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XXXVI.
A GRAMMAR of the GREEK LANGUAGE.
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XLIV.
The COTTAGER S MONTHLY VISITOR for 1841.
( With Wood Cuts.) Part I. (January to June.)
HISTORY OF CONFERENCES
AND OTHER PROCEEDINGS
CONNECTED WITH THE REVISION Ot
THE BOOK OF COMMON PRAYER;
FROM THE YEAR 1558 TO THE YEAR 1690.
BY
EDWARD CARDWELL, D.D.
PRINCIPAL OF ST. ALBAN s HALL.
OXFORD:
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.
MDCCCXL.
NOV 23 1954
THIS volume is a sequel to the one entitled " The two
Books of Common Prayer, set forth by authority of
Parliament in the reign of King Edward VI, compared
with each other;" and the two volumes jointly are in
tended to contain a complete documentary history of the
English Liturgy from the period of the Reformation down
to the present time.
C O N T E N T S.
INTRODUCTION.
The state of religious opinions and parties during the reigns
of Edward VI. and Mary.
The two objects of the English reformers. . . . the different parts
they were allowed to take. . . . their incidental advantages. . . .
the character of the Sovereign. . . . the state of religious con
troversy .... illustrated from the cases of the Eucharist and
clerical vestments. ... the progress of change. . . . exemplified
in the second Service-book of King Edward. . . . changes made
in the communion service. ... in the rubric respecting vest
ments. . . . principles involved in those changes. . . . opinion of
Lord Bacon. . . . the English reformers in exile. . . . the exiles
at Frankfort. ... at Geneva. . . . state of religious opinions on
the accession of Elizabeth. . . . sentiments of moderation. . . .
divines who had remained in England. . . . Archbishop Parker
.... influence of the exiles. . . . character of Elizabeth. . . . the
tendency of her measures.
vi CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
The revision of the Liturgy in the reign of Elizabeth.
The Queen s neutrality. ... efforts of the two great religious
parties. . . . the Queen s proclamation. . . , committee of revi
sion. . . . the only prudent method. ... of whom composed. . . .
Guest added to the committee .... the report he made to
Cecil. . . . the convocation. . . . articles presented by them to
parliament. . . . approved by the two universities. . . . the Queen
withdraws her bill of uniformity. . . . conference of divines at
Westminster. . . . questions for discussion. . . . proceedings of
the conference .... bill of uniformity again brought before
parliament. . . . passed. . . . opposition in the house of lords. . . .
changes made in the Liturgy. . . . effects of these changes. . . .
with reference to the Eucharist .... to clerical vestments ....
extraneous influences .... conformists actuated by different
motives .... sentiments of the clergy in general .... the con
vocation .... articles proposed in the lower house.
CHAPTER II.
Documents connected with the revision of
Queen Elizabeth,
I. The Device for alteration of religion in the first year of Queen
Elizabeth, (supposed to have been drawn up by Sir Thomas
Smith). Cotton Libr. Julius F. 6 II. Dr. Guest to Sir
William Cecil, the Queen s Secretary, concerning the Service-
book newly prepared for the Parliament. Corp. Chr. Coll.
Camb. vol. 106 III. The first Proposition upon which the
Papists and Protestants disputed in Westminster Abbey. The
Discourse of Dr. Home. Fox s Acts and Mon. and Corp. Chr.
Coll. Camb. Vol. 121. Svnodalia. , . IV. The answer of Dr.
CONTENTS. vii
Cole to the first Proposition of the Protestants. Corp. Chr.
Coll. Camb. Vol. 121. Synod V. The Protestants Dis
course prepared to have been read in the public Conference at
Westminster on the Second Question. Corp. Chr. Coll. Camb.
Vol. 121. Synod VI. Dr. Cox s Letter to Wolfgang
Weidner, with an account of the disputation at Westminster.
Corp. Chr. Coll. Camb. Vol. 241 VII. A Letter of Jewel s
to Peter Martyr, concerning the Disputation at Westminster.
Burnet, Hist. Ref. Vol. in. Part 2. pp. 360362
VIII. The Oration of Abbot Feckenharn in the Parliament
House, 1559, against the Bill for the Liturgy. Corp. Chr. Coll.
Camb. Vol. 121. Synod.
CHAPTER III.
The revision of the Liturgy in the reign of James I.
The progress of Puritanism. . . . the cross and the surplice. . . .
the auxiliaries of the Puritans.. ..the loftiness of their pre
tensions. . . . causes of the support they met with. . . . proceed
ings of the high commission. . . . dissatisfaction with the
government. . . . want of occupation. . . . illustrated in the con
spiracy of 1603. ... all non-conformists treated as state-
offenders. . . . non-conformist ministers. . . . opinions of eminent
statesmen respecting them. . . . publications on the subject. . . .
Cooper, Bishop of Winchester. . . . Bancroft, afterwards arch
bishop of Canterbury. . . . Hooker s Ecclesiastical Polity. . . .
the close of Elizabeth s reign. . . . the millenary petition. . . .
sentiments of King James. ... he grants a conference. . . .
advice of Lord Bacon. . . . declaration from the two Univer
sities. . . . the King s proclamation. . . . divines convened at
Hampton Court. . . . statement of Dr. Montague. . . . resolutions
adopted by the King. ... his method of carrying them into
effect. . . . the alterations made in the Liturgy. . . . disappoint
ment of the Puritans. . . . petition from the Diocese of Lincoln
.... plans of moderation .... strong opinion expressed of their
futility. . . . decided answer in their favour,
a 4
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER IV.
Documents connected with the revision of
King James I.
A proclamation concerning such as seditiously seek reformation
in Church matters. Wilkins Cone. vol. iv. p, 37 1 II. The
opinion of Matthew Hutton, Archbishop of York, touching
certain matters, like to be brought in question at the Con
ference. Strype, Whitgift, vol. iii. pp. 392402 III. King
James to some person unknown in Scotland, concerning the
Conference at Hampton Court. Cott. Libr. Vespasian, F. 3.
.... IV. A letter from Court by Toby Matthew, Bishop of
Durham, to Archbishop Hutton, giving an account of the Con
ference. Strype, Whitgift, vol. iii. pp. 402 407- ... V. The sum
and substance of the Conference at Hampton Court, contracted
by William Barlow, D. D., Dean of Chester. . . . VI. A letter from
Patrick Galloway to the Presbytery of Edinburgh, concerning
the Conference. Calderwood s Hist, of the Ch. of Scotland,
p. 474 VII. Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi et aliis pro refor-
matione Libri Communis Precum. Rymer, vol. xvi. p. 565.
.... VIII. A Proclamation for the authorizing of the Book of
Common Prayer to be used throughout the realm. Wilkins
Cone. vol. iv. p. 377.
CHAPTER V.
Interpolations charged against Archbishop Laud.
Quickness to discover matter of accusation. . . . readiness to give
it credence. . . . character of Abp. Laud. . . . his vigilance over
the press .... his instructions respecting works written against
Popery. . . . displeasure created. ..." The news from Ipswich"
.... Sermons by H. Burton. . . . form of prayer for tbe 5th of
November. . . . for the public fast of jf>3(>. . . . forms of prayer,
&c. 011 different occasions. . . , alteration in the prayer for the
CONTENTS.
IX
royal family. . . . made by competent authority. . . . alteration
in one of the Epistles .... no ground of accusation against
Abp. Laud. . . . the change of " minister" into " priest". . . .
not made by the Archbishop. ... his speech in the star-
chamber. . . . how far these charges were revived at his trial.
CHAPTER VI.
The proceedings of the conference at the Savoy.
The time of the rebellion .... committee appointed by the house
of lords .... entered actively upon their duties .... motives
that actuated them .... the changes they agreed upon ....
effect of their concessions .... ordinances proscribing the
Common Prayer Book .... their natural results .... aided by
collateral circumstances .... strong principles of church-
ascendancy .... the king s declaration .... an exclusive desire
for a strong government .... boldness of the dissenters ....
their unreasonable demands .... the king s refusal. . . . proceed
ings of the episcopal clergy. . . . anxiety of the king s ministers
respecting them. . . . the advice they gave as to the dissenters
.... restoration of the Liturgy. . . . critical circumstances of
the times. . . . the king s method of proceeding. ... a confer
ence resolved upon. . . . good policy of the court. . . . conciliating
demeanour of the king. . . . the dissenters invited to make over
tures. . . . they deliver in proposals. . . . the groundless nature of
their basis. . . . the answer of the bishops. . . . influence of ex
traneous circumstances. . . . the king s ample concessions. .
his private reasons. . . . success of his stratagem. . . . satisfaction
of the dissenters. . . . commission for the revision of the Liturgy
.... the instructions provided. . . . proper interpretation of them
.... proper course of proceeding. . . . dissenters required to
tender their exceptions. . . . the policy of such a method. . . .
uncompromising principle of the dissenters. . . . their list of ex
ceptions and new Liturgy. . . . their high tone of language. .
the bishops determine to act as judges .... their answers ....
the rejoinder of the dissenters. ... its peremptory nature.
CONTENTS.
ten days only remaining .... a personal debate .... its natural
consequences. . . . Bishop Cosin s proposal .... disputation on
one single topic .... general reflections as to toleration .
CHAPTER VII.
Documents connected with the conference at the Savoy.
I. Proceedings of the Committee of Divines appointed by the
House of Lords in 1641. Baxter s Life by Sylvester, B. I. P,
2. p. 369 .... II. The first Address and Proposals of the Mi
nisters to King Charles II. Baxter s Life by Sylvester, B. I. P.
2. p. 232. . . . III. His Majesty s Declaration to all his loving
Subjects, bearing date October 25, 1660. Wilkins Cone. vol.
iv. p. 560. . . . IV. His Majesty s Letters Patents for a Com
mission of Divines, bearing date March 25, 1661. Wilkins
Cone. vol. iv. p. 572. ... V. The Exceptions against the Book
of Common Prayer, presented by the Ministers May 4, 1661.
Baxter s Life by Sylvester, B. I. P. 2. p. 316.. ..VI. The
Answer of the Bishops to the Exceptions of the Ministers.
From the account of the proceedings of the Savoy Commis
sioners, published in 1661. . . . VII. The Disputation in which
the episcopal Divines were opponents and the Ministers re
spondents. From an account printed in 1662.
CHAPTER VIII.
The revision of the Liturgy in the reign of Charles II.
The king s intention to summon a convocation. . . . reasons for his
change of plan. . . . convocation finally summoned. ... its pro
ceedings. ... it receives the thanks of the house of lords. . . .
excitement of the house of commons. . . . their resolute mea
sures. . . . more considerate proceedings of the lords. . . . they
pass the bill of uniformity. . . .jealousy and suspicion felt by
CONTENTS. xi
the commons .... strong provisions added by them to the bill
.... somewhat mitigated by the lords. . . . the bill receives the
royal assent. . . . alterations made in the Liturgy .... amounting
to about 600. ... no changes made to gratify the dissenters ....
some changes made that were known to be galling to them
.... the apparent design was to restrain and exclude them. . . .
and they themselves so interpreted it .... the fear that was
felt of Laudian sentiments. . . . grounds for that fear .... Mr.
Sancroft s book. . . . produced in the convocation. . . . employed
in the revision of the Liturgy. . . . the great use that was made
of it . . . . its leaning towards the Laudian theology.
CHAPTER IX.
The attempt made to revise the Liturgy in the reign of
William and Mary.
Defection from the side of the dissenters .... Dr. Tillotson. . . .
still continued to promote a comprehension .... progress of
that cause in the time of Charles II. ... banishment of Lord
Clarendon .... the cabal. . . . the cause supported by bishops
and peers .... always disappointed .... Dr. Tillotson pronounces
it hopeless .... the king s secret designs. . . . their constant
and powerful influence. . . . the court and the dissenters in al
liance. . . . they continually thwart each other. . . . reasons for
the quiescence of the episcopal clergy. . . . King James II. .
new posture of affairs. . . . affinities between churchmen and dis
senters. . . . claims of the Church. . . . acknowledged by the dis
senters. . . . merits on their part. . . . anger of the king. . . .
many circumstances favourable to a coalition. . . . disposition of
the bishops. . . . Archbishop Bancroft. . . . aids the prevailing
sentiment. . . . what were probably his own convictions. . . .
letter of the Bishop of Ely. . . . moderation of King William
. . . . his caution as to the encouragement of the dissenters ....
bills of comprehension and toleration .... the latter bill passed
.... the former laid aside by the commons. . . . who resolve to
petition for a convocation. . . . the lords join in the address. . . .
the king advised by Dr. Tillotson to consent. ... a commission
xii CONTENTS.
of bishops and other divines. . . . concessions expected from
them. . . . much in advance of public opinion. . . . letter of Dr.
Comber. . . . Bishop Patrick. ... his line of conduct. . . . pro
ceedings of the commission .... their report never made public
.... question of re -ordination. . . . collateral circumstances ...
violences in Scotland. . . . the toleration recently obtained. . . .
the non-jurors. . . . danger of making any changes in the Li
turgy. . . . the feeling of the convocation. . . . election of prolo
cutor. . . . objections of the lower house to the address of the
bishops. . . . convocation prorogued.
CHAPTER X.
Documents connected with the attempted revision of
William and Mary.
I. Commission of William and Mary for the Review of the
Liturgy, 1689. From Rennet s Complete History, vol. iii. p.
590. . . .II. Letter from Lord Nottingham to Bishop Burnet,
requiring him to attend as one of the King s Commissioners.
From the original among the Burnet papers in the Bodleian
. . . . III. Proceedings of the Commission of 1689. From Dr.
Calamy s Life of Baxter, p. 452. ... IV. Proceedings of the
Commission of 1689. From Dr. Nicholls Apparatus ad Defens.
Eccles. Angl. p. 95. ... V. The particular acts and adjourn
ments of the Convocation of 1689. From Mr. Long s Vox
Cleri, printed anno 1690, p. 59. (Comp. Wilk. Cone. vol. iv.
p. 619.) VI. Letter to Dr. Tillotson, bearing date Oct. 5,
1689. From the MS. Library at Lambeth. Gibs. 930, No.
183.... VII. An Act for uniting his Majesty s Protestant
subjects. From a MS. among the Burnet papers in the Bod
leian.
CONCLUSION.
No attempt at a revision since the time of King William. . . . ap
plications made to the bishops for that purpose. ... is any new
CONTENTS. xiii
attempt necessary? or desirable? admitted that the Li
turgy is capable of improvement. . . . such an attempt not ne
cessary. . . . except on one supposition. ... a case irrelevant and
unprofitable to discuss. ... is the attempt desirable ?. . . . prac
tical difficulties. . . . supposed case of such an experiment. . .
favourable occasions at the restoration and the revolution. . . .
danger of opening the question. . . . opposite objectors would
rush in. ... probable consequences to the non-conformists. . .
illustrated from the time of Charles II.
ERRATA.
P 142. 1. 29. for was read were. 1 . 271. 1. 16. for as read a.
INTRODUCTION.
The state of religious opinions and parties during the
reigns of Edward VI. and Mary.
English Reformers during the reign of King
Edward VI. were engaged in the distinct, though
kindred, objects of renouncing the corruptions and
authority of the Romish Church, and reconstructing
Sthe Church of England. But the means that they
had of accomplishing these two portions of their work
were extremely different. Having been the principal
agents and conductors of the one, it seemed as if they
were considered to have neither right nor interest in
10 the other. They had exposed the errors and re
nounced the jurisdiction of the Court of Rome ; but
the powers it had exercised were transferred, as of
necessity, to their Sovereign, and no enquiry was
made, whether some of them were not part of his
1 5 original prerogative, and others inconsistent with the
nature of his office. It appeared as if the Church of
England, having drifted away from the shores of the
Papacy, was treated by the statesmen of those times
as a waif a or an estray, and claimed, like all other
20 bona vacantia, as the property of the crown.
With respect, then, to the future condition and
a This view of the case, though resting on other grounds, was
doubtless confirmed by the act of submission, 25 Henry VIII. c. 19.
B
2 Introduction.
the positive reformation of the national church, the
powers of the Reformers were at an end, as soon as
they had shaken off the tyranny of Rome. But though
excluded by the nature of the case from any direct
interference in the reconstruction of the church, theirs
difficulties were mitigated and in great measure re
moved by the circumstances of the time and the
character of the Sovereign. Edward VI. had adopted
the principles of the Reformation to a greater extent
and in a more religious spirit than most of his con- 10
temporaries. Independently of his general attain
ments, and the wonderful proficiency he had made in
every branch of sacred knowledge, his youth, his
ingenuous disposition, and even the delicacy of his
physical constitution were the occasion of placing i5
considerable power in the hands of the Reformers,
by inducing him to confide in their integrity and
wisdom. As yet, moreover, this spirit of confidence,
a spirit least likely to flourish in those exalted regions,
was not repressed by the existing condition of religious 20
controversy, or by the appearance of disunion among
the Reformers themselves. The cause in which they
were engaged had not yet been so successful in its
warfare against the power of Rome, as to afford them
time for turning away their attention from the common 2 5
enemy, and fixing it upon their own differences.
Being a time of general danger, that called for their
constant and united activity, it left no room for the
exercise of curious and idle speculation ; and the party
zeal and bitter hatred, which gradually made their 30
appearance, as the points in dispute were more nar
rowly examined, were still latent among the elements
of the contest, and unknown and unsuspected by the
parties that were engaged in it.
Introduction. 3
And this may be distinctly shewn from the two
controversies on the nature of the Eucharist, and the
proper use of clerical vestments, which were the most
remarkable at the present period. The dispute respect-
Sing the real presence in the Eucharist, which more
than any other occupied the thoughts and exercised
the skill of the Reformers, gave them the first oppor
tunity for pursuing new and more subtle subjects of
discussion, but found them so much in fear of the
10 Romish tenet of transubstantiation, that their confi
dence in each other continued hitherto unshaken.
Even the objections against the use of clerical vest
ments, objections that were levelled at an early period
by the Reformers against each other, and have since
i5 become a fruitful source of discord and disunion,
appear to have been laid aside for the time by general
consent, from an implicit reliance on the prevailing
wisdom and moderation of their counsels.
From these causes, then, from the character and
20 circumstances of the sovereign, combined with the
peculiar state and the limited development of religious
controversy, ensued a general sense of trustworthiness
and a direct influence of public opinion, which, not
withstanding the demands of the prerogative, enabled
25 the Reformers to take their part in removing the
errors and filling up the void of their national church,
as well as in establishing their independence of the
Court of Rome.
It is not necessary to inquire whether the mutual
30 confidence entertained by the Reformers of this period,
and their consequent readiness to include as many as
possible within the terms of communion, were not
owing to a peculiar and transitory state of feeling,
rather than to a condition of things likely to become
B 2
4 Introduction.
permanent. It is sufficient to observe that, after an
interval of no great length, whatever was the cause,
whether the fear of surrendering some essential truth,
or the jealousy arising from past dissensions, the
terms of communion were narrowed, and the nationals
church had then to encounter a new description of
enemies.
But the rapid progress of change during the short
reign of Edward, and the earnest endeavour that was
made to include all degrees of Reformers within theio
pale of the church, may be easily traced in the alter
ations introduced into the Book of Common Prayer
, in the year 1552. j The earlier edition of 1549,
although constructed wisely and with due regard to
the existing state of public sentiment, was soon found 15
to adhere too closely to the ancient learning. The
encouragement, which had in the mean time been
given to the exercise of private judgment, and the
necessity that followed and was readily obeyed, of
appealing to the sole authority of Scripture, had swept 20
away the foundations of Romanism, and brought into the
minds of men principles and motives powerful enough
to throw down the strongholds of their early associa
tions. The older and more thoughtful among the
Reformers were well aware that there was a morals
force in the practice of past ages, and a Christian duty
connected with the sense of God s government of his
church, which should make them fearful of change,
and distrustful of their own impressions. But how
could they forsake the very principle on which their 30
religious freedom had been obtained, or abandon their
more ardent brethren, who had been the most effectual
instruments in obtaining it ? On this impression, then,
they still continued to act in concert, enlarging, as
Introduction. 5
occasion needed, the pale of their communion; but
they seem to have forgotten that some of the special
tenets they were renouncing, were still an important
part of public opinion, and that in extending their
5 limits for the purpose of admitting persons, who had
few articles of faith, b they were unavoidably excluding
others, who believed accurately and completely. It
may be doubted whether in such cases the converts,
who are newly admitted into communion, are more
10 valuable members than those who are displaced by
them. It is certainly not improbable that if the reign
of Edward had been prolonged, and his counsels had
continued to be directed on the same principle, an
attempt would have been made to establish an ecclesi-
i5 astical polity after the model of some foreign churches,
and would have terminated either in civil discord, or
in the permanent loss of some of the best properties in
our church-government.
Two principal alterations introduced into the Liturgy
20 on the revision of 1552, and connected with the two
important points of controversy already noticed, will
illustrate what has been stated. /The service of the
communion had previously been so constructed as to
accord with the belief of the real presence of Christ
25 in the sacred elements, and even in some respects to
favor the doctrine of his substantial and corporal
presence. It was declared, for instance, in one of the
rubrics, after describing the kind of bread to be used,
b " The doctrine of the Lord s Supper hath been so slenderly
30 taught by some, that a number have conceived with themselves that
they receive nothing but the external elements in remembrance that
Christ died for them. And these their cogitations have they
uttered to other to their great misliking." Bp. Cooper s Admo
nition to the People of England, p. 121.
B3
6 Introduction.
and the manner in which it was to be divided, "men
must not think less to be received in part than in the
whole, but in each of them the whole body of our
Saviour Jesus Christ." This service accordingly was
approved by the advocates of the ancient learning, and 5
the sacrament, as thus administered, was received by
many who considered themselves in communion with
the Church of Rome. But the alterations of 1552
were of such a nature as to be consistent with the
belief that the sacred elements had no new virtues 10
whatever imparted to them, and that Christ was
present in the Eucharist in no other manner than as
he is always present to the prayers of the faithfuls 7
That this important change was actually intended, is
evident from the words addressed individually to theiS
communicants, which may fairly be considered as the
cardinal point of the whole service. Those words
fj were no longer " The body of our Lord Jesus Christ
| which was given for thee preserve thy body and soul
unto everlasting life," but merely " Take and eat this 20
in remembrance that Christ died for thee, and feed on
him in thy heart by faith with thanksgiving :" and the
new form appears to have been suggested from the
ritual of a church of foreigners then resident in
England, who were among the most remarkable for 25
their rejection of ancient practices and distinct con
fessions of faith. Here, then, was a difference in a
question of religious belief, where, for the sake of
enlarging the pale of communion, several shades of
opinion were excluded from the public ritual, and 30
exposed to the imputation of being publicly con
demned.
The other important alteration was in regard to the
c See The two Liturgies of King Edward VI. Preface, p. xxix. note.
Introduction. 7
use of clerical vestments. The vestments used by
the Romanists in divine service, and more especially
the further decorations required in the sacrifice of the
mass, had hitherto been retained by the Reformers in
5 their corresponding offices, and probably were not
without their effect in moderating the hostility of their
opponents. But it was owing to the reverence in
which these vestments were held by the people, that
they were odious to the more earnest Reformers, and
10 that the removal of them was declared to be essential
to the purity of Christian worship. It was accord
ingly enjoined in a rubric of 1552 " that the minister
at the time of the communion, and at all other times
in his ministration, shall use neither alb, vestment nor
1 5 cope : but being archbishop or bishop he shall have
and wear a rochet : and being a priest or deacon he
shall have and wear a surplice only."
Now this alteration involved an important victory,
not merely because it departed still farther from the
20 practice of the Romanists, but much more because
it led to the admission of a new principle among the
Reformers themselves, a larger interpretation being
given to the right of private judgment. Unlike the
other subject of controversy, which was altogether a
25 question of faith and conscience, and was left on both
sides to be solved by an appeal to scripture, the proper
use of vestments was an ordinance of the church.
Being indifferent in its nature, it had merely the force
of a human regulation, and became binding on the
30 conscience only so far as the church had authority to
make it so. Such, at least, was the opinion which
men in general would entertain respecting it. In
favor, then, of the ancient practice were the authori
tative decision of the church, the conscientious feeling
B4
8 Introduction.
that was unwilling to disturb it, the approbation of
those semi-converts who were attached to the ancient
worship, and the calm assent of the greater portion of
the faithful : opposed to them were the convictions of
a small minority of the Reformers, but those convic-5
tions combining an unconquerable activity, an utter
hatred of Romanism, and a deep persuasion of the
sinfulness of acquiescence. The strong feelings of the
few prevailed against the judgment of the many, and
the sense of individual responsibility was allowed to 10
overpower the voice of church-authority. And yet, in
such a case, where the considerations on the two sides
were so different in their moral nature, where no
religious advantage was gained by maintaining the
ancient practice, and provision was effectually made i5
for the decent performance of public worship, who
shall say that the alteration was unwisely granted,
or unworthy of the high authority that consented
to it?
This view of the matter may be confirmed by the 20
judgment of Lord Bacon, which he expressed at a
later period in the following emphatic language d :
" For the cap and surplice, since they be things in
their nature indifferent, and yet by some held super
stitious, and that the question is between science and 25
conscience, it seemeth to fall within the compass of
the Apostle s rule, which is, that the stronger do
descend and yield to the weaker. Only the difference
is that it will be materially said, that the rule holdeth
between private man and private man; but not be- 30
tween the conscience of a private man and the order
of a church. But yet since the question at this time
is of a toleration, not by connivance which may en-
d Of the Pacification of the Church. Works, vol. ii. p. 541.
Introduction. 9
courage disobedience, but by law, which may give
a liberty, it is good again to be advised whether it fall
not within the equity of the former rule : the rather,
because the silencing of ministers by this occasion, is,
5 in this scarcity of good preachers, a punishment that
lighteth upon the people as well as upon the party.
And for the subscription, it seemeth to me in the
nature of a confession, and therefore more proper to
bind in the unity of faith, and to be urged rather for
10 articles of doctrine, than for rites and ceremonies, and
points of outward government. For howsoever politic
considerations and reasons of state may require uni
formity, yet Christian and divine grounds look chiefly
upon unity."
1 5 Such was the condition of things in the year 1553,
when King Edward died, and a zealous member of the
Church of Rome succeeded to the throne. The his
tory of the English Reformers may now be considered
as transferred to those places on the Continent, where
20 the exiles were permitted to establish themselves, and
to observe their own forms of religious worship.
Amounting in number, as is generally computed, to
more than 800, and consisting of almost all that were
eminent, whether for station or for energy, among
25 the English Protestants, they formed small communi
ties at Embden, Frankfort, Strasburg, Basil, Arau,
Zurich, Geneva, and other places, and communicated
with each other, as occasion required, on all matters
of religious interest. From the places that have
30 been mentioned, it would not be expected that the
Reformers would imbibe a more patient spirit than
they had hitherto shewn, or more temperate
views of religious liberty. At Zurich indeed, and
Strasburg, under the influence of such men as
10 Introduction.
Bullinger and Martyr, moderate sentiments appear
to have constantly prevailed, and to have been followed
by mutual harmony. Building themselves on their
most holy faith, the exiles in those places were
also laying a foundation for future usefulness. But 5
the history of the Churches at Frankfort and Geneva
is a continued narrative of restlessness and discord,
of disorderly passions that were exhibited without
restraint, in places conspicuous for ecclesiastical
license and republican modes of thinking. 10
It is worthy of remark that, with the exception of
the Lutherans and the followers of Bucer, the English
Reformers had universally acquiesced in the doctrinal
alterations of the year 1552, and that the real presence,
which had previously been so fertile in controversy, i5
ceased from that period to be a subject of violent
dispute. The ceremonies of the Church, and through
them, implicitly and eventually, the government of
the Church, were now the question of universal
interest. The exiles of Frankfort, being led by the 20
circumstances of their case to discuss that question
to the uttermost, were unable to detach from it many
feelings of personal animosity and a general spirit of
distrust and jealousy, which exposed themselves and
their followers to a life of perpetual discord. At 2 5
Geneva the same question of ceremonies, less perverted
by any strife among the exiles, but more inflamed
by the influence of republican principles, glided
naturally into a desire for some new scheme of
ecclesiastical polity, and a settled dislike for mo- 30
narchical forms of government. The Genevan 6
notes on the English Bible first published in 1560,
and commending instances of resistance to authority,
e Docum. Annals, vol. ii. p. 12. note.
Introduction . 1 1
the two publications of Knox and Goodman which
appeared during the reign of Mary and countenanced
rebellion, and the ritual adopted by the whole Church,
after the model of that of Calvin, are abundant
5 evidence of the direction and the extremity to which
ecclesiastical questions were carried by the exiles
at Geneva.
What then was the state of religious opinion
and of parties in England on the accession of Eli-
10 zabeth ? The fierce persecutions of the last reign
had certainly repressed the public exhibition of
Protestantism, but at the same time had laid a
foundation for the future increase of it, in the
strong testimony presented by the martyrs to the
i5 truth of their cause, and the compassion and sym
pathy excited by their sufferings. During this trying
interval the minds and consciences of men were
gradually acquiring the solemn conviction that Ro
manism was as unfavourable to moral virtue as it
20 was destructive of civil freedom. There was already
therefore a numerous party that still professing the
leading doctrines of the Church of Rome, but actua
ted by a charitable spirit, were anxious for a more
catholic confession of faith. And these persons, as
25 well from the nature of their sentiments as from
their general character and condition of life, were a
main constituent of public opinion. But there was
also another party, not perhaps so numerous, but
supported by the reputation of greater learning and
3 o more intimate acquaintance with the subject, who,
though opposed to ceremonies and lax as to principles
of church-government, held a midway station in
points of doctrine between the Lutherans and the
Divines of Zurich, and may be considered as the
1 2 Introduction .
followers of Bucer and Martyr. When they attempt
ed an exposition of their opinions, and more especially
on the nature of the Eucharist, their distinctions
were so subtle, and blended with so much of meta
physical refinement, that they made little impressions
upon general hearers. Even Grindal acknowledged
in speaking of the writings of Bucer, f " ita sunt
scripta, ut divinatore potius opus sit quam lee tore."
But when they shewed it was their object to embrace
the different parties of the Church under one com-io
mon confession, so that both Lutherans and Sacra-
mentaries might equally partake with them in their
public worship, they created among common observers
a strong feeling in their favour, and the sanguine of
all parties wished for their success. Hilles,& fori5
instance, a well known merchant and generous friend
of the exiles, acknowledged to Bullinger, that from
the study of the Fathers he had learnt to differ
from the divines of Zurich on some important doc
trines, having formed a decided preference for the 2 o
confession of Augsburg; and yet gave no intimation
of a division in the Protestant body. Gualter
also the friend and colleague of Bullinger, writing
to the Queen s physician early in the year 1559,
and alluding to the attempts at comprehension, 2 5
entreats " that they would not hearken to the counsels 11
of those men, who, when they saw that Popery could
not be honestly defended nor entirely retained, would
use all artifices to have the outward face of religion
to remain mixed uncertain and doubtful; so that 30
f In a letter to Conrad Hubert, Hess, Catal. vol. iii. p. 1 18.
g Hess, Catal. vol. ii. p. 1 13. Comp. a letter from Bullinger to
Utenhovius in Strype, Ann. vol. i. P. i. pp. 76. 259.
h Burnet, Hist. Ref. vol. iii. p. 524. P. 2. p. 353. Hess, Cat. vol. ii.
p. ill.
Introduction. IB
while an evangelical reformation is pretended, those
things should be obtruded on the Church, which
will make the returning back to Popery, to supersti
tion and to idolatry, very easy."
5 These sentiments of moderation may be considered
as entertained by the more valuable portion of the
English laity on the accession of Elizabeth. But
the Divines who now came forth from their con
cealments, and began to exercise the influence be-
10 longing at once to their station and their private
character, contributed on their part to the same
general impression. They were among the more
cautious and prudent of their order, and wherever
they had been conspicuous for their talents or learning,
i 5 had also shewn great forbearance towards their oppo
nents, acquiring such an interest in their good opinion,
as enabled them to pass with safety through the time
of persecution. The whole class may be well repre
sented by one of the ablest and most eminent of
aothenij Dr. Parker, the future Archbishop of Canter
bury. He was a man of learning, of moderation, of
system, and of piety, cautious in the formation of
his opinions, and firm in maintaining them, but
retiring in his habits, slow in his apprehensions,
25 perplexed in his statements, and disqualified for
public speaking, "I am often put," said Bp. Sandys 1
1 Strype, Parker, vol. iii. p. 41. The Archbishop in a private letter
to Secretary Cecil gives the following characteristic account of
himself, " I can not be quyet tyl I have disclosed to youe, as to one
30 of my best willing friends, in secrecy e myn imperfection. Which
greaveth me not so moche to utter in respect of my own rebuke,
as it greavyth me, that I am not able to answer your friendly report
of me before tyme : wherebi to my moche gryef of hart I pass
forth my life in hevynes, beyng thus intruded, notwithstanding my
reluctation bi oft letters to my frendes, to be in such rome, which
14 Introduction.
in a letter to the Primate, " to a doubtful interpreta
tion by reason of your sundry dark sentences." He
naturally betook himself to the study of antiquities,
and at a subsequent period, when every interest both
of church and state was exposed to hazard, and his 5
elevated office made him constantly liable to par
take in the burdens of the government, he found at
all times a relief and a solace from his cares in his
favourite occupation k . But in addition to his general
habits of prudence and moderation there were two 10
other points which would be thought likely at that
critical period to qualify him for the exercise of
church-authority. He had a profound respect for
the prerogative of the Crown, and dreaded the
" germanical natures," as he styled them, of the is
English exiles.
These exiles were become, on the accession of
Elizabeth, a most active constituent of public opinion.
Remembered with affection for their own personal
qualities, for the learning, the energy, and the devotion 20
which they had constantly shewn in their ministrations,
I cannot susteyne agreably to the honor of the realme, yf I should
be so far tryed. The truth is, what with passing those hard yeres
of Mary s reigne in obscuritie, without al conference, or such maner
of studye as nowe might do me service, and what with my natural 25
vitiositie of overmoche shamfastness, I am so abashed in myself,
that I cannot reyse up my hart and stomake to utter in talk with
other, which (as I maye saye) with my pen I can express indif
ferently, without great difficultie. And agayn, I am so evyl
acqueynted with strangers, both in their maner of utterance of 30
their speche, and also in such foreyn affayres, that I cannot
wynne of myself eny wayes to satisfye my fancye in such kynde of
enterteynments." Strype, Parker, vol. iii. p. 355.
k Isaac Walton gives a similar -account of the recreations of
Bishop Sanderson. Wordsw. Lives, vol. v. p. 534. 35
Introduction. 15
their character was invested with a still greater degree
of sacredness from its connection, to which they
seemed especially entitled, with the memory of Cran-
mer, of Latimer, of Ridley, and of their fellow-martyrs.
5 To aid these strong feelings in favor of the exiles
there was now the reputation they had contracted
from their intimacy with learned foreigners, and the
great Fathers of the German reformation. There were
many of them in whom the sufferings they had under-
10 gone, and the religious differences they had witnessed,
had still failed to subdue their vehemence of temper,
or to moderate the severity of their opinions. Such
were Knox, Whittingham, Fox the martyrologist,
Goodman, Sampson, Whitehead, and others, who after-
i5 wards became distinguished in the early history of
Puritanism. But the exiles in general, having learnt
wisdom in adversity, and being supported by the
advice of such men as Martyr, Bullinger, Gualter, and
in some degree of Calvin and Beza, were prepared
20 to adopt a tone of moderation, and even to comply
with some observances which they positively disliked,
in the hope that they might be able at no distant
period to remove the remaining errors. "Id enitimur," 1
said Bp. Home in a letter subsequently addressed to
25 Bullinger, " ut licet male vestiti, bene certe cordati in
opere Domini conficiendo simus. Alii se ab Ecclesia
separantes perinde faciunt ac ii qui cum auram sibi
adversam aliquantulum sentiant, nee possint statim,
quo volunt, per venire, ad meliorem sese ventum re-
soservare nolunt, sed exsilientes e navi in pelagus se
praecipitant ac submergunt."
Over all these elements of public sentiment, attract
ing, and in some degree absorbing them within its own
1 Hess, Catal. vol. ii. p. 220.
1 6 Introduction .
commanding influence, was the great character, moral
and intellectual, of the sovereign. It would be idle to
enlarge on the history of Elizabeth ; but it is necessary
to observe that owing partly to her natural disposi
tion, and partly to the circumstances in which she had 5
been placed, she combined these several qualities a
consciousness of her own capacity, a love and a fitness
for the exercise of power, a fondness for display, a
reverence for old observances, and a jealous mainte
nance of her prerogative together with a sincere 10
desire for the welfare of her subjects. With a cha
racter thus constituted, Elizabeth was placed in the
possession of sovereign power at a time when every
one felt the necessity for the firm and vigorous em
ployment of it. No conjuncture could have been i5
more unfavourable for the views of those who were
adverse to authority or lovers of change. But decisive
as the case was in matters of civil government, it bore
with cumulative force on questions connected with
the church. On such subjects the judgment and the 20
passions of Elizabeth were equally engaged in resisting
the progress of innovation. She was proud of her
scholarship, and gave it a direction to the study of the
Fathers m , from which arose an increasing respect for
the maxims of the ancient learning. She had con- 2 5
" " About this time, the better to inform herself in the truth of
Christian doctrine, and the government of the church in primitive
times, she [the Queen] was very diligent in reading the Fathers :
of which Sir William Cecil, her secretary, wrote to Cox, Bishop of
Ely, in his correspondence with him. Concerning which that 30
Bishop in answer gave his judgment in these words : that when all
was done, the Scripture is that that pierceth. Chrysostom and the
Greek Fathers Pelagianizant. Sometimes Bernard Monachizat.
And he trusted her Grace meddled with them but succisivis horis."
Strype, Ann. vol. i. P. i. p. 540. 35
Introduction. 17
tracted a personal offence against Knox and Good
man" for their works published at Geneva, on the
subject of female government, and by an easy trans
ition a portion of the same resentment was conveyed
5 to all the disciples of the school of Calvin. Under
such circumstances it is not difficult to foresee what
would be the tendency of the ecclesiastical measures
adopted during the reign of Elizabeth.
n In a letter written to sir W. Cecil in Nov. 1559, Calvin laments
10 " officium suum in offerendis Commentariis in Isaiam Reginse non
adeo fuisse gratam ob libellum Goodmanni de imperio muliebri
Genevse ante biennium editum. Quee olim cum Knoxo de eodem
imperio privatim contulerit, candide exponit, seque culpa omni hac
in causa vacare multis evincit rationibus." Goodman himself writing
!5to Calvin in Feb. 1561 says, " Cum Anglis, qui Genevse erant,
durius in Anglia agitur." Hess, Catal. vol. ii. pp. 123. 149.
CHAPTER I.
The revision of the Liturgy in the reign of Elizabeth.
succeeded to the throne on the 17th
of November, in the year 1558; and the earliest,
as it was the most important, of her duties appears to
have been to provide for the peculiar condition of the
church. Although neither of the two great religious 5
parties had as yet reason to look for her unqualified
support, each of them was willing to interpret in its
own favour the line of strict neutrality, which the Queen
thought it prudent to adopt. The Romanists were in
all the places of power and influence, and were notio
only left in the quiet occupation of them, but had also
discovered that there were many circumstances, con
nected with the character of Elizabeth and the secu
rity of her crown, which would make her desirous of
retaining their good opinion. The Protestants, on the i5
other hand, had the best reason for believing her
private sentiments to be in accordance with theirs, and
were publicly supported by those eminent men, who
were known to be in possession of her confidence.
Under these impressions the utmost exertions were 20
made on both sides to improve their respective advan
tages. Disorder naturally ensued ; and the Queen,
anxious to maintain her reputation for neutrality, and
to take no decisive step in favour of either party, until
the whole question had been fully examined, issued a 25
CHAPTER i.] The revision of the Liturgy fyc. 19
proclamation , " commanding all manner of her sub
jects, as well those that be called to ministery in the
church, as all others, that they do forbear to preach or
teach, or to give audience to any manner of doctrine
5 or preaching, other than to the gospels and epistles,
commonly called the gospel and the epistle of the day,
and to the ten commandments in the vulgar tongue,
without exposition or addition of any manner sense or
meaning to be applied or added ; or to use any other
10 manner of public prayer, rite, or ceremony in the
church, but that which is already used, and by law
received ; or the common litany used at this present in
her Majesty s chapel, and the Lord s prayer and the
creed in English ; until consultation may be had by
1 5 parliament, by her Majesty and her three estates of
this realm, for the better conciliation and accord of
such causes as at this present are moved in matters
and ceremonies of religion."
In the mean time a committee of divines had been
20 instructed " to review the Book of Common Prayer,
and order of ceremonies and service in the Church,"
with the design that their report should be laid before
the Queen and receive her approval, before it should
be submitted to parliament. At a time when the
2 s benefices of the church were occupied by Romanists,
no assistance could be obtained from a convocation in
such an undertaking ; and accordingly no questions of
the kind were laid before them. It does not even
appear that the committee of divines had any autho-
30 rity given to them under the great seal, being merely
a private assembly meeting at the house of sir Thomas
Smith, a doctor of civil law, and under his presidency,
Strype, Ann. vol. i. P. 2. p 392.
c 2
20 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
with the power of calling in "other men of learning
and gravity" to assist them. And this was probably
the only method that the circumstances of the case
admitted. To have referred the whole question to the
convocations of the two provinces would have been to 5
put an end to the progress of the reformation : to have
appointed a royal commission after the example of
Henry and Edward, at a time when Henry s statute of
supremacy, having been repealed by Mary, was no
longer in force, would have been to acknowledge the 10
necessity for a power which it might be doubted
whether the crown possessed : and the only alternative
remaining was to take such measures of prudence, and
so to combine the judgments of pious and tem
perate men, as to preoccupy the public mind, and to i5
create a kind of moral necessity for the consent of the
parliament and the approbation of the people.
The committee thus assembled consisted of eight
members, selected in equal numbers from the exiles,
and those who had remained in England, but giving a 20
preponderance to the opinions entertained by the
Queen. The exiles were Cox, Whitehead, Grindal,
and Pilkington, of whom the two last were fair repre
sentatives of the party in general, Whitehead was
resolute in requiring further alterations, and Cox, from 25
his early connexion with King Edward, and his inti
mate acquaintance with the evils of dissent, was likely
to comply with the wishes of the court ; all of them
however were men of high reputation, and well quali
fied for the important duty entrusted to them. The 30
other divines Parker, May, and Bill, with the civilian
at their head, were personally devoted to the Queen,
and desirous of adapting their plans of church-govern
ment to the general institutions of the kingdom.
CHAPTER i.] in the reiyn of Elizabeth. 21
The first question that would naturally offer itself
to this committee, would be the choice between the
two Service-books of king Edward ; and this question
doubtless gave rise to much discussion in an assembly
5 so variously disposed. They soon called in other men
of eminence to assist them, among whom was Guest,
soon afterwards made bishop of Rochester, a divine
who had been much engaged in the earlier history of
the reformation, and held sentiments on doctrinal
10 matters congenial with those of the queen. When
the whole review was completed, and the new Book
of Common Prayer was presented to sir William Cecil,
this divine accompanied it with a paper setting forth
the reasons on which he had assented to several of the
i5 proposed alterations. It appears from that paper that
he had received instructions from Cecil in favor of the
first Service-book of king Edward, but had not found
himself able in every instance to comply with them.
But the fact of greatest interest that we learn from
20 this document, is that after the divines had completed
their work and delivered it to sir W. Cecil, some
important changes were still made, before the book
received the sanction of the legislature. It is sup
posed by some? that these changes w T ere introduced
25 during its progress through parliament ; but it is more
probable from the known sentiments and subsequent
conduct of the queen % that they were inserted previ-
P Collier, Hist. vol. ii. p. 430, &c.
q There is reason to believe that the queen exercised her royal
30 prerogative in a similar manner with regard to the 39 Articles,
after they had been approved by convocation in the year 1562.
The first clause of the 2oth article respecting the positive authority
of the church, which at a subsequent period drew down much
c 3
22 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
ously by herself and her council. This however is
certain, that the committee of divines disapproved of
any distinction, as to the use of vestments, between
the celebration of the communion and the other
services of the church ; and by a still bolder act of 5
concession left it to every man s choice to com
municate either standing or kneeling : both these
changes however were withdrawn before the book
was eventually published, the practice, which was
adopted in the second year of king Edward, being in 10
each case completely restored.
On the 24th of January, 1559, the day after the
meeting of parliament, the convocation of the southern
province was opened by Bonner, bishop of London.
Much doubt would naturally exist as to the right ofiS
convocation to enter upon any business without express
directions from the crown, the statute of Henry, that
prohibited a convocation from doing so, having been
repealed during the last reign. This doubt prevailed
more especially among the members of the lower 20
house ; and when the bishops asked them, if they had
any thing to propose, they answered that they knew
not for what cause they were assembled, or on what
matters they were to treat. Being advised by the
bishops to make a supplication to the queen, they also 26
drew up certain articles for the disburdening of their
conscience, as they said, and the declaration of their
faith, requesting that the bishops would adopt them,
and present them in the name of the whole convo-
unmerited indignation on archbishop Laud, appears to have been
added by command of Elizabeth. See Lamb s Articles, p. 35.30
This is not surprising, as it was the belief of those times that the
proper ratification of all ecclesiastical laws was in the act of the
sovereign. See Docum. Ann. vol. ii. p. 171. note.
CHAPTER i.] in the reign of Elizabeth. 23
cation .to the upper house of parliament. They were
afterwards informed that their articles had been pre
sented in parliament by the keeper of the great seal,
and with the exception of the last article had received
5 the farther approbation of the universities of Oxford
and Cambridge r .
The articles were the following :
1. That in the sacrament of the altar, by virtue of
the words of Christ, duly spoken by the priest, is
10 present realiter under the kinds of bread and wine,
the natural body of Christ, conceived of the Virgin
Mary, and also his natural blood.
2. That after the consecration there remains not the
substance of bread and wine, nor any other substance,
1 5 but the substance of God and man.
3. That in the mass is offered the true body of
Christ and his true blood, a propitiatory sacrifice for
the living and dead.
4. That to Peter the apostle, and his lawful sue-
2ocessors in the apostolic see, as Christ s vicars, is given
the supreme power of feeding and ruling the church
of Christ militant, and confirming their brethren.
5. That the authority of handling and defining con
cerning the things belonging to faith, sacraments, and
25 discipline ecclesiastical, hath hitherto ever belonged
r Bp. Burnet (H. R. vol. iii. p. 527) says " Bonner told the
clergy that all their articles, except the last, were approved by the
two universities." But there is no record in the registers at Oxford
30 that any thing was done by the university in this matter as a cor
porate act. The case is expressed more accurately in the following
note on Wood s Annals, vol. ii. p. 140. " In the latter end of this
year (1558) several articles were sent to the universities from the
convocation of the clergy, containing matters flat against reforma-
3.5 tion, which were subscribed by most of the university."
c 4
24 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
and ought to belong only to the pastors of the church ;
whom the Holy Ghost for this purpose hath set in the
church ; and not to laymen.
Such was the only measure in connection with the
church adopted by the convocation of 1559; and it 5
was evident from this measure that the queen s govern
ment must proceed with the utmost caution in their
plans of reformation. It was doubtless occasioned in
a great degree by the report that had been made to
the council by the committee of divines ; as a bill of 10
uniformity had already been submitted to the house of
commons, and the designs of the court with regard
to the liturgy were made publicly known. Warned
therefore by these strong tokens of hostility, and by
the great influence of the Romanists in the country at i5
large, Elizabeth resolved upon withdrawing the bill of
uniformity for the present, and adopting some method
of turning the stream of public opinion more strongly
in favor of the reformers. She decided upon a con
ference between the most eminent divines of the two 20
rival parties, to be held at Westminster in the presence
of her privy council ; being convinced that whatever
in other respects might be the issue of it, much
advantage would be obtained for the direction of her
future measures. 25
The following were the questions proposed for dis
cussion :
1. It is against the word of God, and the custom of
the ancient church to use a tongue unknown to the
people in common prayer and the administration of 3
the sacraments,
2. Every church hath authority to appoint, take
away, and change ceremonies and ecclesiastical rites,
so the same be done to edification.
CHAPTER i.] in the reign of Elizabeth. 25
3. It can not be proved by the word of God, that
there is in the mass offered up a sacrifice propitiatory
for the quick and the dead.
The divines appointed to conduct the discussion
5 were White, Watson, Baine, and Scot, bishops of
Winchester, Lincoln, Lichfield, and Chester, with the
four doctors, Cole, dean of St. Paul s, Langdale, Harps-
field, and Chedsey, archdeacons of Lewes, Canterbury,
and Middlesex, on the side of the Romanists ; and
ioScory, (late bishop of Chichester), Whitehead, Jewel,
jElmer, Cox, Grindal, Home, and Guest, on the side
of the reformers.
The proceedings of this important conference may
be stated in the words of the report published by
i5 authority of the privy council soon afterwards for
general circulation.
The declaration* of the proceeding of a conference begun at
20 Westminster, the last of March, 1559, concerning certain
articles of religion ; and the breaking up of the said con
ference, by default and contempt of certain bishops, parties
of the said conference.
THE queers most excellent majesty having heard of diversity
25 of opinions in certain matters of religion, amongst sundry of
her loving subjects, and being very desirous to have the same
reduced to some godly and Christian concord, thought it best,
by advice of the lords, and others of her privy council, as well
for the satisfaction of persons doubtful, as also for the know-
30 ledge of the very truth, in certain matter of difference, to have
a convenient chosen number of the best learned of either part,
s This is taken from an original among Abp. Parker s papers in the Library of
Corpus Christi College Cambridge, vol. 121. entitled, " Synodalia." Comp. Burnet.
H. R. vol. 2. P. 2. p. 483. A longer and more minute account of this conference
35 is given by Fox, Acts and Mon. vol. 2. p. 21 19. edit. 1583.
26 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
and to confer together their opinions and reasons ; and thereby
to come to some good and charitable agreement. And here
upon, by her majesty s commandment, certain of her privy
council, declared this purpose to the arch-bishop of York,
(being also one of the same privy council,) and required him, 5
that he would impart the same to some of the bishops, and to
make choice of eight, nine, or ten of them ; and that there
should be the like number named of the other part ; and further
also declared to him (as then was supposed) what the matters
should be : and as for the time it was thought meet to be as 10
soon as possible might be agreed upon ; and then after certain
days past, it was signified by the said arch-bishop, that there
was appointed, by such of the bishops to whom he had impart
ed this matter, eight persons ; that is to say, four bishops
and four doctors, who were content, at the queen s majesty s i5
commandment, to shew their opinions, and, as he termed it,
render account of their faith in those matters, which were
mentioned, and that specially in writing : although, he said,
they thought the same so determined, as there was no cause
to dispute upon them. It was hereupon fully resolved, by the 20
queen s majesty, with the advice aforesaid, that, according to
their desire, it should be in writing on both parts, for avoiding
of much altercation in words. And that the said bishops
should^ because they were in authority of degree superiours,
first declare their minds and opinions to the matter, with their 25
reasons, in writing. And the other number, being also eight
men of good degree in schools, and some having been in dignity
in the church of England, if they had any thing to say to the
contrary, should the same day declare their opinions in like
manner. And so each of them should deliver their writings 30
to the other to be considered what were to be improved therein ;
and the same to declare again in writing at some other con
venient day ; and the like order to be kept in all the rest of
the matters.
All this was fully agreed upon with the arch-bishop of York, 35
and so also signified to both parties ; and immediately here
upon divers of the nobility, and states of the realm, under
standing that such a meeting and conference should be, and
CHAPTER i.] in the reign of Elizabeth. 27
that in certain matters, whereupon the court of parliament
consequently following, some laws might be grounded, they
made earnest means to her majesty, that the parties of this
conference might put and read their assertions in the English
5 tongue, and that in the presence of them, of the nobility,
and others of her parliament-house, for the better satisfaction,
and enabling of their own judgments to treat and conclude
of such laws, as might depend thereupon. This also being
thought very reasonable, was signified to both parties, and
I0 so fully agreed upon ; and the day appointed for the first
meeting to be the Friday in the forenoon, being the last of
March, at Westminster church, where both for good order,
and for honour of the conference, by the queers majesty s
commandment the lords and others of the privy council were
l5 present, and a great part of the nobility also.
