he left it out.
Yea, by Matthew, Luke, and Paul, he should neither have
consecrated the one nor the other. For that they report not,
that he blessed.
5 Gregory d writeth to the bishop of Syracusa, that the
apostles used only the Lord s Prayer at the communion,
and none other; and seemeth to be displeased, that it is
not there still so used, but instead thereof the canon which
Scholasticus made. Therefore, in that he would the Lord s
10 Prayer to be used at the making of the communion, which
making nothing for the consecration thereof, and not
Scholasticus 1 prayer, which prayeth for the consecration of
the same, it must needs be that he thought the communion
not to be made by invocation.
1 5 Chrysostom saith.% that this sacrament is made by the
words of Christ once spoken; as every thing is gendered
by the words of X3rod, that he once spake, " Increase and
fill the earth."
Bessarion saith f , that the consecration stands on Christ s
20 ordinance, and his words, and not on the prayer of the
priest ; and that for three causes. The first, because the
priest may pray without faith, without which his prayer
is not heard. The second, because the prayer is not all
one in all countries. The third, because baptism is without
2 5 prayer.
Justing, in shewing how the communion was celebrated
in his time, maketh no mention of invocation. No more
doth Irenee h .
The second cause why the foresaid prayer is to be refused,
30 is for that it prays that the bread and wine may be Christ s
body and blood ; which makes for the popish transubstan-
tiation : which is a doctrine that hath caused much idolatry :
and though the Doctors so speak, yet we must speak other
wise, because we take them otherwise than they meant, or
3 5 would be taken. For when their meaning is corrupted, then
their words must be expounded. In one place it is said,
This is the new testament in my blood ; and in another
d Lib. 6. Epist. 63. e De Perdit. Judas. Horn. 30. f Libr. de Free.
Eucharist. s 2d Apol. pro Christian. h Lib. 4. cap. 34.
54 Guest to Sir William Cecyl. [DOCUMENTS.
place, This is my blood of the new testament : there Christ s
words be diversely reported, that we should expound them
when they be mistaken. And both he and his apostles
allege not after the letter, but after the meaning.
OF RECEIVING THE SACRAMENT IN OUR HANDS.
Christ gave the sacrament into the hands of his Apostles,
" Divide it," saith he, " among yourselves k ." It is decreed 1 ,
that the priests should be excommunicated, which did suffer
any man to take it with any thing, saving with his hands;
as then they made instruments to receive it withall. Am- I0
brose m thus speaketh to Theodosius the emperor, "How
wilt thou with such hands receive the body of Christ ?" " If
we be ashamed," saith Austin, " and afraid to touch the
sacrament with foul hands, much more we ought to fear to
take it with an unclean soul." i5
OF RECEIVING STANDING OR KNEELING.
Justin saith, we should rather stand than kneel, when we
pray on the Sunday, because it is a sign of resurrection ;
and writeth that Irenee n saith, it is a custom which came
from the apostles. And Austin thus writeth, " We pray 20
standing, which is a sign of resurrection : therefore on every
Sunday it is observed at the altar." It is in plain words
in the last chapter of the last book, (which Gaguens, a
Frenchman, hath put to Tertullian s works as his,) that
Christ s body is received standing. Though this is the old 25
use of the church to communicate standing, yet because it is
taken of some by itself to be sin to receive kneeling, whereas
of itself it is lawful ; it is left indifferent to every man s
choice to follow the one way or the other; to teach men
that it is lawful to receive either standing or kneeling. 30
Thus, as I think, I have shewed good cause why the
service is set forth in such sort as it is. God, for his mercy
in Christ, cause the parliament with one voice to enact it,
and the realm with true heart to use it.
k Luke 22. Concilio 6. Coustan. cap. 101. m Theod. Bez. 05
Jib. 4. cap. 31. Tripart. Hist. n Quaestio ad Orthod. 115. o Epla. adJan. 118.
CHAPTER ii.] Dr. Home s preface. 55
III.
Dr. Hornis preface to his discourse^ read at the conference at
Westminster abbey.
FORASMUCH as it is thought good unto the queen s most
10 excellent majesty, (unto whom in the Lord all obedience is
due,) that we should declare our judgment in writing upon
certain propositions; we, as becometh us, do herein most
gladly obey.
Seeing that Christ is our only master, whom the Father
1 5 hath commanded us to hear ; and seeing also his word is the
truth, from the which it is not lawful for us to depart one
hair s breadth, and against the which, as the apostle saith,
" we can do nothing ;" we do in all things submit ourselves
unto this truth, and do protest that we will affirm nothing
20 against the same.
And forasmuch as we have for our mother the true and
catholic church of Christ, which is grounded upon the doc
trine of the apostles and prophets, and is of Christ the head
in all things governed ; we do reverence her judgment ; we
25 obey her authority as becometh children ; and we do devoutly
profess, and in all points follow the faith, which is contained
in the three creeds, that is to say, of the apostles, of the
council of Nice, and of Athanasius.
And seeing that we never departed, neither from the
30 doctrine of God, which is contained in the holy canonical
scriptures, nor yet from the faith of the true and catholic
church of Christ, but have preached truly the word of God,
and have sincerely ministered the sacraments according to
the institution of Christ, unto the which our doctrine and
35 faith the most part also of our adversaries did subscribe, not
many years past, (although now, as unnatural, they are
revolted from the same,) we desire that they render account
of their backsliding, and shew some cause, wherefore they do
E 4
56 The first proposition [DOCUMENTS.
not only resist that doctrine which they have before pro
fessed, but also persecute the same by all means they can.
We do not doubt but through the equity of the queen s
most excellent majesty, we shall in these disputations be
entreated more gently than in years late past, when we were 5
handled most unjustly, and scantly after the common manner
of men.
As for the judgment of the whole controversy, we refer
unto the most holy scriptures, and the catholic church of
Christ, (whose judgment unto us ought to be most sacred.) 10
Notwithstanding, by the catholic church we understand not
the Romish church, whereunto our adversaries attribute such
reverence ; but that which St. Augustin and other fathers
affirm ought to be sought in the holy scriptures, and which
is governed and led by the Spirit of Christ. i5
The first proposition, upon which the papists and protestants
disputed in Westminster-abbey. With the arguments which
the reformed divines made upon it.
It is against the word of God, and the custom of the primi
tive church, to use a tongue unknown to the people in common- 2 o
prayers, and administration of the sacraments.
BY these words (the word} we mean only the written
word of God, or canonical scriptures.
And by the custom of the primitive church, we mean, the
order most generally used in the church for the space of 25
five hundred years after Christ ; in which times lived the
most notable fathers, as Justin, Ireneus, Tertullian, Cyprian,
Basil, Chrysostom, Hierome, Ambrose, Augustine, &c.
This assertion, above- written, hath two parts.
First, That the use of a tongue not understood of the 30
people, in common prayers of the church, or in the ad
ministration of the sacraments, is against God s word.
The second, That the same is against the use of the
primitive-church.
CHAPTER ii.] disputed in Westminster Abbey. 57
The first part is most manifestly proved by the 14th
chapter of the First Epistle to the Corinthians, almost
throughout the whole chapter ; in the which chapter St. Paul
intreateth of this matter, ex professo, purposely: and although
5 some do cavil, that St. Paul speaketh not in that chapter of
praying, but of preaching; yet is it most evident, to any
indifferent reader of understanding, and appeareth also by
the exposition of the best writers, that he plainly there
speaketh not only of preaching and prophesying, but also
10 of prayer and thanksgiving, and generally of all other pub
lic actions, which require any speech in the church or con
gregation.
For of praying, he saith, " I will pray with my spirit, and
I will pray with my mind ; I will sing with my spirit, and
1 5 I will sing with the mind." And of thanksgiving, (which is a
kind of prayer,) " Thou givest thanks well, but the other is
not edified ; and how shall he that occupieth the room of the
unlearned, say Amen to thy giving of thanks, when he under-
standeth not what thou sayest ?" And in the end, ascending
20 from particulars to universals, concludeth, "That all things
ought to be done to edification."
Thus much is clear by the very words of St. Paul ; and the
ancient doctors, Ambrose, Augustine, Hierome, and others,
do so understand this chapter, as it shall appear by their
25 testimonies, which shall follow afterward.
Upon this chapter of St. Paul, we gather these reasons
following.
1. All things done in the church, or congregation, ought
so to be done, as they may edify the same.
30 But the use of an unknown tongue in public prayer, or ad
ministration of sacraments, doth not edify the congregation :
Therefore the use of an unknown tongue, in public prayer,
or administration of the sacraments, is not to be had in the
church.
35 The first part of this reason is grounded upon St. Paul s
words, commanding all things to be done to edification.
The second part is also proved by St. Paul s plain words.
First, by this similitude ; " If the trumpet give an uncertain
sound, who shall be prepared to battel f Even so likewise,
58 The first proposition [DOCUMENTS.
when ye speak with tongues, except ye speak words that have
signification, how shall it be understood what is spoken ? for
ye shall but speak in the air, that is to say, in vain, and
consequently without edifying.
And afterward, in the same chapter, he saith, " How can 5
he that occupieth the place of the unlearned, say Amen at
thy giving of thanks : seeing he understandeth not what thou
sayest ? For thou verily givest thanks well, but the other is
not edified."
These be St. Paul s words, plainly proving, that a tongue 10
not understood doth not edify.
And therefore both the parts of the reason thus proved by
St. Paul, the conclusion followeth necessarily.
2. Secondly ; nothing is to be spoken in the congregation
in an unknown tongue, except it be interpreted to the people, i5
that it may be understood. For, saith Paul, " if there be no
interpreter to him that speaketh in an unknown tongue,
taceat in ecclesia^ let him hold his peace in the church." And
therefore the common prayers, and administration of sacra
ments, neither done in a known tongue, nor interpreted, 20
are against this commandment of Paul, and not to be used.
3. The minister, in praying, or administration of sacra
ments, using language not understood of the hearers, is to
them barbarous, an alien, which of St. Paul is accounted a
great absurdity. 25
4. It is not to be counted a Christian common-prayer
where the people present declare not their assent unto it,
by saying Amen ; wherein is implyed all other words of
assent.
But St. Paul affirmeth, that the people cannot declare their 30
assent, in saying Amen, except they understand what is said,
as afore :
Therefore it is no Christian common-prayer, where the peo
ple understandeth not what is said.
5. Paul would not suffer, in his time, a strange tongue to 35
be heard in the common-prayer in the church, notwithstand
ing that such a kind of speech was then a miracle, and a
singular gift of the Holy Ghost, whereby infidels might be
persuaded and brought to the faith : much less is it to be
CHAPTER ii.] disputed in Westminster Abbey. 59
suffered now among Christian and faithful men, especially
being no miracle, nor especial gift of the Holy Ghost.
6. Some will peradventure answer, That to use any kind of
tongue in common-prayer, or administration of sacraments,
5 is a thing indifferent.
But St. Paul is to the contrary ; for he commandeth all
things to be " done to edification :" he commandeth to keep
silence, if there be no interpreter. And in the end of the
chapter, he concludeth thus ; "If any man be spiritual, or a
10 prophet, let him know, that the things which I write are the
commandment of the Lord." And so, shortly to conclude,
the use of a strange tongue, in prayer and ministration, is
against the word and commandment of God.
To these reasons, grounded upon St. Paul s words, which
1 5 are the most firm foundation of this assertion, divers
other reasons may be joined, gathered out of the scrip
tures, and otherwise.
1. In the Old Testament, all things pertaining to the pub
lic prayer, benedictions, thanksgivings, or sacrifice, were
20 always in their vulgar and natural tongue.
In the second book of Paraleipomenon, cap. 29, it is writ
ten, " That Ezechias commanded the Levites to praise God
with the Psalms of David, and Asaph the prophet ;" which
doubtless were written in Hebrew, their vulgar tongue. If
25 they did so in the shadows of the law, much more ought we
to do the like ; who (as Christ saith) must pray in Spiritu
et veritate.
%. The final end of our prayer is, (as David saith,) " Ut
populi conveniant in unum, et annuncient nomen Domini in
30 Sion, et laudes ejus in Hierusalem."
But the name and praises of God cannot be set forth to
the people, unless it be done in such a tongue as they may
understand :
Therefore common prayer must be had in the vulgar
3 5 tongue.
3. The definition of public prayer out of the words of St.
Paul ; " Orabo spiritu, orabo et mente. Publice orare, est
vota communia mente ad Deum effundere, et ea spiritu, hoc
est lingua, testari." Common-prayer is, to lift up our com-
60 The first proposition [DOCUMENTS.
mon desires to God with our minds, and to testify the same
outwardly with our tongues. Which definition is approved
of by St. Augustine de Magist. c. 1. " Nihil opus est (inquit)
loquutione, nisi forte ut sacerdotes faciunt, significandse men
tis causa, ut populus intelligat." 5
4. The ministrations of the Lord s last supper and baptism
are, as it were, sermons of the death and resurrection of
Christ.
But sermons to the people must be had in such language
as the people may perceive, otherwise they should be had 10
in vain.
5. It is not lawful for a Christian man to abuse the gifts
of God.
But he that prayeth in the church in a strange tongue,
abuseth the gift of God ; for the tongue serveth only to ex- i5
press the mind of the speaker to the hearer. And Augustine
saith, de Doct. Christ, lib. 4. cap. 10. "Loquendi omnino
nulla est causa, si quod loquimur non intelligunt, propter quos,
ut intelligant, loquimur." There is no cause why we should
speak, if they, for whose cause we speak, understand not our 20
speaking.
6. The heathen and barbarous nations of all countries, and
sorts of men, were they never so wild, evermore made their
prayers and sacrifice to their gods, in their own mother- tongue ;
which is a manifest declaration, that it is the very light and 25
voice of nature.
Thus much upon the ground of St. Paul, and other reasons
out of the scriptures ; joining therewith the common usage
of all nations, as a testimony of the law of nature.
Now for the second part of the assertion, which is, 30
That the use of a strange tongue, in public prayer, and
administration of sacraments, is against the custom of
the primitive church. Which is a matter so clear, that
the denial of it must needs proceed, either of great
ignorance, or of wilful malice. 35
For, first of all, Justinus Martyr a , describing the order of
the communion in his time, saith thus ; "Die solis urbanorum
et rusticorum ccetus fiunt, ubi apostolorum, prophetarumque
a Justinus, Apol. 2.
CHAPTER ii.] disputed in Westminster Abbey. 61
literse, quoad fieri potest, praeleguntur : deinde cessante
lectore praepositus verba facit adhortatoria, ad imitationem
tarn honestarum rerum invitans. Post hsec consurgimus
omnes, et preces offerimus, quibus fi iritis, profertur (ut dixi-
5 mus) panis, vinum et aqua ; turn prsepositus quantum potest
preces offert, et gratiarum actiones ; plebs vero Amen
accinit." Upon the Sunday, assemblies are made both of
the citizens and country-men ; whereas the writings of the
disciples, and of the prophets, are read as much as may be.
10 Afterwards when the reader doth cease, the head-minister
maketh an exhortation, exhorting them to follow so honest
things. After this we rise all together, and offer prayers ;
which being ended, (as we have said,) bread, wine, and water
are brought forth; then the head -minister offereth prayers,
iSand thanksgiving, as much as he can, and the people
answereth, Amen.
These words of Justin, who lived about 160 years after
Christ, considered with their circumstances, declare plainly,
That not only the scriptures were read, but also that the
20 prayers and administration of the Lord s supper were done
in a tongue understood.
Both the liturgies of Basil and Chrysostom declare, That
in the celebration of the communion, the people were
appointed to answer to the prayer of the minister, some-
25 times Amen ; sometimes, " Lord have mercy upon us ;"
sometimes, "And with thy Spirit;" and, "We have our
hearts lifted up unto the Lord, &c." Which answers they
would not have made in due time, if the prayers had not
been made in a tongue understood.
30 And for further proof, let us hear what Basil b writeth in
this matter to the clerks of Neocsesarea ; " Cseterum ad
objectum in psalmodiis crimen, quo maxime simpliciores
terrent calumniatores, &c." "As touching that is laid to
our charge in psalmodies and songs, wherewith our slanderers
35 do fray the simple, I have this to say, That our customs
and usage in all churches be uniform and agreeable. For
in the night, the people with us riseth, goeth to the house
of prayer: and in travel, tribulation, and continual tears,
b Basil. Epist. 63.
62 The first proposition disputed. [DOCUMENTS.
they confess themselves to God ; and at the last rising again,
go to their songs, or psalmodies, where being divided into
two parts, sing by course together, both deeply weighing and
confirming the matter of the heavenly saying ; and also
stirring up their attention and devotion of heart, which by 5
other means be alienated and pluck d away. Then appointing
one to begin the song, the rest follow; and so, with divers
songs and prayers, passing over the night, at the dawning
of the day, all together, even as it were with one mouth, and
one heart, they sing unto the Lord a song of confession, I0
every man framing to himself meet words of repentance.
" If ye will flee us from henceforth for these things, ye must
flee also the Egyptians, and both the Lybians, ye must eschew
the Thebans, Palestines, Arabians, the Phenices, the Syrians^
and those which dwell besides Euphrates. And to be short, Z 5
all those with whom watchings, prayers, and common singing
of psalms are had in honour."
[Then follow other testimonies from Ambrose, Jerome, Basil,
Chrysostom, Cyprian, Augustin and Justinian s Novell.]
These are sufficient to prove, that it is against God s word, 20
and the use of the primitive church, to use a language not
understood of the people, in common prayer, and ministration
of the sacraments.
Wherefore it is to be marvelled at, not only how such an
nntrut and abuse crept, at the first, into the church, but also 2 5
how it is maintained so stifly at this day ; and upon what
ground these that will be thought guides and pastors of
Christ s church, are so loth to return to the first original
of St. Paul s doctrine, and the practice of the primitive
catholick church of Christ. _
J. Scory. R. Cox. The God of patience and
D. Whithead. E. Grindal. consolation give us grace
J. Juel. R. Horn. to be like minded one to-
J. Aimer. E. Gest. wards another, in Christ
Jesus, that we all agree- 35
ing together, may, with
one mouth, praise God,
the Father of our Lord
Jesus Christ. Amen.
CHAPTER ii.] Dr. Cole s answer Sfc.
IV.
The answer of Dr. Cole to tlie first proposition of tlie protest ants,
at the disputation before the lords at Westminster.
Est contra verlum Dei, et consuetudinem veteris ecclesice lingua
populo ignota uti in publicis precibus, et administratione
5 sacramentorum.
Most honourable ;
WHEREAS these men here present have declared openly,
That it is repugnant and contrary to the word of God, to have
the common-prayers, and ministration of the sacraments, in
I0 the Latin tongue, here in England; and that all such com
mon-prayer, and ministration, ought to be, and remain in the
English tongue : ye shall understand, that to prove this
their assertion, they have brought in as yet only one place of
scripture, taken out of St. Paul s First Epistle to the Corinth-
j5 ians, chap. 14, with certain other places of the holy doctors ;
whereunto answer is not now to be made : but when the book,
which they read, shall be delivered unto us, according to the
appointment made in that behalf, then, God willing, we shall
make answer, as well to the scripture, as other testimonies
20 alledged by them, so as all good men may evidently perceive
and understand the same scripture to be misconstrued, and
drawn from the native and true sense : and that it is not
St. PauVs mind there to treat of common-prayer, or ministra
tion of any sacraments. And therefore we now have only to
25 declare, and open before you briefly (which after, as oppor
tunity serves in our answer, shall appear more at large) causes
which move us to persist and continue in the order received,
snd to say, and affirm, that to have the common-prayer or
service, with the ministration of the sacraments in the Latin
30 tongue, is convenient, and (as the state of the cause standeth
at this present) necessary.
64 Dr. Coles answer to the [DOCUMENTS.
SECOND SECTION.
1. And this we affirm, first, because there is no scripture
manifest against this our assertion and usage of the church.
And though there were any, yet it is not to be condemned
that the church hath receivM. Which thing may evidently 5
appear in many things that were sometime expressly com
manded by God and his holy apostles.
2. As for example, (to make the matter plain,) ye see the
express command of Almighty God, touching the observation
of the sabbath-day, to be changed by authority of the church 10
(without any word of God written for the same) into the
Sunday. The reason whereof appeareth not to all men ; and
howsoever it doth appear, and is accepted of all good men,
without any controversy of scripture ; yea, without any men
tion of the day, saving only that St. John, in his Apocalyps, i5
nameth it, diem Dominicum : in the change whereof, all men
may evidently understand the authority of the church, both
in this cause, and also in other matters to be of great weight
and importance, and therein esteemed accordingly.
3. Another example we have given unto us by the mouth 20
of our Saviour himself, who, washing the feet of his disciples,
said, " I have herein given you an example, that as I have
done, even so do you." Notwithstanding these express words,
the holy church hath left the thing undone, without blame :
not of any negligence, but of great and urgent causes, which 25
appeareth not to many men, and yet universally without the
breach of God s commandment (as is said) left undone. Was
not the fact also, and, as it seemeth, the express commandment
of Christ, our Saviour, changed and altered, by the authority
of the church, in the highest mystery of our faith, the blessed 30
sacrament of the altar ? For he ministereth the same (as the
scripture witnesseth) after supper. And now if a contentious
man would strain the fact to the first institution, St. Augustine
answereth (not by scripture, for there is none to improve it,
but indeed otherwise) even as the apostles did, " Visum est 35
Spiritui Sancto ut in honorem tanti sacramenti, in os Chris-
tiani hominis prius intret corpus Dominicum quam exteri cibi."
CHAPTER ii.] first proposition. 65
It is determined (saith St. Augustine) by the Holy Ghost,
that in the honour of so great a sacrament, the body of our
Lord should enter first into the mouth of a Christian man
before other external meats. So that notwithstanding it was
5 the fact of Christ himself, yet the church moved by the Holy
Ghost, (as is said,) hath changed that also, without offence
likewise. By the which sentence of St. Augustine manifestly
appeareth, that this authority was derived from the apostles
unto this time ; the which same authority, according to Christ s
10 promises, doth still abide and remain with his church.
i. And hereupon also resteth the alteration of the sacrament
under one kind, whenas the multitudes of the Gentiles entered,
the church instructed by the Holy Ghost, understood incon-
veniencies, and partly also heresy to creep in through the
1 5 ministration under both kinds ; and therefore, as in the former
examples, so in this now, (the matter nothing diminished,
neither in itself, nor in the receivers, and the thing also being
received before, by a common and uniform consent, without
contradiction) the church did decree, that from henceforth it
20 should be received under the form of bread only ; and whoso
ever should think and affirm^ that whole Christ remained not
under both kinds, pronounced him to be in heresy.
5. Moreover, we read in the Acts, whereas it was determined
in a council holden at Hierusalem by the apostles, that the
26 Gentiles should abstain from strangled, and blood, in these
words " Visum est Spiritui Sancto, et nobis, &c." "It is
decreed, by the Holy Ghost, and us, (say the apostles,) that
no other burden be laid upon you, than these necessary things,
That ye abstain from things offered up unto idols, and from
3 blood ; and from that is strangled, and from fornication. 1
This was the commandment of God, (for still it is commanded,
upon pain of damnation, to keep our bodies clean from
fornication,) and the other part join d by the Holy Ghost
with the same, not kept nor observed at this day.
3 5 6. Likewise in the Acts of the Apostles it appeareth, that
among them in the primitive church, all things were common.
They sold their lands and possessions, and laid the mony at
the feet of the apostles, to be divided to the people as every
man had need ; insomuch that Ananias and Saphira, who
66 Dr. Cole s answer to the [DOCUMENTS.
kept back a part of their possession, and laid but the other
part at the apostles feet, were declared by the mouth of St.
Peter, to be tempted by the Devil, and to lye against the
Holy Ghost, and in example of all other, punish d with sudden
death. By all which examples, and many other, it is manifest, 5
that though there were any such scripture which they pretend,
as there is not, yet the church wherein the Holy Ghost is
alway resident, may order the same, and may therein say as
truly, "Vistim est Spiritui Sancto, et nobis," as did the
apostles ; for Christ promised unto the chureh, that the Holy 10
Ghost should teach them all truth, and that he himself would
be with the same church unto the world s end. And here
upon we do make this argument with St. Augustine, which
he writeth in his Epistle ad Januariwn, after this sort,
" Ecclesia Dei inter multam paleam multaque zizania consti- i5
tuta, multa tolerat ; et tamen quse sunt contra fidem, vel
bonam vitam non approbat, nee tacet, nee facit."
To this major we add this minor ; but the catholick church
of God neither reproveth the service, or common-prayer, to
be in the learned tongue, nor yet useth it otherwise. 20
Therefore it is most lawful and commendable so to be.
THIRD SECTION,
Another cause that moveth us to say and think, is, that
otherwise doing, (as they have said,) there followeth neces
sarily the breach of unity of the church, and the commodities 25
thereby are withdrawn and taken from us; there follows
necessarily an horrible schism and division.
In alteration of the service into our mother-tongue, we
condemn the church of God, which hath been heretofore, we
condemn the church that is present, and namely the church 30
of Rome.
To the which, howsoever it is lightly esteemed here among
us, the holy saint and martyr, Ireneus, saith in plain words
thus, "Ad hanc ecclesiam propter potentiorem principali-
tatem , necesse est omnes alias ecclesias convenire ; hoc est 36
omnes undique fideles." It is necessary (saith this holy man,
who was nigh to the apostles, or rather in that time, for he
is called crvy\povos apostolorum) that all churches do conform
CHAPTER ii.] first proposition. 67
themselves, and agree with the see or church of Rome, all
churches, that is to say (as he declareth himself) all Christian
and faithful men. And he alleadgeth the cause why it is
necessary for all men to agree therewith, (propter potentiorem
$ principalitatem} for the greater preeminence of the same, or
for the mightier principality.
From this church, and consequently from the whole
universal church of Christ, we fall undoubtedly into a fearful
and dangerous schism, and therewith into all incommodities
10 of the same.
That in this doing, we fall from the unity of the church,
it is more manifest than that we need much to stand upon.
St. Augustine, " Contra Cresconium grammaticum," putting a
difference between heresis and schisma, saith, " Schisma est
1 5 di versa sequentium secta, Heresis autem schisma inveteratum."
To avoid this horrible sin of schism, we are commanded,
by the words of St. Paul, saying, " Obsecro vos ut id ipsum
dicatis omnes, et non sint in vobis schismata."
And that this changing of the service out of the learned
20 tongue, is doing contrary to the form and order universally
observed, is plain and evident to every man s eye.
They are to be named hereticJcs (saith he) which obstinately
think and judg in matters of faith, otherwise than the rest
of the church doth. And those are called schismaticfo, which
2 5 follow not the order and trade of the church, but will invent
of their own wit and brain other orders, contrary or diverse
to them which are already, by the Holy Ghost, universally
established in the church. And we being declined from God
by schism, note what follows ; There is then no gift of God,
30 no knowledg, no justice, no faith, no works, and finally,
no vertue that could stand us in stead, though we should
think to glorify God by suffering death, (as St. Paul saith)
1 Cor. 18. Yea, there is no sacrament that availeth to
salvation, in them that willingly fall into schism, that without
3$ fear separate and divide themselves from the sacred unity
of Christ s holy spouse, the church, as St. Augustine plainly
saith ; " Quicunquc ille est, qualiscunque ille est, Christianus
non est qui in ecclesia Christi non est ;" that is, Whosoever
68 Dr. Cole s answer to the [DOCUMENTS.
he be, whatsoever degree or condition he be of, or what
qualities soever he hath ; though he should speak with the
tongues of angels, speak he never so holily, shew he never
so much vertue, yet is he not a Christian man that is guilty
of the crime of schism ; and so no member of the church. * 5
Wherefore this is an evident argument ; every Christian
man is bound, upon pain of damnation, by the plain words
of God, uttered by St. Paul, to avoid the horrible sin of
schism.
The changing of the service out of the learned tongue, 10
it being universally observed through the whole church from
the beginning, is a cause of an horrible schism ; wherefore
every good Christian man is bound to avoid the change of
the service.
Now to confirm that we said before, and to prove that to i5
have the common-prayer, and ministration of the sacraments
in English, or in other than in the learned tongue, let us
behold the first institution of the west church, and the
particulars thereof.
And first, to begin with the church of France : Dyonisius, 2 o
St. Paul s scholar, who first planted the faith of Christ in
France : Martialis, who (as it is said) planted the faith in
Spain : and others which planted the same here in England,
in the time of Eleutherius : and such as planted the faith
in Germany, and other countries : and St. Augustine, that 2 5
converted this realm afterwards, in the time of Gregory,
almost a thousand years ago : it may appear that they had
interpreters, as touching the declaration and preaching of
the gospel, or else the gift of tongues : but that ever, in any
of these west churches, they had their service in their own 30.
language, or that the sacraments, other than matrimony,
were ministi ed in their own vulgar tongue ; that does not
appear by any ancient historiographer. Whether shall they
be able ever to prove that it was so generally, and thereby
by continuance, in the Latin tongue, the self-same order 35
and words remain still ; whereas all men do consider, and
know right-well, that in all other inferiour and barbarous
tongues, great change daily is seen, and specially in this our
CHAPTER ii.] first proposition. 69
English tongue, which in quovis seculo fere, in every age, or
hundred years, there appeareth a great change and alteration
in this language.
For the proof whereof, there hath remained many books of
5 late in this realm, (as many do well know) which we, that be
now Englishmen, can scarcely understand or read. And if
we should so often (as the thing may chance, and as alteration
daily doth grow in our vulgar tongue) change the service of
the church, what manifold inconveniences and errors would
10 follow, we leave it to all mens judgments to consider. So that
hereby may appear another invincible argument, which is, the
consent of the whole catholick church, that cannot err in the
faith and doctrine of our Saviour Christ, but is (by St. Paul s
saying) " the pillar and foundation of all truth."
1 5 Moreover, the people of England do not understand their
own tongue, better than Eunuchus did the Hebrew ; of
whom we read in the Acts, that Philip was commanded
to teach him ; and he reading there the prophesy of Esay,
Philip, (as it is written in the 8th chapter of the Acts)
20 enquired of him, whether he understood that which he read,
or no? he made answer, saying, " Et quomodo possum, si
non aliquis ostenderit mihi ;" in which words are reproved
the intolerable boldness of such as will enterprize without
any teacher (yea, contemning all doctors) to unclasp the
25 book, and thereby, instead of eternal food, drink up present
poison. For whereas the scripture is misconstrued, and taken
in a wrong sense, that it is not the scripture of God, but as
St. Hierom saith, writing upon the Epistle to the Galathians,
it is the scripture of the Devil: and we do not contend with
Sohereticks for the scripture, but for the true sense and
meaning of the scripture.
We read of ceremonies in the Old Testament, as the cir
cumcision, the bells and pomegranates of Aaron s apparel,
with many other, and kinds of sacrifices ; which all were, as
3 5 St. Paul saith unto the Hebrews, Justitia carnis ; and did
not inwardly justify the party before God, that observed
them, in protestation of their faith in Christ to come : and
although they had the knowledge of every fact of Christ,
which was signified particularly by those ceremonies. And
F3
70 Dr. Cole s answer to the [DOCUMENTS.
it is evident and plain, that the high priest entred into the
inner part of the temple, (named sancta sanctorum,) whereas
the people might not follow, nor lawful for them to stand, but
there where they could neither see, nor hear, what the priest
either said, or did, as St. Luke in the first chapter of his 5
Gospel rehearseth in the history of Zachary.
Upon conference of these two testaments, may be plainly
gathered this doctrine, That in the Church of Christ, many
things may be said and done, the mysteries whereof the
people knoweth not, neither are they bound to know. Which J o
thing, that is, that the people did not hear and understand
the common prayer of the priest and minister, it is evident
and plain by the practice of the ancient Greek church, and
that also that now is at Venice, or else- where.
In that east church, the priest standeth, as it were, in a i5
travice, or closet, hanged round about with curtains, or vails,
apart from the people. And after the consecration, when
he sheweth the blessed sacrament, the curtains are drawn,
whereof Chrysostom speaketh thus ; " Cum vela videris re-
trahi, tune superne coelum aperiri cogita ;" When thou seest 20
the vails or curtains drawn open, then think thou that heaven
is open from above.
It is also here to be noted, that there is two manners of
prayings, one publick, another private ; for which cause the
church hath such considerations of the publick prayer, that 25
it destroyeth not, nor taketh away the private prayer of the
people in the time of the sacrifice, or other divine service ;
which thing would chance, if the people should do nothing
but hearken to answer, and say, Amen. Besides the impos
sibility of the matter, whereas, in a great parish, every man 3
cannot hear what the priest saith, though the material
church were defaced, and he left the altar of God, and stood
in the midst of the people.
Furthermore, If we should confess that it were necessary to
have common-prayer in the vulgar tongue, these two heresies 3^
would follow upon it ; that prayer profiteth no man but him
that understandeth it, and him also that is present and
heareth it ; and so, by consequent, void was the prayer for
St. Peter in prison, by the church abroad.
CHAPTER ii.] first proposition. 71
Now consider the practice of this realm.
If we should grant the service to be in English, we should
not have it in the same form that it is in now, being in
Latin ; but by likelihood we should have it as it was of late
5 days. The matter of which service is taken out of the
Psalms, and other part of the Bible, translated into English,
wherein are manifest errors, and false translations, which all
by depravation of God s scripture, and so, vere mendacia.
Now if the service be so framM, then may men well say upon
10 us, that we serve God with lyes.
Wherefore we may not so travel and labour to alter the
form of our common-prayer, that we lese the fruit of all
prayer, which by this barbarous contention, no doubt, we
shall do. And the church of God hath no such custom, as
1 5 St. Paul alledgeth, in such contentions. And may not the
whole world say unto us, as St. Paul said unto the Corinth
ians, 1 Cor. 14, " An a vobis verbum Dei processit, aut in
vos solos pervenit T As though the whole church had been
ever in error, and never had seen this chapter of St. Paul
20 before : and that the Holy Ghost had utterly forsaken his
office, in leading it into all truth, till now of late, certain,
boasting of the Holy Ghost, and the sincere word of God,
hath enterprised to correct and overthrow the whole church.
Augustinus, lib. 1. contra Julianwn Pelagium, a Greeds pro
25sud heresi profugum, querentem, ad Imnc modam respondit :
" puto (inquit) tibi earn partem orbis debere sufficere, in qua
primum apostolorum suorum voluit Dominus gloriosissimo
martyrio coronari. Et Idem paulo post ; Te certe (Julianum
alloquitur) occidentalis terra generavit, occidentals regene-
Soravit ecclesia. Quid ei quseris inferre, quod in ea non inve-
nisti, quando in ejus membra venisti? Imo, Quid ei quaeris
auferre, quod in eA tu quoque accepisti ? Hcec ilk"
A number of authorities out of the doctors we could
rehearse, that maketh for the unity of the church, and for
35 not disturbing the quiet government of the same ; which all
impugn this their first assertion by way of argument. But
because they have framed their assertion so, that we be com
pelled to defend the negative, (in the probation whereof, the
doctors use not directly to have many words ;) therefore of
P4
72 The Protestants discourse [DOCUMENTS.
purpose we leave out a number of the sayings of the doctors,
(which all, as I said before, would prove this first matter by
way of argument,) lest we should be tedious, and keep you
too long in a plain matter.
And therefore now to conclude, for not changing the 5
divine service, and the ministration of the sacraments from
the learned tongue (which thing doth make a schism, and
a division between us and the catholick church of God), we
have brought in the scripture that doth forbid all such
schism; and also the consent and custom of the whole church, 10
which cannot err, and maketh us bold to say as we do ; with
other things, as ye have heard, for confirmation of the same.
And in answering to the first matter, we intend (God willing)
to say much more ; beseeching Alrnighty God so to inspire
the heart of the queen s majesty, and her most honourable r 5
council, with the nobility of this realm, and us that be the
pastors of the people in these causes, that so we may dispose
of the service of God, as we may therein serve God : and that
we do not, by altering the said service from the uniform
manner of Christ s Church, but also highly displease God, 20
and procure to us infamy of the world, the worm of con
science, and eternal damnation ; which God forbid : and grant
us grace to acknowledge, confess and maintain his truth.
To whom be all glory. Amen.
V.
The protestants 1 discourse, prepared to have been read in the 25
public conference at Westminster, upon the second question, viz.
Every particular church hath authority to institute, change,
and abrogate ceremonies and rites in the church, so that
it be to edify.
FOR avoiding ambiguity in terms, it is not amiss to declare 30
what is meant by the words of the proposition.
By these words, " every particular church," we understand
every particular kingdom, province, or region, which by order
CHAPTER ii.] prepared upon the second question. 73
make one Christian society or body, according to the dis
tinction of countries, and orders of the same.
By " ceremonies and rites of the church," we understand
those ceremonies and rites, which neither expressly, neither
5 by necessary deduction or consequence, are commanded or
forbidden in the scriptures, but are things of their own
nature indifferent. As for example, the form and manner of
prayers before and after baptism, and at the administration
of the sacrament of the body and blood of Christ, the
10 appointing of times and places for the hearing of God s word,
ministration of sacraments, public prayer, number of holy-
days, times of fasting, and such like. All which may by
God s word, not only by general councils, but also by par
ticular provinces, regions, and societies of Christians, accord-
i5 ing to the state of the times, be instituted and ordained,
changed and removed upon such just grounds, causes and
considerations as the state of the times, places, people, and
other circumstances shall require ; so that it be done to edify
God s people.
20 Having thus made declaration of the proposition, we will
proceed to the proof of the same by God s word, by ancient
writers, and by examples.
First, all ecclesiastical rites and ceremonies are things
which pertain unto order and decency. But St. Paul a com-
25 mitted to the particular church of Corinth the disposition of
all things which appertain to decency and order. And com
mitting such authority to the particular church of Corinth,
he consequently committeth it to all other particular churches.
For with God there is no respect of persons ; and as there is
30 in Christ neither Jew nor gentile, so there is neither Co
rinthian, nor Venetian, nor Englishman, but all we in Christ
are one, and have like privilege.
Whereupon it followeth, that St. Paul committeth the
disposition of all outward ecclesiastical rites and ceremonies
35 to every particular church.
Let this reason be well weighed, for it is plain and
evident. For that ceremonies are things of order and
a 1 Cor. 14.
74 The Protestants discourse [DOCUMENTS.
decency, and not things of necessity to salvation, is a thing
confessed of all men. For they have had their beginning
of men, and have been changed, as shall appear at large
hereafter.
But things of necessity to salvation are immutable, and 5
have their original from God.
And further, that the words of St. Paul to the Corinth
ians pertain to the ordering and disposition of such things,
the adversaries cannot deny; saving, that whereas St. Paul
committeth it in plain terms to the particular church ofio
Corinth, they bind it and restrain it to an universal determi
nation, contrary to St. Paul s meaning, as shall appear by
our answers to their reasons hereafter.
Secondly, the principal foundation whereupon it may be
gathered, that any council or assembly hath authority to i5
change or institute rites and ceremonies, stands upon this
proof of Christ, 4i Wheresoever two or three are gathered
together in my name, there am I in the midst of them. "
But in a particular church, not only two or three, but also
great numbers may be assembled in the name of Christ. 20
Therefore a particular church hath promise that Christ will
be in the midst of them. And consequently that assembly,
that hath Christ in the midst of it, and the assistance of his
Spirit according to his promises, hath authority to institute,
alter, and change rites and ceremonies, to the edifying of the 25
people.
Therefore a particular church hath authority to institute,
alter, and change ceremonies, to the edifying of the people.
Thirdly, the authority of the church, both universal and
particular, to institute, abrogate, and to change rites and 30
ceremonies, dependeth only upon obedience to Christ and his
word, in directing of all things to the edification of faith and
charity. " For my sheep hear my voice," b saith Christ.
And again, " You are my friends, if you do those things
which I command you." But particular churches both have, 36
and may obey Christ and his word, in directing all things to
the edifying of faith and charity, as shall appear by divers
b John 10.
CHAPTER ii.] prepared upon the second question. 75
examples hereafter. And therefore particular churches have
authority to institute and change rites and ceremonies.
Fourthly, Furthermore it is manifest, that ceremonies,
although they were profitable at the first, may grow by con-
5 tinuance to abuse, and be hurtful ; as the watching of men
and women together in the night at the graves of martyrs,
which St. Hierom did so highly commend, at length was
tried to be an occasion of much disorder and dissolute life.
Now if every particular church had not authority to abro-
logate such ceremonies, being hurtful, then should it follow,
that Christ, who is the head not only of the universal church,
but also of every particular church, had left the same church
destitute of necessary remedies to redress vice and sin.
For as for the general councils, they come together but
1 5 seldom. It was more than 300 years after Christ or the
Nicene council was called, which was the first general council
after the apostles time. And sith that time, by reason of
wars and troubles in the world, sometimes of a long space
together no general councils have been called. So that if
20 particular churches may not remove rites tending to sin or
idolatry, a great number of souls might perish before the
general councils come together. Which were a thing against
God s word : for St. Paul saith, God hath given no power to
destroy, but to edify.
25 Fifthly, Look what authority the seven several pastors
and churches in Asia had to reform the things that were
amiss among every of them, the same authority hath now
the several pastors and churches in all kingdoms and pro
vinces. For Aretas, bishop of Csesarea, and Primasius,
3oepiscopus Uticensis in Africa, upon the first chapter of the
Revelation of St. John, do teach, that the seven churches in
Asia do represent the multitude of the particular churches
scattered over the world. Also the Son of man, the uni
versal pastor and head over all churches, was shewed unto
36 John in a vision, present in every of the seven golden candle
sticks ; that is, in every several and particular church ; hold
ing in his right hand all and every the seven stars ; that is,
governing and defending all and every angel, messenger, and
pastor of the several churches.
76 The Protestants discourse [DOCUMENTS.
But every of the said seven pastors in Asia had authority
to reform all things that were amiss among them, as mani
festly appears by the seven several epistles, which Christ
commanded John to write, and to send unto them. There
fore every several pastor and church, in all kingdoms and 5
provinces, hath authority to reform such things as be amiss
among them.
Sixthly, If a particular church were bound to retain and
exercise, and might not abrogate and remove, evil and hurtful
rites and ceremonies, instituted by men, then were the same I0
church also bound to obey men more than God; who hath
commanded, by his apostle St. Paul, that all things should
be done in the church to edify. But no particular church is
bound to obey men more than God. Therefore a particular
church is not bound to retain, but may remove hurtful cere- i5
monies, instituted by men.
These few reasons we have brought out of the scriptures,
not because we have no more to allege, but partly because
we thought any one saying of Christ sufficient to persuade
any Christian man ; and partly, for that we know many men 20
nowadays stay themselves chiefly upon the decrees of old
councils, and the writings and judgments of the doctors and
fathers : and forasmuch as our adversaries will stand most
upon those grounds, we have thought it good to match
them with their own weapons, and in that field wherein they 2 5
think themselves best appointed. Wherefore, the rest of
our process shall stand upon the authority of the doctors,
and upon the examples and practice of ancient churches.
But first, we will allege a natural reason or two, and then
come to the authority of the doctors, and examples. 30
That the proposition is true, very natural reason would
suffice a man that would be ruled by reason. But reason
would that things should be restored by like order as they
fell in decay. But it is not likely that any ceremony, being
not wicked of itself, can grow to corruption and abuse in all 35
places throughout the world at one time, but must of force
have both his beginning and his proceeding, and so at length
overwhelm the whole. Wherefore, as the corruption is first
particular, so must there also be first a particular redress.
CHAPTER ii.] prepared upon the second question. 77
Yea, and if the abuse happen to be so great, that it over
run the whole body of the church, even very nature would
us to do as the good husband is wont to do. The husband,
saith St. Augustin, if he see his corn-field overgrown with
5 weeds, goeth not about by and by to weed out altogether,
but beginneth in one corner first, and so proceedeth to the
whole.
But some man perhaps will say, that the ceremonies of the
holy church are sanctified and privileged in such sort, that
10 they cannot be abused. But you must understand, that as
the nature of man is mutable and corrupt, even so all ordi
nances devised by men are subject to mutability, and ready
to receive corruption. And therefore albeit they were well,
and upon some godly zeal received at the beginning, yet
1 5 afterwards, by little and little, they fall to abuse.
The brazen serpent was set up by Moses for the people to
behold, that they might receive health. Afterwards it was
abused to idolatry. And therefore the good king Ezekias
pulled it down, and beat it to powder. And so ceremonies
20 sometimes are taken for things necessary to the worshipping
of God ; and of such Christ saith, " Frustra me colunt,
docentes doctrinas prsecepta hominum." And again, he
warneth his disciples to beware of the leaven of the scribes
and pharisees.
2,5 Sometimes they grow to such a number, that the multi
tude of them is intolerable. And therefore St. Augustin, in
his time, which was more than 1100 years ago, complaineth to
his friend Januarius, " Omnia, inquit, sunt plena humanis
prsesumptionibus ;"" All, saith he, is now full of men s pre-
30 sumptions. And he saith further, "That the Jews, being
under the law, and in servitude of ceremonies, were in far
better case than the Christians of his time. 1 1 And his reason
is, " Quia etsi illi tempus libertatis non agnoverint, legalibus
tamen sarcinis, non humanis prsesumptionibus servierint."
3 5 This is St. Augustin s reason, for the which he thinketh that
the Christians in his time were in worse taking for the
bondage of ceremonies, than ever were the Jews under the
shadow of the law. And we be such, you mark it well ;
for, saith he, notwithstanding the Jews knew not the time of
78 The Protestants discourse [DOCUMENTS.
liberty, yet they were captive, not as we are to metis pre
sumptions, (for so he calleth the inordinate number of cere
monies devised by men,) but unto the law of God.
Sometimes they are idle and dumb, and teach nothing ;
and are, as I might say, signs without signification. And 5
such are the most part of the ceremonies, which now so stiffly
are defended. For the most part of them are such as, I
will not say the poor lay people, or your ignorant priests,
but, if we may be so bold to speak it, you yourselves are not
able to give a reason for them. 10
And sometimes they are devised only for filthy lucre,
under a show of holiness to get money. And whether this
have been practised any time heretofore, we remit the matter
to any indifferent judge.
These many ways may ceremonies be abused. First, ifiS
they be taken as things pertaining to the worshipping of
God. Next, if they grow to an inordinate number. Thirdly,
if they teach nothing, nor no man can have understanding of
them. And to conclude, if they be invented for lucre s
sake, to get money. Now ceremonies thus used lack their 20
soul, as I might say, and are become dead: and therefore
there remaineth no more, but that they be had out of the
way, and buried.
There is as great a difference between a particular member
of a general council and the council, as between a particular 25
church and a general council. But in a general council, a
truth hath been revealed to a particular member, for the
edification of the church, which was hid from the whole
council. Unto the which truth and persuasion of the par
ticular member, the whole council gave place, as appearetli3o
in the council of Nice ; whereas was revealed unto Paphnu-
tius that which was hid from all the rest. Unto whose
persuasion, notwithstanding that he was but one particular
man, the whole council gave place, because they perceived it
to be for the edification of the church. Therefore the truth 35
of God, whereby things may be instituted, abrogated, or
changed, for the edification of the church, may be sometimes
revealed unto particular churches, which are hid from general
councils.
CHAPTER ii.] prepared upon the second question. 79
The apostles 1 successors had the same authority that the
apostles had. For that the adversaries grant; else under
what colour drive they men to obey the pope and his
decrees? But all bishops be the apostles 1 successors, and
Shave like power, as appeareth by St. Hierom, c which saith,
" Omnes episcopos apostolortim successores esse :" and by
Cyprian, who affirmeth that each one had the like authority ;
" Hoc utique, inquit, erant cseteri apostoli, quod fuit Petrus,
pari consortio praediti, et honoris et potestatis. 11 Therefore
10 all bishops have the same authority, which is, to dispose
things to edification ; as Paul saith, " Caetera, cum venero,
disponam. 11
And that the very particular churches had this liberty to
retain or to remove ceremonies, as it may seem good for
! 5 them, it may appear by an infinite number of examples, and
in manner by the continual course of the old church. For
thus writeth Irenseus of the order of Lenten-fast in his
time, as it is reported by Eusebius, " Neque de die tantum
disceptatio eat," &c. " Neither do they differ only about the
20 day, but also about the manner of their fasting. For some
think they should fast one day, some two days, and some
more. Some reckon their day of 40 (sic) hours long,
accounting altogether the hours of day and night." By this
it appeareth, that notwithstanding there was an order taken
26 for fasting, yet was it lawful for men to receive it or leave it,
as they listed; and that without breach of charity. For
Irenaeus straightway addeth these words, " Nihilo tamen
minus, 11 &c. " This notwithstanding, 11 saith Irenseus, (an
old father, that lived a thousand and four hundred years
30 ago,) " they kept peace and unity among themselves. And
so do we until this day. And the diversity of our fasting
setteth forth the more the agreeance of our faith. 11 Likewise
was there great diversity in keeping of Easter-day. For the
Latins kept it upon one day, after the tradition of St. Peter,
35 as they said ; and the churches of Asia kept it on another
day, after the tradition of St. John ; yet notwithstanding,
agreed in Christian peace and unity.
< Hier. ad Evagr.
80 The Protestants discourse [DOCUMENTS.
Socrates, in the fifth book and twenty-second chapter of
his history, prosecuteth this matter at large. And the
chapter were worthy to be recited whole, saving for shortness
of time a portion thereof only shall suffice. " Nusquam
igitur apostolus nee ipsa evangelia," Sec. " Neither the 5
apostle nor the gospels themselves do any where lay upon
them which come to preaching (of the gospel, he means) the
yoke of bondage. But every one in their own countries have
upon a certain custom, as they would themselves, kept the
feast of Easter, and other festival days, that they might cease 10
from labour, and remember the healthful passion, (he means,
of the Lord ;) neither hath our Saviour or the apostles by any
law commanded this to be observed of us ; neither do the
gospels or apostles threaten unto us any pain or punishment,
as Moses law did unto the Jews : but it is written in the i5
gospels only, after the manner of an history, in the repre
hension of the Jews, because they committed murder on the
festival days, and because Christ suffered in the time of
sweetbread. Wherefore the scope of the apostle was not
to make laws for holydays, but to bring in good life and 20
godliness. But it seemeth unto me that likewise, as many
other things in every place grew unto a custom, even so also
did the feast of Easter. Because none of the apostles, as I
have said, decreed any thing of the matter. That certain
things, even from the beginning, began to be observed in 25
every place rather by custom than by law, the matter itself
declareth. As in Asia the Less, many after the old custom
contemning the Saturday, observed the fourteenth day. And
they thus doing, did never strive with them which did keep
the feast of Easter otherwise, until Victor, bishop of Rome, 30
being too earnest, decreed, that the Quartodecimans should
be excommunicate. For the which deed, Irenseus, being
bishop of Lyons in France, wrote a sharp epistle unto
Victor, wherein he both reprehendeth his earnestness, and
also declareth that none of them which in old time
diversely celebrate the feast of Easter, were by any means
separated from the communion. And that Polycarpus, bishop
of Smyrna, (which in conclusion suffered martyrdom under
CHAPTER ii.] prepared upon the second question. 81
Gordianus,) did not eschew the communion of Anicetus,
bishop of Rome, nor did for the festival day^s sake fall out
with him ; although he, according to the custom of Eucha-
rius, bishop of Smyrna, did celebrate Easter the fourteenth
5 day ; as Eusebius saith in the fifth book of the Ecclesiastical
History."
And a little after ; " Eomani namque tres ante Pasca
septimanas," &c. " For the Romans do fast three weeks
together before Easter, except the Saturday and the Sunday.
10 The Illyrici, and all Hellada, and they of Alexandria, do fast
their fast six weeks before Easter, and call it Quadragesimam,
forty days fast, or Lent. But it is a marvel to me, how these
men, differing about the number of days, do call it by one
name of forty days fast. A man shall find some, which do
1 5 not only dissent about number of days, but also do not retain
one kind of abstinence. For some do utterly abstain from
things having life. Some, of those things which have life, eat
only fishes ; some, besides fishes, eat also birds, and say, after
Moses, they came of the waters. Some abstain both from
20 berries and eggs ; ^ some do eat only dry bread ; some not
that : some there be which, fasting to the ninth hour, do use
divers meats : in divers nations they fast diversely. Of which
there be innumerable causes. And because no man is able to
shew any written commandment of this matter, it is plain
25 that the apostles have left it free to every man s judgment
and will, lest any man should do a good thing either of fear or
necessity. Such is the diversity of fasts through the churches :
and about the communion is a much like diversity." And so
the author proceedeth in shewing certain diversities about
30 the ministration of the communion, baptism, marriage, and
other ecclesiastical observances.
Again, St. Augustin writeth unto Januarius, " Alii quotidie
communicant," &c. " Some," saith St. Augustin, " receive
the communion of the body and blood of Christ every day ;
35 some others upon certain days. Some there be that miss
no day without the oblation ; some other communicate
only upon the Saturday and Sunday, others only upon the
Sunday."
8 Tlie Protestants* discourse [DOCUMENTS.
" d Nunquid ergo cseteri apostoli prandere Christianos," &c.
" Did then the other apostles teach the Christians through
out the whole world to dine contrary to Peter? Like as
therefore Peter and his fellow-disciples lived in concord
among themselves, even so let them which fast on the 5
Saturday, and were planted by Peter, and those which dine
on Saturday, and were planted by his fellow-disciples, live
together in unity and concord."
And a little after, in the same place, " Sit ergo una fides,"
&c. " Therefore, let the faith of the universal church, which 10
is there spread abroad as inwardly in the inward parts be
one ; although the same unity of faith be kept with divers
rites or observations ; wherewith in no wise the truth in faith
is hindered. For all the beauty of the king s daughter is
inward. But those rites which are kept diversely, are under- l5
standed in his garment. Whereupon it is said to her, covered
round about with variety in the golden edge, or skirts of his
garments. But let that vesture also be so divers in variable
rites, that it be not torn in sunder with contentious dis
sensions."
Yet folio weth in the same place, " Si autem quoniam huic,"
&c. " But because I think for my part I have sufficiently
answered this, if thou wilt ask my judgment of this matter,
considering this in my mind, I see, that fasting of the
evangelists and apostles, and in the whole Testament, (which 25
is called the New Testament,) is commanded : but on what
days we must not fast, and on what days we must fast, I do
not find determined by the commandment of the Lord or the
apostles. And by this I judge, that liberty is more apt and
convenient, than constraint, of fasting ; although truly not 3
to the obtaining the righteousness which faith obtaineth;
wherein consisteth the beauty of the king s daughter in
wardly ; but yet to signify the eternal rest, which is the true
sabbath."
" e Non omnes quamvis ejusdem opinionis," &c. "All men, 35
though they were of one faith, yet observed they not in their
churches like traditions. Yea, they that had all one faith,
d De jejun. Sabbath. Augustin. ad Casulan. e Nicephor. lib. 12. cap. 34.
CHAPTER ii.] prepared upon the second question. 83
yet oft in the observation of usages they differed much.
Which thing was no hinderance to true godliness."
Likewise it is noted in the decrees of pope Stephen, and
alleged in Gratian, dist. 31. as followeth ; " Aliter se habet
5 orientalium ecclesiarum traditio," &c. " The tradition of the
east church is far otherwise than the tradition of this holy
church of Rome. For their priests, deacons, and subdeacons
are married : but in this church, none from a subdeacon unto
a bishop hath licence to marry a wife." And here is to be
10 marked, that pope Stephen took not the single life of priests
in the Latin church as a thing commanded by God, but only
as a tradition, and such a tradition as the Grecians lately
refused.
" Qusestio Augustini ad Gregorium fuit ista, Cum una sit
1 5 fides, cur sunt ecclesiarum diversse consuetudines ? et aliter
consuetude missarum in S. Romana ecclesia, atque aliter
in Galliarum ecclesiis tenetur ? Cui Gregorius respondit,
12. dist. cap. Novit fraternitas tua," &c. " Your brotherhood
knoweth the custom of the church of Rome, wherein you
20 have been trained up. But this way pleaseth me well, that
if you find any thing, whether it be in the church of Rome,
or in the church of France, or else in any other church, that
may more please God, that you diligently choose the same.
And forasmuch as the church of England is new in con-
25 stitution and in ceremonies, that you pour into it the best
ordinances that you can gather of many others. For we may
not love the things for the places, but the places for the
things. Wherefore, gather you out of every church such
things as be godly, religious, and right ; and the same, being
30 knit up as it were in a bundle, cause you to be put and to be
brought in ure in the church of England."
Here we may note, that Gregory, being then bishop of
Rome, would not drive other churches to the observations
of the ceremonies and rites of Rome ; but suffered each nation
35 quietly to retain and keep such orders as should be most
convenient for them.
Yea, Sozomenus writeth in his seventh book, " Eaedem
ceremonise non possunt," &c. " One kind of ceremonies
cannot be found in every church. 1
84 Tlie Protestants discourse [DOCUMENTS.
And moreover Socrates writeth in his fifth book, " Non
inveniuntur," &c. " You cannot find two churches, (saith
Socrates, writing of the order of the church in his time,)
that in rites and ceremonies agree together."
Likewise Theodoretus, upon the fourteenth chapter to the 5
Romans, entreating on these words, " Let every man abound
in his own sense, or judgment,"" writeth as followeth : " Non
enim hoc posuit generaliter," &c. " He hath not put this
generally, nor yet commandeth he to judge thus of God s
decrees. For he doth accurse them that go about to teach 10
any thing contrary unto the truth : If any man preach
unto you any other doctrine than that ye have received, let
him be accursed.
" And therefore only of meats he left to every man freedom
of his own mind. For this custom remaineth in the churches i5
until this day; and one chooseth abstinence, and another
eateth all kinds of meat without scruple of conscience. And
neither this man judgeth that man, nor the one reproveth
the other, but the law of concord and charity doth make
them notable." 20
And all this diversity rose of that, that it was lawful for
every particular church either to receive or to leave such
ordinances as were devised and thought good by other
churches. For if all places had been bound to one order,
then could never have been such diversity. 25
Now of this may we thus conclude ; that church that hath
liberty, whether it will receive a ceremony or no at the first,
may by the same liberty afterwards remove it, when it shall
be thought good. Yea, and a great deal more reasonable it
is to remove a ceremony, when it is corrupt and abused, than 30
at the first not to receive it, when it was incorrupted and
judged profitable. For as St. Augustin writeth to Januarius,
" Quod non est contra fidem," &c. that is, " Whatsoever is
not against faith and good manners, it is to be taken as a
thing indifferent." Now if it be to be taken for a thing 3 5
indifferent to keep or to refuse, when it is best, much more
reason it is to refuse, when it is corrupt and grown out of
kind.
For any thing, that cannot necessarily be gathered out of
CHAPTER ii.] prepared upon the second question. 85
the word of God, may be changed, as St. Cyprian writeth to
Pompeius; " Nihil innovetur, inquit, quod traditum." Oh!
said the adversary to St. Cyprian, " Nothing that is once
delivered us, may be altered." St. Cyprian makes answer,
5 " TJnde est ista traditio ?" " May it not be changed 2" saith
Cyprian. " Wherefore ? From whence came this tradition ?
Came it from the authority of the Lord and gospel, or from
the commandments and writings of the apostles 2" As if he
should say, If it came from the epistles of the apostles, or
jo the gospels, then it may not be changed ; if it came other
wise by the decrees of men, it may. And in another place
he saith, " Non est absurdum," &c. " It is not against
reason, that such things as have been received be changed
for the better."
1 5 For such is the nature of ceremonies, that as it is some
times profitable to receive them, so sometimes it is profitable
to put them away. And here we have to shew you the wise
answer of a gentleman and counsellor of the city of Athens,
named Theramenes. The Lacedaemonians, after they had
20 given the Athenians a great overthrow in the field, com
manded them to pull down the walls of the town, otherwise
they threatened them utter undoing. When this matter
came to deliberation in the council-house of Athens, Thera
menes gave counsel that the walls should be pulled down.
25 Straightway there stood up another gentleman ; And will
you, said he, give your assent to the pulling down of the
walls, that were builded up by the counsel of that worthy
man, and great captain, Themistocles? Yea, said Thera
menes : for Themistocles caused the walls to be builded for
30 the safeguard of the city ; and for the safeguard of the same
city, I give counsel to throw them down. Even so may we
answer by ceremonies : they were brought in at the first
for to profit the church ; but after they be once corrupted,
and do not that office for which they were invented, for the
30 profit of the same church they must be removed. And if
this be true of such ceremonies which at the first were
indifferent, much more it is to be thought of such ceremonies
that were never good nor indifferent, but were brought in in
the corrupt state of the church.
86 The Protestants discourse [DOCUMENTS.
And therefore St. Augustin hath a marvellous good saying,
writing ad Marcellinum, cap. 5. " Non itaque verum est,
quod dicitur," &c. " It is not true that some men say, that
such a thing as is once well done, may in no wise be altered.
For after the cause or occasion of time is changed, goods
reason requireth, that that be changed, which otherwise
before was well done. That whereas they say, it were not
well to have it changed ; contrariwise, the truth saith, it
were not well but it should be changed : for then shall both
be well, if that for the diversity of time they shall be divers." 10
Thus much for proofs out of the scripture and ancient
writers. Now remains to shew the same by example.
Basilius, being a bishop, took upon him to devise a several
form of prayers and ceremonies, to be used about the
administration of the communion ; and by the consent of his i5
church practised the same, without any authority of general
council. Chrysostom also did the like ; so that it beareth his
name until this day, and is called Liturgia Chrysostomi. If
particular bishops had authority to vary from other churches,
and to institute rites and ceremonies about the administra- 20
tion of the holy communion, which be ceremonies of most
weight, and most in controversy at this day ; how unreason
able is it to deny the like authority to a whole kingdom or
province, to the ordinary powers and learned of the same ?
Furthermore, the church of the ^Ethiopians, called Pres- 2 5
lyter Johannes land, have at this day their own ceremonies,
and that in the vulgar tongue.
Those churches that remain yet in the east parts differ,
and always have done, from the west churches in rites and
ceremonies. ~
Yea, and the west churches themselves vary one from
another.
There were in Gregory s time three canons or orders, to
minister the holy communion ; the canon of Ambrose, the
canon of Scholasticus, the canon of Gregory. ^5
At Rome, every Saturday was fasting-day. At Milan, St.
Ambrose and the whole church kept it no fasting-day. And
both St. Augustin and his mother, by St. Ambrose s advice,
when they came to Milan, did not fast Saturdays.
CHAPTER ii.] prepared upon the second question. 87
So that it may be reasonably gathered, that the old
council thought it a thing commodious for the church to have
variety in ceremonies, and to leave their churches at their
liberty to reform them when they grew to abuse. Otherwise
5 they would have decreed, that all churches should have had
like and the same ceremonies and rites ; which they never did.
Therefore such uniformity of rites and ceremonies as now
is seen in the popish churches, was not in the church when it
was most pure ; but was brought in after, when the bishop of
10 Rome had aspired to the unjust primacy : and so have been
continued rather for a public recognition of their subjection
to the monarchy of the see of Rome than for any edification.
For it is more profit for the church to have some diversity
of ceremonies in divers places, than to have all one ; for these
1 5 causes :
First, that the liberty of the church may remain ; that in
these indifferent things every particular church may abundare
in suo sensu, " abound in his own sense," as St. Paul writeth.
Secondarily, That ceremonies be not too much esteemed
20 of the simple, and so grow to be made equal with God s word.
As experience declareth, that great numbers make more
conscience of breach of an outward ceremony, than of one of
God s commandments. Such affection is termed of some
men devotion. But St. Augustin calleth such offence, con-
25 ceived upon such alteration of ceremonies, superstition.
But to proceed with more examples. Ambrose, according
to the example of Athanasius, who did the like at Alex
andria, did first institute the rite or ceremony of singing
Psalms at Milan, as St. Augustin reporteth in his Confession.
30 But where is authority to institute, there is also authority
to abrogate. That is true, will some say, when it is made
by his own authority. Nay also, when it is established by a
more general consent, if the practice declare it hurtful, as by
the examples following.
35 Nectarius, bishop of Constantinople, did abrogate and
remove the office of the penitentiary and auricular confes
sion ; which was a constitution almost generally received, and
remained still at Rome, notwithstanding his abrogation of it.
And that he did well in it, it may be proved by two reasons.
G 4
88 The Protestants discourse [DOCUMENTS.
1. That Sozomenus writing the history, saith, that "fere
omnes episcopi eura sunt secuti ;" " almost all bishops fol
lowed his example." Where is to be noted by the way, that
particular reformations do much good, and provoke others
to follow. 5
2. The second reason is, that St. John Chrysostom suc
ceeding Nectarius did not restore that rite of confession
again : for it remained abrogated in Sozomenus^s days, who
lived after Chrysostom. And it is not to be thought but
Chrysostom would have restored it, if it had been unorderly 10
removed. So that this example of Nectarius, and the parti
cular church of Constantinople, abrogating a general consent
upon just causes of abuse, approved by the imitation of so
many bishops, and especially of the notable father St. John
Chrysostom his successor, is a most plain declaration, that i5
particular churches may abrogate abused rites and cere
monies, although they have been instituted by a more general
authority.
Likewise in St. Augustin s time, as appeareth in his Con
fessions^ there was an ordinance in Afric, and elsewhere, 20
that meat, bread, and wine should be brought to the place
of meetings at the memories of martyrs. Which ordinance
St. Ambrose did abrogate ; and the reason is there declared
in these words ; u Ne ulla occasio se ingurgitandi daretur,"
&c. " Lest any occasion should be given to drunkards, to 25
overcharge themselves with drink:" and also, because that
observance was most like to the superstition of the heathen,
who kept parentalia, burial feasts for their dead parents.
Here, beside that Ambrose, one man, abrogated a common
rite, let this also be marked, that the common reason used of 30
men nowadays took no place with this ancient father ; which
is, Take away the abuse, and let the thing remain. But St.
Ambrose took away the abuse by removing the thing.
Moreover, the common watchings, or wakes, of men and
women at the martyrs 1 graves, which St. Hierom so highly 35
commends, and doth most sharply inveigh against Vigilan-
tius, who wrote against the said wakes, calling Vigilantius his
f Lib. 6. cap. 2.
CHAPTER ii. j prepared upon the second question. 89
assertion an heresy, was afterwards abrogated and rejected.
And of such kind of wakes there is a canon in a particular
council holden in Spain, called Concilium Elilerenum, in the
35th chap, with these words, " Placuit prohiberi ne fseminse
5 in coemiterio pervigilent," &c. " It hath pleased us to forbid,
that women should wake the night through in the burial
place; because that oftentimes, under pretence of prayer,
heinous offences be secretly committed. 1
Moreover, the late experience within this our country doth
10 declare, that the abrogation of many ceremonies established
by general authority is lawful and profitable. For in the
time of king Henry VIII. of famous memory, many super
stitious observations and idolatrous rites were abolished ; and
that by consent of many of them which now are, and of late
1 5 have been, adversaries ; as pilgrimage, stations, pardons,
many superstitious opinions of purgatory, holy water, of
masses for cattle, and scala cceli, innumerable lies out of the
church legends of feigned miracles, and saints lives. All
which things were once established by catholic authority, as
20 they term it, and in other regions are yet maintained under
the same colour, and the gainsayers accounted by the see of
Home and her patrons, heretics. Which things are so gross,
that they need no confutation.
And in this late time, as appeareth, they were ashamed to
25 restore the same. Wherefore it is no inconvenience, that
unprofitable and superstitious rites be abrogated and removed,
by the authority of a particular church.
And because we are entered into this matter, it shall not
be amiss to make rehearsal of a few, among a great many,
30 of their vain superstitious fables, which have been in times
past propounded to the people for wholesome doctrine.
In the Festival, (a book, as it is in the prologue, gathered
out of Legenda aurea, for curates that lack books and cun
ning,) in the sermon of Corpus Christi day, it is written, that
3 5 a man hath nine commodities by hearing of mass. One is,
that he shall not that day lose his sight. Another, all idle
oaths that day shall be forgiven him. Another, he shall die
no sudden death. Another, so long as he heareth mass, he
90 The Protestants discourse [DOCUMENTS.
shall not wax old ; and his good angel reckons his steps to
and fro the church, to his salvation. It were too long to
reckon them all ; let this be enough for a taste.
In the said book, in the sermon on All Souls day, there is
a narration of a priest, which was suspended of his bishop, 5
because he could say none other mass, but mass of requiem s.
One day the dead bodies rose, and came about the bishop,
for taking away their chaplain from them. And so he was
restored to his office.
In the sermon on Candlemas-day, there is also an history 10
of a woman, which never did good deed, but only that she
had continually kept a candle before our lady: after her
death, by the appointment of our lady, a candle was kept
burning before her in hell, which the devils could not abide ;
and by reason thereof she was restored to life, and became i5
a good woman.
What occasion of dissolute life and sin may be ministered
to simple people by these and an infinite number of such
like fables, it is easy to perceive.
But the answer will be, these books were never allowed 20
by public authority. Well, these books were openly printed,
and within memory of men commonly credited, and yet be
of some. And in these late days, there hath been much
preaching against reading the scriptures in the vulgar tongue,
who hath heard any great invection against such books ? And 25
strait inquisition hath been of English Bibles and Testaments
to be burned ; whether the like diligence hath been used for
abolishing these, let all men judge.
But to return again to the proofs by ancient examples,
that particular churches may alter and institute ceremonies. 30
In all times there hath been provincial councils holden.
Which were in vain, if they might not allow the good, and
reject the evil. Particular and provincial councils have always
had authority to reject and condemn wicked doctrine; and
by that means many heresies have been suppressed without 3 s
general councils.
In the provincial council of Gangra, divers wicked opinions
g Which was for the dead.
CHAPTER ii.] prepared upon the second question. 91
against the Christian liberty for marriage, for eating of
meats, for bondmen that would not obey their masters under
pretence of Christian religion, were condemned.
The heresy of Pelagius was condemned in divers pro-
5 vincial synods in Afric before it was condemned by any
general council. But doctrine is a matter of more weight
than rites and ceremonies. And so provincial synods having
authority of the more, have also of the less.
And to be short, three hundred years after the apostles 1
TO time, there were no general councils, and the church well
governed all that time, every province ruling their own
churches according to the scriptures, only with the help of
provincial councils.
The fathers of the sixth council of Carthage, writing to
1 5 the bishop of Rome, who would have intermeddled with their
matters in Afric, have a notable sentence for this purpose.
" The Council of Nice," say they, " perceived most justly
and wisely, that all controversies ought to be ended there
where they first began, and the grace of the Holy Ghost
20 shall not be wanting to any particular province." The words
be these : " Prudentissime enim justissimeque viderunt, quse-
cunque negotia in suis locis ubi orta sunt finienda ; nee
unicuique provincise gratiam S. Spiritus defuturam."
Moreover, testimonies of the scriptures and doctors may
25 be brought, and many more examples of the ancient churches,
for further confirmation hereof. But for this time we have
thought this sufficient. Hereafter, as cause shall be moved,
we shall have occasion to say more. In the mean season, by
these proofs, that we have here shortly alleged, we doubt
30 not but it may appear to the indifferent hearer, that a par
ticular church hath authority to make or change, and remove
and abolish ceremonies in such sort as may be most for the
edifying of God s people.
We are not ignorant what may be objected against this
35 assertion. As namely, concerning the authority of general
councils. But because that matter requireth a long tract,
we will in our answer to the reasons on the other part, by
God s grace, declare by sufficient authority, in what points
92 The Protestants discourse Sfc. [DOCUMENTS.
general councils (whose authority we acknowledge with St.
Augustin to be right wholesome in the church) are to be
universally holden, and in what points they are not.
Again, where they allege continuance of time and their
possession in the church, let this be for this time shortly 5
answered ; they should first prove their things true, and then
allege time. For against the eternal truth of God s word no
continuance of time can make prescription ; as St. Cyprian
saith, " Consuetudo sine veritate est vetustas erroris ;" " Cus
tom without truth is an ancient error." 10
And as for their possession in the church, seeing it is also
a long matter, and no orderly kind of disputation, that they
should bring in one matter in controversy to prove another,
that matter shall for this present be referred to this issue ;
If they be not able to prove that the bishop of Rome is the i5
head of the universal church of Christ, and under his obe
dience all Christians ought to live, under pain of damnation ;
and that neither by decrees of general councils, neither by
consent of princes, but by the authority of scriptures, and
by the word of God, (for by that title of God s word the pope 20
claimeth his supremacy ;) if they be not able to prove that,
I say, which they shall never do, as it hath been often proved
in this realm, and elsewhere ; then is the authority of their
church nothing, and their possession unjust.
These and other objections shall be by God s grace 25
answered more at large, when the contrary book shall be
exhibited.
The God of peace and consolation give us grace to be
like minded one towards another in Christ Jesus, that we
all agreeing together, may with one mouth praise God the 30
father of our Lord Jesus Christ.
CHAPTER ii.l Richard Cox to Wolfgang Weidner.
VI.
Richard Cox to Wolfgang Weidner, at Wormes, concerning the
same subject with the former; with an account of the dispu
tation at Westminster.
Viro eximio, eruditione et pietate insignito, D. D. Wolfgango
5 Weidnero Wormaciensi, amico meo olservandissimo,
Wormacise.
CUM Wormacia discederem, venerande senex, et frater
in Christo plurimum observande, semper apud me decrevi
ad te scribere, certioremque te facere tandem aliquando de
10 rerum nostrarum statu et conditione ; quod te audire non
ingratum esse existimavi, propter ardentem sincerumque
zelum, quo indies afficeris erga Christi Jesu evangelium.
Coactus sum hactenus, fateor, invitus silere, ne parum tibi
grata referrem. Sub ssevo Marise imperio ita crevit invaluit-
i5 que papismus ad quinquennium tantum, ut incredibile fuerit
quantopere pectora papistarum obduruerint ; adeo ut non
sine magna difficultate pientissima nostra regina una cum
suis, qui a veritate strenue steterunt, sincerse Christi religioni
locum obtinere potuerint. Restiterunt in summo nostro
2oconcilio, (quod parlamentum Gallico vocabulo appellamus,)
pontifices, scribse et pharissei. Et, quia eo loci paucos
habebant, qui contra vel hiscere possent, vincere perpetuo
videbantur. Interim nos, pusillus grex, qui apud vos in
Germania hoc quinquennio, Dei beneficio, latuimus, in sug-
25gestis, maxime coram regina nostra Elizabetha, contra
intonamus ; pontificem Romanum vere Antichristum, et
traditiones pro maxima sui parte meras esse blasphemias.
Tandem paulatim resipiscere ceperunt ex nobilibus multi,
94 Richard Cox to Wolfgang Weidner, [DOCUMENTS.
ex plebe innumeri, ex clero prorsus nullus. Immotus enim
stat clerus totus,
" Tanquam dura silex, aut stet Marpesia cautes/
ut poeta canit. Denique hue est res perducta, ut octo ex
ipsorum antesignanis, seu episcopi, seu ex doctis selectissimi, 5
cum oeto nostrum abjectorum scilicet atque profugorum, de
quibusdam religionis capitibus dissererent. Et ut vitaretur
verborum pugna, scriptis agi constitutum est. Statuta est
dies. Adsumus omnes. Adsunt reginse consiliarii. Adest
tota fere nobilitas. Decretum est, ut ipsi primum de I0
controversiis sententiam suam proponant. Unusquispiam
illorum nomine, tanquam Goliath contra Davidem, sua
venditat, propugnat, et argumentis irrefragabilibus (ut vide-
batur) confirmat, sibique plaudit, tanquam jam victor
evadens. Respondit nostrum unus veritate fretus, non i5
ampullis verborum, in timore Domini, non in doctrinse
venditatione. Finita responsione, incredibilis mox audien-
tium applausus excitatus est, non sine magna adversariorum
perturbatione et confusione. Venit alter dies simili tractationi
destinatus. Rogantur adversarii nostri a consultationis 20
prseside h , ut eo ordine progrederentur, quo decretum antea
fuerat ; nimirum ut ipsi primum inciperent in altera con-
troversia sua sententiam dicere, nosque sequeremur. Illi
vero contra contendunt, territi scilicet primi diei successu
parum prospero : clamitantque iniquum esse, ut ipsi primum 25
dicere incipiant, cum ipsi jam tot annis perstiterint in pos-
sessione catholicae ecclesiae. Si quid habeamus contra ipsos,
proferamus nos, ut ipsi pro sua autoritate nos refutent, atque
compescant tanquam filios degeneres, ut qui ab ecclesiae
unitate jam diu exciderimus. Gratia Christo Domino nostro ; 30
dum illi mandato obsistunt, merito coercentur, et sua causa
cadunt. Itaque stabilitur apud nos, per omnia regni loca,
sincera Christi religio, eadem prorsus ratione, qua sub
Edwardo olim nostro, beatissimae memorise, promulgata erat.
Haec pauca 1 , sed certa, visum est ad te scribere, quern scioaS
nostra solide gaudere gaudia, ut nobiscum gratias Domino
h D. sell, custode sigilli magni.
CHAPTER ii.] at Wormes. 95
Deo nostro agas, qui nos in ista humiliatione et cruce, vere
paterna sua commiscratione respexit et consolatus est. Det
ipse ut tanta et incredibilia ejus beneficia e mentibus nostris
nunquam elabantur. Gratam rem fecerit tua humanitas, si
5 ista D. Jacobo Cornicio, medico, et Vespasiano Fitich, amicis
meis summis communicare dignetur.
Jamjam aggredimur septa papistica disrumpere atque
dissipare, et vineam Domini felicibus auspiciis restaurare.
Jam sumus in opere ; at messis multa, operarii pauci.
loRogemus Dominum, ut mittat operarios in messem. Hsec
paucula habeo tibi pro officio in te meo impertiri. Dominus
Jesus te sospitet, pietatemque tuam servet augeatque ad ulti-
mum usque spiritus halitum. Londini in Anglia, 20 Maii,
Tui studiosissimus, Rich. Coxus.
VII.
A letter of JeweWs to Peter Martyr, concerning the disputation
with the Papists at Westminster.
Jo, Juettus ad P. Martyrem.
S. P.
1 5 DE illis disputationibus inter nos, et episcopos, quas proxi-
mis literis scripsi indictas fuisse in ante calendas Aprilis quid
factum sit, paucis accipe. Sic enim visum est continuare
orationem sine prooemio. Primum ergo, ut omnis causa jur-
giorum et otiosae contentionis tolleretur, senatus decrevit, ut
aoomnia utrinque de scripto legerentur, et ita describerentur
tempora, ut primo die assertiones tantum utrinque nudse pro-
ponerentur : proximo autem conventu, ut nos illis respon-
deremus, et illi vicissim nobis. Pridie ergo kal. April, cum
magna expectatione, majori credo frequentia convenissemus
25 Westmonasterii, episcopi, pro sua fide, nee scripti, nee picti
96 A letter of Jewell s [DOCUMENTS.
quicquam attulerunt, quod dicerent, se non satis temporis
habuisse ad res tantas cogitandas : cum tamen habuissent
plus minus decem dies, et interea copias auxiliares Oxonio et
Cantabrigia, et undique ex omnibus angulis contraxissent.
Tamen ne tot viri viderentur frustra convenisse, D. Corns 5
subornatus ab aliis venit in medium, qui de prima qusestione,
hoc est, de peregrina lingua, unus omnium nomine peroraret.
Ille vero cum omnibus nos contumeliis et convitiis indignis-
sime excepisset, et omnium seditionum authores et faces
appellasset, et supplosione pedum, projectione brachiorum, 10
inflexione laterum, crepitu digitorum, modo dejectione modo
sublatione superciliorum, (nosti enim hominis vultum et
modestiam) sese omnes in partes et formas convertisset, hue
postremo evasit, ut diceret, Angliam ante mille trecentos
annos recepisse evangelium. Et quibus, inquit, literis, quibus i5
annalibus, quibus monumentis constare potest, preces turn
publicas in Anglia habitas, fuisse Anglice. Postea cum in
illo circulo sese satis jamdiu jactavisset, adjecit serio, et vero
vultu, atque etiam admonuit, ut omnes hoc tanquam quiddam
de dictis melioribus diligenter attenderent, atque annotarent, 2 o
apostolos ab initio ita inter sese distribuisse operas, ut alii
orientis ecclesias instituerent, alii occidentis. Itaque Petrum
et Paulum, in Romana ecclesia, quse totam prope Europam
contineret, omnia Romano sermone, hoc est, Latine docuisse.
Reliquos apostolos in oriente, nullo unquam alio sermone usus 25
fuisse, nisi Grseco. Tu fortasse ista rides: atqui ego ne-
minem audivi unquam, qui solennius et magistrates insaniret.
Si adfuisset Julius noster, centies exclamasset, Poll I korson
knave. Verum ille, inter alia, nihil veritus est, mysteria ipsa
et penetralia, atque adyta prodere religionis suse. Non enim 30
dubitavit graviter et serio monere, etiamsi alia omnia maxiine
conveniunt, tamen non expedire, ut populus, quid in sacris
ageretur, intelligat. Ignorantia enim, inquit, mater est verse
pietatis, quam ille appellavit devotionem. O mystica sacra,
atque opertanea bonse dese ! Quid tu me putas interim de ^5
Cotta pontifice cogitasse ? Hoc videlicet illud est, in spiritu
et veritate adorare. Mitto alia. Cum ille jam calumniando,
convitiando, mentiendo magnain partem illius temporis, quod
nobis ad disputandum datum erat, exemisset ; nos postremo
CHAPTER ii.] to Peter Martyr. 97
nostra pronunciavimus de scripto, ita modeste, ut rem tantuni
ipsam diceremus, nihil autem Isederemus adversarium, pos-
tremo ita dimissa est disputatio, ut vix quisquam esset in
toto illo conventu, ne comes quidem Salopiensis, quin victo-
5 riam illius diei adjudicaret nobis. Postea inita est ratio, ut
proximo die lunae, de secunda quaestione eodem modo di
ceremus ; utque die Mercurii, nos illorum primi diei argu-
mentis responderemus, et illi vicissim nostris.
Die lunse, cum frequens multitudo ex omni nobilitate
10 cupidissima audiendi convenisset, episcopi, nescio pudorene
superioris diei, an desperatione victorise, primum tergiversari,
habere se quod dicerent de prima qusestione, nee oportere
rem sic abire. Responsum est a senatu, Si quid haberent,
id tertio post die, prout ab initio convenerat, audiri posse :
1 5 nunc hoc potius agerent, neve turbarent ordinem. Dejecti de
hoc gradu tamen hue evaserunt, si dicendum omnino sit, nolle
se priores dicere ; se enim in possessione constitisse : nos, si
quid vellemus, priori loco experiremur. Magnam enim se
facturos injuriam causse suse, si paterentur, nos posteriores
2odiscedere cum applausu populi, et aculeos orationis nostrsD
recentes in auditorum animis relinquere. Senatus contra,
Hanc ab initio institutam fuisse rationem, ut illi, quod digni-
tate priores essent, priori etiam loco dicerent ; nee earn nunc
mutari posse. Mirari vero se, quid hoc sit mysterii, cum
2 5 omnino necesse sit, alterutros priores dicere ; alioqui enim
nihil posse diei : et prsesertim, cum Colus in primis disputa-
tionibus etiam injussus, ultro prior ad dicendum prosiluerit.
Postremo, cum altercationibus magna pars temporis extracta
esset, nee episcopi ullo pacto concedere vellent de secundo
30 loco, ad extremum sine disputatione discessum est. Ea vero
res, incredibile dictu est, quantum imminuerit opinionem
populi de episcopis : omnes enim cseperunt jam suspicari,
quod nihil dicere voluissent, ne potuisse quidem illos quic-
quam dicere. Postero die, Vitus Vintoniensis, amicus tuus,
3.5 et Vatsonus Lincolniensis, de tarn aperto contemptu et con-
tumacia, damnati sunt ad turrirn : ibi nunc castrametantur,
et ex infirmis prsemissis concludunt fortiter. Reliqui jubentur
quotidie, prsesto esse in aula, et expectare quid de illis
senatus velit decernere. Habes tvTtviv dreAf/ et pene avtv-
98 Dr. Fecknam s oration [DOCUMENTS.
TZVKTOV, quam tamen, quo melius rem omnem intelligeres,
descripsi pluribus, fortasse, quam oportuit. Bene vale, mi
pater, decus meum, atque etiam animi dimidium mei. Si
quid est apud vos novarum rerum hoc tempore, id malo esse
proximarum literarum argumentum. Saluta plurimum, meo 5
nomine, venerandum ilium virum, et mini in Christo dominum
colendissimum, D. Bullingerum, D. Gualterum, D. Simlerum,
D. Lavaterum, D. Wolphium, D. Gesnerum, D. Hallerum,
D. Frisium, I). Hermannum, et Julium tuum meumque.
Nostri omnes te salutant, et tibi omnia cupiunt. Londini, 10
6. April. 1559. Jo. Juellus tuus.
Post-scripf
1st re sunt secunclse, quas ad te scribo, ex quo redii in Angliam,
INSCRIPTIO.
