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' C-- V 


"Ar Hon- Josepn H. Cho*4ta, 


\ ' r 


X •'O 


1 i * 

B I 





ANDERSON'S Historical Series. 

A ^ k A y k* 

/ I 





M E. 


Maps, Plans, and Engravings. 

j- BY 

R: F. LEIGHTON, Ph. D. (lips.), 

Amik^r 0/ •* Critical Hittory ef Cicero's Letters Ad Familiaret;^ 
^LmHh Lestonty''' ^^ Greek Letttms*' Etc, 

*AAi|#k»Mr^n|r pi¥ cimu iroiBctW koa yviunoiav irpb« ri.^ voXvr^^^ vpa{<t«, rifK <«c riff 


Clark & Maynard, Publishers, 

784 Bboadwat. 

3 .fill's Historical Serie& 


"A^Juriibr Class History of the United States. 

lUiistimted with hundreds of portnits, views, mAps, etc. 87S pages. 16ino. 

A Grammar School History of the United States. 

Annotated ; and iUostrated with nnmeroas portraits and views, and with more than 
forty maps, many of which are colored. 840 pp. Idmo. 

A Pictorial School History of the United States. 

Folly illnstrated with maps, portraits, vignettes, etc 490 pp. 12mo. 

A Popular School History of the United States, 

in which are inserted as a part of the narrative selections from the writings of eminent 
American liistwians and other American writers of note. FnUy illnstrated wifli maps, 
colored and plain ; portraits, views, etc. 856 pp. 12mo. 

A Manual of General History, mastrated with nomeions 

engravings and with beantifnlly colored maps showing the changes in the political di- 
visions of the world, and giving the location of important places. 488 pp. ISmo. 

A Sbhool History of England, niastrated with nnmerous 
engravings and with colored maps showiug the geogrqihical changes in the country at 
different periods. 889 pp. ISmo. 

A School History of France. Dlostrated with unmeroos en- 
gravings, colored and nncolored maps. 878 pp. ISmo. 

A History of Rome. Amply Ulnstrated with maps, plans, and 
engravings. 548 pp. By R. F. Lkiobtox, Ph.D. (Ups.). 

A School History of Greece, in preparation. 
Anderson's Bloss's Ancient History, ninstnted with 

engravings, colored maps, and a chart 445 pp. 18mo. 

1 he illStOnCal jNeader, embracing selections in prose and verse, 
from standard writers of Ancient and Modern History ; with a Vocabalary of DifBcuIt 
Words, and Biographical and Geographical Indexes. 544 pp. 13mo. 

The United States Reader, embracing selections from eminent 
American historians, orators, statesmen, and poets, with explanatory observations, 
notes, etc. Arranged so as to form a Class-manual of United States History. Dlastrated 
with colored historical maps. 414 pp. 18mo. 

Clark a MaynARD, Publishers, 

JTewf Tork, 

Coprrfglit, 1fi78, V;- CLARK A MAYNARD. 

■<^ Hon Joseph H Choate, 

Mai . Ltf oo 


WirHIN the last twenty-five years historical criticism 
has made nowhere greater advances than in the his- 
tory of Rome. Aside from a more careful and critical ezam- 
ination of the ancient authors^ many other departments of 
stndy bearing directly or indirectly on Roman history have 
within that period been begun and pursued with the most 
gratifying results. Great progress has been made in the study 
of comparative philology and that of the Italian dialects.^ 
The inscriptions^ for the time of the republic and the em- 
pire, as well as those in the provinces and in the city of 
Rome itsetfy have been collected and edited, and they have 
senred in very many cases to correct or supplement the 
statements of ancient writers. The excavations* that haye 
been made at Rome and Pompeji ^ haye settled many disputed 
questions of topography and brought to light inscriptions* 
that have added to our knowledge of the manners and cus- 
toms and private life of the Romans. In fact, within twenty- 
five years the whole subject of Roman history has been 
reviewed in the light of these accessory means of informa- 
tiouy and very important contributions have been added to our 
knowledge of the regal period and the early republic/ of the 
internal history in the time of the republic,^ of the organ* 
ization of the senate and the popular assemblies,* of the con^ 
quest of Italy and the . manner in which the subject states ' 

* Those of Lower Ibilr, edited I7 Momrasen In 1860 : fhe Sabellltfi end Oecan, hf 
Hofldike in 18B8, nnd the stnuican and Oscan, bj Oorseen in 1874. 

* Bdited by RItselil, Xomou>en, Hcnzen, and otheiv, 1888-74. 

* Beran by Oanina, bat soon diaoontinoed ; resumed bv the Italian goyemment, 
onder tfie superrlsion of Pletro Hosa, in 1871. ' Overbeck. 

* Used by Dr. Henaen and Jordan, the first part of the first volame of whose work on 
Soman topography appearsd In 1878. 

* Xommaen, Linge, Behwagler, Clason, Rnbtaio, Peter, and nine. 

* DnunaaB, Mommsen, ana Lange. * Momm^en, Lange, and Rubino. 


were goyemed^^ of the iiifinence»of oriental conquests and of 
Hellenism on the Roman character^' of Oreoian philosophy and 
the Roman religion,' of the provincial system ^ and the mili- 
tary organization/ of the history of the empire,* the revival of 
the study of philosophy/ the influx of oriental forms of wor- 
ship, the revival of Paganism and the spread of Christianity. 
In short, all who have busied themselves with the subject are 
aware how valuable and interesting the contributions to Bo- 
man history have been, and how few of them have found their 
way into our school-books on that subject. The aim of the 
present volume is to treat Roman history in the light of the 
most recent investigations, and to present the results so far as 
they have been unanimously accepted by scholars in a form 
suitable for school instruction. 

The various subjects have been worked up after a careful 
and critical study of the original as well as the latest and best 
modem authorities. Besides a general obligation to many 
works on Roman history and antiquities, I am especially in- 
debted to the published works and the private instruction of 
Professors Ludwig Lange and Georg Voigt, of the University 
of Leipsic. 

Statements have often been substantiated by notes and 
references to ancient and modem authorities, but the object 
in these cases was more to suggest the means for additional 
reading and investigation than to introduce scientific informa- 

The book has been prepared on the theory that history is 
something more than mere biography and the records of bat- 
tles ; that it ought to set forth the connection of events, show- 
ing how each was the product of what preceded and the cause 
of what followed; that it deals with the inner life of the 
people ; that its aim is, as it were, " to penetrate into the 
workshop of the national mind and watch the operations 

* M ommBen and Marqiuudt. * Hommsen and Ume. 

* Preller. * Znmpt, Hommaen, Madvigf and others. 

* Rflatow, GOler, Lange, Marqnardtf and othere. ,* 

* Walter, Knhn, Badorit, and Mommsen^a edition of the Monnmentum AncyranniD. 
186S. * Friedlinder. 

MtfiFAOS. vn 

going on there." Hence an nnusaal amount of space for a 
book of this kind has been devoted to the study of the inter- 
nal govemmenty the inner life^ the religion, manners and cus* 
tomsy the influence of foreign conquests and foreign religions, 
the provincial system, the military organization, military 
roads, etc. The space for this extra matter has been gained 
without enlarging the book so as to make it imseryiceable for 
school use, by omitting details of battles and sieges and briefly 
indicating the results — a plan that was made possible without 
detracting from the value of the book, by the use of engrav- 
ings, plans and maps. 

The summaries have been prepared with a great deal of care, 
and although they have added somewhat to the size of the book, 
it is hoped that they will be found serviceable. If we leave the 
summaries, the space occupied by maps, engravings and notes, 
the chapter on military organization, which will be mainly for 
reference, except for advanced classes, and the chapter on man- 
ners and customs, out of consideration, the narrative is brought 
within the moderate compass of three hundred pages. 

Many interesting topographical details of the ancient city 
have been introduced, illustrated by maps, modified to cor- 
respond with what we have learned from the excavations. 

The whole book is amply illustrated with maps (mostly from 
Spinner's and Eiepert's Atlases), plans and numerous engrav- 
ings selected from Becker, Guhl and Eouer, and others. 

The table of contents gives a complete analysis of the whole 
work. It is so arranged that it suggests topics as well as ques- 
tions for examination and review, and affords a full chrono- 
logical index of the whole volume. 

a P. L. 

Bbookltn, N. Y., March, 1879, . 


For convenleoce of reference or for special stady of Roman history and antlqnltiea 
llie following list of tlie best modem autnorities is sal^oined: 

Life and Letters of Cicero 1864 

(Translated by Merivale.) 

{, History of Bome 1M6-1S49 

(To the Second Panic War.) 

Leben d. Cloeroe 1808 

(Very valoable.) 

Br|r0ey J.y Holy H ^rm fi Empire • ...» IflTO 

(The anthor has availed himself of the best German authorities.) 
Beeker. w. A.« Ctallns, or Bonum Soenes of the Time of Auirastas, with Notes 

and Excarses illastrative of the manners and customs of the Romans 1847 

De Coalanses, The Ancient Cityj a study on the Reliijion, Laws, and Institu- 
tions or Greece and Rome. (Trans, bv W. Small : a work of great yalue, as 

giving the view of the ancients of their own institutions.) 1877 

Drain«nn« IV., (^escbichte Roms, 6 vols 1884-44 

A biographical history of the Fall of the Republic. 
(A copious citation of authorities.) 

Dyer, Kings of Rome 1886 

(Written mainly from the old standpoint ; to be used with care.) 

Forsjrtliy Life of Cicero 1888 

(Popular, but prepared with discrimination and care.) 

FrlodlXiidery Lm Slttengeschichte Roms, 8 Yohi 1878 

(Indispensable ; it covers the time from Augustus to the last Antonlne.) 

Frovde, Csesarf a sketch 1879 

Otbboaii Decline and Fall of the Rmpfre. Srols 1864 

Ottltl 4fe Koiser, Life of the Greeks and Romans 1874 

(Verr valuable.) 
I. MetroiG 

Haltsoli, F., Griech. und ROm. Metrologle 1888 

(The latest and best) 

UuiOf History of Rome, 8 vols 1871 

(This is a very valuable work, although some of the author^s views In 
regard to the early Institutions are not accepted.) 

Jordan I Topographic d. Stadt Rom im AUerthnm 1871 

(The second volume containing a list of aalhorities appeared bi 1871; 
the first part of the flr^t volume. In 1877.) 

Klepert. Atlas Antlquns (U maos, with Index) 1917 

lAAIpe^ L.f R5m. Alterthflmer, 8 vols 180V 

(The first and third volumes were revised In 1878 ; a new edition of the 
second volume has not yet appeared. The greatest living representative of 
the conservative school of Roman history.) 

Iteek]r, History of Buropean Morale, 9 vols 18T7 

liO wes. Inquiry Into the Oediblilty of Rarly Roman History, 8 vols 1886 


lilddelL History of Rome, 1 vol 

Itowkx, Decline of the Roman Republic, 4 vols 1928 

M9wvrm,l; History of the Bmplre, 8 vols 

Merlvale, Gkineral History of Rome, 1 vol 

BIiddl«toai» Life of Cicero, 6 vols 

Blarqiuundt 4fe Momuisea, Haudbnch d. ROm. Alterthflmer, vols 1871 

HoBaaaaea, Roman History, 4 vols 1878 

(To the Establishment of the Empire.) 

** Geech. d. ROoL Mflntswesens. (French translation) 1861 

** ROm. Forschangen, VoL 1 1864 

HlelnBlur, History of Rome 1888 

(Later researches have modified NIebnhr's theories, still his works are 
• of great value.) 

Nlebiilftr's Lectures, ed. Schmits. (To the Fall of the Empire) 1870 

Paal]r, Real-EncydopBdle d. class. Alterthflmerwissenschalt, 7 vols 1888 

Pet«r, C, Gesch. Roms, 8 vol& 1871 

" ROm. Zeit-tafeln 

Preller, ROm. Mythologle 1866 

Ranasair, Manual of Roman Antiquities 1870 

(Not reliable for the early institutions.) 

fketk-wgler, ROm. Gesch., 8 vols ; continued by Clason 1878 

(To the capture of Rome by the Gauls.) 

Smltht Diet, of Grecian and Roman Antiquities and Biographies 1886 

Spranery Atlas Antlqnus (87 maps) 1874 


WmniMi Vomin iwtoved (nootupwoo). 

Mapof K.Italx 8 

Map of Latiom Yetos 4 

Map or Italy: No.1 ft^ 

of the Indo-Borapaan Laa- 


Dte^Tam of Baeaa la Italy IS 

MaporiloHM:No.S tt-lT 

Cloaca Mazima.... 17 

toovetanriUa M 

Temple of Yeita 44 

OeltieAniia 17 

Map of Rome aad Ttdnlty M 

MapofNapieiand Tidnitj 96 

flareophagna of Sdpio 101 

Plan of Tanotom IM 

Via Appia in Its pieaeot eondUioii HI 

Map of Italy: No. 8 IIS-IIS 

Yla Appia near Naples 118 

Channel of an Aqnedoct 118 

Map of Carthage and her dependen* 

des 118a 

Map of thu territory of Syiaeoae 119 

Oohunna Boetrata Vtt 

Map ianstiBtIng the rcyrlan Wars 180 

Ronte of Hannibal 186 

PlanorCanns 141 

Mapof thedtyofSyncQBe 14B 

MapiUnstiatingtheWanfai theXMt, 157 

MapofSpain 178 

SI^Bof Nnmantia 118 

The Modem Oapltid 198 

Temple of Conoord restored 818 

Map of Nvmidla and the old Pt o i lu ee 

of Africa tl7 

Map of the Vast in the tfanas of Mithrl. 

dates: No.4 8«B-8i9 

Fompejns Magmis 

Mareos TnUins Oioefo 

Temple of Jnplter CapitoUnns restored, 800 
€N^Jn)l«sC«9«lu> 801 


Map of Oatf te the time of OMsr: 

N0.& 808-808 

Pian of 0Mar*8 FortlflcaUons 80O 

Map of the ProTinees of Gaol 814 

Bmndlahim 887 

CmnaOctaTios 8« 

Map of Italy: No. 8 888-817 

Map of the rosiions of Italy 881 

Marctts Anconlns 801 

Taetle Order of the Maniple 868 

SUngWf Legionary^ Lictor, Knight.... 871 

Order of Battle 878 

Order of the Oentories 878 

Order of the Cohorts 874 

Defensive Order of the Legion 874 

Plan of the Camp 878 

Plan of Camp in the time of Casar ... 877 

Plan of the Tents of the Cohorts 879 

Catapnlta 881 

BaUlsta 881 

Besieging Tower 880 

Engines for Besi^ng a City 88i 

Plan of Boman Forum in its present 

condition 884 

PUn of Boman Fomm In the time of 

the Early Bepabllc 880 

The Atrinm 387 

The Yestthnle 


Cooking Utensils 801 

Implements of Writing 408 

Tablets for Letters 408 

Covering for the Feet 406 

The Toga 405 

Dress of Women..... 408 

BmprBMLtyia 488 

Baths of CarscaHa 408 

Bacing Chariots 408 

Ohidiatorial Oomhat 410 

Fbivian Amphitheatre In its pneent 

condition 418 


Tliflatre of Pompejiu restored by 

Cuiina^ 414 

Plan of Roman Fomm In time of the 

Empire 410 

Pantheon in its present condition 496 

Xap of (Germany 481 

Maasolenm of Aognstas restored 488 

Map showing the extent of the Boman 

Empire a. d. 88 480 

Tiberias 440 

Section of the Clandian Aqnednct com- 
pared with the triple aqnednct of 

Agrippa. 447 

Hero 440 

Flavian Amphitheatre 454 

Areh of Titos 465 

Tn^ 4B8 


Fommof TnOan 400 

Map showing the extent of the Roman 

Empire A. D. laO-lTO. 401 

HoleofHadrian 4flS 

Antoninns Pins 485 

Aqnednct Pont dn Guard 485 

Marcus Anrellns 460 

Alexander Serems 481 

Ruins of Palmyra 488 

Map of the Roman Empire in the time 

of Diocletian : No. 7 490-7 

Arch of Constantlne 487 

Map of the Roman Empire from the 

time of Constantlne to tl»t of Theo- 

dosius: No. 8. 40S-8 

Map of Gaul abont A. D. 600 404 



Of Demaratas of Corinth 45 

Of L. OaciUns MeteUns 1S4 

Of AppinsClandinsGeecns. US 

Of ^mllins Paulas 140 

OfL.8cipio 148 

Of M. Porcins Cato 180 

Of Tiberius Gracchus 90S 

OfMasinissa. 910 

OfM. MetelluB Calvus 919 

OfM. Antonius, orator 

Of L. Liciniua Crassus, orator , 

OfM. UtIus Drusus 984 

Of Cn. Pompejns 9B9 

OfMarcnaTnllias Cicero 987 

Of A. CUudiOB Pulcber 800 

OfM Porcius Cato Uticensls 884 

»Of M. Antonins, triumTir 848 

OfG. Julius Cesar 840 

Of Augustus 484 

Of LlTia DmsUlia 440 

Of Bassianns 480 



I.— The Settlement of the Latins 90-9tb 

IL'Oonqnest of Italy 114-llfla 

III.— First and Second Punic Wars ; Wars In Spain, Sicily, Italy, the East and 

the West 195-1986 

IV. -Civil Dissensions 861-8646 

v.— First and Second Periods of Imperialism 609-504 

Ust of Magistrates. .,.,.,..... UOft 


I. G«Offrapbjr of Italy. 


baljr In flifly times 1 

Its dlTtaknif 1 

L Nortbeni Italy 1 

1. Ucorift 8 

t. GsUia Cisftlpliia 8 

8. Vsnetia 8 

n. Oentm Italy 8 

1. Blnirla ■ 8 

S. Lattam: Ita two tenses (ms 

note) .. 8 

8> Campanta 4 

4. Umbria 4 

B. Pleennm 6 

•. Sabtni ^ 

SabelUans 6 


8. Marradni 

9. FtoBgni.. 
la Vestiai... 
11. Freotani. 

IS. ftfcWi'inm 6 

OL Southern Italy 6 

1. Locania • 8 

8. BrnttiiCseenote) 6 

a. Apulia 6 

4. Calabria 6 

Moontain systems of Italy 6 

The Campagna 7 

Itaftrtillty 7 

Btvertystams of Italy 8 

IMands of Italy 8 

Position of Italy 8 

Itsdfanate 9 

ItsftrtiUty 9 

n. Karly laltabltnBU. 

I. lapyglans ^\ 

U. Italians t 9 

m. Btmsoaaa 9 

Italians 9 

I.Latins 9 

8. UmbnKSabeUians 10 

Umbrians 10 

SaUni ] 

Samnites Isabelllans. 10 

Floentes. • • • * . .1 

Btmseans 11 

Theirname 11 

Theircities 11 

Their civilization 11 

Their infloeooe on the latins 19 

Theiroilgin 19 

Unity of the noes in Italy 19 

FoawdntlOTS of Ronae, B. C. 7SS. 

Latins IS 

Their primitive dTlliaation IS 

Their language 18 

Comparison of words (note) IS 

Latins enter Italy 14 

Their social constitntion 14 

Households 14 

Chms 14 

Yilkges. 14 

Cantons 14 

AlhaLonga 14 

Borne a Latin settlement 14 

The Cantons 

Its location 14 

The Palatine city 15 

8q:iiare Rome 16 

Pomerinm 15 

SaUneclty 15 

Union of the two cities 16 

Curia 16 

Qnlrltes (note) IS 

Itome the capital of Latinm 19 




Thefomm 16 

ThehillB 17 

The streets (note) 17 

Cloaca Maxima 17 

The comitiiim 17 

Therostra 17 

The capitol 17 

The Benate-houM 18 

Temple of Diana 16 

Temple of Jupiter 18 


Barljr Qo'v^muk^nt of Rome. 

Fonn of government 18 

Modelled on the honeehold 18 

Theclan..* 18 

Tribee 18 

1. Banines 19 

8. Titles * 19 

ft. Laot^es 19 

Theking 19 

Thesenate 19 

Comitia cnriata 19 

Thearmy 90 

Patricians 90 

Cllento 90 

Slaves 21 

Plebeians 91 

The reform of Tarqainios Priecos 81 

The reform of Senritts Tnllins 89 

IMvision of Boman territorj 93 

OlassUlcation of the population 93 

Thearmy 93 

Theoensns — 93 

Fiveclasses 93 

The armor of the different classes 38 

Comitia centnriata 88 

The legion 98 

The character of the constitntion ...... 94 

The Lnstrom 94 

Ldvy^'fl Htot«rjr«f til 

Other authorities. 

Early records. 

Oral tradition 

Origin of Bome. 

Story of Romulus and Bemus . 

Bome founded. 

War with the Latins. 

War with the Sabines 

Union of Romans and Sabines. 

Coo8tit«UQii aflQribed to RoibbIm, 


NumiJgQimiPtns 80^ 

ADCusJIJlaBCins 80 -" 

Tar^oiniBs Briscus 80 

Se^iusTttUius 80 

Taf qainius Siiperbus 80 

The value of Livy^s narrative 80 

Othersouroes 81 

1. Excavations 81 

8. Oumparative philology 81 

& Physical geography 81 

The results 88 

Rell^on of the Romans. 

Its general character : three periods ^ . . 88 

Worship of Italian deities (Faunus) .... 88 

Lupercallan feast 84 

Various forms of worship 84 

Jupiter and Mars 84 

Q^lrinus 85 

State religion 85 

Worship of Vesta 86 

Jupiter Capltolinus 87 

The Colleges of Sacred Lore 89 

Second period : Grecian influence 88 

Sibylline books 88 

Divination • 88 

Auspices • 89 

Art of the haruspices 48 

Other ceremonies 48 

The character of the Roman religion . . 48 

Causes of its decline 44 


Attempts of Tarqulnlvs to Rof^aia 
tlie Ro]ral Poiirer, 

The legendary narrative (note) 41 

Firstattempt 4| 

^ In the first period (ttom. the foundation 
of the Boman state until the time of Tar- 
quinlus Priscus) Italian deities alone were 
worshipped. The second period extends to 
nearly the end of the Second Punle Ww. 
During this period new forms of worship 
were Introduced ; the old patriardial and 
priestly character of the constitution gave 
way before the Influence of civilization 
and Intercourse with foreign nations. The 
third period extended to the time of Augus- 
tus. During this time the state reUglon lost 
its hold on men^s minds. 