And notwithstanding the former order appointed and con
sented unto by both parts, yet the bishop of Winchester, and
his colleagues, alleadging, they had mistaken that their asser
tions and reasons should be written, and so only recited out of
20 the book, said, Their book was not ready then written, but
they were ready to argue and dispute, and therefore they would
for that time repeat in speech, that which they had to say to
the first proposition.
This variation from the former order, and specially from that
2 5 which themselves had, by the said arch-bishop, in writing
before required, (adding thereto the reason of the apostle, that
to contend with words, is profitable to nothing, but to subversion
of the hearer) seemed to the queen s majesty"^ council somewhat
strange ; and yet was it permitted, without any great repre-
3 o hension, because they excused themselves with mistaking the
order, and agreed, that they would not fail, but put it in
writing, and, according to the former order, deliver it to
the other part.
And so the said bishop of Winchester, and his colleagues,
3 5 appointed Dr. Cole, dean of Pauls, to be the utterer of their
minds, who partly by speech only, and partly by reading of
authorities written, and at certain times being informed of his
colleagues what to say, made a declaration of their meanings
and their reasons to their first proposition.
28 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
Which being ended, they were asked by the privy council,
If any of them had any more to be said ? and they said ; No.
So as then the other part was licensed to shew their minds,
which they did accordingly to the first order, exhibiting all
that which they meant to be propounded, in a book written. 5
Which, after a prayer, and invocation made most humbly to
Almighty God, for the enduing of them with his Holy Spirit,
and a protestation also to stand to the doctrine of the catholick
church, builded upon the scriptures, and the doctrine of the
prophets and the apostles, was distinctly read by one Robert 10
Horn, bachelor in divinity, late dean of Duresme. And the
same being ended, (with some likelyhood, as it seemed, that
the same was much allowable to the audience) certain of the
bishops began to say contrary to their former answer, that they
had now much more to say to this matter ; wherein, although i5
they might have been well reprehended for such manner of
cavillation, yet for avoiding any more mistaking of orders in
this colloquie, or conference, and for that they should utter
all that which they had to say, it was both ordered, and thus
openly agreed upon of both parts, in the full audience, that 20
upon the Monday following, the bishops should bring their
minds and reasons in writing to the second assertion, and the
last also, if they could, and first read the same ; and that done,
the other part should bring likewise theirs to the same ; and
being read, each of them should deliver to other the same 25
writings. And in the mean time the bishops should put in
writing, not only all that which Dr. Cole had that day uttered,
but all such other matters, as they any otherwise could think
of for the same ; and as soon as they might possible, to send
the same book, touching that first assertion to the other part ; 30
and they should receive of them that writing which master
Horn had there read that day ; and upon Monday it should be
agreed, what day they should exhibit their answers touching
the first proposition.
Thus both parts assented thereto, and the assembly quietly 35
dismissed. And therefore upon Monday the like assembly
began again at the place and hour appointed ; and there, upon
what sinister or disordered meaning, is not yet fully known,
(though in some part it be understanded) the bishop of Win-
CHAPTER i.] in the reign of Elizabeth. 29
Chester, and his colleagues, and especially Lincoln, refused to
exhibit or read, according to the former notorious order on
Friday, that which they had prepared for the second assertion ;
and thereupon, by the lord keeper of the great seal, they being
5 first gently and favourably required to keep the order appoint
ed, and that taking no place, being secondly, as it behoved,
pressed with more earnest request, they neither regarding the
authority of that place, nor their own reputation, nor the credit
of the cause, utterly refused that to do.
10 And finally, being again particularly every one of them apart
distinctly by name required to understand their opinions there
in; they all saving one (which was the abbot of Westminster,
having some more consideration of order, and his duty of
obedience, than the other) utterly and plainly denied to have
1 5 their book read, some of them as more earnestly than other
some, so also some other more indiscreetly and irreverently
than others.
Whereupon giving such example of disorder, stubbornness,
and self-will, as hath not been seen and suffered in such an
20 honourable assembly, being of the two estates of this realm, the
nobility and the commons, beside the presence of the queen s
majesty s most honourable privy council, the same assembly
was dismissed, and the godly and most Christian purpose
of the queen s majesty made frustrate : and afterwards, for the
25 contempt so notoriously made, the bishops of Winchester
and Lincoln, having most obstinately both disobeyed com
mon authority, and varied manifestly from their own order,
and specially Lincoln, who shewed more folly than the other,
were condignly committed to the Tower of London ; and the
30 rest, saving the abbot of Westminster, stand bound to make
daily their personal appearance before the council, and not to
depart the city of London and Westminster, until further
order be taken with them for their disobedience and contempt.
N. Bacon, cust. sigill.
35 F. Shrewsbury. F. Bedford. Pembrook.
E. Clynton.
G. Rogers. F. Knollys. W. Cecill. A. Cave.
30 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
Strengthened and directed by the proceedings and
the issue of this conference, the queen s government
again brought into the house of commons a Bill
of Uniformity with a copy of the Book of Common
Prayer annexed to it. So decided was now the 5
impression in its favour, that it was read in that
house on three successive days, and passed appa
rently without any difference of opinion. It was sent
to the house of lords on the 26th of April, and was
passed by them on the 28th of the same month, 10
having there encountered great but ineffectual oppo
sition. The speeches of the Bishop of Chester and
the Abbot Feckenham are still preserved, and may
be read in the ensuing chapter; and the Romanist
party on the last division were eighteen in number, i5
consisting of all the spiritual lords "then present, with
the addition of the Marquis of Winchester, the Earl
of Shrewsbury, Viscount Montague, and the Barons
Morley, Stafford, Dudley, Wharton, Rich, and North.
It was ordered that the book should begin to be 2 o
in use from the following festival of St. John the
Baptist.
It is necessary to mention the points of difference
between this book and the second service-book of
King Edward, as they will clearly denote the par- 20
ticulars in which Elizabeth, whether expressing her
own opinions or summing up the wants of her subjects,
deviated from the sentiments of her royal brother.
They point out at once what were then considered
the most vulnerable places in the ritual of the 30
Church, and the additional defences that were
thought necessary for their protection. These differ
ences were afterwards stated by Archbishop Whit-
CHAPTER i.] in the reign of Elizabeth. 31
gift, in answer to an inquiry* from lord treasurer
Burghley, in the following manner :
t Strype Ann. vol. i. P. i . p. 123. Besides the alterations noticed
in this list of Abp. Whitgift, there were several changes made in the
5 Calendar, such as the appointment of proper lessons for Sundays,
as well as for several holidays, for which there were previously
epistles and gospels, but no proper lessons. The alterations are
described in the following manner in the act of uniformity, (i Eliz.
c. 2 . . 3 .) " That all and singular ministers in any Cathedral or Parish
i o Church, or other place within this realm of England, Wales and the
Marches of the same or other the Queen s dominions, shall from and
after the feast of the nativity of St. John Baptist next coming, be
bounden to say and use the mattens, evensong, celebration of the
Lord s Supper, and administration of each of the sacraments, and all
1 5 the common and open prayer, in such order and form as is mentioned
in the said book, so authorized by parliament in the said 5th and 6th
years of the reign of King Edward VI. with one alteration or addi
tion of certain lessons to be used on every Sunday in the year, and
the form of the Litany altered and corrected, and two sentences only
20 added in the delivery of the sacrament to the communicants, and
none other, or otherwise." But the tables of proper lessons were
not yet satisfactorily arranged, and in the following year (i 560) the
queen issued a warrant authorizing her ecclesiastical commissioners
" to peruse the order of the said lessons throughout the whole yere
2 5 and to cause some new calendars to be imprinted whereby such
chapters or parcels of less edification may be removed, and other
more profitable may supply their roomes." It seems that the bishops
were willing to leave this discretion to be exercised by the clergy at
large ; for in the year 1564, when the second book of Homilies was
30 published, the following admonition was prefixed to it: " where it
may so chance some one or other chapter of the Old Testament to
fall in order to be read upon the Sundays or holidays, which were
better to be changed with some other of the New Testament of more
edification, it shall be well done to spend your time to consider well
35 of such chapters beforehand." And this discretion continued to be
exercised at a later period ; for " Dr. G. Abbot (afterwards Abp. of
Canterbury) did reckon this liberty, granted in the said admonition,
to be in force even in his time . . . saying, It is not only permitted
to the minister, but commended to him, if wisely and quietly he do
32 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
I. "King Edward his second book differeth from
her Majesty s book in the first rubric, set down in
the beginning of the book ; for King Edward s second
book hath it thus :
The morning and evening prayer shall be used 5
in such place of the church, chapel or chancel, and
the minister shall turn him, as the people may best
hear. And if there be any controversy therein, the
matter shall be referred to the ordinary, and he or
his deputy shall appoint the place. And the &c. i
Whereas the Queen s book hath it thus :
4 The morning and evening prayer, shall be used
in the accustomed place of the church, chapel or
chancel, except it shall be otherwise determined by
the ordinary of the place. And the chancels shall i5
remain as they have done in times past.
Again, King Edward s second book hath it thus :
Again, here is to be noted that the minister at
the time of the communion, and all other times in
his ministration, shall use neither alb vestment nor 20
cope: but being Archbishop or Bishop shall have
and wear a rochet ; and being a priest or deacon,
he shall have and wear a surplice only.
The Queen s book hath it :
6 And here is to be noted that the minister at 25
the time of the communion, and at all other times in
his ministration, shall use such ornaments in the
read canonical scripture, where the apocryphal upon good judgment
seemeth not so fit ; or any chapter of the canonical may be conceived
not to have in it so much edification before the simple, as some other 30
part of the same canonical may be thought to have." Strype Ann.
vol. i. P. 2. p. 105. Docum. Ann. vol. i. p. 260. It is clear how
ever that no such discretion is allowed under the act of uniformity
13 and 14 Charles II. c. 4.
CHAPTER i.] in the reign of Elizabeth. 33
Church, as were in use by authority of Parliament
in the second year in the reign of king Edward VI.
according to the act of Parliament, set forth in the
beginning of this book.
5 2. In king Edward s second book in the litany
there are these words, From the tyranny of the
bishop of Rome, and all his detestable enormities;
which are not in her Majesty s book.
3. In the litany, her Majesty s book hath these
10 words more than are in king Edward s second book,
viz. Strengthen in the true worshipping of thee,
in righteousness and true holiness of life.
4. In the end of the litany there is no prayer in
king Edward s second book for the king nor for the
i5 state of the clergy. And the last collect set in her
Majesty s book next before the first Sunday in Advent,
and beginning, O God, whose nature and property
is ever to have mercy, is not in king Edward s
second book. Further, there are two collects ap-
20 pointed for the time of dearth and famine ; whereas her
Majesty s book hath but one. And in king Edward s
second book this note is given of the prayer of St.
Chrysostom, The litany shall ever end with this
collect following; which note is not in her Majesty s
25 book.
5. King Edward s second book appointeth only these
words to be used, when the bread is delivered at the
communion, Take and eat this in remembrance that
Christ died for thee, and feed on him in thine heart
30 by faith with thanksgiving. And when the cup is
delivered, * Drink this in remembrance that Christ s
blood was shed for thee, and be thankful. Whereas in
her Majesty s book at the delivering of the bread these
words must be said, The body of our Lord Jesus
D
34 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
Christ, which was given for thee, preserve thy body
and soul unto everlasting life. Take and eat this, &c. :
and at the delivery of the cup these words, The blood
of our Lord Jesus Christ, which was shed for thee,
preserve thy body and soul unto everlasting life. Drink 5
this &c. " *
From this comparison then of the two Books of
Common Prayer it appears to have been the persuasion
of the queen and her council that in the important
questions of the Eucharist and clerical vestments too 10
much had been done in the reign of king Edward in
the way of innovation : that the mysteries of religion
had been impugned by excluding words that might
suggest, though they would not necessarily involve,
the doctrine of the real presence, and the authority i5
of the Church had been injured in the alteration
respecting vestments. On the first point accordingly
the form of words addressed individually to the com
municants was now made to combine the two separate
forms of the time of king Edward. With the same 20
view also was expunged the rubric u which had been
11 The rubric, after stating in its preamble the necessity for
kneeling, and the misconstruction put upon it, proceeds thus : " We
do declare that it is not meant thereby that any adoration is done
or ought to be done either unto the sacramental bread and wine 25
there bodily received, or unto any real and essential presence there
being of Christ s natural flesh and blood. For as concerning the
sacramental bread and wine, they remain still in their very natural
substances, and therefore may not be adored ; for that were idolatry
to be abhorred of all faithful Christians; and as concerning the 30
natural body and blood of our Saviour Christ, they are in heaven
and not here ; for it is against the truth of Christ s true natural
body to be in more places than in one at one time." This rubric
does not appear in either of the editions printed by Whitchurch in
1552, copies of which are now in the Bodleian; but it does appear 36
CHAPTER i.] in the reign of Elizabeth. 35
added to the Communion Service by that king on his
own authority after the publication of his second
liturgy, declaring " that no adoration was done or
ought to be done to any real or essential presence
5 there being, of Christ s natural flesh and blood." To
these changes no reasonable objection could be made
on either side. The Eomanists could not disapprove
of what they held to be improvements, although they
did not amount to all that was desired: and the
10 Sacrament aries could not complain of the combined
form of words addressed to communicants, unless they
would condemn the use of scripture language, or
require the continuance of a rubric which had never
received the authority of the legislature. On this
i5 point therefore there was little important controversy
for the future, although the demand made in the time
in each of two editions by Grafton, printed in August 1552, copies
of which may also be seen in the same library. The act of parlia
ment, which ratified the second service-book, was passed in April
20 1552 ; so that this early insertion of the rubric in Grafton s editions,
almost immediately after the editions by Whitchurch had been
published, is a strong evidence of the alarm in which Cranmer and
the council were held on the subject of the real presence, even after
the great alteration they had made respecting it in the service of the
25 Communion. The fate of this rubric is worthy of notice. It was
excluded by queen Elizabeth in 1559 ; and its removal clearly shews
that the church could not then be brought to express an opinion
adverse to the real presence : it was restored in 1661, on the revision
of king Charles II. ; and its reappearance may likewise be employed
3 to shew that the church at that time also was unwilling to make any
declaration on that important tenet. To prevent misapprehension
on this point, the words " or unto any real and essential presence
there being of Christ s natural flesh and blood" were altered to the
very different expression " or unto any corporal presence of Christ s
3^ natural flesh and blood." Comp. The two Liturg. of Edw. VI.
Pref. p. xxxvii.
D 2
36 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
of king Edward for the restoration of the communion
service, as it existed in his first liturgy, was occasionally
renewed.
But the controversy respecting vestments imme
diately became formidable. It had hitherto confined 5
itself to the evil associations arising from a long
and vicious practice, and their tendency to encourage
in vulgar minds some of the worst corruptions of
Romanism. It had also been much abated by the
alterations made in the second service-book, when the 10
more objectionable habits had been prohibited, and
a hope had been created that even the use of the
surplice might eventually be discontinued. But the
rubric of 1559, that restored the ornaments and vest
ments of the second year of king Edward, was extremely i5
galling to the exiles, and would probably have pre
vented the greater number of them from becoming
ministers of the church, had not the act of uniformity
furnished them with a plea for complying. It had
been enacted x that the queen with the advice of her 20
commissioners or the metropolitan, might make such
changes in the rubrics as might afterwards be found
requisite. The reformers y therefore were not without
some reason for hoping that their brethren who might
be advanced to high stations in the church, would s5
retain their present spirit of moderation, and exercise
x i Eliz. c. 2. . 25. 26.
Y Strype, Ann. vol. i. P. i.p. 122. Burnet, H. R. vol. ii. P. 2. p. 465.
Bp. Sandys said in a letter to the archbishop, " The last book of
service is gone through with a proviso, to retain the ornaments 30
which were used in the i st and 2nd year of king Edward, until it
please the queen to take other order for them : our gloss upon this
text is, that we shall not be forced to use them, but that others in
the meantime shall not convey them away, but that they may remain
for the queen." 35
CHAPTER i.] in the reign of Elizabeth. 37
a salutary influence on the future proceedings of the
court. But the clauses in question, however available
for such purposes, were probably introduced with very
different designs. It appears that they were added to
5 the bill at the express direction of the queen, and were
intended to assist her in carrying forward the high
views of doctrine and authority which she was known
to entertain.
It is impossible at this distant point of time to
10 collect together and to give their several values to the
many elements of the question then at issue ; although
it has never ceased at any period to be a subject of
interest and contention. We must remember that the
religious discord was then so predominant in its nature,
iSthat like the pestilence recorded by the Athenian
historian, it drew within it all the other grievances of
the period, and was aggravated by their additional
bitterness. We must remember that great scandal
had arisen to the cause of the reformers from the
20 insubordination it had occasioned, and the divisions
which appeared to be inseparable from it ; that it was
calculated generally to encourage principles unfavour
able to the received maxims of civil government and
the admitted claims of the prerogative ; and in one of
25 its most important sections, the school of Geneva, was
hostile to the institutions of a monarchy : that, to add
to the contrast, the opposite party had the sanction of
antiquity and the force of established usages in their
favour ; that they might naturally look for assistance
30 in the interference of foreign courts; and above all,
that the next in succession at that time to the throne,
separated from it by a life which was often deemed
precarious, was a Romanist, devotedly attached to the
principles of her church. In pondering then the reli-
D 3
38 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
gious question, the queen and her council would be
influenced by these considerations in a manner inde
pendent of the real merits of the argument, and to
a degree that would prevent them from being justly
appreciated. Even the divines themselves, though less 5
likely to be misled by secular interests, could not be
insensible to the difficulties of their position, wearied,
as they were, with their past dissentions, and dreading,
not without much reason, the total extinction of Pro
testantism. It appears accordingly that together with 10
those divines who approved entirely of the existing
state of things, there were two distinct parties con
forming to the national church ; the first under the
direction of Parker, Home, and Cox, who were per
suaded that in so feverish and fluctuating a state ofi5
public opinion no better terms could be obtained ; the
other represented by Grindal, Sandys, and Jewel, who
acceded to the terms proposed, with the avow r ed inten
tion of employing all honest methods for moulding
them according to their own principles. The first of 20
these two parties possessed the confidence of the court,
and was employed during the reign of Elizabeth in all
the important measures she adopted for the govern
ment of the church. But the wishes of the other
party were also consulted, in the removal, for instance, 26
of the crucifix from the queen s chapel, in the altera
tion 2 of the rubric respecting vestments, and in other
z The advertisements issued by the archbishop and bishops in
commission in the year 1564, though they did not overcome the
objections of the violent puritans, moderated the ancient rubric 30
respecting vestments, by removing the distinction between the
eucharist and other services in parish churches and retaining it in
cathedrals only. The orders then were " In the ministration of the
holy Communion in cathedral and collegiate churches the principal
CHAPTER i.] in the reign of Elizabeth. 39
matters then considered of importance. Arid these
gradual alterations would probably have been carried
to a greater extent, had not intemperate designs and
theories dangerous to civil order been mingled with
5 the controversy, a result, which may be apprehended
in all periods of excitement, and which in those days
of high prerogative could not but be fatal to the
progress of reformation.
What were the sentiments of the clergy in general
jo respecting the Book of Common Prayer, thus published
by authority of parliament, may be learned from the
proceedings of the memorable convocation of 1562.
After the discussions connected with the 39 Articles
of religion, the convocation proceeded to consider the
1 5 measures proposed to them for the reformation of the
public liturgy. Bishop Sandys moved that the queen
should be prayed, agreeably with the provisions of the
act of uniformity, to make such alterations as would
exclude women from administering the sacrament of
20 baptism, and put an end to the practice of signing the
infant with the cross ; and that in conformity with the
plans of the late kings Henry and Edward a com
mission should be appointed to draw up a code of
minister shall use a cope with gospeller and epistoler agreeably ;
2 5 and at all other prayers to be sayde at that Communion table, to
use no copes but surplesses. Item, that every minister sayinge any
publique prayers or ministringe the sacramentes or other rites of the
churche shall weare a comely surples with sleeves to bee provided
at the charges of the parishe." It is true that these advertisements
30 were not binding in law, as they had not been sanctioned under the
great seal: but it is clear they were considered binding, as they
certainly were approved by the queen, and it had not yet been
ruled, that edicts issued by the queen s commission were not bind
ing, unless they were confirmed by the queen officially. See
35 Document. Annals, vol. i. p. 287. Croke s Rep. 2 Jac. p. 37.
D 4
40 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
ecclesiastical laws. A memorial was presented by
thirty-three members of the lower house containing
seven articles, which exhibit all the changes called for
at that early period of the controversy, and the wishes
entertained by the general body of the exiles. Theses
articles were afterwards modified and reduced to six,
and on the 13th of February were proposed in the
lower house in the following order :
1. That all the Sundays in the year, and principal
feasts of Christ, be kept holydays ; and all other 10
holydays to be abrogated.
2. That in all parish churches the minister in com
mon prayer turn his face toward the people ; and
there distinctly read the divine service appointed,
where all the people assembled may hear and be is
edified.
3. That in ministering the sacrament of baptism,
the ceremony of making the cross in the child s fore
head may be omitted, as tending to superstition.
4. That forasmuch as divers communicants are not 20
able to kneel during the time of the communion for
age, sickness, and sundry other infirmities ; and some
also superstitiously both kneel and knock ; that order
of kneeling may be left to the discretion of the ordinary
within his jurisdiction. 26
5. That it be sufficient for the minister, in time of
saying divine service and ministering of the sacra
ments to use a surplice ; and that no minister say
service, or minister the sacraments, but in a comely
garment or habit. 30
6. That the use of organs be removed.
The number in favour of these articles were forty-
three present, and fifteen proxies ; the number opposed
to them were thirty-five present and twenty- four
CHAPTER i.] in the reign of Elizabeth. 41
proxies; so that the articles were rejected by the
majority of one. In the former list were all those
members who had been brought into friendly contact
with the practice of foreign churches in the reign of
5 Mary, including several, as Lever and Sampson, who
afterwards became nonconformists ; in the latter were
the friends of the archbishop and of bishops Home
and Cox, together with those reformers who had
remained in England during the reign of Mary, and
10 several who had at the same period relapsed into
Romanism.
CHAPTER II.
Documents connected with the revision of Queen Elizabeth.
I. The Device for alteration of religion in the first year of Queen
Elizabeth, (supposed to have been drawn up by Sir Thomas Smith).
Cotton Libr. Julius F. 6.
II. Dr. Guest to Sir William Cecil, the Queen s Secretary, con
cerning the Service-book newly prepared for the Parliament. Corp.
Chr. Coll. Camb. vol. 106.
III. The first Proposition upon which the Papists and Protestants
disputed in Westminster Abbey. The Discourse of Dr. Home.
Fox s Acts and Mon. and Corp. Chr. Coll. Camb. Vol. 121.
Synodalia.
IV. The Answer of Dr. Cole to the first Proposition of the Pro
testants. Corp. Chr. Coll. Camb. Vol. 121. Synod.
V. The Protestants Discourse prepared to have been read in the
public Conference at Westminster on the Second Question. Corp.
Chr. Coll. Camb. Vol. 121. Synod.
VI. Dr. Cox s Letter to Wolfgang Weidner, with an account of the
disputation at Westminster. Corp. Chr. Coll. Camb. Vol. 241.
VII. A Letter of Jewel s to Peter Martyr, concerning the Dis
putation at Westminster. Burnet, Hist. Ref. Vol. in. Part 2.
pp. 360 362.
VIII. The Oration of Abbot Feckenham in the Parliament House,
1559, against the Bill for the Liturgy. Corp. Chr. Coll. Camb.
Vol. 121. Synod.
CHAPTER ii.] The device for alteration fyc. 43
IX. Another Oration made by Dr. Scot, Bishop of Chester, in the
Parliament House 1559, against the Bill for the Liturgy. Fox MSS.
Vespasian, D. 18.
X. An Extract out of the Journal of the Lower House of Con
vocation. Burnet, Hist. Ref. Vol. HI. Part 2. pp. 419. 422.
I.
The device for alteration of religion, in the first year of
Queen Elizabeth.
I. When the alteration shall be first attempted?
AT the next parliament: so that the dangers be fore-
u seen, and remedies therefore provided. For the sooner
that religion is restored, God is the more glorified, and as we
trust wilbe more merciful unto us, and better save and
defend her highness from all dangers.
II. What dangers may ensue upon the alteration I
I0 The bishop of Eome, all that he may, wilbe incensed. He
will excommunicate the queen s highness, interdict the realms,
and give it to prey to all princes, that will enter upon it ; and
incite them therto by all manner of means.
The French king will be encouraged more to the war, and
1 5 make his people more ready to fight against us, not only as
enemies, but as heretics. He wilbe in great hope of aid from
hence, of them that are discontented with this alteration,
looking for tumult and discord. He will also stay concluding
peace upon hope of some alteration.
20 Scotland will have some causes of boldness ; and by that
way the French king wil seem soonest to attempt to invade us.
Ireland also will be very difficultly stayed in their obe
dience, by reason of the clergy that is so addicted to Rome.
Many people of our own wilbe very much discontented ;
25 especially these sorts.
All such as governed in the late queen Marie s time, and
were chosen thereto for no other cause, or were then most
esteemed for being hot and earnest in the other religion,
44 The device for alteration [DOCUMENTS.
and now remain unplaced and uncalled to credit, will think
themselves discredited, and all their doings defaced, and
study all the ways they can to maintain their former doings,
and despise all this alteration.
Bishops and all the clergy wil se their own ruine. In 5
confession and preaching, and all other ways they can, they
wil perswade the people from it. They wil conspire with
whomsoever that wil attempt, and pretend to do God a
sacrifice, in letting the alteration, tho 1 it be with murther of
Christen men, or treason. 10
Men which be of the papist sect ; which late were in
maner all the judges of the law; the justices of the peace,
chosen out by the late queen in all the shires ; such as were
believed to be of that sect; and the more earnest therin,
the more in estimation. These are like to joyn and conspire i5
with the bishops and clergy.
Some, when the subsidy shalbe granted, and money levied,
(as it appeareth that necessarily it must be don,) wilbe
therewith offended ; and like enough to conspire and arise,
if they have any head to stir them to it, or hope of gain 20
and spoil.
Many such as would gladly have the alteration from the
church of Eome, when they shal se peradventure, that some
old ceremonies shalbe left still, or that their doctrine, which
they embrace, is not allowed and commanded only, and all 25
other abolished and disproved, shall be discontented, and call
the alteration a cloaked papistry, or a mingle mangle.
III. What remedy for these matters ?
First, for France, to practice a peace ; or if it be offered,
not to refuse it. If controversy of religion be there among 30
them, to help to kindle it.
Rome is less to be doubted ; from whom nothing is to be
feared, but evil will, cursing, and practising.
Scotland will follow France for peace. But there may
be practised to help forward their divisions; and especially 3 5
to augment the hope of them, who incline them to good
religion. For certainty, to fortify Berwick, and to employ
demilances and horsemen for the safety of the frontiers. And
some expence of money in Ireland.
CHAPTER ii.] of religion by Queen Elizabeth. 45
The fifth divided into five parts.
The first is of them which were of queen Mary s council?
elected and advanced then to authority, only or chiefly for
being of the pope s religion, and earnest in the same. Every
5 augmentation or conservation of such men in authority or
reputation, is an encouragement of those of their sect, and
giveth hope to them, that it shall revive and continue,
although it have a contrary blast. Seeing their pillars to
stand still untouched, [will be] a confirmation to them that
10 are wavering papists, and a discouragement of such that are
but half enclined to that alteration. " Dum in dubio est
animus, paulo momento hue illuc impellitur." These must
be searched by all law, as far as justice may extend ; and the
queen s majesty s clemency to be extended not before they
1 5 do fully acknowledge themselves to have fallen in the lapse
of the law.
They must be based of authority, discredited in their
countries, so long as they seem to repugn to the true
religion, or to maintain their old proceedings. And if they
20 should seem to allow or to bear with the new alteration,
yet not likely to be in credit, quia neopliytl. And no man
but he loveth that time wherein he did flourish. And when
he can, and as he can, those ancient laws and orders he
will maintain and defend with whom and in whom he was
25 in estimation, authority, and a doer. For every man
naturally loveth that which is his own work and creature.
And contrary, as those men must be based, so must her
highness s old and sure servants, who have tarryed with
her, and not shrunk in the last storms, be advanced with
30 authority and credit : that the world may see that her
highness is not unkind nor unmindful. And throughout all
England such persons as are known to be sure in religion,
every one, according to his ability to serve in the common
wealth, to be set in place. Whom, if in the cause of
35 religion, God s cause, they shall be slack, yet their own
safety and state shall cause to be vigilant, careful, and
earnest for the conservation of her state, and maintenance
of this alteration. And in all this, she shall do but the
46 The device for alteration [DOCUMENTS.
same that the late queen Mary did, to maintain and establish
her religion.
The second of these five is the bishops and clergy, being
in manner all made and chosen, such as were thought the
stoutest and mightiest champions of the pope s church, who 5
in the late times [by] taking from the crown, impoverishing
it, by extorting from private men, and all other means
possible, per fas et nefas, have thought to enrich and
advance themselves ; these her majesty, being enclined to so
much clemency, yet must seek as well by parliament, as by 10
the just laws of England, in the pr&munire, and other such
penal laws, to bring again in order. And being found in
default, not to pardon, till they confess their fault, put
themselves wholly to her highnesses mercy, abjure the pope
of Rome, and conform themselves to the new alteration. i5
And by this means well handled, her majesty s necessity of
money may be somewhat relieved.
The third is to be amended even as all the rest above,
by such means as queen Mary taught, that none such, as
near as may be, be in commission of peace in the shires, 20
but rather men meaner in substance and younger in years ;
so that they have discretion to be put in place. A short
law made and executed against assemblies of people without
authority. Lieutenants made in every shire : one or two men
known to be sure at the queen s devotion. In the mean 25
time musters and captains appointed, viz. young gentlemen
which earnestly do favour her highness. No office of juris
diction or authority to be in any discontented man s hand, as
far as justice or law may extend.
The fourth is not to be remedied otherwise than by gentle 3
and dulce handleing, by the commissioners, and by the
readiness and good-will of the lieutenants and captains to
repress them, if any should begin a tumult, murmur, or
provide any assembly, or stoutness to the contrary.
The fifth, for the discontentation of such as could be 3 s
content to have religion altered, but would have it go too
far, the straight laws upon the promulgation of the book,
and severe execution of the same at the first, will so repress
CHAPTER ii.] of religion by Queen Elizabeth. 47
them, that it is great hope it shall touch but a few. And
better it were that they did suffer, than her highness or
commonwealth should shake, or be in danger. And to this
they must well take heed that draw the book.
5 And herein the universities must not be neglected ; and
the hurt that the late visitation in queen Mary s time did
must be amended. Likewise such colleges where children
be instructed to come to the university, as Eaton and
Winchester : that as well the encrease hereafter, as at this
10 present time, be provided for.
IV. What shall be the manner of the doing of it 2
This consultation is to be referred to such learned men
as be meet to shew their minds herein ; and to bring a plat
or book hereof ready drawn to her highness. Which being
1 5 approved of her majesty, may be so put into the parliament-
house, to the which for the time it is thought that these are
apt men ; Dr. Bill, Dr. Parker, Dr. May, Dr. Cox, Mr.
Whitehead, Mr. Grindal, Mr. Pilkington.
And sir Thomas Smith do call them together, and to be
20 amongst them. And after the consultation with these, to
draw in other men of learning and gravity, and apt men for
that purpose and credit, to have their assents.
As for that is necessary to be done before, it is thought
most necessary, that a straight prohibition be made of all
26 innovation, until such time as the book come forth ; as well
that there should be no often changes in religion, which
would take away authority in the common peoples 1 estima
tion ; as also to exercise the queen s majesty s subjects to
obedience.
30 V. To the fifth, What may be done of her highness for
her own conscience openly, before the whole alteration :
or, if the alteration must tarry longer, what order be
fit to be in the whole realm, as an interim \
To alter no further than her majesty hath, except it be to
35 receive the communion as her highness pleaseth on high
feasts. And that where there be more chaplains at mass,
that they do always communicate in both kinds. And for her
highnesses conscience till then, if there be some other devout
sort of prayers or memory said, and the seldomer mass.
48 Guest to Sir W. Cecyl. [DOCUMENTS.
VI. To the sixth, What noblemen be most fit to be made
privy to these proceedings, before it be opened to the
whole council ?
The lord marquiss Northampton, the earl of Bedford,, the
earl of Pembroke, and the lord John Grey. 5
VII. To the seventh, What allowance those learned men
shall have, for the time they are about to review the
Book of Common Prayer, and order of ceremonies, and
service in the church, and where they shall meet ?
Being so many persons which must attend still upon it, 10
two mess of meat is thought yet indifferent to suffice for
them and their servants.
The place is thought most meet [to be] in some set place,
or rather at sir Thomas Smith s lodgings in Chanon Row.
At one of these places must provisions be laid in of wood, i5
and coals, and drink.
II.
Guest to sir William Cecyl, the queers secretary, concerning tlie
Service-book, newly prepared for the parliament to be con
firmed ; and certain ceremonies and usages of the church. 20
Eight Honourable,
THAT you might well understand, that I have neither
ungodly allowed any thing against the scripture, neither
unstedfastly done any thing contrary to my writing, neither
rashly without just cause put away it which might be well 25
suffered, nor undiscreetly for novelty brought in that which
might be better left out ; I am so bold to write to your
honour some causes of the order taken in the new service :
which enterprise, though you may justly reprove for the
simple handling, yet I trust you will take it well for my good 30
meaning. Therefore, committing your honourable state to
the great mercy of God, and following the intent of my
writing, thus I begin the matter.
CHAPTER ii.] Guest to Sir William Cecyl. 49
OF CEREMONIES.
Ceremonies once taken away, as evil used, should not be
taken again, though they be not evil of themselves, but might
be well used. And that for four causes.
5 The first, because the Galatians c were reproved of Paul
for receiving again the ceremonies which once they had for
saken : d bidding them to stand in the liberty wherein they
were called ; and forbidding them to wrap themselves in the
yoke of bondage; saying, e they builded again that which
i o they had destroyed; and reproving Peter, for that by his
dissembling he provoked the gentiles to the ceremonial law,
which they had left ; looking back hereby from the plough
which they had in hand.
The second cause, because f Paul forbids us to abstain not
1 5 only from that which is evil, but also from all that which is
not evil, but yet hath the appearance of evil. For this cause
Ezekias destroyed the s brazen serpent ; and Epiphanius the
picture of Christ.
The third cause, because the h gospel is a short word, put-
20 ting away the law, which stood in * decrees and ceremonies ;
and k a light and easy yoke, delivering us from them. There
fore is it said, that we should l worship God in spirit and
truth, and not in ceremonies and shadows also, as did the
Jews. And m Paul likeneth us Christians, for our freedom
25 from ceremony, to men which live in all liberty; and the
Jews, for their bondage in them, to men living in all thraldom.
Wherefore Augustyn, "writing to Januarius against the mul
titude of ceremonies, thus saith ; " Christ hath bound us to
a light burthen, joyning us together with sacraments in
3 number most few, in keeping most easy, in signification most
passing." And in the next epistle following he bewaileth
the multitude of ceremonies in his time, and calleth them
presumptions. Which yet were but few in respect of the
number of ours.
35 Gal. 5. d Gal. 5. Gal. 2. f Phil. 2. s 2 Kings 1 8. h Rom. 10.
i Eph. 2. k Matt. 1 1. 1 John 4. m Gal. 4. n Epist. 1 18, 119.
E
50 Guest to Sir William Cecyl. [DOCUMENTS.
The fourth cause, because these ceremonies were devised
of men, and abused to idolatry. For Christ with his apostles
would not wash their hands before meat, though of itself it
was an honest civil order, because it was superstitiously used.
Paul forbad the Corinthians Ho come to the gentiles tables, 5
where they did eat the meat which was offered to idols :
though an idol was nothing, nor that which was offered to it
any thing.
OF THE CROSS.
Epiphanius, in an epistle which he wrote to John, bishop 10
of Jerusalem, and is translated by ^Hierom, sheweth how he
did cut in pieces a cloth in a church, wherein was painted
the image of Christ, or of some saint, because it was against
the scriptures ; and counsels the bishop to command the
priests of the same church to set up no more any such cloth i5
in the same place, calling it a superstition to have any such
in the church. Leo, the emperor, with a council holden at
Constantinople, decreed, that all images in the church should
be broken. The same was decreed long before in the pro
vincial council at Elibert in Spain, cap. 36. 20
OF PROCESSION.
Procession is superfluous, because we may, as we ought to
do, pray for the same in the church that we pray for abroad ;
yea, and better too. Because when we pray abroad, our
mind is not so set upon God for sight of things, (as expe-25
rience teacheth,) as when we pray in the church, where we
have no such occasion to move our mind withal.
^f
OF VESTMENTS.
Because it is thought sufficient to use but a surplice in
baptizing, reading, preaching, and praying, therefore it is 30
enough also for the celebrating of the communion. For if
we should use another garment herein, it should seem to
teach us, that higher and better things be given by it than
o Mat. 25. P i Cor. 10. q Hieron. 2. torn. epi.
CHAPTER ii.] Guest to Sir William Cecyl. 51
be given by the other service; which we must not believe.
For in baptism we put on Christ : in the word we eat and
drink Christ, as Hierom and Gregory write 1 ". And Austin
saith, the word is as precious as this sacrament, in saying,
5 " He sinneth as much which negligently heareth the word, as
he which willingly letteth Christ s body to fall on the ground. 1
And Chrysostom 8 saith, " He which is not fit to receive, is
not fit to pray." Which were not true, if prayer were not of
as much importance as the communion.
10 OF THE DIVIDING THE SERVICE OF THE COMMUNION INTO TWO PARTS.
Dionysius Areopagita l saith, " That after the reading of
the Old and New Testament, the learners of the faith before
they were baptized, mad men, and they that were joyned to
penance for their faults, were shut out of the church, and
1 5 they only did remain which did receive." Chrysostom wit-
nesseth also u , that these three sorts were shut out from the
communion. Therefore Durant writeth x , that the mass of
the learners is from the Introite until after the offertory,
which is called missa, masse, or sending out : in that it sendeth
20 out: because, when the priest beginneth to consecrate the
sacrament, the learners be sent out of the church. The mass,
or sending out of the faithful, is from the offering till after
communion ; and is named missa, a sending out, because when
it is ended, then each faithful is sent forth to his proper
25 business.
OF THE CREED.
The Creed is ordained to be said only of the communi
cants, because Dionysius, and Chrysostom, and Basil, in their
liturgies, say, that the learners were shut out or the Creed
30 was said ; because it is the prayer of the faithful only, which
were but the communicants. For that they which did not
receive were taken for that time as not faithful. Therefore
Chrysostom y saith, " That they which do not receive, be as
men doing penance for their sin."
3^ r Supp. Eccle. Sup. ca. 6. Job.
Lib. 50. Honiiliarum; Homiliar. 26. toni. ro. Chrysost. Horn. 61. ad pop.
Antioch. e Dionys. in cosiest. Hierar. cap. 3. part, secunda tertia.
u Chrysost. secunda expos, in Mat. Horn. 72.
x Durant in rationali Divinor. lib. 4. cap. i. y Chr. Horn. 61. ad pop. Antioch
52 Guest to Sir William CecyL [DOCUMENTS.
OF PRAYING FOR THE DEAD IN THE COMMUNION.
That praying for the dead is not now used in the commu
nion, because it doth seem to make for the sacrifice of the
dead. And also because, (as it was used in the first book,)
it makes some of the faithful to be in heaven, and to need no 5
mercy ; and some of them to be in another place, and to lack
help and mercy. As though they were not all alike re
deemed, and brought to heaven by Christ s merits : but some
deserved it, (as it is said of martyrs ;) and some, for lack of
such perfectness, were in purgatory, (as it is spoken of the 10
meaner sort.) But thus to pray for the dead in the commu
nion was not used in Christ and his apostles time, nor in
Justin s time ; who, z speaking of the manner of using the
communion in his time, reporteth not this. So that I may
here well say with Tertullian, a " That is true which is first ; i5
that is false which is after : that is true which is first ; that is
first which is from beginning ; that is from beginning, which
is from the apostles."
OF THE PRAYER IN THE FIRST BOOK FOR CONSECRATION,
merciful Father, &c. 20
This prayer is to be disliked for two causes. The first,
because it is taken to be so needful for the consecration, that
the consecration is not thought to be without it. Which is
not true : for petition is no part of consecration. Because
Christ, in ordaining the sacrament, b made no petition, but 25
a thanksgiving. It is written, " When he had given thanks,"
and not, " When he had asked." Which Christ would have
spoken, and the evangelists have written, if it had been
needful, as it is mistaken. And though Mark saith, " that
Christ blessed, when he took bread," yet he meaneth by 30
blessed, gave thanks, or else he would have said also, He
gave thanks, as he said, He blessed, if he had meant
thereby divers things. And speaking of the cup, he would
have said, Christ blessed, when he took the cup, as he saith,
He gave thanks, if gave thanks and blessed were not all one. 35
Or else Christ should be thought to have consecrated the
bread and not the wine, because in consecrating the bread,
z Secunda Apolog. pro Christianis. a Tertull. contr. Prax. contra Mar.
b Mat. 26. c Mar. 14. Luke 22. i Cor. n.
CHAPTER ii.] Guest to Sir William Cecyl. 53
he said blessed, and in consecrating the wine, he left it out.
Yea, by Matthew, Luke, and Paul, he should neither have
consecrated the one nor the other. For that they report not,
that he blessed.
5 Gregory d writeth to the bishop of Syracusa, that the
apostles used only the Lord s Prayer at the communion,
and none other; and seemeth to be displeased, that it is
not there still so used, but instead thereof the canon which
Scholasticus made. Therefore, in that he would the Lord s
10 Prayer to be used at the making of the communion, which
making nothing for the consecration thereof, and not
Scholasticus 1 prayer, which prayeth for the consecration of
the same, it must needs be that he thought the communion
not to be made by invocation.
1 5 Chrysostom saith.% that this sacrament is made by the
words of Christ once spoken; as every thing is gendered
by the words of X3rod, that he once spake, " Increase and
fill the earth."
Bessarion saith f , that the consecration stands on Christ s
20 ordinance, and his words, and not on the prayer of the
priest ; and that for three causes. The first, because the
priest may pray without faith, without which his prayer
is not heard. The second, because the prayer is not all
one in all countries. The third, because baptism is without
2 5 prayer.
Justing, in shewing how the communion was celebrated
in his time, maketh no mention of invocation. No more
doth Irenee h .
The second cause why the foresaid prayer is to be refused,
30 is for that it prays that the bread and wine may be Christ s
body and blood ; which makes for the popish transubstan-
tiation : which is a doctrine that hath caused much idolatry :
and though the Doctors so speak, yet we must speak other
wise, because we take them otherwise than they meant, or
3 5 would be taken. For when their meaning is corrupted, then
their words must be expounded. In one place it is said,
This is the new testament in my blood ; and in another
d Lib. 6. Epist. 63. e De Perdit. Judas. Horn. 30. f Libr. de Free.
Eucharist. s 2d Apol. pro Christian. h Lib. 4. cap. 34.
54 Guest to Sir William Cecyl. [DOCUMENTS.
place, This is my blood of the new testament : there Christ s
words be diversely reported, that we should expound them
when they be mistaken. And both he and his apostles
allege not after the letter, but after the meaning.
OF RECEIVING THE SACRAMENT IN OUR HANDS.
Christ gave the sacrament into the hands of his Apostles,
" Divide it," saith he, " among yourselves k ." It is decreed 1 ,
that the priests should be excommunicated, which did suffer
any man to take it with any thing, saving with his hands;
as then they made instruments to receive it withall. Am- I0
brose m thus speaketh to Theodosius the emperor, "How
wilt thou with such hands receive the body of Christ ?" " If
we be ashamed," saith Austin, " and afraid to touch the
sacrament with foul hands, much more we ought to fear to
take it with an unclean soul." i5
OF RECEIVING STANDING OR KNEELING.
Justin saith, we should rather stand than kneel, when we
pray on the Sunday, because it is a sign of resurrection ;
and writeth that Irenee n saith, it is a custom which came
from the apostles. And Austin thus writeth, " We pray 20
standing, which is a sign of resurrection : therefore on every
Sunday it is observed at the altar." It is in plain words
in the last chapter of the last book, (which Gaguens, a
Frenchman, hath put to Tertullian s works as his,) that
Christ s body is received standing. Though this is the old 25
use of the church to communicate standing, yet because it is
taken of some by itself to be sin to receive kneeling, whereas
of itself it is lawful ; it is left indifferent to every man s
choice to follow the one way or the other; to teach men
that it is lawful to receive either standing or kneeling. 30
Thus, as I think, I have shewed good cause why the
service is set forth in such sort as it is. God, for his mercy
in Christ, cause the parliament with one voice to enact it,
and the realm with true heart to use it.
k Luke 22. Concilio 6. Coustan. cap. 101. m Theod. Bez. 05
Jib. 4. cap. 31. Tripart. Hist. n Quaestio ad Orthod. 115. o Epla. adJan. 118.
CHAPTER ii.] Dr. Home s preface. 55
III.
Dr. Hornis preface to his discourse^ read at the conference at
Westminster abbey.
FORASMUCH as it is thought good unto the queen s most
10 excellent majesty, (unto whom in the Lord all obedience is
due,) that we should declare our judgment in writing upon
certain propositions; we, as becometh us, do herein most
gladly obey.
Seeing that Christ is our only master, whom the Father
1 5 hath commanded us to hear ; and seeing also his word is the
truth, from the which it is not lawful for us to depart one
hair s breadth, and against the which, as the apostle saith,
" we can do nothing ;" we do in all things submit ourselves
unto this truth, and do protest that we will affirm nothing
20 against the same.
And forasmuch as we have for our mother the true and
catholic church of Christ, which is grounded upon the doc
trine of the apostles and prophets, and is of Christ the head
in all things governed ; we do reverence her judgment ; we
25 obey her authority as becometh children ; and we do devoutly
profess, and in all points follow the faith, which is contained
in the three creeds, that is to say, of the apostles, of the
council of Nice, and of Athanasius.
And seeing that we never departed, neither from the
30 doctrine of God, which is contained in the holy canonical
scriptures, nor yet from the faith of the true and catholic
church of Christ, but have preached truly the word of God,
and have sincerely ministered the sacraments according to
the institution of Christ, unto the which our doctrine and
35 faith the most part also of our adversaries did subscribe, not
many years past, (although now, as unnatural, they are
revolted from the same,) we desire that they render account
of their backsliding, and shew some cause, wherefore they do
E 4
56 The first proposition [DOCUMENTS.
not only resist that doctrine which they have before pro
fessed, but also persecute the same by all means they can.
We do not doubt but through the equity of the queen s
most excellent majesty, we shall in these disputations be
entreated more gently than in years late past, when we were 5
handled most unjustly, and scantly after the common manner
of men.
As for the judgment of the whole controversy, we refer
unto the most holy scriptures, and the catholic church of
Christ, (whose judgment unto us ought to be most sacred.) 10
Notwithstanding, by the catholic church we understand not
the Romish church, whereunto our adversaries attribute such
reverence ; but that which St. Augustin and other fathers
affirm ought to be sought in the holy scriptures, and which
is governed and led by the Spirit of Christ. i5
The first proposition, upon which the papists and protestants
disputed in Westminster-abbey. With the arguments which
the reformed divines made upon it.
It is against the word of God, and the custom of the primi
tive church, to use a tongue unknown to the people in common- 2 o
prayers, and administration of the sacraments.
BY these words (the word} we mean only the written
word of God, or canonical scriptures.
And by the custom of the primitive church, we mean, the
order most generally used in the church for the space of 25
five hundred years after Christ ; in which times lived the
most notable fathers, as Justin, Ireneus, Tertullian, Cyprian,
Basil, Chrysostom, Hierome, Ambrose, Augustine, &c.
This assertion, above- written, hath two parts.
First, That the use of a tongue not understood of the 30
people, in common prayers of the church, or in the ad
ministration of the sacraments, is against God s word.
The second, That the same is against the use of the
primitive-church.
CHAPTER ii.] disputed in Westminster Abbey. 57
The first part is most manifestly proved by the 14th
chapter of the First Epistle to the Corinthians, almost
throughout the whole chapter ; in the which chapter St. Paul
intreateth of this matter, ex professo, purposely: and although
5 some do cavil, that St. Paul speaketh not in that chapter of
praying, but of preaching; yet is it most evident, to any
indifferent reader of understanding, and appeareth also by
the exposition of the best writers, that he plainly there
speaketh not only of preaching and prophesying, but also
10 of prayer and thanksgiving, and generally of all other pub
lic actions, which require any speech in the church or con
gregation.
For of praying, he saith, " I will pray with my spirit, and
I will pray with my mind ; I will sing with my spirit, and
1 5 I will sing with the mind." And of thanksgiving, (which is a
kind of prayer,) " Thou givest thanks well, but the other is
not edified ; and how shall he that occupieth the room of the
unlearned, say Amen to thy giving of thanks, when he under-
standeth not what thou sayest ?" And in the end, ascending
20 from particulars to universals, concludeth, "That all things
ought to be done to edification."
Thus much is clear by the very words of St. Paul ; and the
ancient doctors, Ambrose, Augustine, Hierome, and others,
do so understand this chapter, as it shall appear by their
25 testimonies, which shall follow afterward.
Upon this chapter of St. Paul, we gather these reasons
following.
1. All things done in the church, or congregation, ought
so to be done, as they may edify the same.
30 But the use of an unknown tongue in public prayer, or ad
ministration of sacraments, doth not edify the congregation :
Therefore the use of an unknown tongue, in public prayer,
or administration of the sacraments, is not to be had in the
church.
35 The first part of this reason is grounded upon St. Paul s
words, commanding all things to be done to edification.
The second part is also proved by St. Paul s plain words.
First, by this similitude ; " If the trumpet give an uncertain
sound, who shall be prepared to battel f Even so likewise,
58 The first proposition [DOCUMENTS.
when ye speak with tongues, except ye speak words that have
signification, how shall it be understood what is spoken ? for
ye shall but speak in the air, that is to say, in vain, and
consequently without edifying.
And afterward, in the same chapter, he saith, " How can 5
he that occupieth the place of the unlearned, say Amen at
thy giving of thanks : seeing he understandeth not what thou
sayest ? For thou verily givest thanks well, but the other is
not edified."
These be St. Paul s words, plainly proving, that a tongue 10
not understood doth not edify.
And therefore both the parts of the reason thus proved by
St. Paul, the conclusion followeth necessarily.
2. Secondly ; nothing is to be spoken in the congregation
in an unknown tongue, except it be interpreted to the people, i5
that it may be understood. For, saith Paul, " if there be no
interpreter to him that speaketh in an unknown tongue,
taceat in ecclesia^ let him hold his peace in the church." And
therefore the common prayers, and administration of sacra
ments, neither done in a known tongue, nor interpreted, 20
are against this commandment of Paul, and not to be used.
3. The minister, in praying, or administration of sacra
ments, using language not understood of the hearers, is to
them barbarous, an alien, which of St. Paul is accounted a
great absurdity. 25
4. It is not to be counted a Christian common-prayer
where the people present declare not their assent unto it,
by saying Amen ; wherein is implyed all other words of
assent.
But St. Paul affirmeth, that the people cannot declare their 30
assent, in saying Amen, except they understand what is said,
as afore :
Therefore it is no Christian common-prayer, where the peo
ple understandeth not what is said.
5. Paul would not suffer, in his time, a strange tongue to 35
be heard in the common-prayer in the church, notwithstand
ing that such a kind of speech was then a miracle, and a
singular gift of the Holy Ghost, whereby infidels might be
persuaded and brought to the faith : much less is it to be
CHAPTER ii.] disputed in Westminster Abbey. 59
suffered now among Christian and faithful men, especially
being no miracle, nor especial gift of the Holy Ghost.