I). Petro Martyri, professori sacrce tlieo- i5
logics in ecclesia Tigurina, viro doctis-
simo, et domino suo in Christo colen-
dissimo. Tiguri.
VIII.
The oration of the reverend father in God Mr. Dr. Fecknam, 20
abbott of Westminster, in the parliament-howse, 1559, against
the bittfor the Liturgy.
HONOURABLE and my very good lordes ; having at this
present two sundry kindes of religion here propounded and
set forthe before you, and your honours being allready in pos- 25
session of th one of them, and your fathers before you, for the
space of 14 hundrethe yeres past here in this realme, lyke as
I shall hereafter prove unto you ; the other religion is here
set forth in a booke to be receyved and establisshed by
th aucthoritie of this high courte of parliament, and to take 3
his effecte here in this realme at Mydsomar nexte corny nge.
And vou bcinge (as I knowe right well) dissirous to have some
CHAPTER ii.] against the Bill for the Liturgy. 99
perfect and sure knowledge, which of both these religions is
the better, and most worthy to be establisshhed here in this
realme, and to be preferred before the other ; I shall for my
part, and for the discharge of my dewtie, first unto God,
5 secondly unto our soveraigne lady the queue s highness,
thirdly unto your honours, and to the whole commons of this
realme, here sette forthe, and expresse unto you, three brief
rules and lessons, wherby your honours shalbe able to putte
difference betwixt the true religion of God and the counter -
lofeyte, and therin never to be deceyved. The first of these
three rules or lessons is, that in this your search and tryall
making, your honours must observe, which of them bothe
hathe ben most observed in the churche of Christ of all men,
and at all tymes and seasons, and in all places. The second,
i5 which of them bothe is of it self the more staid religion, and
allwayes forth one and agreeable with it self. The third and
last rule to be considered of your wisdoms is, which of these
religions dothe brede the more humble and obedient subjects,
first unto God, second to our soveraigne ladie the queue s
20 highness, and all superiour powers.
Concerninge the first rule and lesson, it cannot be truly
affirmed or yet thought of any man, that this new religion,
here nowe to be sett forthe in this booke, hathe not bene ob
served in Christ s churche of all Christian men, at all tymes
25 and in all places ; when the religion expressed in this book
hathe ben observed only here in this realme, and that for a
shorte tyme, as not muche passing the space of two yeres,
and that in king Edward the 6th dayes : whereas the re
ligion, and the very same maner of servinge and honoringe
30 of God, of the which you are at this present in possession, did
begin here in this realme 1400 yeres past in kinge Lucius s
dayes, the first Christian kinge here in this realme ; by whose .
humble letters sent unto the pope Eleutherius, he did send
into this realme two holye monkes, the one called Damianus,
36 and th other Faganus : and they, as embassadors sent from
the sea apostolike of Borne, did bringe into this realme so
many yeres past the very same religion wherof we are now in
possession ; and that in the Latin tonge, like as Gildas the
ancyent historiographer of the Brittan-stories witnessethe in
100 Dr. Fecknam s oration [DOCUMENTS.
the beginynge and prologue of his booke. And the same re
ligion so longe ago begune, hath been observed ever sythence
here in this realme, not onely of th inhabytaunce therof, but
also generally of all Christian men, and in all places of Chris
tendom, untill the late daies of kinge Edward the 6th, as is 5
aforesaid. Wherby it appearethe unto all men that lyst to
see, howe that by this first rule and lesson the auncyent reli
gion and manner of servinge of God (wherof we are allreddye
in possession) is the very true and perfect religion, and of God.
Towchinge the second rule and lesson of tryall and proba- 10
tion, whether of bothe these religions is the better and most
worthy observation here in this realme, is this, that your
honours must observe which of them bothe is the more stayed
religion, and allwayes forthe one, and agreeable with it self.
And that this new religion, here now to be set forthe in this X 5
booke, is no stayed religion, nor allwayes forth one, nor
agreeable with it self, who seeth not ; when in the late prac
tise therof in kinge Edward the 6th dayes, howe changeable
and variable was it unto it self? Every other yere havinge a
newe booke devysed therof; and every booke beinge sette 2 o
furthe (as they professed) accordinge to the sincere word of
God, never an one of them did in all pointes agree with the
other : the firste booke affirminge the seven sacraments, and
the reall presence 1 of Christens body in the holy euchariste,
the other denyinge the same ; throne booke did admit the 2 5
reall presence of Christens body in the sacrament to be re-
ceyved in one kinde, with kneeling downe, and great reve
rence, and that in unleavned bread ; th other booke would
have the communyon receyved in bothe the kindes, and that
in leaven bread sitting, without any reverence, but only to the 30
bodye of Christe which is in heaven. And the thinge most
worthy to be observid of your honours is, howe that every
booke made a shewe to be set furthe accordinge to the syn-
cere word of God, and not one of them did agree with
another. And what great marvell, I praye you, when the 35
awthors and devisers of the same bookes coulde not agree
i This is utterly false, as may be seen in that first book, called The Order of
the Communion, in bishop Sparrow s Collections. STRYPE.
CHAPTER ii.] against the Bill for the Liturgy. 101
amongest themselves, nor yet any one man of them myght
there be founde that did longe agree with himself? And
for proofe therof, I shall firste begyne with the Germayne
wryters, the cheffe schoolemasters and instructors of our
5 countreymen in all these novelties.
I do read, in an epistle which Philippe Melancthon did
write unto one Frederico Miconio, howe that one Carolosta-
dius was the first mover and begynner of this late sedition in
Germany, towchinge the sacrament of th altar, and the denyal
i oof Chryst s real presence in the same. And when he should
come to interpret those wordes of our Saviour Chryste ;
" Accepit panem, benedixit, dedit discipulis suis, dicens,
Accipite, et comedite, hoc est corpus meum, quod pro vobis
tradetur ; Digito," inquit, " ille, monstrabat visibile suum
1 5 corpus." By which interpretation of Carolostadius, Chryste
shoulde with the one hand give unto his disciples bread for
to eat, and with the other hand pointe unto his visible bodye
that was ther present, and say, " This is my bodye, which
shall be betrayed for you." Martyn Luther, muche offended
20 with this foolish exposition, made by Carolostadius, of these
words of Chryste, " Hoc est corpus meum," he geveth another
sense ; and saithe, that " Germanus sensus verborum Christ! "
was this, " Per hunc panem, vel cum isto pane, en ! do vobis
corpus meum." Zwinglius, findinge muche faulte with this in-
25 terpretation of Martyn Luther, writeth, that Luther therin was
deceyved ; and how that in these wordes of Chryst, " Hoc est
corpus meum," this verbe substanty ve est must be taken for sig-
nificat^ and this word corpus, " quod pro vobis tradetur," must
be taken profigum corporis. So that the true sense of these
30 wordes of Chryst, " Hoc est corpus meum," by Zwinglius s
supposal, is, " Hoc significat corpus meum, vel est figura
corporis mei." Peter Martyr, beinge of late here in this
realme, in his booke by him set furthe, of the disputation
which he had in Oxenforde, with the learned students ther,
35 of this matter, he gevith another sense of these wordes of
Chryst, contrarye to all the reste, and ther saythe, " Quod
Christus accipiens panem dixit, Hoc est corpus meum,"*
quasi diceret, corpus meum fide perceptum erit vobis pro
pane, vel instar panis." Of whose sense the Englishe is this,
Dr. Fecknanis oration [DOCUMENTS.
that Ckrysfs bodye received by faithe, shall be unto the receivers
as bread, or instead of bread.
But here, to ceasse any further to speake of these Ger-
mayne wryters, I shall drawe now near home, as unto doctor
Cranmer, late archbyshoppe of Canterburye in this realme ; 5
howe contrary was he unto hymself in this matter ? When
in one yeare he did set furthe a catechisme in the Englishe
tongue, and dedicated the same book to kinge Edward the
Sixth, wherin he doth most constantly affirme and defend the
real presence of Chryst s bodye in the holie euchariste ; and 10
very shortely after he did set furthe another booke, wherin
he did most shamefullie denye the same, falsifinge bothe the
scriptures and doctors, to no small admiration of all the
learned readers. Dr. Kidleye, the notablest learned of that
opinion within this realme, did set furthe at Paul s Crosse i5
the real presence of Chryst s body in the sacrament, with
these wordes, which I heard beynge ther present. " How
that the Devil did beleve that the Sonne of God was able to
make of stones bread ; and we Englishe people, which do
confess that Jesus Chryst was the very Sonne of God, yet 20
will not beleve that he did make of bread his verye bodye,
fleashe and blood. Therefore we are worse than the Devil ;
seying that our Saviour Chryste, by expresse wordes, he doth
most plainlie affirme the same, when at his last supper he
tooke the bread, and said unto his disciples, Take, eat, this 25
is my bodye, which shall be geven for you. r And shortely
after, the said doctor Eidleye, notwithstandinge this most
plaine and open speeche at Paul s Crosse, did deny the same.
And in the last book that doctor Cranmer and his complices
did set furthe of the communion, in kinge Edward s dayes, 30
these plaine wordes of Chryst, " Hoc est corpus meum," did
so encomber them, and troubled their wittes, that they did
in the same last booke leave out this verbe substantive est l ;
and made the sense of Chryst s wordes to be there Englished,
" Take, eat this my body," and left out there this is my bodye; 36
which thinge beinge espyed by others, and great faulte founde
withal, then they were faine to patche uppe the matter with
a little piece of paper clappid over the foresaid wordes^
1 Tliis very probably was no more but an error of the printer. STRYPE.
CHAPTER n.] against the Bill for the Liturgy. 103
wherin was writtyn this verbe substantive est. The dealinge
thereof beinge so uncertaine, bothe by the Germayne and
Englishe writers, and one of them against another, your
honours maye be well assured, that this religion, which by
5 them is set fourthe, can be no constant nor stayede religion,
and therfore of your honours not to be receyved ; but great
wisdome it were for your honours to refuse the same, untyll
you shall perceyve more better agreement amongest the
awthors and setters furthe thereof.
10 Towchinge the thirde and laste rule of tryall makinge,
and puttinge of difference between religions, it is to be con-
sidered of your honours which of them bothe dothe brede the
more obedyent, humble, and better subjects ; firste and
cheffelye unto God ; second unto our soveregne ladye the
1 5 queue s highness, and to all other superior powers. And for
some tryall and probation herof, I shall dissier your honours
to consider the sudayne mutation of the subjects of this
realme, sythence the deathe of good queue Marye, onely
caused in them by the preachers of this newe religion : when
20 in queue Marye s daies your honours do know right well,
howe the people of this realme did live in an order ; and woldo
not runne before lawes, nor openlye disobey the queue s high-
ness s proclamations. There was no spoyling of churches,
plucking downe of aultars, and most blasphemously tredinge
25 of sacrament under their feet, and hanging up of the knave of
clubs in the place therof. There was no scotchinge or cut-
tinge of the faces, legs and arms of the crucifix and the
images of Christ. There was no open flesh eatinge, nor
shambles kepeinge, in Lent and daies prohibitid. The sub-
30 jects of this realme, and in especial the nobilitye, and suche
as were of her honourable councell, did in queue Mary s daies
knowe the waye unto the churches and chappels, there to
begyne their daies worke, with callinge for helpe and grace,
by humble prayers, and servinge of God. And nowe,
3-5 sithence the comynge and reigne of our most soveraigne and
dear lady quene Elizabeth, by the onely preachers and scaf
fold players of this newe religion, all thinges are changed and
turned upsidowne, notwithstandinge the quene s highness
most godly proclamations made to the contrarye, and her
H 4
101 Dr. Fecknam s oration, fyc. [DOCUMENTS.
most vertuous example of lyvinge, sufficyent to move the
hearts of all obedyent subjects unto the due service and ho
nour of God. But obedyence is gone, humylitie and mekeness
clean abolyshed, vertuous chastity and straight livinge, as
thoughe they had never ben heard of in this realme ; all 5
degrees and kindes of men beyngo desirous of fleshely and
carnall lybertie, wherby the yong springalls and children are
degennerate from their naturall fathers, the servants con
tempt or s of their masters commandments, the subjects dis-
obedyent unto God and all superior powers. 10
And therfore, honourable and my very good lordes, of my
parte to mynnyster some occasion unto your honours to avoid
and expell owte of this realme this newe religion, whose fruites
are already so manifestly knowen to be, as I have repetid ;
and to perswade your honours, as muche as in me lyethe, to i5
persevere and continue the same religion, wherof you are in
possession, and have allredye made profession of the same
unto God; I shall rehearse unto you foure things, wherby
the holie doctor St. Augustine was contynued in the catho-
licke faith and religion of Christe, which he had receaved, 20
and woulde by no means change nor aulter from the same.
The firste of these four things was, " ipsa authoritas ecclesise
Christi miraculis inchoata, spe nutrita, charitate aucta, ve-
tustate firmata." The second thing was, " populi Christian!
consensus et unitas." The third was, " perpetua sacerdotum 25
successio in sede Petri." The fourthe and last thing was,
" ipsum Catholic! nomen." If these foure thinges did cawse
so noble and learned a clarke as St. Augustyn was, to con
tinue in his professed religion of Christe without all chaunge
and alteration, howe much then ought these foure pointes to 30
worke the like effect in your honours; and not to forsake
your professed religion ? Firste, becawse it hathe the auctho-
ritie of Christens churche. Second, it hathe the consent and
agreement of all Christian people. Third, it hathe confirma
tion of all Peter s successors in the sea apostolike. Fourth, 35
it hathe " ipsum Catholici nomen," and in all times and
seasons called the catholike religion of Christ. Thus bolde I
have ben to trouble your honours with so tedyouse and longe
an oration, for the discharginge (as I said before) of my
CHAPTER ii.] Dr. Scot s oration, fyc. 105
dewtie, first unto God, second unto our soveraigne lady the
queue s highness, third and laste, unto your honours, and all
other subjects of this realme : most humbly beseeching your
honours to take it in good parte, and to be spoken of me for
5 th onely cawses aforesaid, and for none other.
IX.
Another oration made ly Dr. Scot, bis/top of C /tester, in the par
liament howse, against the Mil of the liturgy.
THIS bill, that hathe ben here read nowe the third tyme,
dothe appeare unto me suche one, as that it is muche to be
I0 lamentid, that it shoulde be suffered either to be read, yea, or
anye eare to be gevin unto it of Christian men, or so honour-
ble an assemblye as this is : for it dothe not only call in
question and doubte those thinges which we ought to reve
rence, without any doubt movinge ; but maketh fourther
1 5 earneste request for alteraunce, yea, for the clear abolyshinge
of the same. And that this maye more evydently appear, I
shall desire your lordships to consider, that our religion, as it
was here of late discretely, godly, and learnedly declared,
dothe consiste partely in inward things, as in faithe, hope,
20 and charitie ; and partely in outward things, as in common
prayers, and the holie sacraments uniformly mynystred.
Nowe as concernynge these outward thinges, this bill dothe
clearly in very dede extinguishe them, settinge in there places
I cannot tell what. And the inward it dothe also so shake,
25 that it leavithe them very bare and feble.
For firste, by this bill, Christian charitie is taken awaye,
in that the unitie of Christens churche is broken : for it is
said, " Nunquam relinquunt unitatem, qui non prius amittunt
charitatem." And St. Paul saythe, that charitye is " vin-
30 culum perfectionis," the bond or cliayne of perfection , wherewith
we be knytte and joyned together in one. Which bond
beynge loosed, we muste nedes fall one from another, in divers
parties and sects, as we see we do at this present. And as
106 Dr. Scot s oration [DOCUMENTS.
towchinge our faytlie, it is evident that dyvers of the articles
and mysteryes therof be also not onlye called into doubt, but
partely openlye, and partely obscurely ; and yet in verye
dede, as the other, flatlye denyed. Nowe these two, I mean
faithe and charitie, beinge in this case, hope is eyther lefte 5
alone, or else presumption sett in her place : whereupon, for
the moste parte, desperation dothe followe ; from the which
I praye God preserve all men.
Wherfore these matters mentioned in this bill, wherin our
whole religion consistethe, we ought, I saye, to reverence, 10
and not to call into question. For as a learned man wrytethe,
" Quse patefacta sunt quserere, quse perfecta sunt retractare,
et quse definita sunt convellere, quid aliud est, quin de adeptis
gratiam non referre :" that is to saye, " To seke after the
things which be manifestly opened, to call back or retract l5
things made perfect, and to pulle upp againe matters defyned;
what other thing is it, then not to geve thankes for benyfits
receaved ?" Lykewise say the holie Athanasius, " Quse nunc
a tot ac talibus episcopis probata sunt ac decreta, clareque
demonstrata, supervacaneum est denuo revocare in judiciurn." 20
" It is a superfluous thinge, say the Athanasius, to call into
judgment againe matters which have ben tried, decreed, and
manyfestlye declared by so many and suche bisshoppes, (he
meaneth, as were at the councell of Nice.) For no man will
denye, saythe he, but if they be new examyned againe, and 25
of new judged, and after that examyned againe and againe,
this curiositie will never come to any end." And as it is
said in Ecclesiastica Historia, " Si quotidie licebit fidem in
quaestionem vocare, de fide nunquam constabit :" " If it
shalbe lawfull every daye to call our faithe in question, we 30
shall never be certeyne of our faithe." Nowe if that Athana
sius did thinke, that no man ought to doubt of matters
determyned in the councell of Nice, where there was present
three hundred and eighteen bisshoppes ; howe muche less
ought wee to doubt of matters determyned and practyssed 36
in the holie catholike churche of Christe by three hundrethe
thowsande bisshoppes, and how manye more we cannot tell.
And as for the certeyntie of our faithe, wherof the storye
of the churche dothe speke, it is a thinge of all other most
CHAPTER ii.] against the Bill for the Liturgy. 107
necessary e ; and if it shall hange uppon an acte of parlia
ment, we have but a weake staff to leane unto. And yet I
shall dissire your lordeshippes not to take me here as to
speke in derogation of the parliament, which I knowledge to
5 be of great strengthe in matters whereunto it extendethe.
But for matters in religion, I do not thinke that it ought to
be medelled withall, partely for the certeintye which ought
to be in our faithe and religion, and the uncerteyntie of the
statutes and actes of parliaments. For we see, that often-
lotymes that which is established by parliament one yere, is
abrogatid the next yere followinge, and the contrarye allowed.
And we see also that one kinge 1 disallowithe the statutes
made under the other. But our faithe and religion ought to
be most certeyn, and one in all tymes, and in no condition
1 5 waveringe : for, as St. James saithe, " he that doubtethe, or
staggerithe in his faithe, is like the waves of the sea, and
shall obteyne nothinge at the handes of God. 11 And partelye
for that the parliament consistethe for the moste parte of
noblemen of this realme, and certeyn of the commons, beyinge
20 laye and temporall men : which, allthough they be bothe of
good wisdom and learninge, yet not so studied nor exercised
in the scriptures, and the holie doctors and practysses of the
churche, as to be competent judges in suche matters. Neyther
dothe it apperteine to their vocation ; yea, and that by youre
25 lordshippes own judgment ; as may welbe gathered of one
fact, which I remember was donne this parliament time,
which was this : There was a noblemao s sonne arrested and
commytted unto warde ; which matter, beinge opened here
unto your lordeshippes, was thought to be an injurye to this
3ohowse. Whereuppon, as well the yonge gentleman, as the
officer that did arrest hym, and the partie by whose means
he was arrested, were all sent for; and commandid to appeare
here before your lordshippes : which was donne accordynglye.
Yet before the parties were suffered to come into the howse,
3 5 it was thought expedyent to have the whole matter con
sidered, least this howse shoulde entermedelle with matters
not perteinynge unto yt. In treatinge wherof, there were
found three pointes. Firste, there was a debte, and that
your lordshippes did remytte to the common lawe. The
108 Dr. Scot s oration [DOCUMENTS.
second was a fraude, which was referred to the chauncerye,
because neyther of bothe did apparteyne unto this courte.
And the thirde was the arrest, and commyttinge to ward of
the said gentleman, wherin this howse tooke order. No we if
that by your lordshippes own judgments the parliament hathe 5
not aucthoritie to rneddell with matters of common lawe,
which is grounded upon common reason, neyther with the
chauncery, which is grounded upon considerence, (which two
things be naturally given unto man,) then muche lesse maye
it intermeddell with matters of faithe and religion, farrio
passinge reason, and the judgment of man, suche as the con
tents of this bill be : wherin there be three thinges specyally
to be consideryd ; that is, the weygJitiness of the matter ; the
darkness of the cawse, and the dificultie in tryinge out the
truthe ; and thirdly, the daunger and per ill which dothe i5
ensue, if we do take the wronge waye.
As concernynge the firste, that is, the weyghtiness of the
matter conteined in this bill. It is very great : for it is no
money matter, but a matter of inheritaunce ; yea, a matter
towchinge liffe and deathe, and damnation dependethe upon 20
it. Here is it set before us, as the scripture saithe, lyfe and
deathe, fier and water. If we put our hand into th one, we
shall live ; if it take holde of th other, we shall die. Nowe
to judge these matters here propounded, and discerne which
is liffe and whiche is deathe, which is fire that will burne us, 25
and which is water that will refreshe and comfort us, is a
great matter, and not easely perceaved of every man. More
over, there is another great matter here to be considered,
and that is, that we do not unadvisedly condempne our fore
fathers and their doings, and justifie our selves and our owne 3
doings ; which bothe the scripture forbidithe. This we knowe,
that this doctrine and forme of religion, which this bill pro-
poundethe to be abolished and taken awaye, is that which
our forefathers were born, brought uppe, and lived in, and
have professed here in this realme, without any alteration or 3 5
chaunge, by the space of 900 yeres and more ; and hathe
also ben professed and practised in the universall churche of
Christo synce the apostells tyme. And that which we goe
about to establishe and place for it, is lately brought in,
CHAPTER ii.] against the Bill for the Liturgy. 109
allowed no where, nor put in practise, but in this realme
onely ; and that but a small tyme, and againste the myndes
of all catholycke men. No we if we do consider but the
antiquitie of the one, and the newness of the other, we have
5 juste occasion to have the one in estimation for the longe
continuance therof, unto suche tyme as we see evydent cawse
why we shoulde revoke it ; and to suspect the other as never
hearde of here before, unto such tyme as we see juste cawse
why we shoulde receave it, seeynge that our fathers never
10 heard tell of it.
But nowe I do call to remembraunce, that I did here
yesterday a nobleman in this howse say, makinge an answer
unto this as it were by preoccupation, that our fathers lyved
in blyndness, and that we have juste occasion to lament their
1 5 ignoraunce ; wherunto me thinkethe it may be answered, that
if our fathers were here, and heard us lament their doings, it
is very lyke that they woulde say unto us as our Savyour
Christe said unto the women which followed hym when he
went to his death, and weeped after him, " Nolite flere super
2onos, sed super vos ;" i. e. " Weepe not over us for our blind
ness, but weepe over your selves" for your own presumption,
in takinge upon you so arrogantly to justifie your selves and
your own doings, and so rashely condemnynge us and our
doings. Moreover, Davyd m dothe teache us a lesson cleare
25 contrarye to this nobleman s sayings : for he biddithe us in
doubtfull matters go to our fathers, and learne the truthe of
them, in these wordes ; " Interroga patrem tuum, et annun-
ciabit tibi, majores tuos, et dicent tibi :" i. e. " Aske of thy
father, and he shall declare the truthe unto thee, and of
30 thyne auncestors, and they will tell thee." And after, in the
same Psalme, " Filii qui nascentur et exsurgent, narrabunt
filiis suis, ut cognoscat generatio altera :" i. e. " The children
which shalbe borne, and ryse upp, shall tell unto their
children, that it may be knowen from one generation to
35 another." Davyd here willithe us to learne of our fathers,
and not to contempn their doings. Wherefore I conclude,
as concernynge this parte, that this bill, conteyninge in it
m This bishop mistook David for Moses. For the words are in Deuter. xxxii. 7-
Ps. Ixxviii. 6, 7. STRTPE.
110 Dr. Scofs oration [DOCUMENTS.
matters of great weight and importaunce, it is to be deli
berated on with great diligence and circumspection, and
examyned, tryed, and determyned by men of great learnynge,
vertue, and experyence.
And as this matter is great, and therfore not to be passed 5
over hastely, but diligentlye to be examyned, so is it darke,
and of great difficultie to be so playnlye discussed, as that
the truthe may manyfestly appeare. For here be, as I have
said, two bookes of religion propounded; the one to be
abolished, as erroneous and wicked ; and the other to be 10
establyshed, as godly, and consonant to scripture ; and they
be both concernynge one matter, that is, the trewe admy-
nystration of the sacraments, accordinge to the institution of
our Saviour Christe. In the which admynyst ration ther be
three thinges to be considered. The firste is, the institution i5
of our Savyour Christe for the matter and substaunce of the
sacraments. The seconde, the ordynaunces of the apostles
for the forme of the sacraments. And the thirde is, the
additions of the holie fathers for the adornynge and per-
fitynge of the admynystratyon of the said sacraments. Which 20
three be all dulye, as we see, observed, and that of necessitie,
in this booke of the masse, and old service, as all men do
know, which understand it. The other booke, which is so
much extolled, dothe ex professo take away two of these three
thinges, and in very dede makethe the thirde a thinge of 25
nought. For firste, as concernynge the additions of the
fathers, as in the masse, Confiteor, Misereatur, Kirie Eleeson,
Sequentes preces, Sanctus Agnus Dei, with suche other thinges :
and also th ordinaunces of the apostles, as blessings, cross
ings ; and in the admynystration of dyvers of the sacraments, 30
exsufflations, exorcismes, inunctions, prayinge towardes the
east, invocation of saynts, prayer for the dead, with suche
other; this booke takethe awaye, eyther in parte, or else
clearly, as things not allowable. And yet dothe the fawters
therof contende, that it is most perfitt according to Christens 35
institution, and th order of the prymytyve churche. But to
let th ordynaunces of throstles, and the additions of the
fathers passe, (which, notwithstanding^ we ought greatly to
esteem and reverence,) lett us come to ^institution of our
CHAPTER ii.] against the BUI for the Liturgy. Ill
Savyour Christe, wherof they taulke so muche, and examyne
whether of those two bookes come nearest unto it. And to
make thinges playne, we will take for example the masse, or,
as they call it, the supper of the Lord ; wherin our Savyour
5 Christe (as the holie fathers do gather upon the scriptures)
did institute three things, which he commanded to be done in
remembraunce of his deathe and passion unto his comynge
againe, sayinge, "Hoc facite," &c. Do ye this: wherof the
firste is, the consecratinge of the blessed body and blood of
10 our Saviour Jesus Christe. The seconde, the offeringe up of
the same unto God the Father. And the thirde, the commu-
nicatinge, that is, the eatinge and drinkinge of the said
blessed body and blood under the formes of bread and wyne.
And as concerninge the firste two, St. Chrysostom saythe
1 5 thus, " Volo quiddam edicere plane mirabile, et nolite mirari
neque turbamini," &c. " I will," saythe St. Chrysostom,
" declare unto you in very dede a marvellous thinge ; but
marvell not at it, nor be not troubled. But what is this ? It
is the holie oblation, whether Peter or Paul, or a preste of
20 any desert, do offer, it is the verye same which Christe gave
to his disciples, and which prestes do make or consecrate at
this tyme. This hathe nothinge lesse then that. Whye so ?
Bycawse men do not sanctyfie this, but Christe, which did
sanctyfie that before. For lyke as the wordes which Christe
25 did speake, be the very same which the prestes do nowe pro
nounce, so is it the very same oblation." These be the
wordes of St. Chrysostome ; wherin he testifiethe as well the
oblation and sacrifice of the body and blood of our Savyour
Christe, offered unto God the Father in the masse, as also
3 the consecratinge of the same by the preste : which two be
bothe taken away by this booke, as the awthors therof do
willingly acknowledge ; cryinge owte of the offering of Christe
oftener than once, notwithstandinge that all the holie fathers
do teach it, manyfestly affirmynge Christe to be offered
35 daylye after an unbloody manner. But if these men did
understand and consider what dothe ensue and followe of
this their affirmation, I thinke they wolde leave their rash
ness, and returne to the truthe againe. For if it be trewe
that they say, that there is no externall sacrifyce in the
Dr. Scofs oration [DOCUMENTS.
Newe Testament, then clothe it follow, that there is no priest
hood under the same, whose office is, saythe St. Paul, " to
offer up gyfts and sacrifices for synne." " And if there be no
priesthood, then is there no religion under the New Testa
ment. And if we have no religion, then be we " sine Deo in 5
hoc mundo ;" that is, we be without God in this worlde. For
one of these dothe necessarily depend and followe uppon an
other. So that if we graunt one of these, we graunt all ; and
if we take away one, we take away all.
Note (I beseeche your lordshippes) th end of these men^s 10
doctryns, that is to sett us withowt God. And the lyke
opynion they holde towchinge the consecration : having no-
thinge in their mouthes but the holie communion, which after
the order of this booke is holie only in wordes, and not in
dede. For the thinge is not ther which shoulde make it l5
holie : I mean the body and blood of Christe, as may thus
appeare, it may justely in very dcde be callid the holie commu
nion, if it be mynystred trewly, and accordingly as it ought to
be : for then we receave Christe s holie body and blood into
our bodies, and be joyned in one with hym, lyke two pieces 20
of waxe, whiche beinge molten and put together, be made
one. Which symylitude St. Cyryll and Chrysostom do use
in this matter ; and St. Paul sayeth, that " we be made
his bones and fleshe." But by th order of this booke this is
not done ; for Christens bodye is not there in very dede to be 25
receaved. For tlfonly waye wherby it is present is by conse
cration, which this booke hathe not at all ; neyther doth it
observe the forme prescribed by Christe, nor follow the
manner of the churche. The evangelists declare, that our
Savyour tooke bread into his handes, and did blesse it, brake 3
it, and gave it to his disciples, saying, " Take and eat, this is
my bodye which is gyven for you : do this in remembraunce
of me. 11 By these wordes, " Do this," we be commanded to
tayke bread into our handes, to blesse it, break it, and
havinge a respecte to the bread, to pronounce the wordes 3-5
spoken by our Savyour, that is, " Hoc est corpus mourn."
n This is expressly spoken of the high priests of the Old Testament. Vid. Heh v
This is notoriously false, the prayer of consecration being evident to all men s
eyes, that consult the book. STRYPE.
CHAPTER ii.] against the Bill for the Liturgy. 113
By which wordes, saythe St. Chrysostom, the bread is con-
secratid. Nowe by the order of this booke, neyther dothe
the preste take the bread in his handes, blesse it, nor breake
it, neyther yet hathe any regard or respect to the bread,
5 when he rehearsithe the wordes of Christe, but dothe passe
them over as they were tellinge a tale, or rehearsinge a
story e. Moreover, wheras by the rayndes of good wryters
there is requyryd, yea, and that of necessitie, a full mynd and
intent to do that which Christe did, that is, to consecrate his
10 body and blood, with other things followinge: wherfore the
churche hathe appoynted in the masse certeyne prayers, to
be said by the prieste before the consecration, in the which
these wordes be, " Ut nobis fiat corpus et sanguis Domini
nostri Jhesu Christi;" that is, the prayer is to this end, that
1 5 the creatures may be made unto us the body and blood of
our Saviour Jesus Christe : here is declared th intent, as well
of the churche, as also of the prieste which sayeth masse : but
as for this newe booke, there is no such thinge mentyoned in
it, that dothe eyther declare any suche intente, eyther make
20 any suche requeste unto God, but rather to the contrarye ; as
dothe appeare by the request there made in these wordes,
" That we receavinge these thy creatures of bread and wyne,"
&c. which wordes declare, that they intende no consecration
at all. And then let them glory as muche as they will in
25 their communion, it is to no purpose, seeynge that the body
of Christe is not there, which, as I have said, is the thinge
that should be communicated.
Ther did yesterdaye a nobleman in this howse say, that
he did beleve that Christe is ther receaved in the commu-
3onyon set owt in this booke; and beyng asked if he did
worshippe hym ther, he said, no, nor never woulde, so longe
as he lived. Which is a strange opynyon, that Christe
shoulde be any where, and not worshypped. They say, they
will worshippe hym in heaven, but not in the sacrament :
35 which is much lyke as if a man woulde saye, that when
th emperor syttethe under his clothe of estate, princely ap
parelled, he is to be honoured ; but if he come abroad in a
freez coat, he is not to be honoured; and yet he is all one
emperor in clothe of goldc under his clothe of estate, and in a
114 Dr. Scofs oration [DOCUMENTS.
freez coat abroad in the street. As it is one Christe in
heaven in the forme of man, and in the sacrament under the
formes of bread and wyne. The scripture, as St. Augustyne
dothe interprete it, dothe commande us to worshippe the body
of our Savyour, yea, and that in the sacrament, in theses
wordes : " Adorate scabellum pedum ejus, quoniam sanctum
est:" Worshippe his footstoole, for it is holie. Upon the which
place St. Augustine wrytethe thus ; " Christe tooke fleshe of
the blessed Virgin his mother, and in the same he did walke ;
and the same fleshe he gave us to eat unto health ; but no 10
man will eat that fleshe, except he worshippe it before. So
is it found owte howe we shall worshippe his footstoole, &c.
we shall not onely not synne in worshippinge, but we shall
synne in not worshippinge." Thus far St. Augustine : but as
concernynge this matter, if we woulde consider all things i5
well, we shall see the provision of God marvellous in it. For
he providithe so, that the verye heretickes, and enymyes of
the truthe, be compellyd to confesse the truthe in this
behalfe. For the Lutherians writinge against the Zwinglians
do prove, that the true naturall body of our Savyour Christe 20
is in the sacrament. And the Zwinglians against the Lu
therians do prove, that then it must nedes be worshipped ther.
And thus in their contention dothe the truthe burst out,
whether they will or no. Wherfore, in myne opynion of
these two errors, the fonder is to say, that Christe is in the 2 5
sacrament, and yet not to be worshipped, than to say he is
not ther at all. For eyther they do thinke, that eyther he is
ther but in an imagynation or fancye, and so not in very
dede ; or else they be Nestorians, and thinke that ther is his
bodye onely, and not his dyvinitie : which be bothe devellishe 30
and wicked.
Nowe, my lordes, consider, I beseche you, the matters here
in varyaunce ; whether your lordeshippes be able to discusse
them accordinge to learnynge, so as the truthe may appear,
or no : that is, whether the body of Christe be by this newe 3 5
booke consecrated, offered, adored, and truly communicated,
or no ; and whether these things be required necessarily by
th institiition of our Saviour Christe, or no; and whether
booke goeth nearer the truthe. These matters, my lordes,
CHAPTER ii.] against the Bill for the Liturgy.
be (as I have said) weightie and darke, and not easye to be
discussed : and lykewise your lordshippes may thinke of the
rest of the sacraments, which be eyther clearly taken awaye,
or else mangled, after the same sorte by this newe booke.
5 The third thinge here to be considered, is, the great
daunger and peryll that dothe hange over your heades, if you
do take upon you to be judges in these matters, and judge
wronge ; bringinge bothe your selfes and others from the
truthe unto untruthe, from the highwayes unto bypathes.
10 It is daungerous enoughe, our Lord knowethe, for man
hymself to erre, but it is more daungerous, not onely to erre
hymself, but also to lead other men into error. It is sayd in
the scripture of the kinge Hieroboam, to aggravate his
offences, that " peccavit, et peccare fecit Israel :" i. e. he did
1 5 synne hymself, and cawsed Israeli to synne. Take heed, my
lordes, that the like be not said by you ; if you passe this bill,
you shall not onely, in my judgement, erre your selves, but ye
also shalbe the awthors and cawsers that the whole realme
shall erre after you. For the which you shall make an
20 accompte before God.
Those that have read storyes, and knowe the discourse and
order of the churche, discussinge of controversies in matters
of religion, can testifie, that they have been discussed and
determyned in all times by the clergye onely, and never by
25 the temporaltie. The herysie of Arius, which troubled the
churche in the tyme of the emperor Constantyne the Great,
was condempned in the councell of Nice. The heresye of
Eutyches in the councell of Chalcedone under Martin ; the
heresye of Macedonius in the firste councell of Constanty-
30 nople, in the tyme of Theodosius ; the heresye of Nestorius in
the Ephesin councell, in the time of Theodosius the younger.
And yet did never none of these good emperors assemble
their nobilitie and commons, for the discussing and deter-
mynynge of these controversies ; neyther asked their myndes
35 in them, or went by number of voices or polles, to determyne
the truthe, as is done here in this realme at this tyme. We
may come lower, to the third councell of Tolletane in Spayne,
in the tyme of Ricaredus, beinge ther ; and to the councell in
Fraunce, about 800 yeres ago, in the tyme of Carolus
116 Dr. Scofs oration [DOCUMENTS.
Magnus : which bothe, followingc th order of the churche,
by licence had of the pope, did procure the clergie of their
realmes to be gathered and assembled, for reformynge of
certeyne errors and enormyties within their said realmes,
wherunto they never callyd their nobilitie nor commons ; 5
neyther did any of them take upon themselves eyther to
reason and dispute, in discussinge of the controversies ;
neyther to determyne them being discussed ; but left the
whole to the discussing and determining of the clergy. And
no mervaill, if these with all other catholick princes used this 10
trade. For the emperors that were hereticks did never
reserve any such matter to the judgment of temporall men, as
may appear to them that read the stories of Constantius,
Valens, &c. who procured divers assemblies, but always of
the clergy, for the stablishing of Arius s doctryn : and ofi5
Zeno th emperor, which did the lyke for Eutyches doctryne,
with many other of that sorte. Yea, yt dothe appeare in the
Actes of the Apostles, that an infidell wolde take no such
matter upon hym. The storye is this: St. Paul havinge
continued at Corynthe one year and an halfe in preachinge 20
of the gospell, certeyn wycked persons did aryse against hym,
and brought hym before their vice-consul, callyd Gallio,
layinge unto his charge, that he tawght the people to wor-
shippe God contrary to their law. Unto whom the vice-
consul answered thus : "Si quidem esset iniquum aliquid aut 25
facinus pessimum, o vos Judsei, recte vos sustinerem ; si vero
qusestiones sint de verbo et nominibus legis vestrse, vosipsi
videritis ; judex horum ego nolo esso :" i. e. If that this man,
saithe Gallio, had committed any wycked acte or cursed cryme,
yee Jewes, I myght justely have heard you : but and if it be 30
concernynge questions and doubtes of the wordes and matters of
your lawe, that is to saye, if it be towchinge your religion,
/ will not be judge in those matters. Marke, my lordes, this
short discourse, I beseech your lordshippes, and yee shall
perceave, that all catholike princes, heryticke princes, yea,s5
and infidells, have from tyme to tyme refused to take that
upon them, that your lordshippes go about and chalenge
to do.
But nowe, because I have been longe, I will make an end
CHAPTER ii.J against the Bill for the Liturgy. 117
of this matter with the sayings of two noble emperors in the
lyke affaires. The first is Theodosius, which sayd thus ;
" Illicitum est enim qui non sit ex ordine sanctorum episco-
porum ecclesiasticis se immiscere tractatibus :" i. e. It is not
5 lawfull^ sayeth he, for hym that is not of the order of the holie
busshoppes to entermedett with thintr eating e of ecclesiasticatt
matters. Lykewise sayd Valentinianus th emperor (beinge
desired to assemble certeyne busshoppes together, for exa-
mynynge of a matter of doctryn) in this wise ; " Mihi qui in
io sorte sum plebis, fas non est talia curiosius scrutari : sacer-
dotes, quibus ista, curse sunt, inter seipsos quocunque loco
voluerint conveniant :" i. e. It is not lawfull for me, quoth
th emperor, beynge one of the lay people, to searche owte suche
matters curyously ; but let the prestes, unto whom the charge of
1 5 these things dothe apparteyne, meet together in what place soever
they will. He meaneth for the discoursinge therof. But
to conclude ; and if these emperors had not to do with
suche matters, howe shoulde your lordshippes have to do
with all ? And thus desiringe your good lordshippes to con-
20 sider, and take in good parte, these fewe thinges that I have
spoken, I make an end.
X.
An extract out of the Journal of the lower house of convocation.
ACTA in inferiori domo convocations, die sabbati decimo
2 5 tertio die Februarii, anno 1562.
DICTO die sabbati decimo tertio die Februarii, in inferiori
domo convocations cleri provincire Cant" post meridiem hora
constituta convenerunt frequentes dominus proloquutor cum
caet. infra nominatis ubi post divini Numinis implorationem
30 legebantur quidem articuli approbandi vel reprobandi a coetu
quorum articulorum tenor talis est.
118 Extract from the Journal [DOCUMENTS
1. That all the Sundays of the year, and principal feasts of
Christ, be kept holy-days, and other holy-days to be
abrogate,
2. That in all parish churches, the minister in common-
prayer turn his face towards the people, and there 5
distinctly read the divine service appointed, where all the
people assembled may hear and be edified.
3. That in ministring the sacrament of baptisme, the cere-
monie of making of the crosse in the child s forehead may
be omitted, as tending to superstition. 10
4. That for as much as divers communicants are not hable
to kneel during the time of the communion, for age,
sicknes, and sundry other infirmities ; and some also su-
perstitiously both kneel and knock; that the order of
kneeling may be left to the discretion of the ordinarie, i5
within his jurisdiction.
5. That it be sufficient for the minister, in time of saying
of divine service, and ministring of the sacraments, to
use a surplice : and that no minister say service, or mi
nister the sacraments, but in a comely garment or 20
habit.
6. That the use of organs be removed.
Unde orta fuit superiorum proband" vel reproband discep-
tatio, multis affirmantibus eosdem a se probari, ac multis
affirmantibus illos a se non probari ; multisque aliis volenti- 25
bus, ut eorum probatio, vel reprobatio, referatur ad reve-
rendissimos dominos, archiepiscopum et prselatos; plurimis
item protestantibus, se nolle ullo modo consentire, ut aliqua
contenta in his articulis approbentur ; quatenus ulla ex
pai te dissentiant libro divini et communis servicii, jam autho- 30
ritate senatusconsulti publice in hoc regno suscepto ; neque
velle, ut aliqua immutatio fiat contra ordines, regulas, ritus
ac ca?teras dispositiones in eo libro contentas.
Tandem inceptae fuerunt publicse disputationes fieri a non-
nullis doctls viris ejusdem domus, super approbatione, vel re- 36
probatione dicti quarti articuli : ac tandem placuit disces-
sionem, sive divisionem fieri votorum, sive suffragiorum
singulorum ; quac mox subsecuta fuit : atque numeratis per-
sonis pro parte articulos approbante, fuerunt persons 43 ; pro
CHAPTER ii. J of the lower House of Convocation.
119
parte vero illos non approbante, neque aliquam immutationem
contra dictum librum public! servicii jam suscepti fieri
petente, fuerunt personae 35.
Ac deinde, recitatis singulorum votis, sive suffragiis,
5 prompta sunt quemadmodum in sequenti folio liquet et
apparet.
DISPUTATORES.
Decanus Wygorn" 1 .
Mr. Byckley.
10 Archid 1 Covenf.
Mr. Nebynson.
Mr. Pullen.
Mr. Cotterell.
Mr. Job. Waker.
Mr. Laur. Neuell.
Mr. Talphill.
Mr. Crowley.
Mr. Tremain.
Mr. Hewet.
Decanus Ellens 1 .
articulos prcedictos approbante, fuerunt omnes
i ; viz.
Mr. Job. Walker 2
Mr. Becon
Mr. Proctor 2
Mr. Cockerell
Mr. Todd, arclmT Bed 2
Mr. Crouley
Mr.Hyll
Decan" Oxon
Mr. Savage
Mr. Pullan
Mr. Wilson
Mr. Burton 2
Mr. Heamond
Mr. Weyborn
Mr. Day
Mr. Rever
Mr. Roberts 5
Mr. Calphill 3
Mr. Godwyn 2
iS Pro
D. Proloquutor, decanus S.
Pauli
Mr. Leaver
2oDecan 1 Heref
Mr. Soreby
Mr. Bradbriger
Mr. Peder
Mr. Watte 3
25 Decan" Lychef.
Mr. Spenser
Mr. Beysley
Mr. Nebinson
Mr. Bowier
30 Mr. Ebden
Mr. Longlonde
Mr. Tho. Lancaster
Mr. Ed. Weston 2
Mr. Wysdon
3 5Mr. Sail 2
120
Extract from the Journal, fyc. [DOCUMENTS.
Mr. Pratt Mr. Kemper
Mr. Trenun 2 Mr. Ronayer
Mr. Leaton Mr. Abis
Persons 43. Voices 58.
5 Pro parte articulos non approbante, ac protestante ut supra,
viz.
Mr. Cheston
Mr. Chanddelor
Mr. Bonder
Mr. Just. Lancaster
Mr. Pondde
Mr. Constantyne
Mr. Calberley
Mr. Nich. Smith
Mr. Watson
Mr. Walter Jones 3
Mr. Garth 3
Mr. Turnebull
Mr. Robynson
Mr. Bell
Mr. Ithel
Mr. Byckley
Mr. Hugh Morgan 3
Voices 59.
Decan West 2
Mr. Coterell ,. 4
Mr. Latymer 3
I Decan <> Elien
Mr. Heuwette 3
Mr. Ric, Walker 2
Mr. Warner
Mr. Tho. Whyte
i5 Mr. Knouall 2
Mr. Jo. Prise
Mr. Bolte 2
Mr. Hughes 3
Mr. Brigewater 2
20 Mr. Lougher 3
Mr. Pierson
Mr. Merick
Mr. Lusou
Mr. Greensell 3
25 Persons 35.
CHAPTER III.
The revision of the Liturgy in the reign of James I.
HE progress that was made by Puritanism during
the reign of Queen Elizabeth must be understood,
before we can judge of the real condition of the dis
pute, as it affected the liturgy, when James I. sue- 5
ceeded to the throne of England. In that, as in every
other case of party strife, many different motives were
made to bear upon the dispute which had no natural
connection with it : as the wind, from whatever quarter
it may come, never blows across a glen, but always 10
either up it or down it. The doctrinal Puritans, and
those who, from whatever cause, took part with them
on the ground of conscience, inherited all the antipathy
of their predecessors to the cross and the surplice, but
looked upon them no longer as badges and tokens i5
of Romanism. They were now the outward signs of
an episcopal church in subjection to state authority, and
in this light were held in still greater abhorrence, as
offending more directly against original principles. It
was maintained that in submitting to such a system of 20
church government a man must make the dictates of
his conscience subordinate to mere rules of prudence,
and place his religious convictions at the mercy of a
The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
human tribunal. And such were the avowed objec
tions of persons who, from the energy of their cha
racter, the sincerity of their purpose, and the loftiness
of their pretensions, obtained some consideration for
the cause of Puritanism, and formed a centre that at- 5
tracted and united with it various classes of auxiliaries,
some contributing to its strength, others productive
only of discord, but all willing to take part in the war
fare, and to join in one common attack upon the church
established. The sentiments that drew to them so 10
many supporters may be expressed in the words of a
petition presented by a body of Puritans to the Privy
Council in the year 1592 a . " Upon a careful exami
nation of the Holy Scriptures, we find the English
hierarchy to be dissonant from Christ s institution and i5
to be derived from Antichrist, being the same the Pope
left in this land, and to which we dare not subject
ourselves. We farther find that God has commanded
all that believe the gospel to walk in that holy faith
and order which he has appointed in his church : 20
wherefore, in the . reverend fear of his name we have
joined ourselves together, and subjected our souls and
bodies to those laws and ordinances, and have chosen
to ourselves such a ministry of pastor, teacher, elders,
and deacons, as Christ has given to his church on earth 25
to the world s end ; hoping for the promised assistance
of his grace in our attendance upon him, notwithstand
ing any prohibition of men, or what by men can be
done unto us."
Sentiments of this description, maintained, ho we verso
erroneously, on a sense of religious duty, could not be
extinguished by temporal punishments, and might pos
sibly encourage some degree of sympathy, if the treat-
a Neal s Hist, of the Purit. vol. i. p. 348.
CHAPTER in.] in the reign of James I.
ment they met with should be considered as a perse
cution. And such was actually the case under the
impression that prevailed respecting the Court of High
Commission, and the arbitrary methods it adopted
5 in its examinations and penalties. It administered the
oath " ex officio," and compelled persons to bear
evidence against themselves, inflicting fines and impri
sonment in case of disobedience ; practices these, which
could not be maintained on general principles of jus-
rotice, and were .soon afterwards pronounced to be in
violation of law. Hence arose a large party of auxi
liaries, who aided the Puritans from feelings of
humanity, and were most of them too respectable,
both in station and in conduct, to be treated with
1 5 indifference. But a more numerous and more dan
gerous body of supporters was found in that mixed and
discordant multitude of persons who, as at all periods,
so especially at that, were dissatisfied with the existing
government. Adventurers of every class, those who,
20 from depraved habits or their natural temperament,
could not live in a state of quietude, and those who,
as was peculiarly the case at that period, were willing
to enter into honest occupations, but unable to find
them ; all these, together with Romanists, who could
20 pay no allegiance to a person excommunicated, and
Anabaptists, who considered all laws as of the nature
of tyranny, formed a mass of energy incapable of acting
in concert for the promotion of any good purpose, but
most powerful in the way of mischief. The case may
3 o be illustrated by that strange conspiracy of the year
1603, in which men of lawless habits and desperate
fortunes were combined with Romish priests and in
triguing nobles, with Lord Cobham, who was a mere
instrument in the hands of others, with Lord Gray, a
The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
zealous and determined Puritan, and Sir Walter
Raleigh, a soldier equally intrepid and unscrupulous.
It was not thought possible, at that period, that
such an assemblage of the elements of disorder could
be treated with any forbearance or discrimination. 5
They were all included under the charge of sedition or
treason, and punished as if their offences were com
mitted merely against the state. But there was still
another class of Puritans, who, though frequently con
founded with state offenders, disowned any participa-io
tion in their projects, and were regarded by many
persons in high station with much compassion and
respect. They were those non-conformist ministers
who, with more of zeal than of judgment, thought it
their duty to protest against unnecessary observances, i5
earnestly wishing to exercise their spiritual calling
within the pale of the church, but inheriting, from re
cent controversies, an acute and morbid sensitiveness
as to things indifferent. To these men, most of them
vehement and indefatigable preachers, and to their 20
numerous followers, who, with a sincere desire for
Christian excellence, combined a notion that it was
not worth their attainment unless they suffered for its
sake, it appeared to be sinful to use a ritual, and much
more so to declare their perfect approbation of it, in 2 5
which they were required to sign with the cross in
baptism, to employ the ring in marriage, to bow at the
name of Jesus, to observe the holydays of the Church,
or to read uncanonical scriptures. Their scruples,
though treated with contempt by the great body of 30
conformists, could not be regarded without feelings of
respect and sympathy, if not for themselves, at least
for the patience, the humility, the disinterestedness and
unaffected piety which were frequently found united
CHAPTER in.] in the reign of James 1. 125
with them. Such are the feelings that have been
left on record by Sir Francis Walsingham, by Lord
Burghley, by Sir Edward Coke b , and Lord Bacon c , the
last of whom described what he knew and what he
5 feared as to this class of Puritans in these expressive
words : " As for any man that shall hereby enter into
a contempt of their ministry, it is but his own hardness
of heart. I know the work of exhortation doth chiefly
rest upon these men ; and they have zeal, and hate of
10 sin. But, again, let them take heed that it be not
true, which one of their adversaries said, that they have
but two small wants, knowledge and love."
In the mean time, the strong arm of authority had
been supported by many able publications, some of
i5 them written in such a manner as to mediate between
the rival parties, but the greater number calculated to
fortify the resolutions of the one side without shaking
b Sir Ed. Coke, in his charge at Norwich (1607), said of the non
conformists, " The last sort of recusants, though troublesome, yet in
20 my conscience the least dangerous, are those which do with too much
violence contend against some ceremonies used in the church ; with
whose indirect proceedings, in mine own knowledge, his Majesty is
not a little grieved. But I will hope (as his highness doth) that in
time they will grow wise enough to leave their foolishness, and con-
25 sider that ceremonies not against the analogy of faith, nor hindering
faith s devotion, are no such bugbears as should scare them from the
exercises of divine duties, nor cause them to disturb the peace of our
Church, whose government is more consonant to Scripture than all
the best reformed churches at this day in the world." This opinion,
30 as compared with that of Bishop Cooper, will illustrate the difference
between the two professions of the church and the law in their con
duct towards the non-conformists ; a difference which was evident
at this early period, and which gradually led, as Lord Clarendon has
noticed, to a complete alienation between the members of the two
3 5 professions. Hist. Reb. vol. i. p. 400, ed. 4to, 1816.
c Works, vol. ii. p. 522.
126 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
the convictions of the other. In the year 1589,
Cooper, Bishop of Winchester, published his " Admoni
tion to the People of England," in which he replied in
detail to the charges brought against the bishops and
the clergy, and endeavoured, with much mildness, and 5
by appealing to the plain sense and pious feelings of
his countrymen, " to satisfy, not all kind of men, but
the moderate and godly." But it is plain, from the
following passages, that he had no sympathy with those
of his opponents who would appear to common ob-io
servers to be most deserving of it, and that he sought
for the active interposition of the civil power in sup
pressing them and their followers. " He [Satan]
worketh his devices by sundry kinds of men : first, by
such as be Papists in heart, and yet can clap their i5
hands and set forward this purpose, because they see
it the next way, either to overthrow the course of the
gospel, or, by great and needless alteration, to hazard
and endanger the state of the common weal. The
second sort are certain worldly and godless epicures, 20
which can pretend religion and yet pass not which end
thereof go forward, so they may be partakers of that
spoil which in this alteration is hoped for. The third
sort, in some respect the best, but, of all other, most
dangerous, because they give the opportunity and 2 5
countenance to the residue, and make their endeavours
seem zealous and godly. These be such which in doc
trine agree with the present state, and show themselves
to have a desire of a perfection in all things, and in
some respect, indeed, have no evil meaning, but, 30
through inordinate zeal, are so carried, that they see
not how great dangers by such devices they draw into
the Church and State of this realm" (p. 29). And af
terwards (p. 122) "Undoubtedly if God move not the
CHAPTER in.] in the reign of James I. 127
hearts of the chief rulers and governors to seek some
end of this schism and faction which now rendeth in
pieces this church of England, it cannot be but in short
time for one recusant that now is we shall have three,
5 if the increase of that number which I mention be not
greater."
A more resolute and uncompromising writer was
Bancroft, afterwards archbishop of Canterbury. In the
year 1593 he sent forth his book entitled " Dangerous
10 Positions and Proceedings, &c.," in which he traced
the opinions of the Puritans from Geneva as their
fountain-head, through the fanatical insurgents of Scot
land, down to the Separatists of his own country, col
lecting, as he descended, all the foul and perilous stuff,
i5 whether civil or ecclesiastical, that he met with in
their publications, and charging it in its cumulative force
of sedition and treason on the unhappy Puritans of his
own times. In another respect, however, his observa
tions, though somewhat coarse, are just (p. 170.) " If
20 it be true (that I have heard reported), that upon the
coming forth of Martin s Epistle, Master Cartwright
should say, Seeing the bishops w r ould take no warn
ing, it is no matter that they are thus handled ;
surely those words from him were enough to set these
25 men agog. So as that which is commonly reported of
great robberies may fitly serve to satisfy the bolsterers
of such lewdness. There are (say they) in such at
tempts not only executioners, but also setters, receivers
and favourers, and, in matters of treason, concealers,
30 who are all of them within the danger and compass of
law." In his other well-known work, that he pub
lished intthe same year and entitled " A Survey of the
Pretended Holy Discipline," he traced the new system
of Church government introduced by Cartwright and
128 The revision of the Liturgy. [NARRATIVE.
his followers through its history of fluctuation and in
consistency, and showed its utter want of foundation in
the proceedings of the apostles or the practice of the
primitive church.
But the master production of the period was the 5
" Ecclesiastical Polity " of Hooker. Of this matchless
work the four first books were published in 1594, the
fifth three years afterwards, and the three remaining
books at different periods long after the death of their
author. The germ of his great argument, displayed 10
afterwards in the three first books of his work, had
been previously delivered by him as preacher at the
Temple in the following words d : "It is no small per
plexity which this one thing hath bred in the minds of
many who, beholding the laws which God himself hath i5
given abrogated and disannulled by human authority,
imagine that justice is hereby conculcated, that men
take upon them to be wiser than God himself, that
unto their devices his ordinances are constrained to
give place : which popular discourses, when they are 20
polished with such art and cunning as some men s
wits are well acquainted with, it is no hard matter with
such tunes, to enchant most religiously-affected souls ;
the root of which error is a misconceit that all laws are
positive which men establish, and all laws which God 25
delivereth immutable. No : it is not the author which
maketh, but the matter whereon they are made, that
causeth laws to be thus distinguished."
In the fifth book he proceeds to a close examination
of the charges brought by the Puritans against the dis- 3 o
cipline and worship of the Church, objecting against
his opponents their want of consideration for the kind
See Keble s Pref. to Hooker s Works, p. 5.
CHAPTER in.] in the reign of James I. 129
of materials out of which human institutions are con
structed, and the multiform nature of the judge to
whose decision all such questions must practically be
referred. His views may be expressed in the tw r o fol-
5 lowing maxims, which are not only applicable to his
own especial subject, but, when transferred to any
other relations, may be said to lie at the foundation of
all social wisdom. " In the external form of religion
such things as are apparently, or can be sufficiently
10 proved, effectual and generally fit to set forward god
liness, either as betokening the greatness of God, or
as beseeming the dignity of religion, or as concurring
with celestial impressions in the minds of men, may
be reverently thought of, some few rare, casual and
1 5 tolerable, or otherwise curable, inconveniencies not
withstanding." (vol. ii. p. 38.) " In evils that cannot
be removed without the manifest danger of greater to
succeed in their rooms, wisdom, of necessity, must give
place to necessity. All it can do in those cases is to
20 devise how that which must be endured may be miti
gated, and the inconveniences thereof countervailed as
near as may be : that when the best things are not
possible, the best may be made of those that are."
(vol. ii. p. 46.)
25 But the most remarkable attribute of the " Ecclesi
astical Polity " is its uniform superiority, in every de
partment of mind, to the general literature of the
period. A theologian might naturally be expected to
be well provided with weapons from the armoury of
30 the Church, a scholar might have exhausted the stores
of ancient learning, a philosopher have explored the
principles of his science, and a man of taste have a
keen perception of the graces of composition ; but
these various endowments, each of them a great acqui-
K
130 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
sition in itself, and some of them calculated from their
nature to be exclusive of the rest, are all displayed at
once, and each of them in a high degree of excellence,
in the " Ecclesiastical Polity." The reader is surprised
and delighted to find that his argument has not only 5
stood aloof from the ribaldry of the times and the ca
suistry of vulgar minds, but has laid before him the
important issues and the governing principles of the
whole question, investing them at the same time with
the riches of a copious literature, the fascinations of a 10
graceful and majestic style, and, above all, the virtues
of a Christian character.
Against the disorders of this period, pressed down at
different times, but always arising with new strength
and numbers from the pressure, the Queen s govern- 15
ment, and more especially her ecclesiastical coun
sellors, presented the most determined resistance, till
near the close of her reign. At that time the vigour
of her character was broken by age and disappoint
ment, and her advisers willingly found a reason for 2 o
their own forbearance in the infirmities of their
sovereign. Having lost the impulse they had formerly
derived from her greater energy, they also began to
reflect that a change of measures might be appre
hended from the different religious impressions of her 2 s
successor.
On the accession of King James, the earliest mea
sure adopted by the Puritans in concert was to present
to him the following address, which, from the great
number of the signatures attached to it, was called the 3 o
Millenary Petition.
" Most gracious and dread Sovereign,
" Seeing it hath pleased the Divine Majesty, to the
CHAPTER in. in the reign of James 7. 131
great comfort of all good Christians, to advance your
highness, according to your just title, to the peaceable
government of this Church and Commonwealth of
England : We, the ministers of the gospel in this land,
5 neither as factious men, affecting a popular parity in
the Church, nor as schismatics, aiming at the dissolution
of the state ecclesiastical, but, as the faithful servants
of Christ and loyal subjects to your majesty, desiring
and longing for the redress of divers abuses of the
10 Church, could do no less, in our obedience to God,
service to your majesty, and love to his Church, than
acquaint your princely majesty with our particular
griefs. For, as your princely pen writeth, the king,
as a good physician, must first know what peccant
jo humours his patient naturally is most subject unto
before he can begin his cure. And although divers of
us that sue for reformation have formerly, in respect of
the times, subscribed to the book, some upon protesta
tion, some upon exposition given them, some with con-
20 dition, rather than the Church should have been de
prived of their labour and ministry, yet now we, to the
number of more than a thousand of your majesty s sub
jects and ministers, all groaning as under a common bur
then of human rites and ceremonies, do, with one joint
2 5 consent, humble ourselves at your majesty s feet, to be
eased and relieved in this behalf. Our humble suit,
then, unto your majesty is, that these offences follow
ing, some may be removed, some amended, some
qualified :
30 "1. In the church service : that the cross in baptism,
interrogatories ministered to infants, confirmations, as
superfluous, may be taken away: baptism not to be
ministered by women, and so explained : the cap and
surplice not urged : that examination may go before
K 2
132 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
the communion : that it be ministered with a sermon :
that divers terms of priests and absolution and some
other used, with the ring in marriage, and other such
like in the book, may be corrected : the longsomeness
of service abridged : church-songs and music moderated 5
to better edification : that the Lord s day be not pro
faned : the rest upon holydays not so strictly urged :
that there may be an uniformity of doctrine prescribed:
no popish opinion to be any more taught or defended :
no ministers charged to teach their people to bow atio
the name of Jesus : that the canonical scriptures only
be read in the church."
In three other articles the Petition treats of Church
ministers, Church living and maintenance, and Church
discipline, objecting to the want of sufficient Preachers, i5
to non-residence, to the subscription usually required
to articles, to commendams pluralities and impropria-
tions, to excommunications, to the powers and prac
tices of ecclesiastical courts ; and then concludes in the
following words : 20
" These, with such other abuses yet remaining and
practised in the Church of England, we are able to
shew not to be agreeable to the Scriptures, if it shall
please your highness further to hear us, or more at
large by writing to be informed, or by conference 25
among the learned to be resolved. And yet we doubt
not but that, without any further process, your Majesty
(of whose Christian judgment we have received so
good a taste already) is able of yourself to judge of
the equity of this cause. God, we trust, hath ap-3o
pointed your highness our physician to heal these
diseases : and we say with Mordecai to Hester, Who
knoweth whether you are come to the kingdom for
such a time. Thus your Majesty shall do that which
CHAPTER in.] in the reign of James I. 133
we are persuaded shall be acceptable to God, honour
able to your Majesty in all succeeding ages, profitable
to his Church, which shall be thereby increased, com
fortable to your ministers, which shall be no more
5 suspended, silenced, disgraced, imprisoned for men s
traditions, and prejudicial to none but those that seek
their own credit, quiet, and profit in the world. Thus,
with all dutiful submission, referring ourselves to your
Majesty s pleasure for your gracious answer as God
!<> shall direct you, we most humbly recommend your
highness to the Divine Majesty, whom we beseech for
Christ s sake to dispose your royal heart to do herein
what shall be to his glory, the good of his Church, and
your endless comfort."
i5 But James had already contracted, from the treat
ment he had experienced in Scotland, a strong dislike
for Genevan platforms and republican principles. His
feeling on these subjects was rapidly increased, as he
travelled through his southern provinces, by the clamor-
so ous and reiterated demands of the non-conformists,
contrasted with the calm and respectful demeanour
of the established clergy. Alarmed by the crowds
that sought admission to his presence, and irritated by
the importunities of the Puritans, he would probably
25 have given them a peremptory refusal, had there not
been peculiar elements in his character, which made
him consent to mediate between the two contending
parties, although his decision respecting them appears
to have been already taken. A conference was sought
30 by the Puritans between persons selected from each
side, to discuss the several points at issue, and more
especially the projected revision of the Liturgy. To
this request the King acceded ; although the esta
blished clergy naturally opposed it, as being in itself
K 3
134? The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
an imputation of error, and likely, if granted, to lead
to no other result than an increased and embittered
discontent. And such was actually the ground on
which a similar request had been refused by his pre
decessor. But James was greedy of applause; and 5
there were two different ways in which this concession
would lead to the gratification of his ruling passion.
He would display his magnanimity by listening to the
prayer of individuals for whom, as he had already
shewn, he felt no personal sympathy ; and he would 10
exhibit his talent and erudition by encountering
learned theologians on their own ground, and foiling
them with their own weapons.
The King acted in this case agreeably with the
advice of Lord Bacon f ; who was now advancing iniS
royal favor, and took care in recommending a confer
ence, and overruling the objections of the clergy, to
touch the principal chord in his master s character.
" It is said that if way be given to mutation, though it
be in taking away abuses, yet it may so acquaint men 20
with sweetness of change, that it will undermine the
stability even of that which is sound and good. This
surely had been a good and true allegation in the
ancient contentions and divisions between the people
and the senate of Rome ; where things were carried at 25
the appetites of multitudes, which can never keep
within the compass of any moderation : but these
things being with us to have an orderly passage, under
a king who hath a royal power and approved judg
ment, and knoweth as well the measure of things as 30
the nature of them, it is surely a needless fear. For
they need not doubt but your Majesty, with the advice
f Works, vol. ii. p. 528. Docum. Ann. vol. ii. p. 44.
CHAPTER in.] in the reign of James I. 135
of your council, will discern what things are inter
mingled like the tares amongst the wheat, which have
their roots so enwrapped and entangled, as the one cannot
be pulled up without endangering the other ; and what
5 are mingled but as the chaff and the corn, which need
but a fan to sift and sever them."
In the mean time the two Universities felt the occa
sion to be one of so much peril as to call for an
express declaration of their opinions ; and the Univer-
iosity of Oxford sent forth a paper in which the other
University concurred, replying seriatim to the com
plaints of the petitioners, and representing the danger
that would follow from their designs, not merely to the
Church, but also to the monarchy. " Would it not
i5 beseem the supereminent authority and regal person of
a king to be himself confined within the limits of some
particular parish, and then to subject his sovereign
power to the pure apostolical simplicity of an over-
swaying and all-commanding Presbytery? Would it
20 not do him much good in a time of need that his
people should be rooted and grounded in this truth,
viz. : That his meek and humble clergy have power
to bind their King in chains, and their Prince in links
of iron ? that is (in their learning) to censure him, to
2 5 enjoin him penance, to excommunicate him ; yea, (in
case they see cause) to proceed against him as a
tyrant? Neither may it be truly said that these are
only speculations. There are some of high place yet
alive, and other some are dead, that have felt the
30 smart hereof in their own experience, and have seen
the worst of all this put in woeful execution."
According to his own confessions, King James had
S Prsemon. to all Christian Monarchy. Works, p. 305.
K 4
] 36 T/ie revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
disliked the proceedings of the Scottish Reformers
from a very early period, and had laboured to restore
the government of bishops for six years before his
accession to the throne of England. Finding himself
now enabled to decide according to his own judgments
between the two parties, and constantly acquiring
further reasons h for supporting the episcopal clergy, he
declared himself a sincere member of the Church of
England, and thanked God that he had been " brought
to the promised land, to a country where religion was 10
purely professed, and where he sat among grave,
learned, and reverend men ; not as before, elsewhere, a
king without state, without honour, and without order,
and where beardless boys would brave him to his
face." is
King James entered the capital of his new domi
nions on the 7th of May, 1603, and one of his first
acts was to make preparation for convening an as
sembly of divines, in which all ecclesiastical differences
might be debated. "We are persuaded," said he, in a 20
subsequent proclamation 1 , "that both the constitution
and doctrine thereof [of the Church of England] is
agreeable to God s word, and near to the condition of
the primitive Church ; yet forasmuch as experience
doth shew daily that the church militant is never so 25
well constituted in any form of policy, but that the
imperfections of men, who have the exercise thereof,
do with time, though insensibly, bring in some corrup-
h The king said during the Conference, " I have learned of what
cut they have been, who, preaching before me since my coming into 30
England, passed over with silence my being supreme governor in
causes ecclesiastical."
1 Proclamation of Oct. 24, 1603. Wilkins Cone. v. iv. p. 371.
Docum. Ann. v. ii. p. 44.
CHAPTER in. J in the reign of James I.
tions ; as also for that informations were daily brought
unto us by clivers, that some things used in this church
were both scandalous to many seeming zealous, and
gave advantage to the adversaries, we conceived that
5 no subject could be so fit for us to shew our thankful
ness to God, as upon serious examination of the state
of this church to redeem it from such scandals, as both
by the one side and the other were laid upon it."
Owing to the prevalence of the plague in many parts
10 of the kingdom, and other circumstances of a tempo
rary nature, the meeting did not take place till the
following month of January ; and the interval was
employed by many of the non-conformists in such a
manner, presuming so far upon the king s disposition
i5in their favor, and adopting measures so seditious in
their character, that they increased the high degree of
distaste already conceived against them, and met with
a severe rebuke from him.
On the 14th day of January, in the year 1604, the
20 first conference was held in the palace of Hampton
Court in the presence of the king and the lords of the
privy council. The persons summoned to attend and
permitted to take part in the discussion on behalf of
the established clergy, were Whitgift, archbishop of
25 Canterbury, then too old and infirm to take any active
part in the proceedings, eight bishops, six deans besides
the dean of the chapel royal, and two doctors of
divinity. The persons appointed to represent the
Puritans, remarkable certainly for the smallness of
30 their number, but still the best qualified after the
death of Cartwright and Travers to support their
opinions, were Dr. Rainolds, Dr. Sparkes, Mr. Knew-
stubbs, and Mr. Chaderton. Mr. Patrick Galloway,
minister of Perth, was permitted to be present at the
138 The revision of the Liturgy [ NARRATIVE -
second day s conference, and has left an account of it
in a letter k addressed to some friends in Scotland.
Dr. James Montague, dean of the chapel royal, who
was one of the divines summoned to attend, wrote a
short narrative of the three conferences on the 18th 5
of January, the day on which the whole business was
concluded. This narrative, the composition of a person
devoted to the court, but not chargeable with any
remarkable prepossession in his statement, is as follows:
(in a letter bearing date 18th Jan. I60f .) l J0
"I am sure you have a longing to hear what becometh of
this great business, between the bishops and the ministers. I
cannot write you the disputes ; my employments at this time
would not permit ; but in short on Saturday it began : the
king assembling only the lords of his council and the bishops, i5
myself had the favour to be present by the king s command.
The company met and himself sat in his chair. He made a
very admirable speech of an hour long at least, for learning,
piety, and prudency I never heard the like ; concluded it with
a most excellent prayer ; entered into the points he meant to 20
stand upon, propounding unto them in general, that if he
erred in any thing, he would suffer himself to be corrected by
God s word ; if they erred they must yield to him, for he
would ever submit both sceptre and crown to Christ s, to be
guided by his word. 25
" His majesty propounded six points unto them : three in
the Common Prayer Book, two for the bishops jurisdiction
and one for the kingdom of Ireland. In the Prayer Book he
named the general absolution, the confirmation of children,
and the private baptism by women. These three were long 30
disputed between the king and the bishops. In the conclu-
k This letter is printed in the ensuing chapter, as well as the
longer and authentic account published by Dr. Barlow, one of the
divines present, then Dean of Chester, and afterwards Bishop of
Rochester and Lincoln successively. 3^
1 Winwood, v. ii. p. 13.
CHAPTER in.] in the reign of James I. 139
sion the king was well satisfied in the two former, so that the
manner might be changed, and some things cleared.
For the private baptism it held three hours at least ; the
king alone disputing with the bishops, so wisely, wittily, and
5 learnedly, with that pretty patience, as I think never man
living ever heard the like. In the end he won this of them,
that it should only be administered by ministers, yet in
private houses, if occasion required ; and that whosoever else
should baptize should be under punishment. 1 For the com-
lomissaries courts, and the censures of excommunication and
suspension they shall be mended, and the amendment is re
ferred to the lord chancellor and the lord chief justice. But
for their common and ordinary excommunication for trifles, it
shall be utterly abolished. The fifth point was about the
1 5 sole jurisdiction of bishops ; so he gained that of them, that
the bishops in ordination, suspension, and degradation, and
such like, they shall ever have some grave men to be assist
ants with them in all censures. For Ireland, the conclusion
was (the king making a most lamentable description of the
20 state thereof) that it should be reduced to civility, planted
with schools and ministers, as many as could be gotten.
These things done, he propounded matters, whereabout he
hoped there would be no controversy, as to have a learned
ministry and maintenance for them as far as might be. And
25 for pluralities and non-residences to be taken away, or at
least made so few as possibly might be. These things were
concluded on Saturday between the king and the bishops.
" On Monday the king called the other party by them
selves ; made likewise an excellent oration unto them, and
30 then went to the matter; no body being present, but the
lords of the council, and Dr. Reynolds, Dr. Sparkes, Dr.
Field, Dr. King, Mr. Chaderton, and Mr. Knewstubbs, all
the deans that were appointed and myself.
" They propounded four points ; the first for purity of
35 doctrine ; secondly for means to maintain it, as good minis
ters, &c. ; thirdly, the courts of bishops, chancellors, and
commissaries ; fourthly, the Common Prayer Book.
" For doctrine it was easily agreed unto by all ; for minis
ters also ; for jurisdiction likewise ; for the Book of Common
140 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE^
Prayer and subscription to it, there was much stir about all
the ceremonies and every point in it. The king pleaded hard
to have good proof against the ceremonies, and if they had
either the word of God against them or good authority, he
would remove them : but if they had no word of God against 5
them, but all authority for them, being already in the church,
he would never take them away : for he came not to disturb
the state, nor to make innovations, but to confirm whatever
he found lawfully established; and to amend and correct
what was corrupted by time. They argued this point 10
very long. The bishops of Winchester and London, who of
all the bishops were present, laboured this point hard, and
divers of the deans, but at length the king undertook them
himself, and examined them by the Word and by the Fathers.
There was not any of them that they could prove to be i5
against the Word, but all of them confirmed by the Fathers,
and that long before popery. So that for the ceremonies I
suppose nothing will be altered. And truly the doctors
argued but weakly against them : so that all wondered they
had no more to say against them. So that all that day was 20
spent in ceremonies ; and I think themselves being judges,
they were answered fully in every thing. At last it was con
cluded that day, that there should be an uniform translation
set out by the king of all the Bible, and one catechizing over
all the realm, and nothing of the Apocrypha to be read that 25
is in any sort repugnant to the Scripture ; but to be still
read, yet as Apocrypha, and not as Scripture ; and for any
point of the articles of religion, that is doubtful, to bo cleared.
This was the second day s work.
" The third day, which was Wednesday, the king assem-3o
bled all the bishops (the lords of the council only being
present) and took order how to have these things executed,
which he had concluded, that it might not be (as the king
said) as smoke out of a tunnel, but substantially done to
remain for ever. So they were debated to whom they might 35
the more fitly be referred, and by them made fit to be here
after enacted by parliament. So all the bishops and all the
council have their parts given them. This being done, the
ministers were called in, Doctor Reynolds and the rest, and
CHAPTER in.] in the reign of James I. 141
acquainted with what the king had concluded on. They were
all exceedingly well satisfied, but only moved one thing : that
those ministers who were grave men, and obedient unto the
laws, and long had been exempted from the use of cere-
5 monies, might not upon the sudden be obliged unto them, but
have some time given them to resolve themselves in using or
not using them. The king answered, his end being peace,
his meaning was not that any man should be cruel in im
posing those matters, but by time and moderation win all
10 men unto them : those they found peaceable, to give some
connivancy to such, and to use their brethren as he had used
them, with meekness and gentleness, and do all things to
the edification of God s church. So they ended these matters
till the parliament, and then these matters shall be enacted.
i5 " This in haste, with my duty, &c., I humbly take my
leave, &c. From the Court.
" JAMES MONTAGUE."
To this narrative was added the following " note m of
such things as shall be reformed :
20 " 1 . The absolution shal be called, The absolution or general
remyssion of sins.
" %. The confirmation shal be called, The confirmation or
furder examination of children s faith.
"3. The private baptism, now by laymen or women, shall be
25 called, The private baptisme by the ministers only ; and all
those questions in that baptisme, that insinuate it to be done
by women, taken awaye.
" 4. The Apocrypha, that hath some repugnancy to the ca
nonical Scripture, shall not be read ; and other places chosen,
30 which either are explanations of Scripture, or suite best for
good life and manners.
" 5. The jurisdiction of the bishops shal be somewhat
limited, and to have either the dean and chapter, or som
grave minister, assistant to them in ordination, suspension,
35 degradation, &c.
m This is copied from Strype (Whitgift, v. ii. p. 501) who took it from a paper
in the handwriting, as he believed, of Bishop Bancroft (of London). The copy
published in Winwood is not equally correct.
142 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
" 6. The excommunication, as it is nowe used, shal be taken
awaye, both in name and nature. And a writ out of the
Chancerie, to punish the contumacies, shal be framed.
" 7. The kingdom of Ireland, the borders of Scotland, and
all Wales, to be planted with schools and preachers as soon 5
as maye be.
"8. As manie learned ministers, and maintenance for them,
to be provided in such places of England where there is want,
as maye be.
" 9. As few double-beneficed men and pluralities as may be ; 10
and those that have double benefices to maintain preachers,
and to have their livings as neere as may be one to the other.
"10. One uniform translation of the Bible to be made, and
onelye to be used in all the churches of Englande.
" 11. One catechisme to be made and used in all places. i5
"12. The articles of religion to be explained and inlarged.
And no man to teach or read against anie of them.
" 13. A care had, to observe who do not receave the com
munion once in the year : the ministers to certify the bishops,
the bishop the archbishops, and the archbishops the kinge. 20
" 14. An inhibition for Popish books to be brought over:
and if anie come, to be delivered into their hands onelye that
are fitt to have them.
" 15. The highe commission to be reformed, and reduced to
higher causes and fewer persons ; and those of more honour 25
and better qualities."
The sentiments of the king himself respecting the
necessity for these conferences, and the manner of con
ducting them, was expressed in a proclamation of the
following March, in words that bear testimony, at the 30
same time, to his own self-approbation, to the judg
ment he had formed of the two contending parties, to
the general tone that he adopted as moderator, and yet
to the bland and indulgent temper which he wished to
possess in the estimation of his subjects n . 3.5
n Rymer, vol. xvi. p. 574. This proclamation is among the do
cuments of the ensuing chapter.
CHAPTER in.] in the reign of James L 143
The alterations it was determined to make in the
Book of Common Prayer were not submitted either to
the parliament or even to the convocations of the
clergy. The king required his metropolitan and others
5 of his commissioners for causes ecclesiastical to make
declaration of the changes agreed upon, and then
issued his letters patent to ratify their act, to provide
for the publication of the liturgy in its new condition,
and to enjoin the exclusive use of it in every parish of
10 the two provinces. He probably thought it hazardous
to refer considerations of so delicate a nature to any
large assembly, whether of laymen or of clergy. He
certainly believed that he possessed ample authority
under the broad shield of his prerogative, and those
1 5 two important statutes of Queen Elizabeth, which an
nexed the spiritual supremacy for ever to the crown,
and made the use of the public liturgy binding upon his
subjects. In describing the changes he had made as mat
ters merely of exposition and explanation, he sought to
20 shelter them under the clause introduced, at the desire
of Queen Elizabeth, into the Act of Uniformity, which
empowered him, " by the advice of his commissioners
or the metropolitan, to ordain and publish such further
ceremonies as may be most for the advancement of
25 God s glory, the edifying of his Church, and the due
reverence of Christ s holy mysteries and sacraments."
The alterations, accordingly, that were actually made
in the new edition of the Book of Common Prayer,
were the following: into the title of the absolution
3 o were inserted the words " or remission of sins." In
the gospels for the second Sunday after Easter and
the twentieth after Trinity the opening words, " Christ
[or Jesus] said to his disciples," were changed to
" Christ [or Jesus] said," which were also now printed
144 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
ill -a different letter, to shew that they were not to be
found in the original text. The rubrics in the office
for private baptism were altered so as to restrict the
administration of that sacrament to the minister of the
parish, or some other lawful minister. The title, 5
" Confirmation," was explained by the additional
words, " or laying on of hands upon children baptized
and able to render an account of their faith." The
doctrine of the two sacraments was added to the cate
chism. Some few changes were made in the lessons I0
taken from the Apocrypha ; a prayer, now called the
prayer for the royal family, was inserted after that
for the king ; and occasional thanksgivings for rain,
fair weather, plenty, &c., were added after their corre
sponding prayers. l5
It is evident that these alterations did not remove
the whole or even the principal objections made by the
Puritans, and were in some instances matters of indif
ference to them. The king himself had called for the
changes that were made respecting absolution, private 20
baptism and confirmation, and had readily assented to the
suggestions of Dr. Rainolds on the subject of the gos
pels, the lessons taken from the Apocrypha, and an en
larged form of catechism. But what must the Puri
tans have thought of the complete and almost contemp- 25
tuous refusal that was given to them respecting the vest
ments, the ring in marriage, and the cross in baptism ?
observances which, when treated as mere rites, were
held to be unobjectionable, but when considered on
the principle of obedience to church authority, were 30
pronounced to be indispensable. " I charge you," said
the king, " never speak more to that point, how far
you are to obey the orders of the Church."
The four Puritans who were present at the con-
CHAPTER in.] in the reign of James I. 145
ference appear to have expressed their concurrence in
the decisions of the king as they were severally deli
vered, and at the close to have promised obedience to
the future injunctions of the Church. Sincere and
5 conscientious men, and some of them possessing no
common amount of learning and talent, they could
not be insensible to the forcible reasoning of their
opponents, and were probably oppressed by their
sense of the august presence and the high spiritual
10 authority arrayed against them. But to their brethren
without, less capable of forming a correct judgment,
and less likely to be influenced by reverential feeling,
the result of this conference was the occasion of dis
appointment and remonstrance.
i5 " Matters," said a contemporary writer , "were well
calmed by the king s moderation, if no after tempest
should arise." But the tempest had never ceased : it
had only abated, as if to gather strength for more de
sperate encounters. In the following year was pre-
20 sented to the king a petition from ministers in the
diocese of Lincoln, in which, so far from acknowledg
ing the benefits of the recent examination, they seem
to have increased their demands in proportion to their
disappointment. Charging the Book of Common
20 Prayer with fifty gross corruptions, and ceremonies
notoriously abused to superstition and idolatry, they
called, in strong and peremptory language, for its total
abolition. And this was the beginning of many
sorrows.
30 It has been observed by an able historian v, " that
there is no middle course in dealing with religious sec
taries, between the persecution that exterminates and
Fabric of the Church, by W. Tooker, Pref. 3.
P Hallam Const. Hist. vol. i. p. 219, 4to.
L
146 The revision of the Liturgy, fyc. [NARRATIVE.
the toleration that satisfies." Now whatever may be
the case in such a frame of society as might certainly
be conceived, but has never yet been realized ; or,
again, whatever may actually be the case in some
communities where religion has ceased to be a convic-5
tion or a principle (and for such cases it is unnecessary
to contend), it is evident that during the whole period
of the puritanical controversy in England, no method
but one professing moderation on the part of the go
vernment was either expedient or even practicable. It 10
was as much a matter of conscience on the one side to
preserve what the church had ordained, as it was on
the other to reject what their own private judgment
had condemned. It might be deemed as sinful for the
one party to retain a creed after their own peculiar 1 5
tenets had been expunged, as it would be for the other
to use the same creed with such tenets contained in it.
With antagonists so opposed to each other, no perse
cution could be carried far enough to exterminate
either of them, and no toleration could completely 2 o
satisfy both. The only method remaining, and one
which has also positive reasons in its favour, was to
secure, by mild and temperate measures, the concur
rence and co-operation of the middle classes of men, of
those who are always respectable for their numbers and 25
their character, and are always reinforced, and more
especially at a time of danger, from the adverse parties
on either side of them.
CHAPTER IV.
Documents connected with the revision of King James I.
I. A Proclamation concerning such as seditiously seek reformation
in Church matters. Wilkins Cone. vol. iv. p. 371.