Second att«f4>t ^ 

Third attemiit ^ 

Battle of Lake BegilloB 48 

CEeffibOityortliisiiarmtlve 40 


EstmbliBlimeiit ef tHe lieiwib Ue«_ 

B. O. 

509. The power (imp^rhcm) returns 

to the fklhers BO 

Infeerre^iiin declared 60 

Spnriiia lioerettas «fi/err«e 60 

OoDfiolB dected 60 

Pobliiia y alerlns 61 

ONNMa em^nrteto a tegialatiTe 

amemblj 61 

OMnilia cmtmiata the army 

(note) 51 

FatrfcteB Inftaence SB 

Tribntam 6S 

F^ypnlarniearares 6i 

Vacandee In the senate filed. .. 5i 

S08. Valerian lawB 6i 

First dictator 64 


Pe Tglopmeat •T the yfr^*"^ ^ ^ * 
*Prtl»ttiiea.--A«imrton Agttatior- 


491. The story of Ourio| 
The Volsdans 
The position of the tribunes. . . . 

The pabUe land 

How managed 

Tlie Agiar iaa law of 8. Gasshis, 

e three 
The policy of the Vablan house. 
Their slaiighter at the Oranera, 
The PnhlD} yi law 

T^^f^Bp^Sya fpote) 

AtToSScewApplns Otaodins. . 

Logtolatlon (note). 










Condition of the plebeians 64 

The plebeians oppressed by debt, 64 

Patricians and plebeians 64 

The conserrative element 64 

dandian genB 66 

Law of debtor and creditor (note, 

p. 66) 66 

gnfferings of the poor 66 | 454. 

Pablicland 66 

Bight of appeal 66 | 

The object of the plebeians .... SI \ 461. 

The first crisis 5r i 

Itscanse w| 

FIrstMOesston 67 > 

M^Valerins 57 | 450. 

The sacred monnt 67 | 

Thefe£M0rato 67 ■ 449. 

Tribunes of the pkbs 68 | 

Their original powers (note) .... 68 

The first plebiscitnm .... 68 

Second pleblKitum 68 

JPlebelanfedUes,..,.,, . 90 

(note), 64 


DeeensTlrs and the lAinra of 
the TvrelTe Tahlea. 

IBflorts of the plebeians to obtain 

written code of laws 66 

Tile Terentflian Bogation 66 

Opposition of the patricians. . . . 66 
Violence of Ksso Qjulnetins 

(note) 61 

Herdonius seizes the capitol 

(note) 66 

l%e Arentine given up to the 

plebeians 66 

Appointment of the commission- 
ers •.. 67 

They visit Athena 67 

Decemvirs appointed 07 

The Twelve Tables of Roman 

Law 67 

Their character 68 

Decemvirs re-elected 66 

Theirtyranny 68 

They continue in office 60 

Murder of SIcinius Dentatus .... 60 

Death of Vliginla 60 

Second secession 70 

Resignation of the decemvirs ... TO 

Vdlerio-Horatlan laws 19 



IhereMtd powen of the Mb- 

noes 71 

Qp«0ton elected by tlie people, 71 


Tba plebeiftn opposition. 71 

The plebeian nobUltj 71 

445. The Gumleiui l«w 7S 

MUitMy tribnnee ' with eonsular 

power,* 7S 

Oeneon appointed T8 

Tbelrdntlee 78 

440. Spbrineltelfau 74 

431. i^eetonhlp opened to the ple- 

belana 74 




urttlft HelffhtoorUiS Hatlone. 
of Rome by tMe Oanle. 

VolseUuiB and JSqnlans 75 

Conquest of Veji * 76 

Fay glyen to the soldiers 76 

Oanls, or Celts 78 

Their nomadic character 76 

They enter Italy... 76 

Capture of Bome . 1 76 

The narrative of Llvy ; that of 

Polybins (note) 77 

Distress of the poor 77 

Bate of interest 77 

Death of Manilas 7S 

Further Gallic wan (note) 78 


Number of pondfls and angnra 



R<mallaatlon of tike Orders. 

Condition of the plebeians 79 

The Llcinlan Bop^tions 79 

Opposition of the patricians .... 80 

Ucinian Bogations adopted ... 80 

L. Sextins first plebeian consul, 80 

The offlce of praetor created .... 80 

His duties 81 

Heaning of the word popuhu. . 81 
Farther progress of the plebe- 
ians 81 

The Temple of Concord 81 

Bomangames 81 

First plebeian dictator 81 

First plebeisn censor 81 

First plebeian pretor 81 

The Cgnlnian laws 81 

CJoBtlniied AfitalloB.— MvUajr 4Mf 
B. C. 843.— The PublUIais ua«i 
Hortensiaa I^mmr: 

Political equality 88 

Bate of faitersst 88 

848. Mutiny of B.o.8tt 

The Gennclan law (note) 
The plebeians appeased . 

889. The Pablilian laws 

Their character 

The changes effected by these 

laws (note) 88 

The Hortenslan laws 84 

The character of these laws .... 85 
' The nobility still control legisla- 

The plebiBcitnm][»nium(nc*;e), 

7^ XIV. 

People and < 

Rise of the New NohiUtir. 

The condition of the people.... 88 

Commerce and war 81 

PoUtteal equaUty 86 

The new nobili^ 86 

The popular assemblies 86 

OonUtia cerUuriata 86 

ComiOatributa 86 

C&nciUum irUfUmn 86 

Thocitixens.. 86 

The members of the tribes 87 

809. InnoTStlon of Jl Claudius 67 

804. His arrangement reversed by 

Fisbins and Dedus 97 

The consniar power 87 

How weakened 88 

The senate 88 

ItspowerB 86 

Its members.... 88 

Vacancies 86 

Its place of meeting (note).... 86 

How summoned (note) 86 

How business was conducted 

(note) 88 

Its original powers 89 

Its aristocratic character 88 

Tlie general character of the 

government «,.*..,,,,,. 89 



St of Xtaljr. 



•flM flamnites 98 

Tbeir hifltoiy W 

Tike Ver Saentm {noU) « 

The SamnltM of the moantaliu 
ftUack TeaxkUJSL, a dty of the 

Sididnl * 

The Camptnlans ut^Bt the 

Sididnl * 

Tbey an defeated by the Sam- 

nltee * 

The assiBtance of Borne Is solic- 

The Firgt SatnnUe War... 96 

Sucows of the BomanB 06 

141. CooclTiBlon of peace 86 

S40. The TCTolt of the Lathi League, 96 

Treftty with the Samnltes 96 

The hattto at Mt. Yesnyias 96 

8eif-«acriflce of Decins (note) ... 96 

Ci^tnre of Antiam..... 96 

SS8. Conclusion of the war 96 

l^nns of peace 97 

f%e Second SatnnUe War., 97 

Itacause ^ 

Wardedared — W 

The lint period >••• 96 

9%1, The Candine Forks 96 

Saeeesa of the Samnltes f» 

811. War with the Btmscans 90 

310. Battle at the Vadimonlan Lake, 90 

Tlie Samnltes defeated 100 

304. Peace condnded 100 

TlM results of the war.. 100 

MS. The TMrd Samnite War... 100 

Itacaoae •• IW 

An aniance of the Samnltes and 

the Btruseane 101 

The battle of Sentlnnm 101 

The epit^h of Sdplo (note) ... 101 

O. IVrntfns taken piifloner 108 

The condnalon of peace 106 

Colonies established 100 

War with the Oanis and the 

XtmsMns 108 

Battle of theVadlmonianlAke, 108 

War with tiie Lncanians 106 

S83. Most of the Greek towns sab* 

Bit 1« 

Oonffition of the Italian Greeks, 100 

Tuentnm IW 

Romans assist the fninrlnians.. 104 

Boman fleet attadeed by the 
Tarentlnes 104 









It toTureft- 

tiim(note) 106 


The Taientines apply to Pyr- 


The anival of Pyrriras in Italy, 106 

Battle of Heradea 106 

Bemarks of Fyrrlms on tiie bat- 

tie 106 

BmbassyofCineas to Borne.... 106 

Battle of Asculum 106 

Alliance of Bome and Carthage, ld7 

Pyrrhos retiree to SIdly 107 

His aiMtrary mle in Sicily 108 

Betams to Italy 108 

Battle of Benerentom 106 

Conqnest of Italy ... 106 

The manner in which Bome 

mled her snbjects 106 

Tiie population daesUled 106 

L Boman dtiiens 100 

1. Of the thirty-three tribes, 100 

2. Of the Boman colonies .. 

n. CIves Hm »Hfraff^ 100 

m. The allies HO 

Colonization -». HO 

MlUtaryroads HI 

ApplanWay HI 

Flamlnian Way JH 

iEmfllanWay HI 

Aqnednets HI 

Applan Aqnednct 119 

AnioVetus H* 

The military system 116 

First Pniile "W^r, B. C. 864-841. 

Carthage H7 

Its prosperity.. IW 

Its trade 1" 

Its goyemment H8 

Bdative strength of Bome and 

Carthage H8 

Conquest of Messana by the 

Mamertines H9 

*rhe Mamertines appeal to Bome, 116 

Siege of Hessana UO 

864. Applns Claudius sent to Hes- 
sana ^* 

He defeats the Carthaginians 

and Syracosans 190 

363. Hlero makes peace with Bome, 190 

868. Ckpture of Agrlgentum 190 

360. The first Koman fleet ,. 181 





360. KavalYietoiyoflllylA isi 

The plan of the campaign 180 

S66. loTasion of Afriea Ill 

366. NaTalvtetory 188 

366. Defeat of BeguloB 188 

Destmotion of Boman fleet by a 

storm 188 

354* The capture of PaDonniiB 184 

360. The battle at Panormiu 184 

BmbaMj of the Carthaginians 

toBome 185 

Siege of Lilybmim 186 

349. Defeat of Claadf as 186 

Destroction of the Boman fleet 

by a storm 186 

347. HamilcarBarcas appointed gen- 

eial , 186 

Hie takes a position at Honnt 

Eryx 186 

341. Battie at the .figatian islands.. 186 

Peace with Carthage 187 

Terms of the peace 187 


Btveiftts between tite First and 
n .^, 1 1 Second Panic 1Vars*^inie Pro- 
l^ * ▼Inelal * Sfrstem.— Tlie Illjrrlan 
Mfmrm UTars witl& tbe Gauls. 

340-388 • War with the Mercenaries 187 

The ProTinclal System 188 

388. Sardinia and Corsica a province 188 

Thepnetor 188 

Taxes 188 

HamilcarBarcas goes to Spain 188 
339-338. Tfie Virst Illyrinn 

War 188 

Its cause.... 188 

339. Qaeen Tenta compelled to sub* 

mit 189 

Demetrins of Pharos 188 

333. The Agrarian law of O. Flamin- 

ius 180 

The senate resists the law 180 

The Flaminian way 180 

336-333. The QtUlU War 189 

Its caase 181 

Terror at Borne 181 

335. The balUe of Telamon 181 

318« Boman colonies 181 

Cremona 181 

Placentia 181 

319. The Second Illyrian War 188 
Demetrins of Pharos, t 188 


Pharoa deet roy ed. 
Demetrius flees to 


Seeond Panic War, B.C. 318-SO:i 

Carthaginian policy 

The popular party 

336. Hamilcar in Spain 

338. Hasdrubal in Spain 

New Carthage founded 

Borne forms an alliance with 

331. Death of Hasdrubal 

319. Hannibal chief commander 

Siege of Saguntnm 

Its capture Jjb 

Roman embasey 138 

War declared 188 

Comparative strength of Borne 

andCarthage 184 

Preparations of Hannibal 184 

318. He crosses the Ebro 184 

His march to the Bhone 184 

Arrival of Sdpio at Mase=ilia.... 185 
Hannibal erossea the Bhone ... 186 
Sclpio sends his Inrother to Spain 

EUmnibal^s route 

His arrival in Northern Italy. . . 185 

Skirmish on the Ticinus 186 

BatUe at the Trebia ]87 

317. Hannibal crosses the Apennines 187 
The Bomans defeated at Lake 

Trasimenus ig/ 

Great consternation at Bome... igg 
Fabtus Hazimus appointed dic- 
tator 188 

Flans of Hannibal 186 

The policy of Fabins 188 

The Bomans dissatisfled 180 

Hie flnnness of the Bomans . 180 

316* BaWe «f Cannw 140 

■ Plan of the battle 141 

Great defeat of the Bomans. ... 141 

Heroic spirit of the people 148 

SUlof C^Nia 148 

New dlfllcnmes beset Hannibal 148 

318. War in Spain 148 

The Sdpios carry on the war 

with energy 144 

The battle at Ibeia 144 

Preparations of the Bomans.... 144 

Planof tbewar 144 

314-310, WarinSieUp 140 



tit. Oai^mnidBTneam 146 

tl»>t*«. Wmr im »pa*n 147 

nawlintil fonna an •Ulanoe 

withOida 147 

Btf^BSt of tiM Bomans UOt 

tl0> P. OoraeUas floipio aent to 

^laio M7 

SDeeeMofSe^io 148 

t07. G^Mare of Mew Owtlu^ 148 

Deputoreof Haadnibal 148 

W9%- OonqnaHl. of SiMiin 148 

fldpio and Sypliaz 148 

tl4*S04L Warimltmlp 140 

tl !• Tte war eeotna around Oapoa 

aadTuenbim 14B 

BoBBMia feoorer Ckpoa 14B 

Boinnns reoovar Tuvntnm 148 

Defeat and death of MarooQa*.. UO 

jflovemenCa of Haadrabal IfiO 

t«7. Heeroeaee the Alps IfiO 

Marched Nero 161 

nrntiie of Metaruru9 161 

Defeat and death of Haadrabal 151 
Haanihal retiree to Brattlnm... 161 

Sclpio elected eonsn] 168 

Wm plan to compel Hannibal to 

eivacaate Italy 168 

t04. WarinAfrica IS 

Scipio^s Ant Buoceeaee 188 

KSbrta Ibr peace 168 

tot. nmitte of Znma 164 

^"^ Defeat of Hannibal 164 

tOl • Tenna of peace 164 

Sdpio^ trivmph 164 

BeealtBof thewar 165 

Boanan pdliej 166 

KewookmieB 166 

inittaiy roada 166 

Gaaaqneat of tl^e Baat— tl4k 

Theconditlottof theBMt 186 

Macedonia 168 

8yila ■• * 168 

Unrpt 188 

Free Greek eitlei 18B 

BjaantlDin 168 

QfBleaa 168 

Bhodee 166 

The AehMm Leafiiae 18B 

The iBtoUan Leiipie 166 

a. o. PASS 

1 14-tOS* fhm rirH MueeOmMian 

Nor 168 

Itacaiiae 188 

lu indeditfe diaiaeter 160 

Itacanae 180 

197. Battle of OynocephabB 180 

-"^ Terms of peace 160 

191^190* Syro^ASflimn War. . 181 

Antiochua , 181 

Intrignee of the iBtoUane 181 

Hannibal aipeUed from Car- 
thage 181 

Antiochua eroaaee over to Greece 188 

191. HIb defeat at Thermopyte 188 

Hb retreat to Asia Minor 188 

190. The Romana follow and defleat 

him at Magnesia 188 

189. The .fitolian war 188 

Battle at Amhracia 188 

The Acluean League 188 

171-168* T%ird Macedonian 

War 188 

Policy of Borne towards Mace- 
donia 188 

178. Deathof Philip 188 

Oondition of Greece 184 

Bome detennines to take the 
government into her own 
hands 184 

188. Battieof Pydna 164 

*"* How Macedonia was governed 184 
Treatment of the other Greek 

states 165 

The Aehaan Leagae 188 

147-146. Tktt Aeheean War 188 

l4ft^Ckirinth captnred and destroyed 188 

*^7- Oinse of its destrnctlon 186 

Macedonia a Roman province. . 107 

1 49-14 6. I%e 1%ird Pnnic War 187 

icoman policy Iff? 

Condition of Carthage 188 

IffO. War with Masiniasa 180 

Bome interferes 180 

Determination to destroy Car- 
thage ITO 

Siege of Carthaee ..." 1?0 

146* Its capture and destruction 170 

Africa a Roman province 171 

The Roman empire 171 

Cause of Rome*e success 178 

Situatlnn of Rome 178 

Secondary causes 178 

tOO-168. Spanish Wars 174 




195. IfHCDs FordnB Gito mdI to 

Spain 174 

The Spanish governon 175 

The Spanish serrioediaiigreeAble 175 

1 64. War with the Celtiberians. ... 175 

160. War in Lasitania ITS 

Vlriathns 175 

143-133. The Numaniine Hmr., 177 

Iti caose 177 

Its eharacter 177 

134* Sdpio sent to Spain 177 

Siege of Namantla 179 

XA8. Destmotion of Nnmantia 179 

l59. Province of Asia 179 

Increase of slavery 179 

1S4-188. aerttiU War 180 

The SDCoess of the insarrection 180 
BnpHiiis brings tiie war to a 
dose 180 


The latenuil GoTeriuBent. 

The provinces 181 

When acquired lan 

How governed IK 

The governors receive no salary, 182 

Thdr exactions 181 

Titles and insignia 188 

The Italian alhes 184 

TheLatins 184 

The Italians 184 

Theirbardens 184 

Boman citizens 184 

TheirrightB 184 

Bight of appeal 184 

Hie rwenoe 186 

Bzemption from taxation 186 

Formation of new parties 185 

The new nobility 186 

The people 186 

Elections 186 ' 

Bribery at elections 185 | 

The initiative of the senate . . 185 

Comle magistracies 186 

Bztenial insignU 186 

Noble families 186 

The aim of the nobility 186 

Thesenate 186 

The eqoltes 186 

Theoensors 186 

The public assemblies 187 

The voters .. 197 

Therabble 187 

Conditioo of the people 187 


Hie condition of the ItaUana . 
Inflnence of foreign conqncats, 188 

Largesses of com 

833. The Agrarian of Flaminlaa... 

318. The daodian law 189 

Reform in the order of voting 

(note).:. 180 

The number of centuries (note) 189 

The ballot (note) 189 

CSato's efforts for reform 189 

Hisearlylife 189 

Hishabits .. 189 

His service in the army 189 

He resists the appeal of the Op- 

pianlaw 190 

Prosecntlon of the two Scipios, 190 

196. Censorship of CJato 191 

His parsimony (n. 4) 191 

The geoersl character of the 

government 191 

lUstabflity 198 

The decline of the government 

gradual 198 

Hellenic influences 199 

The character of the Greeks. . . . 199 

Luxury : 193 

Immorality 199 

Indolence 198 

literature 199 

Cato^s opposition 199 

Justness of Cato's opposition . . 199 

Philosophy and religion 198 

Kpicnrean philosophy 198 

New Academy 198 

Stoic philosophy 198 

CkHnpromise between phlloso- 198 

phy and religion 193 

The new state religion 198 

The " Sdplonic '' circle 198 

Oriental forms of worship 198 

•Ijtws of repression 198 

They become domesticated io 198 

Italy 198 

Slave labor 193 

Unarming on a large scale 194 

The importation of com 194 

Price of com (note) 194 

The Importation of com com- 
pelled farming on a large scale 

to be abandoned .... • IM 

The Claudian law IM 

Ite effect !•* 

Boman merchants IM 

The tendency of legislation .... 194 
Moneyed aristocracy 194 


U, R €. 18S-1S1. 







The condition of the sute 190 

The neceMity for reform 900 

The government controlled hy 

thenobUity 3n 

The aim of the nobility (note).. 901 
The decrease in the population 

(note) 901 

Tiberias Giacchne 901 

His connections 

Qpnstor in Spain 

His alienation ftom the oligar< 


His measores for reform 

Opposition of the landowners.. 908 

Deposition of OctaTins 908 

The law enacted and oommie- 

sioners appointed 901 

Efforts to reelect G.Tiberins.. 906 

Mnrderof Tlberins 906 

Death of Sclpio 900 

Expolsion of the allies from 

Borne 907 

Bevolt of FrsgellsB 908 

O. Graechns elected tribune ... 9QB 
His legislation 900 

Largesses of com 

CSian^ in the mode of taxa- 
tion in the proTincee 

Bztenalon of the Agrarian 
law 910 

fSk>ldiers equipped at public 
expense 910 

The Judicial power txanaf erred 
toknigfats 910 

Limitation of the power of the 

senate 910 

Gains re-elected tribune 911 

He proposes to confer the f ran- 

chise on tbe Latins 911 

Beaction against bis laws 911 

Dnisns outbids Gajus ftnr the 

popular favor 911 

QiO°e declines in popularity... 919 
His death 918 

. Kmle of tMe Ollfl^arehjr. 