6. Some will peradventure answer, That to use any kind of
tongue in common-prayer, or administration of sacraments,
5 is a thing indifferent.
But St. Paul is to the contrary ; for he commandeth all
things to be " done to edification :" he commandeth to keep
silence, if there be no interpreter. And in the end of the
chapter, he concludeth thus ; "If any man be spiritual, or a
10 prophet, let him know, that the things which I write are the
commandment of the Lord." And so, shortly to conclude,
the use of a strange tongue, in prayer and ministration, is
against the word and commandment of God.
To these reasons, grounded upon St. Paul s words, which
1 5 are the most firm foundation of this assertion, divers
other reasons may be joined, gathered out of the scrip
tures, and otherwise.
1. In the Old Testament, all things pertaining to the pub
lic prayer, benedictions, thanksgivings, or sacrifice, were
20 always in their vulgar and natural tongue.
In the second book of Paraleipomenon, cap. 29, it is writ
ten, " That Ezechias commanded the Levites to praise God
with the Psalms of David, and Asaph the prophet ;" which
doubtless were written in Hebrew, their vulgar tongue. If
25 they did so in the shadows of the law, much more ought we
to do the like ; who (as Christ saith) must pray in Spiritu
et veritate.
%. The final end of our prayer is, (as David saith,) " Ut
populi conveniant in unum, et annuncient nomen Domini in
30 Sion, et laudes ejus in Hierusalem."
But the name and praises of God cannot be set forth to
the people, unless it be done in such a tongue as they may
understand :
Therefore common prayer must be had in the vulgar
3 5 tongue.
3. The definition of public prayer out of the words of St.
Paul ; " Orabo spiritu, orabo et mente. Publice orare, est
vota communia mente ad Deum effundere, et ea spiritu, hoc
est lingua, testari." Common-prayer is, to lift up our com-
60 The first proposition [DOCUMENTS.
mon desires to God with our minds, and to testify the same
outwardly with our tongues. Which definition is approved
of by St. Augustine de Magist. c. 1. " Nihil opus est (inquit)
loquutione, nisi forte ut sacerdotes faciunt, significandse men
tis causa, ut populus intelligat." 5
4. The ministrations of the Lord s last supper and baptism
are, as it were, sermons of the death and resurrection of
Christ.
But sermons to the people must be had in such language
as the people may perceive, otherwise they should be had 10
in vain.
5. It is not lawful for a Christian man to abuse the gifts
of God.
But he that prayeth in the church in a strange tongue,
abuseth the gift of God ; for the tongue serveth only to ex- i5
press the mind of the speaker to the hearer. And Augustine
saith, de Doct. Christ, lib. 4. cap. 10. "Loquendi omnino
nulla est causa, si quod loquimur non intelligunt, propter quos,
ut intelligant, loquimur." There is no cause why we should
speak, if they, for whose cause we speak, understand not our 20
speaking.
6. The heathen and barbarous nations of all countries, and
sorts of men, were they never so wild, evermore made their
prayers and sacrifice to their gods, in their own mother- tongue ;
which is a manifest declaration, that it is the very light and 25
voice of nature.
Thus much upon the ground of St. Paul, and other reasons
out of the scriptures ; joining therewith the common usage
of all nations, as a testimony of the law of nature.
Now for the second part of the assertion, which is, 30
That the use of a strange tongue, in public prayer, and
administration of sacraments, is against the custom of
the primitive church. Which is a matter so clear, that
the denial of it must needs proceed, either of great
ignorance, or of wilful malice. 35
For, first of all, Justinus Martyr a , describing the order of
the communion in his time, saith thus ; "Die solis urbanorum
et rusticorum ccetus fiunt, ubi apostolorum, prophetarumque
a Justinus, Apol. 2.
CHAPTER ii.] disputed in Westminster Abbey. 61
literse, quoad fieri potest, praeleguntur : deinde cessante
lectore praepositus verba facit adhortatoria, ad imitationem
tarn honestarum rerum invitans. Post hsec consurgimus
omnes, et preces offerimus, quibus fi iritis, profertur (ut dixi-
5 mus) panis, vinum et aqua ; turn prsepositus quantum potest
preces offert, et gratiarum actiones ; plebs vero Amen
accinit." Upon the Sunday, assemblies are made both of
the citizens and country-men ; whereas the writings of the
disciples, and of the prophets, are read as much as may be.
10 Afterwards when the reader doth cease, the head-minister
maketh an exhortation, exhorting them to follow so honest
things. After this we rise all together, and offer prayers ;
which being ended, (as we have said,) bread, wine, and water
are brought forth; then the head -minister offereth prayers,
iSand thanksgiving, as much as he can, and the people
answereth, Amen.
These words of Justin, who lived about 160 years after
Christ, considered with their circumstances, declare plainly,
That not only the scriptures were read, but also that the
20 prayers and administration of the Lord s supper were done
in a tongue understood.
Both the liturgies of Basil and Chrysostom declare, That
in the celebration of the communion, the people were
appointed to answer to the prayer of the minister, some-
25 times Amen ; sometimes, " Lord have mercy upon us ;"
sometimes, "And with thy Spirit;" and, "We have our
hearts lifted up unto the Lord, &c." Which answers they
would not have made in due time, if the prayers had not
been made in a tongue understood.
30 And for further proof, let us hear what Basil b writeth in
this matter to the clerks of Neocsesarea ; " Cseterum ad
objectum in psalmodiis crimen, quo maxime simpliciores
terrent calumniatores, &c." "As touching that is laid to
our charge in psalmodies and songs, wherewith our slanderers
35 do fray the simple, I have this to say, That our customs
and usage in all churches be uniform and agreeable. For
in the night, the people with us riseth, goeth to the house
of prayer: and in travel, tribulation, and continual tears,
b Basil. Epist. 63.
62 The first proposition disputed. [DOCUMENTS.
they confess themselves to God ; and at the last rising again,
go to their songs, or psalmodies, where being divided into
two parts, sing by course together, both deeply weighing and
confirming the matter of the heavenly saying ; and also
stirring up their attention and devotion of heart, which by 5
other means be alienated and pluck d away. Then appointing
one to begin the song, the rest follow; and so, with divers
songs and prayers, passing over the night, at the dawning
of the day, all together, even as it were with one mouth, and
one heart, they sing unto the Lord a song of confession, I0
every man framing to himself meet words of repentance.
" If ye will flee us from henceforth for these things, ye must
flee also the Egyptians, and both the Lybians, ye must eschew
the Thebans, Palestines, Arabians, the Phenices, the Syrians^
and those which dwell besides Euphrates. And to be short, Z 5
all those with whom watchings, prayers, and common singing
of psalms are had in honour."
[Then follow other testimonies from Ambrose, Jerome, Basil,
Chrysostom, Cyprian, Augustin and Justinian s Novell.]
These are sufficient to prove, that it is against God s word, 20
and the use of the primitive church, to use a language not
understood of the people, in common prayer, and ministration
of the sacraments.
Wherefore it is to be marvelled at, not only how such an
nntrut and abuse crept, at the first, into the church, but also 2 5
how it is maintained so stifly at this day ; and upon what
ground these that will be thought guides and pastors of
Christ s church, are so loth to return to the first original
of St. Paul s doctrine, and the practice of the primitive
catholick church of Christ. _
J. Scory. R. Cox. The God of patience and
D. Whithead. E. Grindal. consolation give us grace
J. Juel. R. Horn. to be like minded one to-
J. Aimer. E. Gest. wards another, in Christ
Jesus, that we all agree- 35
ing together, may, with
one mouth, praise God,
the Father of our Lord
Jesus Christ. Amen.
CHAPTER ii.] Dr. Cole s answer Sfc.
IV.
The answer of Dr. Cole to tlie first proposition of tlie protest ants,
at the disputation before the lords at Westminster.
Est contra verlum Dei, et consuetudinem veteris ecclesice lingua
populo ignota uti in publicis precibus, et administratione
5 sacramentorum.
Most honourable ;
WHEREAS these men here present have declared openly,
That it is repugnant and contrary to the word of God, to have
the common-prayers, and ministration of the sacraments, in
I0 the Latin tongue, here in England; and that all such com
mon-prayer, and ministration, ought to be, and remain in the
English tongue : ye shall understand, that to prove this
their assertion, they have brought in as yet only one place of
scripture, taken out of St. Paul s First Epistle to the Corinth-
j5 ians, chap. 14, with certain other places of the holy doctors ;
whereunto answer is not now to be made : but when the book,
which they read, shall be delivered unto us, according to the
appointment made in that behalf, then, God willing, we shall
make answer, as well to the scripture, as other testimonies
20 alledged by them, so as all good men may evidently perceive
and understand the same scripture to be misconstrued, and
drawn from the native and true sense : and that it is not
St. PauVs mind there to treat of common-prayer, or ministra
tion of any sacraments. And therefore we now have only to
25 declare, and open before you briefly (which after, as oppor
tunity serves in our answer, shall appear more at large) causes
which move us to persist and continue in the order received,
snd to say, and affirm, that to have the common-prayer or
service, with the ministration of the sacraments in the Latin
30 tongue, is convenient, and (as the state of the cause standeth
at this present) necessary.
64 Dr. Coles answer to the [DOCUMENTS.
SECOND SECTION.
1. And this we affirm, first, because there is no scripture
manifest against this our assertion and usage of the church.
And though there were any, yet it is not to be condemned
that the church hath receivM. Which thing may evidently 5
appear in many things that were sometime expressly com
manded by God and his holy apostles.
2. As for example, (to make the matter plain,) ye see the
express command of Almighty God, touching the observation
of the sabbath-day, to be changed by authority of the church 10
(without any word of God written for the same) into the
Sunday. The reason whereof appeareth not to all men ; and
howsoever it doth appear, and is accepted of all good men,
without any controversy of scripture ; yea, without any men
tion of the day, saving only that St. John, in his Apocalyps, i5
nameth it, diem Dominicum : in the change whereof, all men
may evidently understand the authority of the church, both
in this cause, and also in other matters to be of great weight
and importance, and therein esteemed accordingly.
3. Another example we have given unto us by the mouth 20
of our Saviour himself, who, washing the feet of his disciples,
said, " I have herein given you an example, that as I have
done, even so do you." Notwithstanding these express words,
the holy church hath left the thing undone, without blame :
not of any negligence, but of great and urgent causes, which 25
appeareth not to many men, and yet universally without the
breach of God s commandment (as is said) left undone. Was
not the fact also, and, as it seemeth, the express commandment
of Christ, our Saviour, changed and altered, by the authority
of the church, in the highest mystery of our faith, the blessed 30
sacrament of the altar ? For he ministereth the same (as the
scripture witnesseth) after supper. And now if a contentious
man would strain the fact to the first institution, St. Augustine
answereth (not by scripture, for there is none to improve it,
but indeed otherwise) even as the apostles did, " Visum est 35
Spiritui Sancto ut in honorem tanti sacramenti, in os Chris-
tiani hominis prius intret corpus Dominicum quam exteri cibi."
CHAPTER ii.] first proposition. 65
It is determined (saith St. Augustine) by the Holy Ghost,
that in the honour of so great a sacrament, the body of our
Lord should enter first into the mouth of a Christian man
before other external meats. So that notwithstanding it was
5 the fact of Christ himself, yet the church moved by the Holy
Ghost, (as is said,) hath changed that also, without offence
likewise. By the which sentence of St. Augustine manifestly
appeareth, that this authority was derived from the apostles
unto this time ; the which same authority, according to Christ s
10 promises, doth still abide and remain with his church.
i. And hereupon also resteth the alteration of the sacrament
under one kind, whenas the multitudes of the Gentiles entered,
the church instructed by the Holy Ghost, understood incon-
veniencies, and partly also heresy to creep in through the
1 5 ministration under both kinds ; and therefore, as in the former
examples, so in this now, (the matter nothing diminished,
neither in itself, nor in the receivers, and the thing also being
received before, by a common and uniform consent, without
contradiction) the church did decree, that from henceforth it
20 should be received under the form of bread only ; and whoso
ever should think and affirm^ that whole Christ remained not
under both kinds, pronounced him to be in heresy.
5. Moreover, we read in the Acts, whereas it was determined
in a council holden at Hierusalem by the apostles, that the
26 Gentiles should abstain from strangled, and blood, in these
words " Visum est Spiritui Sancto, et nobis, &c." "It is
decreed, by the Holy Ghost, and us, (say the apostles,) that
no other burden be laid upon you, than these necessary things,
That ye abstain from things offered up unto idols, and from
3 blood ; and from that is strangled, and from fornication. 1
This was the commandment of God, (for still it is commanded,
upon pain of damnation, to keep our bodies clean from
fornication,) and the other part join d by the Holy Ghost
with the same, not kept nor observed at this day.
3 5 6. Likewise in the Acts of the Apostles it appeareth, that
among them in the primitive church, all things were common.
They sold their lands and possessions, and laid the mony at
the feet of the apostles, to be divided to the people as every
man had need ; insomuch that Ananias and Saphira, who
66 Dr. Cole s answer to the [DOCUMENTS.
kept back a part of their possession, and laid but the other
part at the apostles feet, were declared by the mouth of St.
Peter, to be tempted by the Devil, and to lye against the
Holy Ghost, and in example of all other, punish d with sudden
death. By all which examples, and many other, it is manifest, 5
that though there were any such scripture which they pretend,
as there is not, yet the church wherein the Holy Ghost is
alway resident, may order the same, and may therein say as
truly, "Vistim est Spiritui Sancto, et nobis," as did the
apostles ; for Christ promised unto the chureh, that the Holy 10
Ghost should teach them all truth, and that he himself would
be with the same church unto the world s end. And here
upon we do make this argument with St. Augustine, which
he writeth in his Epistle ad Januariwn, after this sort,
" Ecclesia Dei inter multam paleam multaque zizania consti- i5
tuta, multa tolerat ; et tamen quse sunt contra fidem, vel
bonam vitam non approbat, nee tacet, nee facit."
To this major we add this minor ; but the catholick church
of God neither reproveth the service, or common-prayer, to
be in the learned tongue, nor yet useth it otherwise. 20
Therefore it is most lawful and commendable so to be.
THIRD SECTION,
Another cause that moveth us to say and think, is, that
otherwise doing, (as they have said,) there followeth neces
sarily the breach of unity of the church, and the commodities 25
thereby are withdrawn and taken from us; there follows
necessarily an horrible schism and division.
In alteration of the service into our mother-tongue, we
condemn the church of God, which hath been heretofore, we
condemn the church that is present, and namely the church 30
of Rome.
To the which, howsoever it is lightly esteemed here among
us, the holy saint and martyr, Ireneus, saith in plain words
thus, "Ad hanc ecclesiam propter potentiorem principali-
tatem , necesse est omnes alias ecclesias convenire ; hoc est 36
omnes undique fideles." It is necessary (saith this holy man,
who was nigh to the apostles, or rather in that time, for he
is called crvy\povos apostolorum) that all churches do conform
CHAPTER ii.] first proposition. 67
themselves, and agree with the see or church of Rome, all
churches, that is to say (as he declareth himself) all Christian
and faithful men. And he alleadgeth the cause why it is
necessary for all men to agree therewith, (propter potentiorem
$ principalitatem} for the greater preeminence of the same, or
for the mightier principality.
From this church, and consequently from the whole
universal church of Christ, we fall undoubtedly into a fearful
and dangerous schism, and therewith into all incommodities
10 of the same.
That in this doing, we fall from the unity of the church,
it is more manifest than that we need much to stand upon.
St. Augustine, " Contra Cresconium grammaticum," putting a
difference between heresis and schisma, saith, " Schisma est
1 5 di versa sequentium secta, Heresis autem schisma inveteratum."
To avoid this horrible sin of schism, we are commanded,
by the words of St. Paul, saying, " Obsecro vos ut id ipsum
dicatis omnes, et non sint in vobis schismata."
And that this changing of the service out of the learned
20 tongue, is doing contrary to the form and order universally
observed, is plain and evident to every man s eye.
They are to be named hereticJcs (saith he) which obstinately
think and judg in matters of faith, otherwise than the rest
of the church doth. And those are called schismaticfo, which
2 5 follow not the order and trade of the church, but will invent
of their own wit and brain other orders, contrary or diverse
to them which are already, by the Holy Ghost, universally
established in the church. And we being declined from God
by schism, note what follows ; There is then no gift of God,
30 no knowledg, no justice, no faith, no works, and finally,
no vertue that could stand us in stead, though we should
think to glorify God by suffering death, (as St. Paul saith)
1 Cor. 18. Yea, there is no sacrament that availeth to
salvation, in them that willingly fall into schism, that without
3$ fear separate and divide themselves from the sacred unity
of Christ s holy spouse, the church, as St. Augustine plainly
saith ; " Quicunquc ille est, qualiscunque ille est, Christianus
non est qui in ecclesia Christi non est ;" that is, Whosoever
68 Dr. Cole s answer to the [DOCUMENTS.
he be, whatsoever degree or condition he be of, or what
qualities soever he hath ; though he should speak with the
tongues of angels, speak he never so holily, shew he never
so much vertue, yet is he not a Christian man that is guilty
of the crime of schism ; and so no member of the church. * 5
Wherefore this is an evident argument ; every Christian
man is bound, upon pain of damnation, by the plain words
of God, uttered by St. Paul, to avoid the horrible sin of
schism.
The changing of the service out of the learned tongue, 10
it being universally observed through the whole church from
the beginning, is a cause of an horrible schism ; wherefore
every good Christian man is bound to avoid the change of
the service.
Now to confirm that we said before, and to prove that to i5
have the common-prayer, and ministration of the sacraments
in English, or in other than in the learned tongue, let us
behold the first institution of the west church, and the
particulars thereof.
And first, to begin with the church of France : Dyonisius, 2 o
St. Paul s scholar, who first planted the faith of Christ in
France : Martialis, who (as it is said) planted the faith in
Spain : and others which planted the same here in England,
in the time of Eleutherius : and such as planted the faith
in Germany, and other countries : and St. Augustine, that 2 5
converted this realm afterwards, in the time of Gregory,
almost a thousand years ago : it may appear that they had
interpreters, as touching the declaration and preaching of
the gospel, or else the gift of tongues : but that ever, in any
of these west churches, they had their service in their own 30.
language, or that the sacraments, other than matrimony,
were ministi ed in their own vulgar tongue ; that does not
appear by any ancient historiographer. Whether shall they
be able ever to prove that it was so generally, and thereby
by continuance, in the Latin tongue, the self-same order 35
and words remain still ; whereas all men do consider, and
know right-well, that in all other inferiour and barbarous
tongues, great change daily is seen, and specially in this our
CHAPTER ii.] first proposition. 69
English tongue, which in quovis seculo fere, in every age, or
hundred years, there appeareth a great change and alteration
in this language.
For the proof whereof, there hath remained many books of
5 late in this realm, (as many do well know) which we, that be
now Englishmen, can scarcely understand or read. And if
we should so often (as the thing may chance, and as alteration
daily doth grow in our vulgar tongue) change the service of
the church, what manifold inconveniences and errors would
10 follow, we leave it to all mens judgments to consider. So that
hereby may appear another invincible argument, which is, the
consent of the whole catholick church, that cannot err in the
faith and doctrine of our Saviour Christ, but is (by St. Paul s
saying) " the pillar and foundation of all truth."
1 5 Moreover, the people of England do not understand their
own tongue, better than Eunuchus did the Hebrew ; of
whom we read in the Acts, that Philip was commanded
to teach him ; and he reading there the prophesy of Esay,
Philip, (as it is written in the 8th chapter of the Acts)
20 enquired of him, whether he understood that which he read,
or no? he made answer, saying, " Et quomodo possum, si
non aliquis ostenderit mihi ;" in which words are reproved
the intolerable boldness of such as will enterprize without
any teacher (yea, contemning all doctors) to unclasp the
25 book, and thereby, instead of eternal food, drink up present
poison. For whereas the scripture is misconstrued, and taken
in a wrong sense, that it is not the scripture of God, but as
St. Hierom saith, writing upon the Epistle to the Galathians,
it is the scripture of the Devil: and we do not contend with
Sohereticks for the scripture, but for the true sense and
meaning of the scripture.
We read of ceremonies in the Old Testament, as the cir
cumcision, the bells and pomegranates of Aaron s apparel,
with many other, and kinds of sacrifices ; which all were, as
3 5 St. Paul saith unto the Hebrews, Justitia carnis ; and did
not inwardly justify the party before God, that observed
them, in protestation of their faith in Christ to come : and
although they had the knowledge of every fact of Christ,
which was signified particularly by those ceremonies. And
F3
70 Dr. Cole s answer to the [DOCUMENTS.
it is evident and plain, that the high priest entred into the
inner part of the temple, (named sancta sanctorum,) whereas
the people might not follow, nor lawful for them to stand, but
there where they could neither see, nor hear, what the priest
either said, or did, as St. Luke in the first chapter of his 5
Gospel rehearseth in the history of Zachary.
Upon conference of these two testaments, may be plainly
gathered this doctrine, That in the Church of Christ, many
things may be said and done, the mysteries whereof the
people knoweth not, neither are they bound to know. Which J o
thing, that is, that the people did not hear and understand
the common prayer of the priest and minister, it is evident
and plain by the practice of the ancient Greek church, and
that also that now is at Venice, or else- where.
In that east church, the priest standeth, as it were, in a i5
travice, or closet, hanged round about with curtains, or vails,
apart from the people. And after the consecration, when
he sheweth the blessed sacrament, the curtains are drawn,
whereof Chrysostom speaketh thus ; " Cum vela videris re-
trahi, tune superne coelum aperiri cogita ;" When thou seest 20
the vails or curtains drawn open, then think thou that heaven
is open from above.
It is also here to be noted, that there is two manners of
prayings, one publick, another private ; for which cause the
church hath such considerations of the publick prayer, that 25
it destroyeth not, nor taketh away the private prayer of the
people in the time of the sacrifice, or other divine service ;
which thing would chance, if the people should do nothing
but hearken to answer, and say, Amen. Besides the impos
sibility of the matter, whereas, in a great parish, every man 3
cannot hear what the priest saith, though the material
church were defaced, and he left the altar of God, and stood
in the midst of the people.
Furthermore, If we should confess that it were necessary to
have common-prayer in the vulgar tongue, these two heresies 3^
would follow upon it ; that prayer profiteth no man but him
that understandeth it, and him also that is present and
heareth it ; and so, by consequent, void was the prayer for
St. Peter in prison, by the church abroad.
CHAPTER ii.] first proposition. 71
Now consider the practice of this realm.
If we should grant the service to be in English, we should
not have it in the same form that it is in now, being in
Latin ; but by likelihood we should have it as it was of late
5 days. The matter of which service is taken out of the
Psalms, and other part of the Bible, translated into English,
wherein are manifest errors, and false translations, which all
by depravation of God s scripture, and so, vere mendacia.
Now if the service be so framM, then may men well say upon
10 us, that we serve God with lyes.
Wherefore we may not so travel and labour to alter the
form of our common-prayer, that we lese the fruit of all
prayer, which by this barbarous contention, no doubt, we
shall do. And the church of God hath no such custom, as
1 5 St. Paul alledgeth, in such contentions. And may not the
whole world say unto us, as St. Paul said unto the Corinth
ians, 1 Cor. 14, " An a vobis verbum Dei processit, aut in
vos solos pervenit T As though the whole church had been
ever in error, and never had seen this chapter of St. Paul
20 before : and that the Holy Ghost had utterly forsaken his
office, in leading it into all truth, till now of late, certain,
boasting of the Holy Ghost, and the sincere word of God,
hath enterprised to correct and overthrow the whole church.
Augustinus, lib. 1. contra Julianwn Pelagium, a Greeds pro
25sud heresi profugum, querentem, ad Imnc modam respondit :
" puto (inquit) tibi earn partem orbis debere sufficere, in qua
primum apostolorum suorum voluit Dominus gloriosissimo
martyrio coronari. Et Idem paulo post ; Te certe (Julianum
alloquitur) occidentalis terra generavit, occidentals regene-
Soravit ecclesia. Quid ei quseris inferre, quod in ea non inve-
nisti, quando in ejus membra venisti? Imo, Quid ei quaeris
auferre, quod in eA tu quoque accepisti ? Hcec ilk"
A number of authorities out of the doctors we could
rehearse, that maketh for the unity of the church, and for
35 not disturbing the quiet government of the same ; which all
impugn this their first assertion by way of argument. But
because they have framed their assertion so, that we be com
pelled to defend the negative, (in the probation whereof, the
doctors use not directly to have many words ;) therefore of
P4
72 The Protestants discourse [DOCUMENTS.
purpose we leave out a number of the sayings of the doctors,
(which all, as I said before, would prove this first matter by
way of argument,) lest we should be tedious, and keep you
too long in a plain matter.
And therefore now to conclude, for not changing the 5
divine service, and the ministration of the sacraments from
the learned tongue (which thing doth make a schism, and
a division between us and the catholick church of God), we
have brought in the scripture that doth forbid all such
schism; and also the consent and custom of the whole church, 10
which cannot err, and maketh us bold to say as we do ; with
other things, as ye have heard, for confirmation of the same.
And in answering to the first matter, we intend (God willing)
to say much more ; beseeching Alrnighty God so to inspire
the heart of the queen s majesty, and her most honourable r 5
council, with the nobility of this realm, and us that be the
pastors of the people in these causes, that so we may dispose
of the service of God, as we may therein serve God : and that
we do not, by altering the said service from the uniform
manner of Christ s Church, but also highly displease God, 20
and procure to us infamy of the world, the worm of con
science, and eternal damnation ; which God forbid : and grant
us grace to acknowledge, confess and maintain his truth.
To whom be all glory. Amen.
V.
The protestants 1 discourse, prepared to have been read in the 25
public conference at Westminster, upon the second question, viz.
Every particular church hath authority to institute, change,
and abrogate ceremonies and rites in the church, so that
it be to edify.
FOR avoiding ambiguity in terms, it is not amiss to declare 30
what is meant by the words of the proposition.
By these words, " every particular church," we understand
every particular kingdom, province, or region, which by order
CHAPTER ii.] prepared upon the second question. 73
make one Christian society or body, according to the dis
tinction of countries, and orders of the same.
By " ceremonies and rites of the church," we understand
those ceremonies and rites, which neither expressly, neither
5 by necessary deduction or consequence, are commanded or
forbidden in the scriptures, but are things of their own
nature indifferent. As for example, the form and manner of
prayers before and after baptism, and at the administration
of the sacrament of the body and blood of Christ, the
10 appointing of times and places for the hearing of God s word,
ministration of sacraments, public prayer, number of holy-
days, times of fasting, and such like. All which may by
God s word, not only by general councils, but also by par
ticular provinces, regions, and societies of Christians, accord-
i5 ing to the state of the times, be instituted and ordained,
changed and removed upon such just grounds, causes and
considerations as the state of the times, places, people, and
other circumstances shall require ; so that it be done to edify
God s people.
20 Having thus made declaration of the proposition, we will
proceed to the proof of the same by God s word, by ancient
writers, and by examples.
First, all ecclesiastical rites and ceremonies are things
which pertain unto order and decency. But St. Paul a com-
25 mitted to the particular church of Corinth the disposition of
all things which appertain to decency and order. And com
mitting such authority to the particular church of Corinth,
he consequently committeth it to all other particular churches.
For with God there is no respect of persons ; and as there is
30 in Christ neither Jew nor gentile, so there is neither Co
rinthian, nor Venetian, nor Englishman, but all we in Christ
are one, and have like privilege.
Whereupon it followeth, that St. Paul committeth the
disposition of all outward ecclesiastical rites and ceremonies
35 to every particular church.
Let this reason be well weighed, for it is plain and
evident. For that ceremonies are things of order and
a 1 Cor. 14.
74 The Protestants discourse [DOCUMENTS.
decency, and not things of necessity to salvation, is a thing
confessed of all men. For they have had their beginning
of men, and have been changed, as shall appear at large
hereafter.
But things of necessity to salvation are immutable, and 5
have their original from God.
And further, that the words of St. Paul to the Corinth
ians pertain to the ordering and disposition of such things,
the adversaries cannot deny; saving, that whereas St. Paul
committeth it in plain terms to the particular church ofio
Corinth, they bind it and restrain it to an universal determi
nation, contrary to St. Paul s meaning, as shall appear by
our answers to their reasons hereafter.
Secondly, the principal foundation whereupon it may be
gathered, that any council or assembly hath authority to i5
change or institute rites and ceremonies, stands upon this
proof of Christ, 4i Wheresoever two or three are gathered
together in my name, there am I in the midst of them. "
But in a particular church, not only two or three, but also
great numbers may be assembled in the name of Christ. 20
Therefore a particular church hath promise that Christ will
be in the midst of them. And consequently that assembly,
that hath Christ in the midst of it, and the assistance of his
Spirit according to his promises, hath authority to institute,
alter, and change rites and ceremonies, to the edifying of the 25
people.
Therefore a particular church hath authority to institute,
alter, and change ceremonies, to the edifying of the people.
Thirdly, the authority of the church, both universal and
particular, to institute, abrogate, and to change rites and 30
ceremonies, dependeth only upon obedience to Christ and his
word, in directing of all things to the edification of faith and
charity. " For my sheep hear my voice," b saith Christ.
And again, " You are my friends, if you do those things
which I command you." But particular churches both have, 36
and may obey Christ and his word, in directing all things to
the edifying of faith and charity, as shall appear by divers
b John 10.
CHAPTER ii.] prepared upon the second question. 75
examples hereafter. And therefore particular churches have
authority to institute and change rites and ceremonies.
Fourthly, Furthermore it is manifest, that ceremonies,
although they were profitable at the first, may grow by con-
5 tinuance to abuse, and be hurtful ; as the watching of men
and women together in the night at the graves of martyrs,
which St. Hierom did so highly commend, at length was
tried to be an occasion of much disorder and dissolute life.
Now if every particular church had not authority to abro-
logate such ceremonies, being hurtful, then should it follow,
that Christ, who is the head not only of the universal church,
but also of every particular church, had left the same church
destitute of necessary remedies to redress vice and sin.
For as for the general councils, they come together but
1 5 seldom. It was more than 300 years after Christ or the
Nicene council was called, which was the first general council
after the apostles time. And sith that time, by reason of
wars and troubles in the world, sometimes of a long space
together no general councils have been called. So that if
20 particular churches may not remove rites tending to sin or
idolatry, a great number of souls might perish before the
general councils come together. Which were a thing against
God s word : for St. Paul saith, God hath given no power to
destroy, but to edify.
25 Fifthly, Look what authority the seven several pastors
and churches in Asia had to reform the things that were
amiss among every of them, the same authority hath now
the several pastors and churches in all kingdoms and pro
vinces. For Aretas, bishop of Csesarea, and Primasius,
3oepiscopus Uticensis in Africa, upon the first chapter of the
Revelation of St. John, do teach, that the seven churches in
Asia do represent the multitude of the particular churches
scattered over the world. Also the Son of man, the uni
versal pastor and head over all churches, was shewed unto
36 John in a vision, present in every of the seven golden candle
sticks ; that is, in every several and particular church ; hold
ing in his right hand all and every the seven stars ; that is,
governing and defending all and every angel, messenger, and
pastor of the several churches.
76 The Protestants discourse [DOCUMENTS.
But every of the said seven pastors in Asia had authority
to reform all things that were amiss among them, as mani
festly appears by the seven several epistles, which Christ
commanded John to write, and to send unto them. There
fore every several pastor and church, in all kingdoms and 5
provinces, hath authority to reform such things as be amiss
among them.
Sixthly, If a particular church were bound to retain and
exercise, and might not abrogate and remove, evil and hurtful
rites and ceremonies, instituted by men, then were the same I0
church also bound to obey men more than God; who hath
commanded, by his apostle St. Paul, that all things should
be done in the church to edify. But no particular church is
bound to obey men more than God. Therefore a particular
church is not bound to retain, but may remove hurtful cere- i5
monies, instituted by men.
These few reasons we have brought out of the scriptures,
not because we have no more to allege, but partly because
we thought any one saying of Christ sufficient to persuade
any Christian man ; and partly, for that we know many men 20
nowadays stay themselves chiefly upon the decrees of old
councils, and the writings and judgments of the doctors and
fathers : and forasmuch as our adversaries will stand most
upon those grounds, we have thought it good to match
them with their own weapons, and in that field wherein they 2 5
think themselves best appointed. Wherefore, the rest of
our process shall stand upon the authority of the doctors,
and upon the examples and practice of ancient churches.
But first, we will allege a natural reason or two, and then
come to the authority of the doctors, and examples. 30
That the proposition is true, very natural reason would
suffice a man that would be ruled by reason. But reason
would that things should be restored by like order as they
fell in decay. But it is not likely that any ceremony, being
not wicked of itself, can grow to corruption and abuse in all 35
places throughout the world at one time, but must of force
have both his beginning and his proceeding, and so at length
overwhelm the whole. Wherefore, as the corruption is first
particular, so must there also be first a particular redress.
CHAPTER ii.] prepared upon the second question. 77
Yea, and if the abuse happen to be so great, that it over
run the whole body of the church, even very nature would
us to do as the good husband is wont to do. The husband,
saith St. Augustin, if he see his corn-field overgrown with
5 weeds, goeth not about by and by to weed out altogether,
but beginneth in one corner first, and so proceedeth to the
whole.
But some man perhaps will say, that the ceremonies of the
holy church are sanctified and privileged in such sort, that
10 they cannot be abused. But you must understand, that as
the nature of man is mutable and corrupt, even so all ordi
nances devised by men are subject to mutability, and ready
to receive corruption. And therefore albeit they were well,
and upon some godly zeal received at the beginning, yet
1 5 afterwards, by little and little, they fall to abuse.
The brazen serpent was set up by Moses for the people to
behold, that they might receive health. Afterwards it was
abused to idolatry. And therefore the good king Ezekias
pulled it down, and beat it to powder. And so ceremonies
20 sometimes are taken for things necessary to the worshipping
of God ; and of such Christ saith, " Frustra me colunt,
docentes doctrinas prsecepta hominum." And again, he
warneth his disciples to beware of the leaven of the scribes
and pharisees.
2,5 Sometimes they grow to such a number, that the multi
tude of them is intolerable. And therefore St. Augustin, in
his time, which was more than 1100 years ago, complaineth to
his friend Januarius, " Omnia, inquit, sunt plena humanis
prsesumptionibus ;"" All, saith he, is now full of men s pre-
30 sumptions. And he saith further, "That the Jews, being
under the law, and in servitude of ceremonies, were in far
better case than the Christians of his time. 1 1 And his reason
is, " Quia etsi illi tempus libertatis non agnoverint, legalibus
tamen sarcinis, non humanis prsesumptionibus servierint."
3 5 This is St. Augustin s reason, for the which he thinketh that
the Christians in his time were in worse taking for the
bondage of ceremonies, than ever were the Jews under the
shadow of the law. And we be such, you mark it well ;
for, saith he, notwithstanding the Jews knew not the time of
78 The Protestants discourse [DOCUMENTS.
liberty, yet they were captive, not as we are to metis pre
sumptions, (for so he calleth the inordinate number of cere
monies devised by men,) but unto the law of God.
Sometimes they are idle and dumb, and teach nothing ;
and are, as I might say, signs without signification. And 5
such are the most part of the ceremonies, which now so stiffly
are defended. For the most part of them are such as, I
will not say the poor lay people, or your ignorant priests,
but, if we may be so bold to speak it, you yourselves are not
able to give a reason for them. 10
And sometimes they are devised only for filthy lucre,
under a show of holiness to get money. And whether this
have been practised any time heretofore, we remit the matter
to any indifferent judge.
These many ways may ceremonies be abused. First, ifiS
they be taken as things pertaining to the worshipping of
God. Next, if they grow to an inordinate number. Thirdly,
if they teach nothing, nor no man can have understanding of
them. And to conclude, if they be invented for lucre s
sake, to get money. Now ceremonies thus used lack their 20
soul, as I might say, and are become dead: and therefore
there remaineth no more, but that they be had out of the
way, and buried.
There is as great a difference between a particular member
of a general council and the council, as between a particular 25
church and a general council. But in a general council, a
truth hath been revealed to a particular member, for the
edification of the church, which was hid from the whole
council. Unto the which truth and persuasion of the par
ticular member, the whole council gave place, as appearetli3o
in the council of Nice ; whereas was revealed unto Paphnu-
tius that which was hid from all the rest. Unto whose
persuasion, notwithstanding that he was but one particular
man, the whole council gave place, because they perceived it
to be for the edification of the church. Therefore the truth 35
of God, whereby things may be instituted, abrogated, or
changed, for the edification of the church, may be sometimes
revealed unto particular churches, which are hid from general
councils.
CHAPTER ii.] prepared upon the second question. 79
The apostles 1 successors had the same authority that the
apostles had. For that the adversaries grant; else under
what colour drive they men to obey the pope and his
decrees? But all bishops be the apostles 1 successors, and
Shave like power, as appeareth by St. Hierom, c which saith,
" Omnes episcopos apostolortim successores esse :" and by
Cyprian, who affirmeth that each one had the like authority ;
" Hoc utique, inquit, erant cseteri apostoli, quod fuit Petrus,
pari consortio praediti, et honoris et potestatis. 11 Therefore
10 all bishops have the same authority, which is, to dispose
things to edification ; as Paul saith, " Caetera, cum venero,
disponam. 11
And that the very particular churches had this liberty to
retain or to remove ceremonies, as it may seem good for
! 5 them, it may appear by an infinite number of examples, and
in manner by the continual course of the old church. For
thus writeth Irenseus of the order of Lenten-fast in his
time, as it is reported by Eusebius, " Neque de die tantum
disceptatio eat," &c. " Neither do they differ only about the
20 day, but also about the manner of their fasting. For some
think they should fast one day, some two days, and some
more. Some reckon their day of 40 (sic) hours long,
accounting altogether the hours of day and night." By this
it appeareth, that notwithstanding there was an order taken
26 for fasting, yet was it lawful for men to receive it or leave it,
as they listed; and that without breach of charity. For
Irenaeus straightway addeth these words, " Nihilo tamen
minus, 11 &c. " This notwithstanding, 11 saith Irenseus, (an
old father, that lived a thousand and four hundred years
30 ago,) " they kept peace and unity among themselves. And
so do we until this day. And the diversity of our fasting
setteth forth the more the agreeance of our faith. 11 Likewise
was there great diversity in keeping of Easter-day. For the
Latins kept it upon one day, after the tradition of St. Peter,
35 as they said ; and the churches of Asia kept it on another
day, after the tradition of St. John ; yet notwithstanding,
agreed in Christian peace and unity.
< Hier. ad Evagr.
80 The Protestants discourse [DOCUMENTS.
Socrates, in the fifth book and twenty-second chapter of
his history, prosecuteth this matter at large. And the
chapter were worthy to be recited whole, saving for shortness
of time a portion thereof only shall suffice. " Nusquam
igitur apostolus nee ipsa evangelia," Sec. " Neither the 5
apostle nor the gospels themselves do any where lay upon
them which come to preaching (of the gospel, he means) the
yoke of bondage. But every one in their own countries have
upon a certain custom, as they would themselves, kept the
feast of Easter, and other festival days, that they might cease 10
from labour, and remember the healthful passion, (he means,
of the Lord ;) neither hath our Saviour or the apostles by any
law commanded this to be observed of us ; neither do the
gospels or apostles threaten unto us any pain or punishment,
as Moses law did unto the Jews : but it is written in the i5
gospels only, after the manner of an history, in the repre
hension of the Jews, because they committed murder on the
festival days, and because Christ suffered in the time of
sweetbread. Wherefore the scope of the apostle was not
to make laws for holydays, but to bring in good life and 20
godliness. But it seemeth unto me that likewise, as many
other things in every place grew unto a custom, even so also
did the feast of Easter. Because none of the apostles, as I
have said, decreed any thing of the matter. That certain
things, even from the beginning, began to be observed in 25
every place rather by custom than by law, the matter itself
declareth. As in Asia the Less, many after the old custom
contemning the Saturday, observed the fourteenth day. And
they thus doing, did never strive with them which did keep
the feast of Easter otherwise, until Victor, bishop of Rome, 30
being too earnest, decreed, that the Quartodecimans should
be excommunicate. For the which deed, Irenseus, being
bishop of Lyons in France, wrote a sharp epistle unto
Victor, wherein he both reprehendeth his earnestness, and
also declareth that none of them which in old time
diversely celebrate the feast of Easter, were by any means
separated from the communion. And that Polycarpus, bishop
of Smyrna, (which in conclusion suffered martyrdom under
CHAPTER ii.] prepared upon the second question. 81
Gordianus,) did not eschew the communion of Anicetus,
bishop of Rome, nor did for the festival day^s sake fall out
with him ; although he, according to the custom of Eucha-
rius, bishop of Smyrna, did celebrate Easter the fourteenth
5 day ; as Eusebius saith in the fifth book of the Ecclesiastical
History."
And a little after ; " Eomani namque tres ante Pasca
septimanas," &c. " For the Romans do fast three weeks
together before Easter, except the Saturday and the Sunday.
10 The Illyrici, and all Hellada, and they of Alexandria, do fast
their fast six weeks before Easter, and call it Quadragesimam,
forty days fast, or Lent. But it is a marvel to me, how these
men, differing about the number of days, do call it by one
name of forty days fast. A man shall find some, which do
1 5 not only dissent about number of days, but also do not retain
one kind of abstinence. For some do utterly abstain from
things having life. Some, of those things which have life, eat
only fishes ; some, besides fishes, eat also birds, and say, after
Moses, they came of the waters. Some abstain both from
20 berries and eggs ; ^ some do eat only dry bread ; some not
that : some there be which, fasting to the ninth hour, do use
divers meats : in divers nations they fast diversely. Of which
there be innumerable causes. And because no man is able to
shew any written commandment of this matter, it is plain
25 that the apostles have left it free to every man s judgment
and will, lest any man should do a good thing either of fear or
necessity. Such is the diversity of fasts through the churches :
and about the communion is a much like diversity." And so
the author proceedeth in shewing certain diversities about
30 the ministration of the communion, baptism, marriage, and
other ecclesiastical observances.
Again, St. Augustin writeth unto Januarius, " Alii quotidie
communicant," &c. " Some," saith St. Augustin, " receive
the communion of the body and blood of Christ every day ;
35 some others upon certain days. Some there be that miss
no day without the oblation ; some other communicate
only upon the Saturday and Sunday, others only upon the
Sunday."
8 Tlie Protestants* discourse [DOCUMENTS.
" d Nunquid ergo cseteri apostoli prandere Christianos," &c.
" Did then the other apostles teach the Christians through
out the whole world to dine contrary to Peter? Like as
therefore Peter and his fellow-disciples lived in concord
among themselves, even so let them which fast on the 5
Saturday, and were planted by Peter, and those which dine
on Saturday, and were planted by his fellow-disciples, live
together in unity and concord."
And a little after, in the same place, " Sit ergo una fides,"
&c. " Therefore, let the faith of the universal church, which 10
is there spread abroad as inwardly in the inward parts be
one ; although the same unity of faith be kept with divers
rites or observations ; wherewith in no wise the truth in faith
is hindered. For all the beauty of the king s daughter is
inward. But those rites which are kept diversely, are under- l5
standed in his garment. Whereupon it is said to her, covered
round about with variety in the golden edge, or skirts of his
garments. But let that vesture also be so divers in variable
rites, that it be not torn in sunder with contentious dis
sensions."
Yet folio weth in the same place, " Si autem quoniam huic,"
&c. " But because I think for my part I have sufficiently
answered this, if thou wilt ask my judgment of this matter,
considering this in my mind, I see, that fasting of the
evangelists and apostles, and in the whole Testament, (which 25
is called the New Testament,) is commanded : but on what
days we must not fast, and on what days we must fast, I do
not find determined by the commandment of the Lord or the
apostles. And by this I judge, that liberty is more apt and
convenient, than constraint, of fasting ; although truly not 3
to the obtaining the righteousness which faith obtaineth;
wherein consisteth the beauty of the king s daughter in
wardly ; but yet to signify the eternal rest, which is the true
sabbath."
" e Non omnes quamvis ejusdem opinionis," &c. "All men, 35
though they were of one faith, yet observed they not in their
churches like traditions. Yea, they that had all one faith,
d De jejun. Sabbath. Augustin. ad Casulan. e Nicephor. lib. 12. cap. 34.
CHAPTER ii.] prepared upon the second question. 83
yet oft in the observation of usages they differed much.
Which thing was no hinderance to true godliness."
Likewise it is noted in the decrees of pope Stephen, and
alleged in Gratian, dist. 31. as followeth ; " Aliter se habet
5 orientalium ecclesiarum traditio," &c. " The tradition of the
east church is far otherwise than the tradition of this holy
church of Rome. For their priests, deacons, and subdeacons
are married : but in this church, none from a subdeacon unto
a bishop hath licence to marry a wife." And here is to be
10 marked, that pope Stephen took not the single life of priests
in the Latin church as a thing commanded by God, but only
as a tradition, and such a tradition as the Grecians lately
refused.
" Qusestio Augustini ad Gregorium fuit ista, Cum una sit
1 5 fides, cur sunt ecclesiarum diversse consuetudines ? et aliter
consuetude missarum in S. Romana ecclesia, atque aliter
in Galliarum ecclesiis tenetur ? Cui Gregorius respondit,
12. dist. cap. Novit fraternitas tua," &c. " Your brotherhood
knoweth the custom of the church of Rome, wherein you
20 have been trained up. But this way pleaseth me well, that
if you find any thing, whether it be in the church of Rome,
or in the church of France, or else in any other church, that
may more please God, that you diligently choose the same.
And forasmuch as the church of England is new in con-
25 stitution and in ceremonies, that you pour into it the best
ordinances that you can gather of many others. For we may
not love the things for the places, but the places for the
things. Wherefore, gather you out of every church such
things as be godly, religious, and right ; and the same, being
30 knit up as it were in a bundle, cause you to be put and to be
brought in ure in the church of England."
Here we may note, that Gregory, being then bishop of
Rome, would not drive other churches to the observations
of the ceremonies and rites of Rome ; but suffered each nation
35 quietly to retain and keep such orders as should be most
convenient for them.
Yea, Sozomenus writeth in his seventh book, " Eaedem
ceremonise non possunt," &c. " One kind of ceremonies
cannot be found in every church. 1
84 Tlie Protestants discourse [DOCUMENTS.
And moreover Socrates writeth in his fifth book, " Non
inveniuntur," &c. " You cannot find two churches, (saith
Socrates, writing of the order of the church in his time,)
that in rites and ceremonies agree together."
Likewise Theodoretus, upon the fourteenth chapter to the 5
Romans, entreating on these words, " Let every man abound
in his own sense, or judgment,"" writeth as followeth : " Non
enim hoc posuit generaliter," &c. " He hath not put this
generally, nor yet commandeth he to judge thus of God s
decrees. For he doth accurse them that go about to teach 10
any thing contrary unto the truth : If any man preach
unto you any other doctrine than that ye have received, let
him be accursed.
" And therefore only of meats he left to every man freedom
of his own mind. For this custom remaineth in the churches i5
until this day; and one chooseth abstinence, and another
eateth all kinds of meat without scruple of conscience. And
neither this man judgeth that man, nor the one reproveth
the other, but the law of concord and charity doth make
them notable." 20
And all this diversity rose of that, that it was lawful for
every particular church either to receive or to leave such
ordinances as were devised and thought good by other
churches. For if all places had been bound to one order,
then could never have been such diversity. 25
Now of this may we thus conclude ; that church that hath
liberty, whether it will receive a ceremony or no at the first,
may by the same liberty afterwards remove it, when it shall
be thought good. Yea, and a great deal more reasonable it
is to remove a ceremony, when it is corrupt and abused, than 30
at the first not to receive it, when it was incorrupted and
judged profitable. For as St. Augustin writeth to Januarius,
" Quod non est contra fidem," &c. that is, " Whatsoever is
not against faith and good manners, it is to be taken as a
thing indifferent." Now if it be to be taken for a thing 3 5
indifferent to keep or to refuse, when it is best, much more
reason it is to refuse, when it is corrupt and grown out of
kind.
For any thing, that cannot necessarily be gathered out of
CHAPTER ii.] prepared upon the second question. 85
the word of God, may be changed, as St. Cyprian writeth to
Pompeius; " Nihil innovetur, inquit, quod traditum." Oh!
said the adversary to St. Cyprian, " Nothing that is once
delivered us, may be altered." St. Cyprian makes answer,
5 " TJnde est ista traditio ?" " May it not be changed 2" saith
Cyprian. " Wherefore ? From whence came this tradition ?
Came it from the authority of the Lord and gospel, or from
the commandments and writings of the apostles 2" As if he
should say, If it came from the epistles of the apostles, or
jo the gospels, then it may not be changed ; if it came other
wise by the decrees of men, it may. And in another place
he saith, " Non est absurdum," &c. " It is not against
reason, that such things as have been received be changed
for the better."
1 5 For such is the nature of ceremonies, that as it is some
times profitable to receive them, so sometimes it is profitable
to put them away. And here we have to shew you the wise
answer of a gentleman and counsellor of the city of Athens,
named Theramenes. The Lacedaemonians, after they had
20 given the Athenians a great overthrow in the field, com
manded them to pull down the walls of the town, otherwise
they threatened them utter undoing. When this matter
came to deliberation in the council-house of Athens, Thera
menes gave counsel that the walls should be pulled down.
25 Straightway there stood up another gentleman ; And will
you, said he, give your assent to the pulling down of the
walls, that were builded up by the counsel of that worthy
man, and great captain, Themistocles? Yea, said Thera
menes : for Themistocles caused the walls to be builded for
30 the safeguard of the city ; and for the safeguard of the same
city, I give counsel to throw them down. Even so may we
answer by ceremonies : they were brought in at the first
for to profit the church ; but after they be once corrupted,
and do not that office for which they were invented, for the
30 profit of the same church they must be removed. And if
this be true of such ceremonies which at the first were
indifferent, much more it is to be thought of such ceremonies
that were never good nor indifferent, but were brought in in
the corrupt state of the church.
86 The Protestants discourse [DOCUMENTS.
And therefore St. Augustin hath a marvellous good saying,
writing ad Marcellinum, cap. 5. " Non itaque verum est,
quod dicitur," &c. " It is not true that some men say, that
such a thing as is once well done, may in no wise be altered.
For after the cause or occasion of time is changed, goods
reason requireth, that that be changed, which otherwise
before was well done. That whereas they say, it were not
well to have it changed ; contrariwise, the truth saith, it
were not well but it should be changed : for then shall both
be well, if that for the diversity of time they shall be divers." 10
Thus much for proofs out of the scripture and ancient
writers. Now remains to shew the same by example.
Basilius, being a bishop, took upon him to devise a several
form of prayers and ceremonies, to be used about the
administration of the communion ; and by the consent of his i5
church practised the same, without any authority of general
council. Chrysostom also did the like ; so that it beareth his
name until this day, and is called Liturgia Chrysostomi. If
particular bishops had authority to vary from other churches,
and to institute rites and ceremonies about the administra- 20
tion of the holy communion, which be ceremonies of most
weight, and most in controversy at this day ; how unreason
able is it to deny the like authority to a whole kingdom or
province, to the ordinary powers and learned of the same ?
Furthermore, the church of the ^Ethiopians, called Pres- 2 5
lyter Johannes land, have at this day their own ceremonies,
and that in the vulgar tongue.
Those churches that remain yet in the east parts differ,
and always have done, from the west churches in rites and
ceremonies. ~
Yea, and the west churches themselves vary one from
another.
There were in Gregory s time three canons or orders, to
minister the holy communion ; the canon of Ambrose, the
canon of Scholasticus, the canon of Gregory. ^5
At Rome, every Saturday was fasting-day. At Milan, St.
Ambrose and the whole church kept it no fasting-day. And
both St. Augustin and his mother, by St. Ambrose s advice,
when they came to Milan, did not fast Saturdays.
CHAPTER ii.] prepared upon the second question. 87
So that it may be reasonably gathered, that the old
council thought it a thing commodious for the church to have
variety in ceremonies, and to leave their churches at their
liberty to reform them when they grew to abuse. Otherwise
5 they would have decreed, that all churches should have had
like and the same ceremonies and rites ; which they never did.