II. The opinion of Matthew Hutton, Archbishop of York, touch
ing certain matters,, like to be brought in question at the Confer
ence. Strype, Whitgift, vol. iii. pp. 392 402.
III. King James to some person unknown in Scotland, concern
ing the Conference at Hampton Court. Cott. Libr. Vespasian,
F- 3-
IV. A letter from Court by Toby Matthew, Bishop of Durham,
to Archbishop Hutton, giving an account of the Conference.
Strype, Whitgift, vol. iii. pp. 402 407.
V. The sum and substance of the Conference at Hampton Court,
contracted by William Barlow, D. D., Dean of Chester.
VI. A letter from Patrick Galloway to the Presbytery of Edin
burgh, conceniing the Conference. Calderwood s Hist, of the
Ch. of Scotland, p. 474.
VII. Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi et aliis pro reformatione Libri
Communis Precum. Rymer, vol. xvi. p. 565.
VIII. A Proclamation for the authorizing of the Book of
Common Prayer to be used throughout the realm. Wilkins Cone,
vol. iv. p. 377.
148 Proclamation against such as seditiously [DOCUMENTS.
I.
A proclamation concerning such as seditiously seek reformation
in church matters.
AS we have ever from our infancy had manifold proofs of
God s great goodness towards us in his protecting of
us from many dangers of our person, very nearly threatening 5
us, and none more notorious than his happy conducting us in
the late case of our succession to this crown, which contrary
to most men s expectation we have received with more quiet
and concurrency of good will of our people (otherwise perhaps
of different dispositions) than ever in like accident hath been 10
seen ; so do we think, that the memory of his benefits ought
to be a continual solicitation to us to shew ourselves thankful
to his divine majesty whereinsoever opportunity shall be offered
us to do him service, but especially in things concerning his
honour and service, and the furtherance of the gospel, which i5
is the duty most beseeming royal authority. Wherefore after
our entry into this kingdom, when we had received informa
tion of the state thereof at the decease of the queen our
sister of famous memory, although we found the whole body
thereof in general by the wisdom of herself, and care of those, 20
who had the administration thereof under her, in such good
state of health, as did greatly commend their wisdoms, as
well in the politic part of it, as also in the ecclesiastical,
whereof since we have understood the form and frame, we
are persuaded that both the constitution and doctrine thereof 25
is agreeable to God s word, and near to the condition of the
primitive church; yet forasmuch as experience doth shew
daily, that the church militant is never so well constituted in
any form of policy, but that the imperfections of men, who
have the exercise thereof, do with time though insensibly, 30
bring in some corruptions ; as also for that informations were
daily brought unto us by divers, that some things used in
this church were both scandalous to many seeming zealous, and
CHAPTER iv.] seek reformation in church matters. 149
gave advantage to the adversaries ; we conceived that no
subject could be so fit for us to shew our thankfulness to
God, as upon serious examination of the state of this church,
to redeem it from such scandals, as both by the one side and
5 the other were laid upon it. For our instruction wherein, we
appointed a meeting to be had before ourself and our council,
of divers of the bishops and other learned men, the first day
of the next month, by whose information and advice we might
govern our proceeding therein, if we found cause of amend-
10 ment. But by reason of the sickness reigning in many places
of our kingdom, the unseasonable time of the year for travel,
and the incommodity of the place of our abode for such an
assembly, we were constrained to defer it till after Christmas.
At which consultation we shall both more particularly under-
i5 stand the state of the church, and receive thereby light to
judge, whether there be indeed any such enormities, as are
pretended, and know how to proceed to the redress. But
this our godly purpose we find hath been misconstrued by
some men s spirits, whose heat tendeth rather to combustion
20 than reformation, as appeareth by the courses they have
taken ; some using public invectives against the state eccle
siastical here established, some contemning their authority
and the processes of their courts, some gathering subscrip
tions of multitudes of vulgar persons to supplications to be
25 exhibited to us, to crave that reformation, which if there be
cause to make, is more in our heart than in theirs. All
which courses, it is apparent to all men, are unlawful, and do
savour of tumult, sedition, and violence, and not of such a
Christian modesty, as beseemeth those, who for piety s sake
30 only desire redress of things they think to be amiss, and
cannot but be the occasions of dissentious partialities, and
perhaps of greater inconveniences among our people.
For preventing whereof, we have thought it necessary to
make public declaration to all our subjects, that as we have
30 reason to think the estate of the church here established, and
the degrees and orders of ministers governing the same, to be
agreeable to the word of God and the form of the primitive
church, having found the same blessed in the reign of the late
queen with great increase of the gospel, and with a most
L 3
150 Proclamation against such as seditiously Sfc. [DOCUMENTS.
happy and long peace in the politic state, which two things,
the true service of God, and happiness of the state, do com
monly concur together; so are we not ignorant, that time
may have brought in some corruptions, which may deserve a
review and amendment, which if by the assembly intended by 5
us we shall find to be so in deed, we will therein proceed
according to the laws and customs of this realm by advice of
our council, or in our high court of parliament, or by convo
cation of our clergy, as we shall find reason to lead us ; not
doubting, but that in such an orderly proceeding we shall 10
have the prelates and others of our clergy no less willing, and
far more able to afford us their duty and service, than any
other, whose zeal goeth so fast before their discretion. Upon
which our princely care, our pleasure is, that all our subjects
do repose themselves, and leave to our conscience, that which i5 .
to us only appertaineth, avoiding all unlawful and factious
manner of proceeding ; for that hereafter if any shall either
by gathering the subscriptions of multitudes to supplications,
by contemptuous behaviour of any authority by the laws
resting in ecclesiastical persons, by- open invectives and inde- 20
cent speeches either in the pulpit or otherwise, or by disobe
dience to the processes proceeding from their jurisdiction,
give us cause to think, that he hath a more unquiet spirit,
than becometh any private person to have toward public
authority, we will make it appear by their chastisement, how 25
far such a manner of proceeding is displeasing to us, and that
we find that these reformers under pretended zeal affect
novelty, and so confusion in all estates, whereas our purpose
and resolution ever was, and now is to preserve the estate as
well ecclesiastical as politic in such form, as we have found it 30
established by the laws here, reforming only the abuses,
which we shall apparently find proved, and that also to do by
such mature advice and deliberation, as we have above men
tioned. Wherefore we admonish all men hereby to take
warning, as they will answer the contrary at their peril. 35
Given under our hand at Wilton the 24th day of October, of
our reign of England, France, and Ireland the first, and of
Scotland the thirtieth and seventh year, anno Domini MDCIII.
CHAPTER iv.] The opinion of Matthew Hutton. 151
II.
The opinion of Matthew Hutton, Archbishop of York,
certain matters, like to be brought in question before the
moxt excellent Majesty, at the Conference at Court. Written
October 9. 1. Jacobi, to the Archbishop of Canterbury.
QUESTION I.
5 First, Concerning the appropriations : Whether they be to
be given over to the ministers of the gospel, or may con
tinue, &c.
This question dependeth of another ; viz. Whether tithes
now in the time of the Gospel are to be paid jure divino, or
\QJure positivo.
Respons. My opinion is with Peter Martyr, 19. Judicum,
That he that laboureth is worthy of his hire, and that the
preachers of the word must have a competent portion to live
of ; but not precisely of tithes.
1 5 To make the matter more plain, we must understand, that
the Law of Moses was divided into three parts, moral, cere
monial, and judicial : and that these three laws were (as it
were) three adjuncts unto the subjects, (to speak after Ramus
his logick.) The ceremonial law was tied to the priesthood of
2oLevi. Which being taken away and abrogated, the whole
law also is abrogate, as St. Paul saith, Heb. vii. " Mutato
sacerdotio, necesse est ut legis mutatio fiat." The judicial
law was annexed, and given to that nation, or people, and
that government ; which being cast off, and that government
25 ceasing, the judicial law is abrogate : but not so as the cere
monial law is, but made not necessary for any state to be
tied unto. (Albeit, Struthius and Monetarius, two notable
hereticks of late times, would have all the world to be
governed by the judicial law of Moyses.) For kingdoms and
30 commonwealths may retain some, and alter some, as in
wisdom shall be thought convenient. Theft by that law was
punished by restitution. In this land, and (almost) in all
countries, it is punished with death. As for the moral law,
L 4
152 The opinion of Matthew Htitton [DOCUMENTS.
it abideth for ever, because the image of God (though rased
and much defaced in all men) doth still remain ; and by the
law of nature and reason doth owe a duty to God and to
all men, &c.
Now by what law were tythes commanded by Moyses ? 5
Peter Martyr (Jadic. 19.) saith, by the ceremonial law :
and that tythes did aim at Christ, the giver of all things.
But now, (Martyr saith,) " stipendia Ministris, sive persol-
vantur ex agris, sive ex sedibus, sive pecunia numerata, sive
in decimis, nihil refert ; niodo non sordide, sed honeste sus- 10
tententur."
In this ceremonial law of tithes there was something moral,
that is, that a sufficient portion should be allotted to the
ministers, &c. and that abideth still. But precisely the tenth
part, that was ceremonial, and bindeth not now. As in the i5
moral law of the sabbath, there was something ceremonial :
moral, that some day or time should be allotted to God s
service ; but precisely the seventh day, and not the eighth
day, that was ceremonial, and is abrogate. So^in the cere
monial law, the moral doth continue, the ceremonials are 20
taken away.
That excellent book, called "The Doctor and Student,"
(the author whereof was called St. German.) in the 55th
chapter saith, that tythes did belong to the judicials of
Moses, to the government of the nation. But he is in 2 5
opinion, that, by the law of reason and nature, (which is the
moral law,) the ministers of the New Testament must be
sufficiently provided for in land, rent, or otherwise, but not
necessarily by tithes. For he saith, that many whole coun
tries pay no tithes, and that our laws in many cases do allow 30
of a prescription, "de non decimando ;" which cannot be
against the law of God.
Now as for appropriations, I think, superstition was the
cause of most of them ; but now they are confirmed by the
law of the land, and universally dispersed by the same law ; 3 5
some in the crown; some belonging to colleges in the Uni
versities, (and they are best bestowed;) some belong to
noblemen and bishops ; some to cathedral churches and hos
pitals ; some to gentlemen and others, inferiors of all sorts ;
CHAPTER iv.] touchi/nj the Conference at Court. 153
some are seized of them, as of inheritance ; more possessed,
as of leases ; and all these, bonce fidei possessores : and there
fore may keep them with a safe conscience ; and the parish
ioners are bound in conscience, as to the parsons and vicars,
5 so to the approprietaries, or to their farmers, to pay their
tithes truly, though they be never so wicked men. " Suum
cuique tribuere est proprium munus justitiae."
I wish better provision were made for godly preachers.
But how it may be done, I leave that to his Majesty, (who is
10 both learned, wise, and careful for religion,) and to the grave
men of State and of the Church. Thus much of the first
question.
QUESTION II.
1 5 As touching the government of the Church in this kingdom,
under his Majesty, whether by bishops or by presbyteries, I
will shew my opinion as briefly as I can.
Respons. Presbytery is more popular, Bishops more aristo-
cratical. Presbytery hath a resemblance with a Sanhedrim of
20 the J ews ; which being a part of the judicial law, is so abro
gate, that it is made not necessary to be reteyned in the time
of the New Testament : neither the authoritie of that which
was the great Sanhedrim ; nor of the twenty-three, the
middle ; nor of three, which was the lowest, and dealt with
2 5 smallest matters. But our Presbyteries do derive their
authority from the Apostles time. Priests and Bishops, they
say, were all one, as Jerom saith to Evagrius, and upon the
Epistle to Titus : and they governed the Church communi con-
silio. But afterwards, for avoiding of schism, " in toto orbe
^odecretum est/ it was decreed in all the world, that one of
the number of the priests should be elected to be over the
rest, and to have the general care over the priests : but
4i magis consuetudine, quam dispositionis Dominicse veritate."
Whereas indeed Bishops have their authority, not by any
35 custom or decree of man, but from the Apostles themselves,
as Epiphanius proveth plainly against Arrius the heretick ;
who, being a proud man, because he could not get to be
a S. Jerom. in cap. ad Tit.
154 Tfie opinion of Matthew Hutton [DOCUMENTS.
bishop himself, thought, that "idem est Episcopus et Pres
byter." With this opinion St. Augustine doth charge that
heretick, in his book " De Hseresibus, Ad quod vult Deum."
But Epiphanius doth shew the difference to be, not only
because the bishop hath authority over the Priests, but be- 5
cause Presbyter begetteth children to the Church by preach
ing and baptizing ; the Bishop begetteth Fathers to the
Church by giving of orders. " Hujus rei gratia reliqui te in
Creta, ut quse desunt pergas corrigere ; constituas oppidatim
Presbyteros," &c. And so it hath continued in the Church 10
ever since. The question then is this :
Whether is better, the Bishops to continue in England, or
that Presbyteries be brought into this realm and Church of
England ?
Aristotle saith, There are three kinds of good states ; i5
basilia, the best ; aristocratia, the next : and timocratia, the
meanest of all the three : where one, few, or many govern for
the good of the whole commonwealth. Three other sorts of
evil states, tyrannis, oligarchia, and democratia ; where one,
few, or the multitude have care only of their own private, 20
and not of the good of the whole. If the gospel be preached
in any of the evil states, there is hope it will make it good.
If in any of the good states, it is no doubt but it will make
it better. But one ecclesiastical government and discipline
is not fit for all commonwealths. The Sanhedrim of the Jews
was not so convenient in the time of the kings, as it was 25
before and afterwards. Josephus writes, that when the
people would needs have a king, Samuel was sore offended
thereat, b because " valde delectabatur optimatum guberna-
tione ; at non amabat regiam potestatem ut mimam." And
Hircanus and Aristobulus, before Pompey, refuse to be 30
under kings, and desire that the people may be governed by
God s priests, as was the manner of the country. So likewise
at this time, they that so much do magnify the government
by presbyteries, like better of a popular state than of a
monarchy. Yea, Calvin himself, the chief patron of pres-s5
byteries, as he misliketh that a king should be supream head,
h Lib. vi. cap. 4. Antiq. <- Lib. xiv. cap. 5.
CHAPTER iv.] touching the Conference at Court. 155
so he commendeth, beyond all other, a mixt state of aristo-
cratia and timocratia. d Such was and is at Geneva. And so
a popular government by presbyteries is more fit for a
popular government than it is for basilia.
5 Therefore the king s majesty, as he is a passing wise king,
and the best learned prince in Europe, had need to take
heed, how he receiveth into his kingdom such a popular
government ecclesiastical as is that of the presbyterie ; " ne
forte, &c. latet anguis in herba." Basilia, the worst of the
10 three, &c. And the king to be supream Head of the Church,
misliked, &c. Thus much of the second question.
QUESTION III.
Thirdly, I am informed, there is great banding by men of
1 5 good learning, (but of singular wisdom and learning in their
own opinion,) set on by busy-bodies, hot and guiddy heads,
who fear nothing more, than lest they should seem to doubt
of any thing : these Lucians, or Luciferians, intend to dis
grace and deface the Book of Common Prayer and the minis-
20 tration of the sacraments ; either to overthrow it, or (at
least) to alter it. But these men, though they make small
accompt of the bishops now lyving in this church, yet (me-
thinks) should reverence reverend Archbishop Cranmer,
learned Bishop Ridley, and grave Bishop Latymer, who at
26 one time yielded their bodies to be burnt, for the defence of
that book, and the gospel professed in the Church of England,
in the time of vertuous King Edward the Sixth.
This matter began almost forty years ago, and hath been
answered first and very sufficiently by your Grace unto T. C.
30 and since very well by divers others : yet being required, I
am content to set down my opinion shortly in some few
points.
One chief thing is misliked, that women, midwives, and
laymen, seem to be permitted to baptize in time of necessity.
30 Respons. I answer briefly. First, That the book doth not
allow of it. Secondly, That it was not said to women or lay
men, " Ite, predicate, baptizantes eos in nomine," &c. and
rt Calvin, in Amos cap. 7. Institnt. lib. iv. cap. 20.
158 The opinion of Matthew Hutton [DOCUMENTS.
therefore they may not minister the sacrament of baptism.
I say also with Epiphanius, contra Collyridianos, that the
blessed Virgin Mary her self was not permitted to baptize.
And he charged Marcion the heretick, that he gave leave to
women to baptize. And yet I confess, that not only the 5
Church of Rome, but all the Schoolmen, and almost all
the ancient Fathers, do hould it lawful, that laymen may
baptize in time of necessity. Tertullian de baptismo ; " Alio-
quin laicis jus est dandi : quod enim ex sequo accipitur,
ex sequo dari potest." Augustine also, contra Epist. Par- TO
meniani, and in many other places, alloweth of the baptism
ministred by laymen. Zozomenus writeth, 6 that Athana-
sius, a boy, playing with boyes, baptized certain of them ;
and yet Alexander, bishop of Alexandria, would not suffer
them to be baptized again. This erroneous custom and i5
abuse of the holy sacrament did grow from another error,
urged especially by that good Father, St. Augustine, (" Quan-
doque bonus dormitat Homerus,") that children dying with
out baptism could not be saved : which hath no sufficient
warrant in the word. The promise is, " Ero Deus tuus,
et Deus seminis tui." So that the children of Christian 20
parents are within the covenant before baptism; and by
baptism are sealed and declared so to be : as by circum
cision were the children of the Israelites. Yet if they died
before the eighth day, they were not thought to be con
demned. David would not have been cheared and comforted, 2 5
when his son died the seventh day, and before he was circum
cised, if he had thought he had been condemned : Nay, saith
he, (2 Sam. xii.) " I must go to him," &c.
Why then doth the book allow that women should baptize?
The best answer is, that though the book seem so to do, 30
yet doth it not commend or allow of that fact. True it is,
that their charitable dealing can do the child no harm, and
their fervent prayer to God may do it good. And the sick,
woful mother receiveth comfort, if it die. But if it live, it
is commanded by the book, that the child be brought to the -5
church, and the witnesses to be examined of all circum-
e Lib. ii. cap. 16.
CHAPTER iv.] touching the Conference at Court. 157
stances; and if the minister find a manifest defect, he is
commanded to proceed to prayer, and to the ministration of
baptism, and (at the least) baptize the child with a condition :
viz. " If thou, N. be not already baptized, I baptize thee in
5 the name of the Father, Son, and of the Holy Ghost ." It is
referred to the judgment of the minister, whether he think
the baptism sufficient and lawful.
And the fourth General Council of Carthage, (Canon 100.)
whereunto St. Augustin did subscribe,, hath these words :
10 " Mulier baptizare non presumat." And I heard divers reve
rend Fathers (who were learned preachers in King Edward s
days, and very privy to the doings in the convocation, and
themselves dealers, in anno primo Elizabethan) affirm plainly,
that there was no meaning to allow, that mid wives or
1 5 women should baptize, no more than to minister the Supper
of the Lord to the sick in private houses. But would not lay
it down in plain words, lest it might hinder the passage in the
. parliament : tantse molis erat Romanum tollere ritum.
QUESTION IV.
20 Another thing is misliked, viz. that the child is signed with
the sign of the cross in the forehead.
Respons. I answer, that the sign of the cross is and hath
been much abused in Popery :
" Per crucis hoc signum, fugiat procul omne malignum."
25 I say further, that it is not necessary to be used in that
sacrament. Yea, the Papists themselves confess, that it is
not of the substance, which standeth of two parts, as
Augustine saith, " Accedit verbum ad elementum, et fit
sacramentum, etiam visibile verbum."* 1 Notwithstanding to
30 the ministration thereof five things are required: the party
baptizing, the party baptized, a meaning to do that which
Christ commanded, the element of water, and the form of
the words, &c. Henricus de Vurima in Quartam Sentent.
comprehendeth them in these two verses :
~5 " Cum tincto tingens, intentio, post aqua, forma
Verboram, faciunt, ut sit baptismatis esse."
f 80. Tract, in Joan.
158 The opinion of Matthew Hutton [DOCUMENTS.
All other things whatsoever, he confesseth not to be of the
substance ; and he comprizeth many of them in three verses :
" Sal, oleum, chrisma, cereus, chrismale, saliva,
Flatus, virtutem baptismatis ista figurant ;
Haec cum patrinis non mutant esse, sed ornant." 5
The same we say of the cross : baptism may be well without
it. But we say also, it may be well used ; and is well used in
the Church of England.
It is a very ould ceremony, used by the best Fathers,
both without baptism and in baptism. " Insultat Paganus 10
crucifixo Christo : videam ego in frontibus regum crucem
Christi g . Again, Usque adeo de cruce non erubesco, ut
non in occulto loco habeam crucem Christi, sed earn in
fronte portem. Ad omnem progressum atque promotum,
ad omnem aditum et exitum, &c. frontem crucis signaculo i5
terimus V
It was also used in baptism, " Baptisma quoque per crucem
datur. Oportet enim signaculum hoc sumere, Sec." 1 Cyprian
also, in his sermon " De Passione Christi," saith, that the sign
of the cross was used in all sacraments. k 20
Now being set down in this Church by publick authority, it
may not be spurned at by private men. Humility and
obedience to the Prince and his laws, in all things not
contrary to God s laws, beseem best for all subjects and
private men. 26
QUESTION V.
It is much misliked in the Litany, that we pray to be
delivered from sudden death. We ought so to live, that death
should never find us unprepared.
Respons. I answer, that sudden death to the wicked is said 30
to be part of their happiness in this world ; that when they
have spent their lives in voluptuousness, and all worldly
felicity, they are not tormented with long and lingring
sickness, but without pain they are suddenly taken away. So
saith Job xxi. " Ducunt in bonis dies suos, et in momentum 36
descendunt in sepulchrum."
S Augustinus in Psal. cxli. h Ibidem. Tertullian. de Corona Milit.
* Chrysost. Horn. 13. in Philipp. k Cyprian, in Sermone de Passion.
CHAPTER iv.] touching the Conference at Court. 159
I say further, it is a sometime a blessing for God s children
to be taken away by death, lest they should fall into divers
sins. And so saith Cyprian, De Mortalitate 1 , upon these
words of the Book of Wisdom, ; Raptus est, ne malitia
5 mutaret inteliectum ejus." He commendeth hasty death,
because thereby men are taken away from the danger
of sin ; and that children by death avoid the danger of
slippery age.
And Augustin also saith, " Quomodo homini lapso, et in
Toeodem lapsu istam vitam misere finienti, atque ad poenas
eunti talibus debitas, non plurimum summeque prodesset,
si ex hoc tentationum loco priusquam laberetur, morte
raporetur 1 "." To be by death snatched away from sinning
is a blessing, as to dye suddenly in sin is a curse. " Electi
iSnonnulli, accepta gratia, in qualibet setate periculis hujus
vitse mortis celeritate subtrahuntur 11 ." And so are taken away
hastily, lest they should sin.
But by sudden death to be taken away in the act of sin,
without space or grace to repent, is a most fearful and
20 terrible thing; as were Core, Dathan, Abiron, Absolon,
Ananias and Sapphira, and many more. From such sudden
death every man ought to say, Good Lord deliver us.
But contrariwise, what a singular blessing is it, when a
man hath space and grace, not onely to repent him of his
2 5 sins, but also to dispose of his things, and make open
profession of his faith, that he dieth the servant of God,
and so yieldeth his soul into the hands of God ? It is a
comfortable edifying of them that be present, or shall hear of
his godly departure. Who wisheth not to dye the death of
30 Abraham, Isaac, and Jaakob, or David, &c.?
Lastly, There are some things that we must simply
pray for without condition; as, that God s name may be
hallowed, his will fulfilled, the kingdom of Christ enlarged ;
that we our selves may live and die in the favour of God,
3.5 by the merits of Christ Jesus. These things, and such like,
we must pray for without condition. Other things, which
belong to this life, and the manner of our death, we may
1 Cyprian, de Mortalit. cap. 4. m August, de Praedest. Sanct. cap. 14.
* August, de Corrupt, de Gratia, rap. 7,
160 The opinion of Matthew Hutton. [DOCUMENTS.
pray for with this condition, if it may so stand with the
good will and pleasure of Almighty God. And this condition,
tho not expressed, is understood in very many prayers in the
Litany. From Mattel and murtlier ; from plague, pestilence, and
famine ; and from sudden death. From sudden death without 5
repentance, we must simply pray to be delivered. But yet
indefinitely we may well pray to be delivered from sudden
death, with condition, if it may stand with the good pleasure
of our good God. And a condition is understood in one
petition of the Lord s Prayer, Give us this day our daily 10
bread ; the rest without condition.
The Lord, for his Christ s sake, bless his Majesty with
his manifold graces ; that he may maintain the Gospel in
this Church, as his dear sister, most worthy Queen Elizabeth,
did leave it ; and that as he, in his golden book to the Prince i5
his son, doth shew his dislike both of superstitious Papists and
giddy-headed Puritans, so God may give him courage and
constancy to withstand them both ; that neither the Papists
may obtain their hoped toleration, nor the Puritans their
fantastical platform of their reformation. 20
III.
King James to some person unknown in Scotland; concerning
the Conference at Hampton Court between him and the
Puritans.
MY honest Blake, I dare not say, faced 3. The letters 2 5
talking of deambulatorie counsils, and such like satyrike trikis,
did a little chafe me ; but yee may see I answered according
to the old scholar s rule, " In quo casu quseris, in eodem re-
spondere teneris." For I would be sorry not to be as con
stant indeed as she was, who called her self, Semper eadem. 30
Indeed ye may tell the Beagil, that he had best cease to com
plain of me being a Peripatetike. For I will oftentimes walk
so fast about and about with him, that he will be like to fall
CHAPTER iv.] King James 1 Letter. 1(51
down dead upon the fioure. I can give you no other thanks
for your daily working and publike smiling upon me ; onely
this, do quhat you can, yee can give me no more argumentis of
your faithful affection towards me ; and do quhat I can unto
5 you, I cannot never increase a haire the devotion of your ser-:
vice towards me.
We have kept such a revell with the Puritans here this
two days, as was never heard the like : quhaire I have pep
pered thaime as soundlie as yee have done the Papists thaire.
io It were no reason, that those that will refuse the airy sign
of the cross after baptism should have their purses stuffed
with any more solid and substantial crosses. They fled me
so from argument to argument, without ever answering mo
directly, ut est eorum moris, as I was forced at last to say unto
i5 thaime ; that if any of thaime had been in a college disputing
with thair scholars, if any of thair disciples had answered
them in that sort, they would have fetched him up in a place
of a reply ; and so should the rod have plyed upon the poor
boyes buttocks. I have such a book of thaires as may well
20 convert infidels, but it shall never convert me, expect by
turning me more earnestly against thayme.
And thus praying you to commend me to the honest Cham
berlain, I bid you heartily farewel.
James R.
IV.
A letter written from Court by Toby Matthew, Bishop of
25 Durham, to Hutton, Archbishop of York ; gioing an account
at targe of the Conference at Hampton Court before the Kinq,
In January, 1 603.
MAY it please your Grace; Upon Thursday the 12th of
this instant, [January,] my Lords Grace of Canterbury, with
;>othe Bishops of London, [Durham interlined,] Winchester,
Worcester, St. David s, Chichester, Carlisle, Peterborough,
and my self, out of the Privy Chamber, were sent for by his
M
Dr. Matthew s letter about the [DOCUMENTS.
Majesty into an inner withdrawing chamber ; where in a very
private manner, and in as few words, but with most gracious
countenance, he imparted to us, first, the cause wherefore we
were called up ; which was, for the reformation of some
things amiss in ecclesiastical matters, supposed, and by some 5
complained of. Next, how desirous he was, and we ought to
be, that the kingdom of Ireland might be reduced to the
true knowledge of God, and true obedience. To which latter,
without the former, he could never hope to find among them.
Lastly, his Majesty gave us to understand, that the day was 10
somewhat mistaken, being meant by him to be the Saturday
after : at which time his Majesty willed us to repair to the
court again.
Which when we did accordingly, his highness, about eleven
of the clock, in his privy chamber, in the presence of the i5
privy council only, sitting on his right hand, and all the
bishops on his left, made an excellent oration of an hour long,
declaring, "That religion was the soul of a kingdom, and
unity the life of religion. That as both among the Jews and
the Heathen, so among the Christian emperors, their chiefest 20
care was first to establish God s worship. And that in this
realm of England, as sondrie of the kings had been religious
in their kynde, of auncient tyme, so in this latter age there
had been made divers alterations; as, by King Henry the
Eighth in some points ; by King Edward in many more ; 2 5
by Queen Marie, who crossed them both; and lastly, by
Queen Elizabeth, who reformed her sister s superstitions,
and established the Church of God here, in the doctrine of
Christ, and discipline agreable to the same. Whereunto,
because some preachers in sondrie parts of the realme did 30
not so submit themselves, but that some contradiction and
discontentment did arise long since, and increase of late,
little less than to a schisme, (a point most perillous as well
to the common weale as to the Church :) therefore he had
convened us, the reverend Fathers, to consult with us : first, 35
aparte from our opposites, for avoiding contention towards us
and them, and for his own resolutions in some particulars,
which the contrary faction imputed partly to the Book of
Common Prayer, and partly to the forme of Church govern-
CHAPTER iv.] Conference at Hampton Court. 163
ment here. Which said particulars were, I. The forme of
absolution after the publique confession of synnes. II. The
manner of confirmation of children. III. The toleration of
private laptisme to be done by laymen or women. IV. Many
5 great errors and abuses, crept in under the title of excommuni
cation ; and by the corrupt dealing of chancellors, officials,
&c." Against all which his Majesty did argue and dispute
at large.
And after answer severally made by my lords grace of
10 Canterburie, and the bishops of London and Winchester
chiefly, his highness so scholasticallie and effectuallie replied,
that what with rejoyninge and surrejoyninge, fower long
houres were spent in that daies conference, to our exceeding
great admiration of his Majesties not only rhetorical and
i5 logical, but theological and juridical discourses. As also, in
the end, to his good satisfaction in all such objections as he
propounded ; giving present order, that for the present clear
ing of some doubts and misconstructions here and there, some
few words, not in the body of the sense, but in the rubricks,
20 or titles, of some of the aforesaid particulars, should, in the
next edition of the Common Prayer Book, be inserted, by
way rather of some explanation, than of any alteration at all.
Upon Monday his Majesty appointed certain of the best
learned of the preciser sort to be before him in the privy
25 chamber, to hear what they could object ; viz. Dr. Reynolds,
Dr. Sparke, Mr. Chatterton, and Mr. Knewstubbs : to whom
his highness used more shorte and round speech: and ad
mitted only two bishops to be present, to be named by my
lords grace of Canterbury ; who sent thither the bishops of
30 London and Winchester, while we the rest were with him,
setting down the form of the former points. The doctors
named divers abuses, but insisted chiefly upon the confirmation,
the cross in baptism, the surplice, private baptism, kneeling at
the communion, reading of the Apocrypha, subscriptions to the
35 Book of Common Prayer and Articles ; one only translation
of the Bible to be authentical, and read in the church ; the
censure of excommunication for so small causes ; the corrup
tions in the bishops" 1 and archdeacons courts, committed by
their chancellors, commissaries, officials, registers, and such
M 2
164 Sjj. Matthew 9 * letter about the [DOCUMENTS,
like officers ; together with their immoderate exactions and
fees,, to be reformed. Of all which, as also concerning the
oath (upon many and sundry catching articles unto the
preachers) ex officio, to entangle them : which one of them
compared to the Spanish Inquisition. 5
After that his Majesty had, in most excellent and extra
ordinary manner, disputed and debated with them, and con
futed their objections ; being therein assisted now and then,
for variety sake rather than for necessity, by the two bishops
before-named, from eleven of the clock until after fower ; 10
with some sharpe words amonge, he favourablie dismissed
them for that tyme ; requiring them to give their attendance
here again on the Wednesdaie after, before himself and his
council, and all the bishops, to receive such order and direc
tions, as he should be pleased to give therein. i5
According to which appointment, we and they altogether
presented our selves. And after that his Majesty had sum
marily repeated unto us what had passed between him and
them on the Monday, and began to set down the courses he
would have to be observed in some of the foresaid poynts in 20
controversy, Mr. Chatterton and Mr. Knewstubbs moved his
highness, with all submission, to have the cross in baptisme
utterly forborn, and kneeling at the communion. Which
being utterly for divers causes denyed them, yet by their
importunitie on behalf of certain preachers in Lancashire, 25
who had taken great pains against the Papists, and doone
much good among the people, his highness was contented,
out of his princely clemencie, so far to condescend unto them
that a letter should be written to the bishop of Chester, to
bear with their weakness for some time, and not proceed over 30
hastilie and roughlie against any of them, until, by confer
ence between the bishop and them, they might be persuaded
to conforme themselves to us, and the rest of their brethren ;
advising Mr. Chatterton and Mr. Knewstubbs, by their
letters or otherwise, to deal with those preachers to submits^
themselves to the judgment of the church, and to avoid all
singularitie, the mother of schismes and disorder.
Which done, his Majesty assigned his council and all the
bishops forthwith to go and consult together in the council-
-CHAPTER ivJ Conference at Hampton Court. 165
chamber, as well upon the premisses that needed any amends,
as also how religion might be planted upon the borders of
England and Scotland, and likewise in Wales, but especially
in his kingdome of Ireland ; wherein he made demonstration
5 of his exceeding princely care and godlie zeal, with most
vehement and deep impression in all our ears and hearts, for
the salvation of the souls of that forelorn people, and for the
discharge of his own and all our Christian duties. Naming
withall some whom he thought fittest to be employed, to
f iotake care for the expedition of that principal design.
Immediately whereupon, all the most honourable privy
councel and wee going together, agreed to set down several
courses for the better performance of all and every the
matters afore-mentioned : some of them and us to employ our
1 5 selves, some in one thing and some in another. The copy of
which general project I will send your grace so soon as I can
procure it of my lord Cecill : to whom his highness did deliver
it to be recorded in the council book : adding thereunto an
earnest exhortation and charge unto both the chancellors of
20 the universities there present, and to the bishoppes, to be
much more careful hereafter than heretofore, not to suffer
any person in any college, that shall be given to defend any
heresie, or disposed to maintaine any schismatical tricks, (as
he termed them,) what other good giftes or eloquence soever
25 they have. For the more learning, saith he, without hu-
militie and obedience, the more pernicious to Church and
common weale. Lastly, to look better to the education of
noblemen and gentlemens sons, many of which he was in
formed to have been by popish tutors and teachers danger-
30 ouslie corrupted.
And requiring the bishoppes to be so much the more
vigilant in their calling, as the adversaries are no less diligent
than the devil himself in perverting the people, we were most
benignly and graciously dismissed for that tyme.
35 Thus much I thought it my duty in grosse to advertise
your Grace, as I promised, presuming that some other, as
Sir John Bennet, hath already or will shortly certify all in
more particular : wishing that you had been here at the con
ference, which in my opinion would have wrought in you as
166 Bp. Matthew s letter, fyc. [DOCUMENTS.
great comfort and joy as ever happened to you in this mortal
life; to see and hear so worthie a kyng and prieste in one
person, with so sacred a majesty, to propose, discusse, and
determyne so many, so necessarie, and so important matters,
so readilie, so soundlie, as I never look to see or hear the like 5
again. God, even the God of our fathers, prosper and
protect his highness and all his posteritie, as he hath rejoyced
the hearts of all us, his humble and obedient clergye ; hoping
also, that it will work, if not perfect contentment, yet much
more quietness in all those that were before otherwise 10
affected.
Thus, with my many humble thanks for your Grace s late
fatherly kindness at Bishopthorp, among the rest of your
auncient accustomed favours, and with my most hearty salu
tations to good Mrs. Hutton, your vertuous yoake-fellow, 1 15
take my leave : betaking you both to the grace of God. At
Kingstone upon Thames, this 19th of January, 1603.
Your Graces humble at commandment,
and for ever most assured,
20
Tobie Duresme.
When I was in the middest of this discourse, I received a
message from my Lord Chamberlaine, that it was his
Majesty s pleasure that I should preach before him upon
Sunday next; which Scarborough warning did not only 2 5
perplex me, but so puzzel me, as no mervail if somewhat
be pretermitted, which otherwise I might have better
remembered.
CHAPTER iv.] Dr. Barlow" 1 s Tract. 167
V.
The summe and substance of the conference which it pleased his
excellent Majestie to have with tJie lords bishops, and others of
his clergle (at which the most of the lords of the councill were
present) in his Majesties privie-chamber, at Hampton Court,
5 Jan. 14, 1603. Contracted by William Barlow, Doctor of
Divinity, and Dean of Cluster.
TO THE READER.
THIS copy of the conference in January last hath been
long expected, and long since it was finished : impeachments,
of the divulging, were many ; two main above the rest : one,
his untimely death, who first imposed it upon me, with whom
10 is buried the famousest glory of our English church, and the
most kind incouragement to paines and study a : a man happy
in his life and death ; loved of the best while he lived ; and
heard of God for his decease ; most earnestly desiring, not
many dayes before he was stroken, that he might not (yet)
1 5 live to see this parliament, as neer as it was.
The other, an expectation of this late comitial conference,
much threatened before, and triumphed in by many ; as if that
regal and most honourable proceeding should thereby have
received his counterblast, for being too forward. But his Ma-
20 jesties constancy having, by the last, added comfort and
strength to this former, which now, at length, comes abroad,
therein, good reader, thou mayest both see those huge pre
tended scandals (for which our flourishing church hath been
so long disturbed) objected and removed ; and withall behold
2 5 the express and vive image of a most learned and judicious
king, whose manifold gifts of grace and nature my scant
measure of gift is not able to delineate, nor am 1 willing to
enumerate, because I have ever accounted the personal com
mendation of living princes, in men of our sort, a verbal
3 o symonie ; such flies there are too many, which puffe the skin,
but taint the flesh. His Majesties humble deportment in
those sublimities, will be the eternizing of his memory, the
a Arclnepiscopus Cantuar.
M 4
1G8 Dr. Barlow s Preface. [DOCUMENTS.
rather, because Kara-nt-tyai rov oA/3oi>, to digest so great feli
city without surfeit of surquedry is a virtue, rare in great
personages, and that, which the King of heaven feared even
the king of his own choice would want. The more eminent
he Is in all princely qualities, the happier shall we be : our 5
duty, as we are Christians, is prayer for him ; as we are sub
jects, obedience to him ; as we are men, acknowledgment of
our settled state in him ; our unthankfulnesse may remove
him, as it did the mirror of princes, our late famous Eliza
beth. She rests with God, the phoenix of her ashes reignes 10
over us, and long may he so do to God s glory, and the
churches good, which his excellent knowledge beatifieth, and
government adjoyned will beautine it. An hope of this last
we conceive by his written Bao-i AtKor : a specimen of the
other, in this interlocutory conference : whereof take this, i5
which is printed, but as an extract, wherein is the substance
of the whole. Intercourse of speeches, there occasioned, would
cause prolixity without profit : what every man said, point
devise, I neither could, nor cared to observe ; the vigor of
every objection, with the summe of each answer, I guesse I 20
misse not : for the first day, I had no help beyond mine
own ; yet some of good place and understanding have seen
it, and not controlled it, except for the brevity : for the two
last, out of divers b copies, I have selected and ordered what
you here see : in them all, next unto God, the king s majesty 25
alone must have the glory : yet to say, that the present state
of our church is very much obliged to the reverend fathers,
my lords of London and Winton, their pains and dexterity
in this businesse, were neither detraction from other, nor
flattery of them. His highnesse purposed to compose all 30
quarrels of this kind hereby, and supposing he had settled all
matters of the church, it pleased him so to signifie by pro
clamation after it was done : but there is a triple generation
in the world, of whom the wise man speaketh c , marry I say
nothing (for even private speeches cannot now passe without 35
the smeer of a black cole). In one rank whereof you may
b Ep. Londi., Deanes of Christch. Winchest. Windsor, Archdea. Nottingh. and
mine own.
c Prov. xxx. 12, 13, 14.
CHAPTER iv.] First dayes Conference. 169
place our Hercules Limbomastix, whom it might have pleased,
without this gnathonicall appeal, to have rested his Majesties
determination, and being a synoptical theologue tv TrAaret,
and angry that he was not so /car eTTirojot^, have learned the
5 difference in divinity between mam regis, and mam gregis.
Many copies of divers sorts have been scattered and sent
abroad, some partial, some untrue, some slanderous. What
is here set down, for the truth thereof shall be justified : the
onely wrong therein, is to his excellent Majesty, a syllable
10 of whose admirable speeches it was pitty to lose, his words
as they were uttered by him, being, as Solomon speak eth, " like
apples of gold, with pictures of silver d ;" and therefore I re
quest thee, good reader, when thou commest to any of his
highnesse speeches, to turn Martial his apostrophe upon me,
i5 " Tu male jam recitas, incipit esse tuus,"
and I will take it kindly. If thou be honest, and courteous,
thou wilt rest satisfied, and that is my content : to lay a pillow
for a dog, sorts neither with my leisure, nor purpose : farewell.
Thine in Christ Jesu,
W. BARLOW.
THE
FIRST DAYES CONFERENCE.
The day appointed was, as by his Majesties proclamation
we all know, Thursday the 12th of January ; on which there
30 met at Hampton Court by nine of the clock, all the bishops
and deanes, summoned by letters, namely, the Archbishop of
Canterbury, the Bishops of London, Durham, Winchester,
Worcester, S. Davids, Chichester, Carleil, and Peterborow :
the deanes of the chapell, Christs-church, Worcester, West-
35 minster, Pauls, Chester, Winsor, with Doctor Field, and
Doctor King, Arch-deacon of Nottingham : who, though the
night before they heard a rumour that it was deferred till
the fourteenth day, yet according to the first summons,
d Pro. xxv. i r .
170 The sum and substance of the [DOCUMENTS.
thought it their duty to offer themselves to the king s pre
sence, which they did. At which time it pleased his highnesse
to signifie unto the bishops, that the day having prevented, or
deceived him, he would have them return on Saturday next
following : on which day, all the deanes, and doctors attend- 5
ing my lords the bishops into the presence chamber, there
we found sitting upon a form, Doctor Remolds, Doctor
Sparks, Master Knewstubs, and Master Chaderton, agents
for the millenary plaint iffes. The bishops entring the privy
chamber staied there, till commandement came from his 10
Majesty, that none of any sort should be present, but only
the lords of the privie council, and the bishops, with five
deanes, viz. of the chapel, Westminster, Pauls, Westchester,
Salisbury, who being called in, the door was close shut by
my lord chamberlain. i5
After a while, his excellent Majesty came in, and having
passed a few pleasant gratulations with some of the lords, he
sat down in his chair, removed forward from the cloth of
state a pretty distance : where, begining with a most grave
and princely declaration of his general drift in calling this 20
assembly, no novel device, but according to the example of
all Christian princes, who in the commencement of their
reign usually take the first course for the establishing of the
church, both for doctrine and policie, to which the very
heathens themselves had relation in their Proverb, A Jove
principium, and particularly in this land, King Henry VIII.
toward the end of his reign ; after him King Edward VI.
who altered more ; after him Queen Mary, who reversed all ;
and last the queen of famous memory, so his highnesse added
(for it is worth noting, that his Majesty never remembred
her, but with some honourable addition) who settled it as
now it standeth. Wherein, he said that he was happier than
they, in this, because they were fain to alter all things they
found established, but he saw yet no cause so much to alter
and change any thing, as to confirm that which he found well
setled already ; which state, as it seemed, so affected his
royal heart, that it pleased him both to enter into a gratula-
tion to Almighty God, (at which words he put off his hat)
for bringing him into the promised land, where religion was
CHAPTER iv.] first dayes Conference. 171
purely professed, where he sate among grave, learned and
reverend men, not, as before, elsewhere, a king without state,
without honour, without order, where beardlesse boyse would
brave him to his face ; and to assure us, that he called not
5 this assembly for any innovation, acknowledging the gover-
ment ecclesiastical, as now it is, to have been approved by
manifold blessings from God himself, both for the increase of
the gospel, and with a most happy and glorious peace ; yet
because nothing could be so absolutely ordered, but some-
10 thing might be added afterward thereunto, and in any state,
as in the body of man, corruptipns might insensibly grow,
either through time or persons ; and in that he had received
many complaints, since his first enterance into the kingdome,
especially through the dissentions in the church, of many
1 5 disorders, as he heard, and much disobedience to the lawes,
with a great falling away to popery ; his purpose therefore
was, like a good physician, to examine and try the complaints,
and fully to remove the occasions thereof, if they prove scan
dalous, or to cure them, if they were dangerous, or, if but
20 frivolous, yet to take knowledge of them, thereby to cast a
sop into Cerberus his mouth, that he may never bark again ; his
meaning being, as he pleased to professe, to give factious
spirits no occasion hereby of boasting or glory, for which
cause he had called the bishops in severally be themselves,
25 not to be confronted by the contrary opponents, that if any
thing should be found meet to be redressed, it might be done,
(which his Majesty twice or thrice, as occasion served, reite
rated) without any visible alteration.
And this was the sum, so far as my dull head could con-
30 ceive and carry it, of his Majesties general speech. In par
ticular he signified unto them the principal matters, why he
called them alone, with whom he would consult about some
special points, wherein himself desired to be satisfied ; these
he reduced to three heads : first, concerning the Book of
35 Common Prayer, and divine service used in this church. Se
cond, excommunication in the ecclesiastical courts. Third,
the providing of fit and able ministers for Ireland.
In the book he required satisfaction about three things.
First, about confirmation; first for the name, if arguing a
The sum and substance of the [DOCUMENTS.
confirming of baptism, as if this sacrament without it were
of no validity, then were it blasphemous : secondly, for the
use, first brought upon this occasion ; infants being baptized,
and answering by their patrini, it was necessary they should
be examined, when they came to yeares of discretion, and 5
after their profession made by themselves, to be confirmed
with a blessing, or prayer of the bishop, laying his hands
upon their heads, abhorring the abuse in popery, where it
was made a sacrament and corroboration to baptism.
The second was for absolution, which how we used it in our 10
Church, he knew not, he had heard it likned to the Popes
pardons, but his majesties opinion was, that, there being only
two kinds thereof from God, the one general, the other
particular : for the first, all prayers and preachings do import
an absolution : for the second, it is to be applied to special 10
parties, who having commited a scandal, and repenting, are
absolved : otherwise, where there precedes not either excom
munication, or penance, there needs no absolution.
The third was private baptism, if private for place, his
majesty thought it agreed with the use of the primitive 20
church ; if for persons, that any but a lawfull minister might
baptize any where, he utterly disliked ; and in this point his
highnesse grew somewhat earnest against the baptizing by
women and laikes.
The second head was excommunication, wherein ho offered 25
two things to be considered of; first, the matter; second,
the person. In the matter, first, whether it were executed
(as it is complained) in light causes ; second, whether it were
not used too often. In the persons, first, why laymen, as
chancellors and commissaries, should do it ? second, why the 30
bishops themselves, for the more dignity to so high and
weighty a censure, should not take unto them, for their
assistants, the dean and chapter, or other ministers, and
chaplains of gravity and account : and so likewise in other
censures, and giving of orders, &c. 5
The last, for Ireland, his majesty referred, as you shall in
the last dayes conference hear, to a consultation. His
highnesse, (to whom I offer great wrong, in being as Phocion
to Demosthenes, KOTH? T&V Aoyau- the hatchet to cut short so
CHAPTER iv.] First day *es Conference. 173
amiable a speech) having ended, the lord arch-bishop, after
that, on his knee, he had signified how much this whole land
was bound to God, for setting over us a king, so wise, learned,
and judicious, addressed himself to enform his majesty of all
5 these points in their several order.
And first, as touching confirmation, he shewed at large the
antiquity of it, as being used in the catholique church ever
since the apostles time, till that of late some particular
churches had unadvisedly rejected it. Then he declared the
10 lawful use of it, agreeable to his majesties former speech,
affirming it to be a meer calumniation, and a very untrue
suggestion, if any had informed his highnesse, that the
Church of England did hold or teach, that without con
firmation, baptism was unperfect, or that it did adde any
i5 thing to the vertue and strength thereof. And this he made
manifest by the rubricks in the communion book set before
confirmation, which were there read.
My lord of London succeeded, saying, that the authority
of confirmation did not depend onely upon the antiquity and
20 practice of the primitive church, which out of Cyprian, Ep. 7<3.
and Hieron. adversus Luciferian. he shewed, but that it was an
institution apostolical, and one of the particular points of the
apostles 1 catechism, set down and named in expresse words,
Heb. vi. 2, and so did Master Calvin expound that very
25 place, who wished earnestly the restitution thereof in those
reformed churches, where it had been abolished. Upon which
place the Bishop of Carleil also insisted, and urged it both
gravely and learnedly. His majesty called for the Bible, read
the place of the Hebrews, and approved the exposition.
30 Something also the Bishop of Durham noted, out of the
Gospel of Saint Matthew, for the imposition of hands upon
children. The conclusion was, for the fuller explanation, that
we make it not a sacrament, or a corroboration to a former
sacrament, " That it should be considered of by their lordships,
35 whether it might not, without alteration (whereof his majesty
was still very wary) be intituled an Examination with a
Confirmation."
Next in order was the point of absolution, which the lord
arch-bishop cleared from all abuse, or superstition, as it is
174 The sum and substance of the [DOCUMENTS.
used in our Church of England : reading unto his Majesty,
both the confession in the beginning of the Communion Book,
and the absolution following it, wherein, (saith he) the minister
doth nothing else but pronounce an absolution in general.
His highnesse perused them both in the book itself, liking 5
and approving them, finding it to be very true, which my
lord arch-bishop said. But the Bishop of London stepping
forward, added, it beconieth us to deal plainly with your
Majesty : there is also in the Communion Book, another
more particular and personal form of absolution, prescribed 10
to be used in the order for the visitation of the sick : this the
King required to see, and whilst master dean of the chapel
was turning to it, the said bishop alleged, that not only the
confessions of Augusta, Boheme, Saxon, which he there cited,
do retain and allow it, but that Master Calvin did also i5
approve such a general kind of confession, and absolution,
as the Church of England useth, and withall, did very well
like of those which are private, for so he terms them. The
said particular absolution in the Common Prayer Book being
read, his Majesty exceedingly well approved it, adding, that it 20
was apostolical, and a very good ordinance, in that it was
given in the name of Christ, to one that desired it, and upon
the clearing of his conscience.
The conclusion was, that it should be consulted of by the
bishops, whether unto the rubrike of the general absolution, 25
these words, remission of sins, might not be added for
explanation sake.
In the third place, the lord arch-bishop proceeded to speak
of private baptism, shewing his Majesty, that the adminis
tration of baptism by women and lay-persons was not allowed 30
in the practice of the Church, but enquired of by bishops in
their visitation, and censured ; neither do the words in the
book inferre any such meaning. Whereunto the King excepted,
urging and pressing the words of the book, that they could
not but intend a permission, and suffering of women, and 3 5
private persons to baptize. Here the Bishop of Worcester
said, that indeed the words were doubtful, and might be
pressed to that meaning, but yet it seemed by the contrary
practice of our Church, (censuring women in this case) that
CHAPTER iv.] first dayes Conference. 175
the compilers of the book did not so intend them, and yet
propounded them ambiguously, because otherwise, perhaps,
the book would not have then passed in the parliament,
(and for this conjecture, as I remember, he cited the testimony
5 of my lord Arch-bishop of York :) whereunto the Bishop of
London replied, that those learned and reverend men, who
framed the book of Common Prayer, intended not by ambi
guous termes to deceive any, but did, indeed, by those words
intend a permission of private persons to baptize in case
10 of necessity, whereof their letters were witnesses ; some parts
whereof he then read, and withall declared that the same was
agreeable to the practice of the antient church; urging to
that purpose, both Act. 2. where 3000. were baptized in one
day, which for the apostles alone to do, was impossible, at
1 5 least improbable ; and besides the apostles, there were then
no bishops or priests : and also the authority of Tertullian,
and Saint Ambrose in the fourth to the Ephesians, plain
in that point, laying also open the absurdities and impieties
of their opinion who think there is no necessity of baptism,
20 which word necessity he so pressed not, as if God without
baptism could not save the child ; but the case put, that the
state of the infant, dying unbaptized, being uncertain, and to
God only known ; but if it die baptized, there is an evident
assurance that it is saved ; who is he that having any
25 religion in him, would not speedily, by any means, procure his
child to be baptized, and rather ground his action upon
Chrises promise, than his omission thereof upon God^s secret
judgement.
His Majesty replied, first to that place of the Acts, that
30 it was an act extraordinary, neither is it sound reasoning
from things done before a church be setled and grounded,
unto those which are to be performed in a church stablished
and flourishing : that he also maintained the necessity of
baptism, and alwaies thought, that the place of S. John,
35 " Nisi quis renatus fuerit ex aqua," &c. \vas meant of the
sacrament of baptism, and that he had so defended it against
some ministers in Scotland, and it may seem strange to
you my lords, saith his Majesty, that I, who now think
you in England give too much to baptism, did 14 moneths
176 TJie sum and substance of the [DOCUMENTS.
ago in Scotland argue with rny divines there for ascribing too
little to that holy sacrament. Insomuch that a pert minister
asked me if I thought baptism so necessary, that if it were
omitted the child should be damned? I answered him, No,
but if you, being called to baptize the child, though privately, 5
should refuse to come, I think you shall be damned. But this
necessity of baptism his Majesty so expounded, that it was
necessary to be had, where it might be lawfully had, id est,
ministred by lawful ministers, by whom alone, and by no
private person, he thought it might not in any case be admi- 10
nistred ; and yet utterly disliked all rebaptization, although
either women or laikes had baptized.
Here the Bishop of Winchester spake very learnedly and
earnestly in that point, affirming, that the denying of private
persons in cases of necessity to baptize, were to cross all anti- i5
quity, seeing that it had been the ancient and common prac
tice of the church, when ministers at such times could not be
got, and that it was also a rule agreed upon among divines,
that the minister is not of the essence of the sacrament.
His majesty answered, though he be not of the essence of the 20
sacrament, yet is he of the essence of the right and lawful
ministry of the sacrament, taking for his ground the commis
sion of Christ to his disciples, Matt, xxviii. 20, " Go preach
and baptize/ 1
The issue was a consultation, whether into the rubrick of 25
private baptism, which leaves it indifferently to all laikes or
clergy, the words, curate or lawful minister, might not be
inserted, which was not so much stuck at by the bishops.
And so his Majesty proceeded to the next point, about ex
communication in causes of lesser moment : first, whether the 30
name might not be altered, and yet the same censure be
retained : or secondly, whether in place of it another coercion
equivalent thereunto might not be invented and thought of.
A thing very easily yielded unto of all sides, because it had
been long and often desired, but could not be obtained from 35
her majesty, who resolved to be still semper eadem, and to
alter nothing which she had once setled.
And thus the Wednesday succeeding being appointed for
the exhibiting of their determinations in these points, and
CHAPTER iv.] second dayes Conference. 177
the Monday next immediately following this present day for
the opponents to bring in their complaints, we were dismissed
after three hours and more spent, which were soon gone;
so admirably, both for understanding, speech, and judgement,
5 did his Majesty handle all those points, sending us away, not
with contentment only, but astonishment, and, which is
pitiful, you will say, with shame to us all, that a king, brought
up among puritans, not the learnedst men in the world, and
schooled by them, swaying a kingdom full of businesse and
10 troubles, naturally given to much exercise and repast, should
in points of divinity shew himself as expedite and perfect, as
the greatest scholars and most industrious students there
present might not out strip him. But this one thing I might
not omit, that his Majesty should professe, howsoever he
1 5 lived among puritans, and was kept, for the most part, as a
ward under them, yet since he was of the age of his sonne,
ten years old, he ever disliked their opinions ; as the Saviour
of the world said, "though he lived among them, he was not
of them/ 1
Finis primce diei.
THE
SECOND DAYES CONFERENCE.
20 ON Monday, January sixteen, between n. and 12. of the
clock, were the 4. plantiffes called into the privy chamber,
(the two bishops of London and Winchester being there
before) and after them all the deanes, and doctors present,
which had been summoned, Patr. Galloway sometime minister
25 of Perth in Scotland, admitted also to be there, the King s
Majesty, entring the chamber, presently took his chair,
placed as the day before, (the noble young prince sitting by
upon a stool,) where making a short, but a pithy and sweet
speech, to the same purpose, which the first day he made,
^0 viz. " Of the end of the conference, meet to be had he said by
every king, at his first entrance to the crown ; not to inno
vate the government presently established, which by long
178 The sum and substance of the [DOCUMENTS.
experience he had found accomplished with so singular
blessings of God, 45. yeares, as that no church upon the face
of the earth more flourished, than this of England. But first
to settle an uniform order through the whole church. Se
condly, to plant unity for the suppressing of papists and 5
enemies to religion. Thirdly, to amend abuses, as natural to
bodies politick, and corrupt man, as the shadow to the body,
which once being entred, hold on as a wheel, his motion once
set going. And because many grievous complaints had been
made to him, since his first entrance into the land, he 10
thought it best to send for some, whom his Majesty under
stood to be the most grave, learned and modest of the
agrieved sort, whom being there present, he was now ready
to hear at large, what they could object or say ;" and so
willed them to begin: whereupon they four kneeling down, 1 5
D. Remolds the foreman, after a short preamble gratulatory,
and signifying his Majesties summons, by vertue whereof
they then and there appeared, reduced all matters disliked,
or questioned, into these four heads.
1 . That the doctrine of the church might be preserved in 20
purity according to God s word.
2. That good pastors might be planted in all churches to
preach the same.
3. That the church government might be sincerely minis-
tred, according to God s word. 25
4. That the Book of Common Prayer might be fitted to
more increase of piety.
I. For the first, he moved his Majesty, that the book of
Articles of Religion, concluded 1562, might be explained in
places obscure, and enlarged where some things were defec- 3
tive. For example, whereas Art. 16. the words are these :
" after we have received the Holy Ghost, we may depart
from grace :" notwithstanding the meaning be sound, yet he
desired that, because they may seem to be contrary to the
doctrine of God s predestination and election in the 17.35
Article, both those words might be explained with this, or
the like addition, "yet neither totally nor finally; 11 and also that
the nine assertions orthodoxal, as he termed them, concluded
upon at Lambeth, might be inserted into that book of Articles.
CHAPTER iv.] second day es Conference. 179
II. Secondly, where it is said in the 23. Article, that it is
not lawful for any man to take upon him the office of
preaching or administring the sacraments in the congrega
tion, before he be lawfully called, D. Remolds took exception to
5 these words in the congregation," as implying a lawfulnesse
for any man whatsoever, out of the congregation, to preach
and administer the sacraments ; though he had no lawful
calling thereunto.
III. Thirdly, in the 25. Article, these words touching con-
10 firmation, "grown partly of the corrupt following the apostles,"
being opposite to those in the collect of confirmation in the
Communion Book, "upon whom after the example of the
apostles," argue, saith he, a contrariety each to other ; the
first, confessing confirmation to be a depraved imitation of
1 5 the apostles ; the second, grounding it upon their example,
Act. 8. and 9. as if the bishop in confirming of children, did
by his imposing of hands, as the apostles in those places,
give the visible graces of the Holy Ghost; and therefore he
desired that both the contradiction might be considered, and
20 this ground of confirmation examined.
Thus farre Doctor Remolds went on without any interrup
tion : but here, as he was proceeding, the Bishop of London,
much moved to hear these men, who some of them the
evening before, and the same morning, had made semblance
25 of joyning with the bishops, and that they sought for nothing
but unity, now strike to overthrow, (if they could) all at once,
cut him off, and kneeling down, most humbly desired his
Majesty, first, that the ancient canon might be remembred,
which saith, that " Schismatici contra episcopos non sunt
30 audiendi." Secondly, that if any of these parties were in the
number of the thousand ministers, who had once subscribed
to the Communion Book, and yet had lately exhibited a peti
tion to his Majesty against it, they might be removed and
not heard, according to the decree of a very ancient councel,
35 providing that no man should be admitted to speak against
that whereto he had formerly subscribed.
Thirdly, he put D. Reinolds and his associates in minde,
how much they were bound to his Majesties exceeding great
clemency, in that they were permitted, contrary to the
180 The sum and substance of the [DOCUMENTS.
stautte i Eliz. to speak so freely against the liturgy and dis
cipline established. Lastly, forasmuch as that he perceived
they tooke a course tending to the utter overthrow of the
orders of the church, thus long continued, he desired to know
the end which they aimed at, alleging a place out of Master 5
Cartwright, affirming that we ought rather to conform our
selves in orders and ceremonies to the fashion of the Turks,
than to the Papists; which position he doubted they ap
proved, because, contrary to the orders of the universities,
they appeared before his Majesty in Turky gownes, not in 10
their scholastical habits, sorting to their degrees.
His Majesty perceiving my lord of London to speak in
some passion, said, that there was in it something which he
might excuse, somthing that he did mislike: excuse his
passion he might, thinking he had just cause to be so moved i5
both in respect that they did thus traduce the present well
setled church government ; and also did proceed in so indi
rect a course, contrary to their own pretence, and the intent
of that meeting also : yet he misliked his sudden interruption
of D. Reinolds whom he should have suffered to have taken his 20
course and liberty, concluding, that there is no order, nor can
be any effectual issue of disputation, if each party might not
be suffered, without chopping, to speak at large what he
would. And therefore willed that either the doctors should
proceed, or that the bishop would frame his answer to these 25
motions already made : although, saith his Majesty, some of
them are very needlesse. It was thought fitter to answer, lest
the number of objections increasing, the answers would prove
confused.
Upon the first motion, concerning falling from grace ; the 30
Bishop of London took occasion to signifie to his Majesty,
how very many in these daies, neglecting holinesse of life,
presumed too much of persisting of grace, laying all their
religion upon predestination, If I shall be saved, I shall be
saved ; which he termed a desperate doctrine, shewing it to 36
be contrary to good divinity, and the true doctrine of pre
destination, wherein we should reason rather ascendendo, than
descendendo, thus ; " I live in obedience to God, in love with
my neighbour, I follow my vocation, &c., therefore I trust
CHAPTER iv.] second day es Conference. 181
that God hath elected me, and predestinated me to salva
tion :" not thus, which is the usual course of argument,
" God hath predestinated and chosen me to life, therefore
though I sin never so grievously, yet I shall not be damned :
5 for whom he once loveth, he loveth to the end." Where
upon he shewed his Majesty out of the next Article, what
was the doctrine of the Church of England, touching predes
tination, in the very last paragraph, sell. " We must receive
God s promises, in such wise, as they be generally set forth to
10 us in holy Scripture; and in our doings, that will of God
is to be followed which we have expressly declared unto us
in the word of God :" which part of the article his Majesty
very well approved, and after he had, after his manner, very
singularly discoursed on that place of Paul, " Work out your
1 5 salvation with fear and trembling," he left it to be considered
whether any thing were mete to be added, for the clearing of
the doctor his doubt by putting in the word often, or the
like, as thus, " We may often depart from grace ;" but in the
mean time, wished that the doctrine of predestination might
20 be very tenderly handled, and with great discretion, lest on
the one side, God s omni potency might be called in question,
by impeaching the doctrine of his eternal predestination, or
on the other, a desperate presumption might be arreared, by
inferring the necessary certainty of standing and persisting in
25 grace.
To the second it was answered, that it was a vain objec
tion, because, by the doctrine and practice of the Church of
England, none but a licenced minister might preach, nor
either publikely or privately administred the eucharist, or
30 the Lord s supper. And as for private baptism, his Majesty
answered, that he had taken order for that with the bishops
already.
In the third point (which was about confirmation) was
observed either curiosity or malice, because the article which
3.5 was there presently read, in those words ; " These five com
monly called sacraments, that is to say, confirmation, pe
nance, orders, &c. are not to be accounted for sacraments of
the gospel, being such as have grown partly of the corrupt
following the apostles," Sec., insinuateth that the making of
N3
182 The sum and substance of the [DOCUMENTS.
confirmation to be a sacrament is a corrupt imitation; but
the Communion Book, aiming at the right use and proper
course thereof, makes it to be according to the apostles
example ; which his Majesty observing, and reading both the
places, concluded the objection to be a meer cavil. And this 5
was for the pretended contradiction.
Now for the ground thereof the Bishop of London added, that
it was not so much founded upon the places in the Acts of the
Apostles, which some of the Fathers had often shewed ; but
upon Heb. vi. 2, where it is made, as the first day he had 10
said, a part of the apostles catechism ; which was the opinion,
besides the judgment of the holy Fathers, of Master Calvin,
and D. Fulke, the one upon Heb. vi. 2. as upon Saturday he
had declared ; the other upon Acts viii. vers. 27, where with
St. Augustine, he saith that we do not in any wise mislike i5
that antient ceremonie (of imposition of hands, for strength-
ning and confirming such as had been baptized,,) but use it
in our selves, being nothing else, but as St. Austen affirmeth,
prayer over a man to be strengthened and confirmed by the
Holy Ghost ; or to receive increase of the gifts of the Holy 20
Ghost, as Saint Ambrose saith ; and a little after alludeth
unto Heb. vi. 2, Sec. Neither need there any great proof of
this (saith my lord) . For confirmation to be unlawful, it was not
their opinion who objected this, as he supposed ; this was
it that vexed them, that they had not the use thereof in their 25
own hands, every pastor in his parish to confirm, for then it
would be accounted an apostolical institution ; and willed
Doctor Remolds to speak herein what he thought: who seemed
to yield thereunto, replying that some diocesse of a bishop
having therein six hundred parish churches (which number 30
caused the Bishop of London to think himself personally
touched, because in his diocesse there are 609, or there
abouts) it was a thing very inconvenient to commit confirm
ation unto the bishop alone, supposing it impossible that he
could take due examination of them all which came to be 35
confirmed. To the fact my lord of London answered, for his
Majesties information, that the bishops in their visitations
give out notice to them who are desirous either to be them
selves or to have their children confirmed, of the place where
CHAPTER iv.] second dayes Conference. 183
they will be; and appoint either their chaplaines or some
other ministers to examine them which are to be confirmed,
and lightly confirm none, but either by the testimony or report
of the parsons or curates where the children are bred and
5 brought up. To the opinion he replied, that none of all the
Fathers ever admited any to confirm but bishops alone ; yea
even Saint Jerome himself, though otherwise no friend to
bishops, by reason of a quarrel between the Bishop of Jeru
salem and him, yet confesseth that the execution thereof was
10 restrained to bishops only, "Ad honorem potius sacerdotii,
quam ad legis necessitatem." Whereof, namely of this pre
rogative of bishops, he giveth this reason, " Ecclesiae salus in
summi sacerdotis dignitate pendit ; cui si non exors qusedam
& ab omnibus eminens detur potestas, tot in ecclesiis effice-
iSrentur scismata, quot sacerdotes." My lord bishop of
Winchester chalenged Doctor Reynolds, willing him, of his
learning, to shew where ever he had read, that confirmation
was at all used in ancient times by any other but bishops ;
and added withall, that it was used partly to examine chil-
20 dren, and after examination, by imposition of hands (which
was a ceremonie of blessing among the Jews) to blesse them
and pray over them : and partly to try whether they had
been baptized in the right form or no. For in former ages
baptism was administred in divers sorts : some gave it " In
25 nomine Patris & Filii," &c. Others, " In nomine Patris ma-
joris, & Filii minoris," as the Arrians did ; some, " In nomine
Patris per Filium, in Spiritu Sancto ;" others not in the name
of the Trinity, but in the death of Christ, &c. Whereupon
catholick bishops were constrained to examin them who
3 were baptized " in remotis," far from them, how they were
taught to believe concerning baptism; if it were right, to
confirm them ; if amisse, to instruct them.
His Majesty concluded this point, first by taxing Saint
Jerome for his assertion, that a bishop was not divince ordi-
&nationis (the Bishop of London thereupon inserting, that
unlesse he could prove his ordination lawful out of the Scrip
tures, he would not be a bishop 4 hours.) Which opinion
his Majesty much distasted, approving their calling and use
in the church, and closed it up with this short aphorism,
N 4
184 The sum and substance of the [DOCUMENTS.
"No bishop, no king." Secondly, for confirmation, his highnesse
thought, that it sorted neither with the authority nor decency
of the same, that every ordinary pastor should do it : and
therefore said, that for his part, he meant not to take that
from the bishops, which they had so long retained and 5
injoyed ; seeing, as it pleased him to adde, as great reason
that none should confirm without the bishop s licence, as none
should preach without his licence; and so referring, as the
day before, the word examination to be added to the rubrick
in the title of confirmation in the Communion Book, if it 10
were thought good so to do, he willed Doctor Remolds to
proceed.
Who, after that he had deprecated the imputation of
schism, with a protestation that he meant not to gall any
man, goeth on to the 37. article, wherein he said these words, i5
" The bishop of Rome hath no authority in this land," not
to be sufficient, unlesse it were added, " nor ought to have."
Whereat his majesty heartily laughed, and so did the lords :
the king adding an answer, which the rhetoricians call epw-
Tfjfjia cA-e yxiKoj; ; What speak you of the pope s authority 20
here ? " Habemus jure quod habemus ;" and therefore, in
as much as it is said, he hath not, it is plain enough, that he
ought not to have.
This, and some other motions, seeming to the king and
lords very frivolous, occasion was taken, in some by-talk, to 25
remember a certain description, which Master Butler of
Cambridge made of a puritan, viz. A puritan is a protestant
frayed out of his wits. But my lord of London there
seriously put his Majesty in mind of the speeches, which the
French embassadour Master Rogne gave out concerning our 30
church of England, both at Canterbury after his arrival, and
after at the court, upon the view of our solemn service and
ceremonies ; namely, that if the reformed churches in France
had kept the same orders among them which we have, he
was assured that there would have been many thousands of 35
protestants more there, than now there are ; and yet our
men stumble and strain at these petty quillets, thereby to
disturb and disgrace the whole church.
V. After this, the doctor moved that this proposition,
CHAPTER iv.] second day *es Conference. 185
" The intention of the minister is not of the essence of the
sacrament," might be added unto the book of articles, the
rather, because that some in England had preached it to be
essential And here again he remembred the nine orthodoxal
5 assertions concluded at Lambeth. His Majesty utterly dis
liked that first part of the motion for two reasons : first, think
ing it unfit to thrust into the book every position negative,
which would both make the book swell into a volume as big
as the Bible, and also confound the reader : bringing for ex-
10 ample the course of one Master Craig in the like case in
Scotland, who with his, I renounce and abhor, his detestations
and abrenunciations, did so amaze the simple people, that they,
not able to conceive all those things, utterly gave over all,
falling back to popery, or remaining still in their former
i5 ignorance. Yea, if I, said his Majesty, should have been
bound to his form, the confession of my faith must have been
in my table-book, not in my head. But because you speak of
intention, saith his highnesse, I will apply it thus : if you
come hither with a good intention, to be informed, and satis-
20 fied where you shall find just cause, the whole work will sort
to the better effect ; but if your intention be to go as you
came (whatsoever shall be said), it will prove that the in
tention is very material, and essential to the end of this pre
sent action. To the other part for the nine assertions, his
25 majesty could not suddenly answer, because he understood
not what the doctor meant by those assertions or propositions
at Lambeth ; but when it was informed his majesty, that by
reason of some controversies, arising in Cambridge, about
certain points of divinity, my lords grace assembled some
30 divines of especial note, to set down their opinions, which
they drew into nine assertions, and so sent them to the uni
versity, for the appeasing of those quarrels ; then his Majesty
answered ; first, that when such questions arise among
scholars, the quietest proceeding were, to determine them in
3 5the universities, and not to stuff the book with all con
clusions theological. Secondly, the better course would be to
punish the broachers of false doctrine, as occasion should be
offered : for were the articles never so many and sound, who
can prevent the contrary opinions of men till they be heard ?
186 The sum and substance of the [DOCUMENTS.
Upon this the dean of Paule s kneeling down, humbly desired
leave to speak, signifying unto his Majesty, that this matter
somewhat more nearly concerned him, by reason of a contro-
versie between him and some other in Cambridge, upon a pro
position which he had deliverd there ; namely, that whosoever 5
(although before justified) did commit any grievous sin, as adul
tery, murder, treason, or the like, did become, ipso facto, subject
to God s wrath, and guilty of damnation, or were in state of
damnation, (quoad pro* sentem statum,) untill they repented; add
ing hereunto, that those which were called or justified accord- 10
ing to the purpose of God s election, howsoever they might, and
did sometimes fall into grievous sins, and thereby into the pre
sent state of wrath and damnation, yet did never fall, either
totally from all the graces of God, to be utterly destitute of
all the parts and seed thereof, nor finally from justification, i5
but were in time renewed by God s Spirit unto a lively faith
and repentance ; and so justified from those sins, and the
wrath, curse and guilt annexed thereunto, whereinto they
are fallen, and wherein they lay, so long as they were without
true repentance for the same. Against which doctrine, he 20
said, that some had opposed, teaching, that all such persons
as were once truely justified, though after they fell into never
so grievous sins, yet remained still just, or in the state of
justification, before they actually repented of those sins ; yea,
and though they never repented of them, through forgetful- 2 5
nesse or sudden death, yet they should be justified and saved
without repentance. In utter dislike of this doctrine, his
Majesty entred into a longer speech of predestination, and
reprobation, than before, and of the necessary conjoyning
repentance and holinesse of life with true faith : concluding, 3
that it was hypocrisie, and not true justifying faith, which was
severed from them : for although predestination and election
depend not upon any qualities, actions, or works of man,
which be mutable, but upon God his eternal and immutable
decree and purpose ; yet such is the necessity of repentance, 3$
after known sins committed, as that, without it, there could
not be either reconciliation with God or remission of those
sins.
Next to this, Doctor Eeinolds complained, that the cate-
CHAPTER iv.] second dayes Conference. 187
chism in the Common Prayer Book was too brief; for which
one by Master Nowel, late dean of Paul s, was added, and
that too long for young novices to learn by heart : requested
therefore, that one uniform catechism might be made, which,
5 and none other, might be generally received ; it was de
manded of him, whether, if to the short catechism in the
Communion Book something were added for the doctrine of
the sacrament, it would not serve ? His Majesty thought the
doctor s request very reasonable : but yet so, that" he would
10 have a catechism in the fewest and plainest affirmative terms
that may be : taxing withal the number of ignorant cate
chisms set out in Scotland, by every one that was the son of
a good man ; insomuch, as that which was catechism doc
trine in one congregation, was in another scarcely accepted as
1 5 sound and orthodox ; wished, therefore, one to be made and
agreed upon, adding this excellent gnomical and canon-like
conclusion, that in reforming of a church he would have two
rules observed : first, that old, curious, deep and intricate
questions might be avoided in the fundamental instruction of
20 a people : secondly, that there should not be any such de
parture from the papists in all things, as that because we in
some points agree with them, therefore we should be ac
counted to be in error.
To the former, Doctor Reinolds did adde the prophanation
25 of the Sabbath day, and contempt of his Majesties proclama
tion, made for the reforming of that abuse; of which he
earnestly desired a straighter course for reformation thereof,
and unto this he found a general and unanimous assent.
VII. After that, he moved his Majesty, that there might be a
30 new translation of the Bible, because those which were
allowed in the reign of king Henry the Eight, and Edward
the Sixt, were corrupt, and not answerable to the truth of
the original. For example, first, Galatians iv. 25. the Greek
word <rv<TToi\ti is not well translated, as now it is ; borderet/i,
36 neither expressing the force of the word, nor the apostles
sence, nor the situation of the place.
Secondly, Psalm cv. 28, " They were not obedient ; " the
original being. " They were not disobedient."
Thirdly, Psalm cvi. 30, "Then stood up Phinees and prayed,"
188 The sum and substance of the [DOCUMENTS.
the Hebrew hath, " executed judgment." To which motion,
there was, at the present, no gainsaying, the objections being
trivial, and old, and already in print, often answered ; only
my lord of London well added, that if every man s humour
should be followed, there would be no end of translating. 5
Whereupon his highnesse wished, that some special paines
should be taken in that behalf for one uniform translation
(professing that he could never, yet, see a Bible well trans
lated in English, but the worst of all his Majesty thought the
Geneva to be) and this to be done by the best learned in 10
both the universities ; after them to be reviewed by the
bishops, and the chief learned of the church ; from them to
be presented to the privy councel ; and lastly, to be ratified
by his royal authority. And so this whole church to be
bound unto it, and none other. Marry, withall, he gave this i5
caveat (upon a word cast out by my lord of London) that no
marginal notes should be added, having found in them which
are annexed to the Geneva translation (which he saw in a
Bible given him by an English lady) some notes very partial,
untrue, seditious, and savouring too much of dangerous, and 20
traiterous conceits. As for example, the first chapter of
Exodus and the nineteenth verse, where the marginal note
alloweth disobedience unto kings. And 2 Chron. xv. 16, the
note taxcth Asa for deposing his mother, only, and not killing
her : and so concludeth this point as all the rest, with a grave 25
and judicious advice. First, that errors in matters of faith
might be rectified and amended. Secondly, that matters in
different might rather be interpreted, and a glosse added ; al
leging from Bartolus de regno, that, as better a king with
some weaknesse, than still a change ; so rather a church with 30
some faults, than an innovation. And surely, saith his Ma
jesty, if these be the greatest matters you be grieved with, I
need not have been troubled with such importunities and com
plaints, as have been made unto me ; some other more
private course might have been taken for your satisfaction, 35
and withall, looking upon the lords, he shook his head,
smiling.
VIII. The last point (noted by Doctor Remolds) in this first
head, for doctrine, was, that unlawful and seditious books
CHAPTER iv.] second daycs Conference. 189
might be suppressed, at least restrained, and imparted to a
few : for by the liberty of publishing such books so commonly,
many young scholars and unsetled minds in both universities,
and through the whole realm, were corrupted and perverted ;
5 naming for one instance, that book entitled, " De jure Ma-
gistratus in Subditos," published of late by Ficlerus a papist,
and applied against the queen s majesty that last was, for the
pope. The Bishop of London supposing, as it seemed, himself
to be principally aimed at, answered, first, to the general,
10 that there was no such licentious divulging of those books, as
he imagined, or complained of, and that none, except it were
such as Doctor Remolds (who were supposed, would confute
them,) had liberty by authority to buy them : again, such
books came into the realm by many secret conveiances, so
1 5 that there could not be a perfect notice had of their impor
tation : secondly, to the particular instance of Ficlerus, he
said, that the author " De jure," &c. was a great disciplinarian ;
whereby it did appear, what advantage that sort gave unto
the papists, who mutatis per sonis, could apply their own argu-
20 ments against princes of the religion : but for his own part
he said, he detested both the author, and the applier alike.
My lord Cicill here taxing also the unlimited liberty of the
dispersing and divulging these popish and seditious pam
phlets, both in Paul s Church-yard, and the universities, in-
25 stanced one lately set forth, and published ; namely, * Spe
culum Tragicum," which both his majesty and the Lord H.
Howard, now Earl of Northampton, termed a dangerous book
both for matter and intention : and the lord chancellor, also
dividing all such books into Latine and English, concluded,
30 that these last, dispersed, did most harm : yet the lord se-
cretarie affirmed, that my lord of London had done therein
what might be, for the suppressing of them ; and that he
knew no man else, had done any thing in that kind but he.
At length, it pleased his excellent Majesty, to tell Doctor
35 Remolds that he was a better college-man than a states man :
for if his meaning were, to tax the Bishop of London, for suf
fering those books, between the secular priests and Jesuites,
lately published, so freely to passe abroad ; his Majesty
would have him and his associates to know, and willed them
190 TJie sum and substance of the [DOCUMENTS.
also to acquaint their adherents and friends abroad there
with, that the said bishop was much injured and slandered in
that behalf, who did nothing therein, but by warrant from the
lords of the councel, whereby, both a schism between them
was nourished, and also his Majesties own cause and title 5
handled : the lord Cicil affirming thereunto, that therefore
they were tolerated, because, in them, was the title of Spain
confuted.
The lord treasurer added, that Doctor Remolds might
have observed another use of those bookes, viz. that now by 10
the testimony of those priests themselves, her late majesty
and the state were cleared of that imputation, of putting
papists to death for their consciences only, and for their
religion, seeing, in those books, they themselves confess, that
they were executed for treason. Doctor Remolds excused i5
himself, expounding his complaint, not meant of such books,
as had been printed in England, but such as came from
beyond the seas, as commentaries both in philosophy and
divinity. And these were the parts of the first head, concern
ing purity of doctrine. 20
TOUCHING PASTORS, RESIDENT, LEARNED.
To the second general point concerning the planting of mi
nisters learned in every parish : it pleased his Majesty to
answer, that he had consulted with his bishops about that,
whom he found willing and ready to second him in it : inveigh- 26
ing herein, against the negligence and carelesnesse, which he
heard of many in this land ; but, as subita evacuatio, was peri-
culosa^ so subita mutatio. Therefore this matter was not for
a present resolution, because to appoint to every parish a suf
ficient minister were impossible, the universities would not 30
afford them. Again, he had found already, that he had more
learned men in this realm, than he had sufficient maintenance
for; so that maintenance must first be provided, and then
the other to be required : in the mean time, ignorant minis
ters, if young, to be removed, if there were no hope of their 35
amendment ; if old, their death must be expected, that the
next course may be better supplied : and so concluded this
CHAPTER iv.] second dayes Conference. 191
point, with a most religious and zealous protestation, of doing
something dayly in this case, because Jerusalem could not be
built up in a day. The Bishop of Winchester made known
to the King, that this insufficiency of the clergy, be it as it is,
5 comes not by the bishops" defaults, but partly by lay patrons,
who present very mean men to their cures ; whereof, in him
self, he shewed an instance, how that since his being Bishop
of Winchester, very few masters of arts were presented to
good benefices : partly, by the law of the land, which ad-
10 mitteth of a very mean tolerable sufficiency in any clerk, so
that if the bishop should not admit them, then presently a
quare impedit is sent out against him.
Here my lord of London, kneeling, humbly desired his
Majesty (because he saw, a"s he said, it was a time of moving
1 5 petitions) that he might have leave to make two or three.
First, that there might be amongst us, a praying ministery
another while ; for whereas there are in the ministery
many excellent duties to be performed, as the absolving of
the penitent, praying for, and blessing of the people, adminis-
20 tring of the sacraments, and the like ; it is come to that
passe now, that some sort of men thought it the only duty
required of a minister, to spend the time in speaking out of a
pulpit ; sometimes, God wot, very undiscreetly and unlearn-
edly ; and this, with so great injury and prejudice to the
25 celebration of divine service, that some ministers would be
content to walk in the church-yard, till sermon time, rather
than to be present at publick prayer. He confessed, that in
a church new to be planted, preaching was most necessary ;
but among us, now long established in the faith, he thought
3 it not the only necessary duty to be performed, and the other
to be so profanely neglected and contemned. Which motion
his Majesty liked exceeding well, very acutely taxing the
hypocrisie of our times, which placeth all religion in the ear,
through which there is an easy passage ; but prayer, which
35expresseth the hearts affection, and is the true devotion of
the mind, as a matter putting us to overmuch trouble
(wherein there concurre, if^ prayer be as it ought, an un-
partial consideration for our own estates, a due examination
to whom we pray, an humble confession of our sins, with an
192 The sum and substance of the [DOCUMENTS.
hearty sorrow for them, and repentance not severed from
faith) is accounted and used as the least part of religion.
The second was, that till such time as learned and suffi
cient men might be planted in every congregation, that godly
homilies might be read, and the number of them increased, 5
and that the opponents would labour to bring them into
credit again, as formerly they brought them into contempt.
Every man, saith he, that can pronounce well cannot indite
well.
The King s Majesty approved this motion,especially where 10
the living is not sufficient for maintenance of a learned
preacher ; as also in places where plenty of sermons are, as
in the city and great townes. In the countrey villages
where preachers are not near together, he could wish preach
ing ; but where there are a multitude of sermons, there he i5
would have homilies to be read divers times : and therein he
asked the assent of the plaintiffs, and they confesse it. A
preaching ministery, saith his majesty, was best, but where
it might not be had, godly prayers and exhortations did
much good. That that may be done, let it, and let the rest 20
that cannot, be tolerated. Somewhat was here spoken by
the lord chancellor of livings rather wanting learned men
than learned men livings; many in the universities pining,
masters, batchelors, and upwards: wishing, therefore, that
some might have single coats, before other had dublets : and 25
here his lordship shewed the course that he had ever taken
in bestowing the king s benefices ; my lord of London, com
mending his honourable care that way, withall excepted that
a dublet was necessary in cold weather : the lord chancellor
replied, that he did it not for dislike of the liberty of our 30
church, in granting one man two benefices, but out of his
own private purpose and practice, grounded upon the foresaid
reason.