Tlie Agrarian law not enftneed, 914 

dorruption gf the |;oTemment, 916 

113. tmblesln AvmldJa.". 916 










JognrCha osvpa the gofan- 

ment 917 

The Eomaas deelare war 917 

jngnithabribes the consul.... 918 

Treaty «8 

Indignation at Borne 918 

Benewaiofthawar 918 

MecaUas defeats Jognrtha 910 

BiseofHarins 919 y 

Elected eoosul 990 f 

The peo|de give him the com- \/ 

mand in Africa 991 ^ 

He aniTCS in Africa 

Jagnrtha defeated and taken 


Ihe eoodition of the provinces 


Ineompetency of the Boman 


The Cimbri and Tentones 

Battle of Aiansio 

Marios re-elected consal 

The Tentones defeated 

The Cimbri defeated 994 

The condition at home 

Social distress 


The people look to Marias to 

remedy the evils 9S6 

He is no politician 

He falls nnder the oontrol of 


The laws of Satominus 

Beaction against Marius 

Sataminns put to death 

Evidences of decline In the 

state sm 

Saperstition 980 

How the oligarchy governed the 

allies 981 

The wrongs of the allies 981 

The senate and equestrian order, 988 

The tribonata of Dmsns 988 

His measures for reftem 984 


The revolt of the aUies 

They oiganiae a nenv govern* 


The first year of the war 987 

The Bomans make oonceaslons, 987 

IhBkxJyUa 987 

The tee i%ni<to Aqrffia 987 

The Varlan proeecotions 988 

Tbe allies lay down their arms, 980 
Tbe conditions of 


B.O. TAmrn 

Tbe ftnttieial criaifl MO 

Dispute between MeiiiiB and 

Ball* for the comiiuuid in the 

Beet Ml 

88. Kariofl eomts the faTor of the 

alllee Ml 

The Snlpiciea lews 

SoUagoes to Borne to prevent 

the pearage of theae laws .... 

Salpldiu pat to death 

Marine flies from Bome M8 

Ballads legislation M8 

The wanderings of Xarfais .... M4 

87. The Marian party regain power, M6 

Marios returns to Borne M6 

The proeoriptlon of the nobles, M6 

8C The seventh oonsnlship of Ma- 
rias MB 

Hisdeath M6 

Valerius Haocos oonsnl MB 

The oondiUon of the Best ....'M7 

ISO. Accession of Mithridatee M7 

His ideas of conqneet M7 

His disputes with the Romans. . M8 

88. HeinvadBsAsia MS 

Maasacre of Romans and Ital- 
ians M0 

87. Greece dedans in favor of Mith- 

ridates MO 

SnUa lands in Greece MO 

Lays stage to Athens 900 

88. Vietoiy. at Chsronea 900 

8S. Victory at Orehmnenns 900 

84. Tennsofpeace 960 

Fimbria sent to SBperMde Sulla, 900 

Death of Fimbria 901 

88. Sulla returns to lUIy 901 

Crushes the Marian party 

88. Battle of Clusinm 

88. Battle with the Samnites. 

Sulla returns to Rome 994 

Proscription 964 

Hie rule of the senate restored, 906 

81. SulUdlctator 900 

EQs refonns in the oonstitatlon, 9B7 
Tribnnea deprived of power.. 907 

TIm far oniMilit enforced 907 

The number of pnetors end 

qusstors increased 967 


The popular sswinMlee 
The priestly coDeges. . . 

The Judicial system 906 

79. He resigns the dictatoTBhip.... 900 
78. His 

B.O. n 

Tlie rule of the oligarchy grows 
more scandaloas 

Condition of Italy and the prov- 

Increase of loxoiy 

The opposition 

Insurrection of Lepldus 

Condition in Spsin 

79. The war with Sertorins 

72. Death of Sertorius M4 

71. Bnd of the war In Spain 

78. War with the gladiators 

Success of Spartacus 

71. His defeat and death 

Pompejus cuts to pieces a body 
of gladiators 


Fall «r the Ollsarelftjr, B. C. 70. 

The popular party 

70. Pompejus and Crassus elected 


The powers of the tribunes re- 

The rule of the oligarchy in the 




EQs scandalous exactions 

His trial 

The Anrelian law 

The Jurymen to be selected 
from tiie senators,- knights 

and tribuni crarii 

The popularity of Pompejus . . . 
The condition of Roman alEsirs, 

The pirates 


Pompejus' ends the war 

Roman power in the Bast 

83. Se^nd MUhHdatie War. . 

88. Defeat of Murena 

74. Xhird MUhrMatic War ... 

PreparationB of Murena 

74. Mithridatee besieges Cyzicus . . . 

71. He retires to Armenia 

Lncnllus settles the ailairs of 


Unpoptalarity of LacaUas 

69. Battle of Tigranocerta 

67. mthrldates reiams to Featas. . 











XvttnylBthearmyof Lneolliu, STB 
The eonuBand glTen to Qlabilo, S80 

The MMiilian law S80 

It is oppoMd by the oligarchy, S80 
Pompejaa appointed oomman- 
— dsrintbeMithridaticwar.... S81 

Defeat of idthrldatw KL 

M Ithridatee retreats to the Clm- 

merlaa Bosporus fgi 

Pompejos puisocs him S81 

He retnniB to PoDtus SBl 

He mkkes Syria a Boman pror- 


Wa ^fl]^"B iJemsslem 

Fhisnicia and Palestine rabdned 99 

Death of Mithridates , 

Settlement of the Bast 

Ttn&p^jns returns to Italy. ..... 

>« Aliaemee. 

Condition of Italy 

Contests of parties 

History of Catiline 984 

His career 

•S. Ftrst conspiracy 


He lays his plans more carefolly, 

S&cond {Conspiracy 986 

Conralsh^ of Cicero 988 

Hisblrtb 987 


81. HisspeechforP. Qnlntins.... 

79. He studies at Athens 

Impeachment of Verres 990 

Cl€ero*8 political consistency... 981 

63. Cicero, consul 981 

' His defence of Babirias 

Catiline prepares for war 

First Catilinian oration 984 

tiatiline quits Rome 988 

The conspirators arrested 996 

The conspirators condemned... 986 

Bflorts to implicate Crassus 986 

The conspirators executed 987 

St. Defeat and death of Catiline... 996 

The position of Cicero 

PompejuB returns to Italy ..... 
Position of parties 

61. Triumph of Pompejus 80O 

Rse of Cesar 801 

16t. Hbbiith 809 






BOs early hlitoiy 


He restores the trophias of Ma- 

Cesar, the greatest man of an- 

Casar propretor in Spain 808 

JHe returns to Borne and effects 
y a coalition vrithPompeJos and 

\ Craasas 804 

Fbrst consulship of Onsar 804 

The Agrarian law 

Fompe^' acts In the But rati- 
ied 804 

Tlw eqnitss gained over 804 

OBsai uses P. dodlus to humble 
the aristocracy 866 

doditts'leglslatioa.. 866 

Banishment of Cicero and Cato, 807 

Oonqueat of the West, B. C. 


Condition oTbauT 808 

lU civilisation 806 

Its climate 806 

Boman monchants 806 

Hassilia, the centre of trade ... 806 

58. nto First Catnpnign 809 

"^ Defeat of the Helvetians 809 

War with AriovistUB 808 

6T. Sseot^ Catnpniffn 310 

The Belgic war 810 

The Nenrii defeated 810 

56. Third Catnpaiffn 810 

War with the Tenetl 810 

Great naval victory 810 

The Morini defeated 810 

55. Fourth Campaign 810 

Invasion of Gkrmany 810 

Invasion of Britain 810 

^e effect of these victories in 
Bome 810 

54. Fifth Campaign 811 

Revolt in Gaul 811 

53. Sixth Campaign 811 

The Bburones subdued 811 

52. Seventh Campaign 811 

The Gauls revolt again 819 

Yercingetorix 819 

Siege of Aleeia 818 

CKsar victorious 818 

51. Bighih Campaign 818 




Hie GMk Bobmit SIS 

The Gmal0 oondliAted SIS 

OiginfiHition of Genl SIS 

Provinoes S14 


R«le of tifte Trltunirlre. 

Anareby in Um MpiUU S15 

67. Cioero*e recall fkom exile SM 

68. The tiinniTliBte renewed S16 

56. TompejuB and OraaBoa oooanls, S17 

Pompejos leana toward the sen- 
ate SIS 

Oiaflsua proeonsol in Syria 818 

68. His defeat and death 819 

The aristocracy oppose Milo to 


6S. Death of Clodias 

Pompejos sole consol SU 

Trial ofMilo 

Pompejos allies himself with the 


His measures 

CBsar's position 

His action in Qaul 

Pompejos precipitates a mp- 

tnre 8M 

60. The action of the senate 884 

48. Cnsar ordered to gire op his 


48. He crosses the Rubicon and com< 
mencea dvil war 


48* CSBsar 


t CItU MTiur, B.C. 48-48. 

Hie legality of Cesar's coarse. . 

Cloen>*s efforts for peace 

at Arimioam 837 

CasaratOorflninm 887 

Pompejas flees from Borne 

Cesar has control of Italy 

Casar's retnm to Rome 

He goes to Spain 

Battle of nerda 

Onear dictator 

Besonrces of the Pompelans. . . . 

Onsar crosses to Greece 883 

Battle of Dyrrhachiam 880 

CKsar retreats 880 

^Battle at Phnrsal fvt 880 

Defeat of the Pompeianii 880 

Pompejas flees to E^ypt 881 







46. Onear 

HU death 

The Alexandrian war 

Ptolemy defeated — 

Cesar goes to Pontes 

Defeat of Phamaoes 

Anarchy at Borne 

Betomof Cesar , 

He sails to Africa 

Battle of Thapens 

Death of Cato 

Cesar retoms to Borne. , 

Powers conferred upon Cesar., 

*s triumph , 

Cesar roles as imperator 

His projects for reform 

Hit aim 

He reforms the calendar (note) . . 

Insurrection in Spain , 

Cesar departs for Spain 


Cesar's return to Borne 840 

Hew asarks of Imior eoafiMnd 

upon bin 

Signs of discontent 

Plotagainst Cesar's Ufa 841 

His assassination 841 

The conspirators have no plan. . 

Their action 


The intrignes of Antonios 

The senate oonyened 844 

Oeear's acts conjBrmed 844 

Cesar's wDl 844 

His funeral obsequies 844 

The indignation of the people. . 844 
The flight of the conspirators. . . 844 

Socoess of Antonios 845 

Octarius comes to Borne 846 

Cesar's heir 816 

He courts the favor of the senate 846 

Cicero and Octavius 848 

Antonius besieges MuUna ..... 847 
Octavius unites with the consols 

against Antonius 817 

The activity of Cicero 847 

The First Philippic 847 

The opposition of the senate to 

OrUvius 848 

Octavios consul 818 

He throws off all disguise 848 

"fie fonns an alliance with An- 

^s .tQnius and Lepidus 846 

The proscription 848 

Beign of terror 848 

Murder of Cicero 848 








OetaTfns and Antonliu prepare 

forwar 840 

Bkntiu and Gaaatna 848 

Tlieir proeeodioga in tlie BmI.. 848 

nw action of Bnitoa 848 

TbetrinmTlfsprooeed to Greece 800 

JBaUUofM'hmppi 850 

teat end deatii of Bnitas and 

rioa 880 

Tile lepubUeana take refuge 

with Sertua FiOBipejiia 851 

DfvirioB of the Boman world... 861 

Antottiaa and CSeopatm 851 

OetaTina inltalj 

Oonfnaion in Italy 

Treaty of Bknndialiim 

New partition of the Boman 


The trinmYiTB treat with 8. Pom- 

pejBB -.. 

The treaty of Tarentnm 

Bcztos Pompe^ns defeated 

ThefaOofLepidiu 8M 

OetaTlns in Italy 854 

His prudent m e awu e e 864 

Hiaminlfltera 864 

AnUminfl and the Bast 866 

Ha invades Farthla 

He invades Armenia 

Hfeinfatoation with Cleopatra.. 866 

The popularity of Octavtns 866 

He sabdoes tlie Dalmatians, Sa- 

lassi, and Fannonians 867 

He reboilds and beantfUes Bome 867 
Bnptare between Octavtns and 

Antonins 867 

War declared against KKTPt 887 

BfiMs 0f AeHufn 8B6 

Flight of Antonins 866 

Snieide of Antonins 860 

Saleide of Cleopatra 800 

Oetavins eole mler 880 

Egjpt a Boman provinee 800 

Triumph of Oetavins , 

Tttm Hilitmrjr Orpinlsatlon. 

The military power. 
The legion......... 


JPlraf Per4o«l 




The equestrian order 

Hie army in B. 0. 840 

Tlie anny in the time of Poly- 

The tactic order 

Offeneive and defensive weapons 870 

The HeeonA f^riod 870 

BedacUon of the census 871 

The legion in the time of Harios 871 
The l^on in the time of Onear 878 

Order of battle 878 

The pay of the army 874 

The equipments 874 

IMe tfysfem of Entmrnp^ 

msHl 875 

First period 875 

The Onaxd of the Camp 877. 

The camp in the time of Ciesar 878 

The tents 818 

The camp hi the time of the 

empire 819 

Military Engines 878 

The besieging tower 880 

Tlie catapnlta 880 

Theballista 880 

Hanner of besieging a dty 

Manner of defence 

Btannere and Cwstoma, Edncatftottf 
Private and Domestie Life* 

The dty of Bome 

Its streets 

Its buildings 885 

The forum 880 

Boman houses 887 

How constructed 887 

Ttielr interior 887 

Theatrinm 887 




Mirrors, dinner coaches, etc . 880 
carpets 880 

Plan of a Boman house 800 

Method of warming 881 

Furnaces 801 

Cooking utensils 891 

Method of Ughthig , 






IVUileiiflige 894 

The Bonuui temil J 304 



Different forms.... 


Tbe bride 

ChUdien 8B7 

M ed&eil men Wl 


Flilnting at Pompeii 


Implements of trade 



Teachers were slaTes 400 

Greek iiteratnra 400 

Ooorse of instmction 400 

Methods of teaching; 401 

Holldajs and ponlshments. . . 401 

Implements of writing 401 

Letter-writing 406 

Stylos 406 

Ink 40O 

Fuchment, i^orj, etc 406 

Address 404 

Dress of men 404 

OoTering for the feet 406 

Ornaments 406 

Dress for women 406 

Baths 407 

Baths of Garacalla 408 

Games of the circas 406 

Gladiatorial games 400 

The origin 400 

Schools of gladiators 411 

How advertised 411 

Amphitheatre 411 

Origin of the word 411 

How oonstmcted 411 

The Flarian amphitheatre 41S 

The theatre 418 

Dramatic entertainments 418 

Beginning of the theatre 418 

First regnlar plays 413 

First Boman theatre 418 

The theatre of Pompejos 414 

Fonerals 414 

Fnneral procession 415 

The funeral oration 415 

Cremation 416 

gumtu^t B. C. SI to A. D. 14. 

B. a 

Hie policy of AiigiutiiB 417 

He proceeds oaatloiiBly 417 

His system of administnitlon .. 418 
He di s gqises his mla ander r»> 

pohUean forms 418 

TheseDSte: itsmeetiags 418 

The emperor*s artfkil policy.... 419 
%9, Aognstos made presideat of the 

senate 419 

TheproTincee 419 

TItlas and powvs contend 

apoB Angnatns 

Imperator OwvaoMMlapvia^M- 
riiim coniferred B. a 80).... 


SS. The trihonltlan power 481 

Tbe aristocncy hvmbled 

The pdiqr of Aagastos com- 
pared with that of 
Aagastos restorss order. 

MiUtary roads 


The imperial city 

The aristocracy 487 

Hie equestrian order 488 

Thepeople 4S8 

Nunher of poor dtiaens 

Largesses of com 

Popoladonof Rome ......... 488 

The provincial senate 480 

The army, where stationed 489 

The fleet 489 

MUitnrp operations 480 

87. MeasaresinGaal 480 

Conquest of the Iberians and 

Caatabri 460 

84. iBlius Qallas in Arabia 488 

Secular games celebrated 488 

15. Campaign of Drnsas against the 

Bhati 481 

Campaigns of Tiberius against 

tlieVlndelici 488 

18. Campaign of Dmsos on the 

Bhine 4S8 

0. Death of Dmsus 488 

The emperor^s popularity 488 

He receives the title of'* Father 

of his Country" 484 

Tlie imperial family 484 

1 8, 8. Death of Agrippaand MsBcenas, 484 
8. Disgrace of Julia 485 


^ ^ PAoa 

4. TSberios fa $d.0pM by Aniptttiu, 485 
9. Defeat of Vanu in Qermany ... 488 

14. Death of Angastns 487 

Fneperitj of the emigre 487 

Hie KbnunwafHrn ^wryrgmim, 488 
Tbe emperor*B will (note) 488 


d of 




oC TIbeviaa Ceeeary 
GmSmm CaUnuIa. 

14. !nbeiiii8 annines the imperial 

power 440 

Chaises in the oonedttitloii . . . 
Berolt of the leglonB on the 

Bhine and the Danube 441 

14. Inyaaion of Oennany 441 

16. The loet eagles of Vania reooT- 


ofMigestaa 44S 

Delators or infonnen 44S 

Sejanas aapirea to the eopreme 

power 448 

His death 

Death of Tiberiofl 448 

His character 444 

GajQs Cseear becomes emperor, 444 

His prudent measores 444 

He engages in the sports of the 

amphitheatre 444 

His extravaganee 446 

His impiet J 446 

His insolence towaids the no- 
bles , _, 


at Clawdlna «ttd of Nero, 
, €Hlio and VltoUias. 

41. daodios made emperor by the 

pTKtorians 440 

Hispopolarity 448 

His liberal policy 446 

48. The harbarians cheeked on the 

Bhine 446 

Britain invaded 

How he treats the Bastem 

princes ; 447 

l%e .dandian aquedacts con- 

atmetod 447 

Tbe infhmoos Meaeallna 448 

Agrippina becomes tlie wife of 

Chmdias 443 

Her son adopted 448 

S4. Kero becomes emperor 448 

His poli^ towards the nobles.. 449 
tt4. The ^n^eat Are in Borne 449 


PersecatlonsoftheChrisiiaBs.. 449 

Nero's golden house 460 

Ck>nspiracy formed against 

Nero... 460 

Lncan and Seneca perish 460 

Death ofNero 460 

Qalba emperor 461 

Piso associated with him 461 

Otho proclaimed emperor 461 

Battle at Bedriacam 461 

Vitellins emperor 461 

He is sncceeded by Yespaalan. . 4BB 


Flvvlan Emperors t VespasIaA, 
Tltoa, Donaitlan, ▲. D. 69»86. 

68. The revolt in Gaol and on the 

Bhine 468 

Vespasian builds the Colosseum, 468 

70. G^ptue of Jerusalem 

Inyaslon of Britain 464 

ChaiBcter of Vespasian 464 

78. Titos declared emperor 464 

His character 454 

Bmption of Mt. Vesuvius 486 

Pompeji and Hercalaneom de- 
stroyed 466 

Deathof Pliny 466 

81. Accession of Domltian 466 

Hischaracter 466 

Campaign in Britain 466 

The triumphal arch of Domltian, 467 
He is woiahipped with divine 
honors 457 

86. His death 4ff7 

The last of the *' Twelve C«- 

sars," 467 

Tadtos and Suetonius 467 


Reiffiia of Nerva, of Tmlmii, of 
Hadrian, 86-138. 

86. The senate i^pobits Nerva em- 
peror 459 

He adopto Ulpins Trajanns .... 458 « 

88. Trajan emperor 466 

Trajan crosses the Bhine 468 

He obtains the surname of Op- 

amut 460 

He conquers Dada 460 

Armenia and Mesopotamia an- 
nexed 460 

Trajan's forum and laws for the 
poor 450 




Fkospetityof the empire 460 

117. Aooeeelon of Hadrian 400 

He glvee «p the oonqneets of 

TraJan 400 

HietntTels 483 

His buildingB 4BB 

Boman colony of jBHa GigfUo- 

^na 468 

Hadrian, emperor of the Roman 

world 4S4 

Affe €»f the A»tmUnea.~Proaperlt]r 
«f Une Kmpire, ▲. D. 138-192. 

188. Aoeearionof AntonfanaPtaa... 484 
His long and peaoeAil reign .... 466 
Jnstin Martyr 466 

161. AoeessionofHareos Anrelios.. 406 

Hischaracter 466 

Tlie barbarians 466 

Aarelins adopts Yeros 406 

Theplagae 466 

Thefrontier 407 

Orphan schools founded 407 

The prosperity of the empire. . . 407 

180. Death of Anrettos 407 


latonMdl G*iiditioii vftMt^ Kinplre. 
— Simtptoma mi DeeUne. 