Therefore such uniformity of rites and ceremonies as now
is seen in the popish churches, was not in the church when it
was most pure ; but was brought in after, when the bishop of
10 Rome had aspired to the unjust primacy : and so have been
continued rather for a public recognition of their subjection
to the monarchy of the see of Rome than for any edification.
For it is more profit for the church to have some diversity
of ceremonies in divers places, than to have all one ; for these
1 5 causes :
First, that the liberty of the church may remain ; that in
these indifferent things every particular church may abundare
in suo sensu, " abound in his own sense," as St. Paul writeth.
Secondarily, That ceremonies be not too much esteemed
20 of the simple, and so grow to be made equal with God s word.
As experience declareth, that great numbers make more
conscience of breach of an outward ceremony, than of one of
God s commandments. Such affection is termed of some
men devotion. But St. Augustin calleth such offence, con-
25 ceived upon such alteration of ceremonies, superstition.
But to proceed with more examples. Ambrose, according
to the example of Athanasius, who did the like at Alex
andria, did first institute the rite or ceremony of singing
Psalms at Milan, as St. Augustin reporteth in his Confession.
30 But where is authority to institute, there is also authority
to abrogate. That is true, will some say, when it is made
by his own authority. Nay also, when it is established by a
more general consent, if the practice declare it hurtful, as by
the examples following.
35 Nectarius, bishop of Constantinople, did abrogate and
remove the office of the penitentiary and auricular confes
sion ; which was a constitution almost generally received, and
remained still at Rome, notwithstanding his abrogation of it.
And that he did well in it, it may be proved by two reasons.
G 4
88 The Protestants discourse [DOCUMENTS.
1. That Sozomenus writing the history, saith, that "fere
omnes episcopi eura sunt secuti ;" " almost all bishops fol
lowed his example." Where is to be noted by the way, that
particular reformations do much good, and provoke others
to follow. 5
2. The second reason is, that St. John Chrysostom suc
ceeding Nectarius did not restore that rite of confession
again : for it remained abrogated in Sozomenus^s days, who
lived after Chrysostom. And it is not to be thought but
Chrysostom would have restored it, if it had been unorderly 10
removed. So that this example of Nectarius, and the parti
cular church of Constantinople, abrogating a general consent
upon just causes of abuse, approved by the imitation of so
many bishops, and especially of the notable father St. John
Chrysostom his successor, is a most plain declaration, that i5
particular churches may abrogate abused rites and cere
monies, although they have been instituted by a more general
authority.
Likewise in St. Augustin s time, as appeareth in his Con
fessions^ there was an ordinance in Afric, and elsewhere, 20
that meat, bread, and wine should be brought to the place
of meetings at the memories of martyrs. Which ordinance
St. Ambrose did abrogate ; and the reason is there declared
in these words ; u Ne ulla occasio se ingurgitandi daretur,"
&c. " Lest any occasion should be given to drunkards, to 25
overcharge themselves with drink:" and also, because that
observance was most like to the superstition of the heathen,
who kept parentalia, burial feasts for their dead parents.
Here, beside that Ambrose, one man, abrogated a common
rite, let this also be marked, that the common reason used of 30
men nowadays took no place with this ancient father ; which
is, Take away the abuse, and let the thing remain. But St.
Ambrose took away the abuse by removing the thing.
Moreover, the common watchings, or wakes, of men and
women at the martyrs 1 graves, which St. Hierom so highly 35
commends, and doth most sharply inveigh against Vigilan-
tius, who wrote against the said wakes, calling Vigilantius his
f Lib. 6. cap. 2.
CHAPTER ii. j prepared upon the second question. 89
assertion an heresy, was afterwards abrogated and rejected.
And of such kind of wakes there is a canon in a particular
council holden in Spain, called Concilium Elilerenum, in the
35th chap, with these words, " Placuit prohiberi ne fseminse
5 in coemiterio pervigilent," &c. " It hath pleased us to forbid,
that women should wake the night through in the burial
place; because that oftentimes, under pretence of prayer,
heinous offences be secretly committed. 1
Moreover, the late experience within this our country doth
10 declare, that the abrogation of many ceremonies established
by general authority is lawful and profitable. For in the
time of king Henry VIII. of famous memory, many super
stitious observations and idolatrous rites were abolished ; and
that by consent of many of them which now are, and of late
1 5 have been, adversaries ; as pilgrimage, stations, pardons,
many superstitious opinions of purgatory, holy water, of
masses for cattle, and scala cceli, innumerable lies out of the
church legends of feigned miracles, and saints lives. All
which things were once established by catholic authority, as
20 they term it, and in other regions are yet maintained under
the same colour, and the gainsayers accounted by the see of
Home and her patrons, heretics. Which things are so gross,
that they need no confutation.
And in this late time, as appeareth, they were ashamed to
25 restore the same. Wherefore it is no inconvenience, that
unprofitable and superstitious rites be abrogated and removed,
by the authority of a particular church.
And because we are entered into this matter, it shall not
be amiss to make rehearsal of a few, among a great many,
30 of their vain superstitious fables, which have been in times
past propounded to the people for wholesome doctrine.
In the Festival, (a book, as it is in the prologue, gathered
out of Legenda aurea, for curates that lack books and cun
ning,) in the sermon of Corpus Christi day, it is written, that
3 5 a man hath nine commodities by hearing of mass. One is,
that he shall not that day lose his sight. Another, all idle
oaths that day shall be forgiven him. Another, he shall die
no sudden death. Another, so long as he heareth mass, he
90 The Protestants discourse [DOCUMENTS.
shall not wax old ; and his good angel reckons his steps to
and fro the church, to his salvation. It were too long to
reckon them all ; let this be enough for a taste.
In the said book, in the sermon on All Souls day, there is
a narration of a priest, which was suspended of his bishop, 5
because he could say none other mass, but mass of requiem s.
One day the dead bodies rose, and came about the bishop,
for taking away their chaplain from them. And so he was
restored to his office.
In the sermon on Candlemas-day, there is also an history 10
of a woman, which never did good deed, but only that she
had continually kept a candle before our lady: after her
death, by the appointment of our lady, a candle was kept
burning before her in hell, which the devils could not abide ;
and by reason thereof she was restored to life, and became i5
a good woman.
What occasion of dissolute life and sin may be ministered
to simple people by these and an infinite number of such
like fables, it is easy to perceive.
But the answer will be, these books were never allowed 20
by public authority. Well, these books were openly printed,
and within memory of men commonly credited, and yet be
of some. And in these late days, there hath been much
preaching against reading the scriptures in the vulgar tongue,
who hath heard any great invection against such books ? And 25
strait inquisition hath been of English Bibles and Testaments
to be burned ; whether the like diligence hath been used for
abolishing these, let all men judge.
But to return again to the proofs by ancient examples,
that particular churches may alter and institute ceremonies. 30
In all times there hath been provincial councils holden.
Which were in vain, if they might not allow the good, and
reject the evil. Particular and provincial councils have always
had authority to reject and condemn wicked doctrine; and
by that means many heresies have been suppressed without 3 s
general councils.
In the provincial council of Gangra, divers wicked opinions
g Which was for the dead.
CHAPTER ii.] prepared upon the second question. 91
against the Christian liberty for marriage, for eating of
meats, for bondmen that would not obey their masters under
pretence of Christian religion, were condemned.
The heresy of Pelagius was condemned in divers pro-
5 vincial synods in Afric before it was condemned by any
general council. But doctrine is a matter of more weight
than rites and ceremonies. And so provincial synods having
authority of the more, have also of the less.
And to be short, three hundred years after the apostles 1
TO time, there were no general councils, and the church well
governed all that time, every province ruling their own
churches according to the scriptures, only with the help of
provincial councils.
The fathers of the sixth council of Carthage, writing to
1 5 the bishop of Rome, who would have intermeddled with their
matters in Afric, have a notable sentence for this purpose.
" The Council of Nice," say they, " perceived most justly
and wisely, that all controversies ought to be ended there
where they first began, and the grace of the Holy Ghost
20 shall not be wanting to any particular province." The words
be these : " Prudentissime enim justissimeque viderunt, quse-
cunque negotia in suis locis ubi orta sunt finienda ; nee
unicuique provincise gratiam S. Spiritus defuturam."
Moreover, testimonies of the scriptures and doctors may
25 be brought, and many more examples of the ancient churches,
for further confirmation hereof. But for this time we have
thought this sufficient. Hereafter, as cause shall be moved,
we shall have occasion to say more. In the mean season, by
these proofs, that we have here shortly alleged, we doubt
30 not but it may appear to the indifferent hearer, that a par
ticular church hath authority to make or change, and remove
and abolish ceremonies in such sort as may be most for the
edifying of God s people.
We are not ignorant what may be objected against this
35 assertion. As namely, concerning the authority of general
councils. But because that matter requireth a long tract,
we will in our answer to the reasons on the other part, by
God s grace, declare by sufficient authority, in what points
92 The Protestants discourse Sfc. [DOCUMENTS.
general councils (whose authority we acknowledge with St.
Augustin to be right wholesome in the church) are to be
universally holden, and in what points they are not.
Again, where they allege continuance of time and their
possession in the church, let this be for this time shortly 5
answered ; they should first prove their things true, and then
allege time. For against the eternal truth of God s word no
continuance of time can make prescription ; as St. Cyprian
saith, " Consuetudo sine veritate est vetustas erroris ;" " Cus
tom without truth is an ancient error." 10
And as for their possession in the church, seeing it is also
a long matter, and no orderly kind of disputation, that they
should bring in one matter in controversy to prove another,
that matter shall for this present be referred to this issue ;
If they be not able to prove that the bishop of Rome is the i5
head of the universal church of Christ, and under his obe
dience all Christians ought to live, under pain of damnation ;
and that neither by decrees of general councils, neither by
consent of princes, but by the authority of scriptures, and
by the word of God, (for by that title of God s word the pope 20
claimeth his supremacy ;) if they be not able to prove that,
I say, which they shall never do, as it hath been often proved
in this realm, and elsewhere ; then is the authority of their
church nothing, and their possession unjust.
These and other objections shall be by God s grace 25
answered more at large, when the contrary book shall be
exhibited.
The God of peace and consolation give us grace to be
like minded one towards another in Christ Jesus, that we
all agreeing together, may with one mouth praise God the 30
father of our Lord Jesus Christ.
CHAPTER ii.l Richard Cox to Wolfgang Weidner.
VI.
Richard Cox to Wolfgang Weidner, at Wormes, concerning the
same subject with the former; with an account of the dispu
tation at Westminster.
Viro eximio, eruditione et pietate insignito, D. D. Wolfgango
5 Weidnero Wormaciensi, amico meo olservandissimo,
Wormacise.
CUM Wormacia discederem, venerande senex, et frater
in Christo plurimum observande, semper apud me decrevi
ad te scribere, certioremque te facere tandem aliquando de
10 rerum nostrarum statu et conditione ; quod te audire non
ingratum esse existimavi, propter ardentem sincerumque
zelum, quo indies afficeris erga Christi Jesu evangelium.
Coactus sum hactenus, fateor, invitus silere, ne parum tibi
grata referrem. Sub ssevo Marise imperio ita crevit invaluit-
i5 que papismus ad quinquennium tantum, ut incredibile fuerit
quantopere pectora papistarum obduruerint ; adeo ut non
sine magna difficultate pientissima nostra regina una cum
suis, qui a veritate strenue steterunt, sincerse Christi religioni
locum obtinere potuerint. Restiterunt in summo nostro
2oconcilio, (quod parlamentum Gallico vocabulo appellamus,)
pontifices, scribse et pharissei. Et, quia eo loci paucos
habebant, qui contra vel hiscere possent, vincere perpetuo
videbantur. Interim nos, pusillus grex, qui apud vos in
Germania hoc quinquennio, Dei beneficio, latuimus, in sug-
25gestis, maxime coram regina nostra Elizabetha, contra
intonamus ; pontificem Romanum vere Antichristum, et
traditiones pro maxima sui parte meras esse blasphemias.
Tandem paulatim resipiscere ceperunt ex nobilibus multi,
94 Richard Cox to Wolfgang Weidner, [DOCUMENTS.
ex plebe innumeri, ex clero prorsus nullus. Immotus enim
stat clerus totus,
" Tanquam dura silex, aut stet Marpesia cautes/
ut poeta canit. Denique hue est res perducta, ut octo ex
ipsorum antesignanis, seu episcopi, seu ex doctis selectissimi, 5
cum oeto nostrum abjectorum scilicet atque profugorum, de
quibusdam religionis capitibus dissererent. Et ut vitaretur
verborum pugna, scriptis agi constitutum est. Statuta est
dies. Adsumus omnes. Adsunt reginse consiliarii. Adest
tota fere nobilitas. Decretum est, ut ipsi primum de I0
controversiis sententiam suam proponant. Unusquispiam
illorum nomine, tanquam Goliath contra Davidem, sua
venditat, propugnat, et argumentis irrefragabilibus (ut vide-
batur) confirmat, sibique plaudit, tanquam jam victor
evadens. Respondit nostrum unus veritate fretus, non i5
ampullis verborum, in timore Domini, non in doctrinse
venditatione. Finita responsione, incredibilis mox audien-
tium applausus excitatus est, non sine magna adversariorum
perturbatione et confusione. Venit alter dies simili tractationi
destinatus. Rogantur adversarii nostri a consultationis 20
prseside h , ut eo ordine progrederentur, quo decretum antea
fuerat ; nimirum ut ipsi primum inciperent in altera con-
troversia sua sententiam dicere, nosque sequeremur. Illi
vero contra contendunt, territi scilicet primi diei successu
parum prospero : clamitantque iniquum esse, ut ipsi primum 25
dicere incipiant, cum ipsi jam tot annis perstiterint in pos-
sessione catholicae ecclesiae. Si quid habeamus contra ipsos,
proferamus nos, ut ipsi pro sua autoritate nos refutent, atque
compescant tanquam filios degeneres, ut qui ab ecclesiae
unitate jam diu exciderimus. Gratia Christo Domino nostro ; 30
dum illi mandato obsistunt, merito coercentur, et sua causa
cadunt. Itaque stabilitur apud nos, per omnia regni loca,
sincera Christi religio, eadem prorsus ratione, qua sub
Edwardo olim nostro, beatissimae memorise, promulgata erat.
Haec pauca 1 , sed certa, visum est ad te scribere, quern scioaS
nostra solide gaudere gaudia, ut nobiscum gratias Domino
h D. sell, custode sigilli magni.
CHAPTER ii.] at Wormes. 95
Deo nostro agas, qui nos in ista humiliatione et cruce, vere
paterna sua commiscratione respexit et consolatus est. Det
ipse ut tanta et incredibilia ejus beneficia e mentibus nostris
nunquam elabantur. Gratam rem fecerit tua humanitas, si
5 ista D. Jacobo Cornicio, medico, et Vespasiano Fitich, amicis
meis summis communicare dignetur.
Jamjam aggredimur septa papistica disrumpere atque
dissipare, et vineam Domini felicibus auspiciis restaurare.
Jam sumus in opere ; at messis multa, operarii pauci.
loRogemus Dominum, ut mittat operarios in messem. Hsec
paucula habeo tibi pro officio in te meo impertiri. Dominus
Jesus te sospitet, pietatemque tuam servet augeatque ad ulti-
mum usque spiritus halitum. Londini in Anglia, 20 Maii,
Tui studiosissimus, Rich. Coxus.
VII.
A letter of JeweWs to Peter Martyr, concerning the disputation
with the Papists at Westminster.
Jo, Juettus ad P. Martyrem.
S. P.
1 5 DE illis disputationibus inter nos, et episcopos, quas proxi-
mis literis scripsi indictas fuisse in ante calendas Aprilis quid
factum sit, paucis accipe. Sic enim visum est continuare
orationem sine prooemio. Primum ergo, ut omnis causa jur-
giorum et otiosae contentionis tolleretur, senatus decrevit, ut
aoomnia utrinque de scripto legerentur, et ita describerentur
tempora, ut primo die assertiones tantum utrinque nudse pro-
ponerentur : proximo autem conventu, ut nos illis respon-
deremus, et illi vicissim nobis. Pridie ergo kal. April, cum
magna expectatione, majori credo frequentia convenissemus
25 Westmonasterii, episcopi, pro sua fide, nee scripti, nee picti
96 A letter of Jewell s [DOCUMENTS.
quicquam attulerunt, quod dicerent, se non satis temporis
habuisse ad res tantas cogitandas : cum tamen habuissent
plus minus decem dies, et interea copias auxiliares Oxonio et
Cantabrigia, et undique ex omnibus angulis contraxissent.
Tamen ne tot viri viderentur frustra convenisse, D. Corns 5
subornatus ab aliis venit in medium, qui de prima qusestione,
hoc est, de peregrina lingua, unus omnium nomine peroraret.
Ille vero cum omnibus nos contumeliis et convitiis indignis-
sime excepisset, et omnium seditionum authores et faces
appellasset, et supplosione pedum, projectione brachiorum, 10
inflexione laterum, crepitu digitorum, modo dejectione modo
sublatione superciliorum, (nosti enim hominis vultum et
modestiam) sese omnes in partes et formas convertisset, hue
postremo evasit, ut diceret, Angliam ante mille trecentos
annos recepisse evangelium. Et quibus, inquit, literis, quibus i5
annalibus, quibus monumentis constare potest, preces turn
publicas in Anglia habitas, fuisse Anglice. Postea cum in
illo circulo sese satis jamdiu jactavisset, adjecit serio, et vero
vultu, atque etiam admonuit, ut omnes hoc tanquam quiddam
de dictis melioribus diligenter attenderent, atque annotarent, 2 o
apostolos ab initio ita inter sese distribuisse operas, ut alii
orientis ecclesias instituerent, alii occidentis. Itaque Petrum
et Paulum, in Romana ecclesia, quse totam prope Europam
contineret, omnia Romano sermone, hoc est, Latine docuisse.
Reliquos apostolos in oriente, nullo unquam alio sermone usus 25
fuisse, nisi Grseco. Tu fortasse ista rides: atqui ego ne-
minem audivi unquam, qui solennius et magistrates insaniret.
Si adfuisset Julius noster, centies exclamasset, Poll I korson
knave. Verum ille, inter alia, nihil veritus est, mysteria ipsa
et penetralia, atque adyta prodere religionis suse. Non enim 30
dubitavit graviter et serio monere, etiamsi alia omnia maxiine
conveniunt, tamen non expedire, ut populus, quid in sacris
ageretur, intelligat. Ignorantia enim, inquit, mater est verse
pietatis, quam ille appellavit devotionem. O mystica sacra,
atque opertanea bonse dese ! Quid tu me putas interim de ^5
Cotta pontifice cogitasse ? Hoc videlicet illud est, in spiritu
et veritate adorare. Mitto alia. Cum ille jam calumniando,
convitiando, mentiendo magnain partem illius temporis, quod
nobis ad disputandum datum erat, exemisset ; nos postremo
CHAPTER ii.] to Peter Martyr. 97
nostra pronunciavimus de scripto, ita modeste, ut rem tantuni
ipsam diceremus, nihil autem Isederemus adversarium, pos-
tremo ita dimissa est disputatio, ut vix quisquam esset in
toto illo conventu, ne comes quidem Salopiensis, quin victo-
5 riam illius diei adjudicaret nobis. Postea inita est ratio, ut
proximo die lunae, de secunda quaestione eodem modo di
ceremus ; utque die Mercurii, nos illorum primi diei argu-
mentis responderemus, et illi vicissim nostris.
Die lunse, cum frequens multitudo ex omni nobilitate
10 cupidissima audiendi convenisset, episcopi, nescio pudorene
superioris diei, an desperatione victorise, primum tergiversari,
habere se quod dicerent de prima qusestione, nee oportere
rem sic abire. Responsum est a senatu, Si quid haberent,
id tertio post die, prout ab initio convenerat, audiri posse :
1 5 nunc hoc potius agerent, neve turbarent ordinem. Dejecti de
hoc gradu tamen hue evaserunt, si dicendum omnino sit, nolle
se priores dicere ; se enim in possessione constitisse : nos, si
quid vellemus, priori loco experiremur. Magnam enim se
facturos injuriam causse suse, si paterentur, nos posteriores
2odiscedere cum applausu populi, et aculeos orationis nostrsD
recentes in auditorum animis relinquere. Senatus contra,
Hanc ab initio institutam fuisse rationem, ut illi, quod digni-
tate priores essent, priori etiam loco dicerent ; nee earn nunc
mutari posse. Mirari vero se, quid hoc sit mysterii, cum
2 5 omnino necesse sit, alterutros priores dicere ; alioqui enim
nihil posse diei : et prsesertim, cum Colus in primis disputa-
tionibus etiam injussus, ultro prior ad dicendum prosiluerit.
Postremo, cum altercationibus magna pars temporis extracta
esset, nee episcopi ullo pacto concedere vellent de secundo
30 loco, ad extremum sine disputatione discessum est. Ea vero
res, incredibile dictu est, quantum imminuerit opinionem
populi de episcopis : omnes enim cseperunt jam suspicari,
quod nihil dicere voluissent, ne potuisse quidem illos quic-
quam dicere. Postero die, Vitus Vintoniensis, amicus tuus,
3.5 et Vatsonus Lincolniensis, de tarn aperto contemptu et con-
tumacia, damnati sunt ad turrirn : ibi nunc castrametantur,
et ex infirmis prsemissis concludunt fortiter. Reliqui jubentur
quotidie, prsesto esse in aula, et expectare quid de illis
senatus velit decernere. Habes tvTtviv dreAf/ et pene avtv-
98 Dr. Fecknam s oration [DOCUMENTS.
TZVKTOV, quam tamen, quo melius rem omnem intelligeres,
descripsi pluribus, fortasse, quam oportuit. Bene vale, mi
pater, decus meum, atque etiam animi dimidium mei. Si
quid est apud vos novarum rerum hoc tempore, id malo esse
proximarum literarum argumentum. Saluta plurimum, meo 5
nomine, venerandum ilium virum, et mini in Christo dominum
colendissimum, D. Bullingerum, D. Gualterum, D. Simlerum,
D. Lavaterum, D. Wolphium, D. Gesnerum, D. Hallerum,
D. Frisium, I). Hermannum, et Julium tuum meumque.
Nostri omnes te salutant, et tibi omnia cupiunt. Londini, 10
6. April. 1559. Jo. Juellus tuus.
Post-scripf
1st re sunt secunclse, quas ad te scribo, ex quo redii in Angliam,
INSCRIPTIO.
I). Petro Martyri, professori sacrce tlieo- i5
logics in ecclesia Tigurina, viro doctis-
simo, et domino suo in Christo colen-
dissimo. Tiguri.
VIII.
The oration of the reverend father in God Mr. Dr. Fecknam, 20
abbott of Westminster, in the parliament-howse, 1559, against
the bittfor the Liturgy.
HONOURABLE and my very good lordes ; having at this
present two sundry kindes of religion here propounded and
set forthe before you, and your honours being allready in pos- 25
session of th one of them, and your fathers before you, for the
space of 14 hundrethe yeres past here in this realme, lyke as
I shall hereafter prove unto you ; the other religion is here
set forth in a booke to be receyved and establisshed by
th aucthoritie of this high courte of parliament, and to take 3
his effecte here in this realme at Mydsomar nexte corny nge.
And vou bcinge (as I knowe right well) dissirous to have some
CHAPTER ii.] against the Bill for the Liturgy. 99
perfect and sure knowledge, which of both these religions is
the better, and most worthy to be establisshhed here in this
realme, and to be preferred before the other ; I shall for my
part, and for the discharge of my dewtie, first unto God,
5 secondly unto our soveraigne lady the queue s highness,
thirdly unto your honours, and to the whole commons of this
realme, here sette forthe, and expresse unto you, three brief
rules and lessons, wherby your honours shalbe able to putte
difference betwixt the true religion of God and the counter -
lofeyte, and therin never to be deceyved. The first of these
three rules or lessons is, that in this your search and tryall
making, your honours must observe, which of them bothe
hathe ben most observed in the churche of Christ of all men,
and at all tymes and seasons, and in all places. The second,
i5 which of them bothe is of it self the more staid religion, and
allwayes forth one and agreeable with it self. The third and
last rule to be considered of your wisdoms is, which of these
religions dothe brede the more humble and obedient subjects,
first unto God, second to our soveraigne ladie the queue s
20 highness, and all superiour powers.
Concerninge the first rule and lesson, it cannot be truly
affirmed or yet thought of any man, that this new religion,
here nowe to be sett forthe in this booke, hathe not bene ob
served in Christ s churche of all Christian men, at all tymes
25 and in all places ; when the religion expressed in this book
hathe ben observed only here in this realme, and that for a
shorte tyme, as not muche passing the space of two yeres,
and that in king Edward the 6th dayes : whereas the re
ligion, and the very same maner of servinge and honoringe
30 of God, of the which you are at this present in possession, did
begin here in this realme 1400 yeres past in kinge Lucius s
dayes, the first Christian kinge here in this realme ; by whose .
humble letters sent unto the pope Eleutherius, he did send
into this realme two holye monkes, the one called Damianus,
36 and th other Faganus : and they, as embassadors sent from
the sea apostolike of Borne, did bringe into this realme so
many yeres past the very same religion wherof we are now in
possession ; and that in the Latin tonge, like as Gildas the
ancyent historiographer of the Brittan-stories witnessethe in
100 Dr. Fecknam s oration [DOCUMENTS.
the beginynge and prologue of his booke. And the same re
ligion so longe ago begune, hath been observed ever sythence
here in this realme, not onely of th inhabytaunce therof, but
also generally of all Christian men, and in all places of Chris
tendom, untill the late daies of kinge Edward the 6th, as is 5
aforesaid. Wherby it appearethe unto all men that lyst to
see, howe that by this first rule and lesson the auncyent reli
gion and manner of servinge of God (wherof we are allreddye
in possession) is the very true and perfect religion, and of God.
Towchinge the second rule and lesson of tryall and proba- 10
tion, whether of bothe these religions is the better and most
worthy observation here in this realme, is this, that your
honours must observe which of them bothe is the more stayed
religion, and allwayes forthe one, and agreeable with it self.
And that this new religion, here now to be set forthe in this X 5
booke, is no stayed religion, nor allwayes forth one, nor
agreeable with it self, who seeth not ; when in the late prac
tise therof in kinge Edward the 6th dayes, howe changeable
and variable was it unto it self? Every other yere havinge a
newe booke devysed therof; and every booke beinge sette 2 o
furthe (as they professed) accordinge to the sincere word of
God, never an one of them did in all pointes agree with the
other : the firste booke affirminge the seven sacraments, and
the reall presence 1 of Christens body in the holy euchariste,
the other denyinge the same ; throne booke did admit the 2 5
reall presence of Christens body in the sacrament to be re-
ceyved in one kinde, with kneeling downe, and great reve
rence, and that in unleavned bread ; th other booke would
have the communyon receyved in bothe the kindes, and that
in leaven bread sitting, without any reverence, but only to the 30
bodye of Christe which is in heaven. And the thinge most
worthy to be observid of your honours is, howe that every
booke made a shewe to be set furthe accordinge to the syn-
cere word of God, and not one of them did agree with
another. And what great marvell, I praye you, when the 35
awthors and devisers of the same bookes coulde not agree
i This is utterly false, as may be seen in that first book, called The Order of
the Communion, in bishop Sparrow s Collections. STRYPE.
CHAPTER ii.] against the Bill for the Liturgy. 101
amongest themselves, nor yet any one man of them myght
there be founde that did longe agree with himself? And
for proofe therof, I shall firste begyne with the Germayne
wryters, the cheffe schoolemasters and instructors of our
5 countreymen in all these novelties.
I do read, in an epistle which Philippe Melancthon did
write unto one Frederico Miconio, howe that one Carolosta-
dius was the first mover and begynner of this late sedition in
Germany, towchinge the sacrament of th altar, and the denyal
i oof Chryst s real presence in the same. And when he should
come to interpret those wordes of our Saviour Chryste ;
" Accepit panem, benedixit, dedit discipulis suis, dicens,
Accipite, et comedite, hoc est corpus meum, quod pro vobis
tradetur ; Digito," inquit, " ille, monstrabat visibile suum
1 5 corpus." By which interpretation of Carolostadius, Chryste
shoulde with the one hand give unto his disciples bread for
to eat, and with the other hand pointe unto his visible bodye
that was ther present, and say, " This is my bodye, which
shall be betrayed for you." Martyn Luther, muche offended
20 with this foolish exposition, made by Carolostadius, of these
words of Chryste, " Hoc est corpus meum," he geveth another
sense ; and saithe, that " Germanus sensus verborum Christ! "
was this, " Per hunc panem, vel cum isto pane, en ! do vobis
corpus meum." Zwinglius, findinge muche faulte with this in-
25 terpretation of Martyn Luther, writeth, that Luther therin was
deceyved ; and how that in these wordes of Chryst, " Hoc est
corpus meum," this verbe substanty ve est must be taken for sig-
nificat^ and this word corpus, " quod pro vobis tradetur," must
be taken profigum corporis. So that the true sense of these
30 wordes of Chryst, " Hoc est corpus meum," by Zwinglius s
supposal, is, " Hoc significat corpus meum, vel est figura
corporis mei." Peter Martyr, beinge of late here in this
realme, in his booke by him set furthe, of the disputation
which he had in Oxenforde, with the learned students ther,
35 of this matter, he gevith another sense of these wordes of
Chryst, contrarye to all the reste, and ther saythe, " Quod
Christus accipiens panem dixit, Hoc est corpus meum,"*
quasi diceret, corpus meum fide perceptum erit vobis pro
pane, vel instar panis." Of whose sense the Englishe is this,
Dr. Fecknanis oration [DOCUMENTS.
that Ckrysfs bodye received by faithe, shall be unto the receivers
as bread, or instead of bread.
But here, to ceasse any further to speake of these Ger-
mayne wryters, I shall drawe now near home, as unto doctor
Cranmer, late archbyshoppe of Canterburye in this realme ; 5
howe contrary was he unto hymself in this matter ? When
in one yeare he did set furthe a catechisme in the Englishe
tongue, and dedicated the same book to kinge Edward the
Sixth, wherin he doth most constantly affirme and defend the
real presence of Chryst s bodye in the holie euchariste ; and 10
very shortely after he did set furthe another booke, wherin
he did most shamefullie denye the same, falsifinge bothe the
scriptures and doctors, to no small admiration of all the
learned readers. Dr. Kidleye, the notablest learned of that
opinion within this realme, did set furthe at Paul s Crosse i5
the real presence of Chryst s body in the sacrament, with
these wordes, which I heard beynge ther present. " How
that the Devil did beleve that the Sonne of God was able to
make of stones bread ; and we Englishe people, which do
confess that Jesus Chryst was the very Sonne of God, yet 20
will not beleve that he did make of bread his verye bodye,
fleashe and blood. Therefore we are worse than the Devil ;
seying that our Saviour Chryste, by expresse wordes, he doth
most plainlie affirme the same, when at his last supper he
tooke the bread, and said unto his disciples, Take, eat, this 25
is my bodye, which shall be geven for you. r And shortely
after, the said doctor Eidleye, notwithstandinge this most
plaine and open speeche at Paul s Crosse, did deny the same.
And in the last book that doctor Cranmer and his complices
did set furthe of the communion, in kinge Edward s dayes, 30
these plaine wordes of Chryst, " Hoc est corpus meum," did
so encomber them, and troubled their wittes, that they did
in the same last booke leave out this verbe substantive est l ;
and made the sense of Chryst s wordes to be there Englished,
" Take, eat this my body," and left out there this is my bodye; 36
which thinge beinge espyed by others, and great faulte founde
withal, then they were faine to patche uppe the matter with
a little piece of paper clappid over the foresaid wordes^
1 Tliis very probably was no more but an error of the printer. STRYPE.
CHAPTER n.] against the Bill for the Liturgy. 103
wherin was writtyn this verbe substantive est. The dealinge
thereof beinge so uncertaine, bothe by the Germayne and
Englishe writers, and one of them against another, your
honours maye be well assured, that this religion, which by
5 them is set fourthe, can be no constant nor stayede religion,
and therfore of your honours not to be receyved ; but great
wisdome it were for your honours to refuse the same, untyll
you shall perceyve more better agreement amongest the
awthors and setters furthe thereof.
10 Towchinge the thirde and laste rule of tryall makinge,
and puttinge of difference between religions, it is to be con-
sidered of your honours which of them bothe dothe brede the
more obedyent, humble, and better subjects ; firste and
cheffelye unto God ; second unto our soveregne ladye the
1 5 queue s highness, and to all other superior powers. And for
some tryall and probation herof, I shall dissier your honours
to consider the sudayne mutation of the subjects of this
realme, sythence the deathe of good queue Marye, onely
caused in them by the preachers of this newe religion : when
20 in queue Marye s daies your honours do know right well,
howe the people of this realme did live in an order ; and woldo
not runne before lawes, nor openlye disobey the queue s high-
ness s proclamations. There was no spoyling of churches,
plucking downe of aultars, and most blasphemously tredinge
25 of sacrament under their feet, and hanging up of the knave of
clubs in the place therof. There was no scotchinge or cut-
tinge of the faces, legs and arms of the crucifix and the
images of Christ. There was no open flesh eatinge, nor
shambles kepeinge, in Lent and daies prohibitid. The sub-
30 jects of this realme, and in especial the nobilitye, and suche
as were of her honourable councell, did in queue Mary s daies
knowe the waye unto the churches and chappels, there to
begyne their daies worke, with callinge for helpe and grace,
by humble prayers, and servinge of God. And nowe,
3-5 sithence the comynge and reigne of our most soveraigne and
dear lady quene Elizabeth, by the onely preachers and scaf
fold players of this newe religion, all thinges are changed and
turned upsidowne, notwithstandinge the quene s highness
most godly proclamations made to the contrarye, and her
H 4
101 Dr. Fecknam s oration, fyc. [DOCUMENTS.
most vertuous example of lyvinge, sufficyent to move the
hearts of all obedyent subjects unto the due service and ho
nour of God. But obedyence is gone, humylitie and mekeness
clean abolyshed, vertuous chastity and straight livinge, as
thoughe they had never ben heard of in this realme ; all 5
degrees and kindes of men beyngo desirous of fleshely and
carnall lybertie, wherby the yong springalls and children are
degennerate from their naturall fathers, the servants con
tempt or s of their masters commandments, the subjects dis-
obedyent unto God and all superior powers. 10
And therfore, honourable and my very good lordes, of my
parte to mynnyster some occasion unto your honours to avoid
and expell owte of this realme this newe religion, whose fruites
are already so manifestly knowen to be, as I have repetid ;
and to perswade your honours, as muche as in me lyethe, to i5
persevere and continue the same religion, wherof you are in
possession, and have allredye made profession of the same
unto God; I shall rehearse unto you foure things, wherby
the holie doctor St. Augustine was contynued in the catho-
licke faith and religion of Christe, which he had receaved, 20
and woulde by no means change nor aulter from the same.
The firste of these four things was, " ipsa authoritas ecclesise
Christi miraculis inchoata, spe nutrita, charitate aucta, ve-
tustate firmata." The second thing was, " populi Christian!
consensus et unitas." The third was, " perpetua sacerdotum 25
successio in sede Petri." The fourthe and last thing was,
" ipsum Catholic! nomen." If these foure thinges did cawse
so noble and learned a clarke as St. Augustyn was, to con
tinue in his professed religion of Christe without all chaunge
and alteration, howe much then ought these foure pointes to 30
worke the like effect in your honours; and not to forsake
your professed religion ? Firste, becawse it hathe the auctho-
ritie of Christens churche. Second, it hathe the consent and
agreement of all Christian people. Third, it hathe confirma
tion of all Peter s successors in the sea apostolike. Fourth, 35
it hathe " ipsum Catholici nomen," and in all times and
seasons called the catholike religion of Christ. Thus bolde I
have ben to trouble your honours with so tedyouse and longe
an oration, for the discharginge (as I said before) of my
CHAPTER ii.] Dr. Scot s oration, fyc. 105
dewtie, first unto God, second unto our soveraigne lady the
queue s highness, third and laste, unto your honours, and all
other subjects of this realme : most humbly beseeching your
honours to take it in good parte, and to be spoken of me for
5 th onely cawses aforesaid, and for none other.
IX.
Another oration made ly Dr. Scot, bis/top of C /tester, in the par
liament howse, against the Mil of the liturgy.
THIS bill, that hathe ben here read nowe the third tyme,
dothe appeare unto me suche one, as that it is muche to be
I0 lamentid, that it shoulde be suffered either to be read, yea, or
anye eare to be gevin unto it of Christian men, or so honour-
ble an assemblye as this is : for it dothe not only call in
question and doubte those thinges which we ought to reve
rence, without any doubt movinge ; but maketh fourther
1 5 earneste request for alteraunce, yea, for the clear abolyshinge
of the same. And that this maye more evydently appear, I
shall desire your lordships to consider, that our religion, as it
was here of late discretely, godly, and learnedly declared,
dothe consiste partely in inward things, as in faithe, hope,
20 and charitie ; and partely in outward things, as in common
prayers, and the holie sacraments uniformly mynystred.
Nowe as concernynge these outward thinges, this bill dothe
clearly in very dede extinguishe them, settinge in there places
I cannot tell what. And the inward it dothe also so shake,
25 that it leavithe them very bare and feble.
For firste, by this bill, Christian charitie is taken awaye,
in that the unitie of Christens churche is broken : for it is
said, " Nunquam relinquunt unitatem, qui non prius amittunt
charitatem." And St. Paul saythe, that charitye is " vin-
30 culum perfectionis," the bond or cliayne of perfection , wherewith
we be knytte and joyned together in one. Which bond
beynge loosed, we muste nedes fall one from another, in divers
parties and sects, as we see we do at this present. And as
106 Dr. Scot s oration [DOCUMENTS.
towchinge our faytlie, it is evident that dyvers of the articles
and mysteryes therof be also not onlye called into doubt, but
partely openlye, and partely obscurely ; and yet in verye
dede, as the other, flatlye denyed. Nowe these two, I mean
faithe and charitie, beinge in this case, hope is eyther lefte 5
alone, or else presumption sett in her place : whereupon, for
the moste parte, desperation dothe followe ; from the which
I praye God preserve all men.
Wherfore these matters mentioned in this bill, wherin our
whole religion consistethe, we ought, I saye, to reverence, 10
and not to call into question. For as a learned man wrytethe,
" Quse patefacta sunt quserere, quse perfecta sunt retractare,
et quse definita sunt convellere, quid aliud est, quin de adeptis
gratiam non referre :" that is to saye, " To seke after the
things which be manifestly opened, to call back or retract l5
things made perfect, and to pulle upp againe matters defyned;
what other thing is it, then not to geve thankes for benyfits
receaved ?" Lykewise say the holie Athanasius, " Quse nunc
a tot ac talibus episcopis probata sunt ac decreta, clareque
demonstrata, supervacaneum est denuo revocare in judiciurn." 20
" It is a superfluous thinge, say the Athanasius, to call into
judgment againe matters which have ben tried, decreed, and
manyfestlye declared by so many and suche bisshoppes, (he
meaneth, as were at the councell of Nice.) For no man will
denye, saythe he, but if they be new examyned againe, and 25
of new judged, and after that examyned againe and againe,
this curiositie will never come to any end." And as it is
said in Ecclesiastica Historia, " Si quotidie licebit fidem in
quaestionem vocare, de fide nunquam constabit :" " If it
shalbe lawfull every daye to call our faithe in question, we 30
shall never be certeyne of our faithe." Nowe if that Athana
sius did thinke, that no man ought to doubt of matters
determyned in the councell of Nice, where there was present
three hundred and eighteen bisshoppes ; howe muche less
ought wee to doubt of matters determyned and practyssed 36
in the holie catholike churche of Christe by three hundrethe
thowsande bisshoppes, and how manye more we cannot tell.
And as for the certeyntie of our faithe, wherof the storye
of the churche dothe speke, it is a thinge of all other most
CHAPTER ii.] against the Bill for the Liturgy. 107
necessary e ; and if it shall hange uppon an acte of parlia
ment, we have but a weake staff to leane unto. And yet I
shall dissire your lordeshippes not to take me here as to
speke in derogation of the parliament, which I knowledge to
5 be of great strengthe in matters whereunto it extendethe.
But for matters in religion, I do not thinke that it ought to
be medelled withall, partely for the certeintye which ought
to be in our faithe and religion, and the uncerteyntie of the
statutes and actes of parliaments. For we see, that often-
lotymes that which is established by parliament one yere, is
abrogatid the next yere followinge, and the contrarye allowed.
And we see also that one kinge 1 disallowithe the statutes
made under the other. But our faithe and religion ought to
be most certeyn, and one in all tymes, and in no condition
1 5 waveringe : for, as St. James saithe, " he that doubtethe, or
staggerithe in his faithe, is like the waves of the sea, and
shall obteyne nothinge at the handes of God. 11 And partelye
for that the parliament consistethe for the moste parte of
noblemen of this realme, and certeyn of the commons, beyinge
20 laye and temporall men : which, allthough they be bothe of
good wisdom and learninge, yet not so studied nor exercised
in the scriptures, and the holie doctors and practysses of the
churche, as to be competent judges in suche matters. Neyther
dothe it apperteine to their vocation ; yea, and that by youre
25 lordshippes own judgment ; as may welbe gathered of one
fact, which I remember was donne this parliament time,
which was this : There was a noblemao s sonne arrested and
commytted unto warde ; which matter, beinge opened here
unto your lordeshippes, was thought to be an injurye to this
3ohowse. Whereuppon, as well the yonge gentleman, as the
officer that did arrest hym, and the partie by whose means
he was arrested, were all sent for; and commandid to appeare
here before your lordshippes : which was donne accordynglye.
Yet before the parties were suffered to come into the howse,
3 5 it was thought expedyent to have the whole matter con
sidered, least this howse shoulde entermedelle with matters
not perteinynge unto yt. In treatinge wherof, there were
found three pointes. Firste, there was a debte, and that
your lordshippes did remytte to the common lawe. The
108 Dr. Scot s oration [DOCUMENTS.
second was a fraude, which was referred to the chauncerye,
because neyther of bothe did apparteyne unto this courte.
And the thirde was the arrest, and commyttinge to ward of
the said gentleman, wherin this howse tooke order. No we if
that by your lordshippes own judgments the parliament hathe 5
not aucthoritie to rneddell with matters of common lawe,
which is grounded upon common reason, neyther with the
chauncery, which is grounded upon considerence, (which two
things be naturally given unto man,) then muche lesse maye
it intermeddell with matters of faithe and religion, farrio
passinge reason, and the judgment of man, suche as the con
tents of this bill be : wherin there be three thinges specyally
to be consideryd ; that is, the weygJitiness of the matter ; the
darkness of the cawse, and the dificultie in tryinge out the
truthe ; and thirdly, the daunger and per ill which dothe i5
ensue, if we do take the wronge waye.
As concernynge the firste, that is, the weyghtiness of the
matter conteined in this bill. It is very great : for it is no
money matter, but a matter of inheritaunce ; yea, a matter
towchinge liffe and deathe, and damnation dependethe upon 20
it. Here is it set before us, as the scripture saithe, lyfe and
deathe, fier and water. If we put our hand into th one, we
shall live ; if it take holde of th other, we shall die. Nowe
to judge these matters here propounded, and discerne which
is liffe and whiche is deathe, which is fire that will burne us, 25
and which is water that will refreshe and comfort us, is a
great matter, and not easely perceaved of every man. More
over, there is another great matter here to be considered,
and that is, that we do not unadvisedly condempne our fore
fathers and their doings, and justifie our selves and our owne 3
doings ; which bothe the scripture forbidithe. This we knowe,
that this doctrine and forme of religion, which this bill pro-
poundethe to be abolished and taken awaye, is that which
our forefathers were born, brought uppe, and lived in, and
have professed here in this realme, without any alteration or 3 5
chaunge, by the space of 900 yeres and more ; and hathe
also ben professed and practised in the universall churche of
Christo synce the apostells tyme. And that which we goe
about to establishe and place for it, is lately brought in,
CHAPTER ii.] against the Bill for the Liturgy. 109
allowed no where, nor put in practise, but in this realme
onely ; and that but a small tyme, and againste the myndes
of all catholycke men. No we if we do consider but the
antiquitie of the one, and the newness of the other, we have
5 juste occasion to have the one in estimation for the longe
continuance therof, unto suche tyme as we see evydent cawse
why we shoulde revoke it ; and to suspect the other as never
hearde of here before, unto such tyme as we see juste cawse
why we shoulde receave it, seeynge that our fathers never
10 heard tell of it.
But nowe I do call to remembraunce, that I did here
yesterday a nobleman in this howse say, makinge an answer
unto this as it were by preoccupation, that our fathers lyved
in blyndness, and that we have juste occasion to lament their
1 5 ignoraunce ; wherunto me thinkethe it may be answered, that
if our fathers were here, and heard us lament their doings, it
is very lyke that they woulde say unto us as our Savyour
Christe said unto the women which followed hym when he
went to his death, and weeped after him, " Nolite flere super
2onos, sed super vos ;" i. e. " Weepe not over us for our blind
ness, but weepe over your selves" for your own presumption,
in takinge upon you so arrogantly to justifie your selves and
your own doings, and so rashely condemnynge us and our
doings. Moreover, Davyd m dothe teache us a lesson cleare
25 contrarye to this nobleman s sayings : for he biddithe us in
doubtfull matters go to our fathers, and learne the truthe of
them, in these wordes ; " Interroga patrem tuum, et annun-
ciabit tibi, majores tuos, et dicent tibi :" i. e. " Aske of thy
father, and he shall declare the truthe unto thee, and of
30 thyne auncestors, and they will tell thee." And after, in the
same Psalme, " Filii qui nascentur et exsurgent, narrabunt
filiis suis, ut cognoscat generatio altera :" i. e. " The children
which shalbe borne, and ryse upp, shall tell unto their
children, that it may be knowen from one generation to
35 another." Davyd here willithe us to learne of our fathers,
and not to contempn their doings. Wherefore I conclude,
as concernynge this parte, that this bill, conteyninge in it
m This bishop mistook David for Moses. For the words are in Deuter. xxxii. 7-
Ps. Ixxviii. 6, 7. STRTPE.
110 Dr. Scofs oration [DOCUMENTS.
matters of great weight and importaunce, it is to be deli
berated on with great diligence and circumspection, and
examyned, tryed, and determyned by men of great learnynge,
vertue, and experyence.
And as this matter is great, and therfore not to be passed 5
over hastely, but diligentlye to be examyned, so is it darke,
and of great difficultie to be so playnlye discussed, as that
the truthe may manyfestly appeare. For here be, as I have
said, two bookes of religion propounded; the one to be
abolished, as erroneous and wicked ; and the other to be 10
establyshed, as godly, and consonant to scripture ; and they
be both concernynge one matter, that is, the trewe admy-
nystration of the sacraments, accordinge to the institution of
our Saviour Christe. In the which admynyst ration ther be
three thinges to be considered. The firste is, the institution i5
of our Savyour Christe for the matter and substaunce of the
sacraments. The seconde, the ordynaunces of the apostles
for the forme of the sacraments. And the thirde is, the
additions of the holie fathers for the adornynge and per-
fitynge of the admynystratyon of the said sacraments. Which 20
three be all dulye, as we see, observed, and that of necessitie,
in this booke of the masse, and old service, as all men do
know, which understand it. The other booke, which is so
much extolled, dothe ex professo take away two of these three
thinges, and in very dede makethe the thirde a thinge of 25
nought. For firste, as concernynge the additions of the
fathers, as in the masse, Confiteor, Misereatur, Kirie Eleeson,
Sequentes preces, Sanctus Agnus Dei, with suche other thinges :
and also th ordinaunces of the apostles, as blessings, cross
ings ; and in the admynystration of dyvers of the sacraments, 30
exsufflations, exorcismes, inunctions, prayinge towardes the
east, invocation of saynts, prayer for the dead, with suche
other; this booke takethe awaye, eyther in parte, or else
clearly, as things not allowable. And yet dothe the fawters
therof contende, that it is most perfitt according to Christens 35
institution, and th order of the prymytyve churche. But to
let th ordynaunces of throstles, and the additions of the
fathers passe, (which, notwithstanding^ we ought greatly to
esteem and reverence,) lett us come to ^institution of our
CHAPTER ii.] against the BUI for the Liturgy. Ill
Savyour Christe, wherof they taulke so muche, and examyne
whether of those two bookes come nearest unto it. And to
make thinges playne, we will take for example the masse, or,
as they call it, the supper of the Lord ; wherin our Savyour
5 Christe (as the holie fathers do gather upon the scriptures)
did institute three things, which he commanded to be done in
remembraunce of his deathe and passion unto his comynge
againe, sayinge, "Hoc facite," &c. Do ye this: wherof the
firste is, the consecratinge of the blessed body and blood of
10 our Saviour Jesus Christe. The seconde, the offeringe up of
the same unto God the Father. And the thirde, the commu-
nicatinge, that is, the eatinge and drinkinge of the said
blessed body and blood under the formes of bread and wyne.
And as concerninge the firste two, St. Chrysostom saythe
1 5 thus, " Volo quiddam edicere plane mirabile, et nolite mirari
neque turbamini," &c. " I will," saythe St. Chrysostom,
" declare unto you in very dede a marvellous thinge ; but
marvell not at it, nor be not troubled. But what is this ? It
is the holie oblation, whether Peter or Paul, or a preste of
20 any desert, do offer, it is the verye same which Christe gave
to his disciples, and which prestes do make or consecrate at
this tyme. This hathe nothinge lesse then that. Whye so ?
Bycawse men do not sanctyfie this, but Christe, which did
sanctyfie that before. For lyke as the wordes which Christe
25 did speake, be the very same which the prestes do nowe pro
nounce, so is it the very same oblation." These be the
wordes of St. Chrysostome ; wherin he testifiethe as well the
oblation and sacrifice of the body and blood of our Savyour
Christe, offered unto God the Father in the masse, as also
3 the consecratinge of the same by the preste : which two be
bothe taken away by this booke, as the awthors therof do
willingly acknowledge ; cryinge owte of the offering of Christe
oftener than once, notwithstandinge that all the holie fathers
do teach it, manyfestly affirmynge Christe to be offered
35 daylye after an unbloody manner. But if these men did
understand and consider what dothe ensue and followe of
this their affirmation, I thinke they wolde leave their rash
ness, and returne to the truthe againe. For if it be trewe
that they say, that there is no externall sacrifyce in the
Dr. Scofs oration [DOCUMENTS.
Newe Testament, then clothe it follow, that there is no priest
hood under the same, whose office is, saythe St. Paul, " to
offer up gyfts and sacrifices for synne." " And if there be no
priesthood, then is there no religion under the New Testa
ment. And if we have no religion, then be we " sine Deo in 5
hoc mundo ;" that is, we be without God in this worlde. For
one of these dothe necessarily depend and followe uppon an
other. So that if we graunt one of these, we graunt all ; and
if we take away one, we take away all.
Note (I beseeche your lordshippes) th end of these men^s 10
doctryns, that is to sett us withowt God. And the lyke
opynion they holde towchinge the consecration : having no-
thinge in their mouthes but the holie communion, which after
the order of this booke is holie only in wordes, and not in
dede. For the thinge is not ther which shoulde make it l5
holie : I mean the body and blood of Christe, as may thus
appeare, it may justely in very dcde be callid the holie commu
nion, if it be mynystred trewly, and accordingly as it ought to
be : for then we receave Christe s holie body and blood into
our bodies, and be joyned in one with hym, lyke two pieces 20
of waxe, whiche beinge molten and put together, be made
one. Which symylitude St. Cyryll and Chrysostom do use
in this matter ; and St. Paul sayeth, that " we be made
his bones and fleshe." But by th order of this booke this is
not done ; for Christens bodye is not there in very dede to be 25
receaved. For tlfonly waye wherby it is present is by conse
cration, which this booke hathe not at all ; neyther doth it
observe the forme prescribed by Christe, nor follow the
manner of the churche. The evangelists declare, that our
Savyour tooke bread into his handes, and did blesse it, brake 3
it, and gave it to his disciples, saying, " Take and eat, this is
my bodye which is gyven for you : do this in remembraunce
of me. 11 By these wordes, " Do this," we be commanded to
tayke bread into our handes, to blesse it, break it, and
havinge a respecte to the bread, to pronounce the wordes 3-5
spoken by our Savyour, that is, " Hoc est corpus mourn."
n This is expressly spoken of the high priests of the Old Testament. Vid. Heh v
This is notoriously false, the prayer of consecration being evident to all men s
eyes, that consult the book. STRYPE.