The last motion by my lord of London was, that pulpits
might not be made pasquils, wherein every humorous or dis-s5
contented fellow might traduce his superiors. Which the
king very graciously accepted, exceedingly reproving that as
a lewd custome ; threat ning, that if he should but hear of
such a one in a pulpit he would make him an example : con-
CHAPTER iv.] second daycs conference. 193
eluding with a sage admonition to the opponents, that every
man should solicite and draw his friends to make peace, and
if any thing were amisse in the church officers, not to make
the pulpit the place of personal reproof, but to let his majesty
5 hear of it : yet by degrees.
First, let complaint be to the ordinary of the place, from
him to go to the arch-bishop ; from him to the lords of his
Majesties counsel, and from them, if in all these places no
remedy is found, to his own self. Which caveat his majesty
10 put in, for that the bishop of London had told him, that if
he left himself open to admit of all complaints, neither his
majesty should ever be quiet, nor his under-officers regarded :
seeing that now already no fault can be censured, but pre
sently the delinquent threatneth a complaint to the king : and
1 5 for an instance, he added, how a printer, whom he had taken
faulty, very lately answered him in that very kind.
Doctor Rein, commeth now to subscription, (which concern-
eth the fourth general head, as he first propounded it, namely,
the Communion Book,) taking occasion to leap into it here,
20 as making the urging of it to be a great impeachment to a
learned ministery, and therefore intreated it might not be
exacted as heretofore, for which many good men were kept
out, other removed, and many disquieted. To subscribe
according to the statutes of the realm, namely, to the Articles
25 of religion, and the king^s supremacy, they were not un
willing. The reason of their backwardnesse to subscribe
otherwise was, first the books apocryphal, which the Common
Prayer Book injoined to be read in the church ; albeit there
are, in some of those chapters appointed, manifest errors,
3 directly repugnant to the scriptures : the particular instance
which he then inferred was, Ecclus. xlviii. 10. where he
charged the author of that book to have held the same
opinion with the Jewes at this day, namely, that Elias, in per
son, was to come before Christ, and therefore as yet Christ,
3 5 by that reason, not come in the flesh ; and so, consequently,
it implied a denial of the chief article of our redemption. His
reason of thus charging the author was, because that Ecclus.
used the very word of Elias in person, which the prophet
Malachy, cap. iv. doth apply to an Elias in resemblance,
194 The sum and substance of the [DOCUMENTS.
which both an angel, Luke xix. and our Saviour Christ,
Matt. xi. did interpret to be John Baptist. The answer was,
as the objection, twofold. First, general, for apocrypha
books ; the Bishop of London shewing, first, for the antiquity
of them, that the most of the objections made against those 5
books were the old cavils of the Jewes, renewed by Saint
Jerome in his time, who was the first that gave them the
name of apocrypha, which opinion, upon Ruffinus his chal
lenge, he, after a sort, disclaimed, the rather, because a
general offence was taken at his speeches in that kind, first, 10
for the continuance of them in the church out of Kimedon-
cius and Chemnitius, two modern writers.
The Bishop of Winton remembred the distinction of Saint
Jerome, " Canonici sunt ad informandos mores, non ad con-
firmandam fidem," which distinction, he said, must be held i5
for the justifying of sundry councels. His Majesty in the
end said, he would take an even order between both, affirm
ing, that he would not wish all canonical books to be read in
the church, unlesse there were one to interpret, nor any
apocrypha at all, wherein there was any error, but for 20
the other, which were clear, and correspondent to the scrip
tures, he would have them read ; for else, saith his Majesty,
why were they printed ? And therein shewed the use of the
books of Machabees, very good to make up the story of the
persecution of the Jewes ; but not to teach a man either to 25
sacrifize for the dead, or to kill himself.
And here his highnesse arose from his chair^ and withdrew
himself into his inner chamber a little space: in the mean
time a great questioning was amongst the lords, about that
place of Ecclus., with which, as if it had been their rest and 3
upshot, they began a fresh at his Majestie s return ; who,
seeing them so to urge it and stand upon it, calling for a
Bible, first shewed the author of that book, who he was,
then the cause why he wrote that book, next analyzed the
chapter it self, shewing the precedents and consequents 3$
thereof; lastly, so exactly and divine like, unfolded the
summe of that place, arguing, and demonstrating, that what
soever Ben Sirach had said there of Elias, Elias had in his
own person, while he lived, performed and accomplished, so
CHAPTER iv.] second day es conference a 135
that the susurrus, at the first mention, was not so great, as
the astonishment was now at the King his sudden and sound,
and -indeed so admirable an interpretation ; concluding, first,
with a serious check to Doctor Remolds, that it was not good
5 to impose upon a man that was dead a sense never meant by
him : secondly, with a pleasant apostrophe to the lords ;
What, trow ye, make these men so angry with Ecclesiasticus 2
By my soul, I think he was a bishop, or else they would never
use him so. But for the general, it was appointed by his
10 Majesty, that Doctor Rein, should note those chapters in
the Apocrypha books where those offensive places were, and
should bring them unto the lord Arch-bishop of Canterb.
against Wednesday next, and so he was willing to go on.
The next scruple against subscription was, that old " Orambe
15 bis posita," that in the Common Prayer Book it is twice set
down, " Jesus said to his disciples ;*" when as by the original
text it is plain, that he spake to the Pharisees. To which
it was answered, that for ought that could appear by the
places, he might speak as well to his disciples, they being
20 present, as to the Pharisees. But his Majesty, keeping an
even hand, willed that the word disciples should be omitted^
and the words Jesus said to be printed in a different letter,
that might appear not to be a part of the text.
The third objection against subscription were interroga-
25 tories in baptism, propounded to infants, which being a pro
found point was put upon Master Knewstubs to pursue :
who in a long and perplexed speech said something out of
Austen, that baptizare was credere, but what it was his
Majesty plainly confessed, Ego non intelligo, and asked the
30 lords what they thought he meant; it seemed that one pre
sent conceived him, for he standing at his back, bad him urge
the punct, urge that punct, that is a good point. My lord of
Wintop, aiming at his meaning, shewed him the use thereof
out of Saint Austen, and added the Father s reason for it,
3 5 " Qui peccavit in altero, credat in altero ;" which was seconded
by his Majesty, (whom it pleased, for the rest of the matters
which followed, himself alone to answer, and justly might he
appropriate it to himself, for none present were able with
o 2
196 The sum and substance of the [DOCUMENTS.
quicker conceit to understand, with a more singular dexterity
to refute, with a more judicious resolution to determine, than
his Majesty : herein being more admirable, that these points,
wherein some thought him prejudicial to the contrary, all of
us supposed him to have been but a stranger to them, 5
he could so intelligently apprehend, and so readily argue
about them,) it was, I say, seconded by his Majesty ; first,
By reason that the question should be propounded to the
party whom it principally concerned.
Secondly, by example of himself, to whom interrogatories 10
were propounded when he was crowned in his infancy King
of Scotland.
And here his Majesty (as hereafter at the end of every
objection he did) asked them whether they had any more
to say. 1 5
Master Knewstubs took exceptions to the cross in baptism,
being in number two.
First, the offence of weak brethren, grounded upon the
words of Saint Paul, Bom. xiv. and i Cor. viii., viz. " the
consciences of the weak not to be offended :" which places his 20
excellent Majesty answered most accutely, beginning with
that general rule of the Fathers : " Distingue tempora, et
concordabunt scripturse." Shewing here the difference of
those times and ours, then a church not fully planted nor
setled, but ours long established and flourishing ; then 25
Christians newly called from paganism, and not throughly
grounded, which is not the case of this church, seeing that
heathenish doctrine, for many years, hath been hence aban
doned.
Secondly, with a question unanswerable, asking them how 30
long they would be weak ? whether 45 yeares were not suffi
cient for them to grow strong ? Thirdly, who they were pre
tended this weaknesse ? for we, saith the King, require not
now subscription of laiks and idiots, but preachers and minis
ters, who are not still, I trow, to be fed with milk, but are 3$
enabled to feed others.
Fourthly, that it was to be doubted some of them were
strong enough, if not head-strong, and howsoever they in this
CHAPTER iv.] second dayes conference. 197
case pretended weakness, yet some, in whose behalf they now
spake, thought themselves able to teach him and all the
bishops of the land.
His objection against the cross consisted of three interro-
5 gatories ; first, whether the church had power to institute an
external significant sign ? to which was replied ; first, that he
mistook the use of the crosse with us, which was not used in
baptism any otherwise than only as ceremony.
Secondly, by their own example,, who make imposition
i oof hands in their ordination of pastors to be a sign sig
nificant.
Thirdly, in prayer, saith the bishop of Winton, the kneel
ing on the ground, the lifting up of our hands, the knocking
of our breasts, are ceremonies significant ; the first, of our
1 5 humility coming before the mighty God ; the second, of our
confidence and hope ; the other, of our sorrow and detesta
tion of our sins ; and these are, and may lawfully be used.
Lastly, M. Dean of the chapel remembred the practise of the
Jews, who unto the institution of the Passeover, prescribed
20 unto them by Moses, had, as the Rabbins witnesse, added
both signes and words, eating sowre herbs, and drinking
wine, with these words to both, " take and eat these in
remembrance," &c. ; " drink this in remembrance," &c. Upon
which addition and tradition of theirs, our Saviour instituted
25 the sacrament of his last supper, in celebrating it with the
same words and after the same manner ; thereby approving
that fact of theirs in particular, and generally, that a church
may institute and retain a signe significant : which satisfied
his Majesty exceeding well.
30 And here the King desired to have himself made acquainted
about the antiquity of the use of the crosse, which Doctor
Reynolds confessed to have been ever since the apostles
times ; but this was the difficulty, to prove it of that ancient
use in baptism. For that at their going abroad, or entering
35 into the Church, or at their prayers and benedictions, it was
used by the ancients, desired no great proof : but whether in
baptism antiquity approved it, was the doubt cast in by
M. Deane of Sarum, whom his Majesty singled out, with a
special encomion, that he was a man well travelled in the
o 3
198 The sum and substance of the [DOCUMENTS.
ancients : which doubt was answered, obsignatis tabulis, by
the Dean of Westminster, (whom the King s Majesty, upon
my lord of London s motion, willed to speak to that
point) out of Tertullian, Cyprian, Origen, and others, that it
was used in immortali lavacro : which words being a little 5
descanted, it fell from one, I think it was my lord of
Winchester, obiter , to say, that in Constantine his time it
was used in baptism. What ! quoth the King, and is it now
come to that passe, that we shall appeach Constantine of
popery and superstition ? If then it were used, saith his 10
Majesty, I see no reason but that still we may continue it.
Master Knewstubs his second question was, that put case,
the Church had such power to adde significant signes, whether
it might there adde them, where Christ had already ordained
one : which he said was no lesse derogatory to Christ s i5
institution, as he thought, than if any potentate of this
land should presume to adde his seal to the great seal of
England. To which his Majesty answered, that the case
was not alike ; for that no sign or thing was added to the
sacrament ; which was fully and perfectly finished, before any 20
mention of the c rosse is made: for confirmation whereof he
willed the place to be read.
Lastly, if the Church had that power also, yet the greatest
scruple to their conscience was, how farre such an ordinance
of the Church was to bind them, without impeaching their 2 5
Christian liberty ? Whereat the King, as it seemed, was much
moved, and told him he would not argue that point with him,
but answer therein, as kings are wont to speak in parliament,
Le Roy s avisera, adding withall, that it smelled very rankly
of anabaptism : comparing it unto the usage of a beardlesse 30
boy, (one Master John Black) who the last conference his
Majesty had with the ministers in Scotland, (in December,
1602,) told him, that he would hold conformity with his
Majesties ordinances for matters of doctrine :* but for matters
of ceremonie, they were to be left in Christian liberty to every 35
man, as he received more and more light from the illumination
of God s Spirit ; even till they go mad, quoth the King, with
their own light : but I will none of that ; I will have one
doctrine and one discipline, one religion in substance and in
CHAPTER iv.J second day *es conference. 199
ceremony : and therefore I charge you never to speak more to
that point, (how far you are bound to obey,) when the Church
hath ordained it. And so asked them again if they had any
thing else to say.
5 Dr. Reynolds objected the example of the brasen serpent,
demolished and stampt to powder by Ezechias, because the
people abused it to idolatry, wishing that in like sort the
cross should be abandoned, because, in the time of popery,
it had been superstitiously abused. Whereunto the King s
10 Majesty answered divers wayes. First, quoth he, though I be
sufficiently perswaded of the cross in baptism, and the com
mendable use thereof in the Church . so long ; yet, if there
were nothing else to move me, this very argument were an
inducement to me for the retaining of it, as it is now by
1 5 order established : for inasmuch as it was abused, so you say,
to superstition, in time of popery, it doth plainly imply, that
it was well used before popery. I will tell you, I have lived
among this sort of men, (speaking to the lords and bishops,)
ever since I was tenne years old, but I may say of my self as
20 Christ did of himself, Though I lived amongst them, yet since
I had ability to judge, I was never of them ; neither did any
thing make me more to condemn, and detest their courses,
than that they did so peremptorily disallow of all things,
which at all had been used in popery. For my part, I know
25 not how to answer the objection of the papists when they
charge us with novelties, but truely to tell them, that their
abuses are new, but the things which they abused we retain
in their primitive use, and forsake only the novel corruption.
By this argument we might renounce the Trinity, and all
30 that is holy, because it was abused in popery : (and speaking
to Dr. Reynolds merily) they used to wear hose and shooes
in popery, therefore you shall now go barefoot.
Secondly, quoth his Majesty, what resemblance is there
between the brasen serpent, a material visible thing, and the
35 sign of the crosse made in the aire ?
Thirdly, I am given to understand by the bishops, and
I find it true, that the papists themselves did never ascribe
any power or spirituall grace to the sign of the crosse in
baptism.
o 4
200 The sum and substance of the [DOCUMENTS.
Fourthly, you see, that the material crosses, which in time
of popery were made for men to fall down before them,
as they passed by them, to worship them, (as the idolatrous
Jews did the brasen serpent) are demolished, as you desire.
The next thing which was objected, was the wearing of the 5
surplis, a kind of garment which the priests of Isis used to
wear. Surely, saith his Majesty, untill of late, I" did not
think that it had been borrowed from the heathen, because
it is commonly tearmed a ragge of popery, in scorn ; but
were it so, yet neither did we border upon heathenish 10
nations, neither are any of them conversant with us, or
commorant amongst us, who thereby might take just occasion
to be strengthened or confirmed in paganism, for then there
were just cause to suppresse the wearing of it : but seeing
it appeared out of antiquity, that in the celebration of divine i5
service a different habit appertained to the ministry, and
principally of white linnen, he saw no reason, but that in this
Church, as it had been, for comelinesse arid for order sake, it
might be still continued. This being his constant and resolute
opinion, that no church ought further to separate it self 20
from the church of Rome, either in doctrine or ceremony,
than she had departed from her self when she was in her
flourishing and best estate, and from Christ her Lord and
Head. And here again he asked what more they had to say.
D. Reynolds took exceptions at those words in the Common 25
Prayer Book, of matrimony, with my body I thee worship.
His Majesty looking upon the place ; I was made believe,
(saith he) that the phrase did import no lesse than divine
worship and adoration : but by the examination I find that
it is an usual English tearm, as a gentleman of worship, &c. 30
And the sense agreeable unto scriptures, giving honour to the
wife, See. But turning to Doctor Reyn. (with smiling saith
his Majesty), Many a man speakes of Robin Hood, who never
shot in his bow : if you had a good wife your self, you would
think all the honour and worship you could do to her were 35
well bestowed.
The dean of Sarum mentioned the ring in marriage;
which Doctor Reyn. approved, and the King confessed that
he was married vvithall ; and added, that he thought they
CHAPTER iv.] second dayes conference. 201
would prove to be scarce well married who are not married
with a ring.
He likewise spake of the churching of women by the name
of purification ; which being read out of the book, his Majesty
5 very well allowed it, and pleasantly said, that women were
loth enough of themselves to come to Church, and therefore
he would have this or any other occasion to draw them
thither.
And this was the substance and summe of that third
10 general point. At which pawse, it growing toward night, his
Majesty asked again if they had any more to say : if they
had, because it was late, they should have another day ; but
M. Doctor Reynolds told him, that they had but one point
more, which was the last general head ; but it pleased his
1 5 Majesty first to ask what they could say to the cornerd cap ?
They all approved it : well then, said his Majesty, turning
himself to the bishops, you may now safely wear your caps :
but I shall tell you, if you should walk in one street in
Scotland with such a cap on your head, if I were not with
20 you, you should be stoned to death with your cap.
In the fourth general head touching discipline, Doctor
Beyn. first took exception to the committing of ecclesiastical
censures unto lay-chancellors ; his reason was, that in the
statute made in King Henry his time, for their authority,
25 that was abrogated in Queen Maries time, and not revived in
the late Queen s daies : and abridged by bishops themselves
157 1 ; ordering that the said lay-chancellors should not
excommunicate in matters of correction; and an. 1584, and
1589, not in matters of instance; but to be done onely by
30 them who had power of the keies : his Majesty answered;
" he had already conferred with his bishops about that point,
and that such order should be taken therein as was conve
nient, willing him in the mean time to go to some other
matter, if he had any." Then he dcsireth, that according to
36 certain provincial constitutions, they of the clergy might have
meetings once every three weekes.
First, in rural deaneries, and therein to have prophecying,
according as the reverend father Arch-bishop Grindall, and
other bishops desired of her late majesty. 1 Cor. xiv.
The sum and substance of the [DOCUMENTS.
Secondly, that such things as could not be resolved upon
there, might be referred to the archdeacon s visitation, and so
Thirdly, from thence to the episcopal synode, where the
bishop with his presbytery should determine all such points
as before could not be decided. 5
At which speech his Majesty was somewhat stirred ; yet,
which is admirable in him, without passion, or shew thereof;
thinking that they aymed at a Scotish presbytery, which,
saith he, as well agreeth with a monarchy as God and the
Devil. Then Jack, and Tom, and Will, and Dick shall meet, 10
and at their pleasures censure me and my councel, and all
our proceedings : then Will shall stand up and say, It must
be thus ; then Dick shall reply and say, Nay marry, but we
will have it thus. And therefore, here I must once reiterate
my former speech, Le Roy s avisera : stay, I pray you, for i5
one seven years, before you demand that of me : and if then
you find me pursy and fat, and my wind pipes stuffed, I will
perhaps hearken to you : for let that government be once up,
I am sure I shall be kept in breath, then shall we all of us
have work enough, both our hands full. But, Doctor Bey- 20
nolds, till you find that I grow lazy, let that alone.
And here, because that Doctor Reynolds had twice before
obtruded the king s supremacie ; first, in the article concern
ing the pope ; secondly, in the point of subscription ; his
Majesty at those times said nothing : but now growing to an 25
end, he said, I shall speak of one matter more ; yet somewhat
out of order : but it skilleth not. Doctor Reynolds, quoth the
king, you have often spoken for my supremacy ; and it is well ;
but know you any here, or any elsewhere, who like of the
present government ecclesiastical, that find fault or dislike 30
my supremacy ? Doctor Reynolds said, No. Why then, said
his Majesty, I will tell you a tale. After that the religion
restored by King Edward the Sixth, was soon overthrown, by
the succession of Queen Mary here in England, we in Scot
land felt the effect of it. Whereupon master Knox writes to 35
the queen regent, (of whom without flattery I may say, that
she was a vertuous and moderate lady,) telling her that she
was supream head of the church, and charged her, as she
would answer it before God s tribunal, to take care of Christ
CHAPTER iv.] second dayes conference. 203
his evangill, and of suppressing the popish prelates, who
withstood the same. But how long, trow ye, did this con
tinue ? Even so long, till by her authority the popish bishops
were repressed, he himself and his adherents were brought in,
5 and well settled, and by these ineanes made strong enough to
undertake the matters of reformation themselves. Then loe,
they began to make small account of her supremacy, nor
would longer rest on her authority, but took the cause into
their own hand, and according to that more light wherewith
10 they were illuminated, made a further reformation of religion.
How they used that poor lady my mother is not unknown,
and with grief I may remember it : who, because she had not
been otherwise instructed, did desire only a private chapell,
wherein to serve God after her manner, with some few
1 5 selected persons, but her supremacy was not sufficient to
obtain it at their hands : and how they dealt with me in my
minority you all know; it was not done secretly, and though
I would, I cannot conceal it. I will apply it thus. And then
putting his hand to his hat his Majesty said, My lords the
20 bishops, I may thank you that these men do thus plead for
my supremacy : they think they cannot make their party
good against you, but by appealing unto it ; as if you, or some
that adhere unto you, were not well affected towards it. But
if once you were out, and they in place, I know what would
25 become of my supremacy. No bishop, no king, as before I
said. Neither do I thus speak at randome without ground,
for I have observed since my comming into England, that
some preachers before me can be content to pray for James
King of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, defender of
30 the faith, but as for supream governor in all causes and over
all persons (as well ecclesiastical as civil), they passe that over
with silence, and what cut they have been of I after learned.
After this, asking them if they had any more to object, and
Doctor Reynolds answering no ; his Majesty appointed the next
3 5 Wednesday for both parties to meet before him, and rising
from his chair, as he was going to his inner chamber, If this
be all, quoth he, that they have to say, I shall make them
conform themselves, or I will harry them out of this land, or
else do worse.
204? The sum and substance of the [DOCUMENTS.
And this was the summe of the second dayes conference,
which raised such an admiration in the lords, in respect of
the king his singular readynesse and exact knowledge, that
one of them said he was fully pers waded his Majesty spake
by the instinct of the Spirit of God. My lord Cicil acknow- 5
ledged that very much we are bound to God, who had given
us a king of an understanding heart. My lord chancellor,
passing out of the privy chamber, said unto the dean of
Chester, standing by the door ; I have often heard and read,
that " Rex est mixta persona cum sacerdote," but I never saw 10
the truth thereof till this day.
Surely, whosoever heard his Majesty might justly think
that title did more properly fit him which Eunapius gave to
that famous rhetorician, in saying that he was /3t/3Aio0?JK?7 rts
ffjL\j/v\os KOL 7Tpi7raTovv fjiovcrflov, a living library and a walk- i5
ing studie.
Finis secimdw diei.
THE
THIRD DAYES CONFERENCE.
Upon Wednesday, January 18, all the bishops aforenamed 20
attended at the court, and the deanes : who were all called
into the privy chamber, and whoso else my lord arch-bishop
appointed, (for such was his Majesties pleasure) ; whereupon
the knights and doctors of the arches, viz. sir Daniel Dunne,
sir Thomas Crumpton, sir Richard Swale, sir John Bennet, 25
and Doctor Drury entred in. As soon as the king was set,
the lord arch-bishop presented unto him a note of those
points which his Majesty had referred to their consideration
upon the first day, and the alteration, or rather explanation
of them in our liturgie. 30
1. Absolution or remission of sinnes, in the rubrick of abso
lution.
CHAPTER iv.] third dayes conference. 205
2. In private baptism, the lawfull minister present.
3. Examination, with confirmation of children.
4. Jesus said to them, twice to be put into the Dominical
gospels, in stead of Jesus said to Ms disciples.
5 His Majesty here taking the Common Prayer Book, and
turning to private baptism, willed, that where the words were
(in the rubric, the second paragraph), " They baptize not
children," now it should be thus read, " They cause not chil
dren to be baptized ; " and again in the same paragraph, for
I0 those words, " Then they minister it," it should be, " The
curate, or lawful minister present, shall do it on this fashion."
Concluding very gravely, that in this conference, he aimed at
three things principally ; first, the setting down of words fit
and convenient ; secondly, contriving how things might be
j5 best done, without appearance of alteration ; thirdly, practise,
that each man may do his duty in his place.
After this, his Majesty fell into discourse about the High
commission, wherein he said, that he understood how the
parties named therein were too many and too mean ; that
20 the matters they dealt in were base, and such as ordinaries at
home in their courts might censure; that the branches
granted out to the bishops in their several diocesses were too
frequent and large. To which my lord s grace answered
severally. First, for the number, it was requisite it should
2 ^ be great, for otherwise he must be forced, as oft-times now it
fell out, to sit alone ; because that albeit all the lords of the
privy counsell were in, all the bishops, many of the judges at
law, and some of the clerks of the councel, yet very few, or
none of them, sitting with him at ordinary times, some of
_ meaner place, as deanes, and doctors of divinity and law,
must needs be put in; whose attendance his grace might
with more authority command and expect. Secondly, for the
matters handled therein, he said, that he oftentimes had
complained thereof, but saw that it could not be remedied ;
5 because that the fault may be of that nature, as that the
ordinary jurisdiction might censure it ; but eftsoones it falls
out, that the party delinquent is too great, and so the ordi
nary dare not proceed against him ; or so mighty in his state,
206 The sum and substance of the [DOCUMENTS.
or so willful in his contumacie, that he will not obey the sum
mons or censure ; and so the ordinary is forced to crave help
at the High commission. To the third, his grace said, that
it concerned not him to make answer thereunto, for such
commissions have been granted against his will oftentimes, 5
and without his knowledge for the most part. My lord chan
cellor therefore offered it to his Majestie s wisdom to consider,
if such commissions should not be granted to any bishop, but
such as have the largest diocesses, which his Majesty well
approved ; and added withall, that those bishops who have in 10
their diocesses the most troublesome and refractory persons,
either Papists or Puritans : but of this, as also of the other
things found fault with herein, he willed those to consult to
whom should be appointed the review of the commission.
And here that point had ended, but that one of the lords (I i5
think verily rather upon misinformation than set purpose)
pleased to say that the proceeding thereby was like unto the
Spanish inquisition, wherein men were urged to subscribe
more than law required ; that by the oath ex officio, they
were inforced to accuse themselves ; that they were examined 20
upon twenty or twenty-four articles upon the sudden, with
out deliberation, and for the most part against themselves :
for the evidence thereof, a letter was shewed of an ancient
honourable councellor, written to the lord arch-bishop, anno
1584, of two ministers of Cambridgeshire, then or there 25
abouts, examined upon many articles, and in the end de
prived. The lord arch-bishop answered, first, to the matter,
that in the manner of proceeding, and examining, his lordship
was deceived : for if any article did touch the party any way,
either for life, liberty, or scandal, he might refuse to answer, 30
neither was he urged thereunto. Secondly, to the letter,
being in a cause twenty years since determined, he could not
answer the particulars, but if his answer to that letter were
found out, he doubted not, but as it did satisfie that honour
able councellour when he lived, so it would also sufficiently 36
clear this complaint before his Majesty.
My lord of London, for the matter of subscription, shewed
his highnesse the three articles which the church-men of
England are to approve by subscribing ; namely, the king s
CHAPTER iv.J third dayes conference. 207
supremacy, the articles of religion, and the book of common
prayer. All which it pleased his Majesty himself to read,
(and after a litle glance given, that the mention of the oath
ex qfficio came in before his due time) he dilated, first, how
5 necessary subscription was in every well governed church ;
that it was to be urged for the keeping of peace : for as laws
to prevent killing did provide there should be no quarrell
ing, so to prevent greater tumults in the church subscrip
tion was requisite. Secondly, because the bishop is to
10 answer for every minister whom he admitteth into his dio-
cesse, it were fittest for him to know the affection of the
party before his admittance, the best way to know him, and
to prevent future factions, was to urge his subscription at his
first entrance : for, " Turpius ejicitur, quam non admittitur
i5 hospes." Thirdly, as subscription was a good meanes to dis
cern the affection of persons, whether quiet or turbulent,
withall it was the principal way to avoid confusion : con
cluding, that if any, after things were well ordered, would not
be quiet, and shew his obedience, the church were better
20 without him, he were worthy to be hanged. " Praestat ut
pereat unus, quam unitas."
Touching the oath ex qfficio^ the lord chancellor, and after
him the lord treasurer, spake both for the necessity and use
thereof in diverse courts and cases. But his excellent Ma-
25 jesty preventing that old allegation, " Nemo cogitur detegere
suam turpitudinem," said that the civil proceedings only
punished facts, but in courts ecclesiastical it was requisite
that fame and scandals should be looked unto. That here
was necessary the oath compurgatorie, and the oath ex qfficio
30 too ; and yet great moderation should be used, first, in gram-
oribus criminibus : and secondly, in such whereof there is a
publick fame : thirdly, in distinguishing of publick fame,
either caused by the inordinate demeanor of the offender, or
raised by the undiscreet proceeding in trial of the fact : as
* 36 namely in Scotland, where the lying with a wench (though
done privately, and known, or scarce suspected, by two or
three persons before) was made openly known to the king,
to the queen, to the prince, to many hundreds in the court,
208 The sum and substance of the [DOCUMENTS.
by bringing the parties to the stool of repentance, and yet
perhaps be but a suspition only. And here his Majesty so
soundly described the oath ex officio : first, for the ground
thereof : secondly, the wisdom of the law therein : thirdly,
the manner of proceeding thereby, and the necessary and 5
profitable effect thereof, in such a compendious but absolute
order, that all the lords and the rest of the present auditors
stood amazed at it : the arch-bishop of Canterbury said that
undoubtedly his Majesty spake by the special assistance of
God s Spirit. The bishop of London, upon his knee, pro- 10
tested that his heart melted within him (as so, he doubted
not, did the hearts of the whole company) with joy, and made
haste to acknowledge unto Almighty God the singular mercy
we have received at his hands in giving us such a king, as
since Christ his time the like he thought had not been ; ^
whereunto the lords with one voice did yield a very affec
tionate acclamation. The civilians present confessed that
they could not in many houres warning, have so judicially,
plainly, and accurately, and in such a brief manner, have de
scribed it. 20
After this, his Majesty committed some weighty matters to
be consulted of by the lords and bishops ; first, for excommu
nication, in causes of lesse moment the name or censure to
be altered ; secondly, for the High commission, the quality of
the persons to be named, and the nature of the causes to be 2 5
handled therein : thirdly, for recusant communicants : for
there are three sorts, saith his Majesty, of papists : some,
first, which come to sermons, but not to service and prayer ;
secondly, some which come to both them, but not to the
communion; thirdly, a number which abstain from all. That~
inquiry might be made of all those who were of the first,
second, or third rank, concluding therein, that the weak were
to be informed, the wilful to be punished.
Here my lord chancellor mentioned the writ De excommu-
nicato capiendo, which his honor said did most affright the 5 -
papists of all other punishments, because by reason of that
they were many wayes disabled in law : therefore he would
take order, if his majesty so pleased, to send that writ out
CHAPTER iv.] third dayes confwence. 209
against them freely, without charge, and if they were not
executed, his lordship would lay the under-sheriffes in prison,
and to this the King assented.
The fourth thing to be consulted of was for the sending and
5 appointing of preachers into Ireland, whereof, saith his
Majesty, I am but half a king, being lord over their bodies,
but their soules seduced by popery he much pittied, affirming,
that where there is not true religion, there can be no continued
obedience : nor for Ireland only, but for some part of Wales,
I0 and the northern borders, so once called, though now no
borders : the men to be sent not to be factious, or scandalous,
for weeds will be weeds, wheresoever they be, and are good
for nothing, but to be piked over the wall, therefore they
should single out men of sincerity, of knowledge, of courage.
1 5 The last was, for provision of sufficient maintenance for
the clergie ; and withall, for the planting of a learned and
painful minister in every parish, as time shall serve.
To every of these his Majesty willed, that several com
missioners of his councel and bishops should be appointed by
20 the lord, upon the dissolving the assembly present.
And thus having conferred of these points with the
bishops, and referred other some of them, as you heard, to
special committies, his Majesty willed, that Doctor Eeyn. and
his associates should be called in, to whom he presently
25 signified what was done, and caused the alterations, or
explications, before named, to be read unto them. A litle
disputing there was, about the words in marriage, " With my
body I thee worship," and arguing no other thing to be meant
by the word worship, than that which Saint Paul willeth,
30 i Cor. vii. 4. the man thereby acknowledging, that hereby
he worshipeth his wife, in that he appropriateth his body
unto her alone : nor any more than that which S. Peter
counselleth, i Pet. iii. 7. That the man should give honour
to his wife, as the weaker vessel; yet for their satisfaction should
35 be put in, " With my body I thee worship, and honour,"
if it were thought fit ; and so his Majesty shut up all with a
most pithy exhortation to both sides for unity, perswading
diligence in each man s place, without violence on the one
party, or disobedience on the other, and willed them to
210 The sum and substance of the [DOCUMENTS.
deal with their friends abroad to that purpose : for his
Majesty feared, and had some experience, that many of them
were ticklish and humorous ; nor that only, but labourers
to pervert others to their fancies; he now saw that the
exceptions against the Communion book were matters of 5
weaknesse; therefore if the persons reluctant be discreet,
they will be won betimes, and by good perswasions ; if
undiscreet, better they were removed : for many by their
factious behaviour were driven to be papists. Now then of
their fruits he shall judge them, obedience and humility being 10
marks of honest and good men, and is expected of them;
and by their example and perswasion of all their sort abroad ;
for if hereafter things being thus well ordered, they should be
unquiet, neither his Majesty nor the state had any cause to
think well of them. i5
To which they gave all their unanimous assent, taking
exceptions against nothing that was said or done, but pro
mised to perform all duty to the bishops, as their reverend
fathers, and to joyn with them against the common adver
saries, and for the quiet of the Church. 20
Only Master Chatterton, of Emmanuel College, kneeling,
requested that the wearing of the surplis, and the use of the
crosse in baptism, might not be urged upon some honest,
godly, and painful ministers in some parts of Lancashire,
who feared, that if they should be forced to them, many 25
whom they had won to the gospel would slide back, and
revolt unto popery again ; and particularly in tanced the
vicar of Batesdale, (he could not have light upon a worse,) for
not many years before, he was proved before my lord arch
bishop, as his grace there testified, and my lord chancellour, 30
by his unseemly and unreverent usage of the eucharist,
dealing the bread out of a basket, every man putting in
his hand and taking out a peece, to have made many loath
the communion, and wholly refuse to come to church.
His majesty answered, that it was not his purpose, and he 35
durst answer for the bishops, that it was not their intent
presently and out of hand to enforce those things, without
fatherly admonitions, conferences and perswasions premised ;
but wished that it should be examined, if those men by their
CHAPTER iv.] third dayes conference. 211
pains and preaching had converted any from popery, and
were withall men of quiet disposition, honest of life, and
diligent in their calling ; if so, letters should be written to the
Bishop of Chester (of whom his Majesty gave a very good
5 testimony) to that purpose ; if not, but that they were of
a turbulent and oposite spirit, both they and others of that
unquiet humour, should presently be enforced to a conformity:
and so for that point, it was concluded, that my lord arch
bishop should write to the Bishop of Chester his letters for
10 that matter.
My lord of London replieth, that if this were granted,
the copy of these letters (especially if his Majesty had written,
as at first it was purposed) would flie over all England, and
then others, for their confines, would make the same request,
1 5 and so no fruit would follow of this conference, but things
would be worse than they were before.
Therefore he humbly desired his Majesty, that a time
should be limited, within which compasse they should conform
themselves. To which his Majesty readily assented, and
20 willed, that the bishop of the diocesse should set them down
the time, and in the mean while conferre with them, and if
they would not yield, whatsoever they were, to remove them,
after their time expired.
No sooner was that motion ended, but down falls Master
26 Knewstubs, and he requests the like favour of forbearance,
for some honest ministers in Suffolk, telling the king it would
make much against their credits in the country, to be now
forced to the surplis, and the crosse in baptism. My lord s
grace was answering ; Nay, saith his Majesty, let me alone
30 with him. Sir, saith the king, you shew your self an
uncharitable man ; we have here taken paines, and in the
end have concluded of an unity, and uniformity, and you
forsooth must preferre the credits of a few private men
before the general peace of the Church : this is just the
35 Scotish argument ; for when any thing was there concluded
which disliked some humors, the only reason why they would
not obey was, it stood not with their credits to yield, having
so long time been of the contrary opinion. I will none
of that, saith the king, and therefore, either let them conform
Galloway s letter to the [DOCUMENTS.
themselves, and that shortly, or they shall hear of it. My
lord Cicill put his Majesty in mind of a word his highnesse
had used the day before, namely, of ambling communions,
saying, that the indecency thereof was very offensive, and
had driven many from the Church. And here Masters
Chatterton was told of sitting communions in Emanuel
College ; which he said was so, by reason of the seats so
plac d as they be, yet that they had some kneeling also.
Finally, they joyntly promised to be quiet and obedient,
now they knew it to be the King s mind to have it so. His 10
Majestie s gracious conclusion was so piercing, as that it
fetched tears from some on both sides. My lord of London
ended all, in the name of the whole company, with a thanks
giving unto God for his Majesty, and a prayer for the health
and prosperity of his highnesse, our gracious queen, the i5
young prince, and all their royal issue.
His Majesty departed into the inner chamber : all the
lords presently went to the council chamber, to appoint
commissioners for the several matters before referred.
VI.
A letter from Patrick Galloway to the Presbytery of Edinburgh, 20
concerning the Conference.
BELOVED brethren, after my very hearty commendations,
these presents are to shew you that I received two of your
letters, one directed to his Majesty, and another to myself
for the using thereof; the same I read, closed, and three days 25
before the conference delivered it into his Majesty s hands,
and received it back again after some short speeches had
upon a word of your letter, as " the gross corruptions of this
church;" which then was exponed, and I assured that all
corruptions dissonant from the word, or contrary thereto, 30
CHAPTER iv.] Presbytery of Edinburgh.
should be amended. The 12 of Januar was the day of
meeting, at what time the bishops called upon by his
Majesty were gravely desired to advise upon all the corrup
tions of this church, in doctrine, ceremonies, and discipline ;
5 and as they will answer to God in conscience, and to his
Majesty upon their obedience, that they should return the
third day after, which was Saturday. They returned to his
Majesty, and there apposed as of before, it was answered all
was well. And when his Majesty in great fervency brought
10 instances to the contrary, they upon their knees with great
earnestness craved that nothing should be altered, lest popish
recusants, punished by penal statutes for their disobedience,
and the puritans, punished by deprivation from calling and
living for non-conformity, should say they had just cause to
1 5 insult upon them, as men who had traveled to bind them to
that, which by their own mouths now was confessed to be
erroneous. Always after five hours dispute had by his
Majesty against them, and his Majesty s resolution for
reformation intimated to them, they were dismissed that day.
20 Upon the 16 of Januar, being Monday, the brethren were
called to his Majesty, only five of them being present, and
with them two bishops and six or eight deans. Here his
Majesty craved to know of them what they desired to be
reformed ; but it was very loosely and coldly answered. This
25 day ended after four hours talking, and Wednesday the
1 8 of Januar was appointed for the meeting of both the
parties. Whereas before, the parties being called together,
the heads were repeated which his Majesty would have
reformed at this time: and so the whole action ended.
30 Sundry, as they favoured, gave out copies of things here
concluded : whereupon myself took occasion, as I was an ear
and eye witness, to set them down and presented them to his
Majesty, who with his own hand mended some things, and
eeked other things which I had omitted. Which corrected
35 copy with his own hand I have, and of it have sent you
herein the just transumpt word by word, and this is the
whole. At my own returning, which, God willing, shall be
shortly, ye shall know more particularly the rest. So till
then taking my leave, I commit you to the protection of the
p3
Galloway s letter to the [DOCUMENTS.
Most High, and your labours to the powerful blessing of
Christ. From London this tenth of Februar, 1604.
Your brother in the Lord to his uttermost,
M. P 1 . Galloway.
The cause of my delay to write was my awaiting on his 5
Majesty s leisure, to obtain that copy spoken of before, as it
is, that so I might write, as it was allowed to stand, and to
be performed.
A note of such things as shall be reformed.
1. Or DOCTRINE. I0
1. That an uniform short and plain catechism be made, to
be used in all churches and parishes in this kingdom. There
is already the doctrine of the sacraments added, in most clear
and plain terms.
2. That a translation be made of the whole Bible, as i5
consonant as can be to the original Hebrew and Greek ; and
this to be set out and printed without any marginal notes, and
only to be used in all churches of England in time of divine
service.
3. That no popish nor traiterous books be suffered to be 20
brought in this kingdom, and that straight order be taken,
that if they come over, they be delivered or sold to none,
either in country or universities, but to such only as may
make good use thereof, for confutation of the adversaries.
2. OF THE SERVICE BOOK. 25
1. That to the absolution shall be added the word of pro
nouncing the remission of sins.
2. That to confirmation shall be added the word of cate
chizing, or examination of the children s faith.
3. That the private baptism shall be called the private 30
baptism by the ministers and curates only ; and all these
questions that insinuate women or private persons, to be
altered accordingly.
4. That such apocrypha as have any repugnance to
canonical scripture shall be removed and not read; and other 35
CHAPTER iv.] Presbytery of Edinburgh.
places chosen for them which may serve better, either for
explanation of scripture, or instruction in good life and
manners : and specially the greatest part of such places as
were given in writ.
5 5. The words of marriage to be made more clear.
6. The cross in baptism was never counted any part in
baptism, nor sign effective, but only significative.
3. OF DISCIPLINE.
1. The bishops are admonished to judge no ministers
10 without the advice and assistance of some of the gravest
deans and chaplains.
2. That none shall have power to excommunicate, but only
their bishops in their dioceses, in the presence of these afore
said ; and only upon such weighty and great causes, to which
1 5 they shall subscribe.
3. The civil excommunication now used, is declared to be a
mere civil censure; and therefore the name of it is to be
altered ; and a writ out of the chancellary to punish the con
tumacy shall be framed.
20 4. That all bishops, nominated to that effect, shall set
down the matters and manner of proceeding, to be followed
hereafter in ecclesiastical courts, and modify their fees.
5. That the oath ex officio"* be rightly used, id est, only
for great and public slanders.
26 6. That the bishops be careful to cause the ministers note
in every parish of their dioceses the names of all recusants ;
as also the names of such as come to church and hear preach
ing, but refuse to communicate every year once ; and to
present the same to the bishop, and the bishop to the arch-
3 bishop, and the archbishop to the king.
7. That the sabbath be looked to, and better kept through
out all dioceses.
8. That the High commission be rightly used, the causes to
be handled, and the manner of proceeding therein to be
35 declared ; and that no person be nominated thereto but such
as are men of honour and good quality.
p 4
Galloway s letter, fyc. [DOCUMENTS,
4. OF THE MINISTRY.
1. That the reading of ministers that are of age and not
scandalous, be provided for and maintained by the person
preferred to preach in his room,, according to the valor of the
living ; and that the unlearned and scandalous be tried and 5
removed from these places, and learned and qualified be
placed for them.
2. That as many ministers as may be had with convenient
maintenance for them, may be placed in such places, where
there is want of preaching, with all haste. 10
3. That learned and grave ministers be transported from
the parts where the gospel is settled and planted, to such
parts of the kingdom where greatest ignorance is, and greatest
number of recusants are.
4. That ministers, beneficed men, make residence upon i5
their benefices, and feed their flocks with preaching every
sabbath day.
5. That pluralists and such as presently have double bene
fices, make residence upon one of them ; and that these their
benefices be as near other as he may preach to the people of 20
both their week about : and where they are further distant,
that he maintain therein a qualified preacher.
5. FOR SCHOOLS.
1. That schools in cities, towns, and families, throughout
all this kingdom, be taught by none but such as shall be 25
tried and approved to be sound and upright in religion : and
for that effect, that the bishops, in every one of their
dioceses take order with them, displacing the corrupted, and
placing honest and sufficient in their places.
2. That orders be taken with universities for trial of 30
masters and fellows in colleges ; and that none be suffered to
have the cure of instructing the youth, but such as are
approved for their soundness in religion ; and that such as
are suspected or known to be othervvays affected, be removed.
3. That the kingdom of Ireland, the borders of England 3 5
and Scotland, and all Wales, be planted with schools and
preachers as soon as may be.
CHAPTER iv.] Liber Communis Precum. 217
The ministers have been this long time past and shall be
in all time coming, urged to subscribe nothing but the three
articles, which are both clear and reasonable.
[Then are recited the three articles of the 36th Canon.]
VII.
5 Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi et aliis pro reformatione Libri
Communis Precum.
James, by the grace of God,, &c. To the most Rev. Father in
God, our right trusty and well beloved councellor, John
Archbishop of Canterbury, of all England Primate and
10 Metropolitan, the Rev. Fathers in God our trusty and
well beloved Richard Bishop of London, Anthony Bishop
of Chichester, and to the rest of our commissioners for
causes ecclesiasticall, greeting.
Whereas all such jurisdictions, rights, priviledges, supe-
i5 riorities, and preheminences, spirituall and ecclesiasticall, as
by any spirituall or ecclesiasticall power or authority have
heretofore beene or may lawfully be exercised or used for the
visitation of the ecclesiastical state and persons, and for re
formation, order, and correction, as well of the same as of all
20 manner of errors, heresies, schisms, abuses, offences, con-
temptes, and enormities, to the pleasure of Almighty God, the
increase of vertue, and the conservation of the peace and
unitie of this our realm of England, are for ever, by authoritie
of parliament of this our realme, united and annexed to the
25 imperiall crowne of the same.
And whereas also by act of parliament it is provided and
enacted, that whenever we shall cause to take further order
for or concerning any ornament, righte, or ceremony ap
pointed or prescribed in the booke commonly called " The
30 Book of Common Prayer, Administration of the Sacraments,
and other rites and ceremonies of the church of England," 1 "
and our pleasure knowne therein, either to our commission
ers, authorized under our great seal of England, for causes
218 Pro Reformatione [DOCUMENTS.
ecclesiastical!, or to the metropolitane of this our realm of
England, that then further order should be therein taken
accordingly.
We therefore, understanding that there were in the said
booke certeyne thinges which might require some declarations
and enlargement by way of explanation ; and, in that respect,
having required you our metropolitane, and you the Bishops
of London and Chichester, and some others of our commis
sioners authorized under our great seal of England for causes
ecclesiasticall, according to the intent and meaning of the 10
said statute, and of some other statutes alsoe, and by our
supreme authoritie and prerogative royall, to take some care
and payns therein, have received from you the said particuler
thinges in the said book declared, and enlarged by way of
explanation, made by you our metropolitane and the rest of i5
our said commissioners in manner and forme following. In
the rubricke before Absolution these wordes followinge are to
be placed, the Absolution or Remission of Synnes to be pro
nounced by the minister alone.
John x. 1 1 . being the Gospel " Dominica secunda post 20
Pasch." these wordes (Ckriste sayed) to be printed in letters
differing from the text ; and these words to be left out,
videlicet, to Ms disciples.
Matth. xxii. i. " Dominica vicesima post Trinitat." These
words {Jesus said) to be printed in letters differing from the 26
text ; and these words to be left out, videlicet, unto Ms
disciples.
The whole Rubricke before Private Baptism to be in these
words :
Of them that are to be baptized in private houses in time 30
of necessitie by the minister of the parish, or any other law-
full minister that can be procured ; the pasters and curates
shall often admonish the people that they defer not the bap
tism of infants any longer then the Sonday or other Holyday
next after the child be born, unless upon a great and reason- 35
able cause declared to the curate, and by him approved ; and
also they shall warn them that without great cause and
necessitie they procure not their children to be baptized at
home in their houses ; and when great need shall compell
CHAPTER iv.j Libri Communis Precum.
them soe to doe, then baptism shall be administred in this
fashion ; first, let the minister that be present call upon God
for his grace and say the Lord s Prayer, if the time will
suffer : and then, the child being named, by some one of
5 them that is present, the said lawfull minister shall dippe it in
water, or pour water upon it, saying these words, " N. I bap
tize thee in the name of the Father, and of the Sonne, and of
the Holy Ghost. Amen." And let them not cloubte but that
the child so baptized is lawfully and sufficiently baptized, and
10 ought not to be baptized again : but yet nevertheless, if the
child which is after this sort baptized do afterwards lyve, it is
expedient that it be brought into the church, to the intent
that if the priest or minister of the same parishe did himself
baptize that child, the congregation may be certefied of the
1 5 true form of Baptism by him privately before used ; or if the
child were baptized by any other lawfull minister, that then the
minister of the parish where the childe was born or cristened,
shal examyne and try whether the child be lawfully baptized or
no : in whiche case if those which bring any child to the
20 church do answer that the same child is already baptized;
then shall the minister examyne them further, saying, By
whom was the child baptized ? Who was present when the
child was baptized ? And because some thinges effectuall to
this Sacramente may happen to be omitted through fear
20 or haste in such times of extremity ; therefore I demande
further of you, with what matter was the child baptized ?
With what words was the child baptized ? Whether think
you the child to be lawfully and perfectly baptized I And if
the minister shall fynde, by the answers of such as bring the
30 child, that all things were done as they ought to bee, then
shall he not cristen the child againe, but shall receive him as
one of the flock of the true Christian people, saying thus : I
certefy you that in this case all is well done, and according &c.
following the words of the book, as the same was before. In
36 the last Kubrick of Private Baptism these words are to be
placed : But if they which bring the infants to the church do
make such uncertaine answers to the priest s questions as
that it cannot appear that the childe was baptized in the
name of the Father, and of the Sonne, and of the Holy
Pro Reformatione [DOCUMENTS.
Ghoste with water, which are essentiall partes of baptism;
then let the priest baptize it in form above written con-
cernynge Publique Baptism.
In the Kubrick before the Declaration of the use of Con
firmation, these words are to be placed : 5
The order of Confirmation, or laying on of handes upon
children baptized, and able to render an accompte of their
faith, according to the Catechism following.
An explanation of Baptism and the Lord s Supper to be
added to the end of the Catechism in these questions and 10
answers following :
QUESTION. How many sacraments hath Christ ordained in
his Church?
ANSWER. Two only as generally necessarie to salvation,
(that is to say,) Baptism and the Supper of the Lord. i5
QUESTION. What meanest thou by this word Sacrament ?
ANSWER. I mean an outward and visible sign of an inward
and spiritual grace given unto us, ordained by Christ him
self as a means whereby we receive the same, and a pledge to
assure us thereof. 20
QUESTION. How many parts be there in a sacrament ?
ANSWER. Two ; the outwarde and visible signe and the in
ward and spirituall grace.
QUESTION. What is the outward visible sign or form in
Baptism ? 25
ANSWER. Water, wherein the person baptized is dipped or
sprinkled with it in the name of the Father, and of the
Sonne, and of the Holy Ghoste.
QUESTION. What is the inward and spirituall grace ?
ANSWER. A death unto synne and a new birth unto right- 30
eousness : for being by nature born in sin, and the children
of wrath, we are hereby made the children of grace.
QUESTION. What is required of persons to be baptized \
ANSWER. Repentance whereby they forsake synne, and
fayth whereby they stedfastly believe the promises of Gods5
made to them in that sacrament.
QUESTION. Why then are infants baptized, when by reason
of their tender age they cannot perform them ?
ANSWER. Yes, they do perform them by their sureties,
CHAPTER iv.] Libri Communis Precum. 221
who promise and vow them both in their names, which when
they come to age themselves are bound to perform.
QUESTION. Why was the sacrament of the Lord s Supper
ordained ?
5 ANSWER. For the continuall remembrance of the sacrifice
of the death of Chryste, and the benefits which we receive
thereby.
QUESTION. What is the outward part or sign of the Lord s
Supper?
10 ANSWER. Breade and wyne, which the Lord hath com
manded to be received.
QUESTION. What is the inward part or thinge signified ?
ANSWER. The body and blood of Christe, which are verily
and indeede taken and received of the faithfull in the Lord s
1 5 Supper.
QUESTION. What are the benefits whereof we are partakers
thereby ?
ANSWER. The strengthenynge of our souls by the body and
blood of Christe as our bodies are by the breade and wyne.
20 QUESTION. What is required of them which come to the
Lord s Supper?
ANSWER. To examyne themselves whether they repent them
trulie of their former sins, steadfastly purposinge to lead a
new life, have a livelie faith in God s mercies through Christ,
25 with a thankfull remembrance of his death, and be in charity
with all men.
The Rubricke before the acte of Confirmation shall be in
these words :
" Confirmation, or laying on of hands."
30 In the Kalendar.
Augusti 26, at morning prayer, note that the 13th of
Danyell, touching the historic of Susanna, is to be read unto
theis words (And king Astiages, &c.). The same day at
evening prayer, instead of the 14th chapter of Daniell, touch-
35 ing Bell and the Dragon, read the 30th of the Proverbs.
Octobris prime, at morninge prayer, instead of the fifth
chapter of Thobie, read the sixte of Exodus unto theis words
222 Pro Reformatione [DOCUMENTS.
(Theis be the heades, &c.). The same daye at evening
prayer, instead of the sixt chapter of Thobie, read the twen-
tith of Josua.
Octobris secundo, at evening prayer, instead of the eighte
chapter of Thobie, read the twoe and twentieth of Josua. 5
The seventeenth of November at evening prayer, note like
wise that the six and fortieth chapter of Ecclesiasticus is to be
read unto theise words, " After this he told,"" &c.
A prayer for the Queen, the Prince, and other the King s and
Queers children, to be inserted next under the prayer for 10
the King.
Almighty God, which hast promised to be a Father of
thine elect and of their seed, wee humbly beseech thee to
bless our gracious Queen Anne, Prince Henry, and all the
King^s and Queen s royal progeny, indue them with thy Holy i5
Spirit, inrich them with thy heavenly grace, prosper them
with all happiness, and bring them to thine everlasting king
dom, through Jesus Christe, &c.
Another prayer to be inserted into the Litany after these words,
(over all his enemy s) . 20
That it may please thee bless and preserve our gracious
Queen Anne, Prince Henry, and the rest of the King and
Queen s royal issue.
An enlargement of thanksgiving -for diverse benefits, by way of
explanation. 25
O God our Heavenly Father, who by thy gracious provi
dence dost cause the former and the latter rain to descende
upon the earth, that it may bringe forth fruite for the use of
man, wee give thee humble thanks that it hath pleased thee
in our greatest necessitie to sende us at the last a joyfull rayne 30
upon thine inheritance, and to refresh it when it was drye, to
the great comfort of us thy unworthy servants, and to the
glory of thy holy name, through thy mercies in Jesus Christ
our Lord. Amen.
CHAPTER iv.J Libri Communis Precum.
A thanksgiving for fair weather.
O Lord God, who hath justly humbled us by thy late
plague of immoderate rayne and waters, and in thy mercie
hast relieved and comforted our souls by this seasonable and
5 blessed change of wether ; wee praise and glorify thy holy
name for this thy mercie, and will always declare thy loveing
kindness from generation to generation, through Jesus Christ
our Lord. Amen.
A Thanksgiving for Plenty.
10 most mercifull Father, which of thy gracious goodness
hast heard the devout prayers of thy Church, and turned our
dearth and scarcitie into cheapnes and plenty : wee give thee
humble thanks for this thy especiall bounty : beseeching thee
to contynue this thy loving kindnes unto us, that our lande
1 5 may yeild us her fruit e of encrease to thy glory and our
comfort, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
A Thanksgiving for Peace and Victor ie.
O Almighty God, who art a strong tower of defence unto
thy servants against the face of their enemys, we yeild thee
20 praise and thanksgiving for our deliverance from those greate
and apparant dangers wherewith wee were compassed, wee
acknowledge it thy goodness that wee were not delivered over
as a prey unto them, beseeching thee still to continue such
thy mercies towards us, that all the world may know that
2 5 thou art our Saviour and mighty Deliverer, through Jesus
Christe our Lord. Amen.
A Thanksgiving for deliverance from the Plague.
O Lord God, which hast wounded us for our synnes and
consumed us for our transgressions, by thy late heavy and
30 dreadfull visitation, and nowe in the middest of judgment
remembring mercie, hast redeemed our souls from the jawes
of death, wee offer unto thy fatherly goodnes our selves, our
souls and bodies, which thou hast delivered, to be a lyving
sacrifice unto thee, always praysing and magnifying thy
Pro Reformation* [DOCUMENTS.
mercies in the middest of the congregation, through Jesus
Christ our Lord. Amen.
Or this.
We humbly acknowledge before thee (O most mercifull
Father) that all the punishments which are threatened in thy 5
lawe might justly have fallen upon us by reason of our
manifold transgressions and hardness of heart : yet being it
hath pleased thee of thy tender mercie, upon our weak and
unworthy humiliation, to assuage the noysome pestilence,
wherewith wee latelie have been sore afflicted, and to restore 10
the voice of joy and health into our dwellings; we offer unto
thy divyne Majesty the sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving,
lauding and magnifying thy glorious Name for such thy
preservation and providence over us, through Jesus Christ
our Lord. Amen. i5
All which particular poynts and things in the said book,
are thus by you declared and enlarged by way of exposition
and explanation. Forasmuch as wee having maturely con
sidered of them, do hold them to be very agreable to our own
severall directions, upon conference with you and others, and 20
that they are in no part repugnant to the word of God, nor
contrarie to anie thinge that is already contained in that
book ; nor to any of our lawes or statutes made for allowance
and confirmation of the same : wee by virtue of the said
statutes, and by our supreme authoritie and prerogative 25
royall, doe fully approve, allowe and ratify all and every one
of the said declarations and enlargements by way of ex
planation.
Willing and requiryng, and withall authorising you the
Archbishop of Canterbury, that forthwith you do command 30
our printer, Robert Barker, newly to print the said Commu
nion Book, with all the said declarations and enlargements
by w r ay of exposition and explanation above mentioned : and
that you take such order, not only in your own province, but
likewise in our name with the Archbishop of Yorke for his 35
province, that every parish may provide for themselves the
saide booke so prynted and explained, to be onely used by the
minister of every such parish in the celebration of divine
CHAPTER iv.] A proclamation fyc. 225
service and admynistration of the sacraments. And duely by
him to be observed according to the lawe in all the other
parts, with the rites and ceremonies therein contained and
prescribed for him to observe.
And these our letters patents, or the enrollement thereof,
shal be your sufficient warrant for all and every the premisses
contayned in them.
Witnes our selfe at Westminster the ninth day of February.
Per ipsum regem.
VIII.
lo^l proclamation for the authorizing and uniformity of the Book of
Common Prayer to be used throughout the realm.
ALTHOUGH it cannot be unknown to our subjects by the
former declarations we have published, what our purposes
and proceedings have been in matters of religion since our
i5 coming to this crown ; yet the same being now by us reduced
to a settled form, we have occasion to repeat somewhat of
that which hath passed ; and how at our very first entry into
the realm being entertained and importuned with informations
of sundry ministers, complaining of the errors and imper-
2ofections of the church here, as well in matter of doctrine as
of discipline, although we had no reason to presume that
things were so far amiss as was pretended, because we had
seen the kingdom under that form of religion, which by law
was established in the days of the late queen of famous
2 5 memory, blessed with a peace and prosperity, both extra
ordinary and of many years continuance, (a strong evidence that
God was therewith well pleased,) yet because the importunity
of the complainers was great, their affirmations vehement,
and the zeal, wherewith the same did seem to be accom-
3 panied, very specious, we were moved thereby to make it
our occasion to discharge that duty, which is the chiefest
of all kingly duties, that is, to settle the affairs of religion
A proclamation for the uniformity [DOCUMENTS.
and the service of God before their own; which while wo
were in hand to do, as the contagion of the sickness reigning
in our city of London and other places would permit an
assembly of persons meet for that purpose, some of those
who misliked the state of religion here established, presuming 5
more of our intents than ever we gave them cause to do,
and transported with humour, began such proceedings, as
did rather raise a scandal in the church, than take offence
away. For both they used forms of public serving of God not
here allowed, held assemblies without authority, and did 10
other things carrying a very apparent show of sedition, more
than of zeal ; whom we restrained by a former proclamation
in the month of October last, and gave intimation of the
conference we intended to be had with as much speed as
conveniently could be, for the ordering of those things of the i5
church ; which accordingly followed in the month of January
last, at our honour of Hampton court, where before ourself
and our privy council were assembled many of the gravest
bishops and prelates of the realm, and many other learned
men, as well of those that are conformable to the state 20
of the church established, as of those that dissented ; among
whom, what our pains were, what our patience in hearing and
replying, and what the indifferency and uprightness of our
judgment in determining, we leave to the report of those who
heard the same, contenting ourself with the sincerity of our 25
own heart therein. But we cannot conceal, that the success
of that conference was such as happeneth to many other
things, which moving great expectation before they be entered
into, in their issue produce small effect. For we found
mighty and vehement informations supported with so weak 30
and slender proofs, as it appeared unto us and our council,
that there was no cause, why any change should have been
at all in that, which was most impugned, the Book of Common
Prayer, containing the form of the public service of God here
established ; neither in the doctrine, which appeared to be 35
sincere, nor in the forms and rites, which were justified out
of the practice of the primitive church. Notwithstanding we
thought meet, with consent of the bishops and other learned
men there present, that some small things might rather be
CHAPTER iv.] of the Book of Common Prayer.
explained, than changed ; not that the same might not very
well have been borne with by men, who would have made
a reasonable construction of them, but for that in a matter
concerning the service of God we were nice or rather jealous,
5 that the public form thereof should be free not only from
blame, but from suspicion, so as neither the common adversary
should have advantage to rest aught therein contained to
other sense, than the church of England intendeth, nor any
troublesome or ignorant person of this church be able to take
10 the least occasion of cavil against it: and for that purpose
gave forth our commission under our great seal of England
to the archbishop of Canterbury and others, according to
the form, which the laws of this realm in like case prescribe
to be used, to make the said explanation, and to cause the
1 5 whole book of Common Prayer, with the same explanations,
to be newly printed. Which being now done and established
anew after so serious a deliberation ; although we doubt not
but all our subjects, both ministers and others, will receive
the same with such reverence as appertaineth, and conform
20 themselves thereunto every man in that, which him con-
cerneth; yet have we thought it necessary to make known
by proclamation our authorizing of the same, and to require
and enjoin all men, as well ecclesiastical as temporal, to
conform themselves unto it, and to the practice thereof, as
25 the only public form of serving of God, established and allowed
to be in this realm. And the rather, for that all the learned
men, who were there present, as well of the bishops, as
others, promised their conformity in the practice of it, only
making suit to us, that some few might be borne with for
3 a time.
Wherefore we require all archbishops, bishops, and all
other public ministers, as well ecclesiastical as civil, to do
their duties in causing the same to be obeyed, and in punishing
the offenders according to the laws of the realm heretofore
3^ established for the authorizing of the said Book of Common
Prayer. And we think it also necessary, that the said arch
bishops and bishops do each of them in his province and
diocese take order, that every parish do procure to them
selves within such time, as they shall think good to limit,
Q 2
228 A proclamation fyc. [DOCUMENTS.
one of the said books so explained. And last of all we do
admonish all men, that hereafter they shall not expect nor
attempt any further alteration in the common and public
form of God s service, from this which is now established ;
for that neither will we give way to any to presume, that our -
own judgment having determined in a matter of this weight,
shall be swayed to alteration by the frivolous suggestions of
any light spirit ; neither are we ignorant of the inconve
niences, that do arise in government, by admitting innovation
in things once settled by mature deliberation ; and how I0
necessary it is to use constancy in the upholding of the public
determinations of states ; for that such is the unquietness
and unsteadfastness of some dispositions, affecting every year
new forms of things, as, if they should be followed in their
inconstancy, would make all actions of states ridiculous and ^
contemptible : whereas the steadfast maintaining of things
by good advice established, is the weal of all commonwealths.
Given at our palace of Westminster the fifth day of March,
in the first year of our reign of England, France and Ireland,
and of Scotland the seven and thirtieth, anno Domini, MDCIII. 2Q
CHAPTER V.
Interpolations charged against Archbishop Laud.
"OROM the light in which the Book of Common
Prayer was held by the Puritans of the seven-
5teenth century, it would naturally be expected that
any attempt to introduce readings without authority
and at variance with their suggestions, would be an
occasion for the renewal of hostilities. Little disposed
to make use of the liturgy themselves for the offices
TO of public worship, they would still employ it with
force and effect as a ground of accusation against their
opponents, if it should appear to have undergone any
clandestine alterations, whether they were positively
unsound, or were merely unauthorized. And such was
1 5 the vehemence of those times, that whenever an accu
sation was made, it rarely wanted a tone of confidence
to accompany it, or a strong public feeling to give it
credence ; so that the most improbable reports might
pass into general circulation, and grave and sensible
20 men be charged with offences, that involved the most
wanton and impracticable foolishness.
Q 3
230 Interpolations charged [NARRATIVE.
Of such a nature was the charge brought against
archbishop Laud of corrupting the Book of Common
Prayer. It is well known that he had employed his
power of granting licenses for publications in such a
manner as to alter the character of many of the books 5
submitted to him, and to give them a leaning in favour
of his own views of doctrine and discipline. He was
of that order of mind which could address itself with
much vigour and readiness either to the governing
principles of a question, or to the smallest circum- 10
stances connected with it. But the course of his
education had given him a strong tendency in the
latter direction ; and the spirit of the times, which
by a kind of moral crystallization had converted all
general discussions into a multitude of sharp and i5
uniform points, disposed him to infer great danger
from the smallest indications of it, and in all cases
alike to apply the remedy of pains and penalties.
Acting upon these principles he had carried his vigi
lance, as censor of the press, to the greatest extent ; 20
and authors of all descriptions complained of the
liberties that were taken with their works, passages
being omitted or reconstructed not merely on subjects
of secondary interest, but especially on those questions
on which every man at that time thought deeply and 25
passionately. The instructions given by the archbishop
to his chaplains with reference to the one subject of
popery were ; " that a all exasperating passages which
edify nothing, should be expunged out of such books
as by them were to be licensed to the press ; and that 3
no doctrines of that [the Romish] church should be
writ against, but such as seemed to be inconsistent
a Heylin s Laud, p. 418.
CHAPTER v.] against Archbishop Laud. 231
with the established doctrines of the church of
England." It is easy to foresee how such instructions,
administered by chaplains, whose theological senti
ments had met with the approval of archbishop Laud,
5 would give deep offence to two parties of great
activity and increasing numbers to the Puritans, who
independently of their own strength had considerable
influence within the pale of the church, and to those
lovers of free discussion, who have at all times a
10 prepossession in their favour, and had at that time
become a powerful party in the state.
But in such cases his proceedings, however inju
dicious in the extent to which they were carried, were
in their principle consistent with law, and with the
i5 practice of his predecessors. The question would have
been very different, had he of his own authority made
any variations in the text of the public liturgy.
The writer of " The news from Ipswich," a tract
calculated to make much impression at that period,
20 had already charged the archbishop with corrupting
the Book of Common Prayer; but the most direct
and questionable shape, in which the same accusation
appeared, was in two sermons preached by H. Burton
on the 5th of November 1636, and in two tracts
25 published by the same writer soon afterwards, the one
containing the substance of the sermons, and the other
consisting of an appeal against the proceedings of the
ecclesiastical commission.
The principal charge was directed against the
30 alterations that had been made in the form of prayer
provided for the 5th of November. The alterations
were that the words " root out that Babylonish and
antichristian sect which say of Jerusalem" were
changed to " root out that Babylonish and anti-
Q4
Interpolations charged [NARRATIVE.
Christian sect of them which say of Jerusalem :" and
the words " cut off those workers of iniquity whose
religion is rebellion" to " cut off those workers of
iniquity who turn religion into rebellion." It was
alleged that the archbishop had violated the act of5
parliament (3 James I. c. 1.) which appointed that
day to be observed as a religious festival. Now the
facts of the case were that the act in question provided
no form of worship for the day, but left it to be sup
plied, according to the customary practice, by an order 10
of the council ; that the form actually provided had
not at any time been united with the common editions
of the Liturgy, but was printed expressly for the occa
sion, incorporating with it the usual daily service ; and
that if any further justification were necessary, similar i5
alterations had been made at earlier periods by royal
injunctions b , as well as by authority of parliament. It
is plain then that in this instance if any charge could
be sustained, it would be merely that a change had
been made in the occasional devotions of the people, 20
which was alleged to be in opposition to their wishes.
It could not be pretended that any illegal alteration
had been made in the Book of Common Prayer, or
that any irregular act of any kind whatever had been
done. 25
Of the same nature were the objections taken
against the form of prayer provided for the public
fast of the year 1636, which was declared to differ
in many respects from the forms provided on other
similar occasions, although the king s proclamation, 30
that enjoined the observance of the fast, required the
*> In the Prayer book of 1552, and in the Injunctions of Queen
Elizabeth.
CHAPTER v.] against Archbishop Laud.
publication of the accustomed services. But these
objections were extremely futile. The changes were
numerous, and whether they were made judiciously
or not (although there appears to be no reason for
5 disputing it) they were made by the competent per
sons, had many precedents in their favour, and were
set forth in the usual manner, by his Majesty s
authority c .
Forms of prayer or thanksgiving had been provided
10 during the reigns of queen Elizabeth and king James I.
for many special occasions ; for instance, in the year
1562 during a time of pestilence (Wilkins, Cone,
vol. iv. p. 242) ; in the year 1588 during a time of
danger (Wilkins, vol. iv. p. 351); and on several
i5 occasions of the Queen s recovery from illness. In
stances also occurred, as in the case of a great scarcity
in the year 1596, (Wilkins, vol. iv. p. 351), when
clergymen appear to have been left to their own dis
cretion in the selection of prayers. But in the year
20 1603, the first year of king James, and a time of great
pestilence, certain prayers were collected for the occa
sion " out of a form of godly meditations," which
became the model for all future compilations of the
same kind. Differences however were frequently
25 introduced ; as for instance in the form provided for
the pestilence of the year 1625, the first year of king
Charles I., to which was added a prayer for the high
court of parliament containing those memorable words,
" our most religious and gracious king d ," which are
30 c Comp. Heylin s Brief Answer, &c. p. 157, and Dow s Inno
vations, &c. p. 141.
d This prayer in its original shape was probably composed by
bishop Laud; for in the year 1625, when it first appeared in any
public form, he already stood higher in royal favour than archbishop
Interpolations charged [NARRATIVE.
supposed by many persons to have been used in the
first instance for the purpose of describing king-
Charles II. after the revision of 1661.
We come nearer to a grave and substantial accu
sation when we find it alleged against the archbishop 5
that he made important alterations in a prayer of the
public Liturgy, commonly entitled the Prayer for the
royal family ; by striking out the names of " the
Prince Elector Palatine and the Lady Elizabeth his
wife," and by substituting the words " the fountain of 10
all goodness" instead of the ancient clause " which
hast promised to be a father of thine elect and of
their seed." It was urged that in the one case he w r as
actuated by political motives, and in the other by his
well-known aversion for any language that savoured of i5
the school of Calvin. But here again the archbishop
Abbot ; and we find a great part of it adopted by Laud himself in
a private collection of prayers compiled for his own use, which was
first published in the year 1650. Dr. D Oyly, in his Life of Arch
bishop Bancroft, (vol. i. p. 114), does not trace the prayer higher 20
than the year 1628; but Dr. Routh in his notes on Bp. Bui-net s
History of his Own Times, (vol. i. p. 332), assigns it to the earlier
period.
As might naturally be expected, the prayer for the parliament was
not used constantly during the time of Charles I. It appears in a 25
special form provided in the year 1625, is wanting in a form for the
year 1626, appears again in a form for 1628, when the troubles
were beginning, and is omitted afterwards (in forms, for instance,
issued in 1636, 1640, and 1643) until it was recast for a special
service in the year 1661, and was thence transferred by the convo- 3
cation of the same period to the Book of Common Prayer.
In the convocation of 1640 Archbishop Laud proposed that a
prayer should be composed for the parliament and the peace and
tranquillity of the kingdom. The task was entrusted to his two
chaplains, Bray and Oliver, who on the 25th of April brought in 3$
their form of prayer; and it was then approved. Wilk. Cone. vol. iv.
p. 539. Synod. Ang. App. p. 27.
CHAPTER v.] against Archbishop Laud. 235
is free from all real imputation. The prayer itself was
approved, if not composed, by archbishop Whitgift,
and appears for the first time after the revision made
by king James on his sole authority in the year I604 e .
5 It is not even to be found in the form of service that
was provided a few months previously on occasion of
the pestilence. Resting therefore exclusively upon the
royal mandate, the same authority was competent to
alter or remove it. Accordingly in the first form of
TO prayers published by authority in the reign of king
Charles I. being the service provided for the fast of
the year 1625, the words " the fountain of all good
ness" were introduced for the first time into the prayer
for the royal family, and were continued in the Prayer
1 5 Book published in the year 1627 ; and for this obvious
reason, that the ancient clause, for which they were
substituted, was not thought appropriate in the case of
a sovereign who was at that time without issue. It
appears also that in the year 1632 when there was
20 royal issue, and Prince Charles and the Lady Mary
are mentioned in the prayer by name, the original
clause was replaced, as then no longer inapplicable.
In the following year however, the first year of the
primacy of Laud, the clause was again removed, and
25 was not afterwards restored. For similar reasons it
appears that distinct mention of the Elector Palatine
and the Princess Elizabeth was made for the last time
in the year 1632, being afterwards supplanted by the
names of princes more nearly connected with the
30 throne, and the general expression "the loyal family"
being added to include all the remoter branches. We
might infer indeed from these facts that the alterations
were permanently made at the suggestion of the arch-
e See above, p. 144. 1. i i ; and Rymer, Fcedera, vol. xvi. p. 567.
236 Interpolations charged [NARRATIVE.
bishop, as the) 7 coincide with the time when he was
advanced to the primacy ; but if that inference be
correct (and it is evident from his speech before the
star-chamber that he approved of the change) he is
still free from censure, as the prayer was altered by 5
the same authority, on which it depended for its
existence, the mandate of the crown.
Another charge brought against the archbishop was
that in the Epistle for the Sunday before Easter, at
the passage " in the name of Jesus every knee shall I0
bow," the word " in" was altered to " at," with the
view, as was alleged, of " making f the fairer colour for
their forced bowing to the name of Jesus, for which
there is neither Scripture nor ancient father." To this
charge the archbishop answered in his speech delivered i5
in the star-chamber, in the following words : " I do
here solemnly protest to you, I know not how it came.
For authority from the prelates the printers had none ;
and such a word is easily changed in such a negligent
press as we have in England. Or if any altered it 20
purposely, for aught I know they did it to gratify the
preciser sort. For therein they followed the Geneva
translation, and printed at Geneva 1557, where the
words are at the name of Jesus. And that is
ninety-four years ago, and therefore no innovation 25
made by us." The truth is, if it be necessary to pursue
the matter further, that though in an edition of 1607
the word is " in," it was printed " at" during the whole
of the reign of Charles I., as may be seen in the
editions of 1627, 1632, 1633, 1634, 1639, &c. : and 30
the practice of bowing, which had given offence to the
Puritans, was no novelty of the archbishop s, but had
been required by the injunctions of Queen Elizabeth.
1 Burton s Sum of two Sermons, p. 130.
CHAPTER v.] against Archbishop Laud. 237
Another alteration which has been ascribed to the
archbishop in later times, but does not seem to have
been made matter of accusation in his own, was the
substitution of the word " priest" for " minister" in the
5 rubric prefixed to the Absolution or remission of sins.
It is not easy to discover how this charge originated ;
for on an examination of the editions of the Common
Prayer belonging to that period, it is found that the
words were used as if no distinct meanings were
10 assigned to them. The editions of 1607 and 1627
have " minister." The form of prayer for the fast in
1625 and the Prayer-books of 1632 and 1633 have
" priest." But the editions of 1634 and 1639 again
have the word " minister," and are therefore sufficient
i5 evidence, that if the alleged alteration were made
clandestinely, the blame cannot reasonably be imputed
to archbishop Laud.
His speech delivered in the Star-chamber on the
14th of June, 1637, when Bastwick, Burton, and
2 Pryn, received sentence for the libels they had pub
lished, appears to have liberated him altogether from
the imputation of corrupting the Book of Common
Prayer; but the alterations made in the two services
for the public fast and the 5th of November,
25 alterations, which, with much appearance of reason,
were ascribed to his influence, were kept in remem
brance, and were brought forward at his trial in the
year 1644, with the view of proving by their construc
tive evidence the designs which he was said to have
30 conceived in favour of the church of Rome.
CHAPTER VI.
The proceedings of the Conference at the Savoy.
TN the dark interval that now elapsed between the
" commencement of the rebellion and the restoration
of the monarchy, when it is difficult to fix upon any 5
measure, though promoted by the friends of the
Church, which was not turned by the strong current
of the times into an adverse channel, there are several
facts to be especially noticed, as connected with the
subsequent condition of the Book of Common Prayer. 10
They evidently made a great impression on the
character of the times, and though the results that
followed, like all results at periods of great excite
ment, did not fulfil the expectations that had been
formed of them, we can trace their operation, whether i5
for good or for evil, in the proceedings of the Savoy
Conference, and the history of the Act of Uniformity.
On the 1st of March, 1641, the house of lords
appointed a committee consisting of ten earls, ten
bishops, and ten lay-barons, to " take into consideration 20
all innovations in the church respecting religion." On
the 10th of the same month, they were empowered to
associate with them as many learned divines as they
CHAPTER vi.] The proceedings of the Conference fyc. 239
pleased, and Archbishop Usher, and Drs. Prideaux,
Warde, Twisse, and Hacket, are particularly mentioned
as selected for the purpose. But the object for which
they were professedly appointed gives little information
5 as to the extensive powers they possessed. It would
appear to have been the intention of the house that
they should consider and report upon the minute
regulations adopted by archbishop Laud and other
bishops in their respective dioceses, regulations which
10 had been made the subject of constant ^complaint, not
merely by all the avowed opponents of the Church,
but also by great numbers of its members. These
were the innovations which the committee were
required to examine ; but with an understanding on
iSall sides that they were to carry their inquiries into
the whole field of doctrine and discipline, and suggest
such measures as might tend to allay the great and
general feeling of discontent. Bishop Williams, at
this time dean of Westminster and bishop of Lincoln,
20 presided over the committee, as well as over the sub
committee, that was appointed soon afterwards, and
proceeded without delay to enter upon its important
duties.
A meeting consisting of such persons as Bishops
25 Williams, Moreton (of Durham), and Montague (of
Norwich), Archbishop Usher, and the following di
vines a , Warde, Prideaux, Sanderson, Featley, Brown-
rigg, Holds worth, Hacket, Twisse, Burgess, White,
Marshall, Calamy, Hill, many of whom were eminent
3 a Of these divines Warde was one of the translators of the Bible
in 161 1, and held the Lady Margaret s professorship at Cambridge,
in which he was succeeded by Holdsworth ; and Prideaux, Sander
son, Brownrigg, and Hacket, were afterwards bishops of Worcester,
Lincoln, Exeter, and Lichfield, respectively.
240 The proceedings of the [NARRATIVE.
for their learning and their attachment to the national
Church, could not fail to attract general notice, and to
give much weight and sanction to the measures they
recommended. It is probable that the greater number
of them entered upon their task with views derived 5
altogether from the strange necessities of the times,
rather than in compliance with their own deliberate
judgment. They were aware that the torch was al
ready uplifted for the destruction of the sacred edifice,
and they were willing to remove those outworks which, J0
though employed formerly in its defence, would be
now mobt likely to fall into the hands of the assailant.
Doubtless they were justified in the opinions of many
sober and moderate men ; but their measures were
fruitless in the way of relaxation at the time, and pro-i5
bably contributed, in the subsequent combinations of
events, to results directly opposite. In the ensuing
month of May they found that motions were enter
tained in the House of Commons, which left no further
doubt as to the impending ruin of the established 2 o
Church, and their undertaking was then abandoned.
But it was already known that they had agreed upon
many important changes in the Book of Common
Prayer, some of them likely to be granted, but others
destined to meet with the greatest opposition. They 2 5
advised that the psalms, sentences, epistles, and gos
pels, should be printed according to the new transla
tion ; that fewer lessons should be taken from the
apocrypha ; that the words., " with my body I thee
worship," should be made more intelligible; that the 30
immersion of the infant at the time of baptism should
not be required in case of extremity ; that some saints,
which they called legendaries, should be excluded from
the calendar ; that the " benedicite" should be omitted ;
CHAPTER vi.] Conference at the Savoy. 241
that the words, " which only workest great marvels,"
should be omitted ; that " deadly sins," as used in the
litany, should be altered to " grievous sins ; " that the
words, " sanctify the flood Jordan," and " in sure and cer-
5 tain hope of resurrection," in the two forms of baptism
and burial, should be altered to, " sanctify the element
of water," and " knowing assuredly that the dead shall
rise again." To these and other changes of a like nature
they added the following more difficult concessions :
10 " that the rubric with regard to vestments should be al
tered ; that a rubric be added to explain that the kneeling
at the communion was solely in reference to the prayer
contained in the words * preserve thy body and soul ;
that the cross in baptism should be explained or dis-
i5 continued ; that the words in the form of confirmation,
declaring that infants baptized are undoubtedly saved,
should be omitted ; and that the form of absolution
provided for the sick should be made declaratory, in
stead of being authoritative." These concessions, sur-
20 rendering by implication some of the most solemn con
victions of a great portion of the clergy, on the autho
rity of the Church, the nature of the two sacraments,
and the sanctity of the priesthood, would meet with
the most strenuous opposition, and tend to increase the
25 causes of discontent, instead of abating them.
Such were the alterations approved by the com
mittee of divines ; and their decision, though unavail
ing with reference to its immediate object, became a
record to be quoted b as authority by future non-con-
30 b For instance, the non- conformists, in the preface to their " Ex
ceptions," given in at the Savoy Conference, reproached the bishops
" for not yielding to that which several bishops voluntarily offered
twenty years before." Afterwards, in their rejoinder to the bishops
at the same conference, they observed, " The primate of Ireland,
R
242 The proceedings of the [NARRATIVE.
formists, and to be lamented by the orthodox party as
one of the many causes that weakened the defences of
the church, and led, by certain consequence, to its
overthrow. As a series of concessions which on pre
vious occasions had been resolutely refused, which 5
abandoned in the outset the whole principle of church
government, and was so closely followed by the vio
lences it dreaded, that it might be said to have invited
them, it was remembered by the royalists, when they
afterwards acquired the ascendant, with feelings of irri- 10
tation and resentment.
But the most remarkable event of the period, con
nected with the history of the Book of Common
Prayer, was the ordinance passed by the parliament on
the 3rd of January, 1645, which repealed certain sta-i5
tutes of King Edward VI. and Queen Elizabeth, and
provided that the Book of Common Prayer should not
remain or be used thenceforth in any church, chapel,
or place of public worship in England or Wales, and
that the Directory should be used instead of it. In 20
another ordinance of August 23, in the same year, the
use of the Book of Common Prayer was also forbidden
in any private place or family, all copies of it to be
found in the churches were ordered to be delivered
up, and heavy penalties were imposed upon offenders. 25
There was in these ordinances, and in the measures
they occasioned, something so offensive to the con-
the archbishop of York, and the many others that had divers meet
ings for the reformation of the Liturgy, and who drew up that cata
logue of faults, or points that needed mending, which is yet to be
seen in print, &c." (Account of the proceedings of the commis- 30
sioners, p. 28.) The same concessions are also quoted in " The
Conformist s Plea for the Non- conformists " (p. 22), at considerable
length, and with the same view of justifying the demands made at
the Suvov Conference.
CHAPTER vi.J Conference at the Savoy. 243
sciences of many devout persons, so tyrannical in the
estimation of reasonable men, and so profane in the
licentiousness of public worship, which followed as their
natural consequence, that as soon as the presbyterian
5 feeling began to subside, the wish for a prescribed
ritual returned with additional strength, and the prohi
bited liturgy was regarded with such a degree of vene
ration as is felt for a saint who had suffered martyrdom.
As Presbyterianism fell, and was succeeded by a party
10 less intolerant, but more licentious, this sentiment
became more active and resolute. Acquiring more
adherents from the many varieties of opinion that
readily united in resisting the progress of the Inde
pendents, it also combined with the strongest reasons
1 5 in favour of the ancient mode of worship a feeling of
deep personal interest in its restoration.