The proeperity of the empire... 40B 

Its boundaries ...'. 468 

The barbarians 40B 

Bymptoms of decline 468 

The invasion of the Maroo- 

manni 468 

General prosperity 40B 

Caoaes of decline 409 

Loxnry: meaning of the woid.. 460 

Its meaning changes 

Amount of wealth in the Boman 


Cheat fortunes compared with 

those of modem times 400 

The stories of Suetonius 490 

They gire an exaggerated Idea of 

the Inznry prevailing in Rome 470 
Btdi families and their Incomes 470 

Tlie standard of luxury 470 

VaiTO and PHny 470 

The standpoint from which they 

view their own age 470 

FUnyV Idea of luxury 470 

A. P. PAO> 

IHedlander^s c^inion 47D 

Pliny depicts the proeperity of 

the empire 471 

Ganaea of decline 471 

Lack of indnstiy 471 

Idlenesa 471 

Extent to which it can be safely 

carried 4Ti 

Gibbon*s estimate 478 

Gap between the rich and poor.. 478 
Decrease of population ........ 478 

Decrease of population In Cs- 

BBr*stime 478 

Keasnres introduced by Augna- 

tustocheckit 478 

The cause of this decrease in 

population 478 

The long series of wars 478 

The importation of grain causes 

farming to be abandoned 478 

Slavelabor 478 

Disappearaaoeoffreehrixirers.. 474 

JSxposition of children 474 

Infanticide 474 

The people practice no trades . . 474 
The depression of the higher 

classes 474 

The baiharians 475 

Settled within the emigre 425 

The iniluence of dTUisation on 

them 475 

Theplague 475 

Philosophy 475 

Religion 475 

Worship 475 

OkritHanUw 475 

All creeds and forms of wonhtp 

allowedatRome 473 

Persecution of the Christians... 478 

Itscause 477 

Infldelity 478 



Period of Tmnaltion, A. D. 180^ 


180-884. The flrst period of Imperial- 
ism 47B 

Oharaeter of the government..- 4V 

The revolutionary age 478 

Tbesoldieiy 478 

Reforms 478 

180-198. Oommodus emperor 470 

Hiscmelty 478 




TA0M I A. Sl 

Is iwiw>n>t^ 419 

193. Pertinax 419 

Mordered by the pnetoriaiM 419 

ADpfte told at avcHon 419 

193. Jvlianna bajB it 419 

Bsrolt of the armiea on the 

ftontfen 419 

19S-S11. 8. flerenis emperor 480 

His seme rale 480 

Vie pnetorians disbanded 480 

His campaign against the Far- 

thlans 480 

He TlsltB Britain, dies at York. . 460 

311-S12. Oeta 460 

%l%-%n. Oaracalhi 460 

Cnielties of CteacaDa 480 

Hnrders his brother 480 

Pots to death Faplnian 480 

Citizenship eon/erred on all free 

sobjects.. 480 

317-ftlS. Macrfaias 481 

318-S3S. Slagabalas, son priest. . . 481 

Disappearance of literatoie 461 

%%%-fl9B. Alexander SeTems 481 

His eflorts to eontrol the legions 461 

Death of Ulpian 481 

Dio OanhBi the historian 481 

Tte emperor killed in a mntiny 481 

33S-938. Mazimin 481 

338-238. Gordian I., emperor 481 

OordhmllM emperor 481 

338-338. Pnpienas Mazimas 4B1 

BalbbkQs 481 

338-344. Gordhm m 481 

344-343. Fbilllp, emperor, eelebfates 
fhe thovsandth analTeraary of 

Bome 481 

343-351. Deeios emperor 481 

PereecQtes die Christians 481 

361-354. Gallas emperor 481 

3S3-3SS. iBmlHan emperor 488 

363-380. Valerian emperor 468 

363-S88. GalUenns 4BB 

Berolt tn different pvoTlnees... 4BB 
Age of the Thirty T>rTanU.... 488 

Weakness of the empire 481 

^•8-370. daodins n. emperor 488 

Campaign against the Persians, 488 

370-376. Anrellan emperor 488 

SuRoonds Bome with a wan. . . 488 
OlTesDadanp to the Goths.... 488 

Hie barbariaiMi (note) 488 

the tribes on the Bhlne and the 

Damibe(note) 488 

AtHdsemmmlm (note) 48i 

In?asion of Italy (note) 481 

The Franks ; theGoths (note). . 468 
The rise of the Persian mon- 
archy 4g| 

G^Aiires and destroys Pslmyia. 484 

Longinns, the eritle 484 

376-376. Tadtns emperor 484 

378-376. Florian emperor 464 

376-383. Probas emperor 484 

383^383. Ganis emperor 464 

Garlnns emperor 484 

383-384. Nunerianns emperor 484 

Secomd Period of laiperiallsM. 

384-806. Diodetian emperor 464 

386-306. Xaxhnian 464 

306-306. Constantius 1 484 

A new phase in imperialism. .. . 464 

The military power 466 

The army reeralted from the 

barbarians 486 

The tendency of the empire to 

break into fhigments 486 

Antagonism between the Bast 

and West 486 

Changes made by Diocletian ... 486 
He divides the empire with 

Marimian 486 

Sabdi vided with two Cesars ... 486 
Diocletian reigns over the Bast 

(«»ote) 486 

Maxim Ian reigns over Italy and 

Africa 486 

ConetantiosdefiBnds theBbcnlsh 

frontier 480 

Oalerins defends the Dannbian 

frontier 466 

Oppressive system of taxation.. 486 
The prloe of articles of food 

(note) 487 

Diocletian abdicates 487 

Contest for the empire 487 

806-311. Qalerlos 467 

306-337. Constantinel 467 

307-333. Uefaiins 487 

Series of bloody wars 487 

334-387. Constantino sole emperor, 488 
He completes the revolution l)o> 

gnn by Diocletian 488 

Separation of the civil and mili- 
tary power .... . 468 

Tlie people 688 

The provinces ; how governed, 480 



The military power 489 

The new capital 489 

Taxation.. 489 

The armj 489 

The oiganinrtion of the coert . . 489 

Chri«tianltj 489 

Biueblofl 489 

The pratended viaiiGa of Oon- 
Btantiiie 4M 

813. The edict of miaa 400 

Arian hereey 490 

395. ThecoancUatNlcna 400 

l%e character of ConBtantine . . 400 
The leeult of hia ref onnB 490 

Gradaal Dtaaolation of the Km- 
|ils«.— Tbe Reunion of tlie Eaat 
and CKe West. 

88T'*340. Oonataiitlne IL 491 

S8T-86] . ConstanthiB IL 49t 

8S7-850. Oonstans 491 

SerieB of bloody wars 401 

CoiiBtantliis Bole emperor 491 

361-363. Julian 401 

HiB apoBtaey from Christianity, 491 

HIb adminlBtntion...'. 491 

HiB campaign in the Bast 401 

888-364. JoTian 491 

864-375. Yalentinianl 481 

The HvnB appear in Borope. . . . 40S 
The Goths croes the Danube ... 492 

875-383. Oratlan emperor 493 

888-S9!!. Yalentinianl! 4PS 

898-395. TbeodoBios I appointed 

tomletheBBBt 49S 

895*483. HonorioB emperor of the 

West 49« 

Division of the empire 482 

The Goths defeated by Stillcho, 408 

IWl of Stillcho 488 

410. Sack of Rome by Alarlc 488 

418. Foundation of the West Gothic 

kingdom 408 

Britain eeparated from the em- 
pire 498 

488-485. Theodosins n emperor . . 488 
485-455. Yalentlnian ni emperor, 468 

TheYandaiB 488 

458. The Hnns defeated at Chttons. . 404 
455. flack of Bome by the Yandals . . 494 

455-455. MaximuB 484 

455-456. AvttoB emperor 484 

He is dethroned by Bidmer ... 486 
457-468 Majorlan made emperor 

byBicimer 495 

468-465. SeveroB 485 

467-478. Anthemias 486 

478-478. Olybrias 496 

473-474. Glycerins 495 

474-475. Kcpos 486 

475-476. BomnloB AngnstnloB.... 496 
478. Orestes succeeds Bicimer as pa- 
trician 495 

476. Odoaoer deposes Angostulns . . . 496 
Zeno, the Eastern emperor, con- 
fers the Italian proyinces on 

Odoaoer 496 

Beonion of the Bast and West.. 496 
Besnlts that sprung from this 
reunion 496 


Internal Hlstorjr. — Fall of tKe 
'Weatern Bmplre.— Cbrlattanltjr. 

The Weetem empire 496 

The imperial government 496 

The barbariana 487 

Dismemberment of the empire, 497 

Tlie fkll of the empire 497 

The canse 497 

The barbarians overran and set- 
tle Italy and the provinces. . . . 497 
Character of the barbarians.... 486 

Their oivUization 498 

Chivalry 498 

Bomance 489 

TbeBomaocelangnages 488 

Their origin 488 

PhUoBophy and religion COO 

Greek philosophy 500 

Bsstem forms of wonhip 600 

Process of elimination fiOO 

The resnlt of the comparison of 

religions 500 

San-worship 500 

Paganism 500 

Its revival 500 

Christianity 501 

Fersecationof theChriBtians... 601 

Its canse 501 

Christianity triumphs 501 

Bflorts to harmonixe Paganism 

and Christianity 501 

The dMitfaB (note) 601 

The Christian charchea (note).. 601 
Bnnday and Sabbath (not^ .... 508 


(AoooBsoro TO Mabquab]>t.)— FMf Map, pp. 40M. 







n. R< 






IL TtouoA 





&C. 1»< 

te B.C. 
A.D. IT. 
A.D. U. 



B.C. ». 

A.I>. 10} «vUad 

BilwMB B.G. MT 
•M1B.C. St. 

B.C »; dlt1d«d 

A.D. i«r 


B.C. m. (Atim 

oltod witk Mm*- 


!• B.C. fT iBf*- 





IhMlotfal (from TV 
beriMlo CImuUim 

1».|4 Imparlil). 

Dhidtm^lhtm /Vovmew il.D.MH 

». Ftevtoi 






M«Mfain ) 
Beythk ) 
i «p by A««Um (A.D. STO-ns). 

MaMdonl* I. 

Bfibu Nov*. 


tT. Enmam. 

9t, Qalhia , 

tl. Gatt. 

St. Pamtbtua mtLntA 
tt. CkustA 

M. Cmum, 

tT. AMMtmrniA 

41. Cbbva ar ChrwAw . 


41. No: 

44. Ma 

45. Mad 

FkotaUy after ik« 
tfm* of 


B.O. T4; aBlM|*« 

■La tti afda 


A.D. t1 . 

avia niroiTAitA. 
AHiA CiHAmnasu 


■bCk (•■ (. Lfflhi i»- 
MS*d i«1t A.D. 4 

■lC. fT; dlkfe 

M; wg'dB.C. Ci. 
Aaq«lra4 &.& •«; 



A.D. IM. 

A.Di Hi) gIfMap 
i«Ub A.D. 141. 
A.D. lU 


CjnmIoa &C. T4 ; 
CNte K.C. 47} 
B.C. tT... 


B.C 4i; 

A.I>. til. 







1. SjiteOoki 
t. Syria Pkcnke } 
t. 8jri» PidMllM. 



41. Lgpdta. 

M. Phryfla Salaluli. 

M. Fkiygk] 

44. OHik 



41. HoMtlM. 

4L Pfephl^oiria. 

Tl. OOMsL 



74. FWdk. 

Tf. Oinafdodal. 

T4. Oinaidocte IL 

n. AmcatoL 

ra. AiMMlan. 

T9. Pkapbyfla. 

80. Lyda. 

f 81. Cmeb I. 
< 8t. Cmeb IL 

SB. KiifliratwUh. 
84. Syria L 
ST. Syria IL 
88. PboMldaL 
88. PkflMleUIL 
to. Pit— IhM L 
fl. Pit— IhM IL 
tt. PlitoirtM m. 

(aiTM«pA.D. IIT.) 


(GItw «p AJ). IIT.) 
to. J^typtw. 
tT. Ai^nrtamalca. 
tS. HiplaMBli (Afcadi^. 

100. likyal 

101. Libya i^triar. 
lot. CMa. 
100. AMm: 
104. B) 
104. MpoUtaiM. 
104. KmMia. 

Aaauad lo BMliaa, M No. 4. 
lOT. MawUMia I (SUfaMh). 
108. MawUMian 



108. VMMllsatlililcla. 

Iiei Aallia. 

111. LIgvfa. 

lit. Flaaiala H PIcmsb 

IIS. Tuda at Uabria. 



114. Ap«lia •! Calabria. 

IIT. Locaala at Bralta. 
118. Sasaiaiii. 
lit. Valeria. 
ItO, AlpcaQo««», 


I. The Oeoobapht of Italy. 

1. Italy in Early Times.— The history of Rome, like thai 
of her great riyal, Carthage, is the history of a single city. 
This city was at first small and insignificant, but in the course 
of time it extended its dominion not only over Italy, but over 
the chief countries around Ahe Mediterranean Sea. During all 
this time, however. Borne remained the centre of the empire, 
and refused to extend her constitution to the conquered peoples 
until a terrible war ' compelled her to grant the rights of citi- 
xenship to the whole of Italy.' Henceforth Italy, like Rome, 
was under the authority of the ordinary Roman magistrates, 
and the citiaens, on going to Rome, had a right to vote in the 
popular assemblies and to take part in the government of the 
state. It will be well, then, before beginning the history of the 
city itself, briefly to describe Italy and the several districts into 
which it was divided. 

2. The Diidaions of Italy. — Italy, the central one of the 
three peninsulas of Southern Europe, is bounded on the north 
by the Alps, on the east by the Adriatic Sea, and on the south 
and west by the Mediterranean and Tuscan seas. The country 
may be conveniently divided into Northern, Central, and 
Southern Italy. 

3. Vorthem Italy.— Northern Italy is watered by the Po 
(Pcuius) and its numerous tributaries, and embraces tne coun- 
try between the Alp and the Apennines. The names of the 
districts into which Northern Italy was in ancient times di- 
vided may for the sake of convenience be enumerated, although 
all of this great plain, which we now call Lombardy, was not 
regarded, at the time Rome was founded,' as a part of Italy.' 
The names of these countries were : 

'Seep. as. "B.O. 7B8. 

* Hie word HaRa embneed at lint only the soalbern put of the penlnfmla (nee col' 
oied map No. 1). but after the conquest of Soathern Italy oy the Romans the name was 
aisled to the whole peninsula south of the rlyers Amas and ^BhIs (see p. 108), It was 
pof iintil a later time (see |>. 867) that the basin of tbp Po became incorpotat^d wHh Italy. 


1. Liguria, which was situated in the western port of 
Northern Italy. Its chief towns were Nic«a (Nice), Asia 
{Asiijy Genna (^Oenoa), and Dertona {Tortana), 

2. OaUia dsalpiruiy^ which was divided by the riyer Padns 
iPo) into Gallia Cispadana and Transpadana, and contained in 
^man times many flourishing cities, among which may be 
mentioned Au^sta Taurinorum (Turin) , Augusta Pretoria 
(Aosta), MedioTanum (Milan), Brixia (Brescia), Cremona, and 
Verona.* ^ On the south side of the Padus were Placentia, Par- 
ma, Mutina {Modena), Bononia (Bologna), and Bavenna.' 

3. Venecia, which was situated in the eastern part of North- 
em Italy. Ite chief cities were Patayium {Paatia), Altinum 
{AUino), and Aquileja. 

4. Central Italy. — Central Italy extended* as far south as 
a line drawn from the river Silarus (Sele) to a point just above 
the mouth of the river Frento (Foriore), and embraced the 
following countries : 

1. Btruria was bounded on the north by the Ai)ennines, on 
the east by TTmbria and the territory of the Sabines, on the 
south by the Tiber, which separated it from Latium, and on 
the west by the Tyrrhenian Sea. The important rivers were 
the Amus {Arno), the TTmbro, and the Clanis, a tributary of 
the Tiber. The £truscan state consisted of a confederacy of 
twelve great cities, the most important of which were Tarqumii, 
Pernsia (Perugia), Clusium ((Tlnusi), Volaterrse, Cortona, 
Arretium, Caere near Mt. Soracte, and Veji on the riyer 
Cremera^ about twelve miles from Home. 

2. Latium embraced at first only the narrow strip of land 
between the Alban hills, the river Numicus, and the Tiber,* but 
it was gradually extended to the south and west, until, after the 
conquest of the JBquians, the Hemicans, the Volscians, and the 
Aumncans, it comprised all the country as far as the river 
Liris.* The Latins' were united in a le^ue of thirty cities, at 
the head of which was Alba Longa. The chief towns were 
Rome, Alba, Tibur (TivoK), Gabii, Tusculum, Praeneste, and 

* It is oiled dnlpliia becanee on Uiis (the Italian) side of tbe Alps, in distinction 
from Transalpine Gaol {FYance)\ Gailia Cispadana, i. «., Gaul on tliis (the Boman) side 
of thePo. 

* Interesting on aoconnt of the remains of an amphitheatre, which are in a good 
state of preservation. 

* These towns were mostly Boman colonies. While the oonntry remained in the 
possession of the Ganls it was almost wholly without cities. 

* See colored map Ko. 1. 

* La^tum Veiutj or ancient Latium. See map, p. 4. 

' Latium adftetum^ or Latium after the territory of these tribes was added to it. 
' LatM JVM. For a lUt of the thirty Latin cities see map, p. 9L 


3. Oampania extended along the coast from the river Liris on 
the north to the Silarus on the south, and was bounded on the 
south and east by Samniam and Lucania. The soil was ex- 
ceedingly fertile,^ the landscape beautiful^ the climate mild, 
and the harbors excellent. The numerous thermal springs in 
the neighborhood of Bajas * {Baja\ Puteoli ^ (PozzuoK)^ and 
Neapolis (Naples), gaye it an additional attraction to the 
wealthy classes^ who crowded its shores with their villaa. 
Capua, the capital, was situated in the midst of a plain of great 
fertility and beauty.^ 

4* Umbria extended along the Adriatic from the riyer Ru- 
bicon to the riyer ^sis, and was separated from Etmria by the 

* Henoe called OomptmiafBHx. 

* Hoiaoe (Bp. !., 85) eays: "Nothing in the worid can be compared with the lovely 
hay of BaJ«. Of the nameroas hatha and vIllaB, whose foundations were often thrown 
far into the eea. nothing bat mere fragments remain. 

* The pozzolana earth from which a cement is mannfadnred derives its name from 
FozBuoli. Pnteoli was at one time the chief commercial city in Italy, and the principal 
depot for the vast traffic with the East. As many as 10,000 slaves were sometimes 
landed here in one day ; aee map. p. n. 

* It was within the borders of Oampania that Fompeji and Hercnlanenm were situ- 
ated. Tliese cities were boried in a. d. 79 ander a dense bed of ashes and cinders, 
p. 466. 


l%er, and on the soath and east from the Sabines by the river 
Nar. This fertile district had been in early times conquered 
by the Oaols, and was therefore called by the Bomans the 
Oallic territory.^ Among the namerous cities were AriTninnm 
{Rimint)^ Sena Gallica {S%ntgaglia)y Sarsina» Sentinum, and 
N^mia (JVamt). 

5. Picenum extended along the Adriatic from the riyer 
JBoA to the Matrinus {^La Piomba), which separated it from 
the country of the Vestmi. In the interior the hills were cov- 
ered with extensive forests, while the slopes alon^ the sea pro- 
dnoed an abundance of apples, olives, com, and wine. The 
towns were Ancona, Hatria, Asculum, and Firmnm. 

6. The Sabini inhabited the country from the sources of the 
Nar on the north, to the Tiber and Anio on the south. They 
were one of the most ancient races in Italy, aud when fiist 
known lived in the neighborhood of Amitemum, whence they 
^read to the south and became the progenitors of the Mar- 
sians, Marrucinians, PsBlignians, Vestinians, and Frentanians, all 

of whom, including even the Sabines, are comprised under the 
general name of Sabelliana At a later time' the Sabines 
proper, under the name of Samnites, spread to the south, and 
mixing with the Oscans, ^ave themselves also the name of 
Sabellians, a name under which modem writers have compre- 
hended the Sabines and all the various races descended from 
them.* The Sabellians then may be regarded as the genuine 
Italians, for they and the various tribes that sprang from them 
spread over Italy aild caused their language and customs to 
prevail over the others. The Sabines were a hardy and indus- 
trious race, chiefly engaged in agriculture. Their country, 
though densely ponulated, had but few cities, among which 
were Amitemum, Keate, and Nursia. 

7. Samnium was properly the name of the district bounded 
on the north by the Marsians, Padlignians, and Frentanians, 
on the east by Apulia, on the south by Lucania, and on the 
west by Oampania and Latium. The capital was Bovianum. 
The inhabitants were the most warlike people in Italy, and, as 
the most powerful member of the Sabeltian races, carried on a 
long war with Borne for the dominion of Italy. 

5. Soutiiern Italy. — Southern Italy included Lucania and 
Bruttinm on the west, and Apulia and Calabria on the east 
1. Lucania ^ extended from Campania, Samnium, and Apu- 

* Aaer CkMew. * Since b. o. 4D0. * Bee colored map No. 1. 

* Tbi« ooontry ww called by the Qreeks Oenotria. 


lia on the north to the river Laus on the souths and on the 
Gulf of Tarentum from Apulia to Thurii. The chief Greek 
cities were Posidonia,^ Thurii^ and Heraclca. 

2. TliB Land of the Bruttii^ was in the southern extremity 
of Italy, and was bounded on the north by Lucania, and on the 
other sides by the sea. The important cities were Petelia (Stron- 
goK), Croton {Orotona), Locri, Rhegium (lieggio), Medma. 

3. Apulia included the whole of the southwestern part of 
Italy, or the three districts inhabited by the Dauni, Feucetii, 
and MessapiL The Romans, however, generally confined the 
name to the country bounded on the north by the Frentani, 
on the west and east by the Apennines and the Adriatic Sea, 
and on the south by a line drawn from a point a little north 
of Tarentum to the eastern coast The important towns were 
Lnceria^ Arpi, Asculum, Venusia> Ganusium, and GaunsB. 

4. Oaldbria was called by the Greeks Messapia, lapygia, or 
Salentina^ and was sometimes reckoned a part of Apulia ; but 
the Romans confined the name to the southern extremity of 
Apulia, or to what is sometimes called the ^^ heel '' of Italy. In 
the middle ages the name was applied also to the land of the 
Bruttii. The towns were Brundisium {BHndisi)^ Hydrun- 
tum (Otranio), and Tarentum {Taranto). At a yery early 
time the Greeks founded in Southern It^y numerous cities, 
which became so powerful and wealthy that the whole coun- 
try was called Magna Grsdcia, or Oreat itreece, Tarentum soon 
became the most flourishing and powerful of these cities, and 
carried on an extensive commerce and inland trade that brought 
to it great wealth and prosperity. The situation was so delight- 
ful and the soil so fertile that even after the decline of the pros- 
perity of the city, and its conquest by the Romans,' Horace 
called it 'Hhe most smiling comer of the world, where the 
spring was long, and Jupiter youchsafed mild winters."^ 

6. Th6 Mountain System. — The mountains of Italy con- 
sist of two chains, the Alps and the Apeunines. The Alps, which 
separate Italy from the rest of Europe, were the natural bar- 
riers a^nst the barbarous nations on the north and west. The 
Apennines, extending from their junction with the maritime 
Alps (Col di Tenda) m a southeasterly and southerly direction, 
traverse the peninsula its entire lengtu. Oentral and Southern 
Italy are thus divided into two parts. In the eastern part the 

> The city of Neptane : in b. o. S78 the Bomans foanded the colony of Pnstnm here. 