CHAPTER ii.] against the Bill for the Liturgy. 113
By which wordes, saythe St. Chrysostom, the bread is con-
secratid. Nowe by the order of this booke, neyther dothe
the preste take the bread in his handes, blesse it, nor breake
it, neyther yet hathe any regard or respect to the bread,
5 when he rehearsithe the wordes of Christe, but dothe passe
them over as they were tellinge a tale, or rehearsinge a
story e. Moreover, wheras by the rayndes of good wryters
there is requyryd, yea, and that of necessitie, a full mynd and
intent to do that which Christe did, that is, to consecrate his
10 body and blood, with other things followinge: wherfore the
churche hathe appoynted in the masse certeyne prayers, to
be said by the prieste before the consecration, in the which
these wordes be, " Ut nobis fiat corpus et sanguis Domini
nostri Jhesu Christi;" that is, the prayer is to this end, that
1 5 the creatures may be made unto us the body and blood of
our Saviour Jesus Christe : here is declared th intent, as well
of the churche, as also of the prieste which sayeth masse : but
as for this newe booke, there is no such thinge mentyoned in
it, that dothe eyther declare any suche intente, eyther make
20 any suche requeste unto God, but rather to the contrarye ; as
dothe appeare by the request there made in these wordes,
" That we receavinge these thy creatures of bread and wyne,"
&c. which wordes declare, that they intende no consecration
at all. And then let them glory as muche as they will in
25 their communion, it is to no purpose, seeynge that the body
of Christe is not there, which, as I have said, is the thinge
that should be communicated.
Ther did yesterdaye a nobleman in this howse say, that
he did beleve that Christe is ther receaved in the commu-
3onyon set owt in this booke; and beyng asked if he did
worshippe hym ther, he said, no, nor never woulde, so longe
as he lived. Which is a strange opynyon, that Christe
shoulde be any where, and not worshypped. They say, they
will worshippe hym in heaven, but not in the sacrament :
35 which is much lyke as if a man woulde saye, that when
th emperor syttethe under his clothe of estate, princely ap
parelled, he is to be honoured ; but if he come abroad in a
freez coat, he is not to be honoured; and yet he is all one
emperor in clothe of goldc under his clothe of estate, and in a
114 Dr. Scofs oration [DOCUMENTS.
freez coat abroad in the street. As it is one Christe in
heaven in the forme of man, and in the sacrament under the
formes of bread and wyne. The scripture, as St. Augustyne
dothe interprete it, dothe commande us to worshippe the body
of our Savyour, yea, and that in the sacrament, in theses
wordes : " Adorate scabellum pedum ejus, quoniam sanctum
est:" Worshippe his footstoole, for it is holie. Upon the which
place St. Augustine wrytethe thus ; " Christe tooke fleshe of
the blessed Virgin his mother, and in the same he did walke ;
and the same fleshe he gave us to eat unto health ; but no 10
man will eat that fleshe, except he worshippe it before. So
is it found owte howe we shall worshippe his footstoole, &c.
we shall not onely not synne in worshippinge, but we shall
synne in not worshippinge." Thus far St. Augustine : but as
concernynge this matter, if we woulde consider all things i5
well, we shall see the provision of God marvellous in it. For
he providithe so, that the verye heretickes, and enymyes of
the truthe, be compellyd to confesse the truthe in this
behalfe. For the Lutherians writinge against the Zwinglians
do prove, that the true naturall body of our Savyour Christe 20
is in the sacrament. And the Zwinglians against the Lu
therians do prove, that then it must nedes be worshipped ther.
And thus in their contention dothe the truthe burst out,
whether they will or no. Wherfore, in myne opynion of
these two errors, the fonder is to say, that Christe is in the 2 5
sacrament, and yet not to be worshipped, than to say he is
not ther at all. For eyther they do thinke, that eyther he is
ther but in an imagynation or fancye, and so not in very
dede ; or else they be Nestorians, and thinke that ther is his
bodye onely, and not his dyvinitie : which be bothe devellishe 30
and wicked.
Nowe, my lordes, consider, I beseche you, the matters here
in varyaunce ; whether your lordeshippes be able to discusse
them accordinge to learnynge, so as the truthe may appear,
or no : that is, whether the body of Christe be by this newe 3 5
booke consecrated, offered, adored, and truly communicated,
or no ; and whether these things be required necessarily by
th institiition of our Saviour Christe, or no; and whether
booke goeth nearer the truthe. These matters, my lordes,
CHAPTER ii.] against the Bill for the Liturgy.
be (as I have said) weightie and darke, and not easye to be
discussed : and lykewise your lordshippes may thinke of the
rest of the sacraments, which be eyther clearly taken awaye,
or else mangled, after the same sorte by this newe booke.
5 The third thinge here to be considered, is, the great
daunger and peryll that dothe hange over your heades, if you
do take upon you to be judges in these matters, and judge
wronge ; bringinge bothe your selfes and others from the
truthe unto untruthe, from the highwayes unto bypathes.
10 It is daungerous enoughe, our Lord knowethe, for man
hymself to erre, but it is more daungerous, not onely to erre
hymself, but also to lead other men into error. It is sayd in
the scripture of the kinge Hieroboam, to aggravate his
offences, that " peccavit, et peccare fecit Israel :" i. e. he did
1 5 synne hymself, and cawsed Israeli to synne. Take heed, my
lordes, that the like be not said by you ; if you passe this bill,
you shall not onely, in my judgement, erre your selves, but ye
also shalbe the awthors and cawsers that the whole realme
shall erre after you. For the which you shall make an
20 accompte before God.
Those that have read storyes, and knowe the discourse and
order of the churche, discussinge of controversies in matters
of religion, can testifie, that they have been discussed and
determyned in all times by the clergye onely, and never by
25 the temporaltie. The herysie of Arius, which troubled the
churche in the tyme of the emperor Constantyne the Great,
was condempned in the councell of Nice. The heresye of
Eutyches in the councell of Chalcedone under Martin ; the
heresye of Macedonius in the firste councell of Constanty-
30 nople, in the tyme of Theodosius ; the heresye of Nestorius in
the Ephesin councell, in the time of Theodosius the younger.
And yet did never none of these good emperors assemble
their nobilitie and commons, for the discussing and deter-
mynynge of these controversies ; neyther asked their myndes
35 in them, or went by number of voices or polles, to determyne
the truthe, as is done here in this realme at this tyme. We
may come lower, to the third councell of Tolletane in Spayne,
in the tyme of Ricaredus, beinge ther ; and to the councell in
Fraunce, about 800 yeres ago, in the tyme of Carolus
116 Dr. Scofs oration [DOCUMENTS.
Magnus : which bothe, followingc th order of the churche,
by licence had of the pope, did procure the clergie of their
realmes to be gathered and assembled, for reformynge of
certeyne errors and enormyties within their said realmes,
wherunto they never callyd their nobilitie nor commons ; 5
neyther did any of them take upon themselves eyther to
reason and dispute, in discussinge of the controversies ;
neyther to determyne them being discussed ; but left the
whole to the discussing and determining of the clergy. And
no mervaill, if these with all other catholick princes used this 10
trade. For the emperors that were hereticks did never
reserve any such matter to the judgment of temporall men, as
may appear to them that read the stories of Constantius,
Valens, &c. who procured divers assemblies, but always of
the clergy, for the stablishing of Arius s doctryn : and ofi5
Zeno th emperor, which did the lyke for Eutyches doctryne,
with many other of that sorte. Yea, yt dothe appeare in the
Actes of the Apostles, that an infidell wolde take no such
matter upon hym. The storye is this: St. Paul havinge
continued at Corynthe one year and an halfe in preachinge 20
of the gospell, certeyn wycked persons did aryse against hym,
and brought hym before their vice-consul, callyd Gallio,
layinge unto his charge, that he tawght the people to wor-
shippe God contrary to their law. Unto whom the vice-
consul answered thus : "Si quidem esset iniquum aliquid aut 25
facinus pessimum, o vos Judsei, recte vos sustinerem ; si vero
qusestiones sint de verbo et nominibus legis vestrse, vosipsi
videritis ; judex horum ego nolo esso :" i. e. If that this man,
saithe Gallio, had committed any wycked acte or cursed cryme,
yee Jewes, I myght justely have heard you : but and if it be 30
concernynge questions and doubtes of the wordes and matters of
your lawe, that is to saye, if it be towchinge your religion,
/ will not be judge in those matters. Marke, my lordes, this
short discourse, I beseech your lordshippes, and yee shall
perceave, that all catholike princes, heryticke princes, yea,s5
and infidells, have from tyme to tyme refused to take that
upon them, that your lordshippes go about and chalenge
to do.
But nowe, because I have been longe, I will make an end
CHAPTER ii.J against the Bill for the Liturgy. 117
of this matter with the sayings of two noble emperors in the
lyke affaires. The first is Theodosius, which sayd thus ;
" Illicitum est enim qui non sit ex ordine sanctorum episco-
porum ecclesiasticis se immiscere tractatibus :" i. e. It is not
5 lawfull^ sayeth he, for hym that is not of the order of the holie
busshoppes to entermedett with thintr eating e of ecclesiasticatt
matters. Lykewise sayd Valentinianus th emperor (beinge
desired to assemble certeyne busshoppes together, for exa-
mynynge of a matter of doctryn) in this wise ; " Mihi qui in
io sorte sum plebis, fas non est talia curiosius scrutari : sacer-
dotes, quibus ista, curse sunt, inter seipsos quocunque loco
voluerint conveniant :" i. e. It is not lawfull for me, quoth
th emperor, beynge one of the lay people, to searche owte suche
matters curyously ; but let the prestes, unto whom the charge of
1 5 these things dothe apparteyne, meet together in what place soever
they will. He meaneth for the discoursinge therof. But
to conclude ; and if these emperors had not to do with
suche matters, howe shoulde your lordshippes have to do
with all ? And thus desiringe your good lordshippes to con-
20 sider, and take in good parte, these fewe thinges that I have
spoken, I make an end.
X.
An extract out of the Journal of the lower house of convocation.
ACTA in inferiori domo convocations, die sabbati decimo
2 5 tertio die Februarii, anno 1562.
DICTO die sabbati decimo tertio die Februarii, in inferiori
domo convocations cleri provincire Cant" post meridiem hora
constituta convenerunt frequentes dominus proloquutor cum
caet. infra nominatis ubi post divini Numinis implorationem
30 legebantur quidem articuli approbandi vel reprobandi a coetu
quorum articulorum tenor talis est.
118 Extract from the Journal [DOCUMENTS
1. That all the Sundays of the year, and principal feasts of
Christ, be kept holy-days, and other holy-days to be
abrogate,
2. That in all parish churches, the minister in common-
prayer turn his face towards the people, and there 5
distinctly read the divine service appointed, where all the
people assembled may hear and be edified.
3. That in ministring the sacrament of baptisme, the cere-
monie of making of the crosse in the child s forehead may
be omitted, as tending to superstition. 10
4. That for as much as divers communicants are not hable
to kneel during the time of the communion, for age,
sicknes, and sundry other infirmities ; and some also su-
perstitiously both kneel and knock; that the order of
kneeling may be left to the discretion of the ordinarie, i5
within his jurisdiction.
5. That it be sufficient for the minister, in time of saying
of divine service, and ministring of the sacraments, to
use a surplice : and that no minister say service, or mi
nister the sacraments, but in a comely garment or 20
habit.
6. That the use of organs be removed.
Unde orta fuit superiorum proband" vel reproband discep-
tatio, multis affirmantibus eosdem a se probari, ac multis
affirmantibus illos a se non probari ; multisque aliis volenti- 25
bus, ut eorum probatio, vel reprobatio, referatur ad reve-
rendissimos dominos, archiepiscopum et prselatos; plurimis
item protestantibus, se nolle ullo modo consentire, ut aliqua
contenta in his articulis approbentur ; quatenus ulla ex
pai te dissentiant libro divini et communis servicii, jam autho- 30
ritate senatusconsulti publice in hoc regno suscepto ; neque
velle, ut aliqua immutatio fiat contra ordines, regulas, ritus
ac ca?teras dispositiones in eo libro contentas.
Tandem inceptae fuerunt publicse disputationes fieri a non-
nullis doctls viris ejusdem domus, super approbatione, vel re- 36
probatione dicti quarti articuli : ac tandem placuit disces-
sionem, sive divisionem fieri votorum, sive suffragiorum
singulorum ; quac mox subsecuta fuit : atque numeratis per-
sonis pro parte articulos approbante, fuerunt persons 43 ; pro
CHAPTER ii. J of the lower House of Convocation.
119
parte vero illos non approbante, neque aliquam immutationem
contra dictum librum public! servicii jam suscepti fieri
petente, fuerunt personae 35.
Ac deinde, recitatis singulorum votis, sive suffragiis,
5 prompta sunt quemadmodum in sequenti folio liquet et
apparet.
DISPUTATORES.
Decanus Wygorn" 1 .
Mr. Byckley.
10 Archid 1 Covenf.
Mr. Nebynson.
Mr. Pullen.
Mr. Cotterell.
Mr. Job. Waker.
Mr. Laur. Neuell.
Mr. Talphill.
Mr. Crowley.
Mr. Tremain.
Mr. Hewet.
Decanus Ellens 1 .
articulos prcedictos approbante, fuerunt omnes
i ; viz.
Mr. Job. Walker 2
Mr. Becon
Mr. Proctor 2
Mr. Cockerell
Mr. Todd, arclmT Bed 2
Mr. Crouley
Mr.Hyll
Decan" Oxon
Mr. Savage
Mr. Pullan
Mr. Wilson
Mr. Burton 2
Mr. Heamond
Mr. Weyborn
Mr. Day
Mr. Rever
Mr. Roberts 5
Mr. Calphill 3
Mr. Godwyn 2
iS Pro
D. Proloquutor, decanus S.
Pauli
Mr. Leaver
2oDecan 1 Heref
Mr. Soreby
Mr. Bradbriger
Mr. Peder
Mr. Watte 3
25 Decan" Lychef.
Mr. Spenser
Mr. Beysley
Mr. Nebinson
Mr. Bowier
30 Mr. Ebden
Mr. Longlonde
Mr. Tho. Lancaster
Mr. Ed. Weston 2
Mr. Wysdon
3 5Mr. Sail 2
120
Extract from the Journal, fyc. [DOCUMENTS.
Mr. Pratt Mr. Kemper
Mr. Trenun 2 Mr. Ronayer
Mr. Leaton Mr. Abis
Persons 43. Voices 58.
5 Pro parte articulos non approbante, ac protestante ut supra,
viz.
Mr. Cheston
Mr. Chanddelor
Mr. Bonder
Mr. Just. Lancaster
Mr. Pondde
Mr. Constantyne
Mr. Calberley
Mr. Nich. Smith
Mr. Watson
Mr. Walter Jones 3
Mr. Garth 3
Mr. Turnebull
Mr. Robynson
Mr. Bell
Mr. Ithel
Mr. Byckley
Mr. Hugh Morgan 3
Voices 59.
Decan West 2
Mr. Coterell ,. 4
Mr. Latymer 3
I Decan <> Elien
Mr. Heuwette 3
Mr. Ric, Walker 2
Mr. Warner
Mr. Tho. Whyte
i5 Mr. Knouall 2
Mr. Jo. Prise
Mr. Bolte 2
Mr. Hughes 3
Mr. Brigewater 2
20 Mr. Lougher 3
Mr. Pierson
Mr. Merick
Mr. Lusou
Mr. Greensell 3
25 Persons 35.
CHAPTER III.
The revision of the Liturgy in the reign of James I.
HE progress that was made by Puritanism during
the reign of Queen Elizabeth must be understood,
before we can judge of the real condition of the dis
pute, as it affected the liturgy, when James I. sue- 5
ceeded to the throne of England. In that, as in every
other case of party strife, many different motives were
made to bear upon the dispute which had no natural
connection with it : as the wind, from whatever quarter
it may come, never blows across a glen, but always 10
either up it or down it. The doctrinal Puritans, and
those who, from whatever cause, took part with them
on the ground of conscience, inherited all the antipathy
of their predecessors to the cross and the surplice, but
looked upon them no longer as badges and tokens i5
of Romanism. They were now the outward signs of
an episcopal church in subjection to state authority, and
in this light were held in still greater abhorrence, as
offending more directly against original principles. It
was maintained that in submitting to such a system of 20
church government a man must make the dictates of
his conscience subordinate to mere rules of prudence,
and place his religious convictions at the mercy of a
The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
human tribunal. And such were the avowed objec
tions of persons who, from the energy of their cha
racter, the sincerity of their purpose, and the loftiness
of their pretensions, obtained some consideration for
the cause of Puritanism, and formed a centre that at- 5
tracted and united with it various classes of auxiliaries,
some contributing to its strength, others productive
only of discord, but all willing to take part in the war
fare, and to join in one common attack upon the church
established. The sentiments that drew to them so 10
many supporters may be expressed in the words of a
petition presented by a body of Puritans to the Privy
Council in the year 1592 a . " Upon a careful exami
nation of the Holy Scriptures, we find the English
hierarchy to be dissonant from Christ s institution and i5
to be derived from Antichrist, being the same the Pope
left in this land, and to which we dare not subject
ourselves. We farther find that God has commanded
all that believe the gospel to walk in that holy faith
and order which he has appointed in his church : 20
wherefore, in the . reverend fear of his name we have
joined ourselves together, and subjected our souls and
bodies to those laws and ordinances, and have chosen
to ourselves such a ministry of pastor, teacher, elders,
and deacons, as Christ has given to his church on earth 25
to the world s end ; hoping for the promised assistance
of his grace in our attendance upon him, notwithstand
ing any prohibition of men, or what by men can be
done unto us."
Sentiments of this description, maintained, ho we verso
erroneously, on a sense of religious duty, could not be
extinguished by temporal punishments, and might pos
sibly encourage some degree of sympathy, if the treat-
a Neal s Hist, of the Purit. vol. i. p. 348.
CHAPTER in.] in the reign of James I.
ment they met with should be considered as a perse
cution. And such was actually the case under the
impression that prevailed respecting the Court of High
Commission, and the arbitrary methods it adopted
5 in its examinations and penalties. It administered the
oath " ex officio," and compelled persons to bear
evidence against themselves, inflicting fines and impri
sonment in case of disobedience ; practices these, which
could not be maintained on general principles of jus-
rotice, and were .soon afterwards pronounced to be in
violation of law. Hence arose a large party of auxi
liaries, who aided the Puritans from feelings of
humanity, and were most of them too respectable,
both in station and in conduct, to be treated with
1 5 indifference. But a more numerous and more dan
gerous body of supporters was found in that mixed and
discordant multitude of persons who, as at all periods,
so especially at that, were dissatisfied with the existing
government. Adventurers of every class, those who,
20 from depraved habits or their natural temperament,
could not live in a state of quietude, and those who,
as was peculiarly the case at that period, were willing
to enter into honest occupations, but unable to find
them ; all these, together with Romanists, who could
20 pay no allegiance to a person excommunicated, and
Anabaptists, who considered all laws as of the nature
of tyranny, formed a mass of energy incapable of acting
in concert for the promotion of any good purpose, but
most powerful in the way of mischief. The case may
3 o be illustrated by that strange conspiracy of the year
1603, in which men of lawless habits and desperate
fortunes were combined with Romish priests and in
triguing nobles, with Lord Cobham, who was a mere
instrument in the hands of others, with Lord Gray, a
The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
zealous and determined Puritan, and Sir Walter
Raleigh, a soldier equally intrepid and unscrupulous.
It was not thought possible, at that period, that
such an assemblage of the elements of disorder could
be treated with any forbearance or discrimination. 5
They were all included under the charge of sedition or
treason, and punished as if their offences were com
mitted merely against the state. But there was still
another class of Puritans, who, though frequently con
founded with state offenders, disowned any participa-io
tion in their projects, and were regarded by many
persons in high station with much compassion and
respect. They were those non-conformist ministers
who, with more of zeal than of judgment, thought it
their duty to protest against unnecessary observances, i5
earnestly wishing to exercise their spiritual calling
within the pale of the church, but inheriting, from re
cent controversies, an acute and morbid sensitiveness
as to things indifferent. To these men, most of them
vehement and indefatigable preachers, and to their 20
numerous followers, who, with a sincere desire for
Christian excellence, combined a notion that it was
not worth their attainment unless they suffered for its
sake, it appeared to be sinful to use a ritual, and much
more so to declare their perfect approbation of it, in 2 5
which they were required to sign with the cross in
baptism, to employ the ring in marriage, to bow at the
name of Jesus, to observe the holydays of the Church,
or to read uncanonical scriptures. Their scruples,
though treated with contempt by the great body of 30
conformists, could not be regarded without feelings of
respect and sympathy, if not for themselves, at least
for the patience, the humility, the disinterestedness and
unaffected piety which were frequently found united
CHAPTER in.] in the reign of James 1. 125
with them. Such are the feelings that have been
left on record by Sir Francis Walsingham, by Lord
Burghley, by Sir Edward Coke b , and Lord Bacon c , the
last of whom described what he knew and what he
5 feared as to this class of Puritans in these expressive
words : " As for any man that shall hereby enter into
a contempt of their ministry, it is but his own hardness
of heart. I know the work of exhortation doth chiefly
rest upon these men ; and they have zeal, and hate of
10 sin. But, again, let them take heed that it be not
true, which one of their adversaries said, that they have
but two small wants, knowledge and love."
In the mean time, the strong arm of authority had
been supported by many able publications, some of
i5 them written in such a manner as to mediate between
the rival parties, but the greater number calculated to
fortify the resolutions of the one side without shaking
b Sir Ed. Coke, in his charge at Norwich (1607), said of the non
conformists, " The last sort of recusants, though troublesome, yet in
20 my conscience the least dangerous, are those which do with too much
violence contend against some ceremonies used in the church ; with
whose indirect proceedings, in mine own knowledge, his Majesty is
not a little grieved. But I will hope (as his highness doth) that in
time they will grow wise enough to leave their foolishness, and con-
25 sider that ceremonies not against the analogy of faith, nor hindering
faith s devotion, are no such bugbears as should scare them from the
exercises of divine duties, nor cause them to disturb the peace of our
Church, whose government is more consonant to Scripture than all
the best reformed churches at this day in the world." This opinion,
30 as compared with that of Bishop Cooper, will illustrate the difference
between the two professions of the church and the law in their con
duct towards the non-conformists ; a difference which was evident
at this early period, and which gradually led, as Lord Clarendon has
noticed, to a complete alienation between the members of the two
3 5 professions. Hist. Reb. vol. i. p. 400, ed. 4to, 1816.
c Works, vol. ii. p. 522.
126 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
the convictions of the other. In the year 1589,
Cooper, Bishop of Winchester, published his " Admoni
tion to the People of England," in which he replied in
detail to the charges brought against the bishops and
the clergy, and endeavoured, with much mildness, and 5
by appealing to the plain sense and pious feelings of
his countrymen, " to satisfy, not all kind of men, but
the moderate and godly." But it is plain, from the
following passages, that he had no sympathy with those
of his opponents who would appear to common ob-io
servers to be most deserving of it, and that he sought
for the active interposition of the civil power in sup
pressing them and their followers. " He [Satan]
worketh his devices by sundry kinds of men : first, by
such as be Papists in heart, and yet can clap their i5
hands and set forward this purpose, because they see
it the next way, either to overthrow the course of the
gospel, or, by great and needless alteration, to hazard
and endanger the state of the common weal. The
second sort are certain worldly and godless epicures, 20
which can pretend religion and yet pass not which end
thereof go forward, so they may be partakers of that
spoil which in this alteration is hoped for. The third
sort, in some respect the best, but, of all other, most
dangerous, because they give the opportunity and 2 5
countenance to the residue, and make their endeavours
seem zealous and godly. These be such which in doc
trine agree with the present state, and show themselves
to have a desire of a perfection in all things, and in
some respect, indeed, have no evil meaning, but, 30
through inordinate zeal, are so carried, that they see
not how great dangers by such devices they draw into
the Church and State of this realm" (p. 29). And af
terwards (p. 122) "Undoubtedly if God move not the
CHAPTER in.] in the reign of James I. 127
hearts of the chief rulers and governors to seek some
end of this schism and faction which now rendeth in
pieces this church of England, it cannot be but in short
time for one recusant that now is we shall have three,
5 if the increase of that number which I mention be not
greater."
A more resolute and uncompromising writer was
Bancroft, afterwards archbishop of Canterbury. In the
year 1593 he sent forth his book entitled " Dangerous
10 Positions and Proceedings, &c.," in which he traced
the opinions of the Puritans from Geneva as their
fountain-head, through the fanatical insurgents of Scot
land, down to the Separatists of his own country, col
lecting, as he descended, all the foul and perilous stuff,
i5 whether civil or ecclesiastical, that he met with in
their publications, and charging it in its cumulative force
of sedition and treason on the unhappy Puritans of his
own times. In another respect, however, his observa
tions, though somewhat coarse, are just (p. 170.) " If
20 it be true (that I have heard reported), that upon the
coming forth of Martin s Epistle, Master Cartwright
should say, Seeing the bishops w r ould take no warn
ing, it is no matter that they are thus handled ;
surely those words from him were enough to set these
25 men agog. So as that which is commonly reported of
great robberies may fitly serve to satisfy the bolsterers
of such lewdness. There are (say they) in such at
tempts not only executioners, but also setters, receivers
and favourers, and, in matters of treason, concealers,
30 who are all of them within the danger and compass of
law." In his other well-known work, that he pub
lished intthe same year and entitled " A Survey of the
Pretended Holy Discipline," he traced the new system
of Church government introduced by Cartwright and
128 The revision of the Liturgy. [NARRATIVE.
his followers through its history of fluctuation and in
consistency, and showed its utter want of foundation in
the proceedings of the apostles or the practice of the
primitive church.
But the master production of the period was the 5
" Ecclesiastical Polity " of Hooker. Of this matchless
work the four first books were published in 1594, the
fifth three years afterwards, and the three remaining
books at different periods long after the death of their
author. The germ of his great argument, displayed 10
afterwards in the three first books of his work, had
been previously delivered by him as preacher at the
Temple in the following words d : "It is no small per
plexity which this one thing hath bred in the minds of
many who, beholding the laws which God himself hath i5
given abrogated and disannulled by human authority,
imagine that justice is hereby conculcated, that men
take upon them to be wiser than God himself, that
unto their devices his ordinances are constrained to
give place : which popular discourses, when they are 20
polished with such art and cunning as some men s
wits are well acquainted with, it is no hard matter with
such tunes, to enchant most religiously-affected souls ;
the root of which error is a misconceit that all laws are
positive which men establish, and all laws which God 25
delivereth immutable. No : it is not the author which
maketh, but the matter whereon they are made, that
causeth laws to be thus distinguished."
In the fifth book he proceeds to a close examination
of the charges brought by the Puritans against the dis- 3 o
cipline and worship of the Church, objecting against
his opponents their want of consideration for the kind
See Keble s Pref. to Hooker s Works, p. 5.
CHAPTER in.] in the reign of James I. 129
of materials out of which human institutions are con
structed, and the multiform nature of the judge to
whose decision all such questions must practically be
referred. His views may be expressed in the tw r o fol-
5 lowing maxims, which are not only applicable to his
own especial subject, but, when transferred to any
other relations, may be said to lie at the foundation of
all social wisdom. " In the external form of religion
such things as are apparently, or can be sufficiently
10 proved, effectual and generally fit to set forward god
liness, either as betokening the greatness of God, or
as beseeming the dignity of religion, or as concurring
with celestial impressions in the minds of men, may
be reverently thought of, some few rare, casual and
1 5 tolerable, or otherwise curable, inconveniencies not
withstanding." (vol. ii. p. 38.) " In evils that cannot
be removed without the manifest danger of greater to
succeed in their rooms, wisdom, of necessity, must give
place to necessity. All it can do in those cases is to
20 devise how that which must be endured may be miti
gated, and the inconveniences thereof countervailed as
near as may be : that when the best things are not
possible, the best may be made of those that are."
(vol. ii. p. 46.)
25 But the most remarkable attribute of the " Ecclesi
astical Polity " is its uniform superiority, in every de
partment of mind, to the general literature of the
period. A theologian might naturally be expected to
be well provided with weapons from the armoury of
30 the Church, a scholar might have exhausted the stores
of ancient learning, a philosopher have explored the
principles of his science, and a man of taste have a
keen perception of the graces of composition ; but
these various endowments, each of them a great acqui-
K
130 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
sition in itself, and some of them calculated from their
nature to be exclusive of the rest, are all displayed at
once, and each of them in a high degree of excellence,
in the " Ecclesiastical Polity." The reader is surprised
and delighted to find that his argument has not only 5
stood aloof from the ribaldry of the times and the ca
suistry of vulgar minds, but has laid before him the
important issues and the governing principles of the
whole question, investing them at the same time with
the riches of a copious literature, the fascinations of a 10
graceful and majestic style, and, above all, the virtues
of a Christian character.
Against the disorders of this period, pressed down at
different times, but always arising with new strength
and numbers from the pressure, the Queen s govern- 15
ment, and more especially her ecclesiastical coun
sellors, presented the most determined resistance, till
near the close of her reign. At that time the vigour
of her character was broken by age and disappoint
ment, and her advisers willingly found a reason for 2 o
their own forbearance in the infirmities of their
sovereign. Having lost the impulse they had formerly
derived from her greater energy, they also began to
reflect that a change of measures might be appre
hended from the different religious impressions of her 2 s
successor.
On the accession of King James, the earliest mea
sure adopted by the Puritans in concert was to present
to him the following address, which, from the great
number of the signatures attached to it, was called the 3 o
Millenary Petition.
" Most gracious and dread Sovereign,
" Seeing it hath pleased the Divine Majesty, to the
CHAPTER in. in the reign of James 7. 131
great comfort of all good Christians, to advance your
highness, according to your just title, to the peaceable
government of this Church and Commonwealth of
England : We, the ministers of the gospel in this land,
5 neither as factious men, affecting a popular parity in
the Church, nor as schismatics, aiming at the dissolution
of the state ecclesiastical, but, as the faithful servants
of Christ and loyal subjects to your majesty, desiring
and longing for the redress of divers abuses of the
10 Church, could do no less, in our obedience to God,
service to your majesty, and love to his Church, than
acquaint your princely majesty with our particular
griefs. For, as your princely pen writeth, the king,
as a good physician, must first know what peccant
jo humours his patient naturally is most subject unto
before he can begin his cure. And although divers of
us that sue for reformation have formerly, in respect of
the times, subscribed to the book, some upon protesta
tion, some upon exposition given them, some with con-
20 dition, rather than the Church should have been de
prived of their labour and ministry, yet now we, to the
number of more than a thousand of your majesty s sub
jects and ministers, all groaning as under a common bur
then of human rites and ceremonies, do, with one joint
2 5 consent, humble ourselves at your majesty s feet, to be
eased and relieved in this behalf. Our humble suit,
then, unto your majesty is, that these offences follow
ing, some may be removed, some amended, some
qualified :
30 "1. In the church service : that the cross in baptism,
interrogatories ministered to infants, confirmations, as
superfluous, may be taken away: baptism not to be
ministered by women, and so explained : the cap and
surplice not urged : that examination may go before
K 2
132 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
the communion : that it be ministered with a sermon :
that divers terms of priests and absolution and some
other used, with the ring in marriage, and other such
like in the book, may be corrected : the longsomeness
of service abridged : church-songs and music moderated 5
to better edification : that the Lord s day be not pro
faned : the rest upon holydays not so strictly urged :
that there may be an uniformity of doctrine prescribed:
no popish opinion to be any more taught or defended :
no ministers charged to teach their people to bow atio
the name of Jesus : that the canonical scriptures only
be read in the church."
In three other articles the Petition treats of Church
ministers, Church living and maintenance, and Church
discipline, objecting to the want of sufficient Preachers, i5
to non-residence, to the subscription usually required
to articles, to commendams pluralities and impropria-
tions, to excommunications, to the powers and prac
tices of ecclesiastical courts ; and then concludes in the
following words : 20
" These, with such other abuses yet remaining and
practised in the Church of England, we are able to
shew not to be agreeable to the Scriptures, if it shall
please your highness further to hear us, or more at
large by writing to be informed, or by conference 25
among the learned to be resolved. And yet we doubt
not but that, without any further process, your Majesty
(of whose Christian judgment we have received so
good a taste already) is able of yourself to judge of
the equity of this cause. God, we trust, hath ap-3o
pointed your highness our physician to heal these
diseases : and we say with Mordecai to Hester, Who
knoweth whether you are come to the kingdom for
such a time. Thus your Majesty shall do that which
CHAPTER in.] in the reign of James I. 133
we are persuaded shall be acceptable to God, honour
able to your Majesty in all succeeding ages, profitable
to his Church, which shall be thereby increased, com
fortable to your ministers, which shall be no more
5 suspended, silenced, disgraced, imprisoned for men s
traditions, and prejudicial to none but those that seek
their own credit, quiet, and profit in the world. Thus,
with all dutiful submission, referring ourselves to your
Majesty s pleasure for your gracious answer as God
!<> shall direct you, we most humbly recommend your
highness to the Divine Majesty, whom we beseech for
Christ s sake to dispose your royal heart to do herein
what shall be to his glory, the good of his Church, and
your endless comfort."
i5 But James had already contracted, from the treat
ment he had experienced in Scotland, a strong dislike
for Genevan platforms and republican principles. His
feeling on these subjects was rapidly increased, as he
travelled through his southern provinces, by the clamor-
so ous and reiterated demands of the non-conformists,
contrasted with the calm and respectful demeanour
of the established clergy. Alarmed by the crowds
that sought admission to his presence, and irritated by
the importunities of the Puritans, he would probably
25 have given them a peremptory refusal, had there not
been peculiar elements in his character, which made
him consent to mediate between the two contending
parties, although his decision respecting them appears
to have been already taken. A conference was sought
30 by the Puritans between persons selected from each
side, to discuss the several points at issue, and more
especially the projected revision of the Liturgy. To
this request the King acceded ; although the esta
blished clergy naturally opposed it, as being in itself
K 3
134? The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
an imputation of error, and likely, if granted, to lead
to no other result than an increased and embittered
discontent. And such was actually the ground on
which a similar request had been refused by his pre
decessor. But James was greedy of applause; and 5
there were two different ways in which this concession
would lead to the gratification of his ruling passion.
He would display his magnanimity by listening to the
prayer of individuals for whom, as he had already
shewn, he felt no personal sympathy ; and he would 10
exhibit his talent and erudition by encountering
learned theologians on their own ground, and foiling
them with their own weapons.
The King acted in this case agreeably with the
advice of Lord Bacon f ; who was now advancing iniS
royal favor, and took care in recommending a confer
ence, and overruling the objections of the clergy, to
touch the principal chord in his master s character.
" It is said that if way be given to mutation, though it
be in taking away abuses, yet it may so acquaint men 20
with sweetness of change, that it will undermine the
stability even of that which is sound and good. This
surely had been a good and true allegation in the
ancient contentions and divisions between the people
and the senate of Rome ; where things were carried at 25
the appetites of multitudes, which can never keep
within the compass of any moderation : but these
things being with us to have an orderly passage, under
a king who hath a royal power and approved judg
ment, and knoweth as well the measure of things as 30
the nature of them, it is surely a needless fear. For
they need not doubt but your Majesty, with the advice
f Works, vol. ii. p. 528. Docum. Ann. vol. ii. p. 44.
CHAPTER in.] in the reign of James I. 135
of your council, will discern what things are inter
mingled like the tares amongst the wheat, which have
their roots so enwrapped and entangled, as the one cannot
be pulled up without endangering the other ; and what
5 are mingled but as the chaff and the corn, which need
but a fan to sift and sever them."
In the mean time the two Universities felt the occa
sion to be one of so much peril as to call for an
express declaration of their opinions ; and the Univer-
iosity of Oxford sent forth a paper in which the other
University concurred, replying seriatim to the com
plaints of the petitioners, and representing the danger
that would follow from their designs, not merely to the
Church, but also to the monarchy. " Would it not
i5 beseem the supereminent authority and regal person of
a king to be himself confined within the limits of some
particular parish, and then to subject his sovereign
power to the pure apostolical simplicity of an over-
swaying and all-commanding Presbytery? Would it
20 not do him much good in a time of need that his
people should be rooted and grounded in this truth,
viz. : That his meek and humble clergy have power
to bind their King in chains, and their Prince in links
of iron ? that is (in their learning) to censure him, to
2 5 enjoin him penance, to excommunicate him ; yea, (in
case they see cause) to proceed against him as a
tyrant? Neither may it be truly said that these are
only speculations. There are some of high place yet
alive, and other some are dead, that have felt the
30 smart hereof in their own experience, and have seen
the worst of all this put in woeful execution."
According to his own confessions, King James had
S Prsemon. to all Christian Monarchy. Works, p. 305.
K 4
] 36 T/ie revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
disliked the proceedings of the Scottish Reformers
from a very early period, and had laboured to restore
the government of bishops for six years before his
accession to the throne of England. Finding himself
now enabled to decide according to his own judgments
between the two parties, and constantly acquiring
further reasons h for supporting the episcopal clergy, he
declared himself a sincere member of the Church of
England, and thanked God that he had been " brought
to the promised land, to a country where religion was 10
purely professed, and where he sat among grave,
learned, and reverend men ; not as before, elsewhere, a
king without state, without honour, and without order,
and where beardless boys would brave him to his
face." is
King James entered the capital of his new domi
nions on the 7th of May, 1603, and one of his first
acts was to make preparation for convening an as
sembly of divines, in which all ecclesiastical differences
might be debated. "We are persuaded," said he, in a 20
subsequent proclamation 1 , "that both the constitution
and doctrine thereof [of the Church of England] is
agreeable to God s word, and near to the condition of
the primitive Church ; yet forasmuch as experience
doth shew daily that the church militant is never so 25
well constituted in any form of policy, but that the
imperfections of men, who have the exercise thereof,
do with time, though insensibly, bring in some corrup-
h The king said during the Conference, " I have learned of what
cut they have been, who, preaching before me since my coming into 30
England, passed over with silence my being supreme governor in
causes ecclesiastical."
1 Proclamation of Oct. 24, 1603. Wilkins Cone. v. iv. p. 371.
Docum. Ann. v. ii. p. 44.
CHAPTER in. J in the reign of James I.
tions ; as also for that informations were daily brought
unto us by clivers, that some things used in this church
were both scandalous to many seeming zealous, and
gave advantage to the adversaries, we conceived that
5 no subject could be so fit for us to shew our thankful
ness to God, as upon serious examination of the state
of this church to redeem it from such scandals, as both
by the one side and the other were laid upon it."
Owing to the prevalence of the plague in many parts
10 of the kingdom, and other circumstances of a tempo
rary nature, the meeting did not take place till the
following month of January ; and the interval was
employed by many of the non-conformists in such a
manner, presuming so far upon the king s disposition
i5in their favor, and adopting measures so seditious in
their character, that they increased the high degree of
distaste already conceived against them, and met with
a severe rebuke from him.
On the 14th day of January, in the year 1604, the
20 first conference was held in the palace of Hampton
Court in the presence of the king and the lords of the
privy council. The persons summoned to attend and
permitted to take part in the discussion on behalf of
the established clergy, were Whitgift, archbishop of
25 Canterbury, then too old and infirm to take any active
part in the proceedings, eight bishops, six deans besides
the dean of the chapel royal, and two doctors of
divinity. The persons appointed to represent the
Puritans, remarkable certainly for the smallness of
30 their number, but still the best qualified after the
death of Cartwright and Travers to support their
opinions, were Dr. Rainolds, Dr. Sparkes, Mr. Knew-
stubbs, and Mr. Chaderton. Mr. Patrick Galloway,
minister of Perth, was permitted to be present at the
138 The revision of the Liturgy [ NARRATIVE -
second day s conference, and has left an account of it
in a letter k addressed to some friends in Scotland.
Dr. James Montague, dean of the chapel royal, who
was one of the divines summoned to attend, wrote a
short narrative of the three conferences on the 18th 5
of January, the day on which the whole business was
concluded. This narrative, the composition of a person
devoted to the court, but not chargeable with any
remarkable prepossession in his statement, is as follows:
(in a letter bearing date 18th Jan. I60f .) l J0
"I am sure you have a longing to hear what becometh of
this great business, between the bishops and the ministers. I
cannot write you the disputes ; my employments at this time
would not permit ; but in short on Saturday it began : the
king assembling only the lords of his council and the bishops, i5
myself had the favour to be present by the king s command.
The company met and himself sat in his chair. He made a
very admirable speech of an hour long at least, for learning,
piety, and prudency I never heard the like ; concluded it with
a most excellent prayer ; entered into the points he meant to 20
stand upon, propounding unto them in general, that if he
erred in any thing, he would suffer himself to be corrected by
God s word ; if they erred they must yield to him, for he
would ever submit both sceptre and crown to Christ s, to be
guided by his word. 25
" His majesty propounded six points unto them : three in
the Common Prayer Book, two for the bishops jurisdiction
and one for the kingdom of Ireland. In the Prayer Book he
named the general absolution, the confirmation of children,
and the private baptism by women. These three were long 30
disputed between the king and the bishops. In the conclu-
k This letter is printed in the ensuing chapter, as well as the
longer and authentic account published by Dr. Barlow, one of the
divines present, then Dean of Chester, and afterwards Bishop of
Rochester and Lincoln successively. 3^
1 Winwood, v. ii. p. 13.
CHAPTER in.] in the reign of James I. 139
sion the king was well satisfied in the two former, so that the
manner might be changed, and some things cleared.
For the private baptism it held three hours at least ; the
king alone disputing with the bishops, so wisely, wittily, and
5 learnedly, with that pretty patience, as I think never man
living ever heard the like. In the end he won this of them,
that it should only be administered by ministers, yet in
private houses, if occasion required ; and that whosoever else
should baptize should be under punishment. 1 For the com-
lomissaries courts, and the censures of excommunication and
suspension they shall be mended, and the amendment is re
ferred to the lord chancellor and the lord chief justice. But
for their common and ordinary excommunication for trifles, it
shall be utterly abolished. The fifth point was about the
1 5 sole jurisdiction of bishops ; so he gained that of them, that
the bishops in ordination, suspension, and degradation, and
such like, they shall ever have some grave men to be assist
ants with them in all censures. For Ireland, the conclusion
was (the king making a most lamentable description of the
20 state thereof) that it should be reduced to civility, planted
with schools and ministers, as many as could be gotten.
These things done, he propounded matters, whereabout he
hoped there would be no controversy, as to have a learned
ministry and maintenance for them as far as might be. And
25 for pluralities and non-residences to be taken away, or at
least made so few as possibly might be. These things were
concluded on Saturday between the king and the bishops.
" On Monday the king called the other party by them
selves ; made likewise an excellent oration unto them, and
30 then went to the matter; no body being present, but the
lords of the council, and Dr. Reynolds, Dr. Sparkes, Dr.
Field, Dr. King, Mr. Chaderton, and Mr. Knewstubbs, all
the deans that were appointed and myself.
" They propounded four points ; the first for purity of
35 doctrine ; secondly for means to maintain it, as good minis
ters, &c. ; thirdly, the courts of bishops, chancellors, and
commissaries ; fourthly, the Common Prayer Book.
" For doctrine it was easily agreed unto by all ; for minis
ters also ; for jurisdiction likewise ; for the Book of Common
140 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE^
Prayer and subscription to it, there was much stir about all
the ceremonies and every point in it. The king pleaded hard
to have good proof against the ceremonies, and if they had
either the word of God against them or good authority, he
would remove them : but if they had no word of God against 5
them, but all authority for them, being already in the church,
he would never take them away : for he came not to disturb
the state, nor to make innovations, but to confirm whatever
he found lawfully established; and to amend and correct
what was corrupted by time. They argued this point 10
very long. The bishops of Winchester and London, who of
all the bishops were present, laboured this point hard, and
divers of the deans, but at length the king undertook them
himself, and examined them by the Word and by the Fathers.
There was not any of them that they could prove to be i5
against the Word, but all of them confirmed by the Fathers,
and that long before popery. So that for the ceremonies I
suppose nothing will be altered. And truly the doctors
argued but weakly against them : so that all wondered they
had no more to say against them. So that all that day was 20
spent in ceremonies ; and I think themselves being judges,
they were answered fully in every thing. At last it was con
cluded that day, that there should be an uniform translation
set out by the king of all the Bible, and one catechizing over
all the realm, and nothing of the Apocrypha to be read that 25
is in any sort repugnant to the Scripture ; but to be still
read, yet as Apocrypha, and not as Scripture ; and for any
point of the articles of religion, that is doubtful, to bo cleared.
This was the second day s work.
" The third day, which was Wednesday, the king assem-3o
bled all the bishops (the lords of the council only being
present) and took order how to have these things executed,
which he had concluded, that it might not be (as the king
said) as smoke out of a tunnel, but substantially done to
remain for ever. So they were debated to whom they might 35
the more fitly be referred, and by them made fit to be here
after enacted by parliament. So all the bishops and all the
council have their parts given them. This being done, the
ministers were called in, Doctor Reynolds and the rest, and
CHAPTER in.] in the reign of James I. 141
acquainted with what the king had concluded on. They were
all exceedingly well satisfied, but only moved one thing : that
those ministers who were grave men, and obedient unto the
laws, and long had been exempted from the use of cere-
5 monies, might not upon the sudden be obliged unto them, but
have some time given them to resolve themselves in using or
not using them. The king answered, his end being peace,
his meaning was not that any man should be cruel in im
posing those matters, but by time and moderation win all
10 men unto them : those they found peaceable, to give some
connivancy to such, and to use their brethren as he had used
them, with meekness and gentleness, and do all things to
the edification of God s church. So they ended these matters
till the parliament, and then these matters shall be enacted.
i5 " This in haste, with my duty, &c., I humbly take my
leave, &c. From the Court.
" JAMES MONTAGUE."
To this narrative was added the following " note m of
such things as shall be reformed :
20 " 1 . The absolution shal be called, The absolution or general
remyssion of sins.
" %. The confirmation shal be called, The confirmation or
furder examination of children s faith.
"3. The private baptism, now by laymen or women, shall be
25 called, The private baptisme by the ministers only ; and all
those questions in that baptisme, that insinuate it to be done
by women, taken awaye.
" 4. The Apocrypha, that hath some repugnancy to the ca
nonical Scripture, shall not be read ; and other places chosen,
30 which either are explanations of Scripture, or suite best for
good life and manners.
" 5. The jurisdiction of the bishops shal be somewhat
limited, and to have either the dean and chapter, or som
grave minister, assistant to them in ordination, suspension,
35 degradation, &c.
m This is copied from Strype (Whitgift, v. ii. p. 501) who took it from a paper
in the handwriting, as he believed, of Bishop Bancroft (of London). The copy
published in Winwood is not equally correct.
142 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
" 6. The excommunication, as it is nowe used, shal be taken
awaye, both in name and nature. And a writ out of the
Chancerie, to punish the contumacies, shal be framed.
" 7. The kingdom of Ireland, the borders of Scotland, and
all Wales, to be planted with schools and preachers as soon 5
as maye be.
"8. As manie learned ministers, and maintenance for them,
to be provided in such places of England where there is want,
as maye be.
" 9. As few double-beneficed men and pluralities as may be ; 10
and those that have double benefices to maintain preachers,
and to have their livings as neere as may be one to the other.
"10. One uniform translation of the Bible to be made, and
onelye to be used in all the churches of Englande.
" 11. One catechisme to be made and used in all places. i5
"12. The articles of religion to be explained and inlarged.
And no man to teach or read against anie of them.
" 13. A care had, to observe who do not receave the com
munion once in the year : the ministers to certify the bishops,
the bishop the archbishops, and the archbishops the kinge. 20
" 14. An inhibition for Popish books to be brought over:
and if anie come, to be delivered into their hands onelye that
are fitt to have them.
" 15. The highe commission to be reformed, and reduced to
higher causes and fewer persons ; and those of more honour 25
and better qualities."
The sentiments of the king himself respecting the
necessity for these conferences, and the manner of con
ducting them, was expressed in a proclamation of the
following March, in words that bear testimony, at the 30
same time, to his own self-approbation, to the judg
ment he had formed of the two contending parties, to
the general tone that he adopted as moderator, and yet
to the bland and indulgent temper which he wished to
possess in the estimation of his subjects n . 3.5
n Rymer, vol. xvi. p. 574. This proclamation is among the do
cuments of the ensuing chapter.
CHAPTER in.] in the reign of James L 143
The alterations it was determined to make in the
Book of Common Prayer were not submitted either to
the parliament or even to the convocations of the
clergy. The king required his metropolitan and others
5 of his commissioners for causes ecclesiastical to make
declaration of the changes agreed upon, and then
issued his letters patent to ratify their act, to provide
for the publication of the liturgy in its new condition,
and to enjoin the exclusive use of it in every parish of
10 the two provinces. He probably thought it hazardous
to refer considerations of so delicate a nature to any
large assembly, whether of laymen or of clergy. He
certainly believed that he possessed ample authority
under the broad shield of his prerogative, and those
1 5 two important statutes of Queen Elizabeth, which an
nexed the spiritual supremacy for ever to the crown,
and made the use of the public liturgy binding upon his
subjects. In describing the changes he had made as mat
ters merely of exposition and explanation, he sought to
20 shelter them under the clause introduced, at the desire
of Queen Elizabeth, into the Act of Uniformity, which
empowered him, " by the advice of his commissioners
or the metropolitan, to ordain and publish such further
ceremonies as may be most for the advancement of
25 God s glory, the edifying of his Church, and the due
reverence of Christ s holy mysteries and sacraments."
The alterations, accordingly, that were actually made
in the new edition of the Book of Common Prayer,
were the following: into the title of the absolution
3 o were inserted the words " or remission of sins." In
the gospels for the second Sunday after Easter and
the twentieth after Trinity the opening words, " Christ
[or Jesus] said to his disciples," were changed to
" Christ [or Jesus] said," which were also now printed
144 The revision of the Liturgy [NARRATIVE.
ill -a different letter, to shew that they were not to be
found in the original text. The rubrics in the office
for private baptism were altered so as to restrict the
administration of that sacrament to the minister of the
parish, or some other lawful minister. The title, 5
" Confirmation," was explained by the additional
words, " or laying on of hands upon children baptized
and able to render an account of their faith." The
doctrine of the two sacraments was added to the cate
chism. Some few changes were made in the lessons I0
taken from the Apocrypha ; a prayer, now called the
prayer for the royal family, was inserted after that
for the king ; and occasional thanksgivings for rain,
fair weather, plenty, &c., were added after their corre
sponding prayers. l5
It is evident that these alterations did not remove
the whole or even the principal objections made by the
Puritans, and were in some instances matters of indif
ference to them. The king himself had called for the
changes that were made respecting absolution, private 20
baptism and confirmation, and had readily assented to the
suggestions of Dr. Rainolds on the subject of the gos
pels, the lessons taken from the Apocrypha, and an en
larged form of catechism. But what must the Puri
tans have thought of the complete and almost contemp- 25
tuous refusal that was given to them respecting the vest
ments, the ring in marriage, and the cross in baptism ?
observances which, when treated as mere rites, were
held to be unobjectionable, but when considered on
the principle of obedience to church authority, were 30
pronounced to be indispensable. " I charge you," said
the king, " never speak more to that point, how far
you are to obey the orders of the Church."