The impression thus created was increased in force
as well as in extent, during the rest of this dark in
terval, by many collateral influences, often, indeed,
20 failing to accomplish their direct objects, but always
making insensible progress in aid of the ancient
Liturgy. Of these the most remarkable was the
question of ecclesiastical government. The Presby
terians, who with their rigid observances could not
25 object against the Church that it was too precise in its
creed, or too exact in its discipline, undertook in
defence of their tenets to establish a system that
should comprise all classes, and give them an interest
in its preservation. They forgot, however, that as the
30 governing party would necessarily be the smaller of
the two, any system which included all persons and
became strictly imperative upon them on the assump
tion that they had themselves acquiesced in it, would
be certain to occasion disorder in proportion as it was
R 2
244 The proceedings of the [NARRATIVE,
exact and elaborate. They succeeded in obtaining an
ordinance that all parishes should be brought under
the government of congregational, classical, provincial,
and national assemblies; but when they demanded that
the spiritual authority of the keys should be supported 5
by the power of suspending from the Lord s Supper
and excommunicating, with a view also to the imposi
tion of civil penalties, they exposed themselves on all
sides to suspicion and jealousy, and laid a certain train
for their own destruction. The party that succeeded was 10
a hydra of many heads, increasing in a two-fold degree,
as any endeavours were made to diminish them. Old
sects revived, new sects were created, and there ensued
a state of distraction and impiety, the natural tendency
of which was to break up all minor distinctions, and to i5
divide men into two large classes, one of them anxious
to find terms of agreement, in order that religion
might riot be utterly extinguished, and the other indif
ferent whether any form of religion remained.
From this state of things we might anticipate the 20
general result described by King Charles II. in his
Declaration of October, 1660, a result that continued
to exist until other causes had cooperated to turn the
stream of public opinion into a more definite channel,
and to shew that strong principles of church-ascend- 2 5
ancy would ultimately prevail. As soon as the
parliament of 1661 was assembled, and the sentiments
of the house of commons were ascertained, there
could no longer be any doubt as to the future form
and relations of the national Church. 3 o
" When we were in Holland," said the King in his
Declaration, "we were attended by many grave and
c Docum. Ann. vol. ii. p. 236.
CHAPTER vi.] Conference at the Savoy.
learned ministers from hence, who were looked upon
as the most able and principal assertors of the Presby
terian opinions ; with whom we had as much confer
ence as the multitude of affairs, which were then upon
5 us, would permit us to have, and to our great satisfac
tion and comfort found them persons full of affection
to us, of zeal fo.r the peace of the Church and state,
and neither enemies, as they have been given out to
be, to episcopacy or liturgy, but modestly to desire
10 such alterations in either, as without shaking found
ations, might best allay the present distempers, which
the indisposition of the time, and the tenderness of
some men s consciences had contracted." Such at that
period was doubtless the case ; but as soon as a few
1 5 steps more had been taken in reestablishing the
monarchy, different sentiments prevailed. Demands of
a republican tendency having been made by a party not
considerable in numbers, but acquiring importance
from its clamour and turbulence, the public feeling
20 took the alarm, and became insensible to all consider
ations, except the desire Tor a strong and permanent
government. It was this exclusive desire, pardonable
under existing circumstances, and perhaps necessary
for the restoration of good order, that inspired the
25 subsequent deliberations both in Church and state, and
was finally embodied in the Act of Uniformity.
When commissioners were sent by the lords and
commons to wait upon the King at the Hague,
Reynolds, Calamy, Case, Manton, and other Presby-
soterian divines went with them, as representatives of
their party. They were graciously received, and as
sured that the King was desirous of relieving them in
matters of conscience, but that the two houses of
parliament would best judge what degree of indul-
R 3
The proceedings of the [NARRATIVE.
gence and toleration was necessary for the peace and
quiet of the kingdom. Emboldened by the King s
gracious demeanour, by the Declaration he had issued
of liberty for tender consciences, and by the tempta
tion offered them to make some specific trial of their 5
strength, they ventured to suggest to the King in
some private audiences, that the use d of the Book of
Common Prayer had long been discontinued; that
many of the people had never heard of it, and had
become familiar with an opposite method of public 10
worship ; and that he would be acting agreeably with
the wishes of the nation, if he were to abstain from
using the Liturgy in strict form in the royal chapel.
This was certainly a bold attempt on the part of the
Presbyterians, not only because it savoured of the i5
intolerance they were come to condemn, but also
because the Liturgy had never been laid aside by
lawful authority, and would naturally become the order
of public worship on the restoration of the regal
government. The King 6 replied with some warmth 2 o
" that whilst he gave them liberty, he would not have
his own taken from him ; that he had always used that
form of service, which he thought the best in the
world, and had never discontinued it in places where it
was more disliked than he hoped it was by them ; that 25
when he came into England, he would not severely
inquire how it was used in other churches, though he
doubted not he should find it used in many ; but he
was sure he would have no other used in his own
chapel. Then they besought him with more im- 30
portunity * that the use of the surplice might be
discontinued by his chaplains, because the sight of it
d Clarendon, Hist. Reb. vol. iii. p. 989. e Ibid. p. 990.
CHAPTER vi.] Conference at the Savoy. 247
would give great offence and scandal to the people.
They found the King as inexorable in that point as in
the other. He told them plainly that he would not
be restrained himself, when he gave others so much
5 liberty ; that it had been always held a decent habit in
the Church, constantly practised in England till these
late ill times; that it had been still retained by him;
and though he was bound for the present to tolerate
much disorder and indecency in the exercise of God s
^ worship, he would never in the least degree, by his
own practice, discountenance the good old order of the
Church in which he had been bred. Though they
were very much unsatisfied with him, whom they
thought to have found more flexible, yet they ceased
i5 further troubling him, in hope arid presumption that
they should find their importunity in England more
effectual."
In the mean time the episcopal clergy having ascer
tained through the lord chancellor (Hyde) that the
20 King was decidedly favourable to the ancient method
of government in the Church, had despatched Dr.
Barwick, afterwards Dean of St. Paul s, with an
address to his Majesty, setting forth their devotedness
to his person, and their thankfulness for the great
25 mercies they had experienced. Assuming that they
were fully recognized as the clergy of the national
Church, they sought for information as to the time
and place, with all other particulars, at which the
King would be pleased to require their attendance on
30 his landing, and afterwards on his celebration of a
public thanksgiving.
The direction that events were taking had so dis
tinctly been foreseen by close observers, and was now
become so evident to men in general, that the King s
R4
248 The proceedings of the [NARRATIVE.
ministers at Breda thought it necessary to be upon
their guard, lest any of the friends of the established
Church should conduct themselves rashly and intern -
perately. The chancellor, in a letter of April 16,
1660 f , addressed to Dr. Barwick, says, " You will finds
Dr. Morley a very worthy and discreet person, and fit
to keep you company in allaying the too much heat
and distemper which some of our friends are, in this
unseasonable conjuncture, very much accused of; inso
much as this very last post hath brought over three or 10
four complaints to the King of the very unskilful pas
sion and distemper of some of our divines in their late
sermons ; with which they say that both the General
and the council of state are highly offended, as truly
they have reason to be, if, as they report, there have i5
been such menaces and threats against those who have
hitherto had the power of doing hurt, and are not yet
so much deprived of it that they ought to be under
valued." " The king is really troubled at it, and ex
tremely apprehensive of inconvenience and mischief to 20
the Church and himself. And truly I hope, if faults of
this kind are not committed, that both the Church and
the kingdom will be better dealt with than is ima
gined ; and I am confident those good men will be
more troubled that the Church should undergo a new 25
suffering by their indiscretion, than for all they have
suffered hitherto themselves."
The sentiments entertained by the court at Breda
respecting the Presbyterians may be inferred from the
following observations of the chancellor , written to 30
Dr. Barwick on the 22nd of the same month : " The
king desires that he [Dr. Morley] and you, and other
Barwick s Life, p. 517. S Ibid. p. 525.
CHAPTER vi.] Conference at the Savoy. 249
discreet men of the clergy, should have frequent confe
rences with those of the Presbyterian party, that, if it be
possible, you may reduce them to such a temper as is
consistent with the good of the Church ; and, it may
5 be, it would be no ill expedient to assure them of pre
sent good preferments in the Church. But, in my own
opinion, you should rather endeavour to win over those
who, being recovered, will have both reputation and
desire to merit from the Church, than be over solicitous
10 to comply 11 with the pride and passion of those who
propose extravagant things. As what can be said to
the divine who is not only so well satisfied with his
rebellion, but would require other men to renounce
their innocence and justify him, which I am confident
i5 no parliament will ever do."
Immediately after the return of the King, the
Liturgy of the Church of England was restored to
his Majesty s chapel; and a few days afterwards,
the two houses of Parliament ordered that prayers
20 should be read before them according to the ancient
practice.
h Lord Clarendon s opinion on this point is expressed in his Life
(vol. ii. p. 121), in the following emphatic language : " It is an un
happy policy, and always unhappily applied, to imagine that classis
2 5 of men can be recovered and reconciled by partial concessions, or
granting less than they demand. And if all were granted they would
have more to ask, somewhat as a security for the enjoyment of what is
granted, that shall preserve their power, and shake the whole frame of
the government. Their faction is their religion ; nor are those combi-
30 nations ever entered into upon real and substantial motives of con
science, how erroneous soever, but consist of many glutinous mate
rials, of will, and humour, and folly, and knavery, and ambition, and
malice, which make men cling inseparably together till they have
satisfaction in all their pretences, or till they are absolutely broken
35 and subdued, which may always be more easily done than the other."
250 The proceedings of the [NARRATIVE.
Although the first great difficulty in the restoration
of the monarchy was now overcome, there were still
many arrangements to make, any one of which, if in
cautiously conducted, might terminate fatally for the
interests of the Church. The disbanding of the army, 5
the restoration of the ejected clergy, the restitution of
Church property, the future form of Church govern
ment, the exact observance of the Liturgy and its
rubrics, were all of them questions in the issues of
which the designs of the King and his ministers might 10
be frustrated. It was of the utmost importance that
the convention-parliament, which contained much of
the republican spirit, should be neither treated with so
great a degree of confidence as to consider themselves
competent for matters of permanent legislation, nor i5
yet, induced by the appearance of distrust, to contract
feelings of jealousy or displeasure. In the case, then,
of the non-conformists, for which it was necessary to
provide immediately, some method must be devised
independent of the aid of parliament, and free from 20
the suspicion of encroaching upon its proper jurisdic
tion. In conformity with these views, three several
methods might be suggested, any one of which, if sup
ported by the supremacy of the crown, might possibly
be sufficient to secure the present repose of the 25
Church, and to establish a claim in favour of its conti
nuance on the same model for the future ; the King
might issue his warrant for a conference between the
clergy and the non-conformists, might address injunc
tions to the bishops, directing them as to their conduct 30
in their respective dioceses, or might appoint a com
mission with large powers of revision and amendment.
The conference was the plan adopted, and though, from
the nature of the case, it would certainly end in disap-
CHAPTER vi.] Conference at the Savoy. 251
pointment, and probably produce a greater degree of
alienation between the contending parties, it was se
lected wisely under the circumstances of the times,
and with the ulterior object which the court appears
5 to have had in view. A conference would naturally
beget in eager disputants an increased attachment to
their own party, and an incautious and unscrupulous
use of argument and authority; but it would satisfy
all other minds that such an accommodation as they
10 had hoped for could not be obtained; it would pro
bably, from the advantages actually possessed by the
clergy and the symptoms already manifested by their
opponents, leave the odium of the failure attaching to
the non-conformists ; and, as the result of the whole
1 5 proceeding, it would create a favourable impression of
the discernment and fair dealing of the court.
These plans were promoted by the personal de
meanour of the King, who, having private objects to
accomplish in favour of the Romanists, assumed the
20 appearance of candour and generosity towards every
description of dissenter. He declared to the Presby
terians who waited on him, that no coalition could be
expected without something of concession and abate
ment on both sides ; that if an agreement were not
2 5 obtained, it should not be his fault, but their own ; and
desired them to lay before him proposals for an
arrangement respecting Church government, the most
difficult point at issue, stating, at the same time, the
greatest extent to which they could go in the way of
3 o concession. With this command they promised to
comply, on the two following conditions, to which the
King readily assented : that the proposals should be
received from themselves as individuals, without preju
dice to the great body of dissenters, and that the
252 The proceedings of the [NARRATIVE.
clergy should be required to deliver in a similar state
ment of concessions on their side.
It will be seen that this latter condition was not
strictly observed ; and this is not the only instance
where the King was induced, either by the facility of 5
his nature, or by the under-current of secret motives,
that affected so much of his conduct, to contract
engagements in private, which were not found to be
consistent with his public duties. In a few weeks the
Presbyterians in London agreed upon a paper drawn 10
up by Reynolds, Worth, and Calamy, and presented
it, together with Archbishop Usher s Reduction of
Episcopacy, to the king. Respecting the Liturgy and
ceremonies they expressed themselves in the following
manner : i5
" i We are satisfied in our judgments concerning the
lawfulness of a liturgy or form of worship, provided it
be for matter agreeable to the word of God, and suited
to the nature of the several ordinances and necessities
of the Church ; neither too tedious, nor composed of 20
too short prayers or responsals, not dissonant from the
liturgies of other reformed churches, nor too rigorously
imposed, nor the minister confined thereunto, but that
he may also make use of his gifts of prayer and
exhortation. 2,5
Forasmuch as the Book of Common Prayer is in
some things justly offensive, and needs amendment,
we most humbly pray, that some learned, godly, and
moderate divines of both persuasions may be employed
to compile such a form as is before described, as much 30
as may be in scripture words ; or at least to revise and
reform the old, together with an addition of other
i Neal s Puritans, vol. iii. p. 5 i.
CHAPTER vi.] Conference at the Savoy. 253
various forms in scripture phrase, to be used at the
minister s choice.
Concerning ceremonies ; we hold ourselves obliged
in every part of divine worship to do all things
5 decently and in order and to edification ; and are
willing to be determined by authority in such things
as, being merely circumstantial or common to human
actions and societies, are to be ordered by the light of
nature and human prudence.
10 As to divers ceremonies formerly retained in the
Church of England, we do in all humility offer to your
Majesty the following considerations : that the worship
of God is in itself pure and perfect and decent without
any such ceremonies: that it is then most pure and
1 5 acceptable, when it has least of human mixtures : that
these ceremonies have been imposed and advanced by
some, so as to draw near to the significancy and moral
efficacy of sacraments: that they have been rejected
by many of the reformed churches abroad, and have
20 been ever the subject of contention and endless dis
putes in this Church : and therefore being in their own
nature indifferent and mutable, they ought to be
changed, lest in time they should be apprehended as
necessary as the substantial of worship themselves.
25 May it therefore please your Majesty graciously to
grant, that kneeling at the Lord s Supper, and such
holydays as are but of human institution, may not be
imposed on such as scruple them : that the use of the
surplice, and cross in baptism, and bowing at the name
30 of Jesus may be abolished : and forasmuch as erecting
altars and bowing towards them, and such like, having no
foundation in the law of the land, have been introduced
and imposed, we humbly beseech your Majesty, that such
innovations may not be used or imposed for the future."
254 The proceedings of the [NARRATIVE.
The expectations they had formed of a meeting to
be conducted on terms of perfect equality with the
episcopal clergy, expectations derived no less from the
sense of their own importance, than from the ready
assent of his Majesty, were not warranted either by 5
the relative condition of the two parties, or by any
prospect that such an experiment as a conference
would be successful. The clergy, the Liturgy, and the
ceremonies of the Church were in legal and rightful
possession ; and could not reasonably be ejected or 10
disturbed, or even fettered, unless they either volun
tarily abated in their rights, or were proved to have
been disentitled to them. The case was simply one of
plaintiff and defendant, in which the former must
encounter the difficulty and invidiousness of accusing, i5
and the latter would take the exact line of vindication,
merely replying when he had been attacked, and con
fining himself strictly to the points at issue. This was
the view taken by the clergy themselves, and in this
they were supported by the principal ministers of the 20
crown, and by all the advocates of ancient rights and
established order.
The bishops accordingly, having obtained a copy of
the proposals submitted by the nonconformists, drew
up an answer to the several points successively, de-25
claring themselves in regard to the liturgy and cere
monies in the following manner k : " they pronounce
the offices in the Common Prayer altogether unex
ceptionable, and conceive the Book can not be too
strictly enjoined; especially when ministers are not 30
denied the exercise of their gifts in praying before
and after sermon ; which liberty for extemporary or
private compositions stands only upon a late custom,
k Collier, Eccles. Hist. vol. ii. p. 873.
CHAPTER vi. J Conference at the Savoy. 255
without any foundation from law or canons ; and that
the common use of this practice comes only from con
nivance. However, they are contented to yield the
Liturgy may be reviewed, in case his Majesty thinks
5 fit. As for the ceremonies, they are unwilling to part
with any of them ; being clearly of opinion, that the
satisfaction of some private persons ought not to over
rule the public peace and uniformity of the church :
and that if any abatements were made, it would only
10 feed a distemper and encourage unquiet people to
further demands."
But many collateral influences, connected with the
condition of the Church, were now beginning to operate
to its disadvantage, increasing, as Lord Clarendon 1 has
l5 observed, the malignity that was entertained against it ;
and the anxiety they occasioned acquired additional
force from the known feeling of the convention parlia
ment on ecclesiastical matters, and the danger of
entrusting to its decision points of so much delicacy
20 and importance. The King resolved accordingly to
take the matter into his own hands, and to issue a
declaration, founded on the rights of the prerogative,
which might tend to disentangle some of the growing
intricacies of the times. It might pacify the greater
25 number of the non-conformists, might coincide with
the general wish expressed in the house of commons,
and yet leave the whole question to be considered and
determined in a future parliament. To these motives,
coupled with the secret designs of the King, of which
30 he gave several indications during the progress of the
business, we must ascribe the celebrated Declaration of
October 1660. It was framed as the result of many
1 Life, vol. ii. p. 7.
256 The proceedings of the [NARRATIVE.
interviews granted by his Majesty to divines of both
parties, and is stated by Lord Clarendon to have had
their joint concurrence. With the exception however
of the point as to the superior order of episcopacy, this
paper seems to have conceded all the urgent demands 5
of the Presbyterians, as to the sanctification of the
Lord s day, the admission to the Lord s supper, the
rite of confirmation, the limitation of episcopal juris
diction, the appointment of suffragans, the non-require
ment of oaths and subscriptions, the discretionary use of 10
the Liturgy, and the non-observance of the prescribed
ceremonies. The King rejoiced when he found his
stratagem had succeeded. The commons were not
only satisfied with his Declaration, but even complied
with his desire that they would not make it the per- 15
manent settlement of the Church by an act of the
legislature. Lord Clarendon too, who did not disguise
his dislike and distrust of the Presbyterians, was con
tented to wait for a more favourable season, when a
new parliament should have assembled, and a con- 20
vocation have been permitted to discuss and determine
the affairs of the Church. Although " the times m began
again to be fro ward, and all degrees of men were hard
to be pleased," he had formed his views from a close
observation of events, and he was not disappointed. 25
To the Presbyterians themselves this state of affairs
was so satisfactory, that they joined in addresses of thanks
for his Majesty s great condescensions, promised to pro
mote to the utmost of their power the peace and union
of the Church, and several of them, including Reynolds 30
and Manton, accepted spiritual appointments, and
recognized the authority of the bishops.
m Clarendon, Life, vol. ii. p. 10.
CHAPTER VI.]
Conference at the Savoy.
257
On the 25th of March, 1661, the King issued his
warrant appointing a commission of divines, who were
selected equally from the two parties, to revise the
Book of Common Prayer, requiring them to meet at
5 the Savoy, of which the Bishop of London was the
master, and limiting the commission to the period of
four calendar months.
The divines selected were
Episcopal Divines.
10 Frewen, Archbishop of York.
Sheldon, Bishop of London.
Cosin, Bishop of Durham.
Warner, Bishop of Rochester.
King, Bishop of Chichester.
1 5 Henchman, Bishop of Sarum.
Morley, Bishop of Worcester.
Sanderson, Bishop of Lincoln.
Laney, Bishop of Peterborough.
Walton, Bishop of Chester.
20 Sterne, Bishop of Carlisle.
Gauden, Bishop of Exeter.
25
Coadjutors.
Dr. Earle, Dean of Westmin
ster.
Dr. Heylin.
30 Dr. Hacket.
Dr. Barwick.
Dr. Gunning.
Dr. Pearson.
Dr. Pierce.
36 Dr. Sparrow.
Mr. Thorndike.
Presbyterian Divines.
Reynolds, Bishop of Nor
wich.
Dr. Tuckney, Master of St.
John s, Cambridge.
Dr. Conant, Reg. Prof. Div.
Oxford.
Dr. Spurstow.
Dr. Wallis, Sav. Prof. Geom.
Oxford.
Dr. Manton.
Mr. Calamy.
Mr. Baxter.
Mr. Jackson.
Mr. Case.
Mr. Clarke.
Mr. Newcomen.
Coadjutors.
Dr. Horton.
Dr. Jacomb.
Dr. Bates.
Dr. Cooper.
Dr. Light foot.
Dr. Collins.
Mr. Woodbridge.
Mr. Rawlinson.
Mr. Drake.
258 The proceedings of the [NARRATIVE.
It was of great importance that the precise object
of this commission, and the method to be taken in its
proceedings, should be clearly defined. They were ex
pressed in the following manner ; " to advise upon and
review the Book of Common Prayer, comparing the same 5
with the most ancient Liturgies, which have been used
in the Church in the primitive and purest times : and to
that end to assemble and meet together from time to
time, and at such times within the space of four calendar
months now next ensuing, in the master s lodgings in 10
the Savoy in the Strand, in the county of Middlesex, or
in such other place or places as to you shall be thought
fit and convenient ; to take into your serious and grave
considerations the several directions, rules, and forms
of prayer, and things in the said Book of Common i5
Prayer contained, and to advise and consult upon and
about the same, and the several objections and ex
ceptions, which shall now be raised against the same.
And if occasion be, to make such reasonable and neces
sary alterations, corrections, and amendments therein, 20
as by and between you and the said archbishop, bishops,
doctors, and persons hereby required and authorized to
meet and advise as aforesaid, shall be agreed upon to
be needful or expedient for the giving satisfaction unto
tender consciences, and the restoring and continuance 25
of peace and unity in the churches under our pro
tection and government ; but avoiding, as much as may
be, all unnecessary alterations of the forms and Liturgy
wherewith the people are already acquainted, and have
so long received in the Church of England." 3 o
It is evident from these instructions that the ex
isting Book of Common Prayer was to be the basis of
the future Liturgy ; that it was to be fully considered
and examined by both parties ; that any objections or
CHAPTER vi.] Conference at the Savoy. 859
exceptions raised against it were to be entertained arid
discussed ; that it was to be compared with the primi
tive Liturgies, the acknowledged models of public
worship ; that if any changes were made, they should
5 be such only as were reasonable and necessary for the
satisfying of tender consciences and the establishment
of peace and unity ; and that no changes should be
made in matters familiar to the people and generally
approved in the Church.
10 If this be a fair representation of conditions some
what inconsistent with each other, it will appear that
the first step to be taken, when the commissioners en
tered upon their duties, was to call upon the presby-
terians for an account of their objections, and to require
1 5 that they should be drawn up in form and submitted
in writing. It is clear that the discussion must begin
on this stage of the question, as the orthodox divines
were ready to retain the Prayer Book as it was, and
denied that any change was either necessary or de-
2osirable. It is also clear that any objections, which
might be made by either party, could not be profitably
discussed in a strife of tongues, between persons many
in number, all zealously devoted to their respective
opinions, and having no one of greater eminence than
25 the rest to preside and moderate among them.
It was in conformity with these views that at the
first meeting, which, for some reason not satisfactorily
explained, did not take place till the 15th day of
April, the Bishop of London stated, that " as the non-
30 conformists and not the bishops had sought for the
conference, nothing could be done till the former had
delivered their exceptions in writing, together with
the additional forms and alterations which they de
sired." After some objections from the non-conformists,
s 2
260 The proceeding* of the [NARRATIVE.
grounded on their wish for an open conference, and the
construction they gave to the language of the King s
warrant, but shewing, as they frequently shewed, an
unfitness for the transaction of public business, they
consented to the plan proposed to them, and met from 5
day to day to draw up a series of exceptions, en
trusting Mr. Baxter with the other office of preparing
additions to the services.
Bishop Burnet n has observed, " Sheldon saw well
what the effect would be of putting them to make all I0
their demands at once. The number of them raised a
mighty outcry against them, as people that could never
be satisfied." It is not improbable that this result was
foreseen. But whether foreseen or not, it followed
from the only method of proceeding which could have i5
been proposed by reasonable men. It might also have
been rendered harmless, if the non-conformists had
been equally quick-sighted on their part, and had con
fined their alterations within such limits as were dic
tated at once by true policy and a Christian spirit. 20
Unhappily for their cause they were governed by the
morbid imagination and insatiable energy of Richard
Baxter, who was in favour of a bold and full declara
tion of all their complaints, and persuaded them that
they were bound to offer every thing that they thought 25
desirable, without regard to the sentiments of their
opponents. On this principle he himself proceeded
in the task entrusted to him. Instead of preparing
some additional forms of prayer, such as might be
inserted into the ancient service, and be consistent with 30
its other offices, he drew up an entirely new Liturgy,
shewing no respect either to the primitive models, or
n Own Times, vol. i. p. 327.
CHAPTER vi.] Conference at the Savoy. 261
the long established prepossessions of the people. It is
a strong proof of the influence which his talents, his
industry, and his piety had obtained for him among
his colleagues, that they submitted this new Liturgy,
5 as well as their series of exceptions, for the considera
tion of the assembled divines.
These papers were introduced by an address, also
composed by Baxter, which was afterwards published
under the title of a Petition for Peace. Its prayer
10 was, that the new Liturgy should be adopted, as well
as the old, and either of them be used, at the dis
cretion of the minister ; that there should be freedom
from subscription, from oaths and ceremonies according
to the terms of the King s Declaration ; and that no
1 5 ordination, whether absolute or conditional, should be
required from any who had already been ordained by
parochial pastors. But such was the headstrong dispo
sition of the non-conformists, that even this address
was so constructed as to throw a great degree of
20 odium upon a cause, which had already been rendered
hopeless by their own mismanagement. Proceeding
on the principle,, that in all such matters, whether
expressly revealed or otherwise, they owed no defer
ence and would pay no obedience to man s authority,
2.5 they also indulged in such reflections as the following :
" One would think that a little charity might suffice to
enable you to believe them," (p. 6.) " We accuse none
of the like inclinations ; but we must say that it is easy
to make any man an offender, by making laws which
3 his conscience will not allow him to observe," (p. 7.)
" If you should reject, which God forbid, the moderate
proposals which now and formerly we have made, we
humbly crave leave to offer it to your consideration,
what judgment all the Protestant churches are likely
s 3
The proceedings of the [NARRATIVE.
to pass on your proceedings^ and how your cause arid
ours will stand represented to them and to all suc
ceeding ages," (p. 9.) " We crave leave to remember
you that the Holy Ghost hath commanded you to
oversee the flock, not by constraint, but willingly, not 5
as being lords over God s heritage, but as ensamples to
the flock." (p. 10.)
The bishops were now strong enough to employ the
language of authority. When they had examined the
exceptions, they gave their answers, not as if theio
matter were under joint discussion, but as if each
question were submitted to them for their decision;
alleging as their reason, that according to the terms of
the warrant, no alterations could be adopted, unless
they were shewn to be necessary, and were approved l5
by both parties.
The exceptions of the non-conformists and the
answers of the bishops must be read at length in order
to do justice to the controversy. They are accordingly
printed in the ensuing chapter, the first of the two 20
being taken from the copy preserved by Baxter, and
afterwards published in his own narrative of his life.
The answers of the bishops do not appear with the
same advantage as the other paper. It is not known
that there is any copy of them extant in their original 25
form ; and it has been necessary to extract them in
fragments, though probably comprising the whole of
the arguments, from the lengthy rejoinder of the non
conformists, in which it was attempted to refute
them. 30
These papers were published, together with others, immediately
after the close of the conference, under the title, " An Accompt of
all the proceedings of the Commissioners of both perswasions ap
pointed by his sacred Majesty, according to letters patents, for the
CHAPTER vi.] Conference at the Savoy. 63
This rejoinder, P sufficient in itself to form a sepa
rate work, it is not thought necessary to republish.
In the view taken by the bishops, the discussion had
already terminated when they gave in their answers;
sand the concessions that were offered at the same
time, were a sufficient proof, from the smallness of
their number, and their comparative unimportance,
that the two parties were now so remote from each
other as to leave no prospect of an agreement. It was
10 probably under this conviction that the rejoinder, also
composed by Baxter, was made to assume the character
rather of protest and remonstrance than of amicable
debate. It seems to have been intended not only to
exhaust the argument, but also to leave on record a
1 5 sense of injury and an expression of indignation, which,
review of the Book of Common Prayer," &c. London, printed for
R. H. 1661. Baxter speaks of this publication in the following
manner : " All these being surreptitiously printed, save the first piece,
by some poor men for gain, without our knowledge and correction,
20 are so falsely printed that our wrong by it is very great. Whole
lines are left out; the most significant words are perverted by
alterations, and this so frequently, that some parts of the papers,
especially our large reply, and our last account to the King, are made
nonsense and not intelligible." Life by Sylvester, B. I. P. II. p. 379.
26 p The preface of this rejoinder enumerates the many points in
which the bishops refused to accede to the wishes of the non- con
formists, and complains generally of " the paucity of the concessions
and the inconsiderableness of them, they being, for the most part,
verbal and literal, rather than real and substantial." The rejoinder
30 itself opens thus : " The strain of these papers, we fear, is like to
persuade many that your design is not the same with ours. Being
assured that it is our duty to do what we can to the peace and
concord of believers, instead of consent or amicable debates, in
order to the removal of our differences, we have received from you a
3.5 paper abounding with sharp accusations, as if your work were to
prove us bad and make us odious : which, as it is attempted on
mistake by unrighteous means, so were it accomplished, we know
s4
264 TJie proceedings of the [NARRATIVE.
however natural in the minds of eager and disap
pointed partizans, were lamentably out of place in an
attempt to bring two parties of opposite sentiments to
a mutual understanding.
Of the four months, to which the commission was 5
limited, only ten days were now remaining. The non
conformists entreated that before their powers expired,
an attempt might be made to hold a personal confer
ence, and to conduct a disputation on terms acceptable
to both parties. After two clays debating on this pre- 10
liminary question, the bishops, though unwilling to
abandon the ground they had hitherto taken, and fore
seeing the inevitable issue of such an experiment,
thought it prudent to consent ; and three persons were
chosen on each side to carry on the business of thei5
conference. Dr. Pearson, Dr. Gunning, and Dr.
not how it will conduce to the concord which ought to be our
common end." It contains elsewhere, together with many others,
the following caustic observations : " The way to make us think the
bishops to be so wise and careful guides and fathers to us, is not for 20
them to seem wiser than the apostles, and make those things of
standing necessity to the Church s unity which the apostles never
made so, nor to forbid all to preach the gospel or to hold commu
nion with the Church, that dare not conform to things unnecessary.
Love and tenderness are not used to express themselves by hurting 25
and destroying men for nothing." (p. 1 1 .) " We must protest
before God and men against the dose of opium which you here pre
scribe or wish for, as that which plainly tendeth to cure the disease by
the extinguishing of life, and to unite us all in a dead religion." (p. 23.)
" If you are resolved to make all that a matter of contention, which 30
we desire to make a means of peace, there is no remedy, while you
have the ball before you, and have the wind and sun, and the power
of contending without control." (p. 24.) " O lamentable charity,
that smoothes men s way to hell and keepeth them ignorant of their
danger, till they are past remedy ." (p. 127.) The concluding words 3$
are, " If those be all the abatements and amendments you will admit,
you sell your innocency and the Church s peace for nothing."
CHAPTER vi.] Conference at the Savoy. 265
Sparrow represented the episcopal party; and Dr.
Bates, Dr. Jacomb, and Mr. Baxter appeared on the
side of the non-conformists. A debate conducted indis
criminately by six eager disputants could not fail to be
5 involved in great confusion ; and if from the necessity
of the case it were then left to the management of
those two, who were the most impetuous among them,
occasion would be given for much personal asperity.
Both these consequences actually followed ; and if it
10 be said that the bishops had not only foreseen the final
result, but had taken care to secure it by selecting Dr.
Gunning as their champion, it must be said in answer,
that the meeting was altogether in opposition to their
judgment, and that no person of their party could be
1 5 so little qualified for the office of mediation as was
Richard Baxter, the champion of their opponents.
At length Bishop Cosin produced a paper, as from
a considerable person, which greatly narrowed the field
of controversy, and might possibly at an earlier period
20 have opened a way for some permanent arrangement.
It was proposed that the complainers should dis
tinguish between what they charged as sinful, and
what they opposed as inexpedient. But the issue was
now inevitable; and though the controversy was hence-
25 forth reduced to writing, and summed up at last in
one i single topic, " the sinfulness of enjoining ministers
q The non- conformists alleged the eight following points as con
trary to the word of God :
1 . That no minister be admitted to baptize without the prescribed
30 use of the transient image of the cross.
2. That no minister be permitted to read or pray, or exercise the
other parts of his office, that dare not wear a surplice.
3. That none be admitted in communion to the Lord s Supper
that dare not receive it kneeling : and that all ministers be enjoined
36 to deny it to such.
266 The proceedings of the [NARRATIVE.
to deny the communion to all that dare not kneel,"
the non-conformists only added fresh occasions r for
their own annoyance, and the whole conference became
a perpetual monument of the futility and mischief of
such experiments. 5
"And so," says Bishop Kennet, 5 "ended this confer
ence without union or accommodation ; the Presbyte
rian divines depending too much on the encourage
ment* they had received from the king and his chief
ministers, on the assurances given them by some of the 10
leading members of the parliament, and on the affec-
4. That ministers be forced to pronounce all baptized infants to
be regenerate by the Holy Ghost, whether they be the children of
Christians or not.
5. That ministers be forced to deliver the sacrament of the body i5
and blood of Christ unto the unfit, both in their health and sickness ;
and that with personal application putting it into their hands ; and
that such are forced to receive it, though against their own wills, in
the conscience of their impenitency.
6. That ministers be forced to absolve the unfit, and that in abso- 20
lute expressions.
7. That they are forced to give thanks for all whom they bury,
as brethren, whom God in mercy hath delivered and taken to
himself.
8. That none maybe a preacher that dare not subscribe that 25
there is nothing in the Common Prayer Book, the Book of Ordina
tion, and 39 Articles, that is contrary to the word of God. Baxter s
Life, by Sylvester, B. I. P. 2. p. 341.
r The formal argument in which this question was debated, is given
in the ensuing chapter, as a specimen of logical disputation, which 30
was once universally practised by theologians, and is now altogether
abandoned.
s Complete History, vol. iii. p. 254.
* They had the support generally of the Earl of Manchester, the
Earl of Anglesey, and the Lord Hollis ; of whom, nevertheless, 3-5
Baxter says, " they would have drawn us to yield further than we
did." Life by Sylvester, Vol. I. P. 2. p. 278.
CHAPTER vi.] Conference at the Savoy. 267
tions of the people ; in all which they were mistaken,
as well as in the merit of their cause." Dr. Calamy u
complains of the latter portion of this statement ; but
if we make any alteration in it, it must be to the fol-
5 lowing effect : that their cause, when they undertook
the management of it, stood fair in public estimation,
and might reasonably be expected to have had some
measure of success ; but that being made gradually
unpopular as the argument was protracted, it finally
10 became odious and insufferable, and sunk to a degree
of abasement from which its real merits ought to have
preserved it. The Presbyterians sought for an alter
ation in the established forms of worship on grounds
that were considered captious and frivolous, and to an
i5 extent calculated, in the judgment of their opponents,
to increase the amount of disunion. It was not sur
prising or unreasonable that their demand should have
been refused ; but it would seem to follow, as a direct
consequence of the refusal, that being prohibited from
20 interfering with the ritual of others, they might natu
rally ask that their own should be tolerated. And yet
no such alternative appears to have been contemplated
by either party. However natural it might be accord
ing to the principles of later times, nothing would have
25 been more incredible at that period than the supposi
tion that a national religion was compatible with any
scheme of general toleration. The Romanists, indeed,
in the days of their adversity have appeared to support
it, and the Independents have at all times declared it
30 to be the sum and substance of their confession ; but
at the time of the restoration it would have been gene
rally considered as inconsistent with the first principles
" Life of Baxter, p. 1 70.
268 The proceedings of the Conference fyc. [NARRATIVE.
of reason as well as scripture. The current of public
feeling had always been on the side of high preroga
tive and Church authority ; and the flood had now set
in with the greater violence, as it had for some years
been obstructed in its progress. Toleration, x there- 5
fore, in any extensive application of it, was a thing
impossible. The Presbyterians were as unwilling to
accept it now at the hands of the conformists, as they
had resolutely withheld it from others, when they
themselves were in a condition to bestow it : and if the 10
Independents came forward in its support, they only
created a tempest of bitterness and scorn, by invoking
the recollection of that period of confusion, when their
principles had prevailed, the only period when it was
ever known that toleration had been carried into i5
practice.
x Baxter, when consulted in the year 1663, " whether the way of
comprehension or indulgence was the more desirable," answered,
" the way desirable is, first, a comprehension of as many fit persons
as may be taken in by law ; and then, a power in his Majesty to 20
indulge the remnant so far as conduceth to the peace and benefit of
Church and state." It is evident from this answer that he wished
for the comprehension of all classes of Presbyterians, and then that
the Church so constructed should exercise a control .in the toleration
of any other non- conformists. Life by Sylvester, B. I. P. 2. p. 435. 25
CHAPTER VII.
Documents connected with the Conference at the Savoy.
I. Proceedings of the Committee of Divines appointed by the
House of Lords in 1641 . Baxter s Life by Sylvester,, B. I. P. 2. p. 369.
II. The first Address and Proposals of the Ministers to King
Charles II. Baxter s Life by Sylvester, B. I. P. 2. p. 232.
III. His Majesty s Declaration to all his loving Subjects, bearing
date October 25, 1660. Wilkins Cone. vol. iv. p. 560.
IV. His Majesty s Letters Patents for a Commission of Divines,
bearing date March 25, 1661. Wilkins Cone. vol. iv. p. 572.
V. The Exceptions against the Book of Common Prayer, presented
by the Ministers May 4, 1661. Baxter s Life by Sylvester, B. I.
P. 2. p. 316.
VI. The Answer of the Bishops to the Exceptions of the Minis
ters. From the account of the proceedings of the Savoy Commis
sioners, published in 1661.
VII. The Disputation in which the Episcopal Divines were oppo
nents and the Ministers respondents. From an account printed in
1662.
270 Proceedings of the Committee [DOCUMENTS.
1.
A copy of the proceedings of some worthy and learned divines
touchinq innovations in the doctrine and discipline of the
/ JL J
Church of England; together with considerations upon the
Common Prayer Book. (The Committee appointed ly the 5
house of lords in the year 1641.)
INNOVATIONS IN DOCTRINE.
Quaere l.T^HETHER in the twentieth article these words
are not inserted, " Habet ecclesia authoritatem
in controversiis fidei." 10
2. It appears by Stetfords, and the approbation of the
licensers, that some do teach and preach, " that good works
are concauses with faith in the act of justification :" Dr. Dove
also hath given scandal in that point.
3. Some have preached the works of penance are satis- 15
factory before God.
4. Some have preached that private confession by particular
enumeration of sins is necessary to salvation, " necessitate
medii ;" both those errours have been questioned at the
consistory at Cambridge. 20
5. Some have maintained that the absolution which the
priest pronounceth is more than declaratory.
6. Some have published, that there is a proper sacrifice
in the Lord^s Supper, to exhibit Chrises death in the postfact,
as there was a sacrifice to prefigure in the old law in the 25
antefact, and therefore that we have a true altar ; and there-
* CHAPTER vii.] appointed by the House of Lords. 271
fore not only metaphorically so called, so Dr. Heylin and
others in the last summer s convocation; where also some
defended, that the oblation of the elements might hold the
nature of the true sacrifice, others the consumption of the
5 elements.
7. Some have introduced prayer for the dead, as Mr.
Brown in his printed sermon, and some have coloured the
use of it with questions in Cambridge, and disputed that
" preces pro defunctis non supponunt purgatorium."
10 8. Divers have oppugned the certitude of salvation.
9. Some have maintained the lawfulness of monastical
vows.
10. Some have maintained that the Lord s day is kept
merely by ecclesiastical constitution, and that the day is
1 5 changeable.
11. Some have taught as new and dangerous doctrine,
that the subjects are to pay any sums of money imposed
upon them, though without law, nay contrary to the laws of
the realm, as Dr. Sybthorp, and Dr. Manwaring bishop of
20 St. David s, in their printed sermons, whom many have
followed of late years.
12. Some have put scorns upon the two books of Homilies,
calling them either popular discourses, or a doctrine useful
for those times wherein they were set forth.
a5 13. Some have defended the whole gross substance of
Arminianism, that " electio est ex fide prsevisa," that the act
of conversion depends upon the concurrence of man s free
will ; that the justified man may fall finally and totally from
grace.
30 14. Some have defended universal grace, as imparted as
much to reprobates as to the elect, and have proceeded
"usque ad salutem ethnicorum," which the Church of
England hath anathematized.
15. Some have absolutely denied original sin, and so
35 " evacuated the cross of Christ," as in a disputation at
Oxon.
16. Some have given excessive cause of scandal to the
Church ; as being suspected of Socinianism.
Proceedings of the Committee [DOCUMENTS.
17. Some have defended that concupiscence is no sin,
either in the habit, or first motion.
18. Some have broached out of Socinus a most uncom
fortable and desperate doctrine, that late repentance, that
is, upon the last bed of sickness, is unfruitful, at least to 5
reconcile the penitent to God.
ADD UNTO THESE SOME DANGEROUS AND MOST REPROVABLE BOOKS.
1. The Reconciliation of Sancta Clara, to knit the Romish
and Protestant in one. Memorand. That he be caused to
produce Bishop Watson s book of the like reconciliation 10
which he speaks of.
2. A book called " Brevis Disquisitio," printed (as it is
thought) in London, and vulgarly to be had, which impugneth
the doctrine of the Holy Trinity, and the verity of Christ s
body (which he took of the blessed Virgin) in heaven, and i5
the verity of our resurrection.
3. A book called " Timotheus Philalethes de Pace Eccle-
sise," which holds that every religion will save a man, if he
holds the covenant.
INNOVATIONS IN DISCIPLINE. 2O
1. The turning of the holy table altar- wise, and most
commonly calling it an altar.
2. Bowing towards it, or towards the east, many times,
with three congees, but usually in every motion, access, or
recess in the church.
3. Advancing candlesticks in many churches upon the
altar so called.
4. In making canopies over the altar so called, with tra
verses and curtains on each side, and before it.
5. In compelling all communicants to come up before the 3
rails, and there to receive.
6. In advancing crucifixes and images upon the parafront,
or altar-cloth, so called.
7. In reading some part of the Morning Prayer at the
holy table, when there is no communion celebrated. 3^
8. By the minister s turning his back to the west, and his
CHAPTER vii.] appointed by the House of Lords. 273
face to the east, when he pronounceth the Creed, or reads
prayers.
9. By reading the Litany in the midst of the body of the
church in many of the parochial churches.
5 10. By pretending for their innovations, the injunctions
and advertisements of Queen Elizabeth, which are not in
force, but by way of commentary and imposition ; and by
putting to the Liturgy printed " secundo, tertio Edwardi
sexti," which the parliament hath reformed and laid aside.
10 11. By offering of bread and wine by the hand of the
churchwardens or others, before the consecration of the
elements.
12. By having a credentia, or side- table, besides the Lord s
table, for divers uses in the Lord s supper.
1 5 13. By introducing an offertory before the communion,
distinct from the giving of alms to the poor.
14. By prohibiting the ministers to expound the Catechism
at large to their parishioners.
15. By suppressing of lectures, partly on Sundays in the
20 afternoon, partly on week-days, performed as well by com
bination, as some one man.
16. By prohibiting a direct prayer before sermon, and
bidding of prayer.
17. By singing the Te Deum in prose after a cathedral
2 5 church way, in divers parochial churches, where the people
have no skill in such musick.
18. By introducing Latin -service in the communion of late
in Oxford, and into some colledges in Cambridge, at Morning
and Evening Prayer, so that some young students, and the
30 servants of the colledge, do not understand their prayers.
19. By standing up at the hymns in the church, and always
at Gloria Patri.
20. By carrying children from the baptism to the altar so
called, there to offer them up to God.
,,5 21. By taking down galleries in churches, or restraining
the building of such galleries* where the parishes are very
populous.
274 Proceedings of the Committee [DOCUMENTS.
MEMORANDUM.
1. That in all the cathedral and collegiate churches two
sermons be preached every Sunday by the dean and pre
bendaries, or by their procurement, and likewise every holy-
day, and one lecture at the least to be preached on working- 5
days every week, all the year long.
2. That the musick used in God s holy service in cathedral
and collegiate churches be framed with less curiosity, that it
may be more edifying and more intelligible, and that no
hymns or anthems be used where ditties are framed by pri- 10
vate men, but such as are contained in the sacred canonical
scriptures, or in our liturgy of prayers, or have publick
allowance.
8. That the reading-desk be placed in the church where
Divine service may best be heard of all the people. i5
CONSIDERATIONS UPON THE BOOK OF COMMON PRAYER.
1. Whether the names of some departed saints and others
should not be quite expunged in the Kalender.
2. Whether the reading Psalms, sentences of Scripture,
concurring in divers places, and the hymns, Epistles, and 20
Gospels, should not be set out in the new translation.
3. Whether the rubrick should not be mended, where all
vestments in time of Divine service are now commanded,
which were used 2 Edw. VI.
4. Whether lessons of canonical Scripture should be put 25
into the Kalender instead of Apocrypha.
5. That the Doxology should be always printed at the end
of the Lord s Prayer, and be always said by the minister.
6. Whether the rubrick should not be mended, where it is,
that the Lessons should be sung in a plain tune ; why not, 30
read with a distinct voice ?
7. Whether Gloria Patri should be repeated at the end
of every Psalm.
8. Whether, according to that end of the Preface before
the Common Prayer, the curate should be bound to readsS
Morning and Evening Prayers every day in the church, if
CHAPTER vii.] appointed by the House of Lords. 275
he be at home, and not reasonably letted ; and why not only
on Wednesday and Friday morning, and in the afternoon on
Saturday, with holy-day eves ?
9. Whether the hymns, Benedicite omnia opera, &c. may
5 not be left out.
10. In the prayer for the clergy, that phrase perhaps to
be altered, " which only worketh great marvels."
11. In the rubrick for the administration of the Lords
supper, whether an alteration be not to be made in this,
10 " that such as intend to communicate shall signify their
names to the curate over night, or in the morning before
prayers."
12. The next rubrick to be cleared, how far a minister
may repulse a scandalous and notorious sinner from the
1 5 communion.
13. Whether the rubrick is not to be mended, where the
churchwardens are strictly charged to gather the alms for
the poor before the communion begin ; for by experience it
is proved to be done better when the people depart.
20 14. Whether the rubrick is not to be mended, concerning
the party that is to make his general confession upon his
knees before the communion ; that it should be said only
by the minister, and then at every clause repeated by the
people.
25 15. These words in the form of the consecration, " This
is my body This is my blood of the new testament, 1 not
to be printed hereafter in great letters.
16. Whether it will not be fit to insert a rubrick, touching
kneeling at the communion, that is, to comply in all humility
30 with the prayer which the minister makes when he delivers
the elements.
17. Whether cathedral and collegiate churches shall be
strictly bound to celebrate the holy communion every Sunday
at the least, and might not it rather be added once in a
35 month ?
18. In the last rubrick touching the communion, it is not
fit that the printer make a full point, and begin with a new
great letter at these words, " And every parishioner shall
also receive the sacrament."
276 Proceedings of the Committee [DOCUMENTS.
19. Whether in the first prayer at the baptism, these
words, " didst sanctify the flood of Jordan, and all other
waters/ should be thus changed, " didst sanctify the element
of water."
20. Whether it be not fit to have some discreet rubrick 5
made to take away all scandal from signing the sign of the
cross upon the infants after baptism ; or if it shall seem
more expedient to be quite disused, whether this reason
should be published, That in ancient liturgies no cross was
confined upon the party but where oil also was used ; and 10
therefore oil being now omitted, so may also that which was
concomitant with it, the sign of the cross.
21 . In private baptism the rubrick mentions that which
must not be done, that the minister may dip the child in
water being at the point of death. i5
22. Whether in the last rubrick of confirmation, those
words be to be left out, " and be undoubtedly saved."
23. Whether the Catechism may not receive a little more
enlargement.
24. Whether the times prohibited for marriage are quite 20
to be taken away.
25. Whether none hereafter shall have licenses to marry,
nor be asked their banns of matrimony, that shall not bring
with them a certificate from their ministers that they are
instructed in their Catechism. 25
26. Whether these words in matrimony, " with my body
I thee worship," shall not be thus altered, " I give thee power
over my body."
27. Whether the last rubrick of marriage should not be
mended, that new married persons should receive the com- 30
munion the same day of their marriage ; may not well be (or
upon the Sunday following) when the communion is celebrated.
28. In the Absolution of the Sick, were it not plain to say,
" I pronounce thee absolved?"
29. The Psalm of Thanksgiving of Women after Child- 3 5
birth, were it not fit to be composed out of proper versicles
taken from divers Psalms 2
30. May not the priest rather read the Communion in the
desk, than go up to the pulpit ?
CHAPTER vii.] appointed by the House of Lords. 277
31. The rubrick in the Commination leaves it doubtful,
whether the Liturgy may not be read in divers places in the
church.
32. In the Order of the Burial of all Persons, tis said,
5 " We commit his body to the ground, in sure and certain
hope of resurrection to eternal life ;" why not thus, " knowing
assuredly that the dead shall rise again f
33. In the collect next unto the Collect against the
Pestilence, the clause perhaps to be mended : " for the
10 honour of Jesus Christ s sake.
34. In the Litany, instead of " fornication and all other
deadly sin," would it not satisfy thus I " from fornication
and all other grievous sins."
35. It is very fit that the imperfections of the metre in
1 5 the singing Psalms should be mended, and then lawful
authority added unto them, to have them publickly sung
before and after sermons, and sometimes instead of the
hymns of Morning and Evening Prayer.
II.
a The first Address and Proposals of the Ministers.
20 May it please your most excellent Majesty,
WE your Majesty s most loyal subjects ^cannot but
acknowledge it is a very great mercy of God, that imme
diately after your so wonderful and peaceable restoration
unto your throne and government, (for which we bless his
30 Name,) he hath stirred up your royal heart as to a zealous
testimony against all prophaneness in the people, so to endea
vour an happy composing of the differences, and healing of
the sad breaches which are in the church. And we shall
according to our bounden duty become humble suitors at the
35 throne of grace, that the God of peace who hath put such
a thing as this into your Majesty s heart, will by his heavenly
wisdom and holy Spirit so assist you therein, and bring your
a This address has been corrected from a MS. copy preserved in the Tanner
papers in the Bodleian, vol. xlix. fol. 7.
278 The first address and [DOCUMENTS.
resolutions unto so perfect an effect and issue, that all the
good people of these kingdoms may have abundant cause to
rise up and bless you, and to bless God who hath delighted
in- you to make you his instrument in so happy a work. That
as your glorious progenitor Henry VII. was happy in uniting 5
the houses of Lancaster and York, and your grandfather
King James of blessed memory in uniting the kingdoms of
England and Scotland, so this honour may be reserved for
your Majesty as a radiant jewel in your crown, that by your
princely wisdom and Christian moderation, the hearts of all 10
your people may be united, and the unhappy differences and
misunderstandings amongst brethren in matters ecclesiastical
so composed, that the Lord may be one, and his Name one,
in the midst of your dominions.
In an humble conformity to this your Majesty s Christian i5
design, we, taking it for granted that there is a firm agree
ment between our brethren and us in the doctrinal truths of
the reformed religion, and in the substantial parts of divine
worship, and that the differences are only in some various
conceptions about the ancient form of church-government, 20
and some particulars about liturgy and ceremonies, do in all
humble obedience to your Majesty represent, that in as
much as the ultimate end of church-government and ministry
is, that holiness of life and salvation of souls may be effectually
promoted, we humbly desire in the first place that we may be 25
secured of those things in practice, of which we seem to be
agreed in principles.
1. b That those of our flocks who are serious and diligent
about the matters of their salvation, may not by words of
scorn, or any abusive usages be suffered to be reproachfully 30
handled ; but have liberty and encouragement in those
Christian duties of exhorting and provoking one another unto
love and good works, of building up one another in their
most holy faith, and by all religious and peaceful means of
furthering one another in the ways of eternal life ; they being 3$
not therein opposite to church-assemblies, nor refusing the
b This was put in because the serious practice of religion had been made the
common scorn, and a few Christians praying or repeating a sermon together had
been persecuted by some prelates as a heinous crime. BAXTER.
CHAPTER vii.] proposals of the ministers. 279
guidance and due inspection of their pastors, and being
responsible for what they do or say.
2. c That each congregation may have a learned, orthodox
and godly pastor residing amongst them, to the end that the
5 people may be publickly instructed and edified by preaching
every Lord s day, by catechising, and frequent administration
of the Lord s supper, and of baptism, and other ministerial
acts as the occasions and the necessities of the people may
require both in health and sickness ; and that effectual pro-
10 vision of law be made, that such as are insufficient, negligent,
or scandalous, may not be admitted to, or permitted in so
sacred a function and employment.
3. d That none may be admitted to the Lord s supper, till
they competently understand the principles of Christian reli-
i5 gion, and do personally and publickly own their baptismal
covenant, by a credible profession of faith and obedience, not
contradicting the same by a contrary profession, or by a
scandalous life : and that unto such only confirmation (if
continued in the church) may be administered : and that the
20 approbation of the pastors to whom the catechising and
instructing of those under their charge do appertain, may be
produced before any person receive confirmation ; which course
we humbly conceive, will much conduce to the quieting of
those sad disputes and divisions which have greatly troubled
25 the church of God amongst us, touching church- members
and communicants.
4. e That an effectual course be taken for the sanctification
of the Lord s day, appropriating the same to holy exercises
both in publick and private without unnecessary divertise-
30 ments ; it being certain and by long experience found, that
the observation thereof is a special means of preserving
c This was added because we knew what had been done, and was like to be
done again. BAXTER.
d This was added because that the utter neglect of discipline by the over-hot
35 prelates had caused all our perplexities and confusions ; and in this point is the
chiefest part of our difference with them indeed, and not about ceremonies.
BAXTER.
e This was added because abundance of ministers had been cast out in the
prelates days, for not reading publickly a book which allowed dancing and such
sports on the Lord s day. BAXTER.
T 4
280 The first address and [DOCUMENTS.
and promoting the power of godliness, and obviating pro-
phaneness.
Then for the matters in difference, viz. Church-govern
ment, Liturgy, and Ceremonies, we most humbly represent
unto your Majesty : 5
1. First, for Church-government ; that although upon
just reasons we do dissent from that ecclesiastical hierarchy
or prelacy disclaimed in the covenant, as it was stated and
exercised in these kingdoms ; yet we do not, nor ever did re
nounce the true ancient primitive episcopacy or presidency as 10
it was ballanced and managed by a due commixtion of pres
byters therewith, as a fit means to avoid corruptions, par
tiality, tyranny, and other evils which may be incident to
the administration of one single person : which kind of attem
pered episcopacy or presidency, if it shall by your Majesty s i5
grave wisdom and gracious moderation, be in such a manner
constituted, as that the forementioned, and other like evils may
be certainly prevented, we shall humbly submit thereunto.
And in order to an happy accommodation in this weighty
business, we desire humbly to offer unto your Majesty some 20
of the particulars which we conceive were amiss in the episco
pal government, as it was practised before the year 1640.
1. The great extent of the bishops diocess, which W 7 as
much too large for his own personal inspection, wherein he
undertook a pastoral charge over the souls of all those 2 ^
within his bishoprick, which must needs be granted to be
too heavy a burthen for any one man s shoulders : the
pastoral office being a work of personal ministration and
trust, and that of the highest concernment to the souls
of the people, for which they are to give an account to 3
Christ.
2. That by reason of this disability to discharge their
duty and trust personally, the bishops did depute the admini
stration of much of their trust, even in matters of spiritual
cognizance, to commissaries, chancellors, and officials, whereof 3 5
some were secular persons, and could not administer that
power which originally appertaineth to the pastors of the
church.
3. That those bishops who affirm the episcopal office to
CHAPTER vii.] proposals of the ministers. 281
be a distinct order by divine right from that of the presbyter,
did assume the sole power of ordination and jurisdiction to
themselves.
4. That some of the bishops exercised an arbitrary
5 power, as by sending forth their books of articles in their
visitations, and therein unwarrantably enquiring into several
things, and swearing the church-wardens to present accord
ingly. So also by many innovations and ceremonies imposed
upon ministers and people not required by la,w f ; and by
10 suspending ministers at their pleasure.
For reforming of which evils, we humbly crave leave to
offer unto your Majesty,
1. The late most reverend primate of Ireland his Reduc
tion of episcopacy unto the form of a synodical government,
1 5 received in the ancient church ; as a ground- work towards
an accommodation and fraternal agreement in this point of
ecclesiastical government : which we the rather do, not only in
regard of his eminent piety and singular ability, as in all
other parts of learning, so in that especially of the antiquities
20 of the church, but also because therein expedients are offered
to the healing of these grievances.
And in order to the same end, we further humbly desire
that the suffragans or chorepiscopi, mentioned in the primate^s
Reduction, may be chosen by the respective synods, and by
25 that election be sufficiently authorized to discharge their trust.
That the associations may not be so large as to make
the discipline impossible, or to take off the ministers from
the rest of their necessary employments.
That no oaths or promises of obedience to the bishops,
30 nor any unnecessary subscriptions or engagements be made
necessary to ordination, institution, induction, ministration,
communion or immunities of ministers ; they being respon
sible for any transgression of the law.
And that no bishops nor any ecclesiastical governors,
3 5 may at any time exercise their government by their own
private will or pleasure ; but only by such rules, canons, and
constitutions, as shall be hereafter by act of parliament rati
fied and established : and that sufficient provision of law be
f This last clause is wanting in the MS. copy preserved in the Tanner papers.
282 The first address and [DOCUMENTS.
made to secure both ministers and people against the evils of
arbitrary government in the church.
2. CONCERNING THE LITURGY.
1. We are satisfied in our judgments concerning the
lawfulness of a liturgy, or form of publick worship ; provided 5
that it be for the matter agreeable unto the word of God,
and fitly suited to the nature of the several ordinances, and
necessities of the church ; neither too tedious in the whole,
nor composed of too short prayers, unmeet repetitions or
responsals ; not to be dissonant from the liturgies of other 10
reformed churches ; nor too rigorously imposed ; nor the
minister so confined thereunto, but that he may also make
use of those gifts for prayer and exhortation which Christ
hath given him for the service and edification of the church.
2. That inasmuch as the Book of Common Prayer hath in i5
it many things that are justly offensive and need amendment,
hath been long discontinued, and very many, both ministers
and people, persons of pious, loyal and peaceable minds, are
therein greatly dissatisfied ; whereupon, if it be again im
posed,, will inevitably follow sad divisions, and widening of the 20
breaches which your Majesty is now endeavouring to heal ;
we do most humbly offer to your Majesty s wisdom, that for
preventing so great evil, and for settling the Church in unity
and peace, some learned, godly and moderate divines of both
perswasions, indifferently chosen, may be imployed to compile 25
such a form as is before described, as much as may be in
Scripture words ; or at least to revise and effectually reform
the old, together with an addition or insertion of some other
varying forms in Scripture phrase, to be used at the minis
ter s choice ; of which variety and liberty there be instances in 30
the Book of Common Prayer.
3. CONCERNING CEREMONIES.
We humbly represent that we hold our selves obliged, in
every part of divine worship, to do all things decently, in
order and to edification, and are willing therein to be deter- 35
mined by authority in such things as being meerly circum
stantial, are common to humane actions and societies, and
are to be ordered by the light of nature and Christian pru-
CHAPTER vii.] proposals of the ministers. 283
dence, according to the general rules of the Word, which are
always to be observed.
And as to divers ceremonies formerly retained in the
Church of England, we do in all humility offer unto your Ma-
5 jesty these ensuing considerations.
That the worship of God is in it self perfect, without hav
ing such ceremonies affixed thereto &.
That the Lord hath declared himself in the matters
that concern his worship to be " a jealous God ; " and this wor-
10 ship of his is certainly then most pure, and most agreeable to
the simplicity of the gospel, and to his holy and jealous eyes,
when it hath least of humane admixtures in things of them
selves confessedly unnecessary adjoyned and appropriated
thereunto ; upon which account many faithful servants of the
1 5 Lord, knowing his word to be the perfect rule of faith and
worship, by which they must judge of his acceptance of their
services, and must be themselves judged, have been exceeding
fearful of varying from his will, and of the danger of displeas
ing him by additions or detractions in such duties wherein
20 they must daily expect the communications of his grace and
comfort, especially seeing that these ceremonies have been
imposed and urged upon such considerations as draw too near
to the significancy and moral efficacy of sacraments themselves.
That they have, together with Popery, been rejected by
a5 many of the reformed churches abroad, amongst w r hom,
notwithstanding, we doubt not but the Lord is worshipped
decently, orderly, and in the beauty of holiness.
That ever since the reformation they have been matter of
contention and endless disputes in this Church, and have been
30 a cause of depriving the Church of the fruit and benefit which
might have been reaped from the labours of many learned
and godly ministers, some of whom judging them unlawful,
others unexpedient, were in conscience unwilling to be
brought under the power of them.
35 That they have occasioned, by the offence taken at them
by many of the people, heretofore, great separations from our
g To this clause the Tanner MS. adds the following words : "for did they
contribute anything to that necessary decency which the apostle requires, we
might expect to meet with them in the apostle s time ; there being no reason to
induce us to the use of them which might not have induced them."
284 The first address and [DOCUMENTS.
Church, and so have rather prejudiced than promoted the
unity thereof; and at this time, by reason of their long
disuse, may be more likely than ever heretofore to produce
the same inconveniencies.
That they are at best but indifferent, and in their nature 5
mutable ; and that it is, especially in various exigencies of
the church, very needful and expedient that things in them
selves mutable be sometimes actually changed, lest they
should, by perpetual permanency and constant use, be judged
by the people as necessary as the substantiate of worship 10
themselves.
And though we do most heartily acknowledge your Ma
jesty to be custos utriusque tabulce, and to be supream gover-
nour over all persons, and in all things and causes, as well
ecclesiastical as civil, in these your Majesty s dominions, yet i5
we humbly crave leave to beseech your Majesty to consider
whether, as a Christian magistrate, you be not as well obliged
by that doctrine of the apostle touching things indifferent, in
not occasioning an offence to weak brethren, as the apostle him
self (then one of the highest officers in the church of Christ) 20
judged himself to be obliged by ; and whether the great work
wherewith the Lord hath intrusted your Majesty be not
rather to provide by your sacred authority that the things
which are necessary, by virtue of divine command, in his
worship should be duly performed, than that things unneces- 25
sary should be made by humane command necessary and
penal. And how greatly pleasing it will be to the Lord that
your Majesty s heart is so tenderly and religiously compas
sionate to such of his poor servants differing in some small
matters, who prefer the peace of their consciences in God s 3
worship above all their civil concernments whatsoever.
May it therefore please your Majesty, out of your
princely care of healing our sad breaches, graciously to grant,
that kneeling at the sacrament of the Lord s supper, and
such holydays as are but of humane institution, may not
imposed upon such as do conscientiously scruple the observa
tion of them : and that the use of the surplice and cross in
baptism, and bowing at the name of Jesus rather than the
name of Christ or Emanuel, or other names whereby that
divine Person, or either of the other divine Persons, is norni-
CHAPTER vii.] proposals of the ministers. 285
nated, may be abolished ; these things being, in the judg
ment of the imposers themselves, but indifferent and mutable,
in the judgment of others a rock of offence, and in the judg
ment of all not to be valued with the peace of the church.
5 We likewise humbly represent unto your most excellent
Majesty, that divers ceremonies which we conceive have no
foundation in the law of the land, as erecting altars, bowing
towards them, and such like, have been not only introduced,
but in some places imposed; whereby an arbitrary power
10 was usurped, divers ministers of the gospel, though conform
able to the established ceremonies, troubled, some reverend
and learned bishops offended, the Protestants grieved, and
the Papists pleased, as hoping that those innovations might
make way for greater changes.
1 5 May it therefore please your Majesty, by such ways as
your royal wisdom shall judge meet, effectually to prevent the
imposing and using of such innovations for the future, that so,
according to the pious intention of your royal grandfather
King James of blessed memory, the publick worship may be
20 free, not only from blame but from suspicion.
In obedience to your Majesty s royal pleasure gra
ciously signified to us, we have tendered to your most
excellent Majesty what we humbly conceive may most
conduce to the glory of God, to the peace and reforma-
2 5 tion of the Church, and to the taking away not only of
our differences, but the roots and causes of them.
We humbly beg your Majesty s favourable acceptance
of these our loyal and conscientious endeavours to
serve h your Majesty and the Church of Christ, and
3 your gracious pardon if in any thing or expression we
answer not your Majesty s expectation ; professing be
fore your Majesty, and before the Lord, the searcher
of hearts, that we have done nothing out of strife, vain
glory, or emulation, but have sincerely offered what
3^ we apprehend most seasonable, as conducing to^that
happy end of unity and peace which your Majesty doth
so piously prosecute.
h The words " your Majesty and " are wanting in the Tanner MS.
286 King Charles declaration [DOCUMENTS.
We humbly lay our selves, and these our addresses, at
your Majesty s feet, professing our unfeigned resolu
tion to live and die your Majesty s faithful, loyal and
obedient subjects ; and humbly implore your gracious
Majesty, according unto your princely wisdom and 5
fatherly compassion, so to lay your hand upon the
bleeding rents and divisions that are amongst us, that
there may be an healing of them : so shall your throne
be greater than the throne of your fathers ; in your
days the righteous shall flourish, peace shall run down 10
like a river, and the generations to come shall call you
blessed.
III.
His Majesty s Declaration to all his loving subjects of his
kingdom of England and dominion of Wales^ concerning
ecclesiastical affairs. i5
CHARLES BEX.
How much the peace of the state is concerned in the peace
of the Church, and how difficult a thing it is to preserve order
and government in civil, whilst there is no order or govern
ment in ecclesiastical affairs, is evident to the world ; and this 20
little part of the world, our own dominions, hath had so late
experience of it, that we may very well acquiesce in the con
clusion, without enlarging ourself in discourse upon it, it
being a subject we have had frequent occasion to contemplate
upon, and to lament, abroad as well as at home. 25
In our letter to the speaker of the house of commons from
Breda we declared how much we desired the advancement
and propagation of the Protestant religion ; that " neither
the unkindness of those of the same faith towards us, nor the
civilities and obligations from those of a contrary profession 30
(of both which we have had abundant evidence) could in the
least degree startle us, or make us swerve from it, and that
CHAPTER vii.] concerning ecclesiastical affairs. 287
nothing can be proposed to manifest our zeal and affection
for it, to which we will not readily consent :" and we said
then, " that we did hope in due time, ourself to propose
somewhat for the propagation of it, that will satisfy the world,
5 that we have always made it both our care and our study,
and have enough observed what is most like to bring disad
vantage to it." And the truth is, we do think ourself the
more competent to propose, and with God s assistance to
determine many things now in difference, from the time we
10 have spent, and the experience we have had in most of the
reformed churches abroad, in France, in the Low Countries,
and in Germany, where we have had frequent conferences
with the most learned men, who have unanimously lamented
the great reproach the Protestant religion undergoes from
1 5 the distempers and too notorious schisms in matters of
religion in England : and as the most learned amongst them
have always with great submission and reverence acknow
ledged and magnified the established government of the
Church of England, and the great countenance and shelter
20 the Protestant religion received from it, before these un
happy times ; so many of them have with great ingenuity and
sorrow confessed, that they were too easily misled by misin
formation and prejudice into some disesteem of it, as if it had
too much complied with the Church of Rome ; whereas they
25 now acknowledge it to be the best fence God hath yet raised
against Popery in the world ; and we are persuaded they do
with great zeal wish it restored to its old dignity and
veneration.
When we were in Holland, we were attended by many
30 grave and learned ministers from hence, who were looked
upon as the most able and principal assertors of the Pres
byterian opinions ; with whom we had as much conference,
as the multitude of affairs which were then upon us would
permit us to have, and to our great satisfaction and comfort
35 found them persons full of affection to us, of zeal for the
peace of the Church and state, and neither enemies, as they have
been given out to be, to episcopacy, or liturgy, but modestly
to desire such alterations in either, as without shaking found
ations, might best allay the present distempers, which the
288 King Charles declaration [DOCUMENTS.
indisposition of the time and the tenderness of some men s
consciences had contracted. For the better doing whereof,
we did intend, upon our first arrival in this kingdom, to call
a synod of divines, as the most proper expedient to provide a
proper remedy for all those differences and dissatisfactions 5
which had or should arise in matters of religion ; and in the
mean time, we published in our declaration from Breda, " a
liberty to tender consciences, and that no man should be
disquieted or called in question for differences of opinion in
matter of religion, which do not disturb the peace of the 10
kingdom ; and that we shall be ready to consent to such an
act of parliament, as upon mature deliberation shall be
offered to us, for the full granting that indulgence."
Whilst we continued in this temper of mind and resolution,
and have so far complied with the persuasion of particular i5
persons, and the distemper of the time, as to be contented
with the exercise of our religion in our own chapel, according
to the constant practice and laws established, without en
joining that practice, and the observation of those laws in the
churches of the kingdom ; in which we have undergone the 20
censure of many, as if we were without that zeal for the
Church which we ought to have, and which by God s grace
we shall always retain ; we have found ourself not so candidly
dealt with as we have deserved, and that there are unquiet
and restless spirits, who without abating any of their own 25
distemper in recompense of the moderation they find in us,
continue their bitterness against the Church, and endeavour
to raise jealousies of us, and to lessen our reputation by their
reproaches, as if we were not true to the professions we have
made : and in order thereunto, they have very unseasonably 30
caused to be printed, published, and dispersed throughout the
kingdom a declaration heretofore printed in our name during
the time of our being in Scotland, of which we shall say no
more than that the circumstances, by which we were enforced
to sign that declaration, are enough known to the world ; 36
and that the worthiest and greatest part of that nation did
even then detest and abhor the ill usage of us in that parti
cular, when the same tyranny was exercised there by the
power of a few ill men, which at that time had spread itself
CHAPTER vii. J concerning ecclesiastical affairs. 289
over this kingdom ; and therefore we had no reason to expect
that we should at this season, when we are doing all we can
to wipe out the memory of all that hath been done amiss by
other men, and, we thank God, have wiped it out of our own
5 remembrance, have been ourself assaulted with those re
proaches, which we will likewise forget.
Since the printing this declaration, several seditious pamph
lets and queries have been published and scattered abroad to
infuse dislike and jealousies into the hearts of the people, and
10 of the army ; and some who ought rather to have repented
the former mischief they have wrought, than to have en
deavoured to improve it, have had the hardiness to publish,
that the doctrine of the Church, against which no man, with
whom we have conferred, hath excepted, ought to be rc-
r5 formed as well as the discipline.
This over passionate and turbulent way of proceeding, and
the impatience we find in many for some speedy determina
tion in these matters, whereby the minds of men may be
composed, and the peace of the Church established, hath
20 prevailed with us to invert the method we had proposed to
ourself, and even in order to the better calling and composing
of a synod (which the present jealousies will hardly agree
upon) by the assistance of God s blessed Spirit which we
daily invoke and supplicate, to give some determination our-
2 5 self to the matters in difference, until such a synod may be
called as may without passion or prejudice give us such
further assistance towards a perfect union of affections, as
well as submission to authority, as is necessary : and we are
the rather induced to take this upon us, by finding upon the
30 full conference we have had with the learned men of several
persuasions, that the mischiefs, under which both the Church
and state do at present suffer, do not result from any formed
doctrine or conclusion which either party maintains or avows,
but from the passion, and appetite, and interest of particular
5 persons, who contract greater prejudice to each other from
those affections, than would naturally rise from their opinions;
and those distempers must be in some degree allayed, before
the meeting in a synod can be attended with better success,
than their meeting in other places, and their discourses in
290 King Charles declaration [DOCUMENTS.
pulpits have hitherto been ; and till all thoughts of victory
are laid aside, the humble and necessary thoughts for the
vindication of truth cannot be enough entertained.
We must for the honour of all those of either persuasion,
with whom we have conferred, declare, that the professions 5
and desires of all for the advancement of piety and true
godliness are the same ; their professions of zeal for the
peace of the Church the same ; of affection and duty to us
the same: they all approve episcopacy; they all approve a
set form of Liturgy ; and they all disprove and dislike the 10
sin of sacrilege, and the alienation of the revenue of the
Church ; and if upon these excellent foundations, in submis
sion to which there is such a harmony of affections, any
superstructures should be raised, to the shaking those found
ations, and to the contracting and lessening the blessed gift i5
of charity, which is a vital part of Christian religion, we shall
think ourself very unfortunate, and even suspect that we are
defective in that administration of government with which
God hath entrusted us.
We need not profess the high affection and esteem we 20
have for the Church of England as it is established by law,
the reverence to which hath supported us with God s blessing
against many temptations ; nor do we think that reverence in
the least degree diminished by our condescensions, not pe
remptorily to insist on some particulars of ceremony, which 25
however introduced by the piety, and devotion, and order of
former times, may not be so agreeable to the present, but
may even lessen that piety and devotion, for the improvement
whereof they might happily be first introduced, and conse
quently may well be dispensed with ; and we hope this 30
charitable compliance of ours will dispose the minds of all
men to a cheerful submission to that authority, the preserva
tion whereof is so necessary for the unity and peace of the
Church ; and that they will acknowledge the support of the
episcopal authority to be the best support of religion,
being the best means to contain the minds of men within the
rules of government : and they who would restrain the exer
cise of that holy function within the rules which were
observed in the primitive times, must remember and consider
CHAPTER vii.] concerning ecclesiastical affairs. 291
that the ecclesiastical power being in those blessed times
always subordinate and subject to the civil, it was likewise
proportioned to such an extent of jurisdiction, as was most
agreeable to that; and as the sanctity, and simplicity, and
5 resignation of that age did then refer many things to the
bishops, which the policy of succeeding ages would not admit,
at least did otherwise provide for, so it can be no reproach to
primitive episcopacy, if where there have been great altera
tions in the civil government, from what was then, there have
10 been likewise some difference and alteration in the ecclesias
tical, the essence and foundation being still preserved. And
upon this ground, without taking upon us to censure the
government of the Church in other countries, where the
government of the state is different from what it is here, or
1 5 enlarging ourself upon the reasons why, whilst there was an
imagination of erecting a democratical government here in
the state, they should be willing to continue an aristocratical
government in the Church, it shall suffice to say, that since
by the wonderful blessing of God the hearts of this whole
20 nation are returned to an obedience to monarchic govern
ment in the state, it must be very reasonable to support that
government in the Church, which is established by law, and
with which the monarchy hath flourished through so many
ages, and which is in truth as ancient in this island as the
25 Christian monarchy thereof, and which hath always in some
respects or degrees been enlarged or restrained, as hath been
thought most conducing to the peace and happiness of the
kingdom; and therefore we have not the least doubt, but
that the present bishops will think the present concessions
30 now made by us to allay the present distempers, very just
and reasonable, and will very cheerfully conform themselves
thereunto.
I. We do in the first place declare our purpose and reso
lution is and shall be to promote the power of godliness, to
35 encourage the exercises of religion both public and private,
and to take care that the Lord s day be applied to holy
exercises, without unnecessary divertisements ; and that in
sufficient, negligent, and scandalous ministers be not per
mitted in the Church; and that as the present bishops are
King Charles* declaration [DOCUMENTS.
known to be men of great and exemplary piety in their lives,
which they have manifested in their notorious and unex
ampled sufferings during these late distempers, and of great
and known sufficiency of learning, so we shall take special
care, by the assistance of God, to prefer no men to that office 5
and charge, but men of learning, virtue, and piety, who may
be themselves the best examples to those who are to be
governed by them ; and we shall expect and provide the best
we can, that the bishops be frequent preachers, and that they
do very often preach themselves in some church of their 10
diocese, except they be hindered by sickness, or other bodily
infirmities, or some other justifiable occasion, which shall not
be thought justifiable if it be frequent.
II. Because the dioceses, especially some of them, are
thought to be of too large extent, we will appoint such a i5
number of suffragan bishops in every diocese, as shall be
sufficient for the due performance of their work.
III. No bishop shall ordain, or exercise any part of juris
diction which appertains to the censures of the Church,
without the advice and assistance of the presbyters ; and no 20
chancellors, commissaries, or officials, as such, shall exercise
any act of spiritual jurisdiction in these cases, viz. excommu
nication, absolution, or wherein any of the ministry are con
cerned, with reference to their pastoral charge. However
our intent and meaning is to uphold and maintain the profes- 25
sion of the civil law so far and in such matters, as it hath
been of use and practice within our kingdoms and dominions ;
albeit as to excommunication, our will and pleasure is, that
no chancellor, commissary, or official shall decree any sen
tence of excommunication, or absolution, or be judges in 30
those things wherein any of the ministry are concerned, as is
aforesaid. Nor shall the archdeacon exercise any jurisdiction
without the advice and assistance of six ministers of his arch
deaconry, whereof three to be nominated by the bishop, and
three by the election of the major part of the presbyters s5
within the archdeaconry.
IV. To the end that the deans and chapters may be the
better fitted to afford counsel and assistance to the bishops,
both in ordination and the other offices mentioned before, we
CHAPTER vii.] concerning ecclesiastical affairs. 293
will take care that those preferments be given to the most
learned and pious presbyters of the diocese ; and moreover,
that an equal number (to those of the chapter) of the most
learned, pious, and discreet presbyters of the same diocese,
5 annually chosen by the major vote of all the presbyters of
that diocese present at such elections, shall be always ad
vising and assisting, together with those of the chapter, in all
ordinations, and in every part of jurisdiction, which apper
tains to the censures of the Church, and at all other solemn
10 and important actions in the exercise of the ecclesiastical
jurisdiction, wherein any of the ministry are concerned : pro
vided that at all such meetings the number of the ministers
so elected, and those present of the chapter shall be equal,
and not exceed one the other, and that to make the numbers
1 5 equal, the juniors of the exceeding number be withdrawn,
that the most ancient may take place ; nor shall any suffragan
bishop ordain, or exercise the forementioned offices and acts
of spiritual jurisdiction, but with the advice and assistance of
a sufficient number of the most judicious and pious presbyters
20 annually chosen as aforesaid within his precincts : and our
will is that the great work of ordination be constantly and
solemnly performed by the bishop and his aforesaid pres
bytery, at the four set times and seasons appointed by the
Church for that purpose.
25 V. We will take care that confirmation be rightly and
solemnly performed, by the information and with the consent
of the minister of the place ; who shall admit none to the
Lord s supper, till they have made a credible profession of
their faith, and promised obedience to the will of God,
30 according as is expressed in the considerations of the rubric
before the Catechism ; and that all possible diligence be used
for the instruction and reformation of scandalous offenders,
whom the minister shall not suffer to partake of the Lord s
table, until they have openly declared themselves to have
3 5 truly repented and amended their former naughty lives, as is
partly expressed in the rubric, and more fully in the canons ;
provided there be place for due appeals to superior powers.
But besides the suffragans and their presbytery, every rural
dean (those deans, as heretofore, to be nominated by the
5294 King Charles declaration [DOCUMENTS.
bishop of the diocese) together with three or four ministers
of that deanery, chosen by the major part of all the ministers
within the same, shall meet once in every month, to receive
such complaints as shall be presented to them by the minis
ters or churchwardens of the respective parishes ; and also to 5
compose all such differences betwixt party and party as shall
be referred unto them by way of arbitration, and to convince
offenders, and reform all such things as they find amiss, by
their pastoral reproofs and admonitions, if they may be so
reformed ; and such matters as they cannot by this pastoral 10
and persuasive way compose and reform, are by them to be
prepared for, and presented to the bishop ; at which meeting
any other ministers of that deanery may, if they please, be
present and assist. Moreover, the rural dean and his assist
ants are in their respective divisions to see, that the children i5
and younger sort be carefully instructed by the respective
ministers of every parish, in the grounds of Christian religion,
and be able to give a good account of their faith and know
ledge, and also of their Christian conversation conformable
thereunto, before they be confirmed by the bishop, or ad- 20
mitted to the sacrament of the Lord s supper.
VI. No bishop shall exercise any arbitrary power, or do or
impose any thing upon the clergy or the people, but what is
according to the known law of the land.
VII. We are very glad to find, that all with whom we 25
have conferred, do in their judgments approve a liturgy, or
set form of public worship to be lawful ; which in our judg
ment for the preservation of unity and uniformity we conceive
to be very necessary : and though we do esteem the Liturgy
of the Church of England, contained in the Book of Common 30
Prayer, and by law established, to be the best we have seen ;
and we believe that we have seen all that are extant and used
in this part of the world, and well know what reverence most
of the reformed Churches^ or at least the most learned men in
those Churches have for it ; yet since we find some exceptions 35
made against several things therein, we will appoint an equal
number of learned divines of both persuasions, to review the
same, and to make such alterations as shall be thought most
necessary, and some additional forms (in the scripture phrase
CHAPTER vii.l concerning ecclesiastical affairs. 295
as near as may be) suited unto the nature of the several parts
of worship, and that it be left to the minister s choice to use
one or other at his discretion. In the mean time, and till
this be done, although we do heartily wish and desire, that
5 the ministers in their several churches, because they dislike
some clauses and expressions, would not totally lay aside the
use of the Book of Common Prayer, but read those parts,
against which there can be no exception ; which would be the
best instance of declining those marks of distinction, which
10 we so much labour and desire to remove ; yet in compassion
to divers of our good subjects, who scruple the use of it as
now it is, our will and pleasure is, that none be punished or
troubled for not using it, until it be reviewed, and effectually
reformed, as aforesaid.
i5 VIII. Lastly, concerning ceremonies, which have adminis
tered so much matter of difference and contention, and which
have been introduced by the wisdom and authority of the
Church, for edification and the improvement of piety, we shall
say no more, but that we have the more esteem of all, and
20 reverence for many of them, by having been present in many
of those Churches, where they are most abolished, or discoun
tenanced ; and it cannot be doubted, but that as the universal
Church cannot introduce one ceremony in the worship of
God, that is contrary to God s word expressed in the Scrip-
2 5 ture, so every national Church, with the approbation and
consent of the sovereign power, may, and hath always intro
duced such particular ceremonies, as in that conjuncture of
time are thought most proper for edification and the neces
sary improvement of piety and devotion in the people, though
-50 the necessary practice thereof cannot be deduced from Scrip
ture ; and that which before was, and in itself is indifferent,
ceases to be indifferent, after it is once established by law :
and therefore our present consideration and work is to
gratify the private consciences of those, who are grieved with
3,5 the use of some ceremonies, by indulging to and dispensing
with their omitting those ceremonies, not utterly to abolish
any which are established by law, (if any are practised con
trary to law, the same shall cease,) which would be unjust,
and of ill example ; and to impose upon the conscience of
1:4
296 King Charles declaration [DOCUMENTS.
some, for the satisfaction of the conscience of others, which is
otherwise provided for. As it could not be reasonable that
men should expect, that we should ourself decline, or enjoin
others to do so, to receive the blessed sacrament upon our
knees, which in our conscience is the most humble, most 5
devout, and most agreeable posture for that holy duty,
because some other men, upon reasons best, if not only,
known to themselves, choose rather to do it sitting or stand
ing; we shall leave all decisions and determinations of that
kind, if they shall be thought necessary for a perfect and 10
entire unity and uniformity throughout the nation, to the
advice of a national synod, which shall be duly called after a
little time, and a mutual conversation between persons of
different persuasions hath mollified those distempers, abated
those sharpnesses, and extinguished those jealousies, which. i5
make men unfit for those consultations ; and upon such
advice, we shall use our best endeavour, that such laws may
be established, as may best provide for the peace of the
Church and state. Provided that none shall be denied the
sacrament of the Lord s supper, though they do not use the 20
gesture of kneeling in the act of receiving.
In the mean time, out of compassion and compliance to
wards those who would forbear the cross in baptism, we are
content that no man shall be compelled to use the same, or
suffer for not doing it ; but if any parent desire to have his 25
child christened according to the form used, and the minister
will not use the sign, it shall be lawful for that parent to
procure another minister to do it ; and if the proper minister
shall refuse to omit that ceremony of the cross, it shall be
lawful for the parent, who would not have his child so bap- 30
tized, to procure another minister to do it, who will do it
according to his desire.
No man shall be compelled to bow at the name of Jesus,
or suffer in any degree for not doing it, without reproaching
those who out of their devotion continue that ancient cere- 35
mony of the Church.