* The name Brnttinm ium been ^ven to thin country by modem geographeri}. The 
BomanK called it BruUlMt Affer or BruUiorum Ager. 

* See p. 149. « Oann. ii. 6. 


mountaiiis approach nearer the shore, and lateral ranges branch 
off with considerable regularity. Therefore, the rivers, as the 
Atemus {Alerno), Frento (Ibrtore), and Aufidns (OfarUo), 
' parsaing nearly parallel courses at right angles to the main 
chain, are swift, small, and unimporuint. The valleys are 
small, and separated as they are, sometimes by naiTow ridges 
of moderate elevation, sometimes by rugged ranges of consid- 
erable height, must have tended to isolate the inhabitants. 
Qaite different is the case in the western pM*t. Here between the 
, sea and the mountains is an extensive tract of country consist- 
ing of large valleys and fertile plains, watered by the Anio and 
Tiber, the two principal rivers of Gential Italy. Both taking 
their rise in the highlands of the Abruzzi, where the Apen- 
nines reach their greatest height, the one, winding westerly and 
then northerly, turns to the west and empties into the Tyrrhe- 
nian Sea; the other, breaking through the mountain chain at 
Perugia (Perusia), pursues its course in a southerly direction, 
bat after receiving the waters of the Nar, turns in a westerly 
direction and falk into the Tyrrhenian Sea by two mouths 
forming an island sacred to Venus and still callea Isola Sacra. 

7. The Campagna. — Here, on the western side, were the 
largest and most remarkable of the vallevs of Central and 
Southern Italy, the present Campagna and the Campania of the 
ancients. The Campagna extends along the coast for about 
ninety miles, firom a line drawn from Mt Soracte {Monte 8. 
Oresie) to Ostia on the north and to Tarracina in the south. 
The northern part of the Campagna is watered by the Tiber, 
on whose left bank about eighteen miles from its mouth is sit- 
uated the city of Rome. Tne view of the Campagna from the 
tower of the Capitol is unsurpassed. To the northwest across 
the Tiber lies Mt. Janiculus, and in the distance flows the Ajo, 
shut in by the Etruscan hills. To the north rises, like a blue 
island in the ^gean Sea, the summit of Soracte, rendered 
famous by the poet Horace, while to the eastward, just where 
the Anio oreaks througjh the mountains, is Tivoli (Tibur), the 
home of the poet, and in the background lie the Sabine Apen- 
nines. Here was the home of the Latin race, with their sanc- 
tuary on the Alban Mount, and their "Long White City,*' 
Alba LongOy skirting its side. Far to the soutnward, over the 
line of the Appian Way ^ and the ruins of aqueducts ^ as far as 
the eye can reach, extends the bare, desolate plain, with no 

^ See p. 119. >8eepp. 112andll& 


trees, no human habitation^ untU it sinks into the seai In 
ancient times the country was exceedingly rich and densely 
populated, and even the romptine marshes (^Pamptintis Ager) 
were celebrated for their fertility^ and contained twenty-three 
flourishing cities. 

8. The River SyBtem.— The riyers of Italy all take their 
rise in the Apennines, and all wash down from the mountains 
a slime that raises their beds and would spread them over the 
adjacent plains if they were not restrained by dikes.^ Most of 
the rivers, with the exception of the Tiber and Amus, particu- 
larly those on the east, having no great len^h of course, are swol- 
len and violent in winter and spring, but in summer are nearly 
dry. The Tiber retains at all seasons a considerable body of 
water, and is navigable for large ships up to Borne, where it 
is about three hunared feet wide, and from twelve to eighteen 
feet deep. 

9. The Islaiide. — ^The islands about Italy are numerous 
and important. Sicily is triangular in shape, and therefore 
often called Trinacria; it has no large rivers or lakes, but its 
mountain system traverses the island from east to west, the 
highest peak of which is i£tna (10,874 ft.). There were many 
Carthaginian and Oreek settlements, of which may be men- 
tioned Messana, Syracuse, Gela, Agri^entam, Egesta, Panormus, 
brides Enna» a native town. Scuxlmia was traversed through 
its whole length from north to south by mountains, and had 
but few rivers or towns. The capital was Garalis {Cagliari). 
The climate was unhealthy, but stul the country was noted for 
its abundant harvest of wheat and its rich silver mines. Cor- 
sica (Greek rj Kvpvo^) is much more mountainous than Sar- 
dinia. The mountain districts afforded excellent pasturage for 
sheep, goats, and cattle, and were covered almost throughout 
the whole extent with dense forests of fir and pine. The two 
Roman colonies were Aleria and Mariana. Of the smaller 
islands majr be mentioned Ilva (Elba), Igilium {OigKo), Ca- 
presa {Capri), Li{)ara (Lepari), and the ^gatian Islands. 

10. The Position of Italy.— The position of Italy in the 
Mediterranean, on whose borders most of the civilized nations 
of antiquity lived, was peculiarly favorable. Italy possessed a 

» Tho Bomans save great attention to aqaeducts (aee p. IIJS), oonstraction of dikes, 
and the whole Bubject m irrigation. "It was next nropoeed.** aayn TaeituB, "whether 
it wan not expedient, in order to restrain the overflowing of the Tiber, to give a new 
course to the rivers and lakes by which it was fed. Upon this qaestion the depotlea 
from the several cities were heard. The Flonni tines besoaght that the bed of tbie 
Olania might not be tamed into the Amus, for that would prove their ruin." 


jEertile 8o3 and a delightful climate, tempered by the Apennines 
and the sesy and ita rich allnyial plains on the west were well 
salted to acriculture, while the grassy mountain-slopes and 
highlandfl of the east afforded excellent pasturage for the rais- 
ing of cattle. The long extent of sea-coast gave it a favorable 
positioii for trade and intercourse with the peoples of the M^- 
iterranean. Still it was not, like Oreece, Droken up by bays 
and arms of the sea, nor had it so many islands around about 
it» which made the Greeks a seafaring people. >, - 

II. The Eablt iNHABrrAKTS. 

L The Races in Italy.— Central and Southern Italy were 
inhabited from the earliest times to which our knowledge ex- 
tends by three races. These were the lapygians, the Italians, 
and the Mruscans. 

2. The lapygians. — The lapvgians were found in that 
part of Southern Italy which the Greeks called Messapia and 
which the Bomans called Calabria. Their language has been 

E reserved in the Messapian inscriptions^* and has been found to 
e more nearly related to the Greek than to the other languages 
of It^. This suggests the probability that they emigrated 
from Cfreece to Italy rather than that they were the first of the 
various races to enter Italy from the norths and were after- 
wards prised to the south by other tribes that entered later. 

3. ThB Italians Proper.— The Italians > entered Italy 
later than the lapygians, and occupied in historical times nearly 
tiie whole of Central Italy. They were of the same common 
stock as the Hellenes, both belonging to the Indo-European ' 
family. They both wandered westward from the highlands in 

•Hie inacriptioiis were dlacovered in Che Terra di Otranto, and have been edited by 

* The term Italian or ** Italic " is used to designate the raoes that chiefly peopled the 
Italy of the Bomans. 

■ Philologists bare designated the table-land where the Indos, Oxos, and Jaxartcs 

livefs Cake their rise— the Bactrlan plateao— «s the place whence the different races 

wete dispersed. The first which left the common centre settled in Phceiilcla, Egypt, 

isd Biblopfa. This race has been called Turanian. The next settled in the country 

extesdiiv fhHO the Mediterranean Sea beyond the Tigris ; to this race the name Semitic 

bat been giTen. The last race that left the common centre emigrated to the sooth, 

otMsed the Hlndo Koosh mountains, and entered India, subjugating the earlier Tura- 

■te tribes, and advancing woKt over most of Europe, became the progenitors of the 

Cheeks, Romans, Persians, and the Teutonic tribes. This race has been called IncUhEuro- 

pem^ becaase different branches of it settled in India and Europe, or Indo-Oermanlc, 

brcnse the Germans have been the foremost to Investigate its affinitieH. The name 

Amn Is BOW, particalarly by German philologists, applied to one class of the great 

lado-lofopean stock. The following diagram shows the order (according to Schleicher) 

la wUeh taelttdo-Biiropeaii race branchw : 


the western part of Central Asia» the Hellenes passing from Asia 
Minor ^ to Greece, while the Italians, pushing further west, 
crossed the Apennines into Italy. The Italian race was divided 
into two chief hranche^ the Latin and the Umbro-SabeUian, The 
Latins occupied the central and southern parts of the peninsula 
west of the Apennines, t. «., Latinm, Oampania, Lucania, and 
Bruttium. The Latins came in contact nrst with the Greeks 
in Campania, and received from them the name of Opici (Osci), 
a name which the Bomans gave to those Samnites who after- 
wai'ds overran Campania. The SictUi (early pressed to the 
south, and finally crossing to the island of Sicily), as well as 
the AusoiMs? sprang from the Latin race. These races came 
in contact at an earfy time with the Greek colonies in Southern 
Italy, and either completely yielded to their superior civiliza- 
tion or were so &r weakened that they could offer hut little 
resistance to the Samnites. 

4. Umbro-SabaUiaiis. — The Umhrians entered Italy later 
than the Latins, and settled at first in Etrnria. They were after- 
wards pressed to the east hy later incomers, whence they spread 
over the whole of the eastern part of the peninsula, under the 
name of Sabinif Samnites, and Picentes, or SabellianSf a general 
appellation for the Sabines and all the races or tribes that have 
derived their origin from them. These SabeUian tribes de- 
scended from the mountains like streams that flood and fertilize 


Theso moyementa took place before the dtwn of history. The earliest literary remaiiis 
are found In the Indo-Persian or Aryan branch, not far from two thousand years before 
Christ. It was formerly supposed that the Italic branch had a more Intimate relation 
with the HeUenic than any otner, because their ancestors lived long together, in what is 
called the Qneco-Italic time; but later researehos have proved thai the Italic and Celtic 
branches were the last to begin an independent history. 

1 Or the valley of the Danube. ■ See colored map No. 1. 


the TaUeyB. The Latins^ who settled near the Tiber, belonged 
to the oldest of these successive migrations. Then came the 
Sabines, the iEqnians, the Hemicans, the Volscians, who 
pressed hard on the Latins, hemming them in on the east and 
sonthy so that they were confined to the small district between 
the Tiber and the ^nrs of the Apennines on the north and 
east, and by the Alban hills on the south. This plain, the 
home of the Latin race, was a district^ of about 700 square 
miles, and was watered by the Tiber and the Anio. 

5. The ZStruscaxui. — The Etruscans* entered Etruria from 
the north and either pressed the Umbrians who were already 
in possession of the country, and to whose further migration 
southward the Latins of Latium set a limit, to the east or 
subdued them. It was this conquered people probably that was 
called Tusci, and to them the Rasennse owed their great ad- 
vance in civilization. The EasennaB assumed the name of the 
people whom they had enslaved and absorbed, and the whole 
were known as Tusci or Etrusci. They were a powerful people, 
extending from the Alps over the western part of Italy as far 
south as the Tiber. They were driven from the plains of the 
Po by the Gauls, and were finally subdued by the Romans. 
At an early period they carried on navigation, trade, and 
manufactures, which called cities into existence in Etruria ear- 
Uer than elsewhere in Italy. These cities were united in a 
league consisting of twelve communities, which recognized a 
metropolis especially for purposes of worship ; yet these con- 
fe derations, still more than the Italian leagues, were deficient 
in a firm and powerful central authority. 

6L Their Civilization. — The Etruscans were especially 
noted for their numtime ascendency, and they succeeded in 
founding towns on the Latin and Campanian coasts. Their 
religion was a gloomy and tiresome mysticism, delighting in 
wild and horrible rites. The Etruscans borrowed tneir arts 
from the Greeks, and the remains which exist (particularly at 
Perugia) of temples, roads, dikes, as well as the castings in 
bronze* {Ttisca7ia dgna), figures in terra-cotta,* golden chains 
and bracelets, and other ornaments that have been found in 
the tombs, all attest that the Etruscans produced massive and 

* See map, p. 04, for the extent of thin territory {ag«r Romanus). 

* Tbej called tbeniMlyes Kasennse; ihej were named hj the Greeks Tyrrhenlf and by 
the Latins, Tasei or Btnisci. 

* The orator and eMmcera in the Stmscan Hasenm at Florence ; one found on Lake 
TTanfmene, the other at Areszo. 

* In the Mn^eo Gre^oriano in the Vatican are 8arcophagf of term-cotta, va^es and 
brnnxets, mostly found at Ohiotii, at Volterra, and at Corneto near TarquiulL 


rich workmanship; yet their works are inferior to those of the 
Latins and Sabellians in appropriateness and utility, no less 
than in spirit and beauty. The influence of Etruria on Latium, 
and particularly on Borne, has been very much over-estimated ; 
while, on the contrary, too little weight has been laid upon the 
immediate contact with Bome of the original (Umbrians) Tus- 
cans, produced by their bein^ pressed to the borders of Latium 
b;^ the Basennse. The origm of the Etruscans (Basenns) is 
«till a matter of controyersy, but they are by many of the best 
authorities assigned to the Indo-European &mily. 

7. The XTnity of the Races in Italy. — fVom this brief 
sketch of the different races that inhabited Italy, we learn that^ 
in spite of many diversities, they all belonged to one and the 
same great family whose home was in the western part of Cen- 
tral .^ia. We are unable to fix definitely the time when they 
left their home or when they entered Italy. There is no doubt, 
however, that it took many years for them to wander from 
Asia to Europe, and that their arrival in ^ Italy was very gradual 
and extended over a long period of time. 


Iaptgiah Grsek Italian Cbltio Btbubcam 

LATIN Uubbo-Sabsluav 







HaB8I VouBd Mqpi Hbknici Rutuu Pjmjoin PsKflTATO 

* |t may be assigned to about B.O. 9000. 

History of Eome. 

The Foundation of Bomb. 

L The PrimitiTe CirTilisation of iha Latins.— With this 
brief introductory sketch of the geography of Italy, and of the 
different races that inhabited it, we now turn to the Latins as 
historically the most important, and as the race with which onr 
history has particularly to do. The degree of civilization and 
the tecial condition that the Latins had attained on their en- 
trance into Italy are questions of much importance, because, in 
the absence of all written records,^ the answer gives us a starting 
point for our history. This information, combined with what 
we know of their social and political condition at a later time, 
enables us to derive a tolerably correct idea of how their insti- 
tutions were formed. A careful study of the worcls of their 
language has given the starting point for these researches.' 
Pursuing this investigation, we learn that the Latins be- 
fore they entered Italy, had learned the elements of agri- 
culture, how to manage the plow, sow the seed, cultivate the 
vine, and press out the oil from the olive. With the knowl- 
edge of agriculture arose the necessity, tot a time at least, for 
a fixed habitation and the domestic hearth. Hence the basis 
of the family was formed and the elements of religion devel- 
oped. That the habitation was not permanently fixed was 
owing to the pressure of later migrations and the contests with 

* Hie wbole taistcfry from the foandlnffof Borne in b. o. 768 down to b. o. 800, when 
■11 ttie written xecoids were barnt bj the Gkkols, Is not derived from contemporary wit- 
MsKBybot was oompoeed at a later date. Some of the Boman hiBtorlann, therefore, 
begaa their narrative at b. c. 800, instead of at the foundation of the city. What little 
we do know of the eariy hintory lis mainly derived from inference. 

* If these words are ementially the same in both Latin and Greek, it is pretty certain 
that Uie Latins and Greeks, before their neparation in what is called the Gneco-Itallan 
time, were acquainted with the objects tliat these words represent; e. ff., Gr. ao^of and 
LaL domot, hm$M ; opdrpor, ora^rum, plow ; x<>ptoc, hortWy garden ; iypAt, offer, a JMd, 
«to.*, beoice, tbo h<yOMy the plow, etc, were nearly the same among both peoples. 


other tribes. Hence the knowledge of war^ and the use of the 
fipear^ the bow^ and the war chariot. 

2. The Latins in Italy. — The basis of the social constitu- 
tion of the Latins was the households, which either by ties of 
blood or nearness of locality were united to form clans, the 
dwellings forming the clan-yiUages.^ These villages, although 
each bad its own local government, were not regarded as inde- 
pendent, but as forming parts of a larger community, the can- 
ton.^ Each canton had a local centre,* which was situated on 
some hill-top and was strongly fortified, where the markets were 
held, games celebrated, justice administered, and religious rites 
observed. The foundation of this clan-constitution was already 
laid when the Latins entered Italy and settled on the slopes of 
the Alban hills. Here, where the position was secure and the 
springs fresh, the oldest Latin towns,^ such as Alba, Lanuvium, 
Tibur, Prsdneste, Gabii, and Borne, were founded. How many 
cantons there were originally in Latium, it is impossible to 
tell ; tradition mentions thirty as forming the famous Latin 
league, at the head of which was Alba Longa, ^ the long white 
oity,^ the oldest and most eminent of the Latin cantons. 

3. Roma a Latin Settlement. — Among the Latin cantons 
the Roman, or at least its capital, Rome, was destined to be 
the most eminent. On one of the isolated hills on the left 
bank of the Tiber, about eighteen miles from its mouth, settled 
a tribe of Latins called Rarnnes or Romans. The Romans had 
their stronghold on the Palatine hill, and this was the founda- 
tion of Rome. Its territory extended at that time little more 
than five miles to the east and south, while it embraced the 
suburbs of the hill Janiculus on the right bank, and the whole 
course of the Tiber down to its mouth.* The right of trade,* 
and the home which it offered to adventurers,^ combined with 
its favorable situation, account in a measure for the rapid 
growth of the city. Standing as it did on the Latin bank of 
the Tiber, three miles below its confluence with the Anio, it 
seemed admirably adapted to be the emporium of Latium. • 

* VM or pagi. * CivUag, or popului, * Called eapUoUum, or " beight^^ 

* See map, p. 4. "See map, p. 94. •Jut commerm. * Jut exfiii. 

THE FOUNDATtOK 07 &0M1S. 15 

4. The Palatine City.— The original city occupied only 
the Palatine hiU, from the shape of which it derived its 
name of '^ Square Borne ^' or Bama Quadrata. From the very 
first the dty, according to the custom of the Latins^ was en- 
compassed by a ring-wall ^ and the sacred belt of the pomepum,^ 
which conld be extended only by those whose yictories had 
enlarged the Roman territories. Under the protection of the 
stronghold on the Palatine, suburbs grew up, forming almost 
&om the first a city of seven hills,* within and distinct from the 
more famous seven hills of historic Borne. The Palatine city, 
even in its first beginning, was increased in power by its union 
with a Sabine canton. 

5. Sabine City. — On the Quirinal hill, which lay entirely 
beyond the bounds assigned to the circuit of Borne, was an 
independent city of Sabine origin. We have already learned 
that the Latins and Sabines were nearly related, and that the 
latter, issuing from their mountain home, had hemmed the 
Latins in on the east and south. A body of these bold adven- 
turers had settled on the Quirinal, and after coming in contact 
with the Bomans, had finally gained possession of their strong- 
hold on the Gapitoline. This compelled the Bomans to form an 
alliance {/oedus) with the Sabine city, by which the two races 
were united and both helped to form the Boman state. After 
their union the people were divided into two divisions or tribes, 
Bamnes and Tities, as they were called, and each tribe was 
divided again into ten curim or wards; and as the curia formed 
the basis of the union, the people were called Quirite8> Their 
common place of meeting was in the comitium, between the 
Palatine and Quirinal hills. Tradition relates that the rule 
was to choose the king in turn from the Bomans of the Pala- 
tine and the Sabines of the Quirinal 

6. The Union of the Romans and Sabines.— By the 
incorporation of the Sabine city, a conservative element was 

* 'ntt recent excsvBtioDS taAve tm>iig1it to light portions of the ori^nal wall In Ave 
diHerent ptaoes, enough to tnu» ite situation wlUi considerable precieion. Of the three 
gatee which penetrated the wall, the aites of bat two have been found, B>rta Muffionis 
and Borta Somana. ' See colored map No. S. 

* Paladnns, Germalos, Velia, Faeatal, OppliiB, CeftpluB, Sabma. 

* By pome the word Qalritee is derived from quirw^ a epear. Qalrltee and corla are 
prob*hty from the eame root, $ku^ cover ; cf . xuptov mr^Ma, eungre with A. 8. Ad«, hooso. 


seven hills now seemed inadeqaate for the defence of the capital 
of Lattnm, and hence vas oonstrncted the fortifioation ascribed 
to Serrine Tnllias, which enclosed not only the Palatine and 
Qnirinal, bat also the heights of the Avendne, Oapitoline, Es- 
qniline, Yiminal, and Ctelian hills, with a great ring-Tall.' 
After the city had been protected from foreign foes, the neoes- 
Eitr for internal improvement became more apparent. Hence 
the daactt? or sewer, was constrncted for draininf^ the manhy 
ralleyi between the Palatine and Gapitoline hills down to the 
Tiber. Here in this valley was located the eomitium, the 
aasembling place of the people, and in the oomitium were the 
tribunal or jndgment-seat, and the rottra {vttera) from which 
the {leople were addreseed. The prolongation of the eomitivm 
towards the south 
and east formed 
the forum, which 
afterwards became 
the centre of the 
civil and political 
Ufe of Borne. The 
forum was cat 
by streets, the 
most important of 
which was the via 
taara^ or Sacred 
Way, ascending 
the declivity' of the Capitoline hill to the capitol, and along its 
Bidea were batchers' shops and traders' atalla* On the north 

' ne w>U ta oompaMd to hare bMn aTicmt Kmn mlln In efmnnfervnee ; ramalna of 
Uantoandon tbeAtcfiUneandBsqnUlDe; Me onlnred map Nn. S. 