The four Puritans who were present at the con-
CHAPTER in.] in the reign of James I. 145
ference appear to have expressed their concurrence in
the decisions of the king as they were severally deli
vered, and at the close to have promised obedience to
the future injunctions of the Church. Sincere and
5 conscientious men, and some of them possessing no
common amount of learning and talent, they could
not be insensible to the forcible reasoning of their
opponents, and were probably oppressed by their
sense of the august presence and the high spiritual
10 authority arrayed against them. But to their brethren
without, less capable of forming a correct judgment,
and less likely to be influenced by reverential feeling,
the result of this conference was the occasion of dis
appointment and remonstrance.
i5 " Matters," said a contemporary writer , "were well
calmed by the king s moderation, if no after tempest
should arise." But the tempest had never ceased : it
had only abated, as if to gather strength for more de
sperate encounters. In the following year was pre-
20 sented to the king a petition from ministers in the
diocese of Lincoln, in which, so far from acknowledg
ing the benefits of the recent examination, they seem
to have increased their demands in proportion to their
disappointment. Charging the Book of Common
20 Prayer with fifty gross corruptions, and ceremonies
notoriously abused to superstition and idolatry, they
called, in strong and peremptory language, for its total
abolition. And this was the beginning of many
sorrows.
30 It has been observed by an able historian v, " that
there is no middle course in dealing with religious sec
taries, between the persecution that exterminates and
Fabric of the Church, by W. Tooker, Pref. 3.
P Hallam Const. Hist. vol. i. p. 219, 4to.
L
146 The revision of the Liturgy, fyc. [NARRATIVE.
the toleration that satisfies." Now whatever may be
the case in such a frame of society as might certainly
be conceived, but has never yet been realized ; or,
again, whatever may actually be the case in some
communities where religion has ceased to be a convic-5
tion or a principle (and for such cases it is unnecessary
to contend), it is evident that during the whole period
of the puritanical controversy in England, no method
but one professing moderation on the part of the go
vernment was either expedient or even practicable. It 10
was as much a matter of conscience on the one side to
preserve what the church had ordained, as it was on
the other to reject what their own private judgment
had condemned. It might be deemed as sinful for the
one party to retain a creed after their own peculiar 1 5
tenets had been expunged, as it would be for the other
to use the same creed with such tenets contained in it.
With antagonists so opposed to each other, no perse
cution could be carried far enough to exterminate
either of them, and no toleration could completely 2 o
satisfy both. The only method remaining, and one
which has also positive reasons in its favour, was to
secure, by mild and temperate measures, the concur
rence and co-operation of the middle classes of men, of
those who are always respectable for their numbers and 25
their character, and are always reinforced, and more
especially at a time of danger, from the adverse parties
on either side of them.
CHAPTER IV.
Documents connected with the revision of King James I.
I. A Proclamation concerning such as seditiously seek reformation
in Church matters. Wilkins Cone. vol. iv. p. 371.
II. The opinion of Matthew Hutton, Archbishop of York, touch
ing certain matters,, like to be brought in question at the Confer
ence. Strype, Whitgift, vol. iii. pp. 392 402.
III. King James to some person unknown in Scotland, concern
ing the Conference at Hampton Court. Cott. Libr. Vespasian,
F- 3-
IV. A letter from Court by Toby Matthew, Bishop of Durham,
to Archbishop Hutton, giving an account of the Conference.
Strype, Whitgift, vol. iii. pp. 402 407.
V. The sum and substance of the Conference at Hampton Court,
contracted by William Barlow, D. D., Dean of Chester.
VI. A letter from Patrick Galloway to the Presbytery of Edin
burgh, conceniing the Conference. Calderwood s Hist, of the
Ch. of Scotland, p. 474.
VII. Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi et aliis pro reformatione Libri
Communis Precum. Rymer, vol. xvi. p. 565.
VIII. A Proclamation for the authorizing of the Book of
Common Prayer to be used throughout the realm. Wilkins Cone,
vol. iv. p. 377.
148 Proclamation against such as seditiously [DOCUMENTS.
I.
A proclamation concerning such as seditiously seek reformation
in church matters.
AS we have ever from our infancy had manifold proofs of
God s great goodness towards us in his protecting of
us from many dangers of our person, very nearly threatening 5
us, and none more notorious than his happy conducting us in
the late case of our succession to this crown, which contrary
to most men s expectation we have received with more quiet
and concurrency of good will of our people (otherwise perhaps
of different dispositions) than ever in like accident hath been 10
seen ; so do we think, that the memory of his benefits ought
to be a continual solicitation to us to shew ourselves thankful
to his divine majesty whereinsoever opportunity shall be offered
us to do him service, but especially in things concerning his
honour and service, and the furtherance of the gospel, which i5
is the duty most beseeming royal authority. Wherefore after
our entry into this kingdom, when we had received informa
tion of the state thereof at the decease of the queen our
sister of famous memory, although we found the whole body
thereof in general by the wisdom of herself, and care of those, 20
who had the administration thereof under her, in such good
state of health, as did greatly commend their wisdoms, as
well in the politic part of it, as also in the ecclesiastical,
whereof since we have understood the form and frame, we
are persuaded that both the constitution and doctrine thereof 25
is agreeable to God s word, and near to the condition of the
primitive church; yet forasmuch as experience doth shew
daily, that the church militant is never so well constituted in
any form of policy, but that the imperfections of men, who
have the exercise thereof, do with time though insensibly, 30
bring in some corruptions ; as also for that informations were
daily brought unto us by divers, that some things used in
this church were both scandalous to many seeming zealous, and
CHAPTER iv.] seek reformation in church matters. 149
gave advantage to the adversaries ; we conceived that no
subject could be so fit for us to shew our thankfulness to
God, as upon serious examination of the state of this church,
to redeem it from such scandals, as both by the one side and
5 the other were laid upon it. For our instruction wherein, we
appointed a meeting to be had before ourself and our council,
of divers of the bishops and other learned men, the first day
of the next month, by whose information and advice we might
govern our proceeding therein, if we found cause of amend-
10 ment. But by reason of the sickness reigning in many places
of our kingdom, the unseasonable time of the year for travel,
and the incommodity of the place of our abode for such an
assembly, we were constrained to defer it till after Christmas.
At which consultation we shall both more particularly under-
i5 stand the state of the church, and receive thereby light to
judge, whether there be indeed any such enormities, as are
pretended, and know how to proceed to the redress. But
this our godly purpose we find hath been misconstrued by
some men s spirits, whose heat tendeth rather to combustion
20 than reformation, as appeareth by the courses they have
taken ; some using public invectives against the state eccle
siastical here established, some contemning their authority
and the processes of their courts, some gathering subscrip
tions of multitudes of vulgar persons to supplications to be
25 exhibited to us, to crave that reformation, which if there be
cause to make, is more in our heart than in theirs. All
which courses, it is apparent to all men, are unlawful, and do
savour of tumult, sedition, and violence, and not of such a
Christian modesty, as beseemeth those, who for piety s sake
30 only desire redress of things they think to be amiss, and
cannot but be the occasions of dissentious partialities, and
perhaps of greater inconveniences among our people.
For preventing whereof, we have thought it necessary to
make public declaration to all our subjects, that as we have
30 reason to think the estate of the church here established, and
the degrees and orders of ministers governing the same, to be
agreeable to the word of God and the form of the primitive
church, having found the same blessed in the reign of the late
queen with great increase of the gospel, and with a most
L 3
150 Proclamation against such as seditiously Sfc. [DOCUMENTS.
happy and long peace in the politic state, which two things,
the true service of God, and happiness of the state, do com
monly concur together; so are we not ignorant, that time
may have brought in some corruptions, which may deserve a
review and amendment, which if by the assembly intended by 5
us we shall find to be so in deed, we will therein proceed
according to the laws and customs of this realm by advice of
our council, or in our high court of parliament, or by convo
cation of our clergy, as we shall find reason to lead us ; not
doubting, but that in such an orderly proceeding we shall 10
have the prelates and others of our clergy no less willing, and
far more able to afford us their duty and service, than any
other, whose zeal goeth so fast before their discretion. Upon
which our princely care, our pleasure is, that all our subjects
do repose themselves, and leave to our conscience, that which i5 .
to us only appertaineth, avoiding all unlawful and factious
manner of proceeding ; for that hereafter if any shall either
by gathering the subscriptions of multitudes to supplications,
by contemptuous behaviour of any authority by the laws
resting in ecclesiastical persons, by- open invectives and inde- 20
cent speeches either in the pulpit or otherwise, or by disobe
dience to the processes proceeding from their jurisdiction,
give us cause to think, that he hath a more unquiet spirit,
than becometh any private person to have toward public
authority, we will make it appear by their chastisement, how 25
far such a manner of proceeding is displeasing to us, and that
we find that these reformers under pretended zeal affect
novelty, and so confusion in all estates, whereas our purpose
and resolution ever was, and now is to preserve the estate as
well ecclesiastical as politic in such form, as we have found it 30
established by the laws here, reforming only the abuses,
which we shall apparently find proved, and that also to do by
such mature advice and deliberation, as we have above men
tioned. Wherefore we admonish all men hereby to take
warning, as they will answer the contrary at their peril. 35
Given under our hand at Wilton the 24th day of October, of
our reign of England, France, and Ireland the first, and of
Scotland the thirtieth and seventh year, anno Domini MDCIII.
CHAPTER iv.] The opinion of Matthew Hutton. 151
II.
The opinion of Matthew Hutton, Archbishop of York,
certain matters, like to be brought in question before the
moxt excellent Majesty, at the Conference at Court. Written
October 9. 1. Jacobi, to the Archbishop of Canterbury.
QUESTION I.
5 First, Concerning the appropriations : Whether they be to
be given over to the ministers of the gospel, or may con
tinue, &c.
This question dependeth of another ; viz. Whether tithes
now in the time of the Gospel are to be paid jure divino, or
\QJure positivo.
Respons. My opinion is with Peter Martyr, 19. Judicum,
That he that laboureth is worthy of his hire, and that the
preachers of the word must have a competent portion to live
of ; but not precisely of tithes.
1 5 To make the matter more plain, we must understand, that
the Law of Moses was divided into three parts, moral, cere
monial, and judicial : and that these three laws were (as it
were) three adjuncts unto the subjects, (to speak after Ramus
his logick.) The ceremonial law was tied to the priesthood of
2oLevi. Which being taken away and abrogated, the whole
law also is abrogate, as St. Paul saith, Heb. vii. " Mutato
sacerdotio, necesse est ut legis mutatio fiat." The judicial
law was annexed, and given to that nation, or people, and
that government ; which being cast off, and that government
25 ceasing, the judicial law is abrogate : but not so as the cere
monial law is, but made not necessary for any state to be
tied unto. (Albeit, Struthius and Monetarius, two notable
hereticks of late times, would have all the world to be
governed by the judicial law of Moyses.) For kingdoms and
30 commonwealths may retain some, and alter some, as in
wisdom shall be thought convenient. Theft by that law was
punished by restitution. In this land, and (almost) in all
countries, it is punished with death. As for the moral law,
L 4
152 The opinion of Matthew Htitton [DOCUMENTS.
it abideth for ever, because the image of God (though rased
and much defaced in all men) doth still remain ; and by the
law of nature and reason doth owe a duty to God and to
all men, &c.
Now by what law were tythes commanded by Moyses ? 5
Peter Martyr (Jadic. 19.) saith, by the ceremonial law :
and that tythes did aim at Christ, the giver of all things.
But now, (Martyr saith,) " stipendia Ministris, sive persol-
vantur ex agris, sive ex sedibus, sive pecunia numerata, sive
in decimis, nihil refert ; niodo non sordide, sed honeste sus- 10
tententur."
In this ceremonial law of tithes there was something moral,
that is, that a sufficient portion should be allotted to the
ministers, &c. and that abideth still. But precisely the tenth
part, that was ceremonial, and bindeth not now. As in the i5
moral law of the sabbath, there was something ceremonial :
moral, that some day or time should be allotted to God s
service ; but precisely the seventh day, and not the eighth
day, that was ceremonial, and is abrogate. So^in the cere
monial law, the moral doth continue, the ceremonials are 20
taken away.
That excellent book, called "The Doctor and Student,"
(the author whereof was called St. German.) in the 55th
chapter saith, that tythes did belong to the judicials of
Moses, to the government of the nation. But he is in 2 5
opinion, that, by the law of reason and nature, (which is the
moral law,) the ministers of the New Testament must be
sufficiently provided for in land, rent, or otherwise, but not
necessarily by tithes. For he saith, that many whole coun
tries pay no tithes, and that our laws in many cases do allow 30
of a prescription, "de non decimando ;" which cannot be
against the law of God.
Now as for appropriations, I think, superstition was the
cause of most of them ; but now they are confirmed by the
law of the land, and universally dispersed by the same law ; 3 5
some in the crown; some belonging to colleges in the Uni
versities, (and they are best bestowed;) some belong to
noblemen and bishops ; some to cathedral churches and hos
pitals ; some to gentlemen and others, inferiors of all sorts ;
CHAPTER iv.] touchi/nj the Conference at Court. 153
some are seized of them, as of inheritance ; more possessed,
as of leases ; and all these, bonce fidei possessores : and there
fore may keep them with a safe conscience ; and the parish
ioners are bound in conscience, as to the parsons and vicars,
5 so to the approprietaries, or to their farmers, to pay their
tithes truly, though they be never so wicked men. " Suum
cuique tribuere est proprium munus justitiae."
I wish better provision were made for godly preachers.
But how it may be done, I leave that to his Majesty, (who is
10 both learned, wise, and careful for religion,) and to the grave
men of State and of the Church. Thus much of the first
question.
QUESTION II.
1 5 As touching the government of the Church in this kingdom,
under his Majesty, whether by bishops or by presbyteries, I
will shew my opinion as briefly as I can.
Respons. Presbytery is more popular, Bishops more aristo-
cratical. Presbytery hath a resemblance with a Sanhedrim of
20 the J ews ; which being a part of the judicial law, is so abro
gate, that it is made not necessary to be reteyned in the time
of the New Testament : neither the authoritie of that which
was the great Sanhedrim ; nor of the twenty-three, the
middle ; nor of three, which was the lowest, and dealt with
2 5 smallest matters. But our Presbyteries do derive their
authority from the Apostles time. Priests and Bishops, they
say, were all one, as Jerom saith to Evagrius, and upon the
Epistle to Titus : and they governed the Church communi con-
silio. But afterwards, for avoiding of schism, " in toto orbe
^odecretum est/ it was decreed in all the world, that one of
the number of the priests should be elected to be over the
rest, and to have the general care over the priests : but
4i magis consuetudine, quam dispositionis Dominicse veritate."
Whereas indeed Bishops have their authority, not by any
35 custom or decree of man, but from the Apostles themselves,
as Epiphanius proveth plainly against Arrius the heretick ;
who, being a proud man, because he could not get to be
a S. Jerom. in cap. ad Tit.
154 Tfie opinion of Matthew Hutton [DOCUMENTS.
bishop himself, thought, that "idem est Episcopus et Pres
byter." With this opinion St. Augustine doth charge that
heretick, in his book " De Hseresibus, Ad quod vult Deum."
But Epiphanius doth shew the difference to be, not only
because the bishop hath authority over the Priests, but be- 5
cause Presbyter begetteth children to the Church by preach
ing and baptizing ; the Bishop begetteth Fathers to the
Church by giving of orders. " Hujus rei gratia reliqui te in
Creta, ut quse desunt pergas corrigere ; constituas oppidatim
Presbyteros," &c. And so it hath continued in the Church 10
ever since. The question then is this :
Whether is better, the Bishops to continue in England, or
that Presbyteries be brought into this realm and Church of
England ?
Aristotle saith, There are three kinds of good states ; i5
basilia, the best ; aristocratia, the next : and timocratia, the
meanest of all the three : where one, few, or many govern for
the good of the whole commonwealth. Three other sorts of
evil states, tyrannis, oligarchia, and democratia ; where one,
few, or the multitude have care only of their own private, 20
and not of the good of the whole. If the gospel be preached
in any of the evil states, there is hope it will make it good.
If in any of the good states, it is no doubt but it will make
it better. But one ecclesiastical government and discipline
is not fit for all commonwealths. The Sanhedrim of the Jews
was not so convenient in the time of the kings, as it was 25
before and afterwards. Josephus writes, that when the
people would needs have a king, Samuel was sore offended
thereat, b because " valde delectabatur optimatum guberna-
tione ; at non amabat regiam potestatem ut mimam." And
Hircanus and Aristobulus, before Pompey, refuse to be 30
under kings, and desire that the people may be governed by
God s priests, as was the manner of the country. So likewise
at this time, they that so much do magnify the government
by presbyteries, like better of a popular state than of a
monarchy. Yea, Calvin himself, the chief patron of pres-s5
byteries, as he misliketh that a king should be supream head,
h Lib. vi. cap. 4. Antiq. <- Lib. xiv. cap. 5.
CHAPTER iv.] touching the Conference at Court. 155
so he commendeth, beyond all other, a mixt state of aristo-
cratia and timocratia. d Such was and is at Geneva. And so
a popular government by presbyteries is more fit for a
popular government than it is for basilia.
5 Therefore the king s majesty, as he is a passing wise king,
and the best learned prince in Europe, had need to take
heed, how he receiveth into his kingdom such a popular
government ecclesiastical as is that of the presbyterie ; " ne
forte, &c. latet anguis in herba." Basilia, the worst of the
10 three, &c. And the king to be supream Head of the Church,
misliked, &c. Thus much of the second question.
QUESTION III.
Thirdly, I am informed, there is great banding by men of
1 5 good learning, (but of singular wisdom and learning in their
own opinion,) set on by busy-bodies, hot and guiddy heads,
who fear nothing more, than lest they should seem to doubt
of any thing : these Lucians, or Luciferians, intend to dis
grace and deface the Book of Common Prayer and the minis-
20 tration of the sacraments ; either to overthrow it, or (at
least) to alter it. But these men, though they make small
accompt of the bishops now lyving in this church, yet (me-
thinks) should reverence reverend Archbishop Cranmer,
learned Bishop Ridley, and grave Bishop Latymer, who at
26 one time yielded their bodies to be burnt, for the defence of
that book, and the gospel professed in the Church of England,
in the time of vertuous King Edward the Sixth.
This matter began almost forty years ago, and hath been
answered first and very sufficiently by your Grace unto T. C.
30 and since very well by divers others : yet being required, I
am content to set down my opinion shortly in some few
points.
One chief thing is misliked, that women, midwives, and
laymen, seem to be permitted to baptize in time of necessity.
30 Respons. I answer briefly. First, That the book doth not
allow of it. Secondly, That it was not said to women or lay
men, " Ite, predicate, baptizantes eos in nomine," &c. and
rt Calvin, in Amos cap. 7. Institnt. lib. iv. cap. 20.
158 The opinion of Matthew Hutton [DOCUMENTS.
therefore they may not minister the sacrament of baptism.
I say also with Epiphanius, contra Collyridianos, that the
blessed Virgin Mary her self was not permitted to baptize.
And he charged Marcion the heretick, that he gave leave to
women to baptize. And yet I confess, that not only the 5
Church of Rome, but all the Schoolmen, and almost all
the ancient Fathers, do hould it lawful, that laymen may
baptize in time of necessity. Tertullian de baptismo ; " Alio-
quin laicis jus est dandi : quod enim ex sequo accipitur,
ex sequo dari potest." Augustine also, contra Epist. Par- TO
meniani, and in many other places, alloweth of the baptism
ministred by laymen. Zozomenus writeth, 6 that Athana-
sius, a boy, playing with boyes, baptized certain of them ;
and yet Alexander, bishop of Alexandria, would not suffer
them to be baptized again. This erroneous custom and i5
abuse of the holy sacrament did grow from another error,
urged especially by that good Father, St. Augustine, (" Quan-
doque bonus dormitat Homerus,") that children dying with
out baptism could not be saved : which hath no sufficient
warrant in the word. The promise is, " Ero Deus tuus,
et Deus seminis tui." So that the children of Christian 20
parents are within the covenant before baptism; and by
baptism are sealed and declared so to be : as by circum
cision were the children of the Israelites. Yet if they died
before the eighth day, they were not thought to be con
demned. David would not have been cheared and comforted, 2 5
when his son died the seventh day, and before he was circum
cised, if he had thought he had been condemned : Nay, saith
he, (2 Sam. xii.) " I must go to him," &c.
Why then doth the book allow that women should baptize?
The best answer is, that though the book seem so to do, 30
yet doth it not commend or allow of that fact. True it is,
that their charitable dealing can do the child no harm, and
their fervent prayer to God may do it good. And the sick,
woful mother receiveth comfort, if it die. But if it live, it
is commanded by the book, that the child be brought to the -5
church, and the witnesses to be examined of all circum-
e Lib. ii. cap. 16.
CHAPTER iv.] touching the Conference at Court. 157
stances; and if the minister find a manifest defect, he is
commanded to proceed to prayer, and to the ministration of
baptism, and (at the least) baptize the child with a condition :
viz. " If thou, N. be not already baptized, I baptize thee in
5 the name of the Father, Son, and of the Holy Ghost ." It is
referred to the judgment of the minister, whether he think
the baptism sufficient and lawful.
And the fourth General Council of Carthage, (Canon 100.)
whereunto St. Augustin did subscribe,, hath these words :
10 " Mulier baptizare non presumat." And I heard divers reve
rend Fathers (who were learned preachers in King Edward s
days, and very privy to the doings in the convocation, and
themselves dealers, in anno primo Elizabethan) affirm plainly,
that there was no meaning to allow, that mid wives or
1 5 women should baptize, no more than to minister the Supper
of the Lord to the sick in private houses. But would not lay
it down in plain words, lest it might hinder the passage in the
. parliament : tantse molis erat Romanum tollere ritum.
QUESTION IV.
20 Another thing is misliked, viz. that the child is signed with
the sign of the cross in the forehead.
Respons. I answer, that the sign of the cross is and hath
been much abused in Popery :
" Per crucis hoc signum, fugiat procul omne malignum."
25 I say further, that it is not necessary to be used in that
sacrament. Yea, the Papists themselves confess, that it is
not of the substance, which standeth of two parts, as
Augustine saith, " Accedit verbum ad elementum, et fit
sacramentum, etiam visibile verbum."* 1 Notwithstanding to
30 the ministration thereof five things are required: the party
baptizing, the party baptized, a meaning to do that which
Christ commanded, the element of water, and the form of
the words, &c. Henricus de Vurima in Quartam Sentent.
comprehendeth them in these two verses :
~5 " Cum tincto tingens, intentio, post aqua, forma
Verboram, faciunt, ut sit baptismatis esse."
f 80. Tract, in Joan.
158 The opinion of Matthew Hutton [DOCUMENTS.
All other things whatsoever, he confesseth not to be of the
substance ; and he comprizeth many of them in three verses :
" Sal, oleum, chrisma, cereus, chrismale, saliva,
Flatus, virtutem baptismatis ista figurant ;
Haec cum patrinis non mutant esse, sed ornant." 5
The same we say of the cross : baptism may be well without
it. But we say also, it may be well used ; and is well used in
the Church of England.
It is a very ould ceremony, used by the best Fathers,
both without baptism and in baptism. " Insultat Paganus 10
crucifixo Christo : videam ego in frontibus regum crucem
Christi g . Again, Usque adeo de cruce non erubesco, ut
non in occulto loco habeam crucem Christi, sed earn in
fronte portem. Ad omnem progressum atque promotum,
ad omnem aditum et exitum, &c. frontem crucis signaculo i5
terimus V
It was also used in baptism, " Baptisma quoque per crucem
datur. Oportet enim signaculum hoc sumere, Sec." 1 Cyprian
also, in his sermon " De Passione Christi," saith, that the sign
of the cross was used in all sacraments. k 20
Now being set down in this Church by publick authority, it
may not be spurned at by private men. Humility and
obedience to the Prince and his laws, in all things not
contrary to God s laws, beseem best for all subjects and
private men. 26
QUESTION V.
It is much misliked in the Litany, that we pray to be
delivered from sudden death. We ought so to live, that death
should never find us unprepared.
Respons. I answer, that sudden death to the wicked is said 30
to be part of their happiness in this world ; that when they
have spent their lives in voluptuousness, and all worldly
felicity, they are not tormented with long and lingring
sickness, but without pain they are suddenly taken away. So
saith Job xxi. " Ducunt in bonis dies suos, et in momentum 36
descendunt in sepulchrum."
S Augustinus in Psal. cxli. h Ibidem. Tertullian. de Corona Milit.
* Chrysost. Horn. 13. in Philipp. k Cyprian, in Sermone de Passion.
CHAPTER iv.] touching the Conference at Court. 159
I say further, it is a sometime a blessing for God s children
to be taken away by death, lest they should fall into divers
sins. And so saith Cyprian, De Mortalitate 1 , upon these
words of the Book of Wisdom, ; Raptus est, ne malitia
5 mutaret inteliectum ejus." He commendeth hasty death,
because thereby men are taken away from the danger
of sin ; and that children by death avoid the danger of
slippery age.
And Augustin also saith, " Quomodo homini lapso, et in
Toeodem lapsu istam vitam misere finienti, atque ad poenas
eunti talibus debitas, non plurimum summeque prodesset,
si ex hoc tentationum loco priusquam laberetur, morte
raporetur 1 "." To be by death snatched away from sinning
is a blessing, as to dye suddenly in sin is a curse. " Electi
iSnonnulli, accepta gratia, in qualibet setate periculis hujus
vitse mortis celeritate subtrahuntur 11 ." And so are taken away
hastily, lest they should sin.
But by sudden death to be taken away in the act of sin,
without space or grace to repent, is a most fearful and
20 terrible thing; as were Core, Dathan, Abiron, Absolon,
Ananias and Sapphira, and many more. From such sudden
death every man ought to say, Good Lord deliver us.
But contrariwise, what a singular blessing is it, when a
man hath space and grace, not onely to repent him of his
2 5 sins, but also to dispose of his things, and make open
profession of his faith, that he dieth the servant of God,
and so yieldeth his soul into the hands of God ? It is a
comfortable edifying of them that be present, or shall hear of
his godly departure. Who wisheth not to dye the death of
30 Abraham, Isaac, and Jaakob, or David, &c.?
Lastly, There are some things that we must simply
pray for without condition; as, that God s name may be
hallowed, his will fulfilled, the kingdom of Christ enlarged ;
that we our selves may live and die in the favour of God,
3.5 by the merits of Christ Jesus. These things, and such like,
we must pray for without condition. Other things, which
belong to this life, and the manner of our death, we may
1 Cyprian, de Mortalit. cap. 4. m August, de Praedest. Sanct. cap. 14.
* August, de Corrupt, de Gratia, rap. 7,
160 The opinion of Matthew Hutton. [DOCUMENTS.
pray for with this condition, if it may so stand with the
good will and pleasure of Almighty God. And this condition,
tho not expressed, is understood in very many prayers in the
Litany. From Mattel and murtlier ; from plague, pestilence, and
famine ; and from sudden death. From sudden death without 5
repentance, we must simply pray to be delivered. But yet
indefinitely we may well pray to be delivered from sudden
death, with condition, if it may stand with the good pleasure
of our good God. And a condition is understood in one
petition of the Lord s Prayer, Give us this day our daily 10
bread ; the rest without condition.
The Lord, for his Christ s sake, bless his Majesty with
his manifold graces ; that he may maintain the Gospel in
this Church, as his dear sister, most worthy Queen Elizabeth,
did leave it ; and that as he, in his golden book to the Prince i5
his son, doth shew his dislike both of superstitious Papists and
giddy-headed Puritans, so God may give him courage and
constancy to withstand them both ; that neither the Papists
may obtain their hoped toleration, nor the Puritans their
fantastical platform of their reformation. 20
III.
King James to some person unknown in Scotland; concerning
the Conference at Hampton Court between him and the
Puritans.
MY honest Blake, I dare not say, faced 3. The letters 2 5
talking of deambulatorie counsils, and such like satyrike trikis,
did a little chafe me ; but yee may see I answered according
to the old scholar s rule, " In quo casu quseris, in eodem re-
spondere teneris." For I would be sorry not to be as con
stant indeed as she was, who called her self, Semper eadem. 30
Indeed ye may tell the Beagil, that he had best cease to com
plain of me being a Peripatetike. For I will oftentimes walk
so fast about and about with him, that he will be like to fall
CHAPTER iv.] King James 1 Letter. 1(51
down dead upon the fioure. I can give you no other thanks
for your daily working and publike smiling upon me ; onely
this, do quhat you can, yee can give me no more argumentis of
your faithful affection towards me ; and do quhat I can unto
5 you, I cannot never increase a haire the devotion of your ser-:
vice towards me.
We have kept such a revell with the Puritans here this
two days, as was never heard the like : quhaire I have pep
pered thaime as soundlie as yee have done the Papists thaire.
io It were no reason, that those that will refuse the airy sign
of the cross after baptism should have their purses stuffed
with any more solid and substantial crosses. They fled me
so from argument to argument, without ever answering mo
directly, ut est eorum moris, as I was forced at last to say unto
i5 thaime ; that if any of thaime had been in a college disputing
with thair scholars, if any of thair disciples had answered
them in that sort, they would have fetched him up in a place
of a reply ; and so should the rod have plyed upon the poor
boyes buttocks. I have such a book of thaires as may well
20 convert infidels, but it shall never convert me, expect by
turning me more earnestly against thayme.
And thus praying you to commend me to the honest Cham
berlain, I bid you heartily farewel.
James R.
IV.
A letter written from Court by Toby Matthew, Bishop of
25 Durham, to Hutton, Archbishop of York ; gioing an account
at targe of the Conference at Hampton Court before the Kinq,
In January, 1 603.
MAY it please your Grace; Upon Thursday the 12th of
this instant, [January,] my Lords Grace of Canterbury, with
;>othe Bishops of London, [Durham interlined,] Winchester,
Worcester, St. David s, Chichester, Carlisle, Peterborough,
and my self, out of the Privy Chamber, were sent for by his
M
Dr. Matthew s letter about the [DOCUMENTS.
Majesty into an inner withdrawing chamber ; where in a very
private manner, and in as few words, but with most gracious
countenance, he imparted to us, first, the cause wherefore we
were called up ; which was, for the reformation of some
things amiss in ecclesiastical matters, supposed, and by some 5
complained of. Next, how desirous he was, and we ought to
be, that the kingdom of Ireland might be reduced to the
true knowledge of God, and true obedience. To which latter,
without the former, he could never hope to find among them.
Lastly, his Majesty gave us to understand, that the day was 10
somewhat mistaken, being meant by him to be the Saturday
after : at which time his Majesty willed us to repair to the
court again.
Which when we did accordingly, his highness, about eleven
of the clock, in his privy chamber, in the presence of the i5
privy council only, sitting on his right hand, and all the
bishops on his left, made an excellent oration of an hour long,
declaring, "That religion was the soul of a kingdom, and
unity the life of religion. That as both among the Jews and
the Heathen, so among the Christian emperors, their chiefest 20
care was first to establish God s worship. And that in this
realm of England, as sondrie of the kings had been religious
in their kynde, of auncient tyme, so in this latter age there
had been made divers alterations; as, by King Henry the
Eighth in some points ; by King Edward in many more ; 2 5
by Queen Marie, who crossed them both; and lastly, by
Queen Elizabeth, who reformed her sister s superstitions,
and established the Church of God here, in the doctrine of
Christ, and discipline agreable to the same. Whereunto,
because some preachers in sondrie parts of the realme did 30
not so submit themselves, but that some contradiction and
discontentment did arise long since, and increase of late,
little less than to a schisme, (a point most perillous as well
to the common weale as to the Church :) therefore he had
convened us, the reverend Fathers, to consult with us : first, 35
aparte from our opposites, for avoiding contention towards us
and them, and for his own resolutions in some particulars,
which the contrary faction imputed partly to the Book of
Common Prayer, and partly to the forme of Church govern-
CHAPTER iv.] Conference at Hampton Court. 163
ment here. Which said particulars were, I. The forme of
absolution after the publique confession of synnes. II. The
manner of confirmation of children. III. The toleration of
private laptisme to be done by laymen or women. IV. Many
5 great errors and abuses, crept in under the title of excommuni
cation ; and by the corrupt dealing of chancellors, officials,
&c." Against all which his Majesty did argue and dispute
at large.
And after answer severally made by my lords grace of
10 Canterburie, and the bishops of London and Winchester
chiefly, his highness so scholasticallie and effectuallie replied,
that what with rejoyninge and surrejoyninge, fower long
houres were spent in that daies conference, to our exceeding
great admiration of his Majesties not only rhetorical and
i5 logical, but theological and juridical discourses. As also, in
the end, to his good satisfaction in all such objections as he
propounded ; giving present order, that for the present clear
ing of some doubts and misconstructions here and there, some
few words, not in the body of the sense, but in the rubricks,
20 or titles, of some of the aforesaid particulars, should, in the
next edition of the Common Prayer Book, be inserted, by
way rather of some explanation, than of any alteration at all.
Upon Monday his Majesty appointed certain of the best
learned of the preciser sort to be before him in the privy
25 chamber, to hear what they could object ; viz. Dr. Reynolds,
Dr. Sparke, Mr. Chatterton, and Mr. Knewstubbs : to whom
his highness used more shorte and round speech: and ad
mitted only two bishops to be present, to be named by my
lords grace of Canterbury ; who sent thither the bishops of
30 London and Winchester, while we the rest were with him,
setting down the form of the former points. The doctors
named divers abuses, but insisted chiefly upon the confirmation,
the cross in baptism, the surplice, private baptism, kneeling at
the communion, reading of the Apocrypha, subscriptions to the
35 Book of Common Prayer and Articles ; one only translation
of the Bible to be authentical, and read in the church ; the
censure of excommunication for so small causes ; the corrup
tions in the bishops" 1 and archdeacons courts, committed by
their chancellors, commissaries, officials, registers, and such
M 2
164 Sjj. Matthew 9 * letter about the [DOCUMENTS,
like officers ; together with their immoderate exactions and
fees,, to be reformed. Of all which, as also concerning the
oath (upon many and sundry catching articles unto the
preachers) ex officio, to entangle them : which one of them
compared to the Spanish Inquisition. 5
After that his Majesty had, in most excellent and extra
ordinary manner, disputed and debated with them, and con
futed their objections ; being therein assisted now and then,
for variety sake rather than for necessity, by the two bishops
before-named, from eleven of the clock until after fower ; 10
with some sharpe words amonge, he favourablie dismissed
them for that tyme ; requiring them to give their attendance
here again on the Wednesdaie after, before himself and his
council, and all the bishops, to receive such order and direc
tions, as he should be pleased to give therein. i5
According to which appointment, we and they altogether
presented our selves. And after that his Majesty had sum
marily repeated unto us what had passed between him and
them on the Monday, and began to set down the courses he
would have to be observed in some of the foresaid poynts in 20
controversy, Mr. Chatterton and Mr. Knewstubbs moved his
highness, with all submission, to have the cross in baptisme
utterly forborn, and kneeling at the communion. Which
being utterly for divers causes denyed them, yet by their
importunitie on behalf of certain preachers in Lancashire, 25
who had taken great pains against the Papists, and doone
much good among the people, his highness was contented,
out of his princely clemencie, so far to condescend unto them
that a letter should be written to the bishop of Chester, to
bear with their weakness for some time, and not proceed over 30
hastilie and roughlie against any of them, until, by confer
ence between the bishop and them, they might be persuaded
to conforme themselves to us, and the rest of their brethren ;
advising Mr. Chatterton and Mr. Knewstubbs, by their
letters or otherwise, to deal with those preachers to submits^
themselves to the judgment of the church, and to avoid all
singularitie, the mother of schismes and disorder.
Which done, his Majesty assigned his council and all the
bishops forthwith to go and consult together in the council-
-CHAPTER ivJ Conference at Hampton Court. 165
chamber, as well upon the premisses that needed any amends,
as also how religion might be planted upon the borders of
England and Scotland, and likewise in Wales, but especially
in his kingdome of Ireland ; wherein he made demonstration
5 of his exceeding princely care and godlie zeal, with most
vehement and deep impression in all our ears and hearts, for
the salvation of the souls of that forelorn people, and for the
discharge of his own and all our Christian duties. Naming
withall some whom he thought fittest to be employed, to
f iotake care for the expedition of that principal design.
Immediately whereupon, all the most honourable privy
councel and wee going together, agreed to set down several
courses for the better performance of all and every the
matters afore-mentioned : some of them and us to employ our
1 5 selves, some in one thing and some in another. The copy of
which general project I will send your grace so soon as I can
procure it of my lord Cecill : to whom his highness did deliver
it to be recorded in the council book : adding thereunto an
earnest exhortation and charge unto both the chancellors of
20 the universities there present, and to the bishoppes, to be
much more careful hereafter than heretofore, not to suffer
any person in any college, that shall be given to defend any
heresie, or disposed to maintaine any schismatical tricks, (as
he termed them,) what other good giftes or eloquence soever
25 they have. For the more learning, saith he, without hu-
militie and obedience, the more pernicious to Church and
common weale. Lastly, to look better to the education of
noblemen and gentlemens sons, many of which he was in
formed to have been by popish tutors and teachers danger-
30 ouslie corrupted.
And requiring the bishoppes to be so much the more
vigilant in their calling, as the adversaries are no less diligent
than the devil himself in perverting the people, we were most
benignly and graciously dismissed for that tyme.
35 Thus much I thought it my duty in grosse to advertise
your Grace, as I promised, presuming that some other, as
Sir John Bennet, hath already or will shortly certify all in
more particular : wishing that you had been here at the con
ference, which in my opinion would have wrought in you as
166 Bp. Matthew s letter, fyc. [DOCUMENTS.
great comfort and joy as ever happened to you in this mortal
life; to see and hear so worthie a kyng and prieste in one
person, with so sacred a majesty, to propose, discusse, and
determyne so many, so necessarie, and so important matters,
so readilie, so soundlie, as I never look to see or hear the like 5
again. God, even the God of our fathers, prosper and
protect his highness and all his posteritie, as he hath rejoyced
the hearts of all us, his humble and obedient clergye ; hoping
also, that it will work, if not perfect contentment, yet much
more quietness in all those that were before otherwise 10
affected.
Thus, with my many humble thanks for your Grace s late
fatherly kindness at Bishopthorp, among the rest of your
auncient accustomed favours, and with my most hearty salu
tations to good Mrs. Hutton, your vertuous yoake-fellow, 1 15
take my leave : betaking you both to the grace of God. At
Kingstone upon Thames, this 19th of January, 1603.
Your Graces humble at commandment,
and for ever most assured,
20
Tobie Duresme.
When I was in the middest of this discourse, I received a
message from my Lord Chamberlaine, that it was his
Majesty s pleasure that I should preach before him upon
Sunday next; which Scarborough warning did not only 2 5
perplex me, but so puzzel me, as no mervail if somewhat
be pretermitted, which otherwise I might have better
remembered.
CHAPTER iv.] Dr. Barlow" 1 s Tract. 167
V.
The summe and substance of the conference which it pleased his
excellent Majestie to have with tJie lords bishops, and others of
his clergle (at which the most of the lords of the councill were
present) in his Majesties privie-chamber, at Hampton Court,
5 Jan. 14, 1603. Contracted by William Barlow, Doctor of
Divinity, and Dean of Cluster.
TO THE READER.
THIS copy of the conference in January last hath been
long expected, and long since it was finished : impeachments,
of the divulging, were many ; two main above the rest : one,
his untimely death, who first imposed it upon me, with whom
10 is buried the famousest glory of our English church, and the
most kind incouragement to paines and study a : a man happy
in his life and death ; loved of the best while he lived ; and
heard of God for his decease ; most earnestly desiring, not
many dayes before he was stroken, that he might not (yet)
1 5 live to see this parliament, as neer as it was.
The other, an expectation of this late comitial conference,
much threatened before, and triumphed in by many ; as if that
regal and most honourable proceeding should thereby have
received his counterblast, for being too forward. But his Ma-
20 jesties constancy having, by the last, added comfort and
strength to this former, which now, at length, comes abroad,
therein, good reader, thou mayest both see those huge pre
tended scandals (for which our flourishing church hath been
so long disturbed) objected and removed ; and withall behold
2 5 the express and vive image of a most learned and judicious
king, whose manifold gifts of grace and nature my scant
measure of gift is not able to delineate, nor am 1 willing to
enumerate, because I have ever accounted the personal com
mendation of living princes, in men of our sort, a verbal
3 o symonie ; such flies there are too many, which puffe the skin,
but taint the flesh. His Majesties humble deportment in
those sublimities, will be the eternizing of his memory, the
a Arclnepiscopus Cantuar.
M 4
1G8 Dr. Barlow s Preface. [DOCUMENTS.
rather, because Kara-nt-tyai rov oA/3oi>, to digest so great feli
city without surfeit of surquedry is a virtue, rare in great
personages, and that, which the King of heaven feared even
the king of his own choice would want. The more eminent
he Is in all princely qualities, the happier shall we be : our 5
duty, as we are Christians, is prayer for him ; as we are sub
jects, obedience to him ; as we are men, acknowledgment of
our settled state in him ; our unthankfulnesse may remove
him, as it did the mirror of princes, our late famous Eliza
beth. She rests with God, the phoenix of her ashes reignes 10
over us, and long may he so do to God s glory, and the
churches good, which his excellent knowledge beatifieth, and
government adjoyned will beautine it. An hope of this last
we conceive by his written Bao-i AtKor : a specimen of the
other, in this interlocutory conference : whereof take this, i5
which is printed, but as an extract, wherein is the substance
of the whole. Intercourse of speeches, there occasioned, would
cause prolixity without profit : what every man said, point
devise, I neither could, nor cared to observe ; the vigor of
every objection, with the summe of each answer, I guesse I 20
misse not : for the first day, I had no help beyond mine
own ; yet some of good place and understanding have seen
it, and not controlled it, except for the brevity : for the two
last, out of divers b copies, I have selected and ordered what
you here see : in them all, next unto God, the king s majesty 25
alone must have the glory : yet to say, that the present state
of our church is very much obliged to the reverend fathers,
my lords of London and Winton, their pains and dexterity
in this businesse, were neither detraction from other, nor
flattery of them. His highnesse purposed to compose all 30
quarrels of this kind hereby, and supposing he had settled all
matters of the church, it pleased him so to signifie by pro
clamation after it was done : but there is a triple generation
in the world, of whom the wise man speaketh c , marry I say
nothing (for even private speeches cannot now passe without 35
the smeer of a black cole). In one rank whereof you may
b Ep. Londi., Deanes of Christch. Winchest. Windsor, Archdea. Nottingh. and
mine own.
c Prov. xxx. 12, 13, 14.
CHAPTER iv.] First dayes Conference. 169
place our Hercules Limbomastix, whom it might have pleased,
without this gnathonicall appeal, to have rested his Majesties
determination, and being a synoptical theologue tv TrAaret,
and angry that he was not so /car eTTirojot^, have learned the
5 difference in divinity between mam regis, and mam gregis.
Many copies of divers sorts have been scattered and sent
abroad, some partial, some untrue, some slanderous. What
is here set down, for the truth thereof shall be justified : the
onely wrong therein, is to his excellent Majesty, a syllable
10 of whose admirable speeches it was pitty to lose, his words
as they were uttered by him, being, as Solomon speak eth, " like
apples of gold, with pictures of silver d ;" and therefore I re
quest thee, good reader, when thou commest to any of his
highnesse speeches, to turn Martial his apostrophe upon me,
i5 " Tu male jam recitas, incipit esse tuus,"
and I will take it kindly. If thou be honest, and courteous,
thou wilt rest satisfied, and that is my content : to lay a pillow
for a dog, sorts neither with my leisure, nor purpose : farewell.
Thine in Christ Jesu,
W. BARLOW.
THE
FIRST DAYES CONFERENCE.
The day appointed was, as by his Majesties proclamation
we all know, Thursday the 12th of January ; on which there
30 met at Hampton Court by nine of the clock, all the bishops
and deanes, summoned by letters, namely, the Archbishop of
Canterbury, the Bishops of London, Durham, Winchester,
Worcester, S. Davids, Chichester, Carleil, and Peterborow :
the deanes of the chapell, Christs-church, Worcester, West-
35 minster, Pauls, Chester, Winsor, with Doctor Field, and
Doctor King, Arch-deacon of Nottingham : who, though the
night before they heard a rumour that it was deferred till
the fourteenth day, yet according to the first summons,
d Pro. xxv. i r .
170 The sum and substance of the [DOCUMENTS.
thought it their duty to offer themselves to the king s pre
sence, which they did. At which time it pleased his highnesse
to signifie unto the bishops, that the day having prevented, or
deceived him, he would have them return on Saturday next
following : on which day, all the deanes, and doctors attend- 5
ing my lords the bishops into the presence chamber, there
we found sitting upon a form, Doctor Remolds, Doctor
Sparks, Master Knewstubs, and Master Chaderton, agents
for the millenary plaint iffes. The bishops entring the privy
chamber staied there, till commandement came from his 10
Majesty, that none of any sort should be present, but only
the lords of the privie council, and the bishops, with five
deanes, viz. of the chapel, Westminster, Pauls, Westchester,
Salisbury, who being called in, the door was close shut by
my lord chamberlain. i5
After a while, his excellent Majesty came in, and having
passed a few pleasant gratulations with some of the lords, he
sat down in his chair, removed forward from the cloth of
state a pretty distance : where, begining with a most grave
and princely declaration of his general drift in calling this 20
assembly, no novel device, but according to the example of
all Christian princes, who in the commencement of their
reign usually take the first course for the establishing of the
church, both for doctrine and policie, to which the very
heathens themselves had relation in their Proverb, A Jove
principium, and particularly in this land, King Henry VIII.
toward the end of his reign ; after him King Edward VI.
who altered more ; after him Queen Mary, who reversed all ;
and last the queen of famous memory, so his highnesse added
(for it is worth noting, that his Majesty never remembred
her, but with some honourable addition) who settled it as
now it standeth. Wherein, he said that he was happier than
they, in this, because they were fain to alter all things they
found established, but he saw yet no cause so much to alter
and change any thing, as to confirm that which he found well
setled already ; which state, as it seemed, so affected his
royal heart, that it pleased him both to enter into a gratula-
tion to Almighty God, (at which words he put off his hat)
for bringing him into the promised land, where religion was
CHAPTER iv.] first dayes Conference. 171
purely professed, where he sate among grave, learned and
reverend men, not, as before, elsewhere, a king without state,
without honour, without order, where beardlesse boyse would
brave him to his face ; and to assure us, that he called not
5 this assembly for any innovation, acknowledging the gover-
ment ecclesiastical, as now it is, to have been approved by
manifold blessings from God himself, both for the increase of
the gospel, and with a most happy and glorious peace ; yet
because nothing could be so absolutely ordered, but some-
10 thing might be added afterward thereunto, and in any state,
as in the body of man, corruptipns might insensibly grow,
either through time or persons ; and in that he had received
many complaints, since his first enterance into the kingdome,
especially through the dissentions in the church, of many
1 5 disorders, as he heard, and much disobedience to the lawes,
with a great falling away to popery ; his purpose therefore
was, like a good physician, to examine and try the complaints,
and fully to remove the occasions thereof, if they prove scan
dalous, or to cure them, if they were dangerous, or, if but
20 frivolous, yet to take knowledge of them, thereby to cast a
sop into Cerberus his mouth, that he may never bark again ; his
meaning being, as he pleased to professe, to give factious
spirits no occasion hereby of boasting or glory, for which
cause he had called the bishops in severally be themselves,
25 not to be confronted by the contrary opponents, that if any
thing should be found meet to be redressed, it might be done,
(which his Majesty twice or thrice, as occasion served, reite
rated) without any visible alteration.
And this was the sum, so far as my dull head could con-
30 ceive and carry it, of his Majesties general speech. In par
ticular he signified unto them the principal matters, why he
called them alone, with whom he would consult about some
special points, wherein himself desired to be satisfied ; these
he reduced to three heads : first, concerning the Book of
35 Common Prayer, and divine service used in this church. Se
cond, excommunication in the ecclesiastical courts. Third,
the providing of fit and able ministers for Ireland.
In the book he required satisfaction about three things.
First, about confirmation; first for the name, if arguing a
The sum and substance of the [DOCUMENTS.
confirming of baptism, as if this sacrament without it were
of no validity, then were it blasphemous : secondly, for the
use, first brought upon this occasion ; infants being baptized,
and answering by their patrini, it was necessary they should
be examined, when they came to yeares of discretion, and 5
after their profession made by themselves, to be confirmed
with a blessing, or prayer of the bishop, laying his hands
upon their heads, abhorring the abuse in popery, where it
was made a sacrament and corroboration to baptism.
The second was for absolution, which how we used it in our 10
Church, he knew not, he had heard it likned to the Popes
pardons, but his majesties opinion was, that, there being only
two kinds thereof from God, the one general, the other
particular : for the first, all prayers and preachings do import
an absolution : for the second, it is to be applied to special 10
parties, who having commited a scandal, and repenting, are
absolved : otherwise, where there precedes not either excom
munication, or penance, there needs no absolution.
The third was private baptism, if private for place, his
majesty thought it agreed with the use of the primitive 20
church ; if for persons, that any but a lawfull minister might
baptize any where, he utterly disliked ; and in this point his
highnesse grew somewhat earnest against the baptizing by
women and laikes.
The second head was excommunication, wherein ho offered 25
two things to be considered of; first, the matter; second,
the person. In the matter, first, whether it were executed
(as it is complained) in light causes ; second, whether it were
not used too often. In the persons, first, why laymen, as
chancellors and commissaries, should do it ? second, why the 30
bishops themselves, for the more dignity to so high and
weighty a censure, should not take unto them, for their
assistants, the dean and chapter, or other ministers, and
chaplains of gravity and account : and so likewise in other
censures, and giving of orders, &c. 5
The last, for Ireland, his majesty referred, as you shall in
the last dayes conference hear, to a consultation. His
highnesse, (to whom I offer great wrong, in being as Phocion
to Demosthenes, KOTH? T&V Aoyau- the hatchet to cut short so
CHAPTER iv.] First day *es Conference. 173
amiable a speech) having ended, the lord arch-bishop, after
that, on his knee, he had signified how much this whole land
was bound to God, for setting over us a king, so wise, learned,
and judicious, addressed himself to enform his majesty of all
5 these points in their several order.
And first, as touching confirmation, he shewed at large the
antiquity of it, as being used in the catholique church ever
since the apostles time, till that of late some particular
churches had unadvisedly rejected it. Then he declared the
10 lawful use of it, agreeable to his majesties former speech,
affirming it to be a meer calumniation, and a very untrue
suggestion, if any had informed his highnesse, that the
Church of England did hold or teach, that without con
firmation, baptism was unperfect, or that it did adde any
i5 thing to the vertue and strength thereof. And this he made
manifest by the rubricks in the communion book set before
confirmation, which were there read.
My lord of London succeeded, saying, that the authority
of confirmation did not depend onely upon the antiquity and
20 practice of the primitive church, which out of Cyprian, Ep. 7<3.
and Hieron. adversus Luciferian. he shewed, but that it was an
institution apostolical, and one of the particular points of the
apostles 1 catechism, set down and named in expresse words,
Heb. vi. 2, and so did Master Calvin expound that very
25 place, who wished earnestly the restitution thereof in those
reformed churches, where it had been abolished. Upon which
place the Bishop of Carleil also insisted, and urged it both
gravely and learnedly. His majesty called for the Bible, read
the place of the Hebrews, and approved the exposition.
30 Something also the Bishop of Durham noted, out of the
Gospel of Saint Matthew, for the imposition of hands upon
children. The conclusion was, for the fuller explanation, that
we make it not a sacrament, or a corroboration to a former
sacrament, " That it should be considered of by their lordships,
35 whether it might not, without alteration (whereof his majesty
was still very wary) be intituled an Examination with a
Confirmation."
Next in order was the point of absolution, which the lord
arch-bishop cleared from all abuse, or superstition, as it is
174 The sum and substance of the [DOCUMENTS.
used in our Church of England : reading unto his Majesty,
both the confession in the beginning of the Communion Book,
and the absolution following it, wherein, (saith he) the minister
doth nothing else but pronounce an absolution in general.