For the use of the surplice, we are contented that all men
be left to their liberty to do as they shall think fit, without
suffering in the least degree for wearing or not wearing it ;
CHAPTER vii.] concerning ecclesiastical affairs. 297
provided that this liberty do not extend to our own chapel,
cathedral or collegiate churches, or to any college in either of
our universities, but that the several statutes and customs for
the use thereof in the said places, be there observed as
5 formerly.
And because some men, otherwise pious and learned, say
they cannot conform unto the subscription required by the
canon, nor take the oath of canonical obedience ; we are
content, and it is our will and pleasure (so they take the
10 oaths of allegiance and supremacy) that they shall receive
ordination, institution, and induction, and shall be permitted
to exercise their function, and to enjoy the profits of their
livings, without the said subscription or oath of canonical
obedience ; and moreover, that no persons in the universities
1 5 shall for the want of such subscription be hindered in the
taking of their degrees. Lastly, that none be judged to
forfeit his presentation or benefice, or be deprived of it, upon
the statute of the thirteenth of Queen Elizabeth, chapter the
twelfth, so he read and declare his assent to all the articles
20 of religion, which only concern the confession of the true
Christian faith, and the doctrine of the sacraments comprised
in the Book of Articles in the said statute mentioned. In a
word, we do again renew what we have formerly said in our
declaration from Breda, for the liberty of tender consciences,
25 that no man shall be disquieted or called in question for
differences of opinion in matters of religion, which do not
disturb the peace of the kingdom : and if any have been dis
turbed in that kind since our arrival here, it hath not pro
ceeded from any direction of ours.
30 To conclude, and in this place to explain what we men
tioned before, and said in our letter to the house of commons
from Breda, that " we hoped in due time, our self to propose
somewhat for the propagation of the Protestant religion, that
will satisfy the world, that we have always made it both our
3 5 care and our study, and have enough observed what is most
like to bring disadvantage to it;" we do conjure all our loving
subjects to acquiesce in and submit to this our declaration
concerning those differences, which have so much disquieted
the nation at home, and given such offence to the Protestant
298 King Charles declaration. [DOCUMENTS.
Churches abroad, and brought such reproach upon the Pro
testant religion in general, from the enemies thereof; as if
upon obscure notions of faith and fancy, it did admit the
practice of Christian duties and obedience to be discoun
tenanced and suspended, and introduce a license in opinions 5
and manners, to the prejudice of the Christian faith. And
let us all endeavour, arid emulate each other in those endea
vours, to countenance and advance the Protestant religion
abroad, which will be best done by supporting the dignity
and reverence due to the best reformed Protestant Church at 10
home ; and which being once freed from the calumnies and
reproaches it hath undergone from these late ill times, will be
the best shelter for those abroad, which will by that counte
nance both be the better protected against their enemies, and
be the more easily induced to compose the differences amongst i5
themselves, which give their enemies more advantage against
them : and we hope and expect that all men will hence
forward forbear to vent any such doctrine in the pulpit, or to
endeavour to work in such manner upon the affections of the
people, as may dispose them to an ill opinion of us and the 20
government, and to disturb the peace of the kingdom ; which
if all men will in their several vocations endeavour to pre
serve with the same affection and zeal we ourself will do, all
our good subjects will by God^s blessing upon us enjoy as
great a measure of felicity as this nation hath ever done, and 25
which we shall constantly labour to procure for them, as the
greatest blessing God can bestow upon us in this world.
Given at our court at Whitehall this twenty-fifth day of
October., MDCLX.
IV.
The Kings Warrant for the Conference at the Savoy. 30
CHARLES the Second, by the grace of God, king of
England, Scotland, France and Ireland, defender of the faith,
&c. To our trusty and well-beloved the most Reverend
CHAPTER vn.] Conference at the Savoy. 299
Father in God Accepted Archbishop of York, the Eight
Reverend Fathers in God Gilbert Bishop of London, John
Bishop of Durham, John Bishop of Rochester, Henry Bishop
of Chichester, Humphrey Bishop of Sarum, George Bishop of
5 Worcester, Robert Bishop of Lincoln, Benjamin Bishop of
Peterburgh, Bryan Bishop of Chester, Richard Bishop of
Carlisle, John Bishop of Exeter, Edward Bishop of Norwich,
and to our trusty and well-beloved the Reverend Anthony
Tuckney Dr. in Divinity, John Conant Dr. in Divinity, Wil-
ioliam Spurstow Dr. in Divinity, John Wallis Dr. in Divinity,
Thomas Manton Dr. in Divinity, Edmund Calamy Batchelor
in Divinity, Richard Baxter Clerk, Arthur Jackson Clerk,
Thomas Case, Samuel Clark, Matthew Newcomen Clerks, and
to our trusty and well-beloved Dr. Earles Dean of West-
i5 minster, Peter Heylin Dr. in Divinity, John Hacket Dr. in
Divinity, John Barwick Dr. in Divinity, Peter Gunning Dr.
in Divinity, John Pearson Dr. in Divinity, Thomas Pierce Dr.
in Divinity, Anthony Sparrow Dr. in Divinity, Herbert
Thorndike Batchelor in Divinity, Thomas Horton Dr. in
20 Divinity, Thomas Jacomb Dr. in Divinity, William Bates,
John Rawlinson Clerks, William Cooper Clerk, Dr. John
Lightfoot, Dr. John Collins, Dr. Benjamin Woodbridge, and
William Drake Clerk, greeting. Whereas by our Declaration
of the five and twentieth of October last concerning ecclesi-
25 astical affairs, we did amongst other things express an esteem
of the Liturgy of the Church of England, contained in the
Book of Common Prayer, and yet since we find some ex
ceptions made against several things therein, we did by our
said Declaration declare we would appoint an equal num-
3ober of learned divines of both persvvasions, to review the
same, and to make such alterations therein as shall be thought
most necessary, and some additional forms in the Scripture
phrase, as near as might be, suited to the nature of the
several parts of worship ; we therefore in accomplishment of
35 our said will and intent, and of our continued and constant
care and study for the peace and unity of the churches within
our dominions, and for the removal of all exceptions and differ
ences, and the occasions of such differences and exceptions from
amongst our good subjects for or concerning the said Book of
300 The King s warrant for [DOCUMENTS.
Common Prayer, or any thing therein contained, do by these our
letters patents require, authorize, constitute and appoint you the
said Accepted Archbishop of York, Gilbert Bishop of London,
John Bishop of Durham, John Bishop of Rochester, Henry
Bishop of Chichester, Humphrey Bishop of Sarum, Georges
Bishop of Worcester, Eobert Bishop of Lincoln, Benjamin
Bishop of Peterburgh, Bryan Bishop of Chester, Richard
Bishop of Carlisle, John Bishop of Exeter, Edward Bishop of
Norwich, Anthony Tuckney, John Conant, William Spur-
stow, John Wallis, Thomas Manton, Edmund Calamy, Richard TO
Baxter, Arthur Jackson, Thomas Case, Samuel Clark and
Matthew Newcomen, to advise upon and review the said
Book of Common Prayer, comparing the same with the most
ancient Liturgies which have been used in the Church, in the
primitive and purest times : and to that end to assemble i5
and meet together, from time to time, and at such times,
within the space of four kalender months now next ensuing,
in the Masters lodgings in the Savoy in the Strand in the
county of Middlesex, or in such other place or places as to
you shall be thought fit and convenient, to take into your 20
serious and grave considerations, the several directions, rules
and forms of prayer, and things in the said Book of Common
Prayer contained, and to advise and consult upon and about
the same, and the several objections and exceptions which
shall now be raised against the same. And if occasion be, to 25
make such reasonable and necessary alterations, corrections
and amendments therein, as by and between you the said
archbishop, bishops, doctors, and persons hereby required
and authorized to meet and advise as aforesaid, shall be
agreed upon to be needful or expedient for the giving satis- 3
faction unto tender consciences, and the restoring and con
tinuance of peace and unity, in the churches under our pro
tection and government ; but avoiding, as much as may be,
all unnecessary 1 alterations of the forms and Liturgy where
with the people are already acquainted, and have so long re- 3^
ceived in the Church of England. And our will and pleasure
1 In some copies (as in Rennet s Register, Wilkins Cone., &c.) this is " abbre
viations." In Baxter s Life, written by himself, it is " alterations." Nicholls
notices both readings.
CHAPTER vii.] the Conference at the Savoy. 301
is, that when you the said archbishop, bishops, doctors and
persons authorized and appointed by these our letters patents,
to meet, advise and consult upon and about the premises, as
aforesaid, shall have drawn your consultations to any resolu-
5 tion and determination, which you shall agree upon as needful
or expedient to be done for the altering, diminishing or en
larging the said Book of Common Prayer, or any part thereof,
that then you forthwith certifie and present unto us in
writing, under your several hands, the matters and things
10 whereupon you shall so determine, for our approbation;
and to the end the same, or so much thereof as shall be ap
proved by us, may be established. And forasmuch as the
said archbishop and bishops, having several great charges to
attend, which we would not dispense with, or that the same
1 5 should be neglected upon any great occasion whatsoever, and
some of them being of great age and infirmities, may not be
able constantly to attend the execution of the service and
authority hereby given and required by us in the meetings
and consultations aforesaid, we will therefore, and do hereby
20 require and authorize you the said Dr. Earles, Peter Heylin,
John Hacket, John Barwick, Peter Gunning, John Pearson,
Thomas Pierce, Anthony Sparrow, and Herbert Thorn-
dike, to supply the place or places of such of the said arch
bishop and bishops (other than the said Edward Bishop of
25 Norwich) as shall by age, sickness, infirmity, or other occa
sion, be hindred from attending the said meetings or consulta
tions, (that is to say) that one of you the said Dr. Earles,
Peter Heylin, John Hacket, John Barwick, Peter Gunning,
John Pearson, Thomas Pierce, Anthony Sparrow, and Her-
3bert Thorndike shall from time to time supply the place of
each one of them, the said archbishop and bishops, other
than the said Edward Bishop of Norwich, which shall happen
to be hindred, or to be absent from the said meeting or
consultations, and shall and may advise, consult, and de-
35termine, and also certifie and execute, all and singular the
powers and authorities before mentioned, in and about the
premises, as fully and absolutely, as such archbishop or
bishops, which shall so happen to be absent, should or might
do by vertue of these our letters patents, or any thing therein
302 Conference at the Savoy. [DOCUMENTS.
contained, in case he or they were personally present. And
whereas in regard of the distance of some, the infirmities of
others, the multitude of constant imployments, and other
incidental impediments, some of you the said Edward Bishop
of Norwich, Anthony Tuckney, John Conant, William Spur- 5
stow, John Wallis, Thomas Manton, Edmund Calamy, Rich.
Baxter, Arthur Jackson, Thomas Case,, Samuel Clark, and
Matthew Newcomen may be hindred from the constant
attendance in the execution of the service aforesaid ; we there
fore will, and do hereby require and authorize you the said 10
Tho. Horton, Thomas Jacomb, William Bates, John Rawlin-
son, William Cooper, John Lightfoot, John Collins, Benjamin
Woodbridge, and William Drake to supply the place or
places of such the commissioners last above mentioned, as
shall by the means aforesaid, or any other occasion be iS
hindred from the said meetings and consultations ; (that is to
say) that one of you the said Thomas Horton, Thomas
Jacomb, William Bates, John Rawlinson, William Cooper,
Dr. Lightfoot, Dr. Collins, Mr. Woodbridge, and Mr. Drake
shall from time to time supply the place of each one of the 20
said commissioners last mentioned, which shall happen to be
hindred, or be absent from the meetings and consultations;
and shall and may advise, consult and determine, and also
certifie and execute all and singular the powers and au
thorities before mentioned, in and about the premises, as fully 25
and absolutely as such of the said last mentioned commission
ers, which shall so happen to be absent, should or might do by
vertue of these our letters patents, or any thing therein con
tained, in case he or they were personally present.
In witness whereof we have caused these our letters to be 30
made patents. Witness our self at Westminster, the five and
twentieth day of March, in the thirteenth year of our reign.
Per ipsum Regem
BARKER.
CHAPTER vir.] The exceptions against $c. 303
V.
The exceptions against the Book of Common Prayer.
ACKNOWLEDGING with all humility and thankfulness, his
Majesty s most princely condescention and indulgence, to very
many of his loyal subjects, as well in his Majesty s most
5 gracious Declaration, as particularly in this present commis
sion, issued forth in pursuance thereof; we doubt not but
the right reverend bishops, and all the rest of his Majesty s
commissioners intrusted in this work, will, in imitation of his
Majesty s most prudent and Christian moderation and cle-
lomency, judge it their duty (what we find to be the apostles
own practice) in a special manner to be tender of the Churches
peace, to bear with the infirmities of the weak, and not to
please themselves, nor to measure the consciences of other
men by the light and latitude of their own, but seriously and
1 5 readily to consider and advise of such expedients, as may
most conduce to the healing of our breaches, and uniting
those that differ.
And albeit we have an high and honourable esteem of
those godly and learned bishops and others, who were the
20 first compilers of the publick Liturgy, and do look upon it as
an excellent and worthy work, for that time, when the Church
of England made her first step out of such a mist of popish
ignorance and superstition wherein it formerly was involved ;
yet considering that all human works do gradually arrive at
25 their maturity and perfection, and this in particular being a
work of that nature, hath already admitted several emenda
tions since the first compiling thereof:
It cannot be thought any disparagement or derogation
either to the work it self, or to the compilers of it, or to tjiose
30 who have hitherto used it, if after more than an hundred
years, since its first composure, such further emendations be
now made therein, as may be judged necessary for satisfying
the scruples of a multitude of sober persons, who cannot at
all (or very hardly) comply with the use of it, as now it is,
35 and may best sute with the present times after so long an en-
304 The exceptions against [DOCUMENTS.
joyment of the glorious light of the gospel, and so happy a
reformation. Especially considering that many godly and
learned men have from the beginning all along earnestly de
sired the alteration of many things therein, and very many of
his Majesty s pious, peaceable, and loyal subjects, after so 5
long a discontinuance of it, are more averse from it than here
tofore : the satisfying of whom (as far as may be) will very
much conduce to that peace and unity which is so much de
sired by all good men, and so much endeavoured by his most
excellent Majesty. 10
And therefore in pursuance of this his Majesty s most
gracious commission, for the satisfaction of tender con
sciences, and the procuring of peace and unity amongst our
selves, we judge meet to propose.
First, that all the prayers, and other materials of the i5
Liturgy may consist of nothing doubtful or questioned amongst
pious, learned, and orthodox persons, inasmuch as the pro
fessed end of composing them is for the declaring of the unity
and consent of all who join in the publick worship ; it being
too evident that the limiting of church-communion to things 20
of doubtful disputation, hath been in all ages the ground of
schism and separation, according to the saying of a learned
person e .
" To load our publick forms with the private fancies upon
which we differ, is the most soveraign way to perpetuate 25
schism to the world s end. Prayer, confession, thanksgiving,
reading of the Scriptures, and administration of the sacra
ments in the plainest, and simplest manner, were matter
enough to furnish out a sufficient Liturgy, though nothing
either of private opinion, or of church-pomp, of garments, or 30
prescribed gestures, of imagery, of musick, of matter concern
ing the dead, of many superfluities which creep into the
Church under the name of order and decency, did interpose
itself. To charge Churches and Liturgies with things un
necessary, was the first beginning of all superstition, and 35
when scruple of conscience began to be made or pretended,
then schism began to break in. If the special guides and
fathers of the Church would be a little sparing of incumbering
e Mr. Hales.
CHAPTER vii.] the Book of Common Prayer. 305
churches with superfluities, or not over-rigid, either in re
viving obsolete customs, or imposing new, there would bo far
less cause of schism, or superstition ; and all the inconveni
ence were likely to ensue, would be but this, they should in so
5 doing yield a little to the imbecillity of their inferiors ; a thing
which St. Paul would never have refused to do. Mean while,
wheresoever false or suspected opinions are made a piece
of Church -Liturgy, he that separates is not the schismatick ;
for it is alike unlawful to make profession of known, or sus-
lopected falshood, as to put in practice unlawful or sus
pected action."
II. Further, we humbly desire that it may be seriously con
sidered, that as our first reformers out of their great wisdom
did at that time so compose the Liturgy, as to win upon the
1 5 papists, and to draw them into their Church-communion, by
varying as little as they well could from the Romish forms
before in use ; so whether in the present constitution, and
state of things amongst us, we should not according to the
same rule of prudence and charity, have our Liturgy so com-
20 posed, as to gain upon the judgments and affection of all
those who in the substantials of the protestant religion are of
the same persuasions with our selves : inasmuch as a more
firm union and consent of all such, as well in worship as in
doctrine, would greatly strengthen the protestant interest
25 against all those dangers and temptations which our intestine
divisions and animosities do expose us unto, from the com
mon adversary.
III. That the repetitions, and responsals of the clerk and
people, and the alternate reading of the psalms and hymns
30 which cause a confused murmur in the congregation, whereby
what is read is less intelligible, and therefore unedifying, may
be omitted : the minister being appointed for the people in all
publick services appertaining unto God and the Holy Scrip
tures, both of the Old and New Testament, intimating the
35 people s part in publick prayer to be only with silence and
reverence to attend thereunto, and to declare their consent in
the close, by saying Amen.
IV. That in regard the Litany (though otherwise contain
ing in it many holy petitions) is so framed, that the petitions
306 The exceptions against [DOCUMENTS*
for a great part are uttered only by the people, which we
think not to be so consonant to Scripture, which makes the
minister the mouth of the people to God in prayer, the parti
culars thereof may be composed into one solemn prayer to be
offered by the minister unto God for the people. 5
V. That there be nothing in the Liturgy which may seem
to countenance the observation of Lent as a religious fast ;
the example of Chrisfs fasting forty days and nights being
no more imitable, nor intended for the imitation of a Christian,
than any other of his miraculous works were, or than Moses 10
his forty days fast was for the Jews : and the act of parlia
ment, 5 Eliz. forbidding abstinence from flesh to be observed
upon any other than a politick consideration, and punishing
all those who by preaching, teaching, writing, or open
speeches, shall notifie that the forbearing of flesh is of any i5
necessity for the saving of the soul, or that it is the service of
God, otherwise than as other politick laws are.
VI. That the religious observation of saints-days appointed
to be kept as holy-days, and the vigils thereof without any
foundation (as we conceive) in Scripture, may be omitted. 20
That if any be retained, they may be called festivals, and not
holy-days, nor made equal with the Lord s-day, nor have any
peculiar service appointed for them, nor the people be upon
such days forced wholly to abstain from work, and that the
names of all others now inserted in the Calender which are 25
not in the first and second books of Edward the Sixth, may
be left out.
VII. That the gift of prayer, being one special qualification
for the work of the ministry bestowed by Christ in order to
the edification of his Church, and to be exercised for the 30
profit and benefit thereof, according to its various and
emergent necessity ; it is desired that there may be no such
imposition of the Liturgy, as that the exercise of that gift be
thereby totally excluded in any part of publick * worship.
And further, considering the great age of some ministers, 36
and infirmities of others, and the variety of several ser
vices oft-times concurring upon the same day, whereby it may
be inexpedient to require every minister at all times to read
the whole ; it may be left to the discretion of the minister, to
CHAPTER vii.] the Book of Common Prayer. 307
omit part of it, as occasion shall require : which liberty we
find to be allowed even in the first Common Prayer Book of
Edward VI.
VIII. That in regard of the many defects which have been
5 observed in that version of the Scriptures, which is used
throughout the Liturgy (manifold instances whereof may be
produced, as in the epistle for the first Sunday after Epiphany,
taken out of Romans xii. 1, "Be ye changed in your shape ;"
and the epistle for the Sunday next before Easter, taken out
10 of Philippians ii. 5, "Found in his apparel as a man;" as
also the epistle for the fourth Sunday in Lent, taken out of
the fourth of the Galatians, " Mount Sinai is Agar in Arabia,
and bordereth upon the city which is now called Jerusalem."
The epistle for St. Matthew s day taken out of the second
i5 epistle of Corinth, and the 4th, " We go not out of kind."
The gospel for the second Sunday after Epiphany, taken out
of the second of John, " When men be drunk." The gospel
for the third Sunday in Lent, taken ont of the llth of Luke,
" One house doth fall upon another." The gospel for the
20 Annunciation, taken out of the first of Luke, " This is the
sixth month which was called barren," and many other places) ;
we therefore desire instead thereof the new translation allowed
by authority may alone be used.
IX. That inasmuch as the Holy Scriptures are able to make
25 us wise unto salvation, to furnish us throughly unto all good
works, and contain in them all things necessary, either in
doctrine to be believed, or in duty to be practised ; whereas
divers chapters of the apocryphal books appointed to be read,
are charged to be in both respects of dubious and uncertain
30 credit : it is therefore desired, that nothing be read in the
church for lessons, but the Holy Scriptures of the Old and
New Testament.
X. That the minister be not required to rehearse any part
of the Liturgy at the communion-table, save only those parts
3 5 which properly belong to the Lord s supper ; and that at such
times only when the said holy supper is administred.
XI. That as the word " minister" and not priest, or curate,
is used in the Absolution, and in divers other places ; it may
throughout the whole book be so used instead of those two
x 2
308 The exceptions against [DOCUMENTS.
words ; and that instead of the word " Sunday, 1 the word
" LordVday," may be every where used.
XII. Because singing of psalms is a considerable part of
publick worship, we desire that the version set forth and
allowed to be sung in churches, may be amended ; or that we 5
may have leave to make use of a purer version.
XIII. That all obsolete words in the Common-Prayer, and
such whose use is changed from their first significancy, as
" aread" used in the gospel for the Monday and Wednesday
before Easter; " Then opened he their wits/ used in the gospel 10
for Easter Tuesday, &c. may be altered unto other words
generally received, and better understood.
XIV. That no portions of the Old Testament, or of the Acts
of the Apostles, be called " epistles," and read as such.
XV. That whereas throughout the several offices, the phrase i5
is such as presumes all persons (within the communion of the
church) to be regenerated, converted, and in an actual state
of grace, (which, had ecclesiastical discipline been truly and
vigorously executed, in the exclusion of scandalous and obsti
nate sinners, might be better supposed ; but there having 20
been, and still being a confessed want of that, (as in the
Liturgy is acknowledged,) it cannot be rationally admitted
in the utmost latitude of charity) : we desire that this may
be reformed.
XVI. That whereas orderly connection of prayers, and of 25
particular petitions and expressions, together with a com
petent length of the forms used, are tending much to edifi
cation, and to gain the reverence of people to them ; there
appears to us too great a neglect of both, of this order, and
of other just laws, of method. 30
PARTICULARLY.
1. The collects are generally short, many of them con
sisting but of one, or at most two sentences of petition ; and
these generally ushered in with a repeated mention of the
name and attributes of God, and presently concluding with 3 5
the name and merits of Christ; whence are caused many
unnecessary intercisions and abruptions, which when many
petitions are to be offered at the same time, are neither
CHAPTER vii.] the Book of Common Prayer. 309
agreeable to scriptural examples, nor suited to the gravity
and seriousness of that holy duty.
2. The prefaces of many collects have not any clear and
special respect to the following petitions ; and particular
5 petitions are put together, which have not any due order,
nor evident connection one with another, nor suitableness
with the occasions upon which they are used, but seem to
have fallen in rather casually, than from an orderly con
trivance.
10 It is desired, that instead of those various collects, there
may be one methodical and intire form of prayer composed
out of many of them.
XVII. That whereas the publick liturgy of a church should in
reason comprehend the summ of all such sins as are ordinarily
1 5 to be confessed in prayer by the church, and of such petitions
and thanksgivings as are ordinarily by the church to be put
up to God, and the publick catechisms or systems of doctrine,
should summarily comprehend all such doctrines as are
necessary to be believed, and these explicitly set down ; the
20 present liturgy as to all these seems very defective.
PARTICULARLY.
1. There is no preparatory prayer in our address to God
for assistance or acceptance ; yet many collects in the midst
of the worship have little or nothing else.
25 2. The Confession is very defective, not clearly expressing
original sin, nor sufficiently enumerating actual sins, with
their aggravations, but consisting only of generals ; whereas
confession being the exercise of repentance, ought to be more
particular.
30 3. There is also a great defect as to such forms of publick
praise and thanksgiving, as are suitable to gospel- worship.
4. The whole body of the common-prayer also consisteth
very much of meer generals : as, " to have our prayers
heard to be kept from all evil, and from all enemies, and
35 all adversity, that we might do God s will;"" without any
mention of the particulars in which these generals exist.
X 3
310 The exceptions against [DOCUMENTS.
5. The Catechism is defective as to many necessary doc
trines of our religion ; some even of the essentials of
Christianity not mentioned except in the Creed, and there
not so explicite as ought to be in a catechism.
XVIII. Because this Liturgy containeth the imposition of 5
divers ceremonies which from the first reformation have by
sundry learned and pious men been judged unwarrantable, as
1. That publick worship may not be celebrated by any
minister that dare not wear a surpless.
2. That none may baptise, nor be baptised, without the 10
transient image of the cross, which hath at least the sem
blance of a sacrament of human institution, being used as
an ingaging sign in our first and solemn covenanting with
Christ, and the duties whereunto we are really obliged by
baptism, being more expresly fixed to that airy sign than i5
to this holy sacrament.
8. That none may receive the Lord s supper that dare not
kneel in the act of receiving ; but the minister must exclude
all such from the communion : although such kneeling not
only differs from the practice of Christ and of his apostles, 20
but (at least on the Lord s day) is contrary to the practice
of the catholick church for many hundred years after, and
forbidden by the most venerable councils that ever were in
the Christian world. All which impositions are made yet
more grievous by that subscription to their lawfulness which 25
the canon exacts, and by the heavy punishment upon the
non-observance of them which the Act of Uniformity inflicts.
And it being doubtful whether God hath given power unto
men, to institute in his worship such mystical teaching signs,
which not being necessary in genere, fall not under the rule of 3
" doing all things decently, orderly, and to edification," and
which once granted will, upon the same reason, open a door
to the arbitrary imposition of numerous ceremonies of which
St. Augustine complained in his days ; and the things in
controversie being in the judgment of the imposers con-35
fessedly indifferent, who do not so much as pretend any
real goodness in them of themselves, otherwise than what
CHAPTER vii.] the Book of Common Prayer. 311
is derived from their being imposed, and consequently the
imposition ceasing, that will cease also, and the worship of
God not become indecent without them.
Whereas in the other hand, on the judgment of the
5 opposers, they are by some held sinful, and unlawful in
themselves ; by others very inconvenient and unsuitable to
the simplicity of gospel worship, and by all of them very
grievous and burthensome, and therefore not at all tit to be
put in ballance with the peace of the church, which is more
10 likely to be promoted by their removal than continuance:
considering also how tender our Lord and Saviour himself
is of weak brethren, declaring it much better for a man to
have " milstone hang d about his neck, and be cast into
the depth of the sea, than to offend one of his little ones :"
1 5 and how the apostle Paul (who had as great a legislative
power in the Church as any under Christ) held himself obliged
by that common rule of charity, " not to lay a stumbling
block, or an occasion of offence before a weak brother, chus-
ing rather not to eat flesh whiles the world stands * 1 (though
20 in itself a thing lawful) " than offend his brother for whom
Christ died." We cannot but desire that these ceremonies
may not be imposed on them, who judge such impositions a
violation of the royalty of Christ, and an impeachment of his
laws as insufficient, and are under the holy awe of that which
25 is written, Deut. xii. 32 ; " What thing soever I command
you, observe to do it ; thou shalt not add thereto, nor diminish
from it ;" but that there may be either a total abolition of
them, or at least such a liberty, that those who are unsatisfied
concerning their lawfulness or expediency, may not be com-
30 pelled to the practice of them, or subscription to them ; but
may be permitted to enjoy their ministerial function, and
communion with the Church without them.
The rather because these ceremonies have for above an
hundred years been the fountain of manifold evils in this
35 church and nation, occasioning sad divisions between ministers
and ministers, as also between ministers and people, exposing
many orthodox, pious, and peaceable ministers, to the dis
pleasure of their rulers, casting them on the edge of the
penal statutes, to the loss not only of their livings and
The exceptions against [DOCUMENTS.
liberties, but also of their opportunities for the service of
Christ and his Church ; and forcing people either to worship
God in such a manner as their own consciences condemn, or
doubt of, or else to forsake our assemblies, as thousands have
done. And no better fruits than these can be looked for 5
from the retaining and imposing of these ceremonies, unless
we could presume, that all his Majest/s subjects should have
the same subtilty of judgment to discern even to a ceremony
how far the power of man extends in the things of God,
which is not to be expected ; or should yield obedience to all 10
the impositions of men concerning them, without inquiring
into the will of God, which is not to be desired.
We do therefore most earnestly entreat the right reverend
fathers and brethren, to whom these papers are delivered, as
they tender the glory of God, the honour of religion, the peace i5
of the Church, the service of his Majesty in the accom
plishment of that happy union, which his Majesty hath so
abundantly testified his desires of, to joyn with us in impor
tuning his most excellent Majesty, that his most gracious
indulgence, as to these ceremonies, granted in his royal 20
Declaration, may be confirmed and continued to us and our
posterities, and extended to such as do not yet enjoy the
benefit thereof.
XIX. As to that passage in his Majesty^s commission, where
we are authorized, and required to compare the present 26
liturgy with the most ancient liturgies which have been used
in the church in the most purest and primitive times ; we
have in obedience to his Majesty s commission, made enquiry,
but cannot find any records of known credit, concerning any
entire forms of liturgy, within the first three hundred years, 3
which are confessed to be as the most primitive, so the purest
ages of the church, nor any impositions of liturgies upon
any national church for some hundreds of years after. We
find indeed some liturgical forms fathered upon St. Basil,
St. Chrysostome, and St. Ambrose, but we have not seen 3^
any copies of them, but such as give us sufficient evidence to
conclude them either wholly spurious, or so interpolated,
that we cannot make a judgment which in them hath any
primitive authority.
CHAPTER vii.] the Book of Common Prayer. 313
Having thus in general expressed our desires, we come
now to particulars, which we find numerous and of a various
nature ; some, we grant, are of inferior consideration, verbal
rather than material, (which, were they not in the publick
5 Liturgy of so famous a church, we should not have men
tioned,) others dubious and disputable, as not having a clear
foundation in Scripture for their warrant : but some there be
that seem to be corrupt, and to carry in them a repugnancy
to the rule of the Gospel; and therefore have administred
10 just matter of exception and offence to many, truly religious
and peaceable ; not of a private station only, but learned
and judicious divines, as well of other reformed churches as
of the church of England, ever since the reformation.
We know much hath been spoken and written by way of
i5 apology in answer to many things that have been objected ;
but yet the doubts and scruples of tender consciences still
continue or rather are increased. We do humbly conceive
it therefore a work worthy of those wonders of salvation,
which God hath wrought for his Majesty now on the throne,
20 and for the whole kingdom, and exceedingly becoming the
ministers of the Gospel of peace, with all holy moderation
and tenderness to endeavour the removal of every thing out
of the worship of God which may justly offend or grieve the
spirits of sober and godly people. The things themselves
25 that are desired to be removed, not being of the foundation
of religion, nor the essentials of publick worship, nor the
removal of them any way tending to the prejudice of the
church or state : therefore their continuance and rigorous
imposition can no ways be able to countervail the laying
30 aside of so many pious and able ministers, and the uncon
ceivable grief that will arise to multitudes of his Maje sty s
most loyal and peaceable subjects, who upon all occasions
are ready to serve him with their prayers, estates, and lives.
For the preventing of which evils we humbly desire that
3$ these particulars following may be taken into serious and
tender consideration.
314
The exceptions against
[DOCUMENTS.
CONCERNING MORNING AND EVENING PRAYER.
Rubrick.
That morning and even
ing prayer shall be used
in the accustomed place
of the church, chancel, or
chappel, except it be
otherwise determined by
the ordinary of the place ;
and the chancel shall re
main as in times past.
Exception.
We desire that the words
of the first rubrick may be
expressed as in the books
established by authority of
parliament 5 and 6 Edw. VI.
thus ; " The morning and
evening prayer shall be
used in such place of the 10
church, chappel, or chancel,
and the minister shall so
turn him, as the people
may best hear, and if there be any controversie therein,
the matter shall be referred to the ordinary." i5
Rubrick.
And here is to be noted,
that the minister, at the
time of the communion,
and at other times, in his
ministration, shall use such
ornaments in the church,
as were in use by authority
of parliament, in the se
cond year of the reign of
Edward the Sixth, accord
ing to the act of parlia
ment.
Exception.
Forasmuch as this rubrick
seemeth to bring back the
cope, albe, &c., and other
vestments forbidden by the 20
Common Prayer Book, 5 and
6 Edw. VI. and so our rea
sons alledged against cere
monies under our eighteenth
general exception, we desire 25
it may be wholly left out.
Exception.
We desire that these words,
" For thine is the kingdom,
the power and the glory,
for ever and ever. Amen," 11
may be always added unto the Lord s Prayer ; and tha t this
prayer may not be enjoy ned to be so often used in morning
and evening service.
Rubrick.
The Lord s Prayer after
the Absolution ends thus,
" Deliver us from evil."
CHAPTER vn.J the Book of Common Prayer.
315
Kubrick.
And at the end of
every Psalm throughout
the year, and likewise in
5 the end of Benedictus,
Benedidte, Magnificat, and
Nunc Dimittis, shall be
repeated, " Glory be to the
Father," &c.
Exception.
By this rubrick, and other
places in the Common Prayer
books, the Gloria Patri is
appointed to be said six times
ordinarily in every morning
and evening service, fre
quently eight times in a
morning, sometimes ten,
which we think carries with
it at least an appearance of
10 that vain repetition which Christ forbids; for the avoiding of
which appearance of evil, we desire it may be used but once
in the morning, and once in the evening.
Rubrick.
In such places where
iSthey do sing, there shall
the Lessons be sung, in
a plain tune, and likewise
the Epistle and Gospel.
Exception.
The Lessons, and the Epi
stles, and Gospels, being for
the most part neither psalms
nor hymns, we know no war
rant why they should be sung
in any place, and conceive
that the distinct reading of
them with an audible voice tends more to the edification of
20 the church.
RubricJc.
Or this canticle, Bene-
dicite omnia opera.
Exception.
We desire that some Psalm
or Scripture hymn may be
appointed instead of that
Apocryphal.
IN THE LETANY.
Rubrick.
25 From all fornication,
and all other deadly sin.
Exception.
In regard that the wages
of sin is death ; we desire
that this clause may be thus
altered ; " From fornication, and all other heinous, or grievous
sins."
316
The exceptions against
[DOCUMENTS.
Rubrick. Exception.
From battel, and mur- Because this expression of
ther, and sudden death. " sudden death" hath been
so often excepted against, we
desire, if it be thought fit, it may be thus read : " From 5
battel and murther, and from dying suddenly, and unpre-
Exception.
We desire the term " all"
may be advised upon, as 10
seeming liable to just excep
tions ; and that it may be
considered, whether it may
not better be put indefinitely,
" those that travel," &c. ra- 15
ther than universally.
Rubrick.
That it may please thee
to preserve all that travel
by land or by water, all
women labouring with
child, all sick persons, and
young children, and to
shew thy pity upon all
prisoners and captives.
THE COLLECT ON CHRISTMAS DAY.
Kubrick
Almighty God, which
Exception.
We desire that in both
hast given us thy only collec ts the word " this day" 20
begotten Son, to take our ma ^ be left out > Jt bein
nature upon him, and this accordin S to vulgar accepta-
-, , , tion a contradiction.
clay to be born of a pure
virgin, &c.
Rubrick.
Then shall follow the
collect of the Nativity,
which shall be said conti
nually unto new-years-day.
THE COLLECT FOR WHITSUNDAY.
Rubrick.
God which upon this day,
CHAPTER vii.] the Book of Common Prayer.
317
RubricJc.
The same collect to be
read on Monday and Tues
day in Whitson-week.
5 RubricJc.
The two collects for St.
John s day, and Innocents,
the collects for the first
day in Lent, for the fourth
10 Sunday after Easter, for
Trinity Sunday, for the sixth and twelfth Sunday after
Trinity, for St. Luke s day, and Michaelmas day.
Exception.
We desire that these col
lects may be further consider
ed and abated, as having in
them divers things that we
judge fit to be altered.
THE ORDER FOR THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE LORD S SUPPER.
Exception.
The time here assigned for
RubricJc.
1 5 So many as intend to be
partakers of the holy com- notice to be g iven to the mi -
munion shall signifie their nister is not sufficient,
names to the curate over
night, or else in the morning before the beginning
20 of morning prayer, or immediately after.
RubricJc.
And if any of these be
a notorious evil liver, the
Exception.
We desire the ministers 1
power both to admit and
curate, having knowledge kee P from the Lord s . tabl
,, P i n n i . -, may be according to his Ma-
25 thereof, shall call him and . ; , , , ^
jesty s declaration, 25tn Oct.,
advertize him in any wise l6(JOj in these wordS; The
minister shall admit none to
the Lord s supper till they
have made a creditable pro
fession of their faith, and promised obedience to the will of
30 God, according as is expressed in the considerations of the
rubrick before the Catechism ; and that all possible diligence
not to presume
Lord s table.
to the
318
The exceptions against
[DOCUMENTS.
be used for the instruction and reformation of scandalous
offenders, whom the minister shall not suffer to partake of
the Lord s table until they have openly declared themselves
to have truly repented and amended their former naughty
lives, as is partly expressed in the rubrick, and more fully in 5
the canons."
Rubrick.
Then shall the priest
rehearse distinctly all the
ten commandments, and
the people kneeling, shall
after every commandment
ask God s mercy for trans
gressing the same.
Exception.
We desire,
1. That the preface pre
fixed by God himself to the 10
ten commandments may be
restored.
%. That the fourth com
mandment may be read as in
Exod. xx., Deut. v., " He i5
blessed the Sabbath day."
3. That neither minister nor people may be enjoyned
to kneel more at the reading of this than of other parts of
Scriptures, the rather because many ignorant persons are
thereby induced to use the ten commandments as a prayer.
4. That, instead of those short prayers of the people inter- 20
mixed with the several commandments, the minister, after
the reading of all, may conclude with a suitable prayer.
Rubrick.
After the Creed, if there
be no sermon, shall follow
one of the homilies already
set forth, or hereafter to
be set forth by common
authority.
After such sermon, ho
mily, or exhortation, the
curate shall declare, &c.,
Exception.
We desire that the preach
ing of the word may be
strictly enjoined, and not left
so indifferent, at the adminis- 25
tration of the sacraments ; as
also that ministers may not
be bound to those things
which are as yet but future
and not in being. 30
Two of the sentences here
cited are apocryphal, and four
of them more proper to draw
CHAPTER vii.] the Book of Common Prayer.
319
and earnestly exhort them
to remember the poor,
saying one or more of
these sentences following.
5 Then shall the church
wardens, or some other by
them appointed, gather
the devotion of the people.
out the people s bounty to
their ministers, than their
charity to the poor.
Collection for the poor may
be better made at or a little
before the departing of the
communicants.
If it be intended that these
exhortations should be read
at the communion, they seem
to us to be unseasonable.
Exhortation.
10 We be come together
at this time to feed at the
Lords supper, unto the
which in Gods behalf I
bid you all that be here
i5 present, and beseech you, for the Lord Jesus Christ
sake, that ye will not refuse to come, &c.
The way and means thereto is first to examine
your lives and conversations ; and if ye shall perceive
your offences to be such as be not only against God,
20 but also against your neighbours, then ye shall recon
cile your selves unto them, and be ready to make resti
tution and satisfaction.
And because it is requi
site that no man should
2 5 come to the holy commu
nion but with a full trust
in God s mercy and with a
quiet conscience.
Before the Confession.
30 Then shall this general
confession be made in the
We fear this may discou
rage many from coming to
the sacrament, who lye under
a doubting and troubled con
science.
We desire it may be made
by the minister only.
820
The exceptions against
[DOCUMENTS.
name of all those that are minded to receive the holy
communion either by one of them, or else by one of
the ministers, or by the priest himself,
Before the Confession.
Then shall the priest or
the bishop (being present)
stand up, and turning him
self to the people, say
thus.
Before tlie preface on Christ
mas day, and seven days after.
Because thou didst give
Jesus Christ, thine only
Son, to be born as this
day for us, &c.
Upon Whitsunday, and six
days after.
According to whose
most true promise, the
Holy Ghost came down
this day from heaven.
Prayer lefore that which is at
the consecration.
Grant us that our sin
ful bodies may be made
clean by his body, and our
souls washed through his
most precious blood.
Exception.
The minister turning him- 5
self to the people is most con
venient throughout the whole
ministration.
First, we cannot perempto
rily fix the nativity of our 10
Saviour to this or that day
particularly. Secondly, it
seems incongruous to affirm
the birth of Christ and the
descending of the Holy Ghost i5
to be on this day for seven
or eight days together.
We desire, that whereas
these words seem to give a
greater efficacy to the blood
than to the body of Christ, 20
they may be altered thus,
" That our sinful souls and
bodies may be cleansed
through his precious body
and blood." 25
CHAPTER vii.] the Book of Common Prayer.
Prayer at the consecration.
Hear us, O merciful Fa
ther, &c., who in the same
night that he was betrayed
5 took bread, and when he
had given thanks, he brake
it, and gave to his disci
ples, saying, Take, eat, &c.
We conceive that the man
ner of the consecrating of the
elements is not here explicite
and distinct enough, and the
minister s breaking of the
bread is not so much as men
tioned.
so
Rubrick.
Then shall the minister
first receive the commu
nion in both kinds, &c.,
and after deliver it to the
people in their hands,
1 5 kneeling; and when he
delivereth the bread, he
We desire, that at the dis
tribution of the bread and
wine to the communicants, we
may use the words of our
Saviour as near as may be,
and that the minister be not
required to deliver the bread
and wine into every particu-
was given for thee, preserve
20 thy body and soul unto
everlasting life, and take
and eat this in remem
brance," &c.
shall say, " The body of our lar communicant s hand, and
Lord Jesus Christ, which to repeat the words to each
one in the singular number,
but that it may suffice to
speak them to divers jointly,
according to our Saviour s ex
ample.
We also desire that the
kneeling at the sacrament (it
being not that gesture which
the apostles used, though Christ was personally present
25 amongst them, nor that which was used in the purest and
primitive times of the Church) may be left free, as it
was 1 and 2 Edw., " As touching kneeling, Sec., they may
be used or left as every man s devotion serveth, without
blame."
30 Rubrick.
And note, that every
parishioner shall commu-
Exception.
Forasmuch as every pari
shioner is not duly qualified
The exceptions against [DOCUMENTS.
nicate at the least three for the Lord s supper, and
times in the year, of which those habitually prepared are
Easter to be one, and not at a11 times actuall y dis
iii! . ., posed, but many may be hin-
shall also receive the sa- *,,,,, .,
dered by the providence of 5
craments and other rites, ^ and gome by the dig _
according to the orders in temper of their own spiri ts,
this book appointed. we desire this rubrick may be
either wholly omitted, or thus
altered : 10
" Every minister shall be bound to administer the sacra
ment of the Lord s supper at least thrice a year, provided
there be a due number of communicants manifesting their
desires to receive."
And we desire that the following rubrick in the Common i5
Prayer-book, in 5 and 6 Edw., established by law as much
as any other part of the Common Prayer-book, may be re
stored for the vindicating of our Church in the matter of
kneeling at the sacrament (although the gesture be left in
different) : " Although no order can be so perfectly devised 20
but it may be of some, either for their ignorance and in
firmity, or else of malice and obstinacy, misconstrued, de
praved, and interpreted in a wrong part ; and yet, because
brotherly charity willeth that, so much as conveniently may
be, offences should be taken away ; therefore are we willing to 26
do the same. Whereas it is ordained in the Book of Com
mon-prayer, in the administration of the Lord s supper, that
the communicant kneeling should receive the holy commu
nion, which thing being well meant for a signification of the
humble and grateful acknowledging of the benefits of Christ 3
given unto the worthy receivers, and to avoid the prophana-
tion and disorder which about the holy communion might
else ensue, lest yet the same kneeling might be thought or
taken otherwise, we do declare, that it is not meant thereby
that any adoration is done or ought to be done either unto 3^
the sacramental bread or wine there bodily received, or unto
any real or essential presence there being of Christ s natural
flesh and blood : for as concerning the sacramental bread and
wine, they remain still in their very natural substances, and
CHAPTER vii.] the Book of Common Prayer. 323
therefore may not be adored, for that were idolatry to be
abhorred of all faithful Christians; and as concerning the
natural body and blood of our Saviour Christ, they are in
heaven, and not here, for it is against the truth of Christ s
5 natural body to be in more places than in one at one time."
OF PUBLIC BAPTISM.
There being divers learned, pious and peaceable ministers
who not only judge it unlawful to baptize children whose
parents both of them are atheists, infidels, hereticks, or un-
10 baptised, but also such whose parents are excommunicate
persons, fornicators, or otherwise notorious and scandalous
sinners ; we desire they may not be enforced to baptize the
children of such, until they have made due profession of their
repentance.
X 5 Before Baptism.
RubricJc. Exception.
Parents shall give no- We desire that more timely
tice over night, or in the notice may be given,
morning.
20 Rubrick. Exception.
And the godfathers, and Here is no mention of the
the godmothers, and the P^ents, in whose right the
i, 1, i i;i o child is baptised, and who are
people with the children,
* fittest both to dedicate it
unto God, and to covenant for
it : we do not know that any
25 persons except the parents, or some others appointed by
them, have any power to consent for the children, or to enter
them into covenant. We desire it may be left free to parents,
whether they will have sureties to undertake for their children
in baptism or no.
The exceptions against
[DOCUMENTS.
Rubrick.
Ready at the font.
In the first Prayer.
By the baptism of thy
welbeloved Son, &c., didst
sanctify the flood Jordan,
and all other waters, to
the mystical washing away
of sin, &c.
The third Exhortation.
Do promise by you that
be their sureties.
Exception.
We desire it may be so
placed as all the congregation
may best see and hear the
whole administration.
It being doubtful whether 5
either the flood Jordan or
any other waters were sancti
fied to a sacramental use by
Christ s being baptized, and
not necessary to be asserted, 10
we desire this may be other
wise expressed.
The Questions.
Doest thou forsake, &c.
Doest thou believe, &c.
Wilt thou be baptized,
We know not by what right
the sureties do promise and
answer in the name of the i5
infant : it seemeth to us also
to countenance the anabap-
tistical opinion of the neces
sity of an actual profession of
faith and repentance in order 20
to baptism. That such a pro
fession may be required of
parents in their own name,
and now solemnly renewed when they present their children
to baptism, we willingly grant : but the asking of one for 26
another is a practice whose warrant we doubt of; and there
fore we desire that the two first interrogatories may be put
to the parents to be answered in their own names, and the
last propounded to the parents or pro-parents thus, " Will
you have this child baptized into this faith ?" 30
The second Prayer before
Baptism.
May receive remission This expression seeming in-
of sins by spiritual regene- convenient, we desire it may
ration. ^ e changed into this ; " May
be regenerated and receive
the remission of sins." 35
CHAPTER vii.] the Book of Common Prayer.
325
In the Prayer after .Baptism.
That it hath pleased
thee to regenerate this
infant by thy Holy Spirit.
After Baptism.
Then shall the priest
make a cross, &c.
We cannot in faith say,
that every child that is bap
tized is "regenerated by God^s
Holy Spirit ;" at least it is a
disputable point, and there
fore we desire it may be other
wise expressed.
Concerning the cross in
baptism, we refer to our 18th
general.
OF PRIVATE BAPTISM.
We desire that baptism may not be administred in a
10 private place at any time, unless by a lawful minister, and in
the presence of a competent number : that where it is evident
that any child hath been so baptised, no part of the adminis
tration may be reiterated in publick, under any limitations :
and therefore we see no need of any Liturgy in that case.
OF THE CATECHISM.
Catechism.
1 Quest. What is your
Name, &c. ?
2! Quest. Who gave you
20 that Name?
Ans. My godfathers and
my godmothers in my bap
tism.
3 Quest. What did your
2 5 godfathers and godmothers
do for you in baptism ?
2 Ans. In my baptism,
wherein I was made a
Exception.
We desire these three first
questions may be altered ;
considering that the far greater
number of persons baptized
within these twenty years last
past, had no godfathers or
godmothers at their baptism ;
the like to be done in the
seventh question.
We conceive it might be
more safely expressed thus ;
" Wherein I was visibly ad
mitted into the number of
the members of Christ, the
Y3
The exceptions against
[DOCUMENTS.
children of God, and the
heirs (rather than inherit
ors ) of the kingdom of
heaven."
We desire that the com- 5
mandments be inserted ac
cording to the new transla
tion of the Bible.
In this answer there seems
to be particular respect to the 10
several commandments of the
first table, as in the following answer to those of the second.
And therefore we desire it may be advised upon, whether to
the last word of this answer may not be added, " particularly
on the Lord s day," otherwise there being nothing in all this i5
answer that refers to the fourth commandment.
child of God, a member of
Christ, and an inheritor of
the kingdom of heaven.
Of the Rehearsal of the Ten
Commandments.
10 Am. My duty to
wards God is to believe in
him, &;c.
14 Quest. How many sa
craments hath Christ or
dained, &c. ?
Ans. Two only, as gene
rally necessary to salva
tion.
19 Quest. What is re
quired of persons to be
baptized ?
Ans. Repentance, where
by they forsake sin ; and
faith, whereby they sted-
fastly believe the promises
of God, &c.
20 Quest. Why then are
infants baptized when by
reason of their tender age
they cannot perform them?
That these words may be
omitted, and answer thus
given ; " Two only, baptism
and the Lord s supper." 20
We desire that the entring
infants into God s covenant
may be more warily expressed,
and that the words may not
seem to found their baptism 26
upon a really actual faith and
repentance of their own ; and
we desire that a promise may
not be taken for a perform
ance of such faith and repent- 30
ance : and especially, that it
be not asserted, that they per
form these by the promise of
their sureties, it being to the
seed of believers that the cove- 35
CHAPTER vii.] the Book of Common Prayer. 327
Ans. Yes : they do per- nant of God is made ; and not
form by their sureties, who ( that we can find ) to a11 tha *
promise and vow them have such believing sureties,
i ^ . ,T . who are neither parents nor
both in their names. p ^. ^ . .. .
pro-parents of the child.
5 In the general we observe, that the doctrine of the sacra
ments which was added upon the conference at Hampton-
Court, is much more fully and particularly delivered than the
other parts of the Catechism, in short answers fitted to the
memories of children, and thereupon we offer it to be con-
iosidered :
First, Whether there should not be a more distinct and full
explication of the Creed, the Commandments, and the Lord s
Prayer.
Secondly, Whether it were not convenient to add (what
1 5 seems to be wanting) somewhat particularly concerning the
nature of faith, of repentance, the two covenants, of justifica
tion, sanctification, adoption, and regeneration.
OF CONFIRMATION.
The last Rubrick before the
20 Catechism.
And that no man shall Although we charitably sup-
think that any detriment P ose the meaning of these
shall come to children by words was only to exclude the
1 _ * ,i_ f necessity of any other sacra-
defemnff of their confirm- , , ,. , . e
ments to baptized infants ; yet
2 5ation, he shall know for these words are dangerous as
truth, that it is certain by to the misleading of the vul-
God s word, that children gar, and therefore we desire
being baptized, have all they may be expunged,
things necessary for their
3 salvation, and be undoubt
edly saved.
Rubrick after the Catechism.
So soon as the children We conceive that it is not
can say in their mother- a sufficient qualification for
328
Tlie exceptions against
[DOCUMENTS.
tongue the Articles of the
Faith, the Lord s Prayer,
and the Ten Command
ments, and can answer such
other questions of this short
Catechism, &c. then shall
they be brought to the
bishop, &c. and the bishop
shall confirm them.
confirmation,, that children be
able tnemoriter to repeat the
Articles of the Faith, com
monly called the Apostles
Creed, the Lord s Prayer, and 5
the Ten Commandments, and
to answer to some questions
of this short Catechism ; for it
is often found that children
are able to do all this at four 10
or five years old. 2dly, It
crosses what is said in the
third reason of the first Kubrick before confirmation, concern
ing the usage of the Church in times past, ordaining that
confirmation should be ministred unto them that were ofi5
perfect age, that they being instructed in the Christian reli
gion, should openly profess their own faith, and promise to
be obedient to the will of God. And therefore (3dly), we
desire that none may be confirmed but according to his
Majesty s Declaration, viz., " That confirmation be rightly 20
and solemnly performed by the information, and with the
consent of the minister of the place."
Rubrick after the Catechism.
This seems to bring in an
other sort of godfathers and
godmothers, besides those 25
made use of in baptism; and
we see no need either of the
one or the other.
Then shall they be
brought to the bishop by
one that shall be his god
father, or godmother.
The Prayer before the Impo
sition of Hcunds.
Who hast vouchsafed to
regenerate these thy ser
vants by water and the
Holy Ghost, and hast given
unto them the forgiveness
of all their sins.
This supposeth that all the
children who are brought to 30
be confirmed have the Spirit
of Christ, and the forgiveness
of all their sins ; whereas a
great number of children at
that age, having committed 3 5
many sins since their baptism,
CHAPTER vii. J the Book of Common Prayer.
329
do shew no evidence of serious repentance, or of any special
saving grace ; and therefore this confirmation (if administred
to such) would be a perillous and gross abuse.
Rubrick before the Imposition
5 of Hands.
Then the bishop shall
lay his hand on every child
severally.
This seems to put a higher
value upon confirmation than
upon baptism or the Lord^s
supper ; for according to the
Kubrick and order in the
Common Prayer Book, every deacon may baptize, and every
10 minister may consecrate and administer the Lord^s supper,
but the bishop only may confirm.
The Prayer after Imposition
of Hands.
We make our humble
1 5 supplications unto thee for
these children ; upon whom,
after the example of thy
holy apostles, we have laid
our hands, to certifie them
20 by this sign of thy favour
and gracious goodness to
wards them.
We desire that the prac
tice of the apostles may not
be alledged as a ground of
this imposition of hands for
the confirmation of children,
both because the apostles did
never use it in that case, as
also because the Articles of
the Church of England de
clare it to be a " corrupt imi
tation of the apostles 1 prac
tice," Acts xxv.
We desire that imposition of hands may not be made, as
here it is, a sign to certifie children of God^s grace and favour
26 towards them ; because this seems to speak it a sacrament, and
is contrary to that fore -mentioned 25th article, which saith,
that " Confirmation hath no visible sign appointed by God."
The last Rubrick after Con
firmation.
3 o None shall be admitted
to the holy communion,
We desire that confirma
tion may not be made so ne-
330
The exceptions against
[DOCUMENTS.
until such time as he can
say the Catechism, and be
confirmed.
cessary to the holy commu
nion, as that none should be
admitted to it unless they be
confirmed.
OF THE FORM OF SOLEMNIZATION OF MATRIMONY.
The man shall give the
woman a ring, &c.
shall surely perform and
keep the vow and cove
nant betwixt them made,
whereof this ring given
and received is a token
and pledge, &c.
The man shall say, With
my body I thee worship.
In the name of the Fa
ther, and of the Son, and
of the Holy Ghost.
Seeing this ceremony of the
ring in marriage is made ne
cessary to it, and a signifi
cant sign of the vow and cove
nant betwixt the parties ; and 10
Romish ritualists give such
reasons for the use and insti
tution of the ring, as are
either frivolous or supersti
tious ; it is desired that this i5
ceremony of the ring in mar
riage may be left indifferent,
to be used or forborn.
This word "worship" being
much altered in the use of it 20
since this form was first drawn
up ; we desire some other word
may be used instead of it.
These words being only
used in Baptism, and here in 26
the Solemnization of Matri
mony, and in the Absolution
of the Sick ; we desire it may be considered, whether they
should not be here omitted, least they should seem to favour
those who count matrimony a sacrament. 30
Till death us depart.
Rubrick.
Then the minister or
clerk going to the Lord s
table, shall say or sing this
psalm.
This word " depart" is here
improperly used.
Exception.
We conceive this change of
place and posture mentioned 36
in these two Kubricks is need
less, and therefore desire it
may be omitted.
CHAPTER vii.] the Book of Common Prayer. 331
Next Rubrick.
The psalm ended, and the man and the woman
kneeling before the Lord s table, the priest standing at
the table, and turning his face, &c.
5 Collect. Exception.
Consecrated the state of Seeing the institution of
matrimony to such an ex- marriage was before the fall,
cellent mystery. and so before the ?~ Q *
Christ, as also for that the
said passage in this collect seems to countenance the opinion
10 of making matrimony a sacrament, we desire that clause may
be altered or omitted.
Rubrick.
Then shall begin the
communion, and after the
i5 Gospel shall be said a
sermon, &c.
Exception.
This Rubrick doth either
enforce all such as are unfit
for the sacrament to forbear
marriage, contrary to Scrip
ture, which approves the mar
riage of all men ; or else
compels all that marry to
come to the Lord s table,
though never so unprepared ;
and therefore we desire it may
be omitted, the rather because
that marriage festivals are too
often accompanied with such divertisements as are unsuitable
to those Christian duties, which ought to be before and follow
after the receiving of that holy sacrament.
Last Rubrick.
The new married per
sons the same day of their
20 marriage must receive the
holy communion.
OF THE ORDER FOR THE VISITATION OF THE SICK.
Exception.
Forasmuch as the conditions
of sick persons be very various
and different, the minister may
not only in the exhortation, but
in the prayer also be directed
to apply himself to the parti-
2 5
Rubrick before Absolution.
Here shall the sick per
son make a special confes
sion, &c., after which con-
sofession the priest shall
absolve him after this sort :
332
exceptions against
[DOCUMENTS.
Our Lord Jesus Christ,
&c., and by his authority
committed to me, I ab
solve thee.
cular condition of the person,
as he shall find most suitable
to the present occasion,, with
due regard had both to his
spiritual condition and bodily 5
weakness ; and that the Abso
lution may only be recommended to the minister to be used
or omitted as he shall see occasion.
That the form of absolution be declarative and conditional,
as, "I pronounce thee absolved," instead of, "I absolve thee," 10
" if thou doest truly repent and believe."
OF THE COMMUNION OF THE SICK.
Rubrick.
But if the sick person
be not able to come to
church, yet is desirous to
receive the communion in
his house, then he must
give knowledge over-night,
or else early in the morn
ing, to the curate ; and
having a convenient place
in the sick man s house, he
shall there administer the
holy communion.
Consider, that many sick
persons either by their igno- 15
ranee or vicious life, without
any evident manifestation of
repentance, or by the nature
of the disease disturbing their
intellectuals, be unfit for re- 20
ceiving the sacrament. It is
proposed, that the minister
be not enjoyned to administer
the sacrament to every sick
person that shall desire it, 25
but only as he shall judge ex
pedient.
OF THE ORDER FOR THE BURIAL OF THE DEAD.
We desire it may be expressed in a Kubrick, that the
prayers and exhortations here used are not for the benefit of 30
the dead, but only for the instruction and comfort of the
living.
First RubricJc.
The priest meeting the We desire that ministers
corps at the church-stile, ma y be left to use their dis- 30
shall say, or else the priest cretion in these circumstances,
and clerk shall sing, &c. and to P erform the whole ser "
vice in the church, if they
CHAPTER vii.] the Book of Common Prayer.
333
think fit, for the preventing of these inconveniences which
many times both ministers and people are exposed unto by
standing in the open air.
The second Rulrick.
5 When they come to the
grave the priest shall say,
&c.
Forasmuch as it hath These words cannot in truth
pleased Almighty God, of be said of persons living and
10 his great mercy to take d y in g in P en and notorious
unto himself the soul of sms<
our dear brother here de
parted : we therefore "commit his body to the ground
in sure and certain hope of resurrection to eternal life.
These words may harden
the wicked > and are incon -
^ent with the largest ra-
tional charity.
1 5 The first Prayer.
We give thee hearty
thanks for that it hath
pleased thee to deliver this
. . f ,
our brother out or the
20 miseries of this sinful
world, &c.
That we with this our brother, and all other de
parted in the true faith of thy holy Name, may have
our perfect confirmation and bliss.
2 5 The last Prayer.
That when we depart
this life, we may rest in
him, as our hope is this
our brother doth.
These words cannot be used
with respect to those persons
who have not by their actual
repentance given any ground
for the hope of their blessed
estate.
334
The exceptions against
[DOCUMENTS.
OF THE THANKSGIVING OF WOMEN AFTER CHILD-BIRTH, COMMONLY
CALLED CHURCHING OF WOMEN.
The woman shall come
unto the church, and there
shall kneel down in some
convenient place nigh unto
the place where the table
stands, and the priest stand
ing by her, shall say, &c.
RubricJc.
Then the priest shall
say this Psalm, 121.
O Lord, save this wo
man thy servant.
In regard that the women s
kneeling near the table is in
many churches inconvenient, 5
we desire that these words
may be left out, and that the
minister may perform that
service either in the desk or
pulpit. I0
Exception.
This Psalm seems not to be
so pertinent as some other,
viz. as Psalm 113. and Psalm
128. iS
It may fall out that a wo
man may come to give thanks
Ans. Which putteth her for a child born in adultery
/* I i . n
trust in thee.
Last Kubrick.
The woman that comes
to give thanks, must offer
the accustomed offerings.
The same RubricJc.
And if there be a com
munion, it is convenient
that she receive the holy
communion.
or fornication, and therefore
we desire that something may 20
be required of her by way of
profession of her humiliation,
as well as of her thanksgiving.
This may seem too like a 25
Jewish purification, rather
than a Christian thanksgiving.
We desire this may be in
terpreted of the duly qualified ; 30
for a scandalous sinner may
come to make this thanks-
giving.
Thus have we in all humble pursuance of his Majesty s
most gracious endeavours for the publick weal of this Church,
CHAPTER vii.] the Book of Common Prayer. 335
drawn up our thoughts and desires in this weighty affair,
which we humbly offer to his Majesty s commissioners for
their serious and grave consideration ; wherein we have not
the least thought of depraving or reproaching the Book of
5 Common Prayer, but a sincere desire to contribute our endea
vours towards the healing the distempers, and (as soon as
may be) reconciling the minds of brethren. And inasmuch as
his Majesty hath in his gracious declaration and commission
mentioned new forms to be made and suted to the several
10 parts of worship; we have made a considerable progress
therein, and shall (by God s assistance) offer them to the
reverend commissioners with all convenient speed. And if
the Lord shall graciously please to give a blessing to these
our endeavours, we doubt not but the peace of the Church
1 5 will be thereby setled, the hearts of ministers and people
comforted and composed, and the great mercy of unity and
stability (to the immortal honour of our most dear soveraign)
bestowed upon us and our posterity after us.
VI.
The Answer of the Bishops to the Exceptions of the Ministers.
20 1. BEFORE we come to the proposals it will be perhaps
necessary to say a word or two to the Preface, wherein they
begin with a thankful acknowledgment of his Majcstie s most
princely condescension; to which we shall only say, that we
conceive the most real expression of their thankfulness had
2 5been a hearty compliance with his Ma ties earnest and pas
sionate request for the use of the present liturgy, at least
so much of it as they acknowledge by these papers to be
lawful : how far they have in this expressed their thank
fulness the world sees, we need not say.
336 The Answer of the Bishops [DOCUMENTS.
52. It can be no just cause of offence to mind them of their
duty, as they do us of ours, telling us it is our duty to imitate
the apostles practice in a special manner, to be tender of the
Churches peace, and to advise of such expedients, as may
conduce to the healing of breaches, and uniting those that 5
differ. For preserving of the Churches peace we know no
better nor more efficacious way than our set liturgy ; there
being no such way to keep us from schism, as to speak all
the same thing, according to the apostle.
3. This experience of former and latter times hath taught 10
us ; when the liturgy was duly observed we lived in peace ;
since that was laid aside there hath been as many modes
and fashions of public worship, as fancies. We have had
continual dissentions, which variety of services must needs
produce, whilst every one naturally desires, and endeavours i5
not only to maintain, but to prefer his own way before all
others ; whence we conceive there is no such way to the
preservation of peace, as for all to return to the strict use
and practice of the form.
4. And the best expedients to unite us to that again, and 20
so to peace, are, besides our prayers to the God of peace,
to make us all of one mind in a house, to labour to get true
humility, which would make us think our guides wiser and
fitter to order us than we ourselves, and Christian charity,
which would teach us to think no evil of our superiors, but to 25
judge them rather careful guides and fathers to us ; which
being obtained, nothing can be imagined justly to hinder us
from a ready compliance to this method of service appointed
by them, and so live in unity.
5. If it be objected that the liturgy is in any way sinful 30
and unlawful for us to join with, it is but reason that this be
first proved evidently before any thing be altered ; it is no
argument to say that multitudes of sober pious persons
scruple the use of it, unless it be made to appear by evident
reasons that the liturgy gave the just grounds to make such 35
scruples. For if the bare pretence of scruples be sufficient
to exempt us from obedience, all law and order is gone.
6. On the contrary, we judge that if the liturgy should be
altered, as is there required, not only a multitude but the
CHAPTER vii.] to the Exceptions of the Ministers. 337
generality of the soberest and most loyal children of the
Church of England would justly be offended, since such an
alteration would be a virtual confession that this liturgy were
an intolerable burthen to tender consciences, a direct cause
5 of schism, a superstitious usage (upon which pretences it
is here desired to be altered); which would at once both
justify all those which have so obstinately separated from
it, as the only pious tender-conscienced men, and condemn all
those that have adhered to that, in conscience of their duty
10 and loyalty, with their loss or hazard of estates, lives, and
fortunes, as men superstitious, schismatical, and void of
religion and conscience. For this reason and those that
follow, we cannot consent to such an alteration as is desired,
till these pretences be proved ; which we conceive in no wise
1 5 to be done in these papers, and shall give reasons for this our
judgment.
Prop. 1. . 1. To the first general proposal we answer,
That as to that part of it which requires that the matter
of the liturgy may not be private opinion or fancy, that being
20 the way to perpetuate schism ; the Church hath been careful
to put nothing into the liturgy, but that which is either
evidently the word of God, or what hath been generally
received in the Catholic Church ; neither of which can be
called private opinion, and if the contrary can be proved, we
25 wish it out of the liturgy.
. 2. We heartily desire that, according to this proposal,
great care may be taken to suppress those private con
ceptions of prayers before and after sermon, lest private
opinions be made the matter of prayer in public, as hath
30 and will be, if private persons take liberty to make public
prayers.
. 3. To that part of the proposal that the prayers may
consist of nothing doubtful or questioned by pious, learned,
and orthodox persons, they not determining who be
35 those orthodox persons ; we must either take all them for
orthodox persons, who shall, confidently affirm themselves
to be such, and then we say first, the demand is unrea
sonable, for some such as call themselves orthodox, have
questioned the prime article of our Creed, even the Divinity
338 The Answer of the Bishops [DOCUMENTS.
of the Son of God, and yet there is no reason we should part
with our Creed for that. Besides, the proposal requires
impossibility ; for there never was, nor is, nor can be such
prayers made, as have not been, nor will be questioned by
some who call themselves pious, learned, and orthodox. If 5
by orthodox be meant those who adhere to Scripture and
the catholic consent of antiquity, we do not yet know that
any part of our Liturgy hath been questioned by such.
. 4. To those generals " loading public form with church
pomp, garments, imagery, and many superfluities that creep TO
into the church under the name of order and decency, incum-
bering churches with superfluities, over rigid reviving of
obsolete customs, Sec." we say that if these generals be
intended as applicable to our Liturgy in particular, they
are gross and foul slanders, contrary to their profession, i5
(page ult.) and so either that or this contrary to their
conscience ; if not, they signify nothing to the present busi
ness, and so might with more prudence and candour have
been omitted.
.5. It was the wisdom of our Reformers to draw up such 20
a Liturgy as neither Romanist nor Protestant could justly
except against ; and therefore as the first never charged it
with any positive errors, but only the want of something
they conceived necessary, so it was never found fault with by
those to whom the name of Protestants most properly 25
belongs, those that profess the Augustan confession : and
for those who unlawfully and sinfully brought it into dislike
with some people, to urge the present state of affairs as an
argument why the book should be altered, to give them
satisfaction, and so that they should take advantage by their 30
own unwarrantable acts, is not reasonable.
Prop. 3, 4. The 3d and 4th proposals may go together,
the demand in both being against responsals and alternate
readings, in Hymns and Psalms and Litany, &c., and that
upon such reason as doth in truth enforce the necessity of &
continuing them as they are, namely for edification. They
would take these away, because they do not edify ; and upon
that very reason they should continue, because they do edify,
if not by informing of our reasons and understandings (the
CHAPTER vii.] to the Exceptions of the Ministers. 339
prayers and hymns were never made for a catechism), yet by
quickening, continuing, and uniting our devotion, which is apt
to freeze or sleep, or flat in a long continued prayer or form :
it is necessary therefore for the edifying of us therein to be
Soften called upon and awakened by frequent A mens, to be
excited and stirred up by mutual exultations, provocations,
petitions, holy contentions and strivings, which shall most
shew his own, and stir up others 1 zeal to the glory of God.
For this purpose alternate reading repetitions and responsals
loare far better than a long tedious prayer. Nor is this our
opinion only, but the judgment of former ages, as appears by
the practice of ancient Christian churches, and of the Jews
also : (Socrat. 1. vi. c. 8. Theodor. 1. ii. c. 24. 2 Chron. vii. 1, 4.
Ezra iii. 11.) But it seems, they say, to be against the
i5 Scripture, wherein the minister is appointed for the people in
public prayers, the people s part being to attend with silence,
and to declare their assent in the close by saying Amen :
if they mean that the people in public services must only
say this word Amen, as they can no where prove it in
20 Scriptures, so it doth certainly seem to them that it can not
be proved ; for they directly practise the contrary in one
of their principal parts of worship, singing of psalms, where
the people bear as great a part as the minister. If this
way be done in Hopkins, why not in David^s Psalms ; if
25 in metre, why not in prose ; if in a psalm, why not in a
litany ?
Prop. 5. . 1. It is desired that nothing should be in the
Liturgy which so much as seems to countenance the observa
tion of Lent as a religious fast ; and this is an expedient to
3 peace ; which is in effect to desire that this our Church may
be contentious for peace sake, and to divide from the Church
catholic, that we may live at unity among ourselves. For
St. Paul reckons them amongst the lovers of contention, who
shall oppose themselves against the customs of the Churches
35 of God. That the religious observation of Lent was a custom
of the Churches of God, appears by the testimonies following.
Chrys. Serin, xi. in Heb. x, Cyrill. Catec. Myst. 5. St. Aug.
Ep. 119. " ut 40 dies ante Pascha observentur, Ecclesise con-
suetudo roboravit." And St. Hierom, ad Marcel., says it was
340 The Answer of the Bishops [DOCUMENTS.
" secundum traditionem apostolorum :" this demand then tends
not to peace but dissention. The fasting forty days may be
in imitation of our Saviour for all that is here said to the
contrary ; for though we cannot arrive to his perfection, ab
staining wholly from meat so long, yet we may fast 40 days 5
together, either Cornelius 1 fast, till 8 of the clock afternoon,
or St. Peter s fast till noon, or at least Daniel s fast, abstain
ing from meats and drinks of delight, and thus far imitate
our Lord.
. 2. Nor does the Act of Parliament 5 Eliz. forbid it ; 10
we dare not think a parliament did intend to forbid that
which Christ s Church hath commanded. Nor does the Act
determine any thing about Lent fast, but only provide for
the maintenance of the navy, and of fishing in order there
unto, as is plain by the Act. Besides we conceive that we i5
must not so interpret one Act as to contradict another, being
still in force and unrepealed. Now the Act of 1 Eliz. confirms
the whole Liturgy, and in that the religious keeping of Lent,
with a severe penalty upon those, who shall by open words
speak any thing in derogation of any part thereof : and 20
therefore that other Act of 5 Eliz. must not be interpreted
to forbid the religious keeping of Lent.
Prop. 6. The observation of Saints days is not as of
Divine but ecclesiastical institution, and therefore it is
not necessary that they should have any other ground in 25
Scripture, than all other institutions of the same nature, so
that they be agreeable to the Scripture in the general
end, for the promoting piety. And the observation of them
was ancient, as appears by the rituals and liturgies, and by
the joint consent of antiquity, and by the ancient translation 30
of the Bible, as the Syriac and Ethiopic, where the lessons
appointed for holydays are noted and set down ; the former
of which was made near the apostles times. Besides our
Saviour himself kept a feast of the Churches institution, viz.
the feast of the Dedication (St. John xii. 22). The choice 35
end of these days being not feasting, but the exercise of
holy duties, they are fitter called Holydays than Festivals :
and though they be all of like nature, it doth not follow that
they are equal. The people may be dispensed with for their
CHAPTER vii.] to the Exceptions of the Ministers. 341
work after the service, as authority pleaseth. The other
names are left in the calendar, not that they should be so
kept as holydays, but they are useful for the preservation
of their memories, and for other reasons, as for leases, law-
5 days, &c.
Prop. 7. . 1. This makes the Liturgy void, if every
minister may put in and leave out all at his discretion.
. %. The gift or rather spirit of prayer consists in the
inward graces of the Spirit, not in extempore expressions,
10 which any man of natural parts, having a voluble tongue
and audacity, may attain to without any special gift.
.3. But if there be any such gift, as is pretended, it is to
be subject to the prophets and to the order of the church.
. 4. The mischiefs that come by idle, impertinent, ridi-
i5 culous, sometimes seditious, impious, and blasphemous
expressions, under pretence of the gift, to the dishonor of
God and scorn of religion, being far greater than the pre-
tended good of exercising the gift, it is fit that they who
desire such liberty in public devotions, should first give
20 the Church security, that no private opinions should be put
into their prayers, as is desired in the first proposal ; and
that nothing contrary to the faith should be uttered before
God, or offered up to him in the church.
.5. To prevent which mischief the former ages knew no
25 better way than to forbid any prayers in public, but such
as were prescribed by public authority. Con. Carthag. Can.
106. Milen. Can. 12.
Prop. 9. As they would have no Saints days observed by
the Church, so no Apocryphal chapter read in the church,
30 but upon such a reason as would exclude all sermons as well
as Apocrypha; viz. because the Holy Scriptures contain in
them all things necessary, either in doctrine to be believed,
or in duty to be practised. If so, why so many unnecessary
sermons ? why any more but reading of Scriptures ? If not-
35 withstanding their sufficiency sermons be necessary, there is
no reason why these Apocryphal chapters should not be as
useful, most of them containing excellent discourses, and rules
of morality. It is heartily to be wished that sermons were as
good. If their fear be that by this mean, those books may
z3
34$ The Answer of the Bishops [DOCUMENTS.
come to be of equal esteem with the Canon, they may be
secured against that by the title which the Church hath put
upon them, calling them Apocryphal : and it is the Churches
testimony which teacheth us this difference, and to leave
them out were to cross the practice of the Church in former 5
ages.
Prop. 10. That the minister should not read the Com
munion service at the Communion table, is not reasonable
to demand, since all the primitive Church used it, and if we
do not observe that golden rule of the venerable Council of 10
Nice, " Let ancient customs prevail, till reason plainly
requires the contrary," 1 " 1 we shall give offence to sober Chris
tians by a causeless departure from catholic usage, and a
greater advantage to enemies of our Church, than our
brethren, I hope, would willingly grant. The priest standing i5
at the communion table seemeth to give us an invitation
to the holy sacrament, and minds us of our duty, viz. to
receive the holy communion, some at least every Sunday ;
and though we neglect our duty, it is fit the Church should
keep her standing. 20
Prop. 11. It is not reasonable that the word minister
should be only used in the Liturgy. For since some parts of
the Liturgy may be performed by a deacon, others by none
under the order of a priest, viz. absolution, consecration,
it is fit that some such word as priest should be used for 25
those offices, and not minister, which signifies at large every
one that ministers in that holy office, of what order soever he
be ; the word curate signifying properly all those who are
trusted by the bishops with cure of souls, as anciently it
signified, is a very fit word to be used, and can offend no 30
sober person. The word Sunday is ancient, (Just. Mart.
Ap. 2.) and therefore not to be left off.
Prop. 12. Singing of Psalms in metre is no part of the
Liturgy, and so no part of our commission.
Prop. 15. "The phrase is such, &c." The Church in her 3 5
prayers useth no more offensive phrase than St. Paul uses,
when he writes to the Corinthians, Galatians, and others,
calling thorn in general the churches of God, sanctified in
Christ Jesus, by vocation saints, amongst whom notwith-
CHAPTER vii.] to the Exceptions of the Ministers. 343
standing there were many, who by their known sins (which
the apostle endeavoured to amend in them) were not properly
such, yet he gives the denomination to the whole from the
greater part, to whom in charity it was due, and puts the
5 rest in mind what they have by their baptism undertaken
to be, and what they profess themselves to be ; and our
prayers and the phrase of them surely supposes no more than
that they are saints by calling, sanctified in Christ Jesus, by
their baptism admitted into Christ s congregation, and so
10 to be reckoned members of that society, till either they shall
separate themselves by wilful schism, or be separated by
legal excommunication ; which they seem earnestly to desire,
and so do we.
Prop. 16. .1. The connection of the parts of our Liturgy
1 5 is conformable to the example of the churches of God before
us, and have as much dependence as is usually to be seen in
many petitions of the same Psalm ; and we conceive the
order and method to be excellent, and must do so, till they
tell us what that order is which prayers ought to have, which
20 is not done here.
. 2. The collects are made short as being best for devo
tion, as we observed before, and cannot be accounted faulty,
for being like those short but prevalent prayers in Scripture :
" Lord, be merciful to me a sinner :" " Son of David, have
25 mercy on us :" " Lord, encrease our faith. 11
. 3. Why the repeated mention of the name and attributes
of God should not be more pleasing to any godly person, we
cannot imagine ; or what burden it should seem, when David
magnified one attribute of God s mercy 26 times together,
30 (Psalm xxxvi.) Nor can we conceive why the name and
merits of Jesus with which all our prayers should end, should
not be as sweet to us as to former saints and martyrs, with
which here they complain our prayers do so frequently end.
Since the attributes of God are the ground of our hope of
35 obtaining all our petitions, such prefaces of prayers as are
taken from them, though they have no special respect to the
petitions following, are not to be termed unsuitable, or said
to have fallen rather casually than orderly.
Prop. 17. . 1. Exc. 1. There are besides a preparative
z 4
344 The Answer of the Bishops [DOCUMENTS.
exhortation several preparatory prayers: " Despise not, O Lord,
humble and contrite hearts;" which is one of the sentences in
the Preface : and this ; " That those things may please him,
which we do at this present ;" at the end of the Absolution.
And again immediately after the Lord s Prayer before the 5
Psalmody : " O Lord, open thou our lips, &c."
.2. Exc. 2. This which they call a defect, others think
they have reason to account the perfection of the Liturgy,
the offices of which being intended for common and general
services, would cease to be such by descending to particulars, 10
as in confession of sin ; while it is general, all persons may
and must join in it, since in many things we offend all. But
if there be a particular enumeration of sins, it cannot be so
general a confession, because it may happen that some or
other may by God s grace have been preserved from some of i5
those sins enumerated, and therefore should by confessing
themselves guilty, tell God a lie ; which needs a new
confession.
.3. As for original sin, though we think it an evil custom
springing from false doctrine, to use any such expressions as 20
may lead people to think that to the persons baptised (in
whose persons only our prayers are offered up) original sin is
not forgiven in their holy baptism ; yet for that there remains
in the regenerate some relics of that which are to be bewailed,
the Church in her confession acknowledgeth such desires of 25
our own hearts as render us miserable by following them :
That there is no health in us : that without God s help our
frailty can not but fall : that our mortal nature can do no
good thing without him : which is a clear acknowledgment
of original sin. 30
. 4. Exc. 3. We know not what public prayers are
wanting, nor do they tell us ; the usual complaint hath
been, that there were too many. Neither do we conceive any
want of public thanksgivings ; there being in the Liturgy
Te Deum, Benedictus, Magnificat, Benedicite, Glory be to 35
God on high, Therefore with Angels and Archangels, The
doxology, Glory be to the Father, &c. all peculiar, as they
require, to Gospel worship, and fit to express our thanks and
honour to God upon every particular occasion ; and occasional
CHAPTER vii.] to the Exceptions of the Ministers. 345
thanksgivings after the Litany, of the frequency whereof
themselves elsewhere complain, who here complain of defect.
If there be any forms wanting, the Church will provide.
.5. Exc. 4. They complain that the Liturgy contains too
5 many generals, without mention of the particulars ; and
the instances are such petitions as these : That we may
do God s will : to be kept from all evil : almost the very
terms of the petitions of the Lord s Prayer: so that they
must reform that, before they can pretend to mend our
!Q Liturgy in these petitions.
. 6. Exc. 5. We have deferred this to the proper place,
as you might have done.
Prop. 18. . 1, We are now come to the main and prin
cipal demand as is pretended, viz. the abolishing the laws
1 5 which impose any ceremonies, especially three, the surplice,
the sign of the cross, and kneeling. These are the yoke
which, if removed, there might be peace. It is to be sus
pected, and there is reason for it from their own words,
that somewhat else pinches, and that if these ceremonies
20 were laid aside, and these or any other prayers strictly
enjoined without them, it would be deemed a burden
intolerable : it seems so by No. 7. where they desire that
when the Liturgy is altered, according to the rest of their
proposals, the minister may have liberty to add and leave
25 out what he pleases. Yet because the imposition of these
ceremonies is pretended to be the insupportable grievance,
we must of necessity either yield that demand, or shew
reason why we do not ; and that we may proceed the better
in this undertaking, we shall reduce the sum of their com-
30 plaint to these several heads, as we find them in their papers :
the law for imposing these ceremonies they would have
abrogated for these reasons.
1. . 2. It is doubtful whether God hath given power
to men to impose such signified signs, which though they call
3 5them significant, yet have in them no real goodness in the
judgment of the imposers themselves, being called by them
things indifferent ; and therefore fall not under St. Paul s
rule of " omnia decenter," nor are suitable to the simplicity
of the Gospel worship.
346 The Answer of the Bishops [DOCUMENTS.
2. . %. Because it is a violation of the royalty of Christ,
and an impeachment of his laws as insufficient, and so those
that are under the law of Deut. xii. "Whatsoever I command
you, observe to do ; you shall take nothing from it, nor add
any thing to it ;" you do not observe these. 5
3. .3. Because sundry learned, pious, and orthodox
men have ever since the Reformation judged them unwar
rantable ; and we ought to be, as our Lord was, tender of
weak brethren, not to offend his little ones, nor to lay a
stumbling-block before a weak brother. 10
4. .4. Because these ceremonies have been the fountain
of many evils in this church and nation, occasioning sad
divisions betwixt minister and minister, betwixt minister and
people, exposing many orthodox preachers to the displeasure
of rulers. And no other fruits than these can be looked for i5
from the retaining these ceremonies.
. 3. rule 1. Before we give particular answer to these
several reasons, it will be not unnecessary to lay down some
certain general premises or rules, which will be useful in our
whole discourse. 1. That God hath not given a power only, 20
but a command also, of imposing whatsoever should be truly
decent and becoming his public service, (1 Cor. xiv.) After
St. Paul had ordered some particular rules for praying,
praising, prophesying, &c., he concludes with this general
canon, Let all things be done euo-x^oVws, in a fit scheme, 25
habit, or fashion, decently ; and that there may be uniformity
in those decent performances, let there be a rafts, rule or
canon for that purpose.
. 4. rule 2. Not inferiors but superiors must judge what
is convenient and decent. They who must order that all be 30
done decently, must of necessity first judge what is convenient
and decent to be ordered.
.5. rule 3. These rules and canons for decency made and
urged by superiors are to be obeyed by inferiors, till it be
made as clear that now they are not bound to obey, as it is 3 5
evident in general, that they ought to obey superiors. For if
the exemption from obedience be not as evident as the com
mand to obey, it must needs be sin not to obey.
. 6. rule 4. Pretence of conscience is no exemption from
CHAPTER vii.] to the Exceptions of the Ministers. 347
obedience ; for the law, as long as it is a law, certainly binds
to obedience, (Rom. xiii.) "Ye must needs be subject." And
this pretence of a tender gainsaying conscience cannot
abrogate the law, since it can neither take away the authority
5 of the law-maker, nor make the matter of the law in itself
unlawful. Besides, if pretence of conscience did exempt from
obedience, laws were useless ; whosoever had not list to obey,
might pretend tenderness of conscience, and be thereby set at
liberty ; which if once granted, anarchy and confusion must
TO needs follow.