■TlwdOacanwdBuiiacnitobenen onder (he plitform nf the SotUfes ABa, and 
empds Into Um liber MU the Umpla of V«etk. Sereral caiiaUcOba,ortrn>ot>rjdialiH, 
b»Te been menUr dlwoTend. 

• "Ote roram Telabnun and Tonun Boarlnni. 

* Ite eoorae of the via aocro haa not rat been ■allrhetorllr detcnntiwd. It nroliablT 
oOmA I^Jirmii at tiM temple of AntonlnOK and Fanxtina. and amtLnaeil on ih« north 
Elda et IkB fonm to a pe^t a Utile befond tbe temple af Jnlloi demr, then turned 
dliwilj aonth toward tbe temple of CaiLtor and Pollai, and then Innied u right idifIio 
rvonlngaloDxtbe front of (baBvilluJuJii. When the a n:h or 19. SevvrTin hsk erncK-d, 
ilK>ia«era wutHubafal/GonUnui-dilung the aonbeni side of Iho tonm; this, huw- 
mr, canHM be detennined inlll the forum le ciavaied between the temple of Jnltiu 
Cnar and ttie aich of fl. Serenu. ■ CUeui CapitoUmi: 


side of the forum was the senate bouse, called from the builder 
curia JSostilia, On the south side, beneath the Palatine hill, 
rose the temple of Vesta with its eternal fire, and the regia or 
the official dwelling house of the king.^ 

9. Ghrowth of Rome. — In the valley between the Pala- 
tine and Aventine hills ^ a space was set aside for the circus,* 
where games, chariot-racing and boxing were celebrated once 
every year in honor of the three gods to whom the capitol was 
built. Temples and sanctuaries arose on the other summits, as 
the temple of Diana, the representative of the Latin confed- 
eracy on the Aventine, and above all, on the summit of the 
Gapitoline, the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus,^ dedicated to the 
three great gods of the Latin and Sabine races, Jupiter, Juno, 
and Minerva, y 

^ n ♦ ■■ 

The Eablt Government of Eohb. 

1. The Form of Gtovemment. — The government of the 
people of these three cantons at this early time was very simple. 
It was modeled on that of the Roman household, in which the 
father' ruled over all its members and descendants with absolute 
authority.* As the union of several households formed the 
clan^^ so the union of several clans formed the tribe.^ After 
the admission of the Sabines * and the Albans ^ into the com- 
munity on a footing of equality, the number of tribes or parts 

1 The other bnlldlns attiibated to this period, remains of which etiU exist, is Caroer 
Mofnerdntu^ or prison, roilt oTer the well, or Timanum, 

* VaUisMurxia, 

* This was the dreut tnaximuSf tnd the beginning of the great Boman gHues {huU 
tnaximi Bontani), 

* The exact location of this temple has been in modem times a matter of dispute ; 
the Italian topographers placing it on the northern summit, which is now occapled by 
the church and monastery of .Aracoeli, and the arz with the temple of Juno Honeta on 
the southwestern point of the liill. German scholars have reversed this order. The 
recent excavations for the new German Archeolocical building and inscriptions discov- 
ered by Dr. Henaen have set this question at rest, fixing the site of the temple definitely 
on the southwestom summit near where the CalEarelll palace i& See p. 87. 

* PaUrfamUias. * Pairiapote$tas. ' &«n«, or house. 

* That is, part {trVum) of the whole community. This division had reference prima- 
rily to the people, but it was also applied to their lands so far as they were divided. As 
the curies were made up of the gentu (theoretically ten in each cwid^^ there is not much 
doubt that ihe curies had their own lands. This division into curies liad a relkrfous 
as well as a political significance. The two peoples met and voted by curies for jnaidal 
purposes, and the levies and valuations were made by curies. Bach curia was under the 
charge of a special warden {curio), and had a priest of Its own {JUunen ettriaiU), See 
p.81. "Seep.B. '"Seep^lfi. 


of the commnnity, was increased to three, named respectiyely 
RamneSf Tities, and Luceresyeeuoh of which was divided into ten 
curuBy or wardships, and each curia into ten houses or gentes. 

2. The King.— ^o rule this enlarged fiunily or household 
of the Boman state, there was selected one from its own ranks, 
caUed the king;^ who ruled for life and exercised the same 
unlimited authority over the community that the father exer- 
cised in the household. The king possessed the supreme civil' 
and military * power ; that is, he commanded the army, admin- 
istered justice, and presided whenever he summoned the whole 
community^ or the heads of the different clans'' to consult 
them concerning any measure of puhlic policy. He was also the 
high-priest of the nation, for he alone could mediate between the 
gods and the people, and perform the sacrifices for the state. 

3. The Senate. — Just as the father of a household could 
call the different members of the same clan together in case of 
need for consultation, so the king, in matters pertaining to 
the interest of all the clans collectively, or that of the whole 
community, selected the clan-elders, or heads of the most 
influential families* to form a state council, called the senate^ 
or " council of elders " The senate consisted of three hundred 
members, because it was intended that each of the three 
hundiied houses composing the community should be repre- 
sented in the senate. The senators held their seats for lif«, and 
in case of death the king filled the vacancy. The senate was 
merely a consultative body, free to give advice, but with no 
means to enforce its acceptance. 

4. The Comitia Curiata.— The king could summons the 
members" of the different families that formed the state to a 
popular assembly called comitia ciiriata, to decide such matters 
of general importance as he chose to lay before them, The king 
f^resided, and the voting was done by curim^ that is, there were 
thirty votes, as the members of each curia formed one vote. This 

* Bob, leader, or dietatoTt eommander, or fnagieier popuH, mcuUr <tf the people. 

* Beffia poleaUu. * Begivm imperi%an. 

* Cbmitia curiatay I. «., tbe heads of the flimille» and their grown-ap sons. 

* Begium concUlium, 

■ The munber In the senate corresponded to the nnmber of clans. * Senahu. 

* FiUreefon^fkas pairkiarum genaum et JUiifaimiUiaSt i. e.^ the chiefs of the fkmilies 
and their sons. 


assembly confirmed the election of the king,^ the declaration of 
war or peace, enacted laws, and, when the king allowed^ judged 
all matters pertaining to the life or privileges of the people. 

5. The Anny. — In case of war each tribe famished for the 
common defence 1000 foot-soldiers and 100 horsemen or equites, 
each under the command of an officer called the tribune. The 
quota from the three tribes, the 3000 foot-soldiers and the 300 
horsemen, formed the army or legion. 

6. The Patricians. — ^The members of those families form- 
ing the state, exercised exclu8i?ely all the political power and 
enjoyed all the honors. They sdone rendered service in the 
army and constituted the people or populus? They guarded 
their privileges with great jealousy ; and that these might be 
enjoyed by them and their descendants alone^ they denied to all 
foreigners the right of intermarriage.' When any member ot 
one of these clans concluded a marriage in the usual form, the 
children received the same rights that their fiEither enjoyed^ and 
hence they were called ^'fathers' children,'' or patricians.^ All 
others were not regarded as members of the community, and 
were entirely destitute of political rights. 

7. Clients. — By the side of the patricians there existed an 
inferior class, the clients, to whom the patricians stood in the 
relation of patron.* They were probably prisoners of war, 
subject not as the plebeians were to the state, but to the dif- 
ferent heads* of the great patrician houses, whose lands they 
cultivated, or under whose protection they carried on trade. It 

^ It wu to the heads of all the families^ the patrea^ and not to the few reiiresented in 
the Moate, to which the fall power {9umma pois$tiu) returned in cai«e the king died. Ail 
the headn of ftimiKes (patrujamUku pattieiarum Qentkum) aM«mbIed on the death of the 
king in a coandl {eoncUWm patrum) and choee from their nomber a temporary king im- 
terrex) for five dayn, and be nominated hi8 Boocemor. To the neeond intirrfx or hirt sne- 
oeworv bek)nged the da^ of nominating a king for life. Thie new king mni<>t. ho^verer, 
before being installed in oflloe, receive "the authority from the fatherH'* {jxt/rum 
auctoHtas) to oonroke the eomUia curiata, i. «., the body of patriciann before woich be 
laid for their approral the lex curiala de ifnpeHo, by which the people «. €., the fiathere and 
their grown-ap eonft) delegated to him the power to command the army, impone taza^ 
(tribtOum) or fines {muita dicOo), and decide abeolutely in regard to the life or death (Jum 
vIUe nedsqw) of a member of the communltv. Bf some aothoritiefl the right of electing 
the king Is assigned to the senators, i. «., to those heads of the families represented in the 
senate, Instead of to the heads of all the families assembled in a council. Hommaen. 
who thinks that plebeian famillA were represented in the senate, assigns the election or 
the Idng to the patridan part of the senate. The yfew presented in the text accords with 
the traaition, and seems more satisfactory, because tne full power ought to return, on 
the death of the king, to tlie lieads of all the families, and not to those who happtted to 
be remsented in the senate. See p. fiO, n. S. 

■ Tiiey were called /Y^puft Somanl QuMUi, bat In their drll capacity simply Ovi- 
rUst. > Jw cofintfMi. • FutridL * liitnmu, • Fa£hfs famiSas. 


was the duty of the patron to protect the public and private 
interests of his clients, and they in turn were obliged to aid 
and support in every way the patrician to whom they were 

8. Slaves. — There were also the slaves,^ who had no per- 
sonal and political rights^ but were the mere property of their 
masters, and could be bought and sold at pleasure. 

9. Plebeians. — ^In addition to these three classes, there 
gradually grew up another class, the plebeians,' as they wer6 
called, from not being, like the patricians, members of the 
curim. This class was composed of the former inhabitants of 
conquered towns,' — ^particularly the members of the Latin 
communities and the Tusci in Etruria, who sought protection 
m Bome from the victorious Rasennae,^ — ^and of others who had 
fled to Bome for refuge.' They were personally free, could 
acquire and bequeath property and engage in trade, but were 
entirely without political rights. 

10. The Refonn of Tax^niziias Friscns. — In consequence 
of the rapid growth of territory and the removing of large 
masses of population to Bome, the plebeians constantly in- 
creased in numbers and soon demanded a share in the political 
privileges of the state. This demand was met first by the 
refonn which tradition attributes to Tarquinius Prisons.' The 
reform was brought about by inserting into the existing tribes 
and curuB the most important plebeian families,'^ not on a 
footing of equality, but in the subordinate relation of the 
second Banmes, Tities and Luceres. The king, by virtue of 
his power to fill up the senate,' added a number of new mem- 

> Arvi. • Mebf, muUUvde. * Peregrini d^ditieU. * Vlnu Tutiem. • Trantfugct. 

* Tbe king widied to Inoorporate the plebeians with the state by addinc three new 
tribes ; bat as erery cbaage In tbe oonstltation raofit receive the eanption oi the pcU^res 
{putrum auttorUat) Intbeir assembly by curia {ooneUlum euriatum^ and this mast be 
ntifled by the whole people (hunts pomtU) in tne oomUUi eurkUa, he was anable to 
aooompltsh it. This opposidon tradiflon lias ezpreHsed in the story of the Sabine 

diataly 41^ tbe stone in two. In oonseqaence of this miracle the king gave up hit* denfgn. 
'neknilbSBd the stone were buried in the fonim, and a statae of Attos Navios was 
eneted ttare to commemorate the miracle he had wrought. 
' Ooapiatio, ' LecUo getuUrn. 


' — - -- ' ■ — 

bers^ Cd31ei pcUres mifiorum gerUium, to distinguish them from 
the old senators who were termed patres majorum gentium* 
The number of equites was increased to six hondred. 

U. The Reform of Servins Tnllins. — The reform began 
by Tarquinius is said to have been carried out by his successor, 
Servius Tullius. His object was to incorporate the whole body 
of plebeians with the state. This he did by a new division 
of the people, in which he assigned to -property the influence 
which formerly belonged to birth. The reform was based on 
the principle that taxes ^ and military service should deyolve 
upon the freeholders* or the wealthy,' whether they were 
patricians or plebeians. He divided the whole Roman terri* 
tory into four tribes, and the whole population subject to 
military service and possessing two or more jugera^ of land, 
into five classes, according to their property. The position of 
every citizen in the classes was determined by a census, which 
was a register of the citizens and their property. There were 
170 centuries of infantry — 80 from the first class, 30 from the 
fifth, and 20 from each of the other three — 18 of cavalry, and 5 
of musicians, armorers and carpenters, in all 193 centuries. 

12. The first class embraced those who possessed a normal 
farm^ of about 20 jugera ;* the other classes possessed respec- 
tively J, i, i, iV fts much. The first class was divided into 
infantry^ and cavalry,' and all five classes into seniores and 

* Trtbutum. * AsHduL * LoeupMea, * Jvfferwn, ftboatl of an 

* The oenpofl— of the ftrot class 100,000 asses or more, and of the otbera 75,000, 60,0(n. 
W,000, and 11,000 respectively— wan not until the time of Applns ClaodiiiF (b. c. S19> 
ea^iressed in money. The following table will show the census of each class, ana namber 
of centaries It contained : 

I. HoiwnneN, or KNioirrs. 

1. 6 old oentQTieH, sex suffragia. '. . . census flrst dan. 

2. 12 new centuries, ^ " 

n. Foot. 
1st class, 80 centuries (40 of seniores, 40 jonioies), oeDsns 100,000 assea. 
ad " 90 " (10 " 10 " ), " 75,000 " 

8d *• 80 " • (10 " 10 •* ), " 60,000 " 

4th " 90 " (10 " 10 " ), " 86,000 " 

6th " 80 " (15 " 16 '• ), " 11,000 •♦ 

1 century of proletarii, census under 11,000 af«es. 
4 centuries of musicians and workmen, census none. 
Total, 19B oentnriee. 
ntonysius gives the census of the 5th class 18 JMX) asses. 

At the time (b. c. 886) silver coinage was introduced, 10 asses = 1 silver denarlw =a 
about 80 cents. This is about the time that the census was ezpreesed in money : liOOO 
asses = ii80. 

* BaredUtm. ' FtdiUt. • BguUet. 


juniares. The younger men, from seventeen to forty-five years 
of age, were employed for service in the field ; the elder, from 
forty-fiye to sixty, were retained at home for the defence of the 
dty. All the classes had to provide their own arms and armor. 

13. The Annor. — The first class appeared in fall armor, 
with shield of hrass,^ helmet,^ cuirass,' greaves,^ spear '^ for 
attack, and sword,* and fought in the front rank of the pha- 
lanx. The second class ^ was placed behind the first They 
wore no cuirassi but had instead a large wooden shield ' cov- 
ered with leather. The third class had the same except the 
greaves; and the fourth carried only the shield, spear and 
sword. The fifth class did not serve in the phalanx, but 
fought outside with darts and slings.* 

Besides these classes, there were the non-freeholders,^ who 
famished four centuries of workmen and musicians, and one 
century of substitutes, who marched with the army unarmed,^ 
and, when vacancies occurred, took their places in the ranks. 
These five classes formed the infantry and cavalry. The cav- 
alry was taken from the first class, and twelve new centuries 
were added, thus increasing the number to eighteen. 

14. The Comitia Centoriata. — This was the military 
order of the people. The same order was observed when the 
king summoned them from time to time to meet outside of 
tiie city, on the campus Martitis, to consult them concerning 
war or peace, laws or elections, or other important matters. 
This assembly was called t^e comitia centuriata, and each cen- 
tury had one vote, which was decided by the majority of indi- 
vidual voters. The tendency of this system was to place in the 
hands of the wealthiest — ^who formed the eighty centuries of 
the first class, and the eighteen centuries of equites — ^whether 
patricians or plebeians, the chief power. 

In case of war the levy,*' suflScient to form two legions of 
i,250 men each, was made by tribes from the 85 centuries of 
juniores. Of the 8,500 men, each tribe furnished 2,125. 

" Cmfeus * Oerea. ♦ Frindpes. " ProletarU, 


15. This constitntion, while it gave the plebeians & share 
in the defence of the state, and placed them aide by side with 
the patriciaos in the fire clasaes of citizens, where nothing pre- 
vented them from reaching the highest, left antonched all 
the old privileges of the patricians — the right to elect the 
interrex, take the auspices,' eligibility to the senate and 
comitia curiaia, the power to authorize St not the chief 
magistrate* to appear before the comitia curtata for them to 
ratify* his election, or any chauge in the constitntion which he 
might propose. 

16. The LiiBtniia. — After completing hie arrangements, 
SeiriuB Tullius performed a solemn purification of the city and 

people. He summoned the 
whole people to assemble in 
full armor in the camput 
Martins, ranked according 
to classeB and centnriea The 
sacrifice^,* consisting of a 
pig, sheep and ox, were car> 
ried three times around the 
assembled multitude,* and 
then ofibred to Mars. After 
that the king prayed to the 
gods to bless and presenre 
the people. This ceremony 
waa preserved nuder the re- 
SUOYKAUUL.A.. pi'j'Jc as the closing act of 

the census, and as the cen- 
sus was regularly taken once in five years, the word luUrum 
was frequently used to denote that space of time. 

^ Jut mtpiatonan. • Patrum ttadalUa. ^ LacemtalailelaipiTta. 

• SuatttmriUa ([ram rm, fig ; veil, tluip ; lavrut. ea}. ' Banc* e>U«d oniMhHMtggt. 

* The eiplauiry ncrUcc wu perf onued u Uia dosing act of Uw omnuii, uhI ■!» aftor 
thr trlnmptL Th« angniTlnir li from the vch of CouuntlDO, lad abQWii tlw aortfloe 
performed by TMianfuoe p. «8| [n prtwuceof hisannj. TbeamperoreDrroDiided by big 
rumj benini KfUTo (xluiairda BUkde bj fmenlngcloUi lo s Danerane plaK of wood) and 
the itgna ((be e>ele-»t«nd*nU, one botag decorated n LCh ponralts and the other pUln ; 
the veeUhim lo tha left hu a decoialed pole) la pouring ■ libation on the hnmlng aliaz. 
The animal* are led forward by serranis; a cumlCiu ntten a bni ot Inoenne tn tbe 
emperor, whilg the iTampetirHarr Inlonlni tbe fanfare. In the baa-rellef of the sacrilkH 
at l>e furtrvn the cermor HUnd" It the left ln~ertlnE [he nameeof dtlirnii and dildleni in 
thecomai'lliil; IwomiuldabBarepliylnslhBcitharaand Ante respccClTelj, while a priest 
ponn the libation IntoaTaH prepeniedbj anvnUw.- tbeanimalg ara ctownM and led 
lorward bj Barraula, while another aervaot catrlva a box ot Inccuc od hb alwaldar. 



The Histoby op the Eeoal Pebiod — Its Credibility — 
LivY'a Nabbativb — Otueb Soubges. 

1. The chief authorities for the history of the regal period 
are Livy and Dionysios of Halikamassus. They both wrote 
their histories in the time of Augustus, and, so far as this period 
is concerned, nearly one thousand years after the events they 
relate. It is true they gained their information from the annal- 
ists; but the oldest of these, Fabius Pictor and Cincius Alimen- 
tos, did not live earlier than the time of the second Punic war. 

2. Early Records.— For the time after the regal period 
they no doubt made use of contemporary records, as the annales 
maximiy chronological lists of events kept by the jjontifez mcuB* 
imm; of the inscriptions* in the houses of the great families, 
enumerating the magistracies they had held; or of other 
archives, which were preserved with great care at Rome. But 
for the regal period there were very few public documents of 
any kiod. This is not surprising, for the art of writing was 
not introduced into Bome until the time of Tarquinius Priscus, 
and probably for many centuries after its use was confined to 
the few; and further, most public and private records were 
destroyed in the burning of the city by the Gauls (b. o. 389). 

3. Oral TraditioD. — The only information, then, which the 
historians and annalists had of the regal period was, in the main^ 
oral tradition, which in the lapse of time became so changed 
that but little reliability could be placed in it as a groundwork 
for history.* This unwritten tradition, however, which had 

* Tbeee wei« inwrfptions under the wax portraits which stood In the Atrium, record- 
bg the maidstracieo held by the distingaitshed membere of tho family. 

• Utylri. 1) realized this, for he sayH : The history of this period Is obscnre, {tartly 
from ffieat antiqatty, like objects rendered almost imnerccptiblo hv their distance^ 
pvtly Decuue In these Umes the nse of letters, the only faithful jcnardian of the mem- 
ory of eTentM, wan Inconsiderable and rare, and beside** whatever was confai^rtl in the 
eominentan<M of the pontiff:* or other public or private recordi«, perished for tlie moat 
)«rt in the boming of the city. 


grown up in the course of so many centuries^ and which often 
gave contradictory narratives of the same event, the early his- 
torians accepted without hesitation. In this way it came to 
pass that even in regard to the foundation of the city no less 
than twenty-five different accounts were developed. The one 
that was accepted with the most favor, attributing the origin 
of Borne to a Trojan colony, was reduced to its present form 
by Fabius Pictor, the first prose writer at Borne, and adopted 
by Vergil and Livy. 

4. Idvy's Account of fhe Origin of Rome.— According 
to this legend, ^Eneas, the son of Anchises, having collected a 
few friends, fled after the fall of Troy to seek a new home. 
After various adventures he arrived on the coast of Italy, and 
was hospitably received by the king Latinus, who made a 
league with him and gave him his daughter Lavinia in mar- 
riage, ^neas then built a town and called it in honor of his 
wife Lavinium. After the death of ^neas, his son Ascanins 
became king. He left Lavinium and built a new city on Mt 
Albanus, which he called Alba Longci. The succession con- 
jiinued in his &mily until the time of Numitor, the son of 
Procas, who was deprived of his throne by his younger brother 
Amulius. Amulius, that he might retain the government, 
killed the son of Numitor, and made his daughter, Bbea Silvia, 
a vestal virgin, in order that she might remain unmarried. 
But when she bore the twins, Bomulus and Bemus, to the god 
Mars, the king ordered her to be killed and the twins thrown 
into the Tiber. 