His highnesse perused them both in the book itself, liking 5
and approving them, finding it to be very true, which my
lord arch-bishop said. But the Bishop of London stepping
forward, added, it beconieth us to deal plainly with your
Majesty : there is also in the Communion Book, another
more particular and personal form of absolution, prescribed 10
to be used in the order for the visitation of the sick : this the
King required to see, and whilst master dean of the chapel
was turning to it, the said bishop alleged, that not only the
confessions of Augusta, Boheme, Saxon, which he there cited,
do retain and allow it, but that Master Calvin did also i5
approve such a general kind of confession, and absolution,
as the Church of England useth, and withall, did very well
like of those which are private, for so he terms them. The
said particular absolution in the Common Prayer Book being
read, his Majesty exceedingly well approved it, adding, that it 20
was apostolical, and a very good ordinance, in that it was
given in the name of Christ, to one that desired it, and upon
the clearing of his conscience.
The conclusion was, that it should be consulted of by the
bishops, whether unto the rubrike of the general absolution, 25
these words, remission of sins, might not be added for
explanation sake.
In the third place, the lord arch-bishop proceeded to speak
of private baptism, shewing his Majesty, that the adminis
tration of baptism by women and lay-persons was not allowed 30
in the practice of the Church, but enquired of by bishops in
their visitation, and censured ; neither do the words in the
book inferre any such meaning. Whereunto the King excepted,
urging and pressing the words of the book, that they could
not but intend a permission, and suffering of women, and 3 5
private persons to baptize. Here the Bishop of Worcester
said, that indeed the words were doubtful, and might be
pressed to that meaning, but yet it seemed by the contrary
practice of our Church, (censuring women in this case) that
CHAPTER iv.] first dayes Conference. 175
the compilers of the book did not so intend them, and yet
propounded them ambiguously, because otherwise, perhaps,
the book would not have then passed in the parliament,
(and for this conjecture, as I remember, he cited the testimony
5 of my lord Arch-bishop of York :) whereunto the Bishop of
London replied, that those learned and reverend men, who
framed the book of Common Prayer, intended not by ambi
guous termes to deceive any, but did, indeed, by those words
intend a permission of private persons to baptize in case
10 of necessity, whereof their letters were witnesses ; some parts
whereof he then read, and withall declared that the same was
agreeable to the practice of the antient church; urging to
that purpose, both Act. 2. where 3000. were baptized in one
day, which for the apostles alone to do, was impossible, at
1 5 least improbable ; and besides the apostles, there were then
no bishops or priests : and also the authority of Tertullian,
and Saint Ambrose in the fourth to the Ephesians, plain
in that point, laying also open the absurdities and impieties
of their opinion who think there is no necessity of baptism,
20 which word necessity he so pressed not, as if God without
baptism could not save the child ; but the case put, that the
state of the infant, dying unbaptized, being uncertain, and to
God only known ; but if it die baptized, there is an evident
assurance that it is saved ; who is he that having any
25 religion in him, would not speedily, by any means, procure his
child to be baptized, and rather ground his action upon
Chrises promise, than his omission thereof upon God^s secret
judgement.
His Majesty replied, first to that place of the Acts, that
30 it was an act extraordinary, neither is it sound reasoning
from things done before a church be setled and grounded,
unto those which are to be performed in a church stablished
and flourishing : that he also maintained the necessity of
baptism, and alwaies thought, that the place of S. John,
35 " Nisi quis renatus fuerit ex aqua," &c. \vas meant of the
sacrament of baptism, and that he had so defended it against
some ministers in Scotland, and it may seem strange to
you my lords, saith his Majesty, that I, who now think
you in England give too much to baptism, did 14 moneths
176 TJie sum and substance of the [DOCUMENTS.
ago in Scotland argue with rny divines there for ascribing too
little to that holy sacrament. Insomuch that a pert minister
asked me if I thought baptism so necessary, that if it were
omitted the child should be damned? I answered him, No,
but if you, being called to baptize the child, though privately, 5
should refuse to come, I think you shall be damned. But this
necessity of baptism his Majesty so expounded, that it was
necessary to be had, where it might be lawfully had, id est,
ministred by lawful ministers, by whom alone, and by no
private person, he thought it might not in any case be admi- 10
nistred ; and yet utterly disliked all rebaptization, although
either women or laikes had baptized.
Here the Bishop of Winchester spake very learnedly and
earnestly in that point, affirming, that the denying of private
persons in cases of necessity to baptize, were to cross all anti- i5
quity, seeing that it had been the ancient and common prac
tice of the church, when ministers at such times could not be
got, and that it was also a rule agreed upon among divines,
that the minister is not of the essence of the sacrament.
His majesty answered, though he be not of the essence of the 20
sacrament, yet is he of the essence of the right and lawful
ministry of the sacrament, taking for his ground the commis
sion of Christ to his disciples, Matt, xxviii. 20, " Go preach
and baptize/ 1
The issue was a consultation, whether into the rubrick of 25
private baptism, which leaves it indifferently to all laikes or
clergy, the words, curate or lawful minister, might not be
inserted, which was not so much stuck at by the bishops.
And so his Majesty proceeded to the next point, about ex
communication in causes of lesser moment : first, whether the 30
name might not be altered, and yet the same censure be
retained : or secondly, whether in place of it another coercion
equivalent thereunto might not be invented and thought of.
A thing very easily yielded unto of all sides, because it had
been long and often desired, but could not be obtained from 35
her majesty, who resolved to be still semper eadem, and to
alter nothing which she had once setled.
And thus the Wednesday succeeding being appointed for
the exhibiting of their determinations in these points, and
CHAPTER iv.] second dayes Conference. 177
the Monday next immediately following this present day for
the opponents to bring in their complaints, we were dismissed
after three hours and more spent, which were soon gone;
so admirably, both for understanding, speech, and judgement,
5 did his Majesty handle all those points, sending us away, not
with contentment only, but astonishment, and, which is
pitiful, you will say, with shame to us all, that a king, brought
up among puritans, not the learnedst men in the world, and
schooled by them, swaying a kingdom full of businesse and
10 troubles, naturally given to much exercise and repast, should
in points of divinity shew himself as expedite and perfect, as
the greatest scholars and most industrious students there
present might not out strip him. But this one thing I might
not omit, that his Majesty should professe, howsoever he
1 5 lived among puritans, and was kept, for the most part, as a
ward under them, yet since he was of the age of his sonne,
ten years old, he ever disliked their opinions ; as the Saviour
of the world said, "though he lived among them, he was not
of them/ 1
Finis primce diei.
THE
SECOND DAYES CONFERENCE.
20 ON Monday, January sixteen, between n. and 12. of the
clock, were the 4. plantiffes called into the privy chamber,
(the two bishops of London and Winchester being there
before) and after them all the deanes, and doctors present,
which had been summoned, Patr. Galloway sometime minister
25 of Perth in Scotland, admitted also to be there, the King s
Majesty, entring the chamber, presently took his chair,
placed as the day before, (the noble young prince sitting by
upon a stool,) where making a short, but a pithy and sweet
speech, to the same purpose, which the first day he made,
^0 viz. " Of the end of the conference, meet to be had he said by
every king, at his first entrance to the crown ; not to inno
vate the government presently established, which by long
178 The sum and substance of the [DOCUMENTS.
experience he had found accomplished with so singular
blessings of God, 45. yeares, as that no church upon the face
of the earth more flourished, than this of England. But first
to settle an uniform order through the whole church. Se
condly, to plant unity for the suppressing of papists and 5
enemies to religion. Thirdly, to amend abuses, as natural to
bodies politick, and corrupt man, as the shadow to the body,
which once being entred, hold on as a wheel, his motion once
set going. And because many grievous complaints had been
made to him, since his first entrance into the land, he 10
thought it best to send for some, whom his Majesty under
stood to be the most grave, learned and modest of the
agrieved sort, whom being there present, he was now ready
to hear at large, what they could object or say ;" and so
willed them to begin: whereupon they four kneeling down, 1 5
D. Remolds the foreman, after a short preamble gratulatory,
and signifying his Majesties summons, by vertue whereof
they then and there appeared, reduced all matters disliked,
or questioned, into these four heads.
1 . That the doctrine of the church might be preserved in 20
purity according to God s word.
2. That good pastors might be planted in all churches to
preach the same.
3. That the church government might be sincerely minis-
tred, according to God s word. 25
4. That the Book of Common Prayer might be fitted to
more increase of piety.
I. For the first, he moved his Majesty, that the book of
Articles of Religion, concluded 1562, might be explained in
places obscure, and enlarged where some things were defec- 3
tive. For example, whereas Art. 16. the words are these :
" after we have received the Holy Ghost, we may depart
from grace :" notwithstanding the meaning be sound, yet he
desired that, because they may seem to be contrary to the
doctrine of God s predestination and election in the 17.35
Article, both those words might be explained with this, or
the like addition, "yet neither totally nor finally; 11 and also that
the nine assertions orthodoxal, as he termed them, concluded
upon at Lambeth, might be inserted into that book of Articles.
CHAPTER iv.] second day es Conference. 179
II. Secondly, where it is said in the 23. Article, that it is
not lawful for any man to take upon him the office of
preaching or administring the sacraments in the congrega
tion, before he be lawfully called, D. Remolds took exception to
5 these words in the congregation," as implying a lawfulnesse
for any man whatsoever, out of the congregation, to preach
and administer the sacraments ; though he had no lawful
calling thereunto.
III. Thirdly, in the 25. Article, these words touching con-
10 firmation, "grown partly of the corrupt following the apostles,"
being opposite to those in the collect of confirmation in the
Communion Book, "upon whom after the example of the
apostles," argue, saith he, a contrariety each to other ; the
first, confessing confirmation to be a depraved imitation of
1 5 the apostles ; the second, grounding it upon their example,
Act. 8. and 9. as if the bishop in confirming of children, did
by his imposing of hands, as the apostles in those places,
give the visible graces of the Holy Ghost; and therefore he
desired that both the contradiction might be considered, and
20 this ground of confirmation examined.
Thus farre Doctor Remolds went on without any interrup
tion : but here, as he was proceeding, the Bishop of London,
much moved to hear these men, who some of them the
evening before, and the same morning, had made semblance
25 of joyning with the bishops, and that they sought for nothing
but unity, now strike to overthrow, (if they could) all at once,
cut him off, and kneeling down, most humbly desired his
Majesty, first, that the ancient canon might be remembred,
which saith, that " Schismatici contra episcopos non sunt
30 audiendi." Secondly, that if any of these parties were in the
number of the thousand ministers, who had once subscribed
to the Communion Book, and yet had lately exhibited a peti
tion to his Majesty against it, they might be removed and
not heard, according to the decree of a very ancient councel,
35 providing that no man should be admitted to speak against
that whereto he had formerly subscribed.
Thirdly, he put D. Reinolds and his associates in minde,
how much they were bound to his Majesties exceeding great
clemency, in that they were permitted, contrary to the
180 The sum and substance of the [DOCUMENTS.
stautte i Eliz. to speak so freely against the liturgy and dis
cipline established. Lastly, forasmuch as that he perceived
they tooke a course tending to the utter overthrow of the
orders of the church, thus long continued, he desired to know
the end which they aimed at, alleging a place out of Master 5
Cartwright, affirming that we ought rather to conform our
selves in orders and ceremonies to the fashion of the Turks,
than to the Papists; which position he doubted they ap
proved, because, contrary to the orders of the universities,
they appeared before his Majesty in Turky gownes, not in 10
their scholastical habits, sorting to their degrees.
His Majesty perceiving my lord of London to speak in
some passion, said, that there was in it something which he
might excuse, somthing that he did mislike: excuse his
passion he might, thinking he had just cause to be so moved i5
both in respect that they did thus traduce the present well
setled church government ; and also did proceed in so indi
rect a course, contrary to their own pretence, and the intent
of that meeting also : yet he misliked his sudden interruption
of D. Reinolds whom he should have suffered to have taken his 20
course and liberty, concluding, that there is no order, nor can
be any effectual issue of disputation, if each party might not
be suffered, without chopping, to speak at large what he
would. And therefore willed that either the doctors should
proceed, or that the bishop would frame his answer to these 25
motions already made : although, saith his Majesty, some of
them are very needlesse. It was thought fitter to answer, lest
the number of objections increasing, the answers would prove
confused.
Upon the first motion, concerning falling from grace ; the 30
Bishop of London took occasion to signifie to his Majesty,
how very many in these daies, neglecting holinesse of life,
presumed too much of persisting of grace, laying all their
religion upon predestination, If I shall be saved, I shall be
saved ; which he termed a desperate doctrine, shewing it to 36
be contrary to good divinity, and the true doctrine of pre
destination, wherein we should reason rather ascendendo, than
descendendo, thus ; " I live in obedience to God, in love with
my neighbour, I follow my vocation, &c., therefore I trust
CHAPTER iv.] second day es Conference. 181
that God hath elected me, and predestinated me to salva
tion :" not thus, which is the usual course of argument,
" God hath predestinated and chosen me to life, therefore
though I sin never so grievously, yet I shall not be damned :
5 for whom he once loveth, he loveth to the end." Where
upon he shewed his Majesty out of the next Article, what
was the doctrine of the Church of England, touching predes
tination, in the very last paragraph, sell. " We must receive
God s promises, in such wise, as they be generally set forth to
10 us in holy Scripture; and in our doings, that will of God
is to be followed which we have expressly declared unto us
in the word of God :" which part of the article his Majesty
very well approved, and after he had, after his manner, very
singularly discoursed on that place of Paul, " Work out your
1 5 salvation with fear and trembling," he left it to be considered
whether any thing were mete to be added, for the clearing of
the doctor his doubt by putting in the word often, or the
like, as thus, " We may often depart from grace ;" but in the
mean time, wished that the doctrine of predestination might
20 be very tenderly handled, and with great discretion, lest on
the one side, God s omni potency might be called in question,
by impeaching the doctrine of his eternal predestination, or
on the other, a desperate presumption might be arreared, by
inferring the necessary certainty of standing and persisting in
25 grace.
To the second it was answered, that it was a vain objec
tion, because, by the doctrine and practice of the Church of
England, none but a licenced minister might preach, nor
either publikely or privately administred the eucharist, or
30 the Lord s supper. And as for private baptism, his Majesty
answered, that he had taken order for that with the bishops
already.
In the third point (which was about confirmation) was
observed either curiosity or malice, because the article which
3.5 was there presently read, in those words ; " These five com
monly called sacraments, that is to say, confirmation, pe
nance, orders, &c. are not to be accounted for sacraments of
the gospel, being such as have grown partly of the corrupt
following the apostles," Sec., insinuateth that the making of
N3
182 The sum and substance of the [DOCUMENTS.
confirmation to be a sacrament is a corrupt imitation; but
the Communion Book, aiming at the right use and proper
course thereof, makes it to be according to the apostles
example ; which his Majesty observing, and reading both the
places, concluded the objection to be a meer cavil. And this 5
was for the pretended contradiction.
Now for the ground thereof the Bishop of London added, that
it was not so much founded upon the places in the Acts of the
Apostles, which some of the Fathers had often shewed ; but
upon Heb. vi. 2, where it is made, as the first day he had 10
said, a part of the apostles catechism ; which was the opinion,
besides the judgment of the holy Fathers, of Master Calvin,
and D. Fulke, the one upon Heb. vi. 2. as upon Saturday he
had declared ; the other upon Acts viii. vers. 27, where with
St. Augustine, he saith that we do not in any wise mislike i5
that antient ceremonie (of imposition of hands, for strength-
ning and confirming such as had been baptized,,) but use it
in our selves, being nothing else, but as St. Austen affirmeth,
prayer over a man to be strengthened and confirmed by the
Holy Ghost ; or to receive increase of the gifts of the Holy 20
Ghost, as Saint Ambrose saith ; and a little after alludeth
unto Heb. vi. 2, Sec. Neither need there any great proof of
this (saith my lord) . For confirmation to be unlawful, it was not
their opinion who objected this, as he supposed ; this was
it that vexed them, that they had not the use thereof in their 25
own hands, every pastor in his parish to confirm, for then it
would be accounted an apostolical institution ; and willed
Doctor Remolds to speak herein what he thought: who seemed
to yield thereunto, replying that some diocesse of a bishop
having therein six hundred parish churches (which number 30
caused the Bishop of London to think himself personally
touched, because in his diocesse there are 609, or there
abouts) it was a thing very inconvenient to commit confirm
ation unto the bishop alone, supposing it impossible that he
could take due examination of them all which came to be 35
confirmed. To the fact my lord of London answered, for his
Majesties information, that the bishops in their visitations
give out notice to them who are desirous either to be them
selves or to have their children confirmed, of the place where
CHAPTER iv.] second dayes Conference. 183
they will be; and appoint either their chaplaines or some
other ministers to examine them which are to be confirmed,
and lightly confirm none, but either by the testimony or report
of the parsons or curates where the children are bred and
5 brought up. To the opinion he replied, that none of all the
Fathers ever admited any to confirm but bishops alone ; yea
even Saint Jerome himself, though otherwise no friend to
bishops, by reason of a quarrel between the Bishop of Jeru
salem and him, yet confesseth that the execution thereof was
10 restrained to bishops only, "Ad honorem potius sacerdotii,
quam ad legis necessitatem." Whereof, namely of this pre
rogative of bishops, he giveth this reason, " Ecclesiae salus in
summi sacerdotis dignitate pendit ; cui si non exors qusedam
& ab omnibus eminens detur potestas, tot in ecclesiis effice-
iSrentur scismata, quot sacerdotes." My lord bishop of
Winchester chalenged Doctor Reynolds, willing him, of his
learning, to shew where ever he had read, that confirmation
was at all used in ancient times by any other but bishops ;
and added withall, that it was used partly to examine chil-
20 dren, and after examination, by imposition of hands (which
was a ceremonie of blessing among the Jews) to blesse them
and pray over them : and partly to try whether they had
been baptized in the right form or no. For in former ages
baptism was administred in divers sorts : some gave it " In
25 nomine Patris & Filii," &c. Others, " In nomine Patris ma-
joris, & Filii minoris," as the Arrians did ; some, " In nomine
Patris per Filium, in Spiritu Sancto ;" others not in the name
of the Trinity, but in the death of Christ, &c. Whereupon
catholick bishops were constrained to examin them who
3 were baptized " in remotis," far from them, how they were
taught to believe concerning baptism; if it were right, to
confirm them ; if amisse, to instruct them.
His Majesty concluded this point, first by taxing Saint
Jerome for his assertion, that a bishop was not divince ordi-
&nationis (the Bishop of London thereupon inserting, that
unlesse he could prove his ordination lawful out of the Scrip
tures, he would not be a bishop 4 hours.) Which opinion
his Majesty much distasted, approving their calling and use
in the church, and closed it up with this short aphorism,
N 4
184 The sum and substance of the [DOCUMENTS.
"No bishop, no king." Secondly, for confirmation, his highnesse
thought, that it sorted neither with the authority nor decency
of the same, that every ordinary pastor should do it : and
therefore said, that for his part, he meant not to take that
from the bishops, which they had so long retained and 5
injoyed ; seeing, as it pleased him to adde, as great reason
that none should confirm without the bishop s licence, as none
should preach without his licence; and so referring, as the
day before, the word examination to be added to the rubrick
in the title of confirmation in the Communion Book, if it 10
were thought good so to do, he willed Doctor Remolds to
proceed.
Who, after that he had deprecated the imputation of
schism, with a protestation that he meant not to gall any
man, goeth on to the 37. article, wherein he said these words, i5
" The bishop of Rome hath no authority in this land," not
to be sufficient, unlesse it were added, " nor ought to have."
Whereat his majesty heartily laughed, and so did the lords :
the king adding an answer, which the rhetoricians call epw-
Tfjfjia cA-e yxiKoj; ; What speak you of the pope s authority 20
here ? " Habemus jure quod habemus ;" and therefore, in
as much as it is said, he hath not, it is plain enough, that he
ought not to have.
This, and some other motions, seeming to the king and
lords very frivolous, occasion was taken, in some by-talk, to 25
remember a certain description, which Master Butler of
Cambridge made of a puritan, viz. A puritan is a protestant
frayed out of his wits. But my lord of London there
seriously put his Majesty in mind of the speeches, which the
French embassadour Master Rogne gave out concerning our 30
church of England, both at Canterbury after his arrival, and
after at the court, upon the view of our solemn service and
ceremonies ; namely, that if the reformed churches in France
had kept the same orders among them which we have, he
was assured that there would have been many thousands of 35
protestants more there, than now there are ; and yet our
men stumble and strain at these petty quillets, thereby to
disturb and disgrace the whole church.
V. After this, the doctor moved that this proposition,
CHAPTER iv.] second day *es Conference. 185
" The intention of the minister is not of the essence of the
sacrament," might be added unto the book of articles, the
rather, because that some in England had preached it to be
essential And here again he remembred the nine orthodoxal
5 assertions concluded at Lambeth. His Majesty utterly dis
liked that first part of the motion for two reasons : first, think
ing it unfit to thrust into the book every position negative,
which would both make the book swell into a volume as big
as the Bible, and also confound the reader : bringing for ex-
10 ample the course of one Master Craig in the like case in
Scotland, who with his, I renounce and abhor, his detestations
and abrenunciations, did so amaze the simple people, that they,
not able to conceive all those things, utterly gave over all,
falling back to popery, or remaining still in their former
i5 ignorance. Yea, if I, said his Majesty, should have been
bound to his form, the confession of my faith must have been
in my table-book, not in my head. But because you speak of
intention, saith his highnesse, I will apply it thus : if you
come hither with a good intention, to be informed, and satis-
20 fied where you shall find just cause, the whole work will sort
to the better effect ; but if your intention be to go as you
came (whatsoever shall be said), it will prove that the in
tention is very material, and essential to the end of this pre
sent action. To the other part for the nine assertions, his
25 majesty could not suddenly answer, because he understood
not what the doctor meant by those assertions or propositions
at Lambeth ; but when it was informed his majesty, that by
reason of some controversies, arising in Cambridge, about
certain points of divinity, my lords grace assembled some
30 divines of especial note, to set down their opinions, which
they drew into nine assertions, and so sent them to the uni
versity, for the appeasing of those quarrels ; then his Majesty
answered ; first, that when such questions arise among
scholars, the quietest proceeding were, to determine them in
3 5the universities, and not to stuff the book with all con
clusions theological. Secondly, the better course would be to
punish the broachers of false doctrine, as occasion should be
offered : for were the articles never so many and sound, who
can prevent the contrary opinions of men till they be heard ?
186 The sum and substance of the [DOCUMENTS.
Upon this the dean of Paule s kneeling down, humbly desired
leave to speak, signifying unto his Majesty, that this matter
somewhat more nearly concerned him, by reason of a contro-
versie between him and some other in Cambridge, upon a pro
position which he had deliverd there ; namely, that whosoever 5
(although before justified) did commit any grievous sin, as adul
tery, murder, treason, or the like, did become, ipso facto, subject
to God s wrath, and guilty of damnation, or were in state of
damnation, (quoad pro* sentem statum,) untill they repented; add
ing hereunto, that those which were called or justified accord- 10
ing to the purpose of God s election, howsoever they might, and
did sometimes fall into grievous sins, and thereby into the pre
sent state of wrath and damnation, yet did never fall, either
totally from all the graces of God, to be utterly destitute of
all the parts and seed thereof, nor finally from justification, i5
but were in time renewed by God s Spirit unto a lively faith
and repentance ; and so justified from those sins, and the
wrath, curse and guilt annexed thereunto, whereinto they
are fallen, and wherein they lay, so long as they were without
true repentance for the same. Against which doctrine, he 20
said, that some had opposed, teaching, that all such persons
as were once truely justified, though after they fell into never
so grievous sins, yet remained still just, or in the state of
justification, before they actually repented of those sins ; yea,
and though they never repented of them, through forgetful- 2 5
nesse or sudden death, yet they should be justified and saved
without repentance. In utter dislike of this doctrine, his
Majesty entred into a longer speech of predestination, and
reprobation, than before, and of the necessary conjoyning
repentance and holinesse of life with true faith : concluding, 3
that it was hypocrisie, and not true justifying faith, which was
severed from them : for although predestination and election
depend not upon any qualities, actions, or works of man,
which be mutable, but upon God his eternal and immutable
decree and purpose ; yet such is the necessity of repentance, 3$
after known sins committed, as that, without it, there could
not be either reconciliation with God or remission of those
sins.
Next to this, Doctor Eeinolds complained, that the cate-
CHAPTER iv.] second dayes Conference. 187
chism in the Common Prayer Book was too brief; for which
one by Master Nowel, late dean of Paul s, was added, and
that too long for young novices to learn by heart : requested
therefore, that one uniform catechism might be made, which,
5 and none other, might be generally received ; it was de
manded of him, whether, if to the short catechism in the
Communion Book something were added for the doctrine of
the sacrament, it would not serve ? His Majesty thought the
doctor s request very reasonable : but yet so, that" he would
10 have a catechism in the fewest and plainest affirmative terms
that may be : taxing withal the number of ignorant cate
chisms set out in Scotland, by every one that was the son of
a good man ; insomuch, as that which was catechism doc
trine in one congregation, was in another scarcely accepted as
1 5 sound and orthodox ; wished, therefore, one to be made and
agreed upon, adding this excellent gnomical and canon-like
conclusion, that in reforming of a church he would have two
rules observed : first, that old, curious, deep and intricate
questions might be avoided in the fundamental instruction of
20 a people : secondly, that there should not be any such de
parture from the papists in all things, as that because we in
some points agree with them, therefore we should be ac
counted to be in error.
To the former, Doctor Reinolds did adde the prophanation
25 of the Sabbath day, and contempt of his Majesties proclama
tion, made for the reforming of that abuse; of which he
earnestly desired a straighter course for reformation thereof,
and unto this he found a general and unanimous assent.
VII. After that, he moved his Majesty, that there might be a
30 new translation of the Bible, because those which were
allowed in the reign of king Henry the Eight, and Edward
the Sixt, were corrupt, and not answerable to the truth of
the original. For example, first, Galatians iv. 25. the Greek
word <rv<TToi\ti is not well translated, as now it is ; borderet/i,
36 neither expressing the force of the word, nor the apostles
sence, nor the situation of the place.
Secondly, Psalm cv. 28, " They were not obedient ; " the
original being. " They were not disobedient."
Thirdly, Psalm cvi. 30, "Then stood up Phinees and prayed,"
188 The sum and substance of the [DOCUMENTS.
the Hebrew hath, " executed judgment." To which motion,
there was, at the present, no gainsaying, the objections being
trivial, and old, and already in print, often answered ; only
my lord of London well added, that if every man s humour
should be followed, there would be no end of translating. 5
Whereupon his highnesse wished, that some special paines
should be taken in that behalf for one uniform translation
(professing that he could never, yet, see a Bible well trans
lated in English, but the worst of all his Majesty thought the
Geneva to be) and this to be done by the best learned in 10
both the universities ; after them to be reviewed by the
bishops, and the chief learned of the church ; from them to
be presented to the privy councel ; and lastly, to be ratified
by his royal authority. And so this whole church to be
bound unto it, and none other. Marry, withall, he gave this i5
caveat (upon a word cast out by my lord of London) that no
marginal notes should be added, having found in them which
are annexed to the Geneva translation (which he saw in a
Bible given him by an English lady) some notes very partial,
untrue, seditious, and savouring too much of dangerous, and 20
traiterous conceits. As for example, the first chapter of
Exodus and the nineteenth verse, where the marginal note
alloweth disobedience unto kings. And 2 Chron. xv. 16, the
note taxcth Asa for deposing his mother, only, and not killing
her : and so concludeth this point as all the rest, with a grave 25
and judicious advice. First, that errors in matters of faith
might be rectified and amended. Secondly, that matters in
different might rather be interpreted, and a glosse added ; al
leging from Bartolus de regno, that, as better a king with
some weaknesse, than still a change ; so rather a church with 30
some faults, than an innovation. And surely, saith his Ma
jesty, if these be the greatest matters you be grieved with, I
need not have been troubled with such importunities and com
plaints, as have been made unto me ; some other more
private course might have been taken for your satisfaction, 35
and withall, looking upon the lords, he shook his head,
smiling.
VIII. The last point (noted by Doctor Remolds) in this first
head, for doctrine, was, that unlawful and seditious books
CHAPTER iv.] second daycs Conference. 189
might be suppressed, at least restrained, and imparted to a
few : for by the liberty of publishing such books so commonly,
many young scholars and unsetled minds in both universities,
and through the whole realm, were corrupted and perverted ;
5 naming for one instance, that book entitled, " De jure Ma-
gistratus in Subditos," published of late by Ficlerus a papist,
and applied against the queen s majesty that last was, for the
pope. The Bishop of London supposing, as it seemed, himself
to be principally aimed at, answered, first, to the general,
10 that there was no such licentious divulging of those books, as
he imagined, or complained of, and that none, except it were
such as Doctor Remolds (who were supposed, would confute
them,) had liberty by authority to buy them : again, such
books came into the realm by many secret conveiances, so
1 5 that there could not be a perfect notice had of their impor
tation : secondly, to the particular instance of Ficlerus, he
said, that the author " De jure," &c. was a great disciplinarian ;
whereby it did appear, what advantage that sort gave unto
the papists, who mutatis per sonis, could apply their own argu-
20 ments against princes of the religion : but for his own part
he said, he detested both the author, and the applier alike.
My lord Cicill here taxing also the unlimited liberty of the
dispersing and divulging these popish and seditious pam
phlets, both in Paul s Church-yard, and the universities, in-
25 stanced one lately set forth, and published ; namely, * Spe
culum Tragicum," which both his majesty and the Lord H.
Howard, now Earl of Northampton, termed a dangerous book
both for matter and intention : and the lord chancellor, also
dividing all such books into Latine and English, concluded,
30 that these last, dispersed, did most harm : yet the lord se-
cretarie affirmed, that my lord of London had done therein
what might be, for the suppressing of them ; and that he
knew no man else, had done any thing in that kind but he.
At length, it pleased his excellent Majesty, to tell Doctor
35 Remolds that he was a better college-man than a states man :
for if his meaning were, to tax the Bishop of London, for suf
fering those books, between the secular priests and Jesuites,
lately published, so freely to passe abroad ; his Majesty
would have him and his associates to know, and willed them
190 TJie sum and substance of the [DOCUMENTS.
also to acquaint their adherents and friends abroad there
with, that the said bishop was much injured and slandered in
that behalf, who did nothing therein, but by warrant from the
lords of the councel, whereby, both a schism between them
was nourished, and also his Majesties own cause and title 5
handled : the lord Cicil affirming thereunto, that therefore
they were tolerated, because, in them, was the title of Spain
confuted.
The lord treasurer added, that Doctor Remolds might
have observed another use of those bookes, viz. that now by 10
the testimony of those priests themselves, her late majesty
and the state were cleared of that imputation, of putting
papists to death for their consciences only, and for their
religion, seeing, in those books, they themselves confess, that
they were executed for treason. Doctor Remolds excused i5
himself, expounding his complaint, not meant of such books,
as had been printed in England, but such as came from
beyond the seas, as commentaries both in philosophy and
divinity. And these were the parts of the first head, concern
ing purity of doctrine. 20
TOUCHING PASTORS, RESIDENT, LEARNED.
To the second general point concerning the planting of mi
nisters learned in every parish : it pleased his Majesty to
answer, that he had consulted with his bishops about that,
whom he found willing and ready to second him in it : inveigh- 26
ing herein, against the negligence and carelesnesse, which he
heard of many in this land ; but, as subita evacuatio, was peri-
culosa^ so subita mutatio. Therefore this matter was not for
a present resolution, because to appoint to every parish a suf
ficient minister were impossible, the universities would not 30
afford them. Again, he had found already, that he had more
learned men in this realm, than he had sufficient maintenance
for; so that maintenance must first be provided, and then
the other to be required : in the mean time, ignorant minis
ters, if young, to be removed, if there were no hope of their 35
amendment ; if old, their death must be expected, that the
next course may be better supplied : and so concluded this
CHAPTER iv.] second dayes Conference. 191
point, with a most religious and zealous protestation, of doing
something dayly in this case, because Jerusalem could not be
built up in a day. The Bishop of Winchester made known
to the King, that this insufficiency of the clergy, be it as it is,
5 comes not by the bishops" defaults, but partly by lay patrons,
who present very mean men to their cures ; whereof, in him
self, he shewed an instance, how that since his being Bishop
of Winchester, very few masters of arts were presented to
good benefices : partly, by the law of the land, which ad-
10 mitteth of a very mean tolerable sufficiency in any clerk, so
that if the bishop should not admit them, then presently a
quare impedit is sent out against him.
Here my lord of London, kneeling, humbly desired his
Majesty (because he saw, a"s he said, it was a time of moving
1 5 petitions) that he might have leave to make two or three.
First, that there might be amongst us, a praying ministery
another while ; for whereas there are in the ministery
many excellent duties to be performed, as the absolving of
the penitent, praying for, and blessing of the people, adminis-
20 tring of the sacraments, and the like ; it is come to that
passe now, that some sort of men thought it the only duty
required of a minister, to spend the time in speaking out of a
pulpit ; sometimes, God wot, very undiscreetly and unlearn-
edly ; and this, with so great injury and prejudice to the
25 celebration of divine service, that some ministers would be
content to walk in the church-yard, till sermon time, rather
than to be present at publick prayer. He confessed, that in
a church new to be planted, preaching was most necessary ;
but among us, now long established in the faith, he thought
3 it not the only necessary duty to be performed, and the other
to be so profanely neglected and contemned. Which motion
his Majesty liked exceeding well, very acutely taxing the
hypocrisie of our times, which placeth all religion in the ear,
through which there is an easy passage ; but prayer, which
35expresseth the hearts affection, and is the true devotion of
the mind, as a matter putting us to overmuch trouble
(wherein there concurre, if^ prayer be as it ought, an un-
partial consideration for our own estates, a due examination
to whom we pray, an humble confession of our sins, with an
192 The sum and substance of the [DOCUMENTS.
hearty sorrow for them, and repentance not severed from
faith) is accounted and used as the least part of religion.
The second was, that till such time as learned and suffi
cient men might be planted in every congregation, that godly
homilies might be read, and the number of them increased, 5
and that the opponents would labour to bring them into
credit again, as formerly they brought them into contempt.
Every man, saith he, that can pronounce well cannot indite
well.
The King s Majesty approved this motion,especially where 10
the living is not sufficient for maintenance of a learned
preacher ; as also in places where plenty of sermons are, as
in the city and great townes. In the countrey villages
where preachers are not near together, he could wish preach
ing ; but where there are a multitude of sermons, there he i5
would have homilies to be read divers times : and therein he
asked the assent of the plaintiffs, and they confesse it. A
preaching ministery, saith his majesty, was best, but where
it might not be had, godly prayers and exhortations did
much good. That that may be done, let it, and let the rest 20
that cannot, be tolerated. Somewhat was here spoken by
the lord chancellor of livings rather wanting learned men
than learned men livings; many in the universities pining,
masters, batchelors, and upwards: wishing, therefore, that
some might have single coats, before other had dublets : and 25
here his lordship shewed the course that he had ever taken
in bestowing the king s benefices ; my lord of London, com
mending his honourable care that way, withall excepted that
a dublet was necessary in cold weather : the lord chancellor
replied, that he did it not for dislike of the liberty of our 30
church, in granting one man two benefices, but out of his
own private purpose and practice, grounded upon the foresaid
reason.
The last motion by my lord of London was, that pulpits
might not be made pasquils, wherein every humorous or dis-s5
contented fellow might traduce his superiors. Which the
king very graciously accepted, exceedingly reproving that as
a lewd custome ; threat ning, that if he should but hear of
such a one in a pulpit he would make him an example : con-
CHAPTER iv.] second daycs conference. 193
eluding with a sage admonition to the opponents, that every
man should solicite and draw his friends to make peace, and
if any thing were amisse in the church officers, not to make
the pulpit the place of personal reproof, but to let his majesty
5 hear of it : yet by degrees.
First, let complaint be to the ordinary of the place, from
him to go to the arch-bishop ; from him to the lords of his
Majesties counsel, and from them, if in all these places no
remedy is found, to his own self. Which caveat his majesty
10 put in, for that the bishop of London had told him, that if
he left himself open to admit of all complaints, neither his
majesty should ever be quiet, nor his under-officers regarded :
seeing that now already no fault can be censured, but pre
sently the delinquent threatneth a complaint to the king : and
1 5 for an instance, he added, how a printer, whom he had taken
faulty, very lately answered him in that very kind.
Doctor Rein, commeth now to subscription, (which concern-
eth the fourth general head, as he first propounded it, namely,
the Communion Book,) taking occasion to leap into it here,
20 as making the urging of it to be a great impeachment to a
learned ministery, and therefore intreated it might not be
exacted as heretofore, for which many good men were kept
out, other removed, and many disquieted. To subscribe
according to the statutes of the realm, namely, to the Articles
25 of religion, and the king^s supremacy, they were not un
willing. The reason of their backwardnesse to subscribe
otherwise was, first the books apocryphal, which the Common
Prayer Book injoined to be read in the church ; albeit there
are, in some of those chapters appointed, manifest errors,
3 directly repugnant to the scriptures : the particular instance
which he then inferred was, Ecclus. xlviii. 10. where he
charged the author of that book to have held the same
opinion with the Jewes at this day, namely, that Elias, in per
son, was to come before Christ, and therefore as yet Christ,
3 5 by that reason, not come in the flesh ; and so, consequently,
it implied a denial of the chief article of our redemption. His
reason of thus charging the author was, because that Ecclus.
used the very word of Elias in person, which the prophet
Malachy, cap. iv. doth apply to an Elias in resemblance,
194 The sum and substance of the [DOCUMENTS.
which both an angel, Luke xix. and our Saviour Christ,
Matt. xi. did interpret to be John Baptist. The answer was,
as the objection, twofold. First, general, for apocrypha
books ; the Bishop of London shewing, first, for the antiquity
of them, that the most of the objections made against those 5
books were the old cavils of the Jewes, renewed by Saint
Jerome in his time, who was the first that gave them the
name of apocrypha, which opinion, upon Ruffinus his chal
lenge, he, after a sort, disclaimed, the rather, because a
general offence was taken at his speeches in that kind, first, 10
for the continuance of them in the church out of Kimedon-
cius and Chemnitius, two modern writers.
The Bishop of Winton remembred the distinction of Saint
Jerome, " Canonici sunt ad informandos mores, non ad con-
firmandam fidem," which distinction, he said, must be held i5
for the justifying of sundry councels. His Majesty in the
end said, he would take an even order between both, affirm
ing, that he would not wish all canonical books to be read in
the church, unlesse there were one to interpret, nor any
apocrypha at all, wherein there was any error, but for 20
the other, which were clear, and correspondent to the scrip
tures, he would have them read ; for else, saith his Majesty,
why were they printed ? And therein shewed the use of the
books of Machabees, very good to make up the story of the
persecution of the Jewes ; but not to teach a man either to 25
sacrifize for the dead, or to kill himself.
And here his highnesse arose from his chair^ and withdrew
himself into his inner chamber a little space: in the mean
time a great questioning was amongst the lords, about that
place of Ecclus., with which, as if it had been their rest and 3
upshot, they began a fresh at his Majestie s return ; who,
seeing them so to urge it and stand upon it, calling for a
Bible, first shewed the author of that book, who he was,
then the cause why he wrote that book, next analyzed the
chapter it self, shewing the precedents and consequents 3$
thereof; lastly, so exactly and divine like, unfolded the
summe of that place, arguing, and demonstrating, that what
soever Ben Sirach had said there of Elias, Elias had in his
own person, while he lived, performed and accomplished, so
CHAPTER iv.] second day es conference a 135
that the susurrus, at the first mention, was not so great, as
the astonishment was now at the King his sudden and sound,
and -indeed so admirable an interpretation ; concluding, first,
with a serious check to Doctor Remolds, that it was not good
5 to impose upon a man that was dead a sense never meant by
him : secondly, with a pleasant apostrophe to the lords ;
What, trow ye, make these men so angry with Ecclesiasticus 2
By my soul, I think he was a bishop, or else they would never
use him so. But for the general, it was appointed by his
10 Majesty, that Doctor Rein, should note those chapters in
the Apocrypha books where those offensive places were, and
should bring them unto the lord Arch-bishop of Canterb.
against Wednesday next, and so he was willing to go on.
The next scruple against subscription was, that old " Orambe
15 bis posita," that in the Common Prayer Book it is twice set
down, " Jesus said to his disciples ;*" when as by the original
text it is plain, that he spake to the Pharisees. To which
it was answered, that for ought that could appear by the
places, he might speak as well to his disciples, they being
20 present, as to the Pharisees. But his Majesty, keeping an
even hand, willed that the word disciples should be omitted^
and the words Jesus said to be printed in a different letter,
that might appear not to be a part of the text.
The third objection against subscription were interroga-
25 tories in baptism, propounded to infants, which being a pro
found point was put upon Master Knewstubs to pursue :
who in a long and perplexed speech said something out of
Austen, that baptizare was credere, but what it was his
Majesty plainly confessed, Ego non intelligo, and asked the
30 lords what they thought he meant; it seemed that one pre
sent conceived him, for he standing at his back, bad him urge
the punct, urge that punct, that is a good point. My lord of
Wintop, aiming at his meaning, shewed him the use thereof
out of Saint Austen, and added the Father s reason for it,
3 5 " Qui peccavit in altero, credat in altero ;" which was seconded
by his Majesty, (whom it pleased, for the rest of the matters
which followed, himself alone to answer, and justly might he
appropriate it to himself, for none present were able with
o 2
196 The sum and substance of the [DOCUMENTS.
quicker conceit to understand, with a more singular dexterity
to refute, with a more judicious resolution to determine, than
his Majesty : herein being more admirable, that these points,
wherein some thought him prejudicial to the contrary, all of
us supposed him to have been but a stranger to them, 5
he could so intelligently apprehend, and so readily argue
about them,) it was, I say, seconded by his Majesty ; first,
By reason that the question should be propounded to the
party whom it principally concerned.
Secondly, by example of himself, to whom interrogatories 10
were propounded when he was crowned in his infancy King
of Scotland.
And here his Majesty (as hereafter at the end of every
objection he did) asked them whether they had any more
to say. 1 5
Master Knewstubs took exceptions to the cross in baptism,
being in number two.
First, the offence of weak brethren, grounded upon the
words of Saint Paul, Bom. xiv. and i Cor. viii., viz. " the
consciences of the weak not to be offended :" which places his 20
excellent Majesty answered most accutely, beginning with
that general rule of the Fathers : " Distingue tempora, et
concordabunt scripturse." Shewing here the difference of
those times and ours, then a church not fully planted nor
setled, but ours long established and flourishing ; then 25
Christians newly called from paganism, and not throughly
grounded, which is not the case of this church, seeing that
heathenish doctrine, for many years, hath been hence aban
doned.
Secondly, with a question unanswerable, asking them how 30
long they would be weak ? whether 45 yeares were not suffi
cient for them to grow strong ? Thirdly, who they were pre
tended this weaknesse ? for we, saith the King, require not
now subscription of laiks and idiots, but preachers and minis
ters, who are not still, I trow, to be fed with milk, but are 3$
enabled to feed others.
Fourthly, that it was to be doubted some of them were
strong enough, if not head-strong, and howsoever they in this
CHAPTER iv.] second dayes conference. 197
case pretended weakness, yet some, in whose behalf they now
spake, thought themselves able to teach him and all the
bishops of the land.
His objection against the cross consisted of three interro-
5 gatories ; first, whether the church had power to institute an
external significant sign ? to which was replied ; first, that he
mistook the use of the crosse with us, which was not used in
baptism any otherwise than only as ceremony.
Secondly, by their own example,, who make imposition
i oof hands in their ordination of pastors to be a sign sig
nificant.
Thirdly, in prayer, saith the bishop of Winton, the kneel
ing on the ground, the lifting up of our hands, the knocking
of our breasts, are ceremonies significant ; the first, of our
1 5 humility coming before the mighty God ; the second, of our
confidence and hope ; the other, of our sorrow and detesta
tion of our sins ; and these are, and may lawfully be used.
Lastly, M. Dean of the chapel remembred the practise of the
Jews, who unto the institution of the Passeover, prescribed
20 unto them by Moses, had, as the Rabbins witnesse, added
both signes and words, eating sowre herbs, and drinking
wine, with these words to both, " take and eat these in
remembrance," &c. ; " drink this in remembrance," &c. Upon
which addition and tradition of theirs, our Saviour instituted
25 the sacrament of his last supper, in celebrating it with the
same words and after the same manner ; thereby approving
that fact of theirs in particular, and generally, that a church
may institute and retain a signe significant : which satisfied
his Majesty exceeding well.
30 And here the King desired to have himself made acquainted
about the antiquity of the use of the crosse, which Doctor
Reynolds confessed to have been ever since the apostles
times ; but this was the difficulty, to prove it of that ancient
use in baptism. For that at their going abroad, or entering
35 into the Church, or at their prayers and benedictions, it was
used by the ancients, desired no great proof : but whether in
baptism antiquity approved it, was the doubt cast in by
M. Deane of Sarum, whom his Majesty singled out, with a
special encomion, that he was a man well travelled in the
o 3
198 The sum and substance of the [DOCUMENTS.
ancients : which doubt was answered, obsignatis tabulis, by
the Dean of Westminster, (whom the King s Majesty, upon
my lord of London s motion, willed to speak to that
point) out of Tertullian, Cyprian, Origen, and others, that it
was used in immortali lavacro : which words being a little 5
descanted, it fell from one, I think it was my lord of
Winchester, obiter , to say, that in Constantine his time it
was used in baptism. What ! quoth the King, and is it now
come to that passe, that we shall appeach Constantine of
popery and superstition ? If then it were used, saith his 10
Majesty, I see no reason but that still we may continue it.
Master Knewstubs his second question was, that put case,
the Church had such power to adde significant signes, whether
it might there adde them, where Christ had already ordained
one : which he said was no lesse derogatory to Christ s i5
institution, as he thought, than if any potentate of this
land should presume to adde his seal to the great seal of
England. To which his Majesty answered, that the case
was not alike ; for that no sign or thing was added to the
sacrament ; which was fully and perfectly finished, before any 20
mention of the c rosse is made: for confirmation whereof he
willed the place to be read.
Lastly, if the Church had that power also, yet the greatest
scruple to their conscience was, how farre such an ordinance
of the Church was to bind them, without impeaching their 2 5
Christian liberty ? Whereat the King, as it seemed, was much
moved, and told him he would not argue that point with him,
but answer therein, as kings are wont to speak in parliament,
Le Roy s avisera, adding withall, that it smelled very rankly
of anabaptism : comparing it unto the usage of a beardlesse 30
boy, (one Master John Black) who the last conference his
Majesty had with the ministers in Scotland, (in December,
1602,) told him, that he would hold conformity with his
Majesties ordinances for matters of doctrine :* but for matters
of ceremonie, they were to be left in Christian liberty to every 35
man, as he received more and more light from the illumination
of God s Spirit ; even till they go mad, quoth the King, with
their own light : but I will none of that ; I will have one
doctrine and one discipline, one religion in substance and in
CHAPTER iv.J second day *es conference. 199
ceremony : and therefore I charge you never to speak more to
that point, (how far you are bound to obey,) when the Church
hath ordained it. And so asked them again if they had any
thing else to say.
5 Dr. Reynolds objected the example of the brasen serpent,
demolished and stampt to powder by Ezechias, because the
people abused it to idolatry, wishing that in like sort the
cross should be abandoned, because, in the time of popery,
it had been superstitiously abused. Whereunto the King s
10 Majesty answered divers wayes. First, quoth he, though I be
sufficiently perswaded of the cross in baptism, and the com
mendable use thereof in the Church . so long ; yet, if there
were nothing else to move me, this very argument were an
inducement to me for the retaining of it, as it is now by
1 5 order established : for inasmuch as it was abused, so you say,
to superstition, in time of popery, it doth plainly imply, that
it was well used before popery. I will tell you, I have lived
among this sort of men, (speaking to the lords and bishops,)
ever since I was tenne years old, but I may say of my self as
20 Christ did of himself, Though I lived amongst them, yet since
I had ability to judge, I was never of them ; neither did any
thing make me more to condemn, and detest their courses,
than that they did so peremptorily disallow of all things,
which at all had been used in popery. For my part, I know
25 not how to answer the objection of the papists when they
charge us with novelties, but truely to tell them, that their
abuses are new, but the things which they abused we retain
in their primitive use, and forsake only the novel corruption.
By this argument we might renounce the Trinity, and all
30 that is holy, because it was abused in popery : (and speaking
to Dr. Reynolds merily) they used to wear hose and shooes
in popery, therefore you shall now go barefoot.
Secondly, quoth his Majesty, what resemblance is there
between the brasen serpent, a material visible thing, and the
35 sign of the crosse made in the aire ?
Thirdly, I am given to understand by the bishops, and
I find it true, that the papists themselves did never ascribe
any power or spirituall grace to the sign of the crosse in
baptism.
o 4
200 The sum and substance of the [DOCUMENTS.
Fourthly, you see, that the material crosses, which in time
of popery were made for men to fall down before them,
as they passed by them, to worship them, (as the idolatrous
Jews did the brasen serpent) are demolished, as you desire.
The next thing which was objected, was the wearing of the 5
surplis, a kind of garment which the priests of Isis used to
wear. Surely, saith his Majesty, untill of late, I" did not
think that it had been borrowed from the heathen, because
it is commonly tearmed a ragge of popery, in scorn ; but
were it so, yet neither did we border upon heathenish 10
nations, neither are any of them conversant with us, or
commorant amongst us, who thereby might take just occasion
to be strengthened or confirmed in paganism, for then there
were just cause to suppresse the wearing of it : but seeing
it appeared out of antiquity, that in the celebration of divine i5
service a different habit appertained to the ministry, and
principally of white linnen, he saw no reason, but that in this
Church, as it had been, for comelinesse arid for order sake, it
might be still continued. This being his constant and resolute
opinion, that no church ought further to separate it self 20
from the church of Rome, either in doctrine or ceremony,
than she had departed from her self when she was in her
flourishing and best estate, and from Christ her Lord and
Head. And here again he asked what more they had to say.
D. Reynolds took exceptions at those words in the Common 25
Prayer Book, of matrimony, with my body I thee worship.
His Majesty looking upon the place ; I was made believe,
(saith he) that the phrase did import no lesse than divine
worship and adoration : but by the examination I find that
it is an usual English tearm, as a gentleman of worship, &c. 30
And the sense agreeable unto scriptures, giving honour to the
wife, See. But turning to Doctor Reyn. (with smiling saith
his Majesty), Many a man speakes of Robin Hood, who never
shot in his bow : if you had a good wife your self, you would
think all the honour and worship you could do to her were 35
well bestowed.
The dean of Sarum mentioned the ring in marriage;
which Doctor Reyn. approved, and the King confessed that
he was married vvithall ; and added, that he thought they
CHAPTER iv.] second dayes conference. 201
would prove to be scarce well married who are not married
with a ring.
He likewise spake of the churching of women by the name
of purification ; which being read out of the book, his Majesty
5 very well allowed it, and pleasantly said, that women were
loth enough of themselves to come to Church, and therefore
he would have this or any other occasion to draw them
thither.
And this was the substance and summe of that third
10 general point. At which pawse, it growing toward night, his
Majesty asked again if they had any more to say : if they
had, because it was late, they should have another day ; but
M. Doctor Reynolds told him, that they had but one point
more, which was the last general head ; but it pleased his
1 5 Majesty first to ask what they could say to the cornerd cap ?
They all approved it : well then, said his Majesty, turning
himself to the bishops, you may now safely wear your caps :
but I shall tell you, if you should walk in one street in
Scotland with such a cap on your head, if I were not with
20 you, you should be stoned to death with your cap.
In the fourth general head touching discipline, Doctor
Beyn. first took exception to the committing of ecclesiastical
censures unto lay-chancellors ; his reason was, that in the
statute made in King Henry his time, for their authority,
25 that was abrogated in Queen Maries time, and not revived in
the late Queen s daies : and abridged by bishops themselves
157 1 ; ordering that the said lay-chancellors should not
excommunicate in matters of correction; and an. 1584, and
1589, not in matters of instance; but to be done onely by
30 them who had power of the keies : his Majesty answered;
" he had already conferred with his bishops about that point,
and that such order should be taken therein as was conve
nient, willing him in the mean time to go to some other
matter, if he had any." Then he dcsireth, that according to
36 certain provincial constitutions, they of the clergy might have
meetings once every three weekes.