. 7. rule 5. Though charity will move to pity, and relieve
those that are truly perplexed or scrupulous, yet we must
not break God s command, in charity to them ; and therefore
we must not perform public services undecently or disorderly
1 5 for the ease of tender consciences.
. 8. ans. 1. These premised, we answer to your first reason
that those things which we call indifferent, because neither
expressly commanded nor forbidden by God, have in them a
real goodness, a fitness and decency, and for that cause are
20 imposed, and may be so by the rule of St. Paul, (1 Cor. xiv.)
by which rule, and many others in Scripture, a power is given
to men to impose signs, which are never the worse surely,
because they signify something that is decent and comely:
and so it is not doubtful whether such power be given.
25 It would rather be doubtful whether the Church could impose
such idle signs, if any such there be, as signify nothing.
. 9. ans. 2. To the second, that it is not a violation of
Christ s royalty to make such laws for decency, but an exercise
of his power and authority, which he hath given to the
30 Church : and the disobedience to such commands of superiors
is plainly a violation of his royalty. As it is no violation of
the king s authority, when his magistrates command things
according to his laws ; but disobedience to the command of
those injunctions of his deputies is violation of his authority.
35 Again, it can be no impeachment of Christ s laws as insuffi
cient, to make such laws for decency, since our Saviour, as is
evident from the precepts themselves, did not intend by them
to determine every minute and circumstance of time, place,
manner of performance, and the like, but only to command
348 The Answer of the Bishops [DOCUMENTS.
in general the substance of those duties, and the right ends
that should be aimed at in the performance, and then left
every man in particular (whom for that purpose he made
reasonable) to guide himself by rules of reason, for private
services : and appointed governors of the church to determine 5
such particularities for the public. Thus our Lord com
manded prayers, fasting, &c.: for the times and places of
performance he did not determine every of them, but left
them to be guided as we have said. So that it is no impeach
ment of his laws as insufficient, to make laws for determining 10
those particulars of decency, which himself did not, as is
plain by his precepts, intend to determine, but left us
governors for that purpose ; to whom he said, "As my Father
sent me, even so send I you ;" and " Let all things be done
decently and in order :" of whom he hath said to us, " Obey i5
those that have the oversight over you :" and told us that
if we will not hear his Church, we must not be" accounted as
Christians, but heathens and publicans. And yet nevertheless
they will not hear it and obey it in so small a matter as a
circumstance of time, place, habit, or the like, which she 20
thinks decent and fit, and yet will be accounted for the best
Christians, and tell us that it is the very awe of God s law
(Deut. xii. 32.) that keeps them from obedience to the
Church in these commands ; not well considering that it
cannot be any adding to the word of God, to command things 25
for order and decency which the word of God commands to
be done, so as they be not commanded as God s immediate
word, but as the laws of men ; but that it is undeniably
adding to the word of God to say that superiors may not
command such things, which God hath no where forbidden, 30
and taking from the word of God to deny that power to men,
which God s word hath given them.
. 10. ans. 3. The command for decent ceremonies may
still continue in the Church notwithstanding the xii. of Deut.
and so it may too for all the exceptions taken against them 35
by sundry learned, pious, and orthodox persons, who have
judged them, they say, unwarrantable. And if laws may be
abrogated as soon as those that list not to obey will except
against them, the world must run into confusion. But those
CHAPTER vii.] to the Exceptions of the Ministers. 349
that except are weak brethren, whom by Christ s precept and
example we must not offend. If by weak we understand
ignorant, they would take it ill to be so accounted ; and it is
their own fault if they be, there having been much written as
5 may satisfy any that have a mind to be satisfied. And as
King James of blessed memory said at Hampton Court,
" If after so many years preaching of the Gospel, there be any
yet unsatisfied, I doubt it proceeds rather out of stubborn
ness of opinion than out of tenderness of conscience." If by
10 tenderness of conscience they mean a fearfulness to sin, this
would make them most easy to be satisfied, because most
fearful to disobey superiors. But suppose there be any so
scrupulous, as not satisfied with what hath been written, the
Church may still without sin urge her command for these
1 5 decent ceremonies, and not be guilty of offending her weak
brother ; for since the scandal is taken by him, not given by
her, it is he that by vain scrupulocity offends himself, and
lays the stumbling-block in his own way.
.11. The case of St. Paul, not eating of flesh, if it
20 offended his brother, is nothing to the purpose ; who there
speaks of things not commanded either by God or by his
Church, neither having in them any thing of decency, or
significancy to serve in the church. St. Paul would deny
himself his own liberty, rather than offend his brother ; but
25 if any man breaks a just law or custom of the Church, he
brands her for a lover of schism and sedition. 1 Cor. xi. 16.
.12. ans. 4. That these ceremonies have occasioned many
divisions is no more fault of theirs, than it was of the Gospel
that the preaching of it occasioned strife betwixt father and
30 son, &c. The true cause of those divisions is the cause of
ours, which St. James tells us is lust, and inordinate desires
of honours, or wealth, or licentiousness, or the like. Were
these ceremonies laid aside, there would be the same divisions,
if some who think Moses and Aaron took too much upon
35 them, may be suffered to deceive the people, and to raise in
them vain fears and jealousies of their governors ; but if all
men would, as they ought, study peace and quietness, they
would find other and better fruits of these laws of rites and
350 The Answer of the Bishops [DOCUMENTS.
ceremonies, as edification, decency, order, and beauty, in the
service and worship of God.
. 13. cer. 3. There hath been so much said not only of
the lawfulness, but also of the conveniences of those ceremonies
mentioned, that nothing can be added. This in brief may 5
here suffice for the surplice ; that reason and experience
teaches that decent ornaments and habits preserve reverence,
and are held therefore necessary to the solemnity of royal
acts, and acts of justice, and why not as well to the solemnity
of religious worship. And in particular no habit more suitable 10
than white linen, which resembles purity and beauty, \\herein
angels have appeared, (Eev. xv.) fit for those, whom the
Scripture calls angels : and this habit was ancient. Chrys.
Ho. 60 ad po. Antioch.
.14. The cross was always used in the church " in immor- i5
tali lavacro," (Tertull.) and therefore to testify our communion
with them, as we are taught to do in our Creed, as also in
token that we shall not be ashamed of the cross of Christ, it
is fit to be used still, and we conceive cannot trouble the
conscience of any that have a mind to be satisfied. 20
. 15. The posture of kneeling best suits at the Communion
as the most convenient, and so most decent for us, when we
are to receive as it were from God s hand the greatest of
seals of the kingdom of heaven. He that thinks he may do
this sitting, let him remember the prophet Mai. Offer this to 25
the prince, to receive his seal from his own hand sitting, see
if he will accept of it. When the Church did stand at her
prayers, the manner of receiving was " more adorantium,"
(S. Aug. Ps. xcviii. Cyril. Catech. Mystag. 5.) rather more than
at prayers, since standing at prayer hath been generally left, 30
and kneeling used instead of that (as the Church may vary
in such indifferent things). Now to stand at communion,
when we kneel at prayers, were not decent, much less to sit,
which was never the use of the best times.
. 16. That there were ancient liturgies in the Church is 36
evident : S. Chrysostom, S. Basil and others ; and the Greeks
tell us of St. James, much elder than they. And though we
find not in all ages whole liturgies, yet it is certain that there
CHAPTER vii.] to. the Exceptions of the Ministers. 351
were such in the oldest times, by those parts which are
extant ; as " Sursum corda" &c., " Gloria Patri" &c., " Bene-
dicite," " Hymnus Cherubinus" &c., " Vere dignum et jus-
turn " SEC., u Dominus vobiscum. Et cum spiritu tuo," with
5 divers others. Though those that are extant may be inter
polated, yet such things as are found in them all consistent
to catholic and primitive doctrine, may well be presumed to
have been from the first, especially since we find no original
of these liturgies from general councils.
10 CONCERNING MORNING AND EVENING PRAYER.
. 1. rub. 1. We think it fit that the rubric stand as it is,
and all to be left to the discretion of the ordinary.
. 2. rub. 2. For the reasons given in our answer to the
18th general, whither you refer us, we think it fit that the
1 5 rubric continue as it is.
. 3. Lord s Pr. " Deliver us from evil." These words,
" for thine is the kingdom," &c., are not in St. Luke, nor in the
ancient copies of St. Matt., never mentioned in the ancient
comments, nor used in the Latin Church, and therefore ques-
20 tioned whether they be part of the Gospel ; there is no reason
that they should be always used.
. 4. Lord s Pr. often used. It is used but twice in the
morning and twice in the evening service ; and twice cannot
be called often, much less so often. For the Litany, Com-
25 munion, Baptism, &c., they are offices distinct from morning
and evening prayer, and it is not fit that any of them should
want the Lord s Prayer.
. 5. Glor. Patri. This doxology being a solemn confession
of the blessed Trinity, should not be thought a burden to any
30 Christian liturgy, especially being so short as it is ; neither is
the repetition of it to be thought a vain repetition, more than
" his mercy endureth for ever," so often repeated, Psal. cxxxvi.
We cannot give God too much glory, that being the end of
our creation, and should be the end of all our services.
3 5 . 6. p. 15. rub. 2. "In such places where they do sing"
Sec. The rubric directs only such singing as is after the man
ner of distinct reading, and we never heard of any incon-
352 The Answefr of the Bishops [DOCUMENTS.
venience thereby, and therefore conceive this demand to be
needless.
. 7. Benedicite. This hymn was used all the Church over,
(Cone. Tolet. can. 13,) and therefore should be continued still
as well as Te Deum (Ruffin. Apol. cont. Hieron.) or Veni5
Creator, which they do not object against as apocryphal.
IN THE LITANY.
. 1 . The alterations here desired are so nice, as if they
that made them were given to change.
. 2. " From all other deadly sin," is better than " from 10
all other heinous sin" upon the reason here given, because the
wages of sin is death.
. 3. "From sudden death" as good as "from dying sud
denly ;" which therefore we pray against, that we may not
be unprepared. J 5
.4. " All that travel" as little liable to exceptions as
"those that travel," and more agreeable to the phrase of
Scripture, (1 Tim. i. 2,) " I will that prayers be made for
all men."
. 5. p. 16. The 2nd Collect, &c. We do not find, nor do 20
they say, what is to be amended in these collects ; therefore
to say any thing particularly were to answer to we know
not what.
THE COMMUNION SERVICE.
. 1. p. 17. Kyries. To say, " Lord, have mercy upon us," 26
after every commandment is more quick and active than to say
it once at the close ; and why Christian people should not upon
their knees ask their pardon for their life forfeited for the
breach of every commandment, and pray for grace to keep
them for the time to come, they must be more than ignorant 3
that can scruple.
. 2. p. 18. Homilies. Some livings are so small that they
are not able to maintain a licensed preacher ; and in such
and the like cases this provision is necessary. Nor can any
reason be given, why the minister s reading a homily,
forth by common authority, should not be accounted preach-
CHAPTER vii.] to the Exceptions of the Ministers. 353
ing of the word, as well as his reading (or pronouncing by
heart) a homily or sermon of his own or any other man s.
. 3. Sentences. The sentences tend all to exhort the
people to pious liberality, whether the object be the minister
5 or the poor ; and though some of the sentences be apo
cryphal, they may be useful for that purpose. Why col
lection for the poor should be made at another time, there is
no reason given, only change desired.
. 4. p. 19. 3 Exhort. The first and third exhortations
10 are very seasonable before the Communion, to put men in
mind how they ought to be prepared, and in what danger
they are to come unprepared, that if they be not duly quali
fied, they may depart and be better prepared at another time.
. 5. Exc. 1. " We fear this may discourage many." Cer-
i5 tainly themselves cannot desire that men should come to the
Holy Communion with a troubled conscience, and therefore
have no reason to blame the Church for saying, "it is requi
site that men come with a quiet conscience," and prescribing
means for quieting thereof. If this be to discourage men, it
20 is fit they should be discouraged and deterred and kept from
the Communion, till they have done all that is here directed
by the Church ; which they may well do, considering that this
exhortation shall be read in the Church the Sunday or holy-
day before.
26 . 6. Minister s turning. The minister s turning to the
people is not most convenient throughout the whole ministra
tion. When he speaks to them, as in Lessons, Absolution,
and Benedictions, it is convenient that he turn to them. When
he speaks for them to God, it is fit that they should all turn
30 another way, as the ancient church ever did ; the reasons of
which you may see Aug. lib. 2. de Ser. Dom. in monte.
. 7. Exc. 3. It appears by the greatest evidences of anti
quity, that it was upon the 25th day of December. S. Aug. in
Psal. 132.
35 . 8. " That our sinful bodies" &c. It can no more be said
those words do give greater efficacy to the blood than to the
body of Christ, than when our Lord saith, " This is my blood
which is shed for you and for many for the remission of sins,"
&c. and saith not so explicitly of the body.
A a
354 The Answer of the Bishops [DOCUMENTS,
. 9. 20. Com. Kneel. It is most requisite that the
minister deliver the bread and wine into every particular
communicant s hand, and repeat the words in the singular
number ; for so much as it is the propriety of sacraments to
make particular obsignation to each believer, and it is our 5
visible profession that, by the grace of God, Christ tasted
death for every man.
. 10. Kneel at Sacr. Concerning keeling at the Sacra
ment we have given account already ; only thus much we add,
that we conceive it an error to say that the Scripture affirms m
the apostles to have received not kneeling. The posture of
the paschal supper we know ; but the institution of the holy
Sacrament was after supper ; and what posture was then used
the Scripture is silent. The rub. at the end of the 1 Ed. C.
that leaves kneeling, crossing, &c. indifferent, is meant only T 5
at such times as they are not prescribed and required. But
at the Eucharist kneeling is expressly required in the rub.
following.
. 11. Com. three times a year. This desire to have the
parishioners at liberty, whether they will ever receive the 2 o
Communion or not, savours of too much neglect and coldness
of affection towards the holy Sacrament. It is more fitting
that order should be taken to bring it into more frequent
use, as it was in the first and best times. Our rub. is
directly according to the ancient Council of Eliberis, C. 81. 25
(Gratian de Consecrat.) No man is to be accounted a good
catholic Christian that does not receive three times in the
year. The distempers which indispose men to it must be
corrected, not the receiving of the Sacrament therefore
omitted. Jt is a pitiful pretence to say they are not fit, and 30
make their sin their excuse. Formerly our Church was
quarreled at for not compelling men to the Communion ; now
for urging men. How should she please 2
. 12. This rub. is not in the Liturgy of Queen Elizabeth,
nor confirmed by law ; nor is there any great need of re- 3.5
storing it, the world being now in more danger of profanation
than of idolatry. Besides the sense of it is declared suffi
ciently in the 28th Article of the Church of England. The
time appointed we conceive sufficient.
CHAPTER vii.] to the Exceptions of the Ministers. 355
PUBLIC BAPTISM.
" Until they have made due profession of repentance" &c.
We think this desire to be very hard and uncharitable,
punishing the poor infants for the parents sakes, and giving also
5 too great and arbitrary a power to judge which of his parish
ioners he pleaseth atheists, infidels, heretics, &c., and then in
that name to reject their children from being baptised. Our
Church concludes more charitably, that Christ will favorably
accept every infant to baptism, that is presented by the
10 Church according to our present order. And this she con
cludes out of Holy Scriptures (as you may see in the office of
Baptism) according to the practice and doctrine of the catho
lic Church. (Cypr. Ep. 59. August. Ep. 28. et de verb. Apost.
Serm. 14.)
1 5 . 3. p. 23. " And then the godfathers" &c. It is an erro
neous doctrine, and the ground of many others, and of many
of your exceptions, that children have no other right to bap
tism than in their parents 1 right. The Churches primitive
practice (S. Aug. Ep. 23.) forbids it to be left to the pleasure
20 of parents, whether there shall be other sureties or no. It is
fit we should observe carefully the practice of venerable anti
quity, as they desire, Prop. 18.
. 4. The font usually stands, as it did in primitive times,
at or near the church door, to signify that baptism was the
25 entrance into the Church mystical ; "we are all baptised into
one body" (1 Cor. xii. 13) ; and the people may hear well
enough. If Jordan and all other waters be not so far sancti
fied by Christ, as to be the matter of baptism, what authority
have we to baptise ? And sure his baptism was " dedicatio
30 baptismi."
. 5. It hath been accounted reasonable, and allowed by
the best laws, that guardians should covenant and contract
for their minors to their benefit. By the same right the
Church hath appointed sureties to undertake for children,
35 when they enter into covenant with God by baptism. And
this general practice of the Church is enough to satisfy those
that doubt.
A a 2
356 The Answer of the Bishops [DOCUMENTS.
. 6. p. 24. " Receive remission of sins by spiritual re
generation." Most proper, for baptism is our spiritual re
generation, (St. John iii.) " Unless a man be born again of
water and the Spirit" &c. And by this is received remis
sion of sins, (Acts ii. 3,) "Repent and be baptised every one 5
of you, for the remission of sins." So the Creed : " one bap
tism for the remission of sins."
. 7. p. 24. " We cannot in faith say that every child that
is baptised is regenerate" &c. Seeing that God s sacraments
have their effects, where the receiver doth not " ponere 10
obicem," put any bar against them (which children cannot
do) ; we may say in faith of every child, that is baptised,
that it is regenerated by God s Holy Spirit ; and the denial
of it tends to anabaptism, and the contempt of this holy
sacrament, as nothing worthy, nor material whether it be i5
administered to children or no. Concerning the cross we refer
to our answer to the same in general.
PRIVATE BAPTISM.
.8. " We desire that baptism may not be administered in
a private place ; " and so do we, where it may be brought into 20
the public congregation. But since our Lord hath said,
(St. John iii.) "Unless one be born of water and the Holy-
Ghost, he cannot enter into the kingdom of heaven," we
think it fit that they should be baptised in private, rather
than not at all. It is appointed now to be done by the lawful 26
minister.
Nor is any thing, done in private, reiterated in public, but
the solemn reception into the congregation, with the prayers
for him, and the public declaration before the congregation,
of the infant, now made by the godfathers, that the whole 30
congregation may testify against him, if he does not perform
it ; which the ancients made great use of.
OF THE CATECHISM.
. 1. p. 26. ans. 3. Though divers have been of late bap
tised without godfathers, yet many have been baptised with 35
CHAPTER vii.] to the Exceptions of the Ministers. 857
them ; and those may answer the questions as they are ; the
rest must answer according to truth. But there s no reason
to alter the rule of the Catechism for some men s irregula
rities.
5 .2. ans. 2. We conceive this expression as safe as
that which they desire, and more fully expressing the effi
cacy of the sacrament, according to St. Paul, the 26 and
27 Gal. iii., where St. Paul proves them all to be children
of God, because they were baptised, and in their baptism had
10 put on Christ : " if children, then heirs," or, which is all one,
" inheritors, 11 Rom. viii. 17.
. 3. p. 26. 10 com. We conceive the present translation
to be agreeable to many ancient copies : therefore the change
to be needless.
i5 . 4. p. 27. " My duty towards God," &o. It is not true
that there is nothing in that answer which refers to the fourth
commandment : for the last words of the answer do orderly
relate to the last commandment of the first table, which is
the fourth.
20 . 5. " Two only as generally necessary to salvation," &c.
These words are a reason of the answer, that there are two
only, and therefore not to be left out.
.6. " We desire that the entering of infants," &c. The
effect of children s baptism depends neither upon their own
20 present actual faith and repentance (which the Catechism
says expressly they cannot perform), nor upon the faith and
repentance of their natural parents or pro-parents, or of their
godfathers or godmothers ; but upon the ordinance and in
stitution of Christ. But it is requisite that when they come
30 to age they should perform these conditions of faith and re
pentance, for which also their godfathers and godmothers
charitably undertook on their behalf. And what they do for
the infant in this case, the infant himself is truly said to do,
as in the courts of this kingdom daily the infant does answer
35 by his guardian ; and it is usual for to do homage by proxy, and
for princes to marry by proxy. For the further justification
of this answer, see St. Aug. Ep. 23. ad Bonifac. " Nihil
aliud credere, quarn fidem habere : ac per hoc cum rcspondc-
turliparvulum credere, qui fidei nondum habct cffectum, re-
A a 3
358 The Answer of the Bishops [DOCUMENTS.
spondetur fidem habere propter fidei sacramentum, et con-
vertere se ad Deum propter conversionis sacramentum. Quia
et ipsa responsio ad celebrationem pertinet sacramenti.
Itaque parvulum, etsi nondum fides ilia, quse in credentium
voluntate consistit, tamen ipsius fidei sacramentum, fidelemS
facit."
. 7. p. 28. The Catechism is not intended as a whole body
of divinity, but as a comprehension of the articles of faith,
and other doctrines most necessary to salvation ; and being
short, is fittest for children and common people, and as it was 10
thought sufficient upon mature deliberation, and so is by us.
CONFIRMATION.
. 1. rub. 1. It is evident that the meaning of these words
is, that children baptised and dying before they commit
actual sin, are undoubtedly saved, though they be not con- i5
firmed : wherein we see not what danger there can be of
misleading the vulgar by teaching them truth. But there
may be danger in this desire of having these words expunged,
as if they were false ; for St. Austin says he is an infidel that
denies them to be true. Ep. 23. ad Bonifac. 20
. 2. rub. " After the Catechism we conceive that it is not
a sufficient qualification," &c. We conceive that this quali
fication is required rather as necessary than as sufficient ; and
therefore it is the duty of the minister of the place (can. 61)
to prepare children in the best manner to be presented to the 26
bishop for confirmation, and to inform the bishop of their
fitness, but submitting the judgment to the bishop, both of
this and other qualifications ; and not that the bishop should
be tied to the minister s consent. Comp. this rub. to the
second rub. before the Catechism, and there is required what 30
is further necessary and sufficient.
. 3. ex. 1. " They see no need of godfV Here the com
pilers of the Liturgy did, and so doth the Church, that there
may be a witness of the confirmation.
. 4. ex. 2. " This supposeth that all children," &c. It 35
supposeth, and that truly, that all children were at their bap
tism regenerate by water and the Holy Ghost, and had given
unto them the forgiveness of all their sins; and it is chari-
CHAPTER vii.] to the Exceptions of the Ministers. 359
tably presumed that notwithstanding the frailties and slips of
their childhood they have not totally lost what was in bap
tism conferred upon them ; and therefore adds, " Strengthen
them, we beseech thee, O Lord, with the Holy Ghost the
5 Comforter, and daily encrease in them their manifold gifts of
grace," &c. None that lives in open sin ought to be con
firmed.
. 5. p. 30. rub. " Before the imposition of hands," &c. Con
firmation is reserved to the bishop " in honorem ordinis," to
10 bless being an act of authority. So it was of old : St. Hierom,
Dial. adv. Lucifer, says it was " totius orbis consensio in hanc
partem ;" and St. Cyprian to the same purpose, Ep. 73 ; and
our church doth every where profess, as she ought, to con
form to the catholic usages of the primitive times, from which
1 5 causelessly to depart argues rather love of contention than of
peace. The reserving of confirmation to the bishop doth
argue the dignity of the bishop above presbyters, who are not
allowed to confirm, but does not argue any excellency in con
firmation above the sacraments. St. Hierom argues the
20 quite contrary (ad. Lucif. c. 4) : That because baptism was al
lowed to be performed by a deacon, but confirmation only by
a bishop, therefore baptism was most necessary, and of the
greatest value : the mercy of God allowing the most necessary
means of salvation to be administered by inferior orders, and
2 5 restraining the less necessary to the higher, for the honour of
their order.
. 6. ex. 1. Prayer after the imposition of hands is grounded
upon the practice of the apostles (Heb. vi. 2, and Acts viii.
17) ; nor doth 25 article say that confirmation is a corrupt
30 imitation of the apostles practice, but that the five commonly
called sacraments have ground partly of the corrupt following
the apostles, &c., which may be applied to some other of these
5, but cannot be applied to confirmation, unless we make the
Church speak contradictions.
35 .7. ex. 2. We know no harm in speaking the language of
holy Scripture (Acts viii. 15), " they laid their hands upon
them, and they received the Holy Ghost." And though impo
sition of hands be not a sacrament, yet it is a very fit sign, to
A a 4
360 The Answer of the Bishops [DOCUMENTS.
certify the persons what is then done for them, as the prayer
speaks.
AFTER CONFIRMATION.
There is no inconvenience that confirmation should be re
quired before the communion, when it may be ordinarily 5
obtained. That which you here fault, you elsewhere desire.
. 1. p. 31. The ring is a significant sign, only of human
institution, and was always given as a pledge of fidelity and
constant love : and here is no reason given why it should be
taken away ; nor are the reasons mentioned in the Roman 10
ritualists given in our Common Prayer-book.
. 2. p. 32. ex. 1. These words, " in the name of the Fa
ther, Son, and Holy Ghost," if they seem to make matri
mony a sacrament, may as well make all sacred, yea civil,
actions of weight to be sacraments, they being usual at the i5
beginning and ending of all such. It was never heard before
now that those words make a sacrament.
. 3. They go to the Lord s table because the communion is
to follow.
. 4. col. " Consecrated the estate of matrimony to such an 20
excellent mystery," &c. Though the institution of marriage was
before the fall, yet it may be now, and is, consecrated by God
to such an excellent mystery as the representation of the spi
ritual marriage between Christ and his Church (Eph. v. 23) .
We are sorry that the words of Scripture will not please. 25
The Church, in the 25 article, hath taken away the fear of
making it a sacrament.
. 5. p. 33. rub. u The new married persons the same day
of their marriage must receive the holy communion." This
inforces none to forbear marriage, but presumes (as well it 30
may) that all persons marriageable ought to be also fit to
receive the holy sacrament ; and marriage being so solemn a
covenant of God, they that undertake it in the fear of God
will not stick to seal it by receiving the holy communion, and
accordingly prepare themselves for it. It were more Christian 35
to desire that those licentious festivities might be suppressed,
and the communion more generally used by those that marry :
CHAPTER viz.] to the Exceptions of the Ministers. 361
the happiness would be greater than can easily be expressed.
" Unde sufficiunt ad enarrandum felicitatem ejus matrimonii,
quod ecclesia conciliat, et confirmat oblatio." Tertull. 1. 2. ad
uxorem.
5 VISITATION OP THE SICK.
. 1. " For as much as the condition," &c. All which is
here desired is already presumed, namely, that the minister
shall apply himself to the particular condition of the person ;
but this must be done according to the rule of prudence and
10 justice, and not according to his pleasure. Therefore, if the
sick person shew himself truly penitent, it ought not to be
left to the minister s pleasure to deny him absolution, if he
desire it. Our Church s direction is according to the 13
canon of the venerable council of Nice, both here and in the
1 5 next that follows.
. 2. The form of absolution in the Liturgy is more agree
able to the Scriptures than that which they desire, it being
said in St. John xx., " Whose sins you remit, they are re
mitted,* not, Whose sins you pronounce remitted ; and the
20 condition needs not to be expressed, being always necessarily
understood.
.3. p. 34. ex. 1. It is not fit the minister should have
power to deny this viation, or holy communion, to any that
humbly desire it according to the rubric ; which no man dis-
26 turbed in his wits can do, and whosoever docs must in charity
be presumed to be penitent, and fit to receive.
THE BURIAL OF THE DEAD.
. 2. rub. 1. It is not fit so much should be left to the dis
cretion of every minister ; and the desire that all may be said
30 in the church, being not pretended to be for the ease of ten
der consciences, but of tender heads, may be helped by a cap
better than a rubric.
. 2. p. 35. We see not why these words may not be
said of any person whom we dare not say is damned, and it
35 were a breach of charity to say so even of those whose re
pentance we do not see : for whether they do not inwardly
and heartily repent, even at the last act, who knows ? and
362 The Ansiver of the Bishops [DOCUMENTS.
that God will not even then pardon them upon such repent
ance, who dares say ? It is better to be charitable, and
hope the best, than rashly to condemn.
CHURCHING WOMEN.
. 1. p. 36. ex. 1. It is fit that the woman performing es-5
pecial service of thanksgiving should have a special place for
it, where she may be perspicuous to the whole congregation,
and near the holy table, in regard of the offering she is there
to make. They need not fear Popery in this, since in the
church of Rome she is to kneel at the church door. 10
. 2. ex. 2. The Psalm 121 is more fit and pertinent than
those others named, as 113, 128, and therefore not to be
changed.
. 3. ex. 3. If the woman be such as is here mentioned, she
is to do her penance before she is churched. i5
. 4. ex. 4. Offerings are required as well under the gospel
as the law ; and amongst other times most fit it is, that obla
tions should be when we come to give thanks for some special
blessing. Psal. Ixxvi. 10, 11. Such is the deliverance in
child-bearing. 20
. 4. ex. 5. This is needless, since the rub. and common
sense require that no notorious person be admitted.
THE CONCESSIONS.
. 1. We are willing that all the epistles and gospels be
used according to the last translation. 25
. 2. That when any thing is read for an epistle which is
not in the epistles, the superscription shall be, " For the
epistle. 11
. 3. That the Psalms be collated with the former transla
tion, mentioned in rubr., and printed according to it. 30
. 4. That the words " this day," both in the collects and
prefaces, be used only upon the day itself; and for the follow
ing days it be said, " as about this time."
. 5. That a longer time be required for signification of the
names of the communicants : and the words of the rubric be 35
changed into these, " at least some time the day before."
. 6. That the power of keeping scandalous sinners from
CHAPTER vii.] to the Exceptions of the Ministers.
the communion may be expressed in the rubr. according to
the 26 and 27 canons ; so the minister be obliged to give an
account of the same immediately after to the ordinary.
. 7. That the whole preface be prefixed to the command-
5 ments.
. 8. That the second exhortation be read some Sunday or
holy day before the celebration of the communion, at the dis
cretion of the minister.
. 9. That the general confession at the communion be pro-
10 nounced by one of the ministers, the people saying after him,
all kneeling humbly upon their knees.
.10. That the manner of consecrating the elements may
be made more explicit and express, and to that purpose those
words be put into the rubr., " Then shall he put his hand
1 5 upon the bread and break it," " then shall he put his hand
unto the cup."
.11. That if the font be so placed as the congregation
can not hear, it may be referred to the ordinary to place it
more conveniently.
20 . 12. That those words, " Yes, they do perform those,"
Sec., may be altered thus, Because they promise them both
by their sureties," &c.
.13. That the words of the last rubr. before the Catechism
may be thus altered, " that children being baptised have all
20 things necessary for their salvation, and dying before they
commit any actual sins, be undoubtedly saved, though they be
not confirmed."
. 14. That to the rubr. after confirmation these words
may be added, " or be ready and desirous to be confirmed."
30 .15. That those words, " with my body I thee worship,"
may be altered thus, "* with my body I thee honour."
. 16. That those words, " till death us depart," be thus
altered, " till death us do part."
. 17. That the words "sure and certain" may be left out.
364 The formal disputation [DOCUMENTS.
VII.
The Disputation in which the Episcopal Divines were Opponents
and the Ministers Respondents.
A true and perfect copy of the whole disputation at the
Savoy, that was managed by the Episcopal divines as
opponents, to prove that there is nothing sinful in the 5
Liturgy. Published to make intelligible the fragment
already published by the Lord Bishop of Worcester, under
the hands of Dr. Pierson and Dr. Gunning ; and so much
of his Lordship s book against Mr. Baxter as concerneth
that disputation. Printed in the year 1662. 10
Oppon. My assertion is, Nothing contained in the Liturgy
is sinful.
This general assertion I am ready to make good in all
particulars, in which our brethren shall think fit to charge
the Liturgy with sinfulness. !5
And because our brethren have as yet by way of disputa
tion charged no other part of it with the imputation of
sinfulness, but that which concerneth kneeling at the
Communion, therefore my first assertion as to that particular
is this; The command contained in the Liturgy concerning 2 o
kneeling at the Communion is not sinful.
This truth I am ready to prove by several arguments.
First, This only command [The Minister shall deliver the
Communion to the people in their hands kneeling] is not
sinful : The command contained in the Liturgy concerning 2 5
kneeling at the Communion is this only command [The
minister, &c.] Ergo, The command contained in the Liturgy
concerning kneeling at the Communion is not sinful.
Besp. Neg. major.
Oppon. Prob. major. ^o
That command which commandeth only an act in itself
lawful, is not sinful : This only command [The Minister shall
CHAPTER vii.] of Opponents and Respondents. 365
deliver, Sec.] commandeth only an act in itself lawful : Ergo,
This only command [The Minister shall deliver &c.] is not
sinful.
Resp. Neg. major and minor.
5 Oppon. Prob. major.
That command which commands an act in itself lawful and
no other act or circumstance unlawful, is not sinful : That
command which commands only an act in itself lawful, com
mands an act in itself lawful, and no other act or circumstance
10 unlawful: Ergo, That command which commandeth only an
act in itself lawful, is not sinful.
Resp. 1. We deny the major ; and for brevity give a double
reason of our denial : one is, because that may be a sin " per
accidens," which is not so in itself, and may be unlawfully
!5 commanded, though that accident be not in the command.
Another is, that it may be commanded under an unjust
penalty.
2. We deny the minor for both the same reasons.
Oppon. Prob. minor.
20 The delivery of the Communion to persons kneeling is an
act in itself lawful : This only command [The Minister shall
deliver, Sec.] commandeth only the delivery of the Communion
to persons kneeling : Ergo, This only command [The Minister
shall deliver, &c.] commandeth only an act in itself lawful.
2 5 Resp. We distinguish of delivering to persons kneeling : it
signifieth either exclusively (to those and no other), or not
exclusively, (to other). In the first sense we deny the major;
in the second sense we deny the minor.
Oppon. You deny both our propositions for two reasons,
30 both the same : we make good both our propositions, not
withstanding both your reasons.
The major first. That command which commandeth an act
in itself lawful, and no other act, whereby any unjust penalty
is enjoined, nor any circumstance whence, directly or " per
3 5 accidens," any sin is consequent, which the commander ought
to provide against, is not sinful : That command which
commandeth an act in itself lawful, and no other act or
circumstance unlawful, commandeth an act in itself lawful,
and no other act, whereby any unjust penalty is enjoined, nor
366 The formal disputation [DOCUMENTS.
any circumstance whence, directly or " per accidens," any sin is
consequent, which the commander ought to provide against :
Ergo, That command which commands an act in itself lawful,
and no other act or circumstance unlawful, is not sinful.
Resp. 1. The proposition denied is not in the conclusion. 5
The major is denied, because the first act commanded
may be " per accidens " unlawful, and be commanded by an
unjust penalty, though no other act or circumstance commanded
be such.
Oppon. The minor next. That command which com- 10
mandeth an act in itself lawful, and no other act whereby
any unjust penalty is enjoined, nor any circumstance whence,
directly or " per accidens," any sin is consequent, which the
commander ought to provide against, commands an act in
itself lawful, and no other act or circumstance unlawful : i5
That command which commands only an act in itself lawful,
commandeth an act in itself lawful, and no other act whereby
any unjust penalty is enjoined, nor any circumstance whence,
directly or u per accidens," any sin is consequent, which the
commander ought to provide against : Ergo, That command 20
which commands only an act in itself lawful, commands an
act in itself lawful, and no other act or circumstance unlawful.
Oppon. We prove our major, notwithstanding your reason
alleged.
That command which hath in it all things requisite to the 25
lawfulness of a command, and particularly cannot be guilty
of commanding an act " per accidens" unlawful, nor of com
manding an act under any unjust penalty, is not sinful,
notwithstanding your reason alleged : That command which
commandeth an act in itself lawful, and no other act, whereby 3
any unjust penalty is enjoined, nor any circumstance whence,
directly or " per accidens," any sin is consequent which the
commander ought to provide against, hath in it all things
requisite to the lawfulness of a command, and particularly
cannot be guilty of commanding an act "per accidens" unlawful, 30
nor of commanding an act under any unjust penalty : Ergo,
That command which commandeth an act in itself lawful, and
no other act whereby any unjust penalty is enjoined, nor any
circumstance whence, directly or " per accidens," any sin is
CHAPTER vii.] of Opponents and Respondents. 367
consequent, which the commander ought to provide against,
is not sinful, notwithstanding your reason alleged.
Resp. The minor is denied upon the same reasons, which
you do nothing to remove. Such a command hath not in it
5 all things requisite to the lawfulness of a command, because
though no other act be commanded, whereby an unjust penalty
is enjoined, yet still the first act may be commanded " sub
pcena injusta f and though no other act or circumstance be
commanded that is a sin " per accidens,"" yet the first act itself
10 commanded, may be a sin " per accidens."
Oppon. Either our minor is true, notwithstanding your
reason, or else the first act may be a command commanding
an unjust punishment, and be an act lawful : or the first act
itself being lawful in itself and all circumstances, may yet
jSbe a sin " per accidens," against which the commander ought
to provide : " Posterius utrumque falsum," both the latter
members are false : a Ergo, prius verum," therefore the first
is true.
Resp. 1. Neg. major. Because 1. The subject is changed :
20 you were to have spoken of the first act commanded, and
you speak "of the first act commanding, in the first member ;
you should have said [else the first act may be commanded
"sub pcena injusta," and yet be in itself lawful] ; which is true.
2. Because in the second member, where you should have
25 spoken only of the commanded circumstances of the act,
you now speak of all its circumstances, whether commanded
or not.
3. We undertook not to give you all our reasons ; the minor
may be false upon many other reasons. And were your major
30 reduced in the points excepted against, we should deny the
minor as to both members.
And we should add to our reasons. 1. That command
which commandeth an act in itself lawful and only such, may
yet be sinful privatively, by omission of some necessary part,
~5 some mode or circumstance.
2. It may sinfully restrain, though it sinfully command not.
3. It may be sinful "in modis," commanding that universally,
or indefinitely, or particularly, or singularly, that should be
868 The formal disputation fyc. [DOCUMENTS.
otherwise ; though in the circumstances, properly so called, of
the act, nothing were commanded that is sinful.
4. It may through culpable ignorance be applied to undue
subjects, who are not circumstances : as if a people that have
the plague be commanded to keep assemblies for worship, the 5
lawgiver being culpably ignorant that they had the plague.
Many more reasons may be given.
Oppon. We make good our major by shewing that the sub
ject is not changed ; thus : If whensoever the first act is com
manded " sub poena injusta," and no other act is commanded, 10
whereby any unjust penalty is enjoined, (which were your
words,) the first act commanding must command an unjust
punishment (which were ours), then we have not changed
the subject : But the antecedent is true, therefore the
consequent. i5
CHAPTER VIIT.
The revision of the Liturgy in the reign of Charles II.
Conference held at the Savoy terminated on
the 24th day of July, 1661, by the expiration of
5 the four months, to which the Commission had been
limited. But a convocation had begun to sit in the
mean time, and the bishops had already made prepa
rations for such changes as they deemed expedient, in
the Book of Common Prayer, and the general govern-
loinent of the Church.
Tt appears from the King s Declaration of October,
1660, that his first intention was to summon a synod
immediately on his return to England ; and that he
abandoned that intention, when he became better
1 5 acquainted with the state of religious parties, resolving
to conduct the proper inquiries himself, and to come
to a decision on his own authority. This resolution
was probably taken for the purpose of gratifying the
dissenters, as they could not expect any favour in a
20 convocation from which they would in great measure
be excluded. But it was supported by many other
considerations. All parties acknowledged, at least in
principle, that the clergy, who had been ejected from
their livings, must be restored ; and it was a conse-
26 quence almost inevitable, that a convocation, appointed
after such changes, and under the operation of
Bb
370 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
kindred influences, would represent extreme opinions,
and be little qualified either to make permanent ar
rangements for the Church, or to act in harmony with
the Convention-Parliament. The same impression
seems to have continued at a later period ; and it was 5
not until a strong memorial had been addressed to the
chief minister of state, shewing the necessity for con
vening the clergy of the two provinces on the meeting
of the new Parliament, that Archbishop Juxon was
empowered to issue his mandate for the assembling of 10
a convocation at St. Paul s, on the 8th of May, 1661.
The first business undertaken in this convocation
was to draw up a form of prayer for the 29th of May,
the anniversary at once of the King s birth and of the
restoration of the monarchy. In the third session the ID
Bishops of Salisbury (Henchman), Peterborough (Laney),
and St. Asaph (Griffith), were directed, in conjunction
with six members of the lower house, to prepare an
office for the baptism of adults, such an office having
become necessary from the increase of Anabaptism, 20
and the great neglect of religious ordinances, which
had recently prevailed. It was completed before the
31st of May, and on that day received its approbation
from the house of bishops. In the eighth, and some
following sessions, the bishops, having obtained two 25
royal licenses for that and other purposes, made some
progress in examining portions of a Code of Canons.
In the session of the 21st of November, the first
session that took place after the close of the Savoy
Conference, they entered upon the consideration of the 30
Book of Common Prayer, and directed the Bishops of
Durham (Cosin), Ely (Wren), Oxford (Skinner), Ro
chester (Warner), Salisbury (Henchman), Worcester
(Morley), Lincoln (Sanderson), and Gloucester (Nichol-
CHAPTER viii.] in the reign of Charles II. 371
son), to proceed without loss of time in preparing it for
their revision. So earnest, however, were they in this
matter, and so clearly directed in their judgment, as
well by the recent discussions, as by the strong expres-
5 sion of public opinion, that by means, which will be
explained hereafter, they were able at once to super
sede their newly-appointed committee, and to make
considerable progress in the revision of the Liturgy at
the same meeting. On the day following they held
10 two sessions for the same purpose, and on Saturday,
the 23rd of November, a portion of the Book of
Common Prayer, containing the corrections of the
bishops, was delivered to the prolocutor of the lower
house, with an injunction that they should proceed to
i5 examine it with all possible expedition. The lower
clergy were not surpassed in zeal and promptitude by
their superiors. Three days afterwards, when the bishops
had finished their labours, and placed the second moiety
in the hands of the prolocutor, the clergy of the lower
20 house delivered back the first portion, together with
their schedule of amendments. With labourers so
earnest and so friendly the whole work was speedily
completed, though not before great impatience had
been shewn by the King and the two houses of Parlia-
25 ment. a A new Preface was adopted, the Calendar
was reconstructed^ a form of prayer provided for use at
sea, and on the 13th of December a committee, con-
a In one of the same sessions (the 40th) the bishops came
unanimously to a vote in favour of some constant forms of prayer to
30 he used before and after sermons. By so doing they were ex
tinguishing the last, and perhaps the most earnest, hope of the
non- conformists for an opportunity of exercising, what they styled,
the gift of prayer. For prudential reasons, however, the bishops
did not carry their resolution into effect. See Kennet, Register,
35 p. 576.
372 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
sisting of members of both houses, was instructed to
make a diligent examination and last revision of the
whole book, incorporating some new Collects which
had been read and approved in the same session.
Little now remained to be done. A form b of thanks- 5
giving for God s general mercies, composed and pre
sented by Bishop Reynolds, was read and discussed, a
form of words for subscribing the Book was drawn
up in committee and approved by the house, and
finally on the 20th of December, 1661, the Book of 10
Common Prayer was adopted and subscribed by the
clergy of both houses of convocation and of both pro
vinces. c
Our attention would now be directed, according to
the order of time, to the proceedings of the newly- 15
elected parliament ; but there are still some acts of the
convocation connected with our subject, which it will
be most convenient to notice in this place. It appears
that on the 29th of January, 1662, a copy of the bill
now pending in parliament for the observance of the 20
Liturgy was read and examined in the bishops house ;
on the 5thof March they deputed the Bishops of St.
b The General Thanksgiving is commonly ascribed to Bishop
Sanderson ; but there is no direct authority for doing so. The
account given by Isaac Walton, which after all is not sufficiently 25
precise to be used in evidence,, is clearly the statement of a partial
and credulous friend. If a general thanksgiving had already been
approved by the bishops, it is scarcely probable that any form of the
same kind would have been introduced by Bishop Reynolds ; and as
there is no notice that his form was rejected, or that any other was 30
supplied afterwards, it seems not improbable that the general thanks
giving, which we now use, was the composition of Bishop Reynolds.
c For this occasion the two houses of convocation at York had
been united (the bishops in person, and the lower clergy by means
of a deputation) with the two houses of the province of Canterbury. 35
CHAPTER viii.] in the reign of Charles II. 373
Asaph (Griffith), Carlisle (Sterne), and Chester (Wal
ton), with the concurrence of the lower house, to
revise certain alterations 11 which had been made in the
Book of Common Prayer during its progress through
5 parliament; on the 8th of March, Mr. Bancroft
(afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury) was directed to
superintend the printing of the Book, and Mr. Scatter-
good and Mr. Dillingham to correct the press ; and on
the 18th of the same month the president of the upper
10 house reported to the assembled clergy that the Lord
Chancellor, in his own name and on behalf of the lords
in general, presented their thanks to both houses of
d " Emendationes sive alterationes alias in libro Publicarum Pre-
cum per domum parliamenti factas." Such is the account of the
1 5 matter given in the Records of the upper house. (Synodus Angli-
cana, App. p. 103.) But it is probable that this resolution of the
bishops was prospective ; with reference to alterations, which might
possibly be made afterwards, and not to any which had then been
actually made. For on the 5th of March it was much too early for
20 any alterations to have been agreed upon ; as the Prayer Book had
then been only eight days in the possession of the house of lords,
and the bill of uniformity, of which it was a part, was not passed in
that house till the 9th of April. There is no notice of such altera
tions at any time in the lords journals, and the only vote there
25 recorded respecting the Liturgy is of the date of March 1 7, and is
on the question simply, whether the book transmitted from the
King should be annexed to the act. Upon the whole it may fairly
be inferred that no alterations were made by the lords, and it is
known that none were made by the house of commons.
30 It appears, also, that on the 2 1 st of April, when the house of
commons was still engaged with the Act of Uniformity, the bishops
were desirous of substituting the word " children," for the words
"persons [not baptized]" and consulted the lord chancellor as to
the best method of doing it. (Syn. Angl. App. p. 109.) It is not
36 known whether any further steps were taken in the matter ; but the
application would seem to imply that no precedent had then been
given them of changes made by either house of parliament.
B b 3
374 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
convocation for the great care and industry they had
shewn in revising the Book of Common Prayer. e
It was not possible that a house of commons, ac
tuated by the powerful motives that prevailed at the
time of the restoration, and consisting in a greats
degree of persons who were embittered against the
e " The following is an extract from one of the MSS. in the
Lambeth Library (vol. 577) written with Abp. Sancroft s hand,
giving an account of the individuals employed in the alterations now
made in the Liturgy, taken from the journals of the lower house of 10
convocation. As those journals no longer exist, perhaps this is the
only record remaining of the persons who were employed in the work.
" Out of the Journal of the Lower House of Convocation.
"Fr. Mundie, Actuary.
" 1661, May 16. Chosen to attend the bishops at Elie House 1 5
the next morning at 8 o clock, concerning a form of prayer for May
29th, the prolocutor and eight more, scilicet, the deans of Sarum
(Dr. Baily), Chichester (Dr. Henshaw), Peterborough (Dr. Rain
bow), and Norwich (Dr. Crofts) ; the archdeacon of Surry (Dr.
Pearson), of Canterbury (Dr. George Hall), Dr. Creed, and Dr. 20
Martin.
"May 18. Chosen to attend the bishops for the review of the
book for the 30th of January, the dean of Gloucester (Dr. Brough),
of Lichfield (Dr. Paul), the archdeacon of St. Albans (Dr. Frank),
Dr. Crowther, the dean of Christ Church, Oxford (Dr. Fell), 2 5
Dr. Fleetwood, Dr. Pory, archdeacon of Middlesex, Dr. Gunning.
" To attend the bishops at the Savoy on Monday next at 3 o clock
afternoon, to consult about the form of baptizing the adults, the
dean of Westminster (Dr. -Earl), of Worcester (Dr. Oliver), arch
deacon of Sudbury (Dr. Sparrow), archdeacon of Wilts (Dr. Creed),, o
Dr. Heywood, Dr. Gunning.
" May 22. Precibus peractis, ordered that each keep his place, that
but one speak at once, and that without interruption ; none to use
long speeches ; to have a constant verger.
"May 24. A prayer or collect to be made for the parliament ,,5
sitting, and one for the synod ; referred to Dr. Pory and the arch
bishop s other chaplains to draw up and present the same to this
house the next session.
CHAPTER viii.] in the reign of Charles II. 375
recent course of government, should be calm specta
tors of the proceedings at the Savoy Conference. In
those proceedings were renewed many questions, some
directly and others by implication, which had furnished
5 materials for the debates of the long parliament, and
had led by an easy descent to their most fatal mea
sures. There was no case, in short, whether they
"May 31. Dr. Pory introduxit formam precationum pro parlia-
mento et synodo. The approbation of them referred to the dean
10 of Wells (Dr. Creighton), Dr. Creed, Dr. Pearson, Dr. Crowther,
and the archbishop s two chaplains.
" June 7. A form of prayer (juxta edictum regium), with humilia
tion for the immoderate rain, and thanksgiving for the change
thereof by fair weather, referred to eight of this house (who are to
1 5 attend four bishops at Elie House this afternoon), scilicet, the dean
of Winton (Dr. Alexander Hyde), the dean of Sarum (Dr. Bailie),
the dean of Wells (Dr. Creighton), Dr. Priaulx, Dr. Gulston, Dr.
Preston, Dr. Rawley.
" Doubts have been entertained respecting the persons who framed
20 the prayer for the parliament, as it now stands in our Liturgy ; but
these doubts are cleared up by the above cited extracts from the
convocation books, which shew that the prayer was prepared and
introduced for the approbation of the convocation by Dr. Pory (then
archdeacon of Middlesex) and the archbishop s other chaplains.
25 The fact, however, is that the prayer, though now for the first time
introduced into the Liturgy, was not entirely new. A prayer for
the parliament, with the same beginning and ending, and particularly
containing the expression, our religious and gracious King, was
inserted in a form of prayers put forth in the time and under the
30 authority of Charles I. on the first breaking out of the troubles in
1628 [but see above, p. 233] and from this the prayer, which now
forms part of the Liturgy, was partly formed." Dr. D Oyly s note
on the Life of Abp. Sancroft, vol. i. p. 113.
The prayer for the parliament appeared for the first time in its
35 present shape in a form of prayer appointed for a general fast on the
12th of June, 1661, special mention of it being made in the title-
page. It was thence transferred by the convocation to the Book of
Common Prayer.
Bb 4
376 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
regarded the recent history of disorder, or the theory
of a settled government, that would, in the convictions
of the royalists, combine a greater number of hazards,
and rekindle more certainly the flames of discord, than
the remodeling of the Church and the public ritual. 5
So strongly did these sentiments prevail in the house of
commons, that on the 25th of June, when the long
list of exceptions and the new Liturgy, presented at
the Conference, had already created a strong impression
against the non-conformists, a committee was ap- 10
pointed to make search for the original of King
Edward s second Service-book, and " to provide for an
effectual conformity to the Liturgy of the Church for
the time to come." This was followed up by resolute
measures, when it was found that there was now noi5
prospect of any reasonable compliance on the part of
the non-conformists. On the 9th of July, a " bill for
the uniformity of public prayer and administration of
the sacraments" was read for the third time, and to
gether with a copy of the Prayer Book, printed in 20
1604, was passed and sent to the upper house. It is
not known what was the issue of their inquiries re
specting the second Service-book of King Edward. It
is probable, as the Book is not uncommon now, that a
copy of it was produced, and was not found to be suffi- 25
ciently in accordance with the higher tone of ordi
nances, which since the days of Elizabeth had more
generally prevailed. However this may be, it may
certainly be presumed that the edition of 1604 was
selected in preference to any recent edition, for the 3
purpose of avoiding the alleged alterations of Arch
bishop Laud, alterations, of which the commons would
form their opinion from general report, and the evil
reputation he had contracted of Popish tendencies.
CHAPTER viii.] in the reign of Charles II. 377
This, at least, is evident, that they had no intention of
gratifying the non-conformists in any of their wishes.
But the lords were contented to wait till the Con
ference should have closed, and some measure should
5 be proposed to them, recommended by the votes of the
clergy and the confirmation of the crown. It appears
that of the bill sent up to them on the 9th of July no
notice was taken for some time, except that its
reading was appointed for a day on which they did not
10 assemble. But on the 14th day of February, 1662,
the same bill, after a copys had already been sub
mitted to the bishops, was read for the first time by
the lords,, and three days afterwards it passed through
the second reading, and was placed in the hands of a
15 select committee. The Book of Common Prayer, how
ever, was not yet delivered to them ; and the com
mittee having inquired on the 13th of February, with
strong symptoms of impatience, whether they should
still wait for it, or should " proceed upon the book
20 brought from the commons," they received a royal
message on the 25th of the same month., together with
an authentic copy of the corrected Prayer-book con
firmed under the great seal. After much subsequent
discussion respecting some provisos transmitted by his
25 Majesty, and other clauses introduced in behalf of
ejected ministers and for other puposes, the bill, with
its many amendments, was passed by the lords on the
It appears that the bishops deliberated upon this bill in their
house of convocation on the 29th of January, (Syn. Angl. App. p. 98) ;
30 but, as they had been restored to their places in the house of lords
on the 2()th of November, 1661, the question was probably intro
duced by one or more of their own body, with a view to their enter
ing into some common understanding respecting it, and so acting in
concert in the house of lords.
378 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
9th day of April, 1662, and returned to the house of
commons. h
It appears that the commons were jealous of the
preference given to the corrected 5 Book of Common
Prayer over the edition of 1604, and suspecting that 5
some differences might have been introduced between
the two periods when the books were respectively
printed, directed a close comparison to be made be
tween them. On the 16th of April they proceeded so
far in their fear of change, as to make it a question 10
whether they should not reconsider the corrections
made in convocation ; and though they decided to
adopt them without further examination, the division
was only of 96 to 90 in their favour. In order to save
the dignity of the house, they afterwards divided oni5
the question whether they had the power of recon
sidering such corrections, and then obtained a vote in
the affirmative.
It is not necessary to enumerate the many and im
portant clauses of the act itself, which have no direct 20
bearing on the state of the Liturgy. Lord Clarendon
says that the provision requiring re-ordination from all
ministers who had not been episcopally ordained, and
which, though enjoined by the governors of the Church,
had not hitherto been made imperative by the legis- 25
lature, was introduced by the lords and adopted after
much earnest debate. The practical result was, that
h Lord Clarendon says, (Life, vol. ii. p. 130,) that the " act began
first in the house of peers." But it is clear from the journals that
the peers proceeded on the bill which had been sent up to them 30
from the commons before their adjournment.
i The corrected book was probably a copy of the printed edition
of 1634 (at which time Laud was archbishop of Canterbury) with
the corrections inserted.
CHAPTER viii.] in the reign of Charles II. 379
" very many of those who had received Presbyterian
orders" submitted : but the clause was doubtless very
offensive to the more rigid non-conformists, as it not
only involved an acknowledgment of many errors, but
5 also compelled them to forego the feeling they enter
tained against episcopacy, a feeling the more difficult
to surrender, as it was a combination of argument and
of hatred. Equally offensive was the clause that re
quired " assent and consent to be declared to all and
10 every thing contained in the Book of Common Prayer ;"
and more certain was it to occasion separation from
the Church, as the minds of men had long been em
ployed on the question, and the strong currents of the
times had compelled them to make direct and public
i5 avowal of their opinions. But the greatest embarrass
ment arose from the royalist convictions of the com
mons. They required from all persons in holy orders,
and every schoolmaster on receiving his appointment, a
declaration k that it was not lawful, on any pretence
20 whatever, to take arms against the King; that they
k Respecting this declaration Lord Clarendon speaks as follows
(Life, vol. ii. p. 135.) "The framing and forming this clause had
taken up very much time, and raised no less passion in the house of
commons ; and now it came among the lords it was not less trouble -
25 some. It added to the displeasure and jealousy against the bishops,
by whom it was thought to be prepared and commended to their
party in the lower house." It appears that there was much reason
for this suspicion : for in their session of the 12th of April, three days
after the bill was sent to the commons, the bishops debated " de
30 subscriptionibus clericorum instituendorum et ludimagistrorum li-
centiandorum et tribus articulis 36 canone, &c. Dominus Epis-
copus London Praesidens, &c. de et cum consensu, &c., curam com-
misit reverendis Patribus Dominis Episcopis Sarum et Coven et
Lichen ad consulend Jurisperitos de concipiend forma in scriptis
36 in et circa subscriptionem praedict ." Syn. Angl. App. p. 108.
380 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
would conform to the Liturgy as by law established ;
and that the oath called the solemn league and cove
nant was of no obligation, and had been unlawfully
imposed. There were few members of either house,
who were not devoted, by personal feeling as well as 5
sincere conviction, to the support or rejection of this
clause. It brought before them not only the question
of their present interests, and the stern sense of what
was due to their own consistency, but also the whole
history of the past rebellion, and the many scenes of 10
danger in which they had fought and suffered. But
the supposed necessity for strong and despotic powers,
combined with the general hatred of both houses
against the Presbyterians, prevailed. The lords en
deavoured to mitigate the severity of the clause byi5
some amendments, in which the commons acquiesced ;
and so, says Lord Clarendon, the bill " was presented
to the King; who could not well refuse his royal
assent, nor did in his own judgment or inclination
dislike what was offered to him." 20
Of the alterations made at this time in the Prayer-
book the following are the most important. The
Sentences, the Epistles and Gospels, and other extracts
from the Bible (except the Psalter and the Ten Com
mandments) were taken generally from the version of 25
1611. The Absolution was ordered to be pronounced
by the " priest" alone, instead of the " minister." The
Book of Bel and the Dragon was re-inserted in the
Calendar of Lessons. The prayers for the king, the
royal family, the clergy and people, together with the 30
prayers of St. Chrysostom and the Benediction, were
printed in the Order both of Morning and Evening
Service, instead of being left, as formerly, at the end
of the Litany. The Evening Service, which previously
CHAPTER viii.] in the reign of Charles II. 381
began with the Lord s Prayer, was now opened with
the Sentences, the Exhortation, the Confession, and
Absolution, printed as in the Morning Service. In
the Litany the words "rebellion" and " schism" were
5 added to the petition respecting " sedition, privy con
spiracy," &c. In a subsequent petition the words
" bishops, priests, and deacons" were employed instead
of " bishops, pastours, and ministers of the church."
Among the occasional prayers and thanksgivings were
10 now introduced a second prayer for fair weather, the
two prayers for the Ember weeks, the prayers for the
parliament and for all conditions of men, a thanks
giving for restoring public peace at home, and the
general thanksgiving. New collects were appointed
i5 for the third Sunday in Advent, and for St. Stephen s
day. The Genealogy, which previously made part of
the Gospel for the Sunday after Christmas, was now
omitted. A distinct collect, epistle, and gospel, were
provided for a sixth Sunday after the Epiphany. The
20 gospels for the Sunday next before Easter and for
Good Friday were shortened, having formerly con
tained within them respectively the second Lesson for
the day. In several places, as in one of the collects
for Good Friday, in those for the fifth and sixteenth
2 s Sundays after Trinity, for St. Simon and St. Jude, and
in other places, the word " church 1 " was used for
1 The change of the word " congregation" was thought so
important with reference to the Presbyterians, that in several
passages where it was used in its popular sense and " church" was
30 inappropriate, the word " people" was inserted instead of it, to
prevent the possibility of mistake. Even in the ancient preface it
was thought necessary that the words " ministers of the congre
gation" should be altered to " ministers in the congregation," to
remove any the remotest presumption, that the expression might
3 5 appear to give, in favour of the Presbyterian form of church-
government.
382 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
" congregation." A distinct collect was supplied for
Easter-even. The first of the anthems used on Easter-
day was added. A distinct epistle was provided for
the day of the Purification. The last clause respecting
saints departed was added to the prayer for the Church 5
militant. The rubric was added as to " covering what
remaineth of the elements with a fair linen cloth."
The order in council respecting kneeling at the Lord s
supper, which had been introduced in 1552 and re
moved by Queen Elizabeth, was restored, with thisio
alteration ; instead of " any real and essential presence
there being of Christ s natural flesh and blood," it is
now read, " any corporal presence of Christ s natural
flesh and blood." A new office was appointed for the
" baptism of such as are of riper years ;" and some i5
alterations made in the other offices of baptism. The
Preface to Confirmation was curtailed, and the clause
respecting the undoubted salvation 111 of baptised infants
dying before the commission of actual sin, was placed
after the office for Infant Baptism. Some changes were 20
made in the offices for Confirmation and Matrimony;
and in the rubric at the end of the latter, the receiving
the communion on the day of the marriage was no longer
made imperative. In the Visitation of the Sick the
words "if he humbly and heartily desire it" were 25
added to the rubric respecting absolution : the Bene
diction also and the prayers that follow, appear now
m This was one of the greatest grievances complained of by the
Dissenters, being, as they said, a declaration that that is certain
by God s word, which at best can only be proved as a probable 30
deduction from it. Baxter was so inexorable on this point, as to
maintain, " That of the forty sinful terms for a communion with
the church party, if thirty-nine were taken away, and only that
rubric, concerning the salvation of infants dying shortly after their
baptism, were continued, yet they could not conform." Long s 3$
Vox Cleri. an. 1690. p 18.
CHAPTER viii.] in the reign of Charles II. 383
for the first time. In the Order for Burial the first
rubric respecting persons unbaptised or excommunicate
was added. Forms of prayer were supplied to be used
at sea : and, lastly, offices n were provided for the 30th
5 n The statute 3 James I. c. i. provided for the religious observ
ance of the 5th of November; the stat. 12 Charles II. c. 30
(confirmed by 13 Charles II. stat. i. c. 7) for the religious observ
ance of the 3oth of January ; the stat. 12 Charles II. c. 14 (con
firmed by 13 Charles II. stat. i. c. 11) for the religious observance
lOof the 29th of May; but in no one of these statutes was any
direction given as to a service to be appointed for the day, that
appointment being left in each case to the king in council under
his royal supremacy and the powers declared in the statute i Eliz.
c. 2. These several services were accordingly considered and
1 5 arranged, under the king s license for that purpose, in the con
vocation of 1662, and when the Book of Common Prayer was
published according to the Act of Uniformity, they were annexed
to it in obedience to the following order : " Charles R. Our will
and pleasure is that these three forms of prayer and service made
20 for the 5th of November, the 3oth of January, and the 2gth of May,
be forthwith printed and published, and for the future annexed to
the Book of Common Prayer and Liturgy of the Church of England,
to be used yearly on the said days in all cathedral and collegiate
churches and chapels, in all chapels of colleges and halls within both
26 our universities, and of our colleges of Eton and Winchester, and
in all parish churches and chapels within our kingdom of England,
dominion of Wales and town of Berwick upon Tweed. Given at
our court at Whitehall the 2nd day of May in the i4th year of our
reign. By his Majesty s command, Edward Nicholas." A similar
30 order has been issued at the beginning of each successive reign.
Alterations have been made in these services at different times by
royal authority : as for instance in the reign of James II. when the
form provided for the 2Qth of May underwent many alterations
besides those which were rendered necessary by the death of
35 Charles II. ; and in the reign of William and Mary, when prayers
composed by bishops Patrick and Sprat were added to the service
of the 5th of November, to commemorate the landing of King
William. In neither of these two cases does the convocation appear
to have been consulted. In the first of them, the new form was
384 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
of January and 29th of May, and the old service for
the 5th of November was corrected. These and many
other minor alterations , amounting as Dr. Tenison
issued with the following notice : " James R. The form of prayer
with thanksgiving heretofore appointed for the 2Qth of May, relating 5
in several passages of it to the birth and person of our most dearly
beloved brother king Charles II. and so upon occasion of his death
being necessarily to be altered, and it being now by our special
command to the bishops so altered and settled to our satisfaction as
a perpetual office of thanksgiving for the standing mercies of that 10
day; our express will and pleasure is" &c. &c. In the second case
the alterations made in the service for the 5th of November were
approved by the royal commission of the year 1689, but were not
submitted to the convocation of that period, on account of the strong
opposition that the court had experienced from the clergy of the i5
lower house.
Prayers and thanksgivings for the anniversary of the sovereign s
accession have been added to the usual service of the day in every
reign since the time of the Reformation. The form provided in the
time of Queen Elizabeth may be seen in Strype s Ann. vol. ii. P. 2. 2 o
p. 65. But after the interruption occasioned by the great rebellion
a new form was compiled by command of King James II. and was
put forth with the following notice : " James R. Whereas not only
the pious Christian emperors in ancient times, but also of late our
own most religious predecessors, kings of this realm, did cause the days 26
on which they began their several reigns, to be publicly celebrated
every year (so long as they reigned) by all their subjects with
solemn prayers and thanksgiving to Almighty God : This pious
custom received lately a long and doleful interruption upon occasion
of the barbarous murder of our most dear father of blessed memory, 30
which changed the day, on which our late most dear brother suc
ceeded to the crown, into a day of sorrow and fasting : but now we
thinking fit to revive the former laudable and religious practice, and
having caused a form of prayer and thanksgiving to be composed
by our bishops for that purpose ; our will and pleasure is" &c. &c. 35
This form with some considerable alterations made in the time of
Queen Anne, has been issued at the beginning of each succeeding
reign, and depends altogether upon the royal authority.
It is commonly stated (see Neal s Purit. vol. iii. p. 97) that the
CHAPTER ix.] in the reign of William and Mary. 4*01
concluding his articles with this most comprehensive
injunction, " that they warmly and most affectionately
exhort them to join with us in daily fervent prayer to
the God of peace for an universal blessed union of all
5 reformed churches both at home and abroad against
our common enemies ; that all they, who do confess the
holy name of our dear Lord, and do agree in the truth
of his holy word, may also meet in one holy commu
nion, and live in perfect unity and godly love." He
10 also joined in the Declaration issued from Guildhall
on the llth of December 1688, when an engagement
was made to assist the Prince of Orange, and one of
the great objects specified was, " a due liberty to pro-
testant dissenters." But the strongest token of his
i5 concurrence is given on the authority of his intimate
friend the Bishop of St. Asaph (Lloyd) ; as will appear
from the following statement of Bishop Patrick in the
history of his own life. " On the 14th of January I
went in the afternoon to the Dean of St. Paul s house
20 (Dr. Tillotson), where I met the Bishop of St. Asaph,
the Dean of Canterbury (Dr. Sharp), the Dean of Nor
wich (Dr. Fairfax), and Dr. Tenison, to consult about
such concessions as might bring in dissenters to our
communion, For which the Bishop of St. Asaphs
25 B This is one of the many instances in which it is impossible to
ascertain, amidst the secresy and mystery of his proceedings, what
were the real designs of Archbishop Sancroft. His position was cer
tainly one of the greatest hazard and perplexity ; but as it appears
from a review of his conduct that it was consistent throughout, it is
30 the more surprising that if he had a definite plan from the first, as
we might reasonably suppose that he had, he should not only have
concealed it from his friends, but have knowingly left them to draw
inferences respecting it, which it was far from his intentions to realize.
The only favourable interpretation is that he had no fixed deter mi-
35 nation at the first, and that his plans growing upon him as events
D d
402 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE,
told us he had the Archbishop of Canterbury s leave.
We agreed that a bill should be prepared to be offered
by the bishops, and we drew up the matter of it in ten
or eleven heads."
And yet it is not probable that the archbishop 5
approved of concessions for admitting Dissenters within
the Church, although he appears in the present instance
to have aided the prevailing sentiment in their favour.
In his own principles he was adverse to a creed, which,
as he would probably have described it, was ambiguous 10
in meaning, and destructive of authority : from his
habits of business and his close observation of mankind,
he had persuaded himself that concessions, if they con
ciliated a few opponents, would alienate as many
friends, and leave a result of additional insecurity. l5
proceeded, and always contracting a bias from the tendency of his
own character, were after all only a combination of circumstances,
however carefully and prudently adjusted.
Other accounts of the part which the archbishop took in favour
of dissenters maybe seen in the visitation charge of Bp. Burnet, pub- 20
lished in !J04; in the speech delivered by Dr. Wake, then bishop
of Lincoln, at the trial of Dr. Sacheverel, in the year 1710 (Docum.
Ann. vol. ii. p. 320) ; in Baxter s Life, by Calamy, p. 426, and in
the following extract from the diary of Mr. Wharton, one of his
grace s chaplains (D Oyly s Sancroft, vol. ii. p. 134), who states 25
that the communication was made to him by the bishop of St.
Asaph, on the 25th of June, 1088, as they were going to Lambeth :
" Miram rerum catastrophen adesse, cui, si ipse sociique episcopi,
prsesenti pontificiorum rabie erepti, superfuerint, omni modo cura-
turos, ut ecclesia sordibus et corruptelis penitus exueretur, ut sec- 30
tariis reformatis reditus in ecclesiee sinum exoptati occasio ac ratio
concederetur, si qui sobrii et pii essent ; ut pertinacibus interim
jugum levaretur, extinctis penitus legibus mulctatoriis ; utque can-
cellariorum officialium et curiarum ecclesiasticarum abusus funditus
tollerentur. Fuse isthsec declaravit episcopus, dum ab hospitio ejus 35
ad Thamesis ripam in vehiculo uno deveheremur ; ille enim Lame-
tham pergebat."
CHAPTER ix.] in the reign of William and Mary. 403
But his extreme caution, and the retirement into which
lie was driven, partly by his infirmities, but more by
his critical position in the politics of the times, deprive
us of any direct materials for judging of his views on
5 the subject of a comprehension. The following letter,
however, addressed to him on the 3rd of September,
1688, by Bishop Turner (of Ely), a prelate who had
always enjoyed his confidence and friendship, who had
shared with him in his recent persecution, and was des-
iotined to be a partner in his future deprivation, may
fairly be employed as a clue to his private sentiments.
It will be observed that the letter was written about a
month after the archbishop had addressed his articles
of conciliation to the Bishop 11 of Ely as well as to his
!5 other suffragans.
" One reason of my labouring so much in this point to
introduce frequent communions and make them numerous is
really this : it grows every day plainer to me that many of
our divines, men of name and note (I pray God there be not
20 some * bishops with them in the design) intend upon any
overture for comprehension (when time shall serve) to offer
all our ceremonies in sacrifice to the dissenters, kneeling at
the sacrament and all. This makes it necessary for us to
increase as much as possible the number of those who, as
2 5 true lovers of devotion and decency in it, may contend even
for multitude and interest in the nation with those that would
strip this poor Church of all her ornaments. It is point of
h Tanner MSS. vol. xxviii. No. 121. Of the influence which this
prelate, together with the Bishops of Norwich and Chichester, had
20 with the primate, a remarkable instance is given by Wharton in his
diary, D Oyly s Sancroft, vol. ii. p. 137. Birch s Tillotson, p. I5f>.
iThis probably refers to the Bishop of St. Asaph (Lloyd) whom we
find a few months afterwards engaged with Tillotson, Patrick, and
others, in preparing concessions for a bill of Comprehension.
3 5 Patrick s Life, p. 141.
D d 2
404 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
offence taken at them that will be most insisted upon one day.
Let it appear, then, that it will give offence to innumerable
better Christians, if we part with them. Upon the whole
matter this is our harvest time, and our time of laying up for
another evil day (besides this which is upon thus) ; and the 5
best provision against it would be this, to gather, and, as it
were, incorporate the very very many that sit loose but not
averse from us, by putting them into this way of regular
devotion. "
The rights of an hereditary throne, and the oath TO
already taken for its support, considerations that
pressed heavily and painfully on the minds of great
numbers of churchmen, and prevented them from
acknowledging the authority of King William, were of
little weight in the estimation of dissenters, whose i5
notions of government, whether in Church or in state,
were laid on a different foundation. It was natural,
therefore, that the new sovereign, however necessary it
was to secure the good-will of the establishment, should
endeavour to retain the services and to strengthen the 20
attachment of the non-conformists. In the declaration
that he issued as Prince of Orange, he promised to
" endeavour a good agreement between the Church of
England and all Protestant dissenters, and to cover
and secure all those who would live peaceably under 25
the government, from all persecution upon the account
of their religion." We may infer from these words
that he looked forward with more confidence to a
toleration of dissent, than to any removal of it by
means of a coalition. His tone became still more 30
moderate as he proceeded. To the dissenting minis
ters of London, who presented earnest and ostentatious
addresses to the King and his consort, every personal
attention was shewn ; but they received no greater
CHAPTER ix.] in the reign of William and Mary. 405
assurance of support than a promise " to use all endea
vours for the obtaining of an union that was necessary
for the edifying of the Church." The first step taken
in their favour was recommended, not so much on the
5 plea of religious unity, as on the value of their future
services in support of the newly-established govern
ment. In a speech to the two houses of parliament on
the 16th of March, 1689, the King said, "as I doubt
not but you will sufficiently provide against Papists, so
to 1 hope you will leave room for the admission of all
Protestants that are willing and able to serve." But
this appeal in favour of toleration, though designed to
follow in the train of the other measures adopted by
the parliament, was unavailing for the removal of the
1 5 sacramental test; which, though originally levelled
against Papists, had excluded many classes of dissenters
from places and offices of trust. The clause containing
this important proposal was rejected in the upper
house by a large majority, and when brought forward
20 in another and less objectionable shape, still passed in
the negative. However cautiously these matters were
conducted on the part of the crown, it is evident that
there was already germinating such an element of
discord, as would occasion a separation between the
20 two rival parties, whose temporary alliance had been
owing to the unnatural character of the last reign, and
could not be dissevered without extreme danger to any
plans of comprehension.
In the mean time, and without any further observa-
sotions from the throne for the purpose of introducing
them, two other bills were laid before the lords, the
one " for uniting their Majesties Protestant subjects,"
the other " for exempting their Majesties 1 Protestant
subjects, dissenting from the Church of England, from
Dd3
406 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
the penalties of certain laws." Bishop Compton (of
London) gave notice of them to the archbishop in the
following words : " We k are now entering upon the
bill of Comprehension, which will be followed by the
k Tanner MSS. vol. xxvii. No. 41. The following letter, ad- 5
dressed March 16, 16!)0, to the Bishop of London, was preserved
by Archbishop San croft among his papers, and headed by this
notice in his handwriting: "Dr. T. S. to the B. of L." It ex
presses in strong language the opinion which the primate appears to
have had of Bishop Compton. 10
(Tanner MSS. vol. xxvii. No. 105.)
" I write this to your lordship out of a principle of true Christian
charity. There is a report which runs from one end of the town to
the other, and your unworthy compliances under all sorts of govern
ment for these forty years make it easily credible, that not content- i5
ing yourself to have renounced your faith and allegiance, and the
personal homage done to the King at his coronation, you are writing
a book to justify the taking the new oaths, and thereby endeavour
ing, as much as in you lies, to involve the whole nation in the guilt
of perjury. Your enemies cannot wish you a greater mischief, nor 20
desire a better advantage against you. Now, though there be no
great fear that your arguments will have any evil influence upon the
sober and understanding and judicious members of our holy
mother, the Church of England, which I doubt not, God, who has
wonderfully preserved her from the fury and violence of Papists, will 25
as wonderfully preserve, maugre the defection of some of her bishops,
from the malice and rage of Presbyterians and Anabaptists, and
other wild sectaries, who, with united force are now labouring hard
to ruin her, under the spurious and popular, but most scandalous
and unjustifiable pretensions of comprehension and toleration : yet, 30
as a friend, I advise you to forbear, if not for the peace of this poor
afflicted Church and the honour of the episcopal order, at least for
your own ease and reputation. For assure yourself the weakness,
the fallaciousness, the impiety of your design shall be fully exposed
and laid open to the view of the whole world. But if, notwith-35
standing this friendly and faithful advice, to gratify your new friends
the Earl of Macclesfield, and the party lately come out of Holland,
CHAPTER ix.] in the reign of William and Mary. 407
bill of Toleration. These are two great works in
which the being of our Church is concerned; and I
hope you will send to the house for copies. For
though we are under a conquest, 1 God has given us
5 favour in the eyes of our rulers, and we may keep up
the Church if we will." The first of these bills, having
been for some time in the hands of a committee, was
debated before the house on the 4th of April, 1689 ;
and the question being put, " whether to agree with
10 the committee in leaving out the clause about the
indifferency of the posture at the receiving the sacra
ment," the votes were equal, and according to usage
the clause passed in the negative. As there were
you shall still persist in the resolution which you have taken up, you
1 5 would do well, for fear somebody else should do it for you, to print
at the same time your discourse in defence and justification of the
Ecclesiastical Commission, together with your reasons, such as they
are, for reading the King s Declaration for liberty of conscience : to
which your letters to the Bishop of Chester will serve as a very fit
20 and proper appendix.
" I pray God make you throughly and truly sensible of your
horrid prevarications, and of the many and great mischiefs which
you have done the Church of England, and give you grace to make
some satisfaction to her for them before you die ; which is the hearty
2 5 prayer of your lordship s unfeigned friend and monitor, B. C."
1 This notion of a conquest, though supported by some of the
court party, became soon afterwards very odious, and met with the
condemnation of the two houses of parliament. Bishop Burnet s
Pastoral Letter to his clergy having indirectly supported it, was
30 censured by the house of commons in January 161)2, and ordered to
be burnt by the common executioner. On the 24th of that month
the lords came to this resolution (see Rennet s Hist. vol. iii. p. 650,
col. 2.), "That the assertion of King William and Queen Mary s
being King and Queen by conquest was highly injurious to their
35 Majesties, and inconsistent with the principles on which this govern
ment is founded, and tending to the subversion of the rights of the
people."
D d 4
408 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
present on that occasion sixty-four lay peers and only
seven bishops, this vote, in opposition to the strongest
political motives, and the direct influence of the court,
may be taken as decisive of the opinions entertained
by the higher classes of society on the important 5
question of church-government. The conscience of the
dissenters was placed in the balance against the autho
rity of the Church, and was not of sufficient weight
and substance to preponderate. And this estimate did
not arise from any extreme tenderness for the Church 10
in its spiritual character ; for on the following day, when
the debate was respecting a royal commission of
bishops, and others of the clergy, it was proposed that
the words "and laity" should be added, and the pro
posal was only rejected, m in conformity with the same 15
principle, on an equality of votes. The bill, however,
was ultimately passed by the lords on the 8th of April.
On the 18th of the same month they also passed the
bill for the toleration of dissenters, and sent it to the
house of commons. 20
The latter of these two bills, after undergoing several
amendments, was passed by the commons on the 17th
of May, and finally received the royal assent on the
24th of the same month. They had signified their
readiness to proceed in the consideration of this mea-25
sure at the same time that they virtually rejected the
m It appears that the same bill was again submitted to parliament
a few years afterwards, and a copy of it, as drawn up at that time,
which has been found among the Burnet papers now preserved in
the Bodleian, is printed at length in the next chapter. It probably 30
was the same bill, in respect to religious matters, which had been
drawn up in 1668 under the auspices of Lord Keeper Bridgman and
Chief Baron Hale, and in accordance with the declaration issued by
King Charles II. for liberty of conscience.
CHAPTER ix.] in the reign of William and Mary. 409
bill of Comprehension, by petitioning the King to
summon a convocation, as the more proper assembly
for discussing ecclesiastical questions. The use of the
surplice, the right posture at the eucharist, and other
5 regulations adopted by the Church, could not, in their
judgment, be submitted to the will of parliament,
although they had obtained their force from the act of
the legislature, until they had been considered by the
clergy in their convocation. In this sentiment the
10 lords afterwards concurred; and a joint address was
presented to the throne, praying that " according to
the ancient practice and usage of this kingdom in time
of parliament, his Majesty would be graciously pleased
to issue forth his writs, as soon as conveniently might
i5be, for calling a convocation of the clergy of this
kingdom, to be advised with in ecclesiastical matters."
This address was adopted on the 16th of April.
A sentiment of this nature, entertained so cordially
by the house of commons, could not be matter of
20 indifference to the great body of the clergy. It was
opposed, indeed, by the non-conformists, under the per
suasion that their demands would not meet with so
favourable a hearing in a convocation, where they
would be discussed on ecclesiastical grounds, as in a
2 5 parliament, which would conduct its debates on prin
ciples of civil policy. But an opposition from that
quarter would only make the clergy the more resolute
in requiring that matters, strictly ecclesiastical, should
be discussed in the first instance by an assembly of
3 o their own order; and this feeling was so strong, and
the sense of its justice was so general, that Dr.
Tillotson, n though anxious to promote the cause of the
It is plain that with the objects he had in view, a person even of
his sanguine temper must have despaired of their success when he
410 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
non-conformists, yielded to the necessity of the case,
and urged his royal master, whose confidence he now
enjoyed, to issue his writs for the meeting of a con
vocation.
To make, however, all arrangements requisite for 5
such an assembly, and to give the projected measures
some degree of prepossession in their favour, a com
mission was issued on the 13th of September to ten
urged the summoning of a convocation. Such, at least, was the
strong opinion of Dr. Calamy and Bishop Burnet, the latter of whom 10
entered into all the designs of Tillotson, but with a much smaller
mixture of reserve or caution. The opinion of the former is stated
at length in his Life of Baxter (p. 446) ; and the following conver
sation, reported by Sir John Reresby in his Memoirs (p. 343. edit.
1734,) is decisive as to the opinion of Bishop Burnet. " A few days i5
afterwards being with Lord Privy Seal (Marquis of Halifax), the
Bishop of Salisbury came in and complained heavily of the slow pro
ceedings of the house of commons,, saying the Dutch would clap up
a peace with France, if they did not mend their pace ; observed that
the Church of England was in the fault ; and expressed himself as if 20
he thought they meant a kindness to King James by their method of
procedure. Lord Privy Seal agreed with him in his sentiments, and
added that the church people hated the Dutch, and had rather turn
Papists than receive the Presbyterians among them ; but that, on the
other hand, these were to the full as rank and inveterate against 25
those, and would mar ah 1 their business by their inadvertence with
regard to their Bill of Comprehension and their ill-timing of other
bills : in short, that they would disgust those from whom they looked
for indulgence. They were both angry with the commons address
to the King the day before, desiring him to support and defend the 30
Church of England according to his former declaration, and to call
a convocation of the clergy, which the bishop said would be the
utter ruin of the comprehension scheme."
This view, however, of Dr. Tillotson s opinion respecting a convo
cation is opposed to the statement of Dr. Nicholls (Appar. ad defens. 35
p. 93) ; who represents him as anxious that a convocation should be
employed, and unconscious that it would throw any difficulty in the
way, beyond the natural slowness of its proceedings.
CHAPTER ix.] in the reign of William and Mary. 411
bishops, and .twenty other divines, requiring them to
" prepare such alterations of the Liturgy and canons,
and such proposals for the reformation of ecclesiastical
courts, and to consider such other matters as might most
5 conduce to the good order, and edification, and unity
of the Church of England, and to the reconciling as
much as possible of all differences." The members of
this commission were Dr. Lamplugh, archbishop of
York, Drs. Compton, Mew, Lloyd, Sprat, Smith, Sir
10 Jonathan Trelawny, Burnet, Humfreys, and Stratford,
bishops of London, Winchester, St. Asaph, Rochester,
Carlisle, Exeter, Salisbury, Bangor, and Chester; Drs.
Stillingfleet, Patrick, Tillotson, Meggot, Sharp, Kidder,
Aldrich, Jane, Hall, Beaumont, Montague, Goodman,
1 5 Beveridge, Batteley, Alston. Tenison, Scott, Fowler,
Grove, and Williams. Among these divines, the most
eminent of the period, are included many persons who
could not be supposed to be favourable to the wishes
and designs of the government ; but they were doubt-
20 less selected in most instances with an especial refer
ence to their declared principles of moderation, and
the measures they might be thought likely to support.
That Dr. Tillotson had no fears as to their general
sentiments may be inferred from the following paper,
25 that he drew up on the same day when the commission
was issued. " Concessions P which will probably be
made by the Church of England for the union of Pro
testants ; which I sent to the Earl of Portland by Dr.
Stillingfleet, Sept. 13th, 1689-
30 "1. That the ceremonies enjoined or recommended in the
liturgy or canons be left indifferent.
r Birch s Life of Tiliotson, p. 182.
412 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
"2. That the liturgy be carefully reviewed, and such alter
ations and changes be therein made, as may supply the
defects, and remove, as much as is possible, all ground of
exception to any part of it, by leaving out the Apocryphal
lessons, and correcting the translation of the Psalms used in 5
the public service, where there is need of it ; and in many
other particulars.
" 3. That instead of all former declarations and subscriptions
to be made by ministers, it shall be sufficient for them, that
are admitted to the exercise of their ministry in the Church TO
of England, to subscribe one general declaration and promise
to this purpose, viz. that we do submit to the doctrine, disci
pline, and worship of the Church of England, as it shall
be established by law, and promise to teach and practise
accordingly. i5
" 4. That a new body of ecclesiastical canons be made, par
ticularly with a regard to a more effectual provision for the
reformation of manners both in ministers and people.