5. Romulus and Remus. — At this time it happened that 
the Tiber had overflowed its banks, forming shallow pools. In 
one of these the servant of the king placed the cradle with the 
children, thinking that it would float down the stream and then 
sink. The gods watched over the children, and the cradle was 
wafted to the foot of the Palatine, where it was overturned by 
the roots of a wild fig-tree, near the cave of the god Lupercus. 
The water subsiding left the boys on dry land. Here they were 
suckled by a she-wolf from the cave of Lupercus until they 
were found by the shepherd Faustulus, who took them to his 


wife, Acca Larentia, to be brought up with his own children, 
and called them Somolus and fiemus. The two brothers dis- 
covered the mystery of their birth by accident, and restored the 
throne to their grandfather, Numitor. 

6w The Foimdation of Rome. — They determined to leave 
Alba, and foond a city on one of the hills by the Tiber, where 
they had been brought np. But as neither of the brothers 
wonld yield to the other, there arose a quarrel between them 
and their followers, who should give a name to the new city and 
govern it. It was agreed to let the gods decide the question 
by a sign from the sacred birds. Bomnlus and his followers 
took their station on the Palatine, and Bemus on the Aventine. 
Bemns first saw six vultures, but Bomulus straightway after 
saw twelve. Each claimed the augury in his own favor, one on 
account of the priority of time, the other on account of the 
number of birds. The shepherds, however, decided in favor of 
Bomnlus, who built the town on the Palatine^ and called it 
Borne, firom his own name. He then drew a furrow round it 
with the sacred plow, and along by the furrow he built a wall 
which marked the line or sacred belt of the pomerium, Bemus, 
in derision, leaped over the new built waU, whereupon Bomulus 
slew him, saying: ^'So shall every one die who dares to leap 
over these walls." 

7. The War witb the Latins^— In order to people his 
new city, Bomulus opened an asylum ' or place of refuge on the 
Capitoline hill, to which he invited the lawless and discontented 
firom aU the country round. These he received, protected, and 
made citizens of his new town. Women were wanting, and 
he appUed to the neighboring cities to give their daughters 
in marriage. This they scornfully refused. When Bomulus 
heard this, he concealed his anger, but presently invited the 
dwellers round about to come to Bome, with their wives and 
children, to see the games which he was going to celebrate in 

* Aeeoxding to the Ytfroiiiaii era, Rome was founded April SI, 78S, on the day of the 
iUUia. Thiit 10 generally accepted. The other prlndpal eras are those of Cato, 761 b.o. ; 
of PolyMoa, 7B0 B.O. : and of J^biiu Fictor, 747 B.o. In practice the era of Varro la 
feckimed from Jan. l, 788. 



honor of the god Consus. The Sabines and Latins came in 
great crowds, and when all were intent on the games> the 
Bomans rushed on their guests and carried away the young 
women. The parents returned home and prepared to taJke 
vengeance on Bomulus and his people. First, the men of the 
Latin towns, Gsenina, AntemnsB, and Crnstumerium, rushed to 
arms, but these were defeated by Romulus, who slew with his 
own hand Acron, king of Csanina^ and dedicated his armor, . 
as spolia opima, to Jupiter. 

8. War with the Sabinaft.— The Sabines, who lived 
fiirther up the mountains, next raised an army and marched 
to Home, and encamped on the Quirinal hill, directly oppo- 
site the capitol. Now one day when Tarpeja» the daughter 
of the warden of the capitol, went out to draw water, the 
Sabines begged her to open the gate to the citadel. This 
she promised to do if they would give her what they wore on 
their left arms, meaning the gold bracelets and rings. When 
they had penetrated into the citadel, they threw their heavy 
shields, which they wore on their left arms, on Tarpeja^ and 
crushed her to death. The Bomans attempted to recover 
the hill, and the two armies met in the vaUey between the 
Palatine and the Capitoline. The champion of the Bomans 
was Hostus Hostilius, and that of the Sabines Mettus Curtins. 
The Sabines prevailed and were pursuing the Bomans from the 
Velia up the hill, when Bomulus vowed a temple to Jupiter 
Stator,^ the Stayer of Flight The Bomans stopp^ and renewed 
the battle, and drove the Sabines back towards the Capitoline 
hill. Then it was that Mettus Curtius sank with his horse 
into the marsh and nearly perished. The place where this 
happened was called the Lake of Curtius. At length the Sabine 
women rushed between the combatants and prayed their hus- 
bands and fathers to be reconciled. The prayer was heard, and 
the chiefs of the two peoples made peace. 

9. The Union of the Romans and Sabines. — It was 
agreed that the Sabines should remain in Borne and the two 

> The temple of Japlter Stator was Bltnated near the Afffo Mugkmi*. Bemains of 
tufa blocks belonging to an ancient restoration of the temple Imve been foantf. 


peoples form one nation. The Romans still occupied the 
Palatine, and the Sabines the Qnirinal under their king Titus 
Tatins, who reigned jointly with Bomulus. The united people 
were called Romans and Quirites,^ because Tatius came from 
the city of Cures. The two peoples met to transact their affairs 
in common in the valley between the two hills, which was called 
comUium, or the place of meeting. Titus Tatius quarreled 
with the men of Laurentnm, and while offering sacrifices at 
Larinium was slain. From this time Romulus reigned alone 
over the two peoples, and made laws to govern them in peace 
and war. (Jr 

10. The CoDStitation of Romaltis. — ^First of all he 
diyided his people into patricians and clienta He then divided 
the- patricians into three tribes, the Ramnes, Tities and Luceres^ 
and each of the three tribes into ten curies. The patricians, 
when they assembled to vote or make laws, came each in his 
curia, and each curia had one vote decided by the majority of 
voters in it The curia was composed of the heads of the houses, 
which also had their own laws, customs, and sanctuaries. The 
clients were the dependents of the patricians, whom they were 
to protect in eyery way against injustice. From the patricians 
he chose a hundred of the oldest and wisest to be his council of 
senators. Out of the young men he chose a legion of 3,000 foot- 
soldiers and 300 horsemen, according to the number of the three 
tribes and thirty curies, out of every curia 100 foot-soldiers and 
ten horsemen. 

The story goes on in the same mythical vein to tell how, 
after a reign of thirty-seven years, Romulus was suddenly 
removed from the world while reviewing his people on the 
campus Martius. There arose suddenly a fearful storm, the 
snn was darkened, but when daylight returned Romulus had 
disappeared. His father, Mars, had carried him up to heaven 
in a fiery chariot. His people mourned for him until Proculus, 
a senator, said that on his way to Alba Romulus had met him and 
promised to protect the Romans under the name of Quirinus. 

^ For the derivation, see p. 15, note. 


11. The L^^d attributes the introduction of the religious 
iuBtitutionSi the reformation of the calendar, the formation of 
the guilds,* and the erection of a temple to Janus, at the 
entrance of the forum, the gates of which were opened during 
war and closed in time of peace, to Numa Pompilius.* TuUus 
Hostiiius broke the power of the Latins and destroyed Alba. 
Ancus Maroius, the grandson of Numa, built the port of Ostia> 
the fortress on the Janiculus, a bridge across the Tiber, and 
laid the foundation of the plebeian order by the settlement he 
gave to the conquered people on the Aveiitine. 

12. The Etrcuican Dynasty. — ^After this, the state assumed 
a new character from the accession of an Etruscan dynasty of 
three kings. The first, Tarquinius Priscus, defeated the Sabines 
5md took Collatia, subdued the Etruscans, doubled the number 
of noble houses in each tribe by enrolling plebeians, commenced 
the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, built the doaea maximay laid 
out the circus in the valley of MurdUy and introduced games 
from Etruria. The second, Servius TuUius, devised the new 
constitution, concluded a treaty with the Latins, and erected a 
temple of Diana on the Aventine as a federal sanctuary of the 
Latin and Roman people. The third, Tarquinius Superbos, 
formed an alliance with Octavius Mamilins of Tusculum, estab- 
lished the Latin games on the Alban Mount to Jupiter Latiaris, - 
waged war on the Volscians, took their most important town, 
Stiessa Pometioy &om the spoils of which he finished the temple 
of Jupiter Capitolinus, completed the sewers begun by Tar- 
quinius Priscus, obtained the Sibylline books from Cums, 
sent his two sons to consult the Delphian oracle, and finaUy 
ruling with insolence, and endeavoring to build up his arbitrary 
power on the destruction of the nobility, was driven from the 
throne, and the monarchy which had endured two hundred and 
forty-four years ended with his reign, and the era of the republic 

13. The Value of this Harrative.— However much the 
story of the expulsion of Tarquinius and all his house may hav0 

* See p. aWf n. 8, ' Plat. I^nma. * See p. 46. 


been interwoyeii with anecdoteSy it cannot in its leading outlines 
be called in question. There can be no doubt that the last 
king was a cruel and arbitrary tyiunt ; that he neglected to 
consult the senate and complete its numbers ; that he unjustly 
pronounced sentence of death and confiscation against the lead- 
ing members of the great houses, in order to weaken them in 
influence and numbers, that he might the easier build up his 
own arbitrary power; and that he finally exacted from the peo- 
ple military labors and task-work beyond what was due. These 
measures, which threatened to convert the government of the 
state into an arbitrary despotism, united the two parties, patri- 
ciau and plebeian, against him. The exasperation of the peo- 
ple was attested by their vow never again to tolerate a king. 
In regard to the other events, the acts of each king, how many 
kings there were, how many years each reigned, and how 
long the regal period lasted, the tradition, interwoven with 
inconsistencies and improbabilities, at one time attributing 
institutions to one person and then the same to another, is 
utterly untrustworthy. The full extent of these inconsisten- 
cies, and the vast number of traditional histories, entirely incon- 
sistent with each other, are not generally known, because the 
history of the regal period is usually learned from Livy. When 
we, however, compare Livy's narrative of events with those of 
other writers, we then become aware of the uncertainty which 
prevailed even among the Romans themselves. 

14. Other Sources.— Still, while rejecting the traditional 
history in the main, we must remember that it is essentially of 
Boman origin, and closely interwoven with Boman manners, 
customs, and localities. This &ct» taken in connection with what 
we learn from other sources in regard to the Boman people, 
enables us in a measure to eliminate much that is uncertain, and 
deduce a tolerably true and consistent history of the political 
and civil institutions, and of the religious and social customs of 
the Bomans, even in that early period of their history. These 
other sources are : (1) the excavations which have recently been 
made in the very locality where the events were transacted ; 
(2) the study of comparative philology, which has discovered 


that the different races in Italy belonged to the Indo-European 
family, that the Bomans, when they first appeared on the stage 
of history as a separate people, had already in the GrsBCo-Italian 
time passed through a long period of development, and that the 
groundwork of their religious, social, and legal life had already 
been formed ; Qi) the physical geography of the country, which 
teaches how far the development of peoples is influenced by 
climate and the peculiar formation of their country; (4) the 
later history, which enables us in some instances to draw infer- 
ences in regard to the earlier history. 

15. The Results. — From a study of these sources, certain 
broad conclusions have been arrived at, the chief of which have 
already been indicated. They may be summed up in the steady 
growth of the city until it became the head of Latium, and 
derived wealth and commercial importance from its favorable 
position. A constitution based on a patriarchal aristocracy, 
with an elective monarchy at its head, was modified by the 
introduction of new elements, chiefly from the conquered states. 

Soon the necessity arose for incorporating this new element 
with the state. This was done by organizing a new military 
systern, which made property instead of birth the principle of 
division. From this time the plebeians could no longer be 
kept separate as a distinct and inferior class, but under the new 
constitution they won after long and weary contests a position 
in the state. The last king, seeking to convert his government 
into an arbitrary despotism, was expelled by both patricians 
and plebeians, whom the common danger had for the moment 
united, but who differed again as soon as the peril was over. 
This change in the government, originating in the desire to 
limit the power of the chief magistrate, at least in point of 
time, was the result of the natural development of the consti- 
tution. For not only at Rome, but in the other Latin states, 
and even in Greece, at about the same time, the rulers for life 
were superseded by annual magistrates. 


The Beuoion of the Bohanb. 

1. It is necessary before passing to the history of the Bepub- 
Ii(^ to glance at the religion of Borne, because it exercised a 
decided influence on the government of the state^ We have 
ali^eady learned that the groundwork of the religion of the 
Greeks and Romans was laid' before their separation. The 
Bomans brought their own gods and own form of worship with 
them into the valley of the Tiber. The elements, then, of their 
religion, like their clan-constitution, were older than the state; 
the development was peculiar and characteristic of the Boman 

2. The Worship of Nature. — The Boman was eminently 
religions He saw the agency of the gods in everything. To 
him all nature, the heavens, the earth, the mountains, the 
rivers, swarmed with divine beings. Wherever he turned, 
whatever he undertook, whether at home, on his farm, or in 
the forum, he sought with scrupulous care to learn the will of 
the gods by prayer and offerings. The Boman, on his entrance 
into Italy, had the home and the dommic hearth, and had 
learned how to till the soiL The gods, then, whose protection 
he especially sought, were those of nature — of the forest, the 
field, the grove, the mountain, and the home. Hence the honor 
early paid to Jupiter and Juno, the god and goddess of the 
clear sky; to Saturnus, the seed-sower; to Tellus, the nour- 
ishing earth ; to Ceres, the goddess of germination and growth ; 
to Census and Ops, the god and goddess of the harvest; to 
Pales, the goddess of the flocks ; and to Jupiter,^ the god of the 
vine. These were all worshiped with festivals,* each in his 
own proper month. 

^ It. 

* Jupiter wts wordiiped under names according to the matter for which his aid was 
_.Bded : as JvakUr Temdnm^ the god of bonndanes ; JupUer JSliciwf^ the god of light- 
Dlog ; and in tne Capitol as Jupiter OpHmu^ MaHmfM. 

* The Saiumaliaui Becomber, tlie TdUiia, CerkUia, PaUUa, and Vinalia in Apri; 


3« The Lnpercalian Feast. — The Bomaos heard^ espe- 
cially, the Yoices of their gods in the stillness of the forest. 
Pliny calls the groves the first temples of the gods. Here 
before the trees, as before the altars of their gods, the Bomans 
offered their devotions. The oak was sacred to Jupiter; the 
oUve to Minerva. The fig-tree was an object of especial wor- 
ship, for it was near the fig-tree at the foot of the Palatine 
that the twins Romulus and Semus were found. Near by was 
the Lupercal, where the god Lupercus dwelt His festival, 
called Lupercaliay was celebrated every year, on the 15th of 
February. After sacrificing to the god in his cave, the priests 
ran through the streets dressed in goats' skins, beating all whom 
they met with strips of goats' leather. The year closed with 
the festival to Terminus, called the Terminalia^ the god of 

4. Other Fonns of Worship.— The Boman gods loved 
to have their thrones erected on the lofty hills, as Jupiter 
Latiaris on the Alban Mounts from the sacred summit of 
which he could survey the whole plam of Latium, and as the 
old Italian deity Apollo Soranus, the god of the sun, on Mount 
Soracte. In addition to these there was the worship of Vul- 
can, the god of fire and the forge ; of the Arval Brothers, who 
invoked in May the creative goddess Dea Dia to bless the 
growth of the seed ; that of Neptune, the god of the sea, by the 
sailors, and of Voltumus, the god of the Tiber. In fact, every 
person, house, curia, and tribe, had its own god, to whom 
each offered sacrifices and prayers. Particularly dear to the 
Boman was the worship of the goddess Vesta, vrith her eternal 
fire burning on the household hearOi, the living symbol of the 
goddess. Her worship was intimately connected with that of 
the Penates, the protectors of the house, and of the Lares, the 
departed spirits of ancestors who watched over the fjEtmily. 

5. Jupiter and Mars. — Besides these deities who watched 
over the fields, the flocks, and the house, the Bomans also 
paid worship to Jupiter, the protector and preserver of the state^ 
whom the Latins worshiped on the Alban mount as Jupiter La- 
tiaris, and the Bomans on the Capitohne as Jupiter Gapitolinue. 


The Ides* of each month were sacred to him, and a great fes- 
tival, the lirim LatifUB, waa celebrated once every year on the 
Alban Monnt By his side stood Mars, the protector of the 
cidzenSy the &ther of Bomnlns and the Boman people; to 
whom March, the first month of their year, was consecrated, 
and to whom a great war festival was celebrated at the begin- 
ning and end of every campaign. 

6u The Worahip of Qoiriniis. — After the union of the 
Palatine Romans with the Sabines on the Quirinal, the Boman 
religion, inflnenced by the addition of new and conservative 
elements,^ entered npon a new period of development. Both 
tribes before their nnion had worshiped Jupiter and Mars as 
their supreme gods, and now in common they paid their devo- 
tions to Quirinus, the god of the united Bamnes and Tities. 
The point of union for the two tribes was found in the curi(hy 
irhich had a religious as well as a political significance. Each 
curia had its own place of worship, under the direction of the 
curio and his priest, the flamen curialis, and out of the thirty 
curia one was selected, called curio macdmus, who presided 
over the whole. 

7. The State ReUgion.— We have learned that the Boman 
government was modeled on that of the family. The state reli- 
gion also found its counterpart in that of the household. As 
the family had its own domestic altar, so the state had a com- 
mon altar ^ in the temple of Vesta, the goddess of the house. 
Just as the family offered sacrifices on the domestic hearth, so 
the state offered sacrifices to the gods either in this temple or 
its rotunda, the so-called domus regia. In the regia were wor- 
shipped the two gods of the Bamnes and Tities, Jupiter and 
Mars, and that of the united people, Quirinus, and the old 
Latin deity Janus, god of the beginning a^d end of everything, 
and the one whom the Bomans invoked before any other god. 
To Janus all gates and doors were sacred, and he therefore car- 
ried a key in his hand to open and lock them. He is always 
represent^ with two faces, one before and one behind, and 

^ See p. 859, D. 8. 'Page 15. * Foeu8 pubUcus. 


hence called Bifrons, or Biceps. As the god of beginning he 
opened in the morning the gates of Olympus and closed diem, 
at eyening. To him the month of January ^ was sacred, and 
the first day of that month, when the labors of the husbandman 
began anew, fiacrifioes of wine, incense and fruit were offered 
to him. He was invoked particularly at the beginning and end 
of every war. When the two cities on the Palatine and Quirinal 
were united, a gate called the Janus was erected in the comi- 
tium, through which their armies passed going to or returning 
from war. This was always open in time of war and closed in 
time of peace, to signify that in peace the two communities 
were separate, but in war united for mutual protection. 

8. The Worship of Vesta.— -In the temple of Vesta were 
worshiped Vesta and the Penates and Lares. The house near by 
was called the regia, because the worship due to the gods hon- 
ored there belonged to the king as high-priest of the nation. In 
order that it might never be neglected, on account of the other 
duties of the king, three priests, called/?gaa^ agg|^ oro nominated 
. for life to assist the king, viz. : the Jtcmen D ialiSy the priest of 
j Jupiter, the god of the Ramnes, and his wiie jtaminica^ coTre»- 
I ponding to the pater fapiiUasmd mater famtltaJTpt tJif fiimily ; 
\flamen MaztialLur the. priest of Mars, the god of the TUdea^ and 
\jhmen QuirinaliSy the priest of Quirintis, god of the united 
{community. In the temple of Vesta were six virgins, virgines 
yVesiaies, daughters of the household of the Boman state, to 
Correspond with ih^filim familias, the daughters of the &mily. 
They kept the fire always blazing on the common household 
liearth. This was considered the most sacred worship in Rome, 
'he king also had charge of the worship of the curiee (and 
iuce flamines curiaJes), and also general oversight over the 
allege of Salii and.Fratres Arvales. To the custody of the 
Sbln was entrusted the care of the sacred shields, ancilia^ which 
T«ere kept in the temple of Mars on the Palatine, and every 
year, on the first of March, they made a solemn procession 
through the city, chanting hymns and dancing. There WQrc 

* When January became the fli^t monthf the opening of the year wan lUso ascribed 
to him. 


two sets of Salii, the S ^i of Palatine and ^^uiiTnal^jthich.CQm.-. 
memorated the union of the Komans on the Palatine and ihe 
Sabines on the QnirinaL The Salii were twelve in number^ 

and wftrp alwRja Rglftfi^Afj frfiffftibf^ pflfi'riniftnfl 

The unity of the Boman state after the banishment of the 
king was preserved by conferring those priestly duties which 
the king alone performed, upon a rex sacrorum _Qr ff^^sac- 
rijlculus and his wife rejftna ^(kTi2niia»i)oth of whom performed 
their aacrifioes in the T'e^iOy h^e Jjqi^ Jupiter, she to Juno. He 
was nominated by the jponiif ex maximusy and inaugurated in the 
comttia curifUq ,caloJUi^ just as the king wnfi. He ranked higher 
than all other priests, but in influence and power was inferior 
to the pontifex maximus. He held his office for life like the 
king, but was not allowed to hold any political or military 
office, and was exempt from all civil and political duties. He 
Hved on the via sacra in a damns publica. 

9. Jnpifear Capttoliniw. — Soon Bome extended her power 
over I^tium, and, as a common centre of worship for the 
enlarged 8t%t;e, dedicated the temple of Jupiter Gapitolinus. 
Here the unity of the new nation was symbolized by the com- 
mon worship paid to Jupiter, Juno and Minerva In the 
building of the temple tradition relates that it was necessary 
to remove ancient shrines and altars erected there by the Sabines. 
The gods to whom these had been raised were consulted by 
auguries if they would give place to the new deities. All con- 
sented except Terminus and Youth, who refused to retire from 
the sacred spot This gave Rome the assurance that her bounda- 
ries should never go back, and that her youth should ever be 
renewed. Here in his temple the statue of Jupiter himself was 
erected, with his face turned towards the forum, that he might 
look down upon his people. Until then the Bomans had made 
no ideal pictures or statues of their god. They had only sym- 
bols, as a stone for Jupiter, the holy lance for Mars, the fire for 
Vesta, the altars and the consecrated space,* but now they 
learned from the Greeks how to represent their gods as men. 