First, in rural deaneries, and therein to have prophecying,
according as the reverend father Arch-bishop Grindall, and
other bishops desired of her late majesty. 1 Cor. xiv.
The sum and substance of the [DOCUMENTS.
Secondly, that such things as could not be resolved upon
there, might be referred to the archdeacon s visitation, and so
Thirdly, from thence to the episcopal synode, where the
bishop with his presbytery should determine all such points
as before could not be decided. 5
At which speech his Majesty was somewhat stirred ; yet,
which is admirable in him, without passion, or shew thereof;
thinking that they aymed at a Scotish presbytery, which,
saith he, as well agreeth with a monarchy as God and the
Devil. Then Jack, and Tom, and Will, and Dick shall meet, 10
and at their pleasures censure me and my councel, and all
our proceedings : then Will shall stand up and say, It must
be thus ; then Dick shall reply and say, Nay marry, but we
will have it thus. And therefore, here I must once reiterate
my former speech, Le Roy s avisera : stay, I pray you, for i5
one seven years, before you demand that of me : and if then
you find me pursy and fat, and my wind pipes stuffed, I will
perhaps hearken to you : for let that government be once up,
I am sure I shall be kept in breath, then shall we all of us
have work enough, both our hands full. But, Doctor Bey- 20
nolds, till you find that I grow lazy, let that alone.
And here, because that Doctor Reynolds had twice before
obtruded the king s supremacie ; first, in the article concern
ing the pope ; secondly, in the point of subscription ; his
Majesty at those times said nothing : but now growing to an 25
end, he said, I shall speak of one matter more ; yet somewhat
out of order : but it skilleth not. Doctor Reynolds, quoth the
king, you have often spoken for my supremacy ; and it is well ;
but know you any here, or any elsewhere, who like of the
present government ecclesiastical, that find fault or dislike 30
my supremacy ? Doctor Reynolds said, No. Why then, said
his Majesty, I will tell you a tale. After that the religion
restored by King Edward the Sixth, was soon overthrown, by
the succession of Queen Mary here in England, we in Scot
land felt the effect of it. Whereupon master Knox writes to 35
the queen regent, (of whom without flattery I may say, that
she was a vertuous and moderate lady,) telling her that she
was supream head of the church, and charged her, as she
would answer it before God s tribunal, to take care of Christ
CHAPTER iv.] second dayes conference. 203
his evangill, and of suppressing the popish prelates, who
withstood the same. But how long, trow ye, did this con
tinue ? Even so long, till by her authority the popish bishops
were repressed, he himself and his adherents were brought in,
5 and well settled, and by these ineanes made strong enough to
undertake the matters of reformation themselves. Then loe,
they began to make small account of her supremacy, nor
would longer rest on her authority, but took the cause into
their own hand, and according to that more light wherewith
10 they were illuminated, made a further reformation of religion.
How they used that poor lady my mother is not unknown,
and with grief I may remember it : who, because she had not
been otherwise instructed, did desire only a private chapell,
wherein to serve God after her manner, with some few
1 5 selected persons, but her supremacy was not sufficient to
obtain it at their hands : and how they dealt with me in my
minority you all know; it was not done secretly, and though
I would, I cannot conceal it. I will apply it thus. And then
putting his hand to his hat his Majesty said, My lords the
20 bishops, I may thank you that these men do thus plead for
my supremacy : they think they cannot make their party
good against you, but by appealing unto it ; as if you, or some
that adhere unto you, were not well affected towards it. But
if once you were out, and they in place, I know what would
25 become of my supremacy. No bishop, no king, as before I
said. Neither do I thus speak at randome without ground,
for I have observed since my comming into England, that
some preachers before me can be content to pray for James
King of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, defender of
30 the faith, but as for supream governor in all causes and over
all persons (as well ecclesiastical as civil), they passe that over
with silence, and what cut they have been of I after learned.
After this, asking them if they had any more to object, and
Doctor Reynolds answering no ; his Majesty appointed the next
3 5 Wednesday for both parties to meet before him, and rising
from his chair, as he was going to his inner chamber, If this
be all, quoth he, that they have to say, I shall make them
conform themselves, or I will harry them out of this land, or
else do worse.
204? The sum and substance of the [DOCUMENTS.
And this was the summe of the second dayes conference,
which raised such an admiration in the lords, in respect of
the king his singular readynesse and exact knowledge, that
one of them said he was fully pers waded his Majesty spake
by the instinct of the Spirit of God. My lord Cicil acknow- 5
ledged that very much we are bound to God, who had given
us a king of an understanding heart. My lord chancellor,
passing out of the privy chamber, said unto the dean of
Chester, standing by the door ; I have often heard and read,
that " Rex est mixta persona cum sacerdote," but I never saw 10
the truth thereof till this day.
Surely, whosoever heard his Majesty might justly think
that title did more properly fit him which Eunapius gave to
that famous rhetorician, in saying that he was /3t/3Aio0?JK?7 rts
ffjL\j/v\os KOL 7Tpi7raTovv fjiovcrflov, a living library and a walk- i5
ing studie.
Finis secimdw diei.
THE
THIRD DAYES CONFERENCE.
Upon Wednesday, January 18, all the bishops aforenamed 20
attended at the court, and the deanes : who were all called
into the privy chamber, and whoso else my lord arch-bishop
appointed, (for such was his Majesties pleasure) ; whereupon
the knights and doctors of the arches, viz. sir Daniel Dunne,
sir Thomas Crumpton, sir Richard Swale, sir John Bennet, 25
and Doctor Drury entred in. As soon as the king was set,
the lord arch-bishop presented unto him a note of those
points which his Majesty had referred to their consideration
upon the first day, and the alteration, or rather explanation
of them in our liturgie. 30
1. Absolution or remission of sinnes, in the rubrick of abso
lution.
CHAPTER iv.] third dayes conference. 205
2. In private baptism, the lawfull minister present.
3. Examination, with confirmation of children.
4. Jesus said to them, twice to be put into the Dominical
gospels, in stead of Jesus said to Ms disciples.
5 His Majesty here taking the Common Prayer Book, and
turning to private baptism, willed, that where the words were
(in the rubric, the second paragraph), " They baptize not
children," now it should be thus read, " They cause not chil
dren to be baptized ; " and again in the same paragraph, for
I0 those words, " Then they minister it," it should be, " The
curate, or lawful minister present, shall do it on this fashion."
Concluding very gravely, that in this conference, he aimed at
three things principally ; first, the setting down of words fit
and convenient ; secondly, contriving how things might be
j5 best done, without appearance of alteration ; thirdly, practise,
that each man may do his duty in his place.
After this, his Majesty fell into discourse about the High
commission, wherein he said, that he understood how the
parties named therein were too many and too mean ; that
20 the matters they dealt in were base, and such as ordinaries at
home in their courts might censure; that the branches
granted out to the bishops in their several diocesses were too
frequent and large. To which my lord s grace answered
severally. First, for the number, it was requisite it should
2 ^ be great, for otherwise he must be forced, as oft-times now it
fell out, to sit alone ; because that albeit all the lords of the
privy counsell were in, all the bishops, many of the judges at
law, and some of the clerks of the councel, yet very few, or
none of them, sitting with him at ordinary times, some of
_ meaner place, as deanes, and doctors of divinity and law,
must needs be put in; whose attendance his grace might
with more authority command and expect. Secondly, for the
matters handled therein, he said, that he oftentimes had
complained thereof, but saw that it could not be remedied ;
5 because that the fault may be of that nature, as that the
ordinary jurisdiction might censure it ; but eftsoones it falls
out, that the party delinquent is too great, and so the ordi
nary dare not proceed against him ; or so mighty in his state,
206 The sum and substance of the [DOCUMENTS.
or so willful in his contumacie, that he will not obey the sum
mons or censure ; and so the ordinary is forced to crave help
at the High commission. To the third, his grace said, that
it concerned not him to make answer thereunto, for such
commissions have been granted against his will oftentimes, 5
and without his knowledge for the most part. My lord chan
cellor therefore offered it to his Majestie s wisdom to consider,
if such commissions should not be granted to any bishop, but
such as have the largest diocesses, which his Majesty well
approved ; and added withall, that those bishops who have in 10
their diocesses the most troublesome and refractory persons,
either Papists or Puritans : but of this, as also of the other
things found fault with herein, he willed those to consult to
whom should be appointed the review of the commission.
And here that point had ended, but that one of the lords (I i5
think verily rather upon misinformation than set purpose)
pleased to say that the proceeding thereby was like unto the
Spanish inquisition, wherein men were urged to subscribe
more than law required ; that by the oath ex officio, they
were inforced to accuse themselves ; that they were examined 20
upon twenty or twenty-four articles upon the sudden, with
out deliberation, and for the most part against themselves :
for the evidence thereof, a letter was shewed of an ancient
honourable councellor, written to the lord arch-bishop, anno
1584, of two ministers of Cambridgeshire, then or there 25
abouts, examined upon many articles, and in the end de
prived. The lord arch-bishop answered, first, to the matter,
that in the manner of proceeding, and examining, his lordship
was deceived : for if any article did touch the party any way,
either for life, liberty, or scandal, he might refuse to answer, 30
neither was he urged thereunto. Secondly, to the letter,
being in a cause twenty years since determined, he could not
answer the particulars, but if his answer to that letter were
found out, he doubted not, but as it did satisfie that honour
able councellour when he lived, so it would also sufficiently 36
clear this complaint before his Majesty.
My lord of London, for the matter of subscription, shewed
his highnesse the three articles which the church-men of
England are to approve by subscribing ; namely, the king s
CHAPTER iv.J third dayes conference. 207
supremacy, the articles of religion, and the book of common
prayer. All which it pleased his Majesty himself to read,
(and after a litle glance given, that the mention of the oath
ex qfficio came in before his due time) he dilated, first, how
5 necessary subscription was in every well governed church ;
that it was to be urged for the keeping of peace : for as laws
to prevent killing did provide there should be no quarrell
ing, so to prevent greater tumults in the church subscrip
tion was requisite. Secondly, because the bishop is to
10 answer for every minister whom he admitteth into his dio-
cesse, it were fittest for him to know the affection of the
party before his admittance, the best way to know him, and
to prevent future factions, was to urge his subscription at his
first entrance : for, " Turpius ejicitur, quam non admittitur
i5 hospes." Thirdly, as subscription was a good meanes to dis
cern the affection of persons, whether quiet or turbulent,
withall it was the principal way to avoid confusion : con
cluding, that if any, after things were well ordered, would not
be quiet, and shew his obedience, the church were better
20 without him, he were worthy to be hanged. " Praestat ut
pereat unus, quam unitas."
Touching the oath ex qfficio^ the lord chancellor, and after
him the lord treasurer, spake both for the necessity and use
thereof in diverse courts and cases. But his excellent Ma-
25 jesty preventing that old allegation, " Nemo cogitur detegere
suam turpitudinem," said that the civil proceedings only
punished facts, but in courts ecclesiastical it was requisite
that fame and scandals should be looked unto. That here
was necessary the oath compurgatorie, and the oath ex qfficio
30 too ; and yet great moderation should be used, first, in gram-
oribus criminibus : and secondly, in such whereof there is a
publick fame : thirdly, in distinguishing of publick fame,
either caused by the inordinate demeanor of the offender, or
raised by the undiscreet proceeding in trial of the fact : as
* 36 namely in Scotland, where the lying with a wench (though
done privately, and known, or scarce suspected, by two or
three persons before) was made openly known to the king,
to the queen, to the prince, to many hundreds in the court,
208 The sum and substance of the [DOCUMENTS.
by bringing the parties to the stool of repentance, and yet
perhaps be but a suspition only. And here his Majesty so
soundly described the oath ex officio : first, for the ground
thereof : secondly, the wisdom of the law therein : thirdly,
the manner of proceeding thereby, and the necessary and 5
profitable effect thereof, in such a compendious but absolute
order, that all the lords and the rest of the present auditors
stood amazed at it : the arch-bishop of Canterbury said that
undoubtedly his Majesty spake by the special assistance of
God s Spirit. The bishop of London, upon his knee, pro- 10
tested that his heart melted within him (as so, he doubted
not, did the hearts of the whole company) with joy, and made
haste to acknowledge unto Almighty God the singular mercy
we have received at his hands in giving us such a king, as
since Christ his time the like he thought had not been ; ^
whereunto the lords with one voice did yield a very affec
tionate acclamation. The civilians present confessed that
they could not in many houres warning, have so judicially,
plainly, and accurately, and in such a brief manner, have de
scribed it. 20
After this, his Majesty committed some weighty matters to
be consulted of by the lords and bishops ; first, for excommu
nication, in causes of lesse moment the name or censure to
be altered ; secondly, for the High commission, the quality of
the persons to be named, and the nature of the causes to be 2 5
handled therein : thirdly, for recusant communicants : for
there are three sorts, saith his Majesty, of papists : some,
first, which come to sermons, but not to service and prayer ;
secondly, some which come to both them, but not to the
communion; thirdly, a number which abstain from all. That~
inquiry might be made of all those who were of the first,
second, or third rank, concluding therein, that the weak were
to be informed, the wilful to be punished.
Here my lord chancellor mentioned the writ De excommu-
nicato capiendo, which his honor said did most affright the 5 -
papists of all other punishments, because by reason of that
they were many wayes disabled in law : therefore he would
take order, if his majesty so pleased, to send that writ out
CHAPTER iv.] third dayes confwence. 209
against them freely, without charge, and if they were not
executed, his lordship would lay the under-sheriffes in prison,
and to this the King assented.
The fourth thing to be consulted of was for the sending and
5 appointing of preachers into Ireland, whereof, saith his
Majesty, I am but half a king, being lord over their bodies,
but their soules seduced by popery he much pittied, affirming,
that where there is not true religion, there can be no continued
obedience : nor for Ireland only, but for some part of Wales,
I0 and the northern borders, so once called, though now no
borders : the men to be sent not to be factious, or scandalous,
for weeds will be weeds, wheresoever they be, and are good
for nothing, but to be piked over the wall, therefore they
should single out men of sincerity, of knowledge, of courage.
1 5 The last was, for provision of sufficient maintenance for
the clergie ; and withall, for the planting of a learned and
painful minister in every parish, as time shall serve.
To every of these his Majesty willed, that several com
missioners of his councel and bishops should be appointed by
20 the lord, upon the dissolving the assembly present.
And thus having conferred of these points with the
bishops, and referred other some of them, as you heard, to
special committies, his Majesty willed, that Doctor Eeyn. and
his associates should be called in, to whom he presently
25 signified what was done, and caused the alterations, or
explications, before named, to be read unto them. A litle
disputing there was, about the words in marriage, " With my
body I thee worship," and arguing no other thing to be meant
by the word worship, than that which Saint Paul willeth,
30 i Cor. vii. 4. the man thereby acknowledging, that hereby
he worshipeth his wife, in that he appropriateth his body
unto her alone : nor any more than that which S. Peter
counselleth, i Pet. iii. 7. That the man should give honour
to his wife, as the weaker vessel; yet for their satisfaction should
35 be put in, " With my body I thee worship, and honour,"
if it were thought fit ; and so his Majesty shut up all with a
most pithy exhortation to both sides for unity, perswading
diligence in each man s place, without violence on the one
party, or disobedience on the other, and willed them to
210 The sum and substance of the [DOCUMENTS.
deal with their friends abroad to that purpose : for his
Majesty feared, and had some experience, that many of them
were ticklish and humorous ; nor that only, but labourers
to pervert others to their fancies; he now saw that the
exceptions against the Communion book were matters of 5
weaknesse; therefore if the persons reluctant be discreet,
they will be won betimes, and by good perswasions ; if
undiscreet, better they were removed : for many by their
factious behaviour were driven to be papists. Now then of
their fruits he shall judge them, obedience and humility being 10
marks of honest and good men, and is expected of them;
and by their example and perswasion of all their sort abroad ;
for if hereafter things being thus well ordered, they should be
unquiet, neither his Majesty nor the state had any cause to
think well of them. i5
To which they gave all their unanimous assent, taking
exceptions against nothing that was said or done, but pro
mised to perform all duty to the bishops, as their reverend
fathers, and to joyn with them against the common adver
saries, and for the quiet of the Church. 20
Only Master Chatterton, of Emmanuel College, kneeling,
requested that the wearing of the surplis, and the use of the
crosse in baptism, might not be urged upon some honest,
godly, and painful ministers in some parts of Lancashire,
who feared, that if they should be forced to them, many 25
whom they had won to the gospel would slide back, and
revolt unto popery again ; and particularly in tanced the
vicar of Batesdale, (he could not have light upon a worse,) for
not many years before, he was proved before my lord arch
bishop, as his grace there testified, and my lord chancellour, 30
by his unseemly and unreverent usage of the eucharist,
dealing the bread out of a basket, every man putting in
his hand and taking out a peece, to have made many loath
the communion, and wholly refuse to come to church.
His majesty answered, that it was not his purpose, and he 35
durst answer for the bishops, that it was not their intent
presently and out of hand to enforce those things, without
fatherly admonitions, conferences and perswasions premised ;
but wished that it should be examined, if those men by their
CHAPTER iv.] third dayes conference. 211
pains and preaching had converted any from popery, and
were withall men of quiet disposition, honest of life, and
diligent in their calling ; if so, letters should be written to the
Bishop of Chester (of whom his Majesty gave a very good
5 testimony) to that purpose ; if not, but that they were of
a turbulent and oposite spirit, both they and others of that
unquiet humour, should presently be enforced to a conformity:
and so for that point, it was concluded, that my lord arch
bishop should write to the Bishop of Chester his letters for
10 that matter.
My lord of London replieth, that if this were granted,
the copy of these letters (especially if his Majesty had written,
as at first it was purposed) would flie over all England, and
then others, for their confines, would make the same request,
1 5 and so no fruit would follow of this conference, but things
would be worse than they were before.
Therefore he humbly desired his Majesty, that a time
should be limited, within which compasse they should conform
themselves. To which his Majesty readily assented, and
20 willed, that the bishop of the diocesse should set them down
the time, and in the mean while conferre with them, and if
they would not yield, whatsoever they were, to remove them,
after their time expired.
No sooner was that motion ended, but down falls Master
26 Knewstubs, and he requests the like favour of forbearance,
for some honest ministers in Suffolk, telling the king it would
make much against their credits in the country, to be now
forced to the surplis, and the crosse in baptism. My lord s
grace was answering ; Nay, saith his Majesty, let me alone
30 with him. Sir, saith the king, you shew your self an
uncharitable man ; we have here taken paines, and in the
end have concluded of an unity, and uniformity, and you
forsooth must preferre the credits of a few private men
before the general peace of the Church : this is just the
35 Scotish argument ; for when any thing was there concluded
which disliked some humors, the only reason why they would
not obey was, it stood not with their credits to yield, having
so long time been of the contrary opinion. I will none
of that, saith the king, and therefore, either let them conform
Galloway s letter to the [DOCUMENTS.
themselves, and that shortly, or they shall hear of it. My
lord Cicill put his Majesty in mind of a word his highnesse
had used the day before, namely, of ambling communions,
saying, that the indecency thereof was very offensive, and
had driven many from the Church. And here Masters
Chatterton was told of sitting communions in Emanuel
College ; which he said was so, by reason of the seats so
plac d as they be, yet that they had some kneeling also.
Finally, they joyntly promised to be quiet and obedient,
now they knew it to be the King s mind to have it so. His 10
Majestie s gracious conclusion was so piercing, as that it
fetched tears from some on both sides. My lord of London
ended all, in the name of the whole company, with a thanks
giving unto God for his Majesty, and a prayer for the health
and prosperity of his highnesse, our gracious queen, the i5
young prince, and all their royal issue.
His Majesty departed into the inner chamber : all the
lords presently went to the council chamber, to appoint
commissioners for the several matters before referred.
VI.
A letter from Patrick Galloway to the Presbytery of Edinburgh, 20
concerning the Conference.
BELOVED brethren, after my very hearty commendations,
these presents are to shew you that I received two of your
letters, one directed to his Majesty, and another to myself
for the using thereof; the same I read, closed, and three days 25
before the conference delivered it into his Majesty s hands,
and received it back again after some short speeches had
upon a word of your letter, as " the gross corruptions of this
church;" which then was exponed, and I assured that all
corruptions dissonant from the word, or contrary thereto, 30
CHAPTER iv.] Presbytery of Edinburgh.
should be amended. The 12 of Januar was the day of
meeting, at what time the bishops called upon by his
Majesty were gravely desired to advise upon all the corrup
tions of this church, in doctrine, ceremonies, and discipline ;
5 and as they will answer to God in conscience, and to his
Majesty upon their obedience, that they should return the
third day after, which was Saturday. They returned to his
Majesty, and there apposed as of before, it was answered all
was well. And when his Majesty in great fervency brought
10 instances to the contrary, they upon their knees with great
earnestness craved that nothing should be altered, lest popish
recusants, punished by penal statutes for their disobedience,
and the puritans, punished by deprivation from calling and
living for non-conformity, should say they had just cause to
1 5 insult upon them, as men who had traveled to bind them to
that, which by their own mouths now was confessed to be
erroneous. Always after five hours dispute had by his
Majesty against them, and his Majesty s resolution for
reformation intimated to them, they were dismissed that day.
20 Upon the 16 of Januar, being Monday, the brethren were
called to his Majesty, only five of them being present, and
with them two bishops and six or eight deans. Here his
Majesty craved to know of them what they desired to be
reformed ; but it was very loosely and coldly answered. This
25 day ended after four hours talking, and Wednesday the
1 8 of Januar was appointed for the meeting of both the
parties. Whereas before, the parties being called together,
the heads were repeated which his Majesty would have
reformed at this time: and so the whole action ended.
30 Sundry, as they favoured, gave out copies of things here
concluded : whereupon myself took occasion, as I was an ear
and eye witness, to set them down and presented them to his
Majesty, who with his own hand mended some things, and
eeked other things which I had omitted. Which corrected
35 copy with his own hand I have, and of it have sent you
herein the just transumpt word by word, and this is the
whole. At my own returning, which, God willing, shall be
shortly, ye shall know more particularly the rest. So till
then taking my leave, I commit you to the protection of the
p3
Galloway s letter to the [DOCUMENTS.
Most High, and your labours to the powerful blessing of
Christ. From London this tenth of Februar, 1604.
Your brother in the Lord to his uttermost,
M. P 1 . Galloway.
The cause of my delay to write was my awaiting on his 5
Majesty s leisure, to obtain that copy spoken of before, as it
is, that so I might write, as it was allowed to stand, and to
be performed.
A note of such things as shall be reformed.
1. Or DOCTRINE. I0
1. That an uniform short and plain catechism be made, to
be used in all churches and parishes in this kingdom. There
is already the doctrine of the sacraments added, in most clear
and plain terms.
2. That a translation be made of the whole Bible, as i5
consonant as can be to the original Hebrew and Greek ; and
this to be set out and printed without any marginal notes, and
only to be used in all churches of England in time of divine
service.
3. That no popish nor traiterous books be suffered to be 20
brought in this kingdom, and that straight order be taken,
that if they come over, they be delivered or sold to none,
either in country or universities, but to such only as may
make good use thereof, for confutation of the adversaries.
2. OF THE SERVICE BOOK. 25
1. That to the absolution shall be added the word of pro
nouncing the remission of sins.
2. That to confirmation shall be added the word of cate
chizing, or examination of the children s faith.
3. That the private baptism shall be called the private 30
baptism by the ministers and curates only ; and all these
questions that insinuate women or private persons, to be
altered accordingly.
4. That such apocrypha as have any repugnance to
canonical scripture shall be removed and not read; and other 35
CHAPTER iv.] Presbytery of Edinburgh.
places chosen for them which may serve better, either for
explanation of scripture, or instruction in good life and
manners : and specially the greatest part of such places as
were given in writ.
5 5. The words of marriage to be made more clear.
6. The cross in baptism was never counted any part in
baptism, nor sign effective, but only significative.
3. OF DISCIPLINE.
1. The bishops are admonished to judge no ministers
10 without the advice and assistance of some of the gravest
deans and chaplains.
2. That none shall have power to excommunicate, but only
their bishops in their dioceses, in the presence of these afore
said ; and only upon such weighty and great causes, to which
1 5 they shall subscribe.
3. The civil excommunication now used, is declared to be a
mere civil censure; and therefore the name of it is to be
altered ; and a writ out of the chancellary to punish the con
tumacy shall be framed.
20 4. That all bishops, nominated to that effect, shall set
down the matters and manner of proceeding, to be followed
hereafter in ecclesiastical courts, and modify their fees.
5. That the oath ex officio"* be rightly used, id est, only
for great and public slanders.
26 6. That the bishops be careful to cause the ministers note
in every parish of their dioceses the names of all recusants ;
as also the names of such as come to church and hear preach
ing, but refuse to communicate every year once ; and to
present the same to the bishop, and the bishop to the arch-
3 bishop, and the archbishop to the king.
7. That the sabbath be looked to, and better kept through
out all dioceses.
8. That the High commission be rightly used, the causes to
be handled, and the manner of proceeding therein to be
35 declared ; and that no person be nominated thereto but such
as are men of honour and good quality.
p 4
Galloway s letter, fyc. [DOCUMENTS,
4. OF THE MINISTRY.
1. That the reading of ministers that are of age and not
scandalous, be provided for and maintained by the person
preferred to preach in his room,, according to the valor of the
living ; and that the unlearned and scandalous be tried and 5
removed from these places, and learned and qualified be
placed for them.
2. That as many ministers as may be had with convenient
maintenance for them, may be placed in such places, where
there is want of preaching, with all haste. 10
3. That learned and grave ministers be transported from
the parts where the gospel is settled and planted, to such
parts of the kingdom where greatest ignorance is, and greatest
number of recusants are.
4. That ministers, beneficed men, make residence upon i5
their benefices, and feed their flocks with preaching every
sabbath day.
5. That pluralists and such as presently have double bene
fices, make residence upon one of them ; and that these their
benefices be as near other as he may preach to the people of 20
both their week about : and where they are further distant,
that he maintain therein a qualified preacher.
5. FOR SCHOOLS.
1. That schools in cities, towns, and families, throughout
all this kingdom, be taught by none but such as shall be 25
tried and approved to be sound and upright in religion : and
for that effect, that the bishops, in every one of their
dioceses take order with them, displacing the corrupted, and
placing honest and sufficient in their places.
2. That orders be taken with universities for trial of 30
masters and fellows in colleges ; and that none be suffered to
have the cure of instructing the youth, but such as are
approved for their soundness in religion ; and that such as
are suspected or known to be othervvays affected, be removed.
3. That the kingdom of Ireland, the borders of England 3 5
and Scotland, and all Wales, be planted with schools and
preachers as soon as may be.
CHAPTER iv.] Liber Communis Precum. 217
The ministers have been this long time past and shall be
in all time coming, urged to subscribe nothing but the three
articles, which are both clear and reasonable.
[Then are recited the three articles of the 36th Canon.]
VII.
5 Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi et aliis pro reformatione Libri
Communis Precum.
James, by the grace of God,, &c. To the most Rev. Father in
God, our right trusty and well beloved councellor, John
Archbishop of Canterbury, of all England Primate and
10 Metropolitan, the Rev. Fathers in God our trusty and
well beloved Richard Bishop of London, Anthony Bishop
of Chichester, and to the rest of our commissioners for
causes ecclesiasticall, greeting.
Whereas all such jurisdictions, rights, priviledges, supe-
i5 riorities, and preheminences, spirituall and ecclesiasticall, as
by any spirituall or ecclesiasticall power or authority have
heretofore beene or may lawfully be exercised or used for the
visitation of the ecclesiastical state and persons, and for re
formation, order, and correction, as well of the same as of all
20 manner of errors, heresies, schisms, abuses, offences, con-
temptes, and enormities, to the pleasure of Almighty God, the
increase of vertue, and the conservation of the peace and
unitie of this our realm of England, are for ever, by authoritie
of parliament of this our realme, united and annexed to the
25 imperiall crowne of the same.
And whereas also by act of parliament it is provided and
enacted, that whenever we shall cause to take further order
for or concerning any ornament, righte, or ceremony ap
pointed or prescribed in the booke commonly called " The
30 Book of Common Prayer, Administration of the Sacraments,
and other rites and ceremonies of the church of England," 1 "
and our pleasure knowne therein, either to our commission
ers, authorized under our great seal of England, for causes
218 Pro Reformatione [DOCUMENTS.
ecclesiastical!, or to the metropolitane of this our realm of
England, that then further order should be therein taken
accordingly.
We therefore, understanding that there were in the said
booke certeyne thinges which might require some declarations
and enlargement by way of explanation ; and, in that respect,
having required you our metropolitane, and you the Bishops
of London and Chichester, and some others of our commis
sioners authorized under our great seal of England for causes
ecclesiasticall, according to the intent and meaning of the 10
said statute, and of some other statutes alsoe, and by our
supreme authoritie and prerogative royall, to take some care
and payns therein, have received from you the said particuler
thinges in the said book declared, and enlarged by way of
explanation, made by you our metropolitane and the rest of i5
our said commissioners in manner and forme following. In
the rubricke before Absolution these wordes followinge are to
be placed, the Absolution or Remission of Synnes to be pro
nounced by the minister alone.
John x. 1 1 . being the Gospel " Dominica secunda post 20
Pasch." these wordes (Ckriste sayed) to be printed in letters
differing from the text ; and these words to be left out,
videlicet, to Ms disciples.
Matth. xxii. i. " Dominica vicesima post Trinitat." These
words {Jesus said) to be printed in letters differing from the 26
text ; and these words to be left out, videlicet, unto Ms
disciples.
The whole Rubricke before Private Baptism to be in these
words :
Of them that are to be baptized in private houses in time 30
of necessitie by the minister of the parish, or any other law-
full minister that can be procured ; the pasters and curates
shall often admonish the people that they defer not the bap
tism of infants any longer then the Sonday or other Holyday
next after the child be born, unless upon a great and reason- 35
able cause declared to the curate, and by him approved ; and
also they shall warn them that without great cause and
necessitie they procure not their children to be baptized at
home in their houses ; and when great need shall compell
CHAPTER iv.j Libri Communis Precum.
them soe to doe, then baptism shall be administred in this
fashion ; first, let the minister that be present call upon God
for his grace and say the Lord s Prayer, if the time will
suffer : and then, the child being named, by some one of
5 them that is present, the said lawfull minister shall dippe it in
water, or pour water upon it, saying these words, " N. I bap
tize thee in the name of the Father, and of the Sonne, and of
the Holy Ghost. Amen." And let them not cloubte but that
the child so baptized is lawfully and sufficiently baptized, and
10 ought not to be baptized again : but yet nevertheless, if the
child which is after this sort baptized do afterwards lyve, it is
expedient that it be brought into the church, to the intent
that if the priest or minister of the same parishe did himself
baptize that child, the congregation may be certefied of the
1 5 true form of Baptism by him privately before used ; or if the
child were baptized by any other lawfull minister, that then the
minister of the parish where the childe was born or cristened,
shal examyne and try whether the child be lawfully baptized or
no : in whiche case if those which bring any child to the
20 church do answer that the same child is already baptized;
then shall the minister examyne them further, saying, By
whom was the child baptized ? Who was present when the
child was baptized ? And because some thinges effectuall to
this Sacramente may happen to be omitted through fear
20 or haste in such times of extremity ; therefore I demande
further of you, with what matter was the child baptized ?
With what words was the child baptized ? Whether think
you the child to be lawfully and perfectly baptized I And if
the minister shall fynde, by the answers of such as bring the
30 child, that all things were done as they ought to bee, then
shall he not cristen the child againe, but shall receive him as
one of the flock of the true Christian people, saying thus : I
certefy you that in this case all is well done, and according &c.
following the words of the book, as the same was before. In
36 the last Kubrick of Private Baptism these words are to be
placed : But if they which bring the infants to the church do
make such uncertaine answers to the priest s questions as
that it cannot appear that the childe was baptized in the
name of the Father, and of the Sonne, and of the Holy
Pro Reformatione [DOCUMENTS.
Ghoste with water, which are essentiall partes of baptism;
then let the priest baptize it in form above written con-
cernynge Publique Baptism.
In the Kubrick before the Declaration of the use of Con
firmation, these words are to be placed : 5
The order of Confirmation, or laying on of handes upon
children baptized, and able to render an accompte of their
faith, according to the Catechism following.
An explanation of Baptism and the Lord s Supper to be
added to the end of the Catechism in these questions and 10
answers following :
QUESTION. How many sacraments hath Christ ordained in
his Church?
ANSWER. Two only as generally necessarie to salvation,
(that is to say,) Baptism and the Supper of the Lord. i5
QUESTION. What meanest thou by this word Sacrament ?
ANSWER. I mean an outward and visible sign of an inward
and spiritual grace given unto us, ordained by Christ him
self as a means whereby we receive the same, and a pledge to
assure us thereof. 20
QUESTION. How many parts be there in a sacrament ?
ANSWER. Two ; the outwarde and visible signe and the in
ward and spirituall grace.
QUESTION. What is the outward visible sign or form in
Baptism ? 25
ANSWER. Water, wherein the person baptized is dipped or
sprinkled with it in the name of the Father, and of the
Sonne, and of the Holy Ghoste.
QUESTION. What is the inward and spirituall grace ?
ANSWER. A death unto synne and a new birth unto right- 30
eousness : for being by nature born in sin, and the children
of wrath, we are hereby made the children of grace.
QUESTION. What is required of persons to be baptized \
ANSWER. Repentance whereby they forsake synne, and
fayth whereby they stedfastly believe the promises of Gods5
made to them in that sacrament.
QUESTION. Why then are infants baptized, when by reason
of their tender age they cannot perform them ?
ANSWER. Yes, they do perform them by their sureties,
CHAPTER iv.] Libri Communis Precum. 221
who promise and vow them both in their names, which when
they come to age themselves are bound to perform.
QUESTION. Why was the sacrament of the Lord s Supper
ordained ?
5 ANSWER. For the continuall remembrance of the sacrifice
of the death of Chryste, and the benefits which we receive
thereby.
QUESTION. What is the outward part or sign of the Lord s
Supper?
10 ANSWER. Breade and wyne, which the Lord hath com
manded to be received.
QUESTION. What is the inward part or thinge signified ?
ANSWER. The body and blood of Christe, which are verily
and indeede taken and received of the faithfull in the Lord s
1 5 Supper.
QUESTION. What are the benefits whereof we are partakers
thereby ?
ANSWER. The strengthenynge of our souls by the body and
blood of Christe as our bodies are by the breade and wyne.
20 QUESTION. What is required of them which come to the
Lord s Supper?
ANSWER. To examyne themselves whether they repent them
trulie of their former sins, steadfastly purposinge to lead a
new life, have a livelie faith in God s mercies through Christ,
25 with a thankfull remembrance of his death, and be in charity
with all men.
The Rubricke before the acte of Confirmation shall be in
these words :
" Confirmation, or laying on of hands."
30 In the Kalendar.
Augusti 26, at morning prayer, note that the 13th of
Danyell, touching the historic of Susanna, is to be read unto
theis words (And king Astiages, &c.). The same day at
evening prayer, instead of the 14th chapter of Daniell, touch-
35 ing Bell and the Dragon, read the 30th of the Proverbs.
Octobris prime, at morninge prayer, instead of the fifth
chapter of Thobie, read the sixte of Exodus unto theis words
222 Pro Reformatione [DOCUMENTS.
(Theis be the heades, &c.). The same daye at evening
prayer, instead of the sixt chapter of Thobie, read the twen-
tith of Josua.
Octobris secundo, at evening prayer, instead of the eighte
chapter of Thobie, read the twoe and twentieth of Josua. 5
The seventeenth of November at evening prayer, note like
wise that the six and fortieth chapter of Ecclesiasticus is to be
read unto theise words, " After this he told,"" &c.
A prayer for the Queen, the Prince, and other the King s and
Queers children, to be inserted next under the prayer for 10
the King.
Almighty God, which hast promised to be a Father of
thine elect and of their seed, wee humbly beseech thee to
bless our gracious Queen Anne, Prince Henry, and all the
King^s and Queen s royal progeny, indue them with thy Holy i5
Spirit, inrich them with thy heavenly grace, prosper them
with all happiness, and bring them to thine everlasting king
dom, through Jesus Christe, &c.
Another prayer to be inserted into the Litany after these words,
(over all his enemy s) . 20
That it may please thee bless and preserve our gracious
Queen Anne, Prince Henry, and the rest of the King and
Queen s royal issue.
An enlargement of thanksgiving -for diverse benefits, by way of
explanation. 25
O God our Heavenly Father, who by thy gracious provi
dence dost cause the former and the latter rain to descende
upon the earth, that it may bringe forth fruite for the use of
man, wee give thee humble thanks that it hath pleased thee
in our greatest necessitie to sende us at the last a joyfull rayne 30
upon thine inheritance, and to refresh it when it was drye, to
the great comfort of us thy unworthy servants, and to the
glory of thy holy name, through thy mercies in Jesus Christ
our Lord. Amen.
CHAPTER iv.J Libri Communis Precum.
A thanksgiving for fair weather.
O Lord God, who hath justly humbled us by thy late
plague of immoderate rayne and waters, and in thy mercie
hast relieved and comforted our souls by this seasonable and
5 blessed change of wether ; wee praise and glorify thy holy
name for this thy mercie, and will always declare thy loveing
kindness from generation to generation, through Jesus Christ
our Lord. Amen.
A Thanksgiving for Plenty.
10 most mercifull Father, which of thy gracious goodness
hast heard the devout prayers of thy Church, and turned our
dearth and scarcitie into cheapnes and plenty : wee give thee
humble thanks for this thy especiall bounty : beseeching thee
to contynue this thy loving kindnes unto us, that our lande
1 5 may yeild us her fruit e of encrease to thy glory and our
comfort, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.
A Thanksgiving for Peace and Victor ie.
O Almighty God, who art a strong tower of defence unto
thy servants against the face of their enemys, we yeild thee
20 praise and thanksgiving for our deliverance from those greate
and apparant dangers wherewith wee were compassed, wee
acknowledge it thy goodness that wee were not delivered over
as a prey unto them, beseeching thee still to continue such
thy mercies towards us, that all the world may know that
2 5 thou art our Saviour and mighty Deliverer, through Jesus
Christe our Lord. Amen.
A Thanksgiving for deliverance from the Plague.
O Lord God, which hast wounded us for our synnes and
consumed us for our transgressions, by thy late heavy and
30 dreadfull visitation, and nowe in the middest of judgment
remembring mercie, hast redeemed our souls from the jawes
of death, wee offer unto thy fatherly goodnes our selves, our
souls and bodies, which thou hast delivered, to be a lyving
sacrifice unto thee, always praysing and magnifying thy
Pro Reformation* [DOCUMENTS.
mercies in the middest of the congregation, through Jesus
Christ our Lord. Amen.
Or this.
We humbly acknowledge before thee (O most mercifull
Father) that all the punishments which are threatened in thy 5
lawe might justly have fallen upon us by reason of our
manifold transgressions and hardness of heart : yet being it
hath pleased thee of thy tender mercie, upon our weak and
unworthy humiliation, to assuage the noysome pestilence,
wherewith wee latelie have been sore afflicted, and to restore 10
the voice of joy and health into our dwellings; we offer unto
thy divyne Majesty the sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving,
lauding and magnifying thy glorious Name for such thy
preservation and providence over us, through Jesus Christ
our Lord. Amen. i5
All which particular poynts and things in the said book,
are thus by you declared and enlarged by way of exposition
and explanation. Forasmuch as wee having maturely con
sidered of them, do hold them to be very agreable to our own
severall directions, upon conference with you and others, and 20
that they are in no part repugnant to the word of God, nor
contrarie to anie thinge that is already contained in that
book ; nor to any of our lawes or statutes made for allowance
and confirmation of the same : wee by virtue of the said
statutes, and by our supreme authoritie and prerogative 25
royall, doe fully approve, allowe and ratify all and every one
of the said declarations and enlargements by way of ex
planation.
Willing and requiryng, and withall authorising you the
Archbishop of Canterbury, that forthwith you do command 30
our printer, Robert Barker, newly to print the said Commu
nion Book, with all the said declarations and enlargements
by w r ay of exposition and explanation above mentioned : and
that you take such order, not only in your own province, but
likewise in our name with the Archbishop of Yorke for his 35
province, that every parish may provide for themselves the
saide booke so prynted and explained, to be onely used by the
minister of every such parish in the celebration of divine
CHAPTER iv.] A proclamation fyc. 225
service and admynistration of the sacraments. And duely by
him to be observed according to the lawe in all the other
parts, with the rites and ceremonies therein contained and
prescribed for him to observe.
And these our letters patents, or the enrollement thereof,
shal be your sufficient warrant for all and every the premisses
contayned in them.
Witnes our selfe at Westminster the ninth day of February.
Per ipsum regem.
VIII.
lo^l proclamation for the authorizing and uniformity of the Book of
Common Prayer to be used throughout the realm.
ALTHOUGH it cannot be unknown to our subjects by the
former declarations we have published, what our purposes
and proceedings have been in matters of religion since our
i5 coming to this crown ; yet the same being now by us reduced
to a settled form, we have occasion to repeat somewhat of
that which hath passed ; and how at our very first entry into
the realm being entertained and importuned with informations
of sundry ministers, complaining of the errors and imper-
2ofections of the church here, as well in matter of doctrine as
of discipline, although we had no reason to presume that
things were so far amiss as was pretended, because we had
seen the kingdom under that form of religion, which by law
was established in the days of the late queen of famous
2 5 memory, blessed with a peace and prosperity, both extra
ordinary and of many years continuance, (a strong evidence that
God was therewith well pleased,) yet because the importunity
of the complainers was great, their affirmations vehement,
and the zeal, wherewith the same did seem to be accom-
3 panied, very specious, we were moved thereby to make it
our occasion to discharge that duty, which is the chiefest
of all kingly duties, that is, to settle the affairs of religion
A proclamation for the uniformity [DOCUMENTS.
and the service of God before their own; which while wo
were in hand to do, as the contagion of the sickness reigning
in our city of London and other places would permit an
assembly of persons meet for that purpose, some of those
who misliked the state of religion here established, presuming 5
more of our intents than ever we gave them cause to do,
and transported with humour, began such proceedings, as
did rather raise a scandal in the church, than take offence
away. For both they used forms of public serving of God not
here allowed, held assemblies without authority, and did 10
other things carrying a very apparent show of sedition, more
than of zeal ; whom we restrained by a former proclamation
in the month of October last, and gave intimation of the
conference we intended to be had with as much speed as
conveniently could be, for the ordering of those things of the i5
church ; which accordingly followed in the month of January
last, at our honour of Hampton court, where before ourself
and our privy council were assembled many of the gravest
bishops and prelates of the realm, and many other learned
men, as well of those that are conformable to the state 20
of the church established, as of those that dissented ; among
whom, what our pains were, what our patience in hearing and
replying, and what the indifferency and uprightness of our
judgment in determining, we leave to the report of those who
heard the same, contenting ourself with the sincerity of our 25
own heart therein. But we cannot conceal, that the success
of that conference was such as happeneth to many other
things, which moving great expectation before they be entered
into, in their issue produce small effect. For we found
mighty and vehement informations supported with so weak 30
and slender proofs, as it appeared unto us and our council,
that there was no cause, why any change should have been
at all in that, which was most impugned, the Book of Common
Prayer, containing the form of the public service of God here
established ; neither in the doctrine, which appeared to be 35
sincere, nor in the forms and rites, which were justified out
of the practice of the primitive church. Notwithstanding we
thought meet, with consent of the bishops and other learned
men there present, that some small things might rather be
CHAPTER iv.] of the Book of Common Prayer.
explained, than changed ; not that the same might not very
well have been borne with by men, who would have made
a reasonable construction of them, but for that in a matter
concerning the service of God we were nice or rather jealous,
5 that the public form thereof should be free not only from
blame, but from suspicion, so as neither the common adversary
should have advantage to rest aught therein contained to
other sense, than the church of England intendeth, nor any
troublesome or ignorant person of this church be able to take
10 the least occasion of cavil against it: and for that purpose
gave forth our commission under our great seal of England
to the archbishop of Canterbury and others, according to
the form, which the laws of this realm in like case prescribe
to be used, to make the said explanation, and to cause the
1 5 whole book of Common Prayer, with the same explanations,
to be newly printed. Which being now done and established
anew after so serious a deliberation ; although we doubt not
but all our subjects, both ministers and others, will receive
the same with such reverence as appertaineth, and conform
20 themselves thereunto every man in that, which him con-
cerneth; yet have we thought it necessary to make known
by proclamation our authorizing of the same, and to require
and enjoin all men, as well ecclesiastical as temporal, to
conform themselves unto it, and to the practice thereof, as
25 the only public form of serving of God, established and allowed
to be in this realm. And the rather, for that all the learned
men, who were there present, as well of the bishops, as
others, promised their conformity in the practice of it, only
making suit to us, that some few might be borne with for
3 a time.
Wherefore we require all archbishops, bishops, and all
other public ministers, as well ecclesiastical as civil, to do
their duties in causing the same to be obeyed, and in punishing
the offenders according to the laws of the realm heretofore
3^ established for the authorizing of the said Book of Common
Prayer. And we think it also necessary, that the said arch
bishops and bishops do each of them in his province and
diocese take order, that every parish do procure to them
selves within such time, as they shall think good to limit,
Q 2
228 A proclamation fyc. [DOCUMENTS.
one of the said books so explained. And last of all we do
admonish all men, that hereafter they shall not expect nor
attempt any further alteration in the common and public
form of God s service, from this which is now established ;
for that neither will we give way to any to presume, that our -
own judgment having determined in a matter of this weight,
shall be swayed to alteration by the frivolous suggestions of
any light spirit ; neither are we ignorant of the inconve
niences, that do arise in government, by admitting innovation
in things once settled by mature deliberation ; and how I0
necessary it is to use constancy in the upholding of the public
determinations of states ; for that such is the unquietness
and unsteadfastness of some dispositions, affecting every year
new forms of things, as, if they should be followed in their
inconstancy, would make all actions of states ridiculous and ^
contemptible : whereas the steadfast maintaining of things
by good advice established, is the weal of all commonwealths.
Given at our palace of Westminster the fifth day of March,
in the first year of our reign of England, France and Ireland,
and of Scotland the seven and thirtieth, anno Domini, MDCIII. 2Q
CHAPTER V.
Interpolations charged against Archbishop Laud.
"OROM the light in which the Book of Common
Prayer was held by the Puritans of the seven-
5teenth century, it would naturally be expected that
any attempt to introduce readings without authority
and at variance with their suggestions, would be an
occasion for the renewal of hostilities. Little disposed
to make use of the liturgy themselves for the offices
TO of public worship, they would still employ it with
force and effect as a ground of accusation against their
opponents, if it should appear to have undergone any
clandestine alterations, whether they were positively
unsound, or were merely unauthorized. And such was
1 5 the vehemence of those times, that whenever an accu
sation was made, it rarely wanted a tone of confidence
to accompany it, or a strong public feeling to give it
credence ; so that the most improbable reports might
pass into general circulation, and grave and sensible
20 men be charged with offences, that involved the most
wanton and impracticable foolishness.
Q 3
230 Interpolations charged [NARRATIVE.
Of such a nature was the charge brought against
archbishop Laud of corrupting the Book of Common
Prayer. It is well known that he had employed his
power of granting licenses for publications in such a
manner as to alter the character of many of the books 5
submitted to him, and to give them a leaning in favour
of his own views of doctrine and discipline. He was
of that order of mind which could address itself with
much vigour and readiness either to the governing
principles of a question, or to the smallest circum- 10
stances connected with it. But the course of his
education had given him a strong tendency in the
latter direction ; and the spirit of the times, which
by a kind of moral crystallization had converted all
general discussions into a multitude of sharp and i5
uniform points, disposed him to infer great danger
from the smallest indications of it, and in all cases
alike to apply the remedy of pains and penalties.
Acting upon these principles he had carried his vigi
lance, as censor of the press, to the greatest extent ; 20
and authors of all descriptions complained of the
liberties that were taken with their works, passages
being omitted or reconstructed not merely on subjects
of secondary interest, but especially on those questions
on which every man at that time thought deeply and 25
passionately. The instructions given by the archbishop
to his chaplains with reference to the one subject of
popery were ; " that a all exasperating passages which
edify nothing, should be expunged out of such books
as by them were to be licensed to the press ; and that 3
no doctrines of that [the Romish] church should be
writ against, but such as seemed to be inconsistent
a Heylin s Laud, p. 418.
CHAPTER v.] against Archbishop Laud. 231
with the established doctrines of the church of
England." It is easy to foresee how such instructions,
administered by chaplains, whose theological senti
ments had met with the approval of archbishop Laud,
5 would give deep offence to two parties of great
activity and increasing numbers to the Puritans, who
independently of their own strength had considerable
influence within the pale of the church, and to those
lovers of free discussion, who have at all times a
10 prepossession in their favour, and had at that time
become a powerful party in the state.
But in such cases his proceedings, however inju
dicious in the extent to which they were carried, were
in their principle consistent with law, and with the
i5 practice of his predecessors. The question would have
been very different, had he of his own authority made
any variations in the text of the public liturgy.
The writer of " The news from Ipswich," a tract
calculated to make much impression at that period,
20 had already charged the archbishop with corrupting
the Book of Common Prayer; but the most direct
and questionable shape, in which the same accusation
appeared, was in two sermons preached by H. Burton
on the 5th of November 1636, and in two tracts
25 published by the same writer soon afterwards, the one
containing the substance of the sermons, and the other
consisting of an appeal against the proceedings of the
ecclesiastical commission.
The principal charge was directed against the
30 alterations that had been made in the form of prayer
provided for the 5th of November. The alterations
were that the words " root out that Babylonish and
antichristian sect which say of Jerusalem" were
changed to " root out that Babylonish and anti-
Q4
Interpolations charged [NARRATIVE.
Christian sect of them which say of Jerusalem :" and
the words " cut off those workers of iniquity whose
religion is rebellion" to " cut off those workers of
iniquity who turn religion into rebellion." It was
alleged that the archbishop had violated the act of5
parliament (3 James I. c. 1.) which appointed that
day to be observed as a religious festival. Now the
facts of the case were that the act in question provided
no form of worship for the day, but left it to be sup
plied, according to the customary practice, by an order 10
of the council ; that the form actually provided had
not at any time been united with the common editions
of the Liturgy, but was printed expressly for the occa
sion, incorporating with it the usual daily service ; and
that if any further justification were necessary, similar i5
alterations had been made at earlier periods by royal
injunctions b , as well as by authority of parliament. It
is plain then that in this instance if any charge could
be sustained, it would be merely that a change had
been made in the occasional devotions of the people, 20
which was alleged to be in opposition to their wishes.
It could not be pretended that any illegal alteration
had been made in the Book of Common Prayer, or
that any irregular act of any kind whatever had been
done. 25
Of the same nature were the objections taken
against the form of prayer provided for the public
fast of the year 1636, which was declared to differ
in many respects from the forms provided on other
similar occasions, although the king s proclamation, 30
that enjoined the observance of the fast, required the
*> In the Prayer book of 1552, and in the Injunctions of Queen
Elizabeth.
CHAPTER v.] against Archbishop Laud.
publication of the accustomed services. But these
objections were extremely futile. The changes were
numerous, and whether they were made judiciously
or not (although there appears to be no reason for
5 disputing it) they were made by the competent per
sons, had many precedents in their favour, and were
set forth in the usual manner, by his Majesty s
authority c .
Forms of prayer or thanksgiving had been provided
10 during the reigns of queen Elizabeth and king James I.
for many special occasions ; for instance, in the year
1562 during a time of pestilence (Wilkins, Cone,
vol. iv. p. 242) ; in the year 1588 during a time of
danger (Wilkins, vol. iv. p. 351); and on several
i5 occasions of the Queen s recovery from illness. In
stances also occurred, as in the case of a great scarcity
in the year 1596, (Wilkins, vol. iv. p. 351), when
clergymen appear to have been left to their own dis
cretion in the selection of prayers. But in the year
20 1603, the first year of king James, and a time of great
pestilence, certain prayers were collected for the occa
sion " out o 