" 5. That there be an effectual regulation of ecclesiastical
courts to remedy the great abuses and inconveniences which 2 o
by degrees and length of time have crept into them; and
particularly that the power of excommunication be taken out
of the hands of lay officers and placed in the bishop, and
not to be exercised for trivial matters, but upon great and
weighty occasions. 25
" 6. That for the future those who have been ordained in
any of the foreign reformed churches, be not required to be
re-ordained here, to render them capable of preferment in
this church.
" 7. That for the future none be capable of any ecclesiastical 30
benefice or preferment in the Church of England that shall
be ordained in England otherwise than by bishops ; and that
those who have been ordained only by presbyters shall not
be compelled to renounce their former ordination. But
because many have and do still doubt of the validity of such 35
ordination, where episcopal ordination may be had, and is by
law required, it shall be sufficient for such persons to receive
ordination from a bishop in this or the like form : If thou
art not already ordained, I ordain thee/ &c. ; as in case a
CHAPTER ix.] in the reign of William and Mary. 413
doubt be made of any one s baptism, it is appointed by the
Liturgy that he be baptised in this form, If thou art not
baptised, I baptise thee, " &c.
It would be unreasonable to suppose that the general
5 sentiments of the nation were in favour of so great an
amount of change. The English character was too
deeply impregnated with a love of facts and details,
to approve of the comprehensive views and sanguine
expectations of Dr. Tillotson, and too proud of its own
10 nationality to acquiesce in the wishes of a sovereign,
whose great services had been almost forgotten in the
dread of his foreign predilections. The wishes of sober
and considerate men may be read in the following
letter P addressed at that time by Dr. Comber, precentor
1 5 of York, and afterwards dean of Durham, to bishop
Patrick (then of Chichester) who was one of the most
distinguished members of the commission, (dated York,
Oct. 19, 1689.)
" I heartily rejoice that you are in this new commission,
20 wherein I hope both your true affection to the Church and
charity to Dissenters who are capable of being obliged will
appear. But unless they are wiser and better tempered
above than many are in these parts, our condescensions will
only help them with arguments to upbraid us. not incline
2 5 them to part with one opinion in order to a coalition. Tis
true there are some few moderate Presbyterians, who always
communicated with us on occasion, and the alterations they
desire are not many nor dangerous to our constitution. They
will submit to a conditional re-ordination, to this very Liturgy
3 o with some slight amendments, and some of them to surplice
and cross : yea they approve and practise kneeling at the
sacrament. But the greater part of Dissenters here are
Independents, who- seem incapable of any thing but toleration,
and cannot be taken in but by such concessions as will shake
3 5 I Tanner MSS. vol. xxvii. No. 76.
414 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
the foundations of our Church : and possibly by attempting
to gain such as after all will be false friends, we may drive
out many true ones both of the considerable clergy and laity
also. I perceive the late success of that party in Scotland
against episcopacy, and the opinion of their numbers and 5
interest here hath lately advanced their pretences to liberty
of conscience into hopes of legal establishment and dominion
over all others ; to which I know the great pillars of our
Church will be cautious how they contribute. And till they
be well assured what these gentlemen would have, and also 10
fully satisfied that their desires are consistent with our
establishment and safety, I hope they will give them no
encouragement. I know very little in our Liturgy against
which they could ever make one wise objection, and nothing
but what hath been and may be justified. Yet to gain friends i5
or comply with consciences really tender something may be
abated. But alas ! what content will that give to them,
when Clarkson (whose book I am now answering) writes
against all set forms, as having their original in ignorant and
superstitious ages, and as things unknown in the primitive 20
times. These things at this time of day, together with their
giving Presbyterian orders openly to many with design to
perpetuate the schism, may justly make us stand our ground
till they who have neither gospel nor antiquity, neither law
nor reason of their side, come some more paces toward us. 25
My Lord, I should not presume to write this if it were only
my own sense ; but it is the agreeing sentiment of all the
members of this our northern convocation which I have met
with ; and that I hope will excuse this freedom, because it is
convenient your Lordship should know how affairs go here." 30
Great reliance was doubtless placed on the firmness
of bishop Patrick, because in his theological writings
he had always manifested a leaning towards the
strongest views of doctrine and discipline, and in
" A friendly Debate between a Conformist and a Non-35
conformist," published originally in 1668 and repub-
lished in 1683, with a reply to some censures of Sir
CHAPTER ix.] in the reign of William and Mary. 415
M. Hale, he had openly declared that he was adverse
to the scheme of comprehension. This reliance was
not altogether without reason : for independently of
the temptations offered by high preferment, the critical
5 state of the Church in the latter years of James II.,
the repulsion insensibly created by the active warfare
in which the clergy were engaged with the Romanists,
and the earnest wish to promote as high a tone of
theology as possible in the measures of the new reign,
10 may fairly be allowed to have brought Dr. Patrick
within the influence of the prevailing current, without
any impeachment of his integrity or religious prin
ciples. He may be taken as representing that class
of divines, now numerous and deserving of the greatest
i5 respect, who had originally been opposed to any im
portant concessions, from the belief that they would
not tend to edification, but had gradually been induced
by an approximation on their own part, and still more
by a greater spirit of deference on the part of Dis-
20 senters, to concur in promoting the projected union.
The proceedings of this commission may be stated
in the brief report of it contained in Bishop Patrick s
narrative ^ of his own life.
6 On the &d of October the commission about ecclesiastical
25 affairs was to be opened in Jerusalem Chamber. I came
about 10 o clock, and there were near twenty of the thirty
commissioners present. It gave them power to consider what
alterations were fit to be made in the Liturgy and Canons ;
and what regulations in the ecclesiastical courts ; and how to
30 reform the manners of the clergy ; to be offered to the con
vocation, and to the parliament, and to the king. We sat
till about one o clock, and debated several things about the
mending of the old translation of the reading Psalms and
Apocrypha ; and ordered another meeting next Wednesday.
36 <i P. 149. ed. Oxf. 1839.
416 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
" On the 16th of October the commissioners sat again, and
had a long dispute with the bishop of Rochester ; who argued
both against the commission itself, and against our preparing
any thing before the convocation met. We stayed there till
one ; and the bishop of London, of Worcester, and several 5
others, came to my house and dined with me, and we went
over a good part of the amendments we proposed to make
in the Liturgy, till it was night. And the next morning
they came hither again, to consider the rest of the Liturgy
at my house, and stayed till almost twelve.
" The next day we met in the Jerusalem Chamber, where we
had appointed a general meeting of the commissioners. The
bishop of Rochester absented himself. When we had read
over all that we had to offer about the several offices, we
proceeded to consider of the three ceremonies, and came to l5
a conclusion that the sign of the cross in baptism should be
left indifferent, which was expressed in such words as we
hoped would satisfy our own people. None dissented ; but
the bishop of Winchester (Mew), and the dean of Christ
Church (Aldrich), and the dean of Gloucester (Jane), went 20
out as soon as we began that debate.
" On the 21st we met again in the Jerusalem Chamber, and
though several absented themselves, we proceeded, and sat
there till past six o clock. The pext day we met again at
ten o clock, and sat till between four and five. And so they 2o
did several days after. I was desired in the end of the month
to join with the bishops of London and Rochester in making
some new prayers for the 5th of November, when together
with the gunpowder- treason, we commemorate the king s
landing to give us a new deliverance. 3
" On the 26th the bishop of Rochester came to me, and told
me he could not be at leisure to make the prayer which the
bishop of London had committed to his care, but desired me
to do it ; which I did the next day. On the 27th the com
missioners sat from three till between six and seven. On the 3 5
30th I revised all the service for the 5th of November, and
we sat again as long as before, in the Jerusalem Chamber :
and so we did the next day, when we considered the offices
of Visitation of the Sick and Commination.
CHAPTER ix.J i n the reign of William and Mary. 417
" The bishops went to wait on the King on the 4th of
November, to wish him many happy years. The Bishop of
London spake in the name of the rest ; and the King^s answer
was, I desire to live for no other end, but to serve this nation
5 and this Church/ In the afternoon we met again to consider
the business of re-ordination ; which held us a long time ;
and then we went over some of the collects, till almost seven
o clock. Many more meetings we had, which I shall not
mention."
10 It may be inferred from this statement, and the
inference is confirmed by other evidence, that the
alterations recommended by this commission were
numerous and important. Their report however was
not offered to the convocation; and the document
1 5 itself, being left in the custody of Dr. Tenison, was
never allowed to be made public. For the secresy
that he observed he urged as his excuse that the
" proposals r would give no satisfaction on either side,
but be rather a handle for mutual reproaches ; one
20 side upbraiding their brethren for having given up so
much ; and the other justifying their non-conformity,
because those concessions were too little, or however,
were not passed into law." Doubtless lie remembered
in what manner the Dissenters had employed for their
2.5 own purposes the resolutions s adopted by the com
mittee of divines in the year 1641, and the bitter and
resentful feeling created in the minds of the con
formists by the publication of them.
r Kennet, Comp. Hist. vol. iii. p. 591, note. It might reasonably
30 be supposed that this document would be placed by archbishop
Tenison in the library at Lambeth. In the year 1727 it was in the
hands of the bishop of London (Gibson), and an extract was obtained
from it at that time by Dr. Waterland, (see Waterland s Works,
vol. iv. p. 305, note). A search has been made for this document,
3 5 but without success.
s See p. 241.
E e
418 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
A cause so zealously and ably supported, recom
mended by the influence of the court, and urged for
ward by all persons belonging to the two large descrip
tions of the sanguine and the turbulent, was yet
destined to meet with fatal obstructions, some trans- 5
mitted from former times, and others of recent origin.
It will have been observed that the question of reordina-
tion had occupied much of the time and attention of the
King s commissioners. It had long been considered,
and was now agreed upon, as the ground on which the 10
battle between the two parties was to be fought, con
taining within it space and provocation enough for all
the ecclesiastical differences, and adding the further
recommendation that many vital questions of state
policy would be flung into the contest. Till the pass- 10
ing of the Act of Uniformity in the reign of Charles
II., the ordination conveyed by presbyters, though re
sisted by the governors of the Church, had never been
disowned by the legislature ; and of all the provisions
of that act the clause that required episcopal ordina- 20
tion was the most embarrassing to the non-conformists.
It was with the greatest difficulty that they could be
induced to forego their demand for the complete re
versal of it, and allow of some conditional measure,
such as a fresh dedication in addition to their own 25
orders, corresponding with the practice adopted in the
case of a doubtful baptism. This latter kind of mea
sure had been introduced into all the bills of compre
hension, and was sought to be recommended * on the
authority of such names as bishop Overall and arch- 30
bishop Bramhall, names that might be expected to
t Birch s Life of Tillotson, p. 184. Nicholls Appar. ad Def. Ecc.
Angl. p. 97.
CHAPTER ix.] in the reign of William and Mary. 419
meet with respect and deference from all classes of
theologians. But the question was of too vital a na
ture to be decided on mere authority, some of the
strongest advocates for comprehension being the most
5 resolute in behalf of ordination from the hands of
bishops. Jn an able pamphlet, now usually ascribed to
Dean Prideaux u , but generally given at the time to
Dr. (afterwards bishop) Kidder, is the following pas
sage, manifestly shewing that although a decided advo-
iocate for the non-conformists he looked upon episcopal
ordination as among the essentials of the Church of
Christ. " We, as divines, are best able to do it, as it
ought, without prejudice to the Church ; whereas if we
cast it into the hands of laymen, they may, instead of
1 5 altering circumstantials, strike at essentials, and so
make a breach upon the religion itself to the undoing
of all. And although this should be avoided, as I fear
it will not in some particulars I could instance, as par
ticularly in that of our orders, yet the least mischief we
20 can expect will be totally to extinguish all convoca
tions for the future, and resolve the whole power of
the Church into the two houses of parliament."
But beyond all these considerations, however impor
tant in themselves, collateral circumstances added
25 greatly to the dread that was felt of the presbyterian
u It is ascribed to Dean Prideaux on the authority of his son
(Univ. Diet. art. H. Prideaux) ; but in the copy left by bishop
Barlow to the Bodleian is the following notice in the hand-writing
of the bishop, " Writt by Dr. Kidder, dean of Peterburgh, who had
~ beene a dissenter." Bishop Kennet, at a different period, supposed
it to have been written by Dr. Tillotson, (Complete History, vol. iii.
p. 591.) It appears, however, from the proceedings of the lower
house of convocation, that there were two pamphlets with the same
title of " Letter relating to the Convocation."
E e 2
420 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
leaven. The violences already committed in Scot
land, threatening in their consequences to spread the
flames of a religious war throughout the whole of the
empire, made men connect the wild and ferocious
spirit of the northern insurgents with the question of 5
Church government. The episcopal party in Scotland
had certainly been treated with great severity. They
had no stated Liturgy in general use among them, and
they allowed the validity of presbyterian orders ; qua
lities these which might fairly have been expected to 10
give them some favour in the eyes of their adversaries.
But being directly dependent upon the crown, and
addicted, however temperately, to the use of forms and
ceremonies, they were branded as a political party, and
held in the same abomination with Papists. The i5
treatment they met with was as cruel as if it had pro
ceeded from a spirit of revenge, and became accord
ingly a solemn warning to all their brethren whose
warfare, like theirs, was against the presbytery. We
may safely affirm that the downfall of episcopacy in the 20
north was one of the principal causes that preserved
to the Church of England at this period its ancient in
tegrity in doctrine and discipline.
Another important event in connection with the de
mands of the dissenters was the toleration they had re- 25
cently obtained from parliament. As long as they could
allege in their behalf 1hat they were deprived of their
rights, although they were peaceable and loyal citizens,
and driven from their native country, although they
were among the most affectionate of its children, they 30
created a presentiment in their favour which nothing
short of either political hatred or religious enthusiasm
could withstand. Among men in general, accordingly,
their case was irresistible and was constantly making
CHAPTER ix.] in the reign of William and Mary. 421
converts. But when they were allowed to conduct
their worship according to their own discretion, their
claims appeared to have been satisfied, and the ques
tion was not only at an end, but had also been ad-
5 judged according to their own principles. To demand,
then, that they should still be admitted within the pale
of the Church was at once to require the greater body
to submit to the wishes of the smaller, and to force
the consciences of their opponents under the pressure
10 of external authority ; and these were concessions
which no reasonable men would grant them, and they
themselves were debarred by their own past conduct
from asking. The whole case had lapsed from them
selves and vested in the adverse party: so that the
i5 conformists were left to determine it as a simple ques
tion of prudence, whether it was better to diminish the
number of their adversaries, or to preserve agreement
among their own members.
But the most important difficulty in the way of a
20 comprehension arose from the schism that was now
taking place in the Church itself. Driven from their
preferments on account of the greater degree of
sanctity they attached to the nature of an oath, and
carrying with them the reputation of devotedness to
25 their spiritual duties and indifference about their
secular interests, the non-jurors were objects of uni
versal respect and concern. To the claims they
possessed upon all classes they added the more dis
tinct recommendations of a precise and dogmatic
30 adherence to the established faith, and a jealousy of
all foreign innovations. They formed accordingly a
centre round which were assembled, together with a
large body of most respectable churchmen, all those
who were attached to the ancient dynasty, and many
E e3
The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
others whose moving principle was hatred to the
existing government. It would have been dangerous
to the safety of the Church, and fatal to the cause of
the revolution, to have supplied so powerful a party
with the further plea that the national religion had 5
been adulterated. So strong and so general was this
feeling among the friends of the non-conformists, that
Bishop Burnet expresses himself on the subject in the
following manner x : "If we had made alterations in
the rubric and other parts of the Common Prayer, they 10
[the Jacobite clergy] would have pretended that they
still stuck to the ancient Church of England, in oppo
sition to those who were altering it, and setting up
new models : and as I do firmly believe that there is
a wise Providence that watches upon human affairs, is
and directs them, chiefly those that relate to religion ;
so I have with great pleasure observed this in many
instances relating to the revolution. And upon this
occasion I could not but see that the Jacobites among
us, who wished and hoped that we should have made 20
those alterations, which they reckoned would have
been of great advantage for serving their ends, were
the instruments of raising such a clamour against
them, as prevented their being made. For by all the
judgments we could afterwards make, if we had carried 25
a majority in the convocation for alterations, they
would have done us more hurt than good."
These considerations, added to the conscientious
objections that were felt in many quarters against any
kind of change, produced their natural effect upon the 30
members of the convocation. That assembly met in
the month of December, and the business that first
engaged their attention, the appointment of a prolo-
x Own Times, vol. iv. p. 59.
CHAPTER ix.j in the reign of William and Mary. 423
cutor in the lower house, furnished a favourable oppor
tunity for trying the strength of the two contending
parties, and bringing all their differences, whether
ecclesiastical or civil, to an issue. The court party
5 proposed Dr. Tillotson as their candidate, and certainly
could not have found among their ranks a person
better qualified to represent their principles, or to
recommend them by the lustre of his talents and
virtues. The candidate of the opposite party was
10 Dr. Jane, dean of Gloucester, and regius professor of
divinity at Oxford, who was known to be a divine of
great reading and resolution, and supposed y to be
fitted for the work of a fierce opposition by personal
feelings of resentment. He was elected by a large
i5 majority; and his election, coupled with the strong
political influence that was employed in promoting it,
gave sufficient intimation that no measures proposed
by the court would be likely to meet with acceptance
from the great body of the clergy. This intimation
20 was soon followed by an act, not only expressive in
itself, but pregnant with much latent hostility. When
the bishops sent down an address acknowledging the
protection his Majesty had afforded to religion in
general, arid especially to their own established form
25 of it, but so expressed as to include the Church of
England un^ler the general title of Protestant churches,
the lower house required the expression to be altered;
on the avowed principle that they disowned all com
munion with foreign churches. The case was too
3 o manifest to be misunderstood. The upper house, lack
ing its full proportion of bishops, and deprived of its
metropolitan, could not exercise its usual influence
v See Life of Dr. H. Prideaux, p. 55.
E e 4
424 The revision of the Liturgy <$<?. [NARRATIVE.
over the clergy in general ; and the king readily
adopted the only alternative remaining to him, of
discontinuing z the session, and preventing any future
renewal of the strife by successive prorogations.
z Among the losses sustained by the Church on the breaking up 5
of this convocation was the following : " There was provided a
family book to be authorized by this convocation. It contained
directions for family devotions, with several forms of prayer for
worship every morning and evening, suited to the different circum
stances of the families in which they were to be used Some 10
years afterwards Dr. Prideaux pressed Archbishop Tenison to publish
this book, telling him that he thought it would not want its effect,
if it was published by his authority only ; though he was of opinion
with his grace, that it would be best done with the concurrence of
the convocation, could that be safely obtained ; which he thought it i5
could not, on account of the great divisions among the clergy and
the spirit of opposition, which then appeared in too many of them
against their superiors. This book hath since had the misfortune
to be lost ; for being put into the hands of Dr. Williams, bishop of
Chichester, it was some how mislaid, and after his death could never 20
be retrieved." Life of Dr. H. Prideaux, p. 61, &c.
CHAPTER X,
Documents connected with the attempted revision of
William and Mary.
I. Commission of William and Mary for the Review of the
Liturgy, 1689. From Rennet s Complete History, vol. iii. p. 590. *
II. Letter from Lord Nottingham to Bishop Burnet, requiring
him to attend as one of the King s Commissioners. From the
original among the Burnet papers in the Bodleian.
III. Proceedings of the Commission of 1689. From Dr. Calamy s
Life of Baxter, p. 452.
IV. Proceedings of the Commission of 1689. From Dr. Nicholls
Apparatus ad Defens. Eccles. Angl. p. 95.
V. The particular acts and adjournments of the Convocation of
1689. From Mr. Long s Vox Cleri, printed anno 1600, p. 59
(Comp. Wilk. Cone. vol. iv. p. 619.)
VI. Letter to Dr. Tillotson, bearing date Oct. 5, 1689. From
the MS. Library at Lambeth. Gibs. 930, No. 183.
VII. An Act for uniting his Majesty s Protestant subjects. From
a MS. among the Burnet papers in the Bodleian.
CHAPTER X,
I
Commission of William and Mary for the review of the Liturgy,
1689.
WHEREAS the particular . forms of Divine worship,
and the rites and ceremonies appointed to be used 5
therein, are things in their own nature indifferent and alter
able, and so acknowledged ; it is but reasonable that upon
weighty and important considerations, according to the various
exigencies of times and occasions, such changes and alter
ations should be made therein, as to those that are in place 10
and authority should from time to time seem either necessary
or expedient :
And whereas the Book of Canons is fit to be reviewed,
and made more suitable to the state of the Church : and
whereas there are defects and abuses in the ecclesiastical i5
courts and jurisdictions ; and particularly there is not
sufficient provision made for the removing of scandalous
ministers, and for the reforming of manners either in ministers
or people : and whereas it is most fit that there should be a
strict method prescribed for the examination of such persons 20
as desire to be admitted into holy orders, both as to their
learning and manners :
We therefore out of our pious and princely care for the
good order and edification and unity of the Church of
England, committed to our charge and care; and for the 25
reconciling as much as is possible, of all differences among
our good subjects ; and to take away all occasions of the like
for the future, have thought fit to authorize and empower
you, &c. &c. and any nine of you, whereof three to be
bishops, to meet from time to time, as often as shall be 30
CHAPTER x.] Letter from Lord Nottingham. 427
needful, and to prepare such alterations of the Liturgy and
Canons, and such proposals for the reformation of eccle
siastical courts, and to consider of such other matters, as
in your judgments may most conduce to the ends above-
5 mentioned.
II.
Letter from Lord Nottingham to Bishop Burnvt, requiring him
to attend as one of the King s commissioners. (From the
original among the Burnet papers in the Bodleian.)
10 Whitehall, Sep. 19, 1689.
My Lord,
The King commands me to acquaint your Lop. that he
has thought fitt to issue a commission under the great seal of
England to certaine bishops, deans, and others of the clergy,
1 5 to prepare such alterations and amendments of the Liturgy
and Canons, and such proposalls for the reformation of
ecclesiasticall courts, and to consider such other matters as
may most conduce to the good order, edification, and unity
of the Church of England, soe that their resolutions may
20 be in a readiness to be offered to the convocation at their
next meeting, and when approved by them may be presented
to his Majesty and the two Houses of Parliament, that if
it shall be judged fitt, they may be establisht in due form
of law.
25 I am further commanded to acquaint your Lop. that you
are appointed one of the commissioners, and that the bishops
and clergy in and about the citty doe think Thursday the
third of October next will be the most convenient day for
the first meeting in or near London ; at which you are
30 desired to be present.
I am, my Lord,
Your Lops, most humble Servant,
NOTTINGHAM.
Lord Bishop of Salisbury.
428 Proceedings of the commissioners [DOCUMENTS.
III.
& An account of the proceedings of the commissioners to prepare
matters for the approaching Convocation in 1689- Commu
nicated to Dr. Calamy by a friend. (Calamys Life of Baxter,
p. 452.)
THE committee being met in the Jerusalem Chamber, a 5
dispute arose about the authority and legality of the court.
(The Bishop of Eochester, though he had so lately acted
in an illegal one, being one of those that questioned it.)
The grounds of this scruple were the obligations the clergy
lay under by Act of Parliament of King Henry VIII. not to 10
enter into any debates, about making any alterations in Church
affairs without the King^s special and immediate privacy,
and direction first given concerning such alterations. It was
answered that that must be done either by an act of the
King^s own judgment, or by a private cabal, (both which i5
ways would be very exceptionable,) or else by his Majesty s
commission to a certain number of ecclesiastics, to consult
about and prepare what was necessary to be altered, as it was
in the present case. For moreover, the commissioners pre
tended not to make these alterations obligatory by virtue of 20
a law, but only to get them ready to lay before the Con
vocation : the very reports being not so much as to be
referred to the privy council, lest they might be subject to be
canvassed and cooked by lay hands. However, the Bishops
of Winchester and Rochester, Dr. Jane and Dr. Aldrich 2 5
withdrew dissatisfied ; and the rest, after a list of all that
seemed fit to be changed was read over, proceeded very
unanimously and without any heats in determining as follows,
a A MS. copy of this account is in the Tanner Collection, (vol. cclxxxii. No.
222.) in a volume containing many papers in the handwriting of Abp. Sancroft. 30
Whether this MS. were preserved by the Archbishop, or only by Bishop Tanner,
it clearly may be considered as of high authority, in the absence of the original
document confided to Dr. Tenison. It is remarkable that no notice is taken in it
of the important point of reordination, which the commissioners certainly
debated, and according to the statement of Dr. Nicholls, were willing to concede. 35
CHAPTER x.] to prepare matters fyc. 429
(each article as soon as agreed upon, being signed by the
Bishop of London,) viz.
That the chanting of Divine service in cathedral churches
shall be laid aside, that the whole may be rendered intelligible
5 to the common people.
That besides the Psalms, being read in their course as
before, some proper and devout ones be selected for
Sundays.
That the Apocryphal lessons and those of the Old
10 Testament which are too natural, be thrown out, and others
appointed in their stead by a new calendar, which is already
fully settled, and out of which are omitted all the legendary
Saints" days, and others not directly referred to in the
service book.
1 5 That not to send the vulgar to search the Canons, which
few of them ever saw, a rubric be made, setting forth the
usefulness of the cross in baptism, not as an essential part of
that sacrament, but only a fit and decent ceremony. However,
if any do, after all, in conscience scruple it, it shall be omitted
20 by the priest.
That likewise if any refuse to receive the sacrament of
the Lord s supper kneeling, it may be administered to them
in their pews.
That a rubric be made declaring the intention of the Lent
25 fasts to consist only in extraordinary acts of devotion, not
in distinction of meats. And another to state the meaning
of Rogation Sundays and Ember weeks ; and appoint that
those ordained within the " quatuor tempora" do exercise
strict devotion.
30 That the rubric which obliges ministers to read or hear
common prayer publicly or privately every day, be changed
to an exhortation to the people to frequent those prayers.
That the Absolution in morning and evening prayer may
be read by a deacon, the word " priest"" in the rubric being
35 changed into " minister ;" and those words " and remission"
be put out as not very intelligible.
That the Gloria Patri shall not be repeated at the end
of every Psalm, but of all, appointed for morning and evening
prayer.
430 Proceedings of the Commissioners [DOCUMENTS.
That those words in the Te Deum, " thine honourable,
true and only Son," be thus turned, " thine only begotten
Son," honourable being only a civil term, and no where used
" in sacris."
The Benedicite shall be changed into the 1 28th Psalm, and 5
other Psalms likewise appointed for the Benedictus and Nunc
dimittis.
The Versicles after the Lord s Prayer, &c. shall be read
kneeling, to avoid the trouble and inconveniences of so often
varying postures in the worship. And after these words, 10
" Give peace in our time, O Lord," shall follow an answer,
promissory of somewhat on the people s part, of keeping
God s laws, or the like ; the old response being grounded
on the predestinating doctrine taken in too strict an
acceptation. i5
All high titles or appellations of the King, Queen, &c.
shall be left out of the prayers, such as " most illustrious,
religious, mighty," &c. and only the word " Sovereign"
retained for the King and Queen.
Those words in the prayer for the King, " Grant that he 20
may vanquish and overcome all his enemies," as of too large
an extent, if the King engage in an unjust war, shall be
turned thus ; " Prosper all his righteous undertakings against
thy enemies," or after some such manner.
Those words in the prayer for the clergy, " who alone 2 5
workest great marvels," as subject to be ill-interpreted by
persons vainly disposed,- shall be thus, " who art the author
of all good gifts." And those words, " the healthful spirit of
thy grace," shall be, " the holy spirit of thy grace," healthful
being an obsolete word. ^o
The prayer which begins, " O God, whose nature and
property," shall be thrown out, as full of strange and imperti
nent expressions, and besides not in the original, but foisted
in since by another hand.
The collects for the most part are to be changed for those 35
the Bishop of Chichester has prepared ; being a review of
the old ones with enlargements, to render them more sensible
and aifecting ; and what expressions are needful, so to be
retrenched.
CHAPTER x.] to prepare matters, $c. 431
If any minister refuse the surplice, the bishop, if the people
desire it, and the living will bear it, may substitute one in his
place that will officiate in it : but the whole thing is left to
the discretion of the bishops.
5 If any be desirous to have godfathers and godmothers
omitted, and their children presented in their own names to
baptism, it may be granted.
About the Athanasian Creed they came at last to this
conclusion : that lest the wholly rejecting it should by unrea-
10 sonable persons be imputed to them as Socinianism, a rubric
shall be made, declaring the curses denounced therein not to
be restrained to every particular article, but intended against
those that deny the substance of the Christian religion in
general .
1 5 Whether the amendment of the translation of the reading
Psalms, (as they are called,) made by the Bishop of St. Asaph
and Dr. Kidder, or that in the Bible shall be inserted in the
Prayer Book, is wholly left to the convocation to consider
of and determine.
20 In the Litany, Communion Service, &c. are some alterations
made, as also in the Canons, which I cannot yet learn so
particular account of, as to give them you with the rest ; as
perhaps I may hereafter be able to do.
IV.
b An account of the proceedings of the Commissioners 0/1689, by
25 Dr. Nicholls. (Apparatus ad Defens. Eccles. Angl. p. 95.)
Imperato operi viri reverendi se protinus accingunt, et in
Liturgia denuo limanda labores auspicantur. Primum in
examen vocatur Calendarium, ex quo lectionibus Apocryphis
exturbatis, Canonicae Scriptune capita suffecta sunt, cum
OQ b This account is understood to have been obtained by Dr. Nicholls from the
papers of Bishop Williams (of Chichester) who was one of the commissioners.
Kennet, Comp. Hist. vol. iii p. tij)l.
432 An account of the proceedings fyc. [DOCUMENTS.
majore populi fructu perlegenda. Symbolum quod vulgo
Sancti Athanasii dicitur, quia a multis improbatur proptcr
atrocem de singulis, secus quam hie docetur credentibus,
sententiam ministri arbitrio permittitur, ut pro apostolico
mutetur. Collectse in totum anni cyclum de novo elaborantur, 5
ad epistolse et evangelii doctrinam congruentius factse ; et cum
tanta verborum elegantia atque splendore, tantaque Chris-
tianse mentis vi atque ardore composite sunt, ut nihil possit
animos audientium magis afficere et accendere, et eorum
mentes ad Deum evehere. Eas primum contexuit, summus 10
hujus rei artifex, Simon Patricius ; ulteriorem vim sanguinem
spiritumque adhibebat Gilbertus Burnetius ; eas denique cum
magno judicio, singulis verbis diligenter expensis, examinante
Edvardo Stillinfleto ; ultimam limam addente ac verbis eno-
dibus et dulcis facilisque eloquentise fluentis iterum perpo- i.5
liente Joanne Tillotsonio. Novam Psalmorum versionem
ornabant originibus congruentiorem ; earn curam sibi ple-
rumque vindicante Richardo Ciddero, viro in linguis orien-
talibus versatissimo. Singulas dictiones et vocabula, quse
sparsim per Liturgiam improbarant illius hostes, exquisita 20
indagine collegit Thomas Tenisonius ; in eorum loca suffectis
verbis perspicuis et distinctis, nee a morosiori aliquo cavil-
landis. Alia qusedam proposita sunt, sed quse integre ad
synodum referenda judicabantur. Primum ut crux baptis-
malis seu infantium frontibus signetur, seu prorsus omittatur, 25
penes parentes sit eligere. Deinde si non-conformista minister
ad Ecclesiam revertatur, novis mysteriis vulgari ritu non
iterum initiandus, sed ordinatione quadam conditionali potius
insigniendus, uti nobis in usu est baptismum infantibus, de
quorum baptizatione non admodum compertum est, inferre ; 30
benedictione episcopi addita, ut mos erat apud antiques, clericos
ab hsereticis ordinatos recipiendi (Dionys. Alex. ap. Euseb.
Hist. Eccl. 1. 7. c. 2. Concil. Nic. 1. Can. 8. Just, sive Author
Resp. ad orthodox, resp. 18. Theod. Hist. Eccl. 1. I.e. 8.)
In saeris ordinibus tali modo conferendis exemplo prseiveratsS
vir de ecclesia optime meritus Dominus Bramallus, Hibernise
Primas, cum Scotos Presbyteros in Ecclesiam reciperet.
Haec eorum summa erat quse in hoc congressu viri doctis-
simi moliebantur.
CHAPTER x.] Acts and Adjournments Sfc. 433
V.
The particular Acts and Adjournments of the Convocation from
Dec. 4>th, 1689.
THE Litany was read by a bishop for some days in Latin,
there being only this supplication added after the prayers for
5 the bishops :
" That it may please thee to inspire with thy Holy Spirit
this convocation, and to preside over it, to lead us into all
truth, which is according to godliness."
At other times, when there was no sermon, this prayer for
10 the parliament was constantly used :
" Most gracious God, who dost rule all men, and govern all
things, be graciously present, we beseech thee, with the three
estates of the kingdom in parliament assembled, under the
government of our most gracious Princes William and Mary ;
1 5 assist them with the spirit of counsel and peace, whereby they
may be preserved in one mind and accord, and also may be
inspired with the love of thee, and study the publick welfare :
that whatsoever laws, by their joint suffrages shall be ob
tained, being established by our lord and lady the King and
20 Queen, may establish righteousness and peace to us, and con
firm them to our posterities for ever, to the encrease of all
virtue, and the eternal glory of thy name, by and for Jesus
Christ our Lord and Saviour. 11
Then followed these five collects ; I. The collect on St.
25 Simon and St. Jude^s day : " O Almighty God, who hast
built thy Church upon the foundation of the apostles and
prophets," &c.
II. The collect for Good Friday : " Almighty and everlast
ing God, by whose Spirit," &c.
30 III. Collect : " Almighty God, who by thy Son Jesus Christ
didst give to the holy apostles many excellent gifts, and com
manded st them earnestly to feed thy flock, make, we beseech
thee, all bishops and pastors diligently to preach thy holy
word, and the people obediently to follow the same, that they
434 Acts and Adjournments [DOCUMENTS.
may receive the crown of everlasting glory, through Jesus
Christ our Lord. Amen"
IV. The collect on the fifth Sunday after Trinity : " Grant,
we beseech thee," &c.
V. Collect : " O Lord God, the Father of lights, and Foun- 5
tain of all wisdom, we thy humble and unworthy servants,
prostrating ourselves at thy footstool, beseech thee, that we
who are here met together in thy name, under the govern
ment of our most gracious King William and Queen Mary,
being assisted by thy heavenly grace, may so search out, me- 1
ditate, handle and discern all things which may promote thy
honour and glory, and the good of thy Church, that thy
Spirit, which heretofore did preside over the counsil of the apo
stles, may also preside over this our counsil, and lead us into
all that truth which is according to godliness ; that we who 55
have worthily and seriously, utterly renounced the errours of
our holy Reformation, the corruptions and superstitions, toge
ther with the papal tyranny which heretofore did here abound,
may all of us firmly and constantly hold the apostolic and
truly catholick faith, and without fear, may duly serve thee 2 o
with a pure worship, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen"
Then follows the prayer of St. Chrysostome : " Almighty
God, who hast given us grace at this time," &c.
Then the members of the Convocation were called over : An
alphabetical catalogue of all the names of the members of the 28
upper and lower house of this present Convocation.
William Lord Bishop of St. Asaph.
Geor. Bright, D.D. Dean of St. Asaph.
Samuel Davies, L. D. Proctor for the Chapter.
William Lord Bishop of St. Asaph, Archdeacon of St. 30
Asaph.
Griffin Lloyd, B. D. John Edwards, M. A. Proctors for the
Clergy.
Bath and Wells.
Ralph Bathurst, D. D. Dean of Bath and Wells. 3 5
llich. Busby, D. D. Proctor for the Chapter.
Edwin Sandys, A.M. Edw. Waple, B. D. Archdeacon of
Wells [Bath], Taunton.
CHAPTER x.] of the Convocation. 435
William Clement, A. M. Giles Pooley, A. M. Proctors for
the Clergy.
Humphrey Lord Bishop of Bangor.
John Jones, D. D. Dean of Bangor.
5 Rol. Foulks, A. M. Proctor for the Chapter.
Humphrey Lord Bishop of Bangor, Archdeacon of Bangor
and Anglesey.
Fran. Lloyd, A. M. Archdeacon of Merioneth.
Robert Wynne, A. M. John Williams, A. M. Proctors for
10 the Clergy.
Gilbert Lord Bishop of Bristol.
William Levett, D. D. Dean of Bristol.
Steph. Crespion, A. M. Proctor for the Chapter.
John Feilding, D. D. Archdeacon of Dorset.
J 5 Roger Mander, D. D. Rich. Roderick, B. D. Proctors for
the Clergy.
Canterbury.
John Tillotson, D. D. then Dean of Canterbury, now Dean
of St. Paul s, London,
20 Proctor for the Chapter.
John Batteley, Archdeacon of Canterbury.
Geo. Thorpe, D. D. John Cooke, A. M. Proctors for the
Clergy.
Simon Lord Bishop of Chichester.
25 Francis Hawkins, D. D. Dean of Chichester.
Zach. Cradock, D. D. Proctor for the Chapter.
Josias Pleydell, A. M. Archdeacon of Chichester.
Joseph Sayer, B. D. Archdeacon of Lewes.
Conyers Richardson, A. M. David Morton, D. D. Proctors
30 for the Clergy.
Thomas Lord Bishop of St. David s.
John Ellis, D. D. Prsecentor.
Spencer Lucy, A. M. Proctor for the Chapter.
Tim. Halton, D. D. Archdeacon of St. David s.
35 Geo. Owen, D. D. Archdeacon of Carmarthen.
F f 2
436 Acts and Adjournments [DOCUMENTS.
Tho. Stainoe, B. D. Archdeacon of Brecknock.
Job. Williams, A. M. Archdeacon of Cardigan.
Tho. Sandys, A. M. Will. Powell, A. M. Proctors for the
Clergy.
Ely. 5
John Spencer, D. D. Dean of Ely.
John Moore, D. D. Proctor for the Chapter.
Will. Saywell, D. D. Archdeacon of Ely.
Sam. Blith, D. D. Nicholas Gouge, A. M. Proctors for the
Clergy. 10
Jonathan Lord Bishop of Exeter.
Rich. Annesley, D. D. Dean of Exon.
Geo. Hooper, D. D. Proctor for the Chapter.
Edw. Lake, D. D. Archdeacon of Exeter.
Edw. Drew, A. M. Archdeacon of Cornwall. i5
Fra. Fulwood, D. D. Archdeacon of Totnes.
Will. Read, A. M. Archdeacon of Barum.
John James, D. D. Tho. Long, senior, B. D. Proctors for
the Clergy.
Glocester. 20
Will. Jane, D. D. Dean of Gloucester, Prolocutor.
Rich. Duke, A. M. Proctor for the Chapter.
Tho. Hide, D. D. Archdeacon of Glocester.
Abraham Gregory, D. D. Rich. Parsons, L. D. Proctors for
the Clergy. 26
Herbert Lord Bishop of Hereford.
Geo. Benson, D. D. Dean of Hereford.
Tho. Rogers, D. D. Proctor for the Chapter.
Sam. Benson, A. M. Archdeacon of Hereford.
Adam Ottley, A. M. Archdeacon of Salop. 30
Will. Johnson, D. D. Rich. Bulkley, A. M. Proctors for
the Clergy.
William Lord Bishop of Landaffe.
Henry Bull, D. D. Archdeacon of Landaffe.
Jonathan Edwards, Proctor for the Chapter. 35
CHAPTER x.] of the Convocation. 437
William Frampton, A. M. Jenkins, A. M. Proctors
for the Clergy.
Thomas Lord Bishop of Lichfield and Coventry.
Lancelot Addison, D. D. Dean of Lichfield.
5 John Willes, D. D. Proctor for the Chapter.
Lancelot Addison, D. D. Archdeacon of Coventry.
Fran. Ashenhurst, A. M. Archdeacon of Darby [Stafford,
Salop].
Barnabas Poole, A. M. Jo. Kimberly, A. M. Proctors for
10 the Clergy.
Thomas Lord Bishop of Lincoln.
Daniel Brevint, D. D. Dean of Lincoln.
John Inet, A. M. Samuel Fuller, D. D. Proctors for the
Chapter.
15 Tho. Oldys, L. B. Archdeacon of Lincoln.
John Hutton, A. M. Archdeacon of Stow.
Byrom Eaton, D. D. Archdeacon of Leicester.
John Hammond, D. D. Archdeacon of Bucks.
John Gery, L. D. Archdeacon of Huntington.
20 John Skelton, A. M. Archdeacon of Bedford.
James Gardiner, D. D. Rob. Edwards, B. D. Proctors for
the Clergy.
Henry Lord Bishop of London, President.
J. Tillotson, D. D. now Dean of St. Paul s.
25 Will. Stanley, D. D. Proctor for the Chapter.
Thomas Tenison, D. D. Archdeacon of London.
John Goodman, D. D. Archdeacon of Essex.
Charles Alston, D. D. Archdeacon of Middlesex.
Will. Beveridge, D. D. Archdeacon of Colchester.
3 John Cole, A. M. Archdeacon of St. Albans.
Gregory Hascard, D. D. Rob. Grove, D. D. Proctors for
the Clergy.
Norwich.
John Sharpe, D. D. then Dean of Norwich, now Dean of
3 5 Canterbury.
438 Acts and Adjournments [DOCUMENTS.
Nath. Hodges, A. M. Proctor for the Chapter.
John Conant, D. D. Archdeacon of Norwich.
Edw. Reynolds, D. D. Archdeacon of Norfolk.
John Spencer, D. D. Archdeacon of Sudbury.
Humph. Prideaux, D. D. Archdeacon of Suffolk. 5
John Connald, A.M. John Eachard, D. D. Proctors for
the Clergy.
Oxford.
Hen. Aldrich, D. D. Dean of Christ Church.
Hen. Smith, D. D. Proctor for the Chapter. 10
Timothy Halton, D. D. Archdeacon of Oxon.
John Mill, D. D. Henry Maurice, D. D. Proctors for the
Clergy.
Peterborough.
Rich. Kidder, D. D. Dean of Peterbour. i5
John Patrick, A.M. Proctor for the Chapter.
Tho. Woolsey, D. D. Archdeacon of Northampt.
Matthew Hutton, B. D. Nath.Whalley, A. M. Proctors for
the Clergy.
Thomas Lord Bishop of Rochester. 2
Hen. Ullock, D. D. Dean of Rochester.
Fran. Brevall, D. D. Proctor for the Chapter.
Tho. Plume, D. D. Archdeacon of Rochester.
Rich. Holden, A.M. Joseph Yates, A. M. Proctors for the
Clergy. 25
Gilbert Lord Bishop of Salisbury.
Tho. Price, D. D. Dean of Sarum.
Rob. Woodward, L. D. Proctor for the Chapter.
Will. Richards, B. D. Archdeacon of Sarum.
Tho. Lambert, D. D. Archdeacon of Berks. 30
Tho. Ward, L. D. Archdeacon of Wilts.
John Younger, D. D. Thomas Wyat, D. D. Proctors for
the Clergy.
Thomas Lord Bishop of Rochester, Dean of Westmin- 3 5
ster.
CHAPTER x.] of the Convocation. 439
Edw. Felling, D. D. Proctor for the Chapter.
Eich. Busby, D. D. Archdeacon of Westminster.
Peter Lord Bishop of Winchester.
Eich. Meggott, D. D. Dean of Winton.
5 Will. Hawkins, D. D. Proctor for the Chapter.
Tho. Clutterbuck, D. D. Archdeacon of Winchester.
Tho. Sayer, D. D. Archdeacon of Surrey.
Will. Harrison, D. D. Geo. Hooper, D. D. Proctors for the
Clergy.
10 Windsor. No return.
Wolverhampton. No return.
Edward Lord Bishop of Worcester.
Geo. Hicks, D. D. Dean of Worcester.
E. Battle, A. M. Proctor for the Chapter.
i5 John Fleetwood, A. M. Archdeacon of Worcester.
John Jephcott, D. D. Tho. Hodge, A. M. Proctors for the
Clergy.
And after this the prolocutor was chosen : the persons
named were Dr. Tillotson, dean of St. Paul s, and Dr. Jane,
20 the King s professor in Oxford : Dr. Jane had the majority
of voices ; yet great endeavours were used to prefer the dean,
whose party having argued much for it, but saw themselves
overcome, did at last yield to the election of Dr. Jane, the
votes for him being double to the others. The first thing
25 that was done in the convocation, after the chusing the pro
locutor, was Dec. 4th, when the commission from the King
was read, there being present twelve bishops ; the commission
was as follows :
" William and Mary, by the grace of God, King and Queen
30 of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, defenders of the
faith, &c. to all to whom these presents shall come, greeting ;
whereas, in and by one act of parliament made at Westmin
ster, in the 25th year of the reign of King Henry the VHIth,
reciting, That whereas the King s humble and obedient sub-
35jects the clergy of this realm of England, had not only ac
knowledged according to the truth that the convocations of
the same clergy were always, had been, and ought to be
pf 4
440 Acts and Adjournments [DOCUMENTS.
assembled only by the King s writ, but also submitting them
selves to the King s Majesty, had promised in verbo sacerdotis,
that they would never from thenceforth presume to attempt,
alledge, claim, or put in ure, or enact, promulge, or execute
any new canons, constitutions, ordinances provincial or others, 5
or by whatsoever other name they should be called, in the con
vocation, unless the said king s most royal assent and license
might to them be had, to make, promulge, and execute the
same ; and that the said king did give his royal assent and
authority in that behalf. It was therefore enacted by the 10
authority of the said parliament, according to the said sub
mission and petition of the said clergy, among other things,
that they, nor any of them, from thenceforth should enact,
promulge, or execute any such canons, constitutions, or ordi
nances provincial, by whatsoever name they might be called, i5
in their convocations in time coming, which always should be
assembled by authority of the King s writ, unless the same
clergy might have the King s most royal assent and license,
to make, promulge, and execute such canons, constitutions,
and ordinances, provincial or synodal, upon pain of every one 20
of the said clergy doing contrary to the said Act, and being
thereof convict, to suffer imprisonment, and make fines at the
King s will.
" And further, by the said Act it is provided, that no canons,
constitutions, or ordinances should be made or put in execu- 25
tion within this realm, by authority of the convocations of the
clergy, which should be contrariant or repugnant to the
King s prerogative royal, or the customs, laws, or statutes of
this realm, any thing contained in the said Act to the
contrary thereof notwithstanding. 30
"And lastly, it is also provided by the said Act, That such
canons, constitutions, ordinances and synodals, provincial,
which then were already made, and which then were not con
trariant or repugnant to the laws, statutes and customs of
this realm, nor to the damage or hurt of the King s pre-^5
rogative royal, should then still be used and executed as they
were before the making of the said Act, until such time as
they should be viewed, searched, or otherwise ordered and
determined by the persons mentioned in the said Act, or the
CHAPTER x.] of the Convocation. 441
most part of them, according to the tenor, form, and effect of
the said Act, as by the said Act, among divers other things
more fully and at large, it doth and may appear.
" And whereas the particular forms of divine worship, and
5 rites and ceremonies appointed to be used therein, being
things of their own nature indifferent and alterable, and so
acknowledged, it is but reasonable that upon weighty and
important considerations, according to the various exigency
of times and occasions, such changes and alterations should
10 be made therein, as to those that are in place and authority
should, from time to time, seem either necessary or expedient.
" And whereas the Book of Canons is fit to be reviewed, and
made more suitable to the state of the Church : and whereas
there are divers defects and abuses in the ecclesiastical courts
1 5 and jurisdictions ; and particularly there is not sufficient pro
vision made for the removing of scandalous ministers, and for
the reformation of manners either in ministers or people ; and
whereas it is most fit that there should be a strict method
prescribed for the examination of such persons as desire to
20 be admitted into holy orders, both as to their learning and
manners: know ye, that we, for divers urgent and weighty causes
and considerations us thereunto moving, of our especial grace,
certain knowledge, and meer motion, have by virtue of our pre
rogative royal, and supreme authority in causes ecclesiastical,
25 given and granted, and by these presents do give and grant,
full, free, and lawful liberty, license, power, and authority
unto the Right Rev. Father in God Henry Lord Bishop of
London, president of this present convocation for the province
of Canterbury, (upon the suspension of the Lord Archbishop
30 of Canterbury) during this present parliament now assembled ;
and in his absence to such other bishops as shall be appointed
president thereof, and to the rest of the bishops of the same
province, and to all deans of cathedral churches, arch-deacons,
chapters, and colleges, and the whole clergy of every several
3 5 diocese within the said province : that they the said Lord
Bishop of London, or other president of the said convocation,
and the rest of the bishops, and other the said clergy of this
present convocation within the said province of Canterbury,
or the greatest number of them, whereof the president of the
442 Acts and Adjournments [DOCUMENTS.
said convocation to be always one, shall and may from time
to time during this present parliament, confer, treat, debate,
consider, consult, and agree of and upon such points, matters,
causes and things as we, from time to time, shall propose, or
cause to be proposed, by the said Lord Bishop of London, or 5
other president of the said convocation, concerning alterations
and amendments of the liturgy and canons, and orders, ordi
nances and constitutions for the reformation of ecclesiastical
courts ; for the removing of scandalous ministers ; for the
reformation of manners either in ministers or people; and for 10
the examination of such persons as desire to be admitted into
holy orders, and all such other points, causes and matters as
we shall think necessary and expedient, for advancing the
honour and service of Almighty God, the good and quiet of
the Church, and the better government thereof. . And we do i5
also by these presents, give and grant unto the said Lord
Bishop of London, or other president of the said convocation,
and to the rest of the bishops of the said province of Canter
bury, and unto all deans of cathedral churches, arch-deacons,
chapters, and colleges, and the whole clergy of every several 20
diocese within the said province, full, free, and lawful liberty,
license, power and authority, that they the said Lord Bishop
of London, or other president of the said convocation, and
the rest of the said bishops and other the clergy of the same
province, or the greatest number of them that shall be present 25
in person, or by their proxies, shall and may, from time to
time, draw into forms, rules, orders, ordinances, constitutions
and canons, such matters as to them shall seem necessary and
expedient for purposes abovementioned ; and the same set
down in writing, from time to time, to exhibit and deliver, or 30
cause to be exhibited and delivered unto us, to the end that
we, as occasion shall require, may thereupon have the advice
of our parliament ; and that such, and so many of the said
canons, orders, ordinances, constitutions, matters, causes, and
things as shall be thought requisite and convenient by our 35
said parliament, may be presented to us in due form for our
royal assent, if upon mature consideration thereof we shall
think fit to enact the same. In witness whereof we have
caused these our letters to be made patent : witness ourselves
CHAPTER x.] of the Convocation. 443
at Westminster the 30th day of November, in the fifth year
of our reign.
" Per Breve de privato Sigello, BURKER.
"VeraCopia, J. 0."
"N. P."
His Majesty s gracious message to the Convocation, sent
by the Earl of Nottingham, as followeth :
" WILLIAM R.
" His Majesty has summoned this convocation, not only
10 because tis usual upon holding of a parliament, but out of a
pious zeal to do every thing that may tend to the best
establishment of the Church of England, which is so eminent
a part of the reformation, and is certainly the best suited to
the constitution of this government ; and therefore does most
1 5 signally deserve, and shall always have both his favour and
protection ; and he doubts not, but that you will assist him
in promoting the welfare of it, so that no prejudices, with
which some men may have laboured to possess you, shall
disappoint his good intentions, or deprive the Church of
20 any benefit from your consultations. His Majesty therefore
expects, that the things that shall be proposed, shall be
calmly and impartially considered by you, and assures you,
that he will offer nothing to you but what shall be for the
honour, peace, and advantage both of the Protestant religion
25 in general, and particularly of the Church of England."
The Bishops 1 address.
" We your Majesty s most dutiful subjects, the bishops and
clergy of the province of Canterbury, in convocation assem
bled, having received your Majesty s gracious message,
30 together with a commission from your Majesty by the Earl
of Nottingham, hold ourselves bound in gratitude and duty,
to return our most humble thanks and acknowledgments of
the grace and goodness expressed in your Majesty s message,
and the zeal you shew in it for the Protestant religion in
35 general, and the Church of England in particular, and of the
trust and confidence reposed in us by this commission : we
444 Acts and Adjournments [DOCUMENTS.
look on these marks of your Majesty s care and favour as the
continuance of the great deliverance Almighty God wrought
for us by your means, in making you the blessed instrument
of preserving us from falling under the cruelty of popish
tyranny ; for which as we have often thanked Almighty God, 5
so we cannot forget that high obligation and duty which we
owe to your Majesty ; and on these new assurances of your
protection and favour in our Church, we beg leave to renew
the assurance of our constant fidelity and obedience to your
Majesty, whom we pray God to continue long, and happily to 10
reign over us."
This address was not approved of by the lower house, who
thought they had the priviledge (wanting the books of pre
sidents) to present one of their own drawing ; but that not
being admitted, it was voted by the lower house to make i5
some amendments; which were not agreed on till after a
conference with the bishops, the lower house insisting that
they would confine themselves to the King s declaration, and
to what concerned especially the Church of England ; where
upon a conference was desired, and a committee appointed to 20
attend the lords : the conference was managed chiefly between
the bishop of Salisbury and the prolocutor ; the bishop urged
that the Church of England was not distinguished from other
Protestant Churches, but by its hierarchy and revenues, and
that it was an equivocal expression ; for if Popery should 25
prevail it would be called the Church of England still. To
which the prolocutor answered, that the Church of England
was distinguished by its doctrine as it stands in the Articles,
Liturgy, and Homilies, as well as by its hierarchy, and that
the term of Protestant Churches was much more equivocal, 30
because Socinians, Anabaptists, and Quakers, assumed that
title. After this we heard no more reply, but a committee
of convocation in the lower house, having drawn up another
form, it was consented to. And thanks were given to the
prolocutor for managing the conference. 35
And the address, as agreed on to be presented, was as
followeth :
" We your Majesty s most loyall and most dutiful subjects
the bishops and clergy of the province of Canterbury, in con-
CHAPTER x.] of the Convocation. 445
vocation assembled, having received a most gracious message
from your Majesty by the Earl of Nottingham, hold ourselves
bound in duty and gratitude, to return our most humble
acknowledgments for the same ; and for the pious zeal and
5 care your Majesty is pleased to express therein for the
honour, peace, advantage, and establishment of the Church
of England : whereby we doubt not, the interest of the Pro
testant religion in all other Protestant churches, which is
dear to us, will be the better secured under the influence of
10 your Majesty s government and protection. And we crave
leave to assure your Majesty that in pursuance of that trust
and confidence you repose in us, we will consider whatsoever
shall be offered to us from your Majesty, without prejudice,
and with all calmness and impartiality; and that we will
1 5 constantly pay the fidelity and allegiance which we have all
sworn to your Majesty and the Queen ; whom we pray God
to continue long and happily to reign over us."
This address was presented on Thursday the 12th of Dec.
in the Banquetting-charnber.
20 His Majesty s most gracious answer to the bishops"
address, &c.
" My Lords,
" I take the address very kindly from your convocation: you
may depend upon it, that all I have promised, and all that
25 I can do for the service of the Church of England, I will do :
and I give you this new assurance, that I will improve all
occasions and opportunities for its service."
I. In the adjournments it was first debated, what proxies
each man might have from those that were absent : and it
30 was agreed, that one man might have four.
II. Whether those bishops that had arch-deaconries an
nexed to their bishopricks, might grant proxies to any member
of the lower house of convocation to vote for them.
III. Whether such proctors for the clergy, as had not
35 appeared, might grant their proxies ; which was resolved in
the affirmative, presidents being found for the same.
Then it was complained, that the convocation wanted the
446 Acts and Adjournments [DOCUMENTS.
books of presidents belonging to the convocation ; and it
being said, that the bishop of Asaph and dean Tillotson had
such books, they were desired to bring them in ; which was
done, and a committee appointed to inspect them, and report
what presidents could be found that might concern the con- 5
vocation, which is yet under examination. It was proposed,
that a committee might be continued during the adjourn
ment, to prepare things against their meeting ; but this was
denied. Complaint was made of some dangerous books
printed contrary to the canons, as that against the Creed of 10
Athanasius; which was sent to the bishops to be censured
by them. A reverend person made a speech on the behalf of
the bishops under suspension, that something might be done
to qualify them to sit in convocation, but so as the convoca
tion might not incur any danger ; which being not in their i5
cognizance it was waved, and left to farther consideration.
THE MINUTE PARTICULARS OBSERVED IN THE PROCEEDINGS
OF THE CONVOCATION, 4th DECEMBER, 1689-
Prayers being ended, the King s commission brought in
with a message by the Earl of Nottingham, both which being 20
read, the bishops went to Jerusalem-chamber, from whence
they sent a copy of the king s message, with the form of an
address, to which they desired the concurrence of this house.
Dean of Windsor, St. Paul s, Exon, desired by this house,
to attend the lords, to know whether they were all consenting 25
to the said address, and likewise to pray a copy of the said
commission. They reported from the lords, that they were
consenting to the said address, and order d to be sent down
to this house, and desir d their concurrence ; and that they
would order a copy of the commission. Then a question 30
arose, whether this house should concur with the form recom
mended by the bishops, or address the king in their own
form.
Resolv d by this house, To return thanks to the king in
a form of their own. 3 5
Dean of Peterborough, dean of Christ Church, desir d to
attend the lords with this resolution.
Order d, That nothing of any moment be agreed upon, or
CHAPTER x.] of the Convocation. 447
pass into an act, till the old books of former convocations be
brought in.
Ordered, That Mr. Pley dell s proxy be withdrawn.
The bishops desiring a conference,
5 Ordered, That the dean of Christ Church, Chichester,
Lichfield, Bristol, St. Paul s, Peterborough, Drs. Hooper,
Maurice, Willis, be desir d to attend the lords, to acquaint
them, that the house consents to a conference, and have
appointed managers, but desire a longer time to prepare
10 instructions for them.
The lords appointed Friday morning, nine of the clock, to
be attended about the conference.
Order d, That the same persons, together with the prolo
cutor, deans of Windsor, Exon, Dr. Battely, and archdeacon
1 5 Feilding be appointed a committee to draw up instructions
to-morrow at 9 o clock.
Adjourned to the 6th.
6 December. Prayers ended, the old books, and the copy
of the commission brought in. The committee brought in an
20 address, with alterations, with the reasons why they cannot
concur with the bishops in their form, in these words, " We
are desirous to confine our address to his Majesty s most
gracious message, and to those things only therein which con
cern the Church of England ;" which reasons being approved
25 of and agreed to by this house, it was carried up to the lords
by the said committee, who reported from their lordships,
That what alterations this house makes in their lordships 1 ad
dress ought to be specified in the respective lines thereof in
particular exceptions.
30 Order d, That the form of amendments sent down by the
lords be referred to the same committee, to meet to-morrow
at eight of the clock at Dr. Busby s chamber, saving this
house s right of proceedings, in their own way, in this and the
like cases, where there is no precedent to the contrary.
3 5 Order d, That the house adhere to the reason of their
amendments, which was offered to the lords.
Order d, That Drs. Tenison, Fuller, Beveredge, Ha-
mond, Halton, Thorpe, Parsons, Gregory, Grove, Say well,
Alston, Mander, Woodward, Goodman, Busby, Younger,
448 Acts and Adjournments [DOCUMENTS.
Moore, Stanley, Mr. Kimberly, Richardson, Ottley, Buckley,
and Skelton, be appointed a committee to inspect the old
books belonging to the convocation, and where they find them
defective to offer new orders for the approbation of this
house, eleven whereof to be a quorum, and to meet at three 5
this afternoon at Dr. Tenison s library.
Adjourned till to-morrow.
7 December. Prayers ended, the committee returned the
bishops" form of address altered according to the order of the
house yesterday, which being approved of by this house, they 10
were desir d to carry it up to the lords.
Adjourned till 9.
9 Decemb. Prayers ended, the committee returned the
bishops form of address, altered according to the order of the
house on Friday, which being approved of, they were again l $
to carry it up to the lords (being prevented by the adjourn
ment on Wednesday from attending their lordships with it) :
who brought down three reasons from their lordships why
the express mention of the Protestant religion should be in
serted in the address, which are as follows : " 1. Because it is 2
the known denomination of the common doctrine of the
Western part of Christendom, in opposition to the errors and
corruptions of the church of Rome. 2. Because the leaving
out this may have ill consequences, and be liable to strange
constructions both at home and abroad, among Protestants 25
as well as Papists. 3. Because it agrees with the general
reason offer d by the clergy for their amendments, since this
is expressly mentioned in the King s message, and in this the
Church of England being so much concerned, the bishops
think it ought still to stand in the address. 1 Then a ques- 3
tion arose, whether the consideration of these reasons should
be refer d to a committee, or debated in a full house.
ResolvM, That it be debated.
After the debate the house agreed that after these words
in the address (viz.), " the establishment of the Church of 3 5
England, 11 it be immediately added, " whereby we doubt not
the interest of all the Protestant churches, which is dear to
us, will, under the influence of your Majesty s government, be
the better secured."
, CHAPTER x.J of the Convocation. 449
OrderM, The lords desiring a committee from this house to
inspect the old books, that Drs. Tenison, Maunder, Wood
ward, Halton, Moore, Gregory, Mr. Skelton, and Ottley, be
appointed a committee to attend the lords this afternoon at
5 five o clock, to inspect the old books.
Adjourn d till to-morrow.
10 Decemb. Prayers ended, a message came down from
the lords for the managers to attend their lordships ; who
reported from their lordships, that they desire the reason of
10 this house, why instead of the " protestant religion"" they in
sert " protestant churches. 1 1
Ordered, That the same managers be appointed to draw up
their reasons immediately ; who returned their reason in these
words : " We being the representatives of a formM esta-
i5 blished Church, do not think fit to mention the word religion
any further than it is the religion of some fornVd established
church," which reason being approved, it was carried up to
the lords.
The lords returned the amendments with some alterations,
20 in these words : " After the words establishment of the
Church of England," 1 add whereby we doubt not the interest
of the protestant religion in this and all other protestant
churches, which is dear to us, will be the better secured
under your Majesty s government and protection. "
25 Ordered by the house, That the words " this and" be
omitted. The prolocutor, at the request of the house, gave
an account of the conference with the lords.
Order d, That the thanks of the house be given to the pro
locutor for managing the conference with the lords.
30 Adjourned till to-morrow.
11 Decemb. Prayers ended, the prolocutor reported from
the lords, that they had agreed to all the amendments with
this house, and that they would give this house an account
this morning when it would be a fit time to wait upon hi.s
Majesty with the said address. Then the house desir d the
prolocutor to attend the lords and humbly to represent to
their lordships, that there are severall books of very danger
ous consequence to the Christian religion, and the Church of
England particularly ; notes upon Athanasius Creed, and two
450 Acts and Adjournments fyc. [DOCUMENTS. ,
letters relating to the present convocation, newly come
abroad ; and to desire their lordships 1 advice, in what way,
and how far, safely, without incurring the penalty of the sta
tute 25 H. VIII., the convocation may proceed in the pre
venting the publishing the like scandalous books for the 5
future, and inflicting the censure of the Church, according to
the canons provided in that behalf, upon the authors of them.
Then the prolocutor acquainted the house that their lordships
received the message very kindly and promised to take it
into consideration ; and also that this house is desired to at- 10
tend their lordships at the banquetting house to-morrow, at
three of the clock to present the said address to his Majesty.
Adjourned to Friday.
13 Decemb. Prayer ended.
AdjournVl till to-morrow. i5
Prayers ended, a copy of the King s answer to the address
sent down from the lords.
The prolocutor acquainted the house that the president
had declared his sence of the ill consequence of those books
that were sent up from this house to their lordships : and that 20
upon enquiry, he could not receive any satisfaction how far
the convocation might proceed in that affair, but he would,
as far as lay in him, take further order about it.
Agreed by this house, That the prolocutor return thanks
to the president for the care he hath taken about our propo- 25
sal concerning the books, and to desire his lordship to proceed
further in it.
Then it was proposed by the lords to appoint a committee
of both houses to sit during the recess.
After some debate, 3
Resolved, That this house does not consent to appoint any
committee during the said recess.
Adjourned to the 24th of Jany.
CHAPTER x.] Letter to Dr. Tillotson. 451
VI.
Letter to Dr. Tillotson, bearing date Oct. 5, 1G89. (From the
MS. Library at Lambeth. Gibs. 930. No. 183.)
Reverend Sir,
THOUGH I am a stranger to your person, yet I am none to
5 your character, and so cannot but hope youll pardon the
confidence of this address. The great design now on foot of
making alterations in the Liturgy, &c. in which you are re
ported to have a share, is what occasions the talk and raises
the expectation of the whole nation. May the great God of
10 heaven and earth bless the endeavours of all who are or shall
be concerned in it, that they may indeed issue in the encrease
of true piety, order, and peace. As such attempts are not
certainly over hastily to be made, so, when they are made,
they ought not, in my opinion, to be with a too niggardly
1 5 hand. Every thing at such a season should be enquired into
and throughly considered which may at all be thought neces
sary to promote the good ends proposed. On account of this
conceit of mine (for that perhaps is the name it deserves), I
now put the following questions into your hands, which I must
20 beg you, Sir, favourably to receive ; since I designM to offer,
and I hope have offered, them with that humility and sub
mission which become one of the meanest among the sons of
the established Church of England.
I. Since the age seems so averse to frequent repetitions in
25 Divine worship, whether the Lord s Prayer, Gloria Patri, &c.
may not be more seldom used ? Whether, too, a greater va
riety of prayers may not be allowed, two or three different
forms being set down upon every occasion, that he who offi
ciates may sometimes take one and sometimes another I And
30 whether even the whole evening service may not be made to
differ from that of the morning 2
II. Since short collects do not very well suit the humour
Gg 2
452 Letter to Dr. Tittotson. [DOCUMENTS.
of the people, whether several of those in our Liturgy may
not be contrived into one ? as, for instance, those of petition
together, intercession together, &c.
III. Whether a prayer for preservation be not wanting in
our Common Prayer Book, as it now is, wherein particulars
persons (on their giving notice) may be commended to the
Divine protection, a thing frequently desired in some places,
especially port-towns ? Also another for the sick or afflicted,
to be used when the Litany is read ; there being none ap
pointed at those times ? 10
IV. Whether some psalms, proper to express our ordinary
wants, and to be thankful in for general blessings, or else
anthems to the same effect, made up of select expressions of
Scripture, would not do well in the room of the Magnificat,
Nunc dimittis, and even the Benedictus? i5
V. Whether the prayers for the King and Queen may not
be put in such general words as will be applicable to all cir
cumstances? we being, as it is w r ell known, not long since
crampt by a form, not without some seeming advantage to our
enemies, and scandal to some of our friends ? 20
VI. Whether the lessons out of the Apocrypha may not
be omitted? The version of the Psalms in the C. P. B. ex
changed for that of the Bible? The present singing psalms
laid by, and new ones made and allowed? Doubtless there
are men in this age who are able to put the Psalms into num- 25
bers fit to be ordinarily sung ; with all the advantages of wit
and exactness, as well as a natural easiness and plainness.
Though some have already done well, there is nothing yet
extant, methinks, which is complete of that kind. A good
translation in metre would remove one of the justest excep- 3
tions against our worship, contribute much to devotion, and
in all likelihood be received at this juncture with little or no
jealousy or outcry of the people.
VII. Whether the whole office of Visiting the Sick, also
the use of Common Prayer by the minister in his own family, 35
may not be left indifferent ? The office of Burial (till disci
pline be duly exercised) made more applicable to some loose
Christians who die in our communion ? The Athanasian Creed
CHAPTER x.] Letter to Dr. Tillotson. 45ft
left out, some of the expressions of it being harsh to vulgar
ears, and being hardly of the antiquity pretended to ?
VIII. As for the surplice, sign of the cross, bowing at the
name of Jesus, kneeling at the sacrament, reading the second
5 service at the communion table, the rubric about the salva
tion of infants at the end of the office of baptism, it need not,
I think, be made a question whether something is not to be
allowed to the weakness of some of our brethren. But then,
that a change in these (and indeed several other) things may
10 not seem to reflect on our former practice, as well as that of
the ancient Church, whether some preface or declaration may
not be proper more fully to shew the true reasons on which the
Church first retained and now makes alterations about them ?
IX. Whether some express allowance be not convenient of
i5 several things which now in many places are grown custo
mary without one ? Such are, Sermons in the afternoon, The
liberty which is taken in the prayer before sermons, A short
prayer of the minister s own composing after sermons, The
neglect of wearing square caps, hoods, &c.
20 X. Whether the promises of the sureties in the office of
Baptism might not be made a little more intelligible to ordi
nary people ? Whether, too, the Church Catechism might not
be as useful if some controverted things in the beginning, and
some school definitions toward the end of it, were left out \
25 And whether a larger catechism may not be fitly appointed
to be learned after the former ?
XI. Whether a person s declaring his resolution to submit
to the use of the Liturgy may not serve as well as the assent
and consent which have been so much cavilFd at ?
30 XII. Whether some expedients are not to be found out
further to restore the credit of Episcopacy among the vulgar,
and redeem the reverence due to that (as I am persuaded)
Divine institution ? such may be, The primitive way of elec
tion restored ; Some effectual restriction of (if not the power,
,5 at least) the scandalous oppressions and sometimes debauche
ries of their lay officers; All imaginable caution in pronounc
ing Church censures ; More frequent visitations of the bishop
himself, but without charge to the inferior clergy or ohurch-
454 Letter to Dr. Tillotson. [DOCUMENTS.
wardens; Confirmations, Cognizance of presentments, &c. in
less haste than what is too customary, and with greater so
lemnity ; The punishment of offenders in such a way, that
the honour of religion may manifestly appear the end of the
prosecution, and not the profit of the officers ; perhaps, too, 5
a little more regard to the judgment of the npeo-/3vr^ptor,
which anciently was of council to the bishop.
XIII. Whether some more effectual provisions ought not
to be made to prevent the being, if it be possible, of so much
as one scandalous minister, provisions which may influence 10
the universities, patrons, givers of testimonials and titles,
examiners, and the bishop himself; also after admission to
cures, the churchwardens, deans rural, neighbouring ministers,
archdeacons 2 Could we hope, too, for some way to advance
poor vicarages, a law for the better recovery of dues, and a i5
settled maintenance in corporations ; doubtless they would be
found serviceable to this as well as other good purposes.
XIV. Whether after the occasions of offence are removed,
and the church doors set as open as any reasonable dissenters
can desire, the making of some gentle law may not be pro- 20
posed as necessary to discourage the growth of atheism and
heresy ?
XV. Whether it would not be an act of charity in those
reverend persons who meet by virtue of the present commis
sion, to make the distressed condition of a neighbour church 25
matter of their humble petition to those who are able to
relieve her 2 Though some particular men have been guilty of
imprudence and errors, that therefore a sacred order and a
national Church should be offered up as a sacrifice, seems not
very reasonable. 30
I have thus ventured to give you the trouble of the fore
going queries, and I leave it to you, Sir, to make what use of
them you think fit. Perhaps some of them are utterly to be
rejected, and others may lead to things inpracticable any
where but in a new Atlantis. However, if I have hinted but ^5
so much as one single thing, which shall be thought service
able towards the honour of religion and the long desired
CHAPTER x.] An Act for uniting fyc. 455
tranquillity, I shall think my labour very well rewarded. I
am, with all that respect is due to your great merit,
Reverend Sir,
Your very humble servant,
5 Oct. 5, 1689. U. M.
For the Reverend Dr. Tillotson, Dean of St. Paul s,
London.
VII.
An Act for uniting his Majesty s Protestant subjects. (From a
MS. among the Burnet papers in the Bodleian,)
10 WHEREAS the peace of the state is highly concerned in the
peace of the Church, which therefore at all times, but espe
cially in this conjuncture, is most necessary to be preserved :
in order, therefore, to remove occasion of differences and
dissatisfactions which may arise from Protestants, Be it
1 5 enacted by the King^s most excellent Majesty, by and with
the advice and consent of the lords spiritual and temporal,
and of the commons in this present parliament assembled,
and by the authority of the same, that in order to the being
a minister of this Church, or the taking, holding, or enjoying
20 any ecclesiastical benefice or promotion in the same, no other
subscriptions or declarations shall, from henceforward, be
required of any person, but only the declaration mentioned in
a statute made in the 30th year of the late King Charles the
Second, entituled " An Act for the more effectual preserving
25 the King s person and government, by disabling Papists from
sitting in either houses of parliament, 1 1 and also this declaration
following: " I, A. B. do approve of the doctrine and worship of
the Church of England as containing all things necessary to sal
vation, and I submit to the government thereof by law esta-
30 Wished." And be it further enacted by the authority afore
said, that in order to the being collated or instituted into any
456 An Act for uniting [DOCUMENTS.
benefice or promotion, no more nor other oaths shall be
required to be taken by any person than only the oaths of
fidelity mentioned in the late statute made in the first year
of the reign of King William and Queen Mary, entituled
" An Act for removing or preventing all questions or disputes 5
concerning the assembling or sitting of this present parlia
ment," and also the oath of Simony, any statute or canon to
the contrary notwithstanding.
And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid,
that the two declarations aforesaid shall be made and sub- 10
scribed, and the said oaths of fidelity taken in the presence of
the bishop or his chancellor, or the guardian of the spiritu
alities, by every person who is to receive any holy orders, or
that is to have a license to preach any lecture, or that is to
be collated or instituted into any benefice, or that is to be i5
admitted into any ecclesiastical dignity or promotion, before
such his ordination, licensing, collation, institution, or ad
mission.
And be it further enacted, that every person that shall
have from henceforward, or take any degree in either of the 20
universities, or any fellowship, headship, or professor s place
in the same, shall before his admission to that degree or
fellowship, or headship, or professor s place, subscribe the
aforesaid declarations, and take the said oaths of fidelity in
the presence of the vice-chancellor or his deputy : and every 20
person, likewise, that shall be admitted master of any free-
school shall make the said declaration and take the said oaths
in the presence of the bishop or chancellor of the diocese.
And be it further enacted that the making and sub
scribing the said declarations, and taking the said oaths as 30
aforesaid, shall be as sufficient to all intents and purposes
aforesaid, as if the parties had made all other declarations
and subscriptions, and taken all other oaths which they
should have taken by virtue of any law, statute, or canon
whatsoever. 3,5
And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid,
that from henceforth no minister shall be obliged to wear a
surplice in the time of reading prayers, or performing any
other religious office, except only in the King s chapels, and in
CHAPTER x.] his Majesty s Protestant subjects. 457
all cathedral and collegiate churches and chapels in this
realm of England and dominion of Wales.
And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid,
that no minister shall henceforward be obliged to use the sign
5 of the cross in baptism, nor any parent obliged to have his
child christened by the minister of the parish, if the said
minister will not use or omit the sign of the cross according
to the desire of the parent, who in that case may procure
some other minister to do it.
10 And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that
no minister or ecclesiastical person shall oblige any body to
find godfathers for any child to be baptised so long as the
parent or parents be there to fill their place.
And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid,
1 5 that no minister who shall officiate in the administration of
the sacrament of the Lord s supper, shall deny or refuse it to
any person that desires to be admitted to the same, although
such person shall not receive it kneeling.
And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that
20 no minister ordained only by presbyters since the year of our
Lord 1660, shall be admitted to any benefice or promotion
unless he receive a second imposition of hands from some
bishop, to recommend him to the grace of God for the work
or exercise of his office, in the place or charge unto which he is
a5 called ; and the bishop shall frame his words and testimonial
accordingly, to the mutual satisfaction of himself and the
ordained, till a form on purpose be by a convocation and
a law established.
And forasmuch as the excellent government of the Church
30 by bishops, as it was reformed and established in Edward the
Sixth and Queen Elizabeth s days, is to be still upheld, and
several things in regard to the books of the Liturgy, and of
ordering Priests and Deacons, and consecrating Bishops, and of
the ecclesiastical Constitutions or Canons, and in regard to the
35 exercise of discipline and otherwise, do require redress, reduc
tion, or improvement, in order whereunto it pleased King
William and Queen Mary to grant a commission to thirty
persons, bishops, deans, and doctors of the Church, who made
some good progress therein : Be it further enacted by the
458 An Act for uniting <rc. [DOCUMENTS.
authority aforesaid, that those commissioners shall be filled
up, and hereby further authorized and required to proceed to
the perfecting that work, and to add what they think else
needful, to the end that whatsoever is wanting in this Act for
the further satisfaction of the dissenter may be supplied by 5
them, and then present what is done to his Majesty to be
communicated to a convocation and a parliament, when and
how he shall think meet, according to his most excellent
wisdom.
CONCLUSION.
commission issued by King William is the
last attempt made by authority for the revision
of the Liturgy. But though so completely frustrated
in that memorable case, the project has at all subse-
5 quent periods met with supporters among the sanguine,
the anxious, and the intemperate ; and in one instance,
if not in others, has been brought distinctly before
the governors of the Church for their consideration.
Archbishop Cornwallis was petitioned in the year 1772
10 by several clergymen a , some of whom afterwards
obtained high stations in the Church, to sanction a
review of the liturgy and articles, with a request " that
their wishes might be signified to the rest of the
bishops that every thing might be done, which could
io be prudently and safely done, to promote those im
portant and salutary purposes." The Archbishop s
answer given on the llth of February, 1773, was in
a Among the petitioners were Drs. Porteus, Yorke, and Percy,
afterwards Bishops of London, Ely, and Dromore. See Hodgson s
20 Life of Bishop Porteus, p. 38. In the British Museum is a Col
lection of Volumes, 39 in number, bequeathed to it in the year
1766 by a Bedfordshire clergyman of the name of Jones, which
contain the most copious materials for a revision of the Liturgy, and
illustrate at the same time the boundless extravagance to which a
25 love of alterations is sometimes carried. (Addit. MSS. 5368
M07.)
460 Conclusion.
the following words, " I have consulted severally my
brethren the bishops ; and it is the opinion of the
bench in general, that nothing can in prudence be
done in the matter that has been submitted to their
consideration." 5
To obtain then from this history of conferences such
practical instruction as may direct us in our pro
ceedings for the future, it may be well to consider,
as the conclusion of the whole subject, whether it
is necessary or desirable to make any further attempt 10
at revising the Book of Common Prayer. It may
readily be granted that there are regulations, as to
the conducting of the services, which might be im
proved, and words and phrases in the services them
selves, which when addressed to modern ears, require r5
to be explained. To use the language of a living
prelate, whose authority rests upon his personal quali
fications, no less than upon his exalted station ; " lapse
of time has rendered some phrases obsolete, or strange,
or improper : condemnation of heretical opinions may 20
have been expressed in stronger terms than is necessary
or convenient : the selection of lessons might certainly
be improved, and better adapted to the customary
times of attendance on public worship. Above all it
would seem productive of many advantages if the 25
limits of that discretion, already given to the officiating
minister in certain parts of the service, were extended,
subject only to the interference of canonical advice
and authority, whenever it might be thought expedient
to check too great a latitude b ." 30
Now in a liturgy, the component parts of which
t> Charge delivered in the diocese of Llandaff in the year 1833.
P. 27.
Conclusion. 461
may be considered as coeval with the first ages of
Christianity, and as having met with general acceptance
and veneration at all subsequent periods, the necessity
for a revision cannot seriously be entertained, except
5 on one extreme and extravagant supposition. It cannot
be entertained on any consideration of the liturgy in
itself, but solely on the supposition, that the people,
for whose use it is designed, and on whose judgment,
humanly speaking, its fate is to depend, have so far
10 receded from its confession of faith, or tone of devotion,
as to find it discordant and irreconcilable with their
sentiments. But such a supposition it would be irrele
vant and unprofitable to discuss.
To the further question whether a revision is desir-
1 5 able, an answer must be sought not so much from the
general principles of a ritual, or the wants of a mixed
congregation, as from the practical difficulties inse
parable from such an undertaking. The change must
be made, if at all, by means of three distinct assemblies,
20 a commission, a convocation, and a parliament, their
united concurrence being indispensable, although the
approbation of any one of them \vould seem to be
almost unattainable. Suppose a commission to have
met, and to consist of divines selected partly from the
25 stations they occupied, and partly from their known
approval, in general terms, of the projected measure.
It is highly improbable that they would adopt any
given amount of alterations, without a conviction on
the part of some, that more concessions were required,
30 and of others, that too many had been granted already :
it is certain that before they had reached that point in
their progress, they would have met with questions
involving cases of conscience, and articles of faith,
and would not have been able to solve them without
462 Conclusion.
differences of opinion on matters essential. But suppose
that by the careful selection of the commissioners, or
by their extraordinary forbearance, these first diffi
culties are surmounted, and the proposition, drawn out
and matured, is ready to be laid before the two houses 5
of convocation. That body is not merely in the probable
character of its individual members, but still more in
its corporate nature and constitution, opposed to such
a change, and morally incapable of consenting to it.
But suppose again by some remarkable coincidence, 10
these further obstacles are overcome, and a schedule
of alterations has been adopted by the representatives
of the clergy. Then succeeds a parliament, not follow
ing the precedent of former times, and giving their
sanction to the projected changes without examination, i5
but submitting probably every point to discussion, and
deciding on principles entirely different from those of
the two assemblies that had preceded them. Forthwith
arise inquiries as to the nature and extent of the
powers of convocations; dissertations on the alliance 20
between the Church and the State ; assertions of
Sovereignty on the one side, and of Divine authority
on the other ; inquiries running back into the remotest
periods of constitutional history, and losing themselves
in the wide ocean of absolute rights. And if the 25
foresight of all, or any, of these confusions were not
sufficient to deter reasonable men from calling them
out of chaos, there must still be obtained a combination
of external circumstances, such as it would be matter
for surprise to find singly even in tranquil times, but to 3
find them all concurring at one period, and that too
a period of great excitement, would surpass the boldest
flights of reasonable speculation. There must still be
a combination of such circumstances, as a church
Conclusion. 463
possessed of power but willing to relinquish it, an ag
gregation of dissenters harmonious among themselves,
and with feelings of respect and deference towards
churchmen, a large mass of spectators looking calmly
Son the progress of change, without accelerating or
disturbing it, and lastly a paternal government seeking
only the moral welfare of the people, and laying aside
all views of party or personal aggrandisement.
It would scarcely be possible to imagine occasions
10 more favourable for such an undertaking than the
times of the restoration and the revolution, when the
Church, the dissenters, and the government might be
expected to concur in promoting some scheme of com
prehension. And yet, in both those instances, there
i5 were many essential differences never fully developed,
that would, by their emergence, have prevented a coa
lition, even had not the plan suffered shipwreck in the
outset, on such unforeseen and incidental dangers as
the predominance of a few impracticable dissenters in
20 the one instance, and the intervention of the non-jurors
in the other.
Let it be remembered, also, on the part of non-con
formists, that whenever objection is made against any
expressions as ambiguous or indefinite, other parties, of
25 different and even opposite opinions, will be as ready
as they themselves are, to offer amendments. In such
a case, the result will probably be that phrases, which
had previously afforded a common shelter to both, will
be made precise and contracted in accordance with the
30 wishes of the more rigid interpreters. Let it be re
membered that if one party complain of a strict ad
herence to forms and a tendency towards superstition,
another party, more compact, more learned and more
464 Conclusion.
resolute, may call for the restoration c of prayers and
usages, which once found a place in the Liturgy, and
were removed by the fathers of the reformation as too
nearly allied to Romanism. It is the natural progress of
controversy, the numbers of a party going on inversely 5
with the refinement of opinion, that discussion begets
distinction, and distinction is followed by exclusion.
The revision of King Charles II., memorable as a
passage of history, is no less instructive as an example.
Beginning in a sense of thankfulness that the times ofio
trouble were at an end, in a generous spirit of forgive
ness for past sufferings, and in a prevailing disposition
to renounce private interests and to include all reason
able worshippers within one common ritual, it termi
nated in a stricter interpretation of religious faith, in i5
more rigorous requirements of ecclesiastical discipline,
and in an increased amount of civil disabilities. And this
result was probably warranted, and certainly excusable,
under the peculiar aspect of the times ; but it was
owing in a great degree to the rash and intemperate 20
proceedings of the non-conformists, who had caused
the flood-gates of inquiry to be thrown open, and were
the first to be carried away by the torrent.
c See the two Liturgies of King- Edward VI. compared, Pref.
p. xxxv.
THE END,
CARIMLL, E. BX
A history . . . proceedings 5145
connected with the revision of .A2C3
the book of common prayer.