* Oataia from the manner inwbich it wai< called. * Templum, 


10. Ghrecian Ihfliience. — Another evidence of Grecian 
influence was the introduction of the Sibylline books, as tradi- 
tion relateSyfrom Gumas. The story runs that a strange woman 
came to Tarquin and offered nine books for sale. The king 
refused to buy the books. The Sibyl departed and burnt three ; 
then returned offering the remaining six at the same price. 
The king again refused. The Sibyl then burnt three more, and 
demanded the same price for the remaining three. The curi- 
osity of the king was aroused ; he bought the books, and the 
woman vanished. The books were kept in a stone chest under 
the capitol in charge of two men, called duoviri sacromm. 
They were consulted by the order of the senate in time of 
great emergency or of public calamity. Through their influence 
the worship of many Grecian deities was introduced, as that of 
Apollo, Latona> Mater Idsea and others. 

11. Divinatioii. — The Romans sought in many ways to 
know the wills of the gods. Besides consulting the Sibylline 
books, they had omens, prodigies, and divinations. That form 
of divination which was peculiarly national and characteristic 
of the Roman^ was the observation of the auspices. No trans- 
action, public or private, took place without first consulting 
the auspices. The auspices were the signs from Jupiter to his 
people telling them what to do or not to do. For private acts 
the auspices could be taken by any one who belonged to the 
people ; but for the state they could only be taken by some one 
who represented the state and who had been empowered to act 
as mediator between the state and the gods. This was at first 
the king, and in case of his death the patricians^ and the 
interrex, and after the establishment of the republic the higher 
magistrates. The gods of the Roman state then were the gods 
of the patricians, and they alone could mediate between them 
and the state. 

12. The Aospicea^ — ^In the regal period the auspicia* 
belonged to the king alone, and in the times of the republic to 

* When the king died the aasplces retnrned to the patrtt (i. e.^ paires/amiUas ffen- 
tium p(Uric{arum\ and they \n eonaiiwn curiatum nomuuited the tnterrex. 

* /. «., ex calo and ex ambus^ the other forms {ex trlpudiiat <U ecsio eervarey ex gidtui- 
typeditnu and ex iiM») being later. 



the magistTatea, by yirtae of election. The angur was only the 
assistant of the magistrate ; the lightning and the birds were 
not sent to him but to the magistrate ; he only interpreted 
them. In taking the aaspioes considerable technical knowl- 
edge was neoeasary, as the consecrated space * had to be marked 
off with the sacred wand,' the tent to be pitched,* and certain 
prayers and formate repeated. Then the person taking the 
auspices waited for the &vorable signs. K an interruption of 
any kind occurred, if the sacred chair rock^ed, if the wand fell, 
the auspices were rendered invalid. Great importance was 
attached to the phraseology of the prayer, for a mistake here, 
even in a single word, might call down the veDgeance of Jupiter 
npon the state. Hence it was necessary that men particularly 
skilled in sacred lore should be appointed to assist the magis- 
trate and dictate the proper form of prayer. This led to the 
formation of three colleges of sacred lore, that of the auguresy 
pontificea and fetiales, 

TbB Coll^;e of Aognres^ was nominated firom the patri- 
cians by the. king ; and the number, consisting at first of four, 
was increased to six, then to nine, and then to sixteen. As no 
public act of any kind could be performed, no election held, no 
kw passed, no war waged, without first taking the auspices, the 
augurs, as interpreters of the will of the gods, in whose hands the 
exclusiTe right was to declare ^ whether the omens were favorable 
or unfavorable, acquired great influence and soon exercised vir- 
tual control over every act of the state. This power they natu- 
rally used in the interest of their own order. In the great 
contest of the plebeians for equal rights in the state, the augnrs 
not unfrequently used their power unfeirly to render void the 
elections of consuls, the acts of the comitia, or any measure 
not in the interest of their own order, on the ground that the 
auspices had been irregular.* As there was no appeal from 
their decision, their veto was absolute. 

J^t^phan. * LUwtg* * Tabemaeuhim eapere. 

Or awpieet (from avis and mee-ere)^ in bo far as they made the observation ; or 
avgvTtt ^(ma tnU* and a root wbiob means to announce), in so far as they announced 


13. The Ihflaence on the Gtovemment — One of th^ 

arguments most strenuously urged against the admission of thcj 
plebeians to the consulship, was that the privilege of taking 
the auspices belonged to the patricians alone. On the saiiLG 
grounds the intermarriage of plebeians with the patrician orde^ 
was opposed because the auspices must ever remain in the 
patrician families. The patricians alone knew the days ^ wher^ 
civil suits could be heard, or when it was lawful to transact 
business with the pepple,^ that is, when the camitia could mcet.^ 
On the morning of the day when the camitia cefUuriata was to as^ 
semble, the magistrate who was to preside consulted the auspicea 
For this purpose an augur ^ must be present^ and if he an- 
nounced by the words die alio that they were unfavorable,^ 
the comitia must be postponed If, however, the auspices were 
declared favorable* by the words gilentium esse videtur, the 
people were, after certain preliminary forms,^ called together. 
If, however, it lightened, or a storm arose, or night came on, 
or the standard hoisted on the Janiculus was lowered, the 
assembly must disperse. If, in the time of the republic, a 
magistrate observed the heavens^ for any purpose, and falsely 
declared that it thundered or lightened, the comiiia must break 
up. In later times it was unlawful to hold the assembly if one 
of the higher magistrates announced that he was engaged in 
observing the heavens, or was going to observe the heavens on 
the day fixed for the comitia. This put it in the power' of 
every magistrate to adjourn the comitia and thus impede hasty 

14. The College of Pontifices' was the most illustrious 
of all the religious institutions in the state. The pontiffs exer- 
cised, under the kings, a general supervision over the whole 
worship of the state, regulated the calendar on which the time 

^pleifasa. • Own pomOo. • DUt eomlilalea. 

*PubHeus. ■ OlmunlUUio. • NunOatio. 

* These were three, tIx. : (1) voeare ad inUdum, when the henld {aeemsug) invited 
them to the assembly ; (8) voeare converMonem. a meeting preparatory to the assembly * 
(8) mUtere in m^ffragiumn the assembly in regular form for Toting. 

* 8eroan de cotlo. 

* The word ponii^fleeM Is probably from ponf^ not in the sense of brUUre, bat of wm, 
road : they were called pontifioes because they must keep in order the roads, espociaify 
the pont tvUMua for the priestly processions. 



of the festdvals depended, and with them rested the exciusive 
knowledge of the fonns of procedure in the civil and religions 
oourts. They not only determined what gods should be wor- 
shiped, and in what manner, but they exercised a general 
superrisbn over priests, magistrates, and even private indi« 
Tidaal& From their power to regulate the calendar, they added 
to or shortened the year, so as to lengthen the term of a favorite 
consul or to shorten that of one who displeased them. At their 
head stood the poniifez maximus. who was at first elected by 
the college itself, and in the time of the repnblic by the people. 
It was his duty to record the most important events of the 
year, to appoint the flamineSy veataleSj and rex sacrificulusy and 
exercise a general supervision ^ over the worship of the state. \ 
His official residence was in the damus regia on the via 8acr<L 

IS. The College of Fetiales* was the guardian of the 
public faiih in all matters pertaining to foreign nations. It was 
their duty in case of dispute with a foreign state, to demand* 
satisfaction. This was done by electing one from their number 
called pater patratus^ whose duty it was, first, at the confines I 
of the enemy's territory ; secondly, of the first native of the I 
country whom he might chance to meet ; thirdly, at the gate I 
of the city, and finally in the market before the magistrate, to I 
demand satisfaction. If this was not granted, then the king, | 
first consulting the senate and then the people, again sent the | 
pcUer pairaius to the hostile country,' who pronounced a decla- • 
ration of war and hurled a spear tipped with blood across the | 
boundary. ; 

The FetidUe were the first of the three great colleges to 
decline in influence, because the foreign relations of Borne 
soon extended beyond the confines of Italy. In the war with 
Pyrrhus, as the spear could not be hurled into the enemy's 
territory, to preserve the form a subject of Pyrrhus, a prisoner 
of war at Borne, was compelled to purchase a piece of land in 
the draus Flaminitis. This was declared to be hostile terri- 

^ JWkr M arWtr r^ntm dMnamm dt kumanarum.—Feat b. ▼. otdo, p. 18B. 
* FixNn tiie old MibetltlTe /9Hf; cf. fori, /as. 


tory, and the pcUer pcUratus hurled here the hostile spear. 
Later the preliminary arrangements were made by ambassadors ' 
sent by the senate, while the hostile spear was hurled over 
the pillar in front of the temple of Bellona, for the area upon 
which this temple stood was regarded as a symbolical repre- 
sentation of the enemy^s country. 

16. The Art of tlie Banuqpices was another peculiar 
form of Roman worship. It was of Etruscan origin, and on 
important occasions haruspices were often summoned from 
Etruria. It consisted in interpreting the will of the gods 
from inspection of the entrails of yictims o£Fered in sacrifice. It 
was customary here to continue the sacrifice until the desired 
result was obtained, and in a measure, as with the auspices, to 
compel the gods to give favorable signs. The same was the 
case with the so-caUed prodigies * by which the gods unsought 
indicated the approach of evil by some strange incident, as 
when it rained stones or blood, when the lightning struck, 
when the holy lance of Mars trembled. In these cases it was 
believed that the wrath of heaven might be appeased by cer- 
tain forms and ceremonies, which would be announced, either 
on the burial of the stones, the erection of an altar • where the 
lightning struck, or on consulting the Sibylline books or even 
the Delphic oracle. In all these cases they made no effort to 
comply with the will of the gods, they changed none of their 
plans or views, but simply sought by external ceremonies^ to 
avert the anger of the gods. 

17. Peculiar Ceremonies.— The state religion of the 
Romans was connected with a dreary round of ceremonies 
which none but the priests knew. As to the priests, they 
formed no exclusive class, no qualifications of age or exx)e- 
rienee being required. They were generally elected for life, 
and often at the same time held sacred and civil offices. In 
rank the rez sacrifienlus took the precedence, then came the 
three flamines. The pontifex maximus occupied the fifth 
place, but in power and authority stood over all the others. 

> LegatL * AwUffUtm, * PuUaHa* * Procurart prodigkum. 


The priests were sabject to some curious regulations which 
existed down to later times, and which, in the case of the 
fiamen DiaiiSy haye been accidentally preseryed.* It was un- 
lawful for him to ride upon a horse, to look upon an army 
equipped for battle, to take an oath, or to wear a nng unless 
it was hollow and perforated with holes. A prisoner who 
entered his house was free, and his chains mnst be hurled from 
the house over the roof He could haye no knot in his whole 
attire; he was forbidden to touch or name raw flesh, a she-goat, 
ivy, or beans; he could not take off bis head-dress in the open 
air, nor sleep three nights in succession out of his own bed, nor 
could he be out of the city a single night If his wife, the 
flaminica, died, he was obliged to resign. 

1& Tbe General Character of the Roman Religion. — 
A religion like that of the Romans, so severe, so anxious in the 
fulfilment of dreary ceremonies, so narrow in its purposes and 
aims, so intimately connected with the machinery of the state, 
must necessarily have exercised a decided in19iuence on the ear- 
nest, practical minds of the Romans. At the same time it is clear 
that it was exposed to misuse for political purposes, and when 
this once happened, when its narrow limits were once broken 
through, its decline was sure and rapid. In the regal period, 
however, the priests were regarded as the mere servants of the 
king. TTia control was supreme, not only over the worship of 
the state, but over that of the curia, of the gem, and even of the 
fiunily. The signs came to him as the high-priest of the nation 
and not to his servants. He alone could perform certain sacri- 
fices for the state,' for which, after the banishment of the kings, 
the rez sacrificulus was appointed. The priests acknowledged 
that they were instituted by him, and that from him they 
learned their sacred rites. Still the other duties of the king, y 
as commander of the army and administrator of justice, com- 
pelled him to transfer many of his religious functions to others. 
He, too, was liable to change, while they were permanent and 
handed down to their successors the various rules of their 

t AdIos GeUiiu, z. ]&. * Sacra pubUca, 


acienoe. They, too, as sole interpTeters of the auspices, pos- 
sessed a virtaal veto on eyery pabUc act The result vaa that 
their dignity in the state was constantly on the increase. By 
this transference of religions dnties to the prieste, it vas not 
intended to separate permanently the ciril and religions func- 
tions of the king; bnt this tranafercnce contained the germ of 
such a separation. Its development is really the internal his- 
tory of Rome in the time of the republic The state incorpo- 
rated new elements, and entered npon a career of progreBS, while 
the religion, incapable of growth, remained stationary. For 
the present, however, the priests acVnowledgod their depend- 
ence npon the magistrates, and religion remained serviceable to 
the state, and not the state to religion. 

Tebfu or Vkti.— (In IM prasent oondltloD.) 

nil temple (Mod In the fonm Boarium. tt Ib BOmeUmea called ■ Cample of Her- 
cnlei, beeuue Li*T ti. Snspeilu of each > lample beiDg In this vlclnlQ. One of Um 
original tweotf Cartnthlaa colamna l> gone. The roof Ii modern, Uie sncleiit eatable 


V. (}luU 

Ths Athocftb OF Tabquinius TO Beoaik the Botal Power. 

1. The Legendary Narrative. — Tradition relates that 
when Tarqniiiius ' and all his hoase had been banished fh>m 

> The \ofgBaSarf history of the last Ung is so interwoTOD with the litemt&re of 
Borne, that every one ooght to be ftmillar with it. A brief sketch condensed fhnn Livy, 
Is therefore annexed : 

Lnciiis Tarqalntos, called Saperbos on acooant of his pride, was a gennine tyrant 
It is related that Senrias Tullias liad two dani^hters ; the one quiet and gentle, the other 
baogfaty and imperioos. In like manner the two eons, Amns and Lucius, of Tarquinlas 
PrifiCQs,* the predecessor of Senrins, were of diflbrent disposition. These sons Servlns 
Tniliiis married to his own daughters ; but they were ill-mated, for the cruel Tullla was 
married to the senUe Aruns, while tbe wicked Luclns was the husband of the gentle 
Tolha. The wicked ones longed for the society of each other, and it soon came to pass 
that the wicicod Lucius murdered his wife and brother, and united himself with tbe one 
who had a disposition like his own. This wicked pair desired to possess the roval 
power and encroached on the authority of their Ikther-ln-law. Lucius entered the 
market-i»lace clothed in the royal robes, attended with armed men, and summoned the 
senate. Wlien Senrins heard the reports, and hurried to the senate-house, a quarrel arose 
and hfts soa-in-law burled him down the steps of the senate-bouse, and dispatched men 
who overtook him on bis way home and slew bim in tbe street. The ambitious TuUia 
hastened to salute her husband as king. As she was driving her carriage home through 
the street where her ftither*s body biy oleeding, she gave orters not to turn the carriage 
out, bat to drive over the body of her Ibther. Prom Uiis action the street was called ever 
after the street of crime ( Yitut Soeleratus). After Tarqutn gained the throne he ruled with 
Insoience. His will was the sole law. He surrounded himself with a body^fuard, 
refVised to consult tbe senate, and banished or punished with heavy lines all who were 

Sinat him or wliose wealth provoked his avarice. The poor he compelled to work at 
baUdlnga beyond what was lawfhl. He married bis daughter to MamiUus of Tnscu- 
bun, and, strengthened by this alliance, be made the forty-seven Latin towns snblect to 
himself (see p. 96, note o). The people of Qabii resisted bravely and be could not 
prevail aednst theoL Then Tarquin pretended to banish bis son Seztus ; he fled to 
Qabii as If fh>m his lkther*s wrath, and b^sged the people with tears to give him relhge 

* The foliowtatg genealogical table will be convenient for reference : 


LuouMo. afterwards 
L. Targuinku Pri9eu$. 


Tabquihia, m. 
S. TuOku. 


m. M. BnuTUB. 

L. TarqiHiUtu 


M. BBcmie, 

pat to death by 


L. Bbutus, 

Tmrs. Sbxtub. Ardicb. 


commander of 



m. Lucretia. 


Borne he did not give up all hope of recovering the throne. 
He had still a strong party of patricians in the city. He 
therefore sent messengers to Borne on the pretence of asking 
for the restoration of his private property^ but really to consult 
with his friends in the city how the king might be restored. 

and receive him into their town. The Qablans were deceived, and befriended him and 
made him a commander. The Romans fled when Sextos appeared, becaose it had been 
ao a^eed upon between Sextas and his tether. At lenfftn Sexnts had so gained the 
confidence of the people of Gabil that the whole power in the city was entmsted to him. 
Then he sent secretly a meseen^r to his fiither to ask what he should do. The king 
happened to be walking in his garden when the envoy came, and Instead of giving an 
answer in words he cat off with his stick the beads of all the tallest popples, when 
the messenger returned and reported what he had seen, Sextus understotia his Ikther^s 
meaning, and on one pretext or another he fonnd means to pnt to death the leading men 
of QablT. Then he delivered the town to his father. 

In ^i'his schemes Tarqain was saccessfhl: but one day a prodigy happened that 
fHghtened the tyrant. A serpent crawled oat from beneath the altar and devoured the 
entrails of the victim. This alarmed the king and he determined to send his two sons 
and his nephew, Jnuins Brutus, who had for some time pretended to be half-witted, to 
Delphi to inquire the cause of so fearftd a portent. The king's sons brought costly 
presents, but Brutus gave only a simple staff. The others lidtcoled him, bat th^ did 
not know that the staff was hoUowed out and flUed with gold. After they had made 
their inanities tbev asked who would reign in Rome after their Ihther. **• He " replied 
the god, " who shall firnt kiss his mother.'* The princes agreed to draw lots which of them 
shoukl first kiss his mother on their return. Brutus, however, better understood the 
meaning of the oracle, and when he had left the temple, fell, as if by chance, and kiased 
the ground ; for the earth he thought was the common mother of all. 

About this time It happened that Tarquin was besi^ng Ardea, a town of tiie Rntull. 
In Latium. The cl^ could not be taken by storm, ana the Roman army encamped 
imder the walls. One evening, when the sons of Tarquin were supping with their 
cousin, Tarc]uinlus Collatlnus of Collatia, a dispute arose as to which of their wives was 
the moHt virtuous. They agreed to settle it py going and seeing which of the ladiea 
deserved the hlghoKt praise. They mounted their horses and first rode to Rome, and 
then to Collatia. They fonnd the princesses at a splendid feast, but Lncretia, the wife 
of Collatlnus, busy among the maidens spinning, though it was late at night. The 
prize was conceded to Lncretia. 

The beanW and virtue of Lncretia excited the evil passions of Sextus, and be returned 
8 few days after to Collatia, where he was kindly received. In the middle of the night 
he rose and entered Lucretla's chamber and surprised her alone. When she refused 
to yield herself to him he threatened to murder her and to put a murdered slave 
beside her in the bed, and then declare to her husband that he had found them so 
together. Then Lncretia resisted no longer. As soon as Sextus had returned to the 
Mmp before Ardea. she sent to Rome and to Ardea for her father and husband. These 
hastened to Collatia, accompanied by Junius Bmtns and Pnblius Valerius, and they 
found Lncretia clad in deep mourning. When she had told her story she drew a dagger 
and plunged it into her heart. Brutus snatched tlje dagger from the wound and swore 
to avenge her death. They bore the corpse to the market-place of Collatia and told the 
people what had happened ; messengers were also sent to the army at Ardea. Brutus 
ha.«tcned to Rome, and a decree was passed to expel King Tarqulnins and all his house* 
from Rome, and never again to suffer a king. When Tarquinius came to Rome he fonnd 
the gates closed and he was compelled to take rcfhge in Caere, in Etruria. In the place 
of th6 king, two men called consuls were chosen yearly to exercise the royal power. 
Lucius Junius Brutus and Lucius Tarquinius Collatlnus were the first consuls (a. c 
509). For the performance of the sacrifices which the king alone could offer, a priest 
called the King of Sacrifices (rw. gacrijiculw) was chosen. Nothing else in the Liws or 
ordioanoea was altered, but evenrthing remained as It had been under the king. Rome 
endured the khagly rule for two hundred and forty-five years (b.c. 758^609). In memoiy 
of the king's banishment an annual festival was celebrated on the 94th of I^braary. 
called the JUg^ugium. 

* gent; it is not qnit« correct to render gen* by house^ for this Implies Tvlationahip, 
which was not essential in the gent^ neither is the term clan nor funily synonymoufl. 


The plot was diecoyered, and the property of the king was 
diyided among the people. Among the conspirators were the 
two sons of Brut as, the coneuL He would not ask the people 
for mercy for his own sons, bat ordered the lictor * to bind them 
to the stake before his own eyes and to put them to death like 
the other traitors. 

2. Tarquinius now endeayored to regain the throne by 
arms- He prevailed upon the people of Tarquinii and Yeji to 
espouse his eaase. The Bomans marched out to meet their 
foes. The battle was fought near the wood Arsia, and was 
fierce and bloody. Both parties claimed the victory, but in 
the night the voice of the god Silvanus was heard from the 
woods, saying that the Somans had conquered, because among 
the Etruscans one man more had been slain than among the 
Bomans. In the battle Brutus had been killed by Aruns, the 
king's son. The Boman women mourned for him a whole year, 
because he had avenged the death of Lucretia. 

3. The War witih PorBezina. — Tarquinius now applied to 
Lars Porsenna, of Glusium, who ruled over the whole of Etruria. 
Porsenna collected a powerful army, marched to Borne, took 
possession of the hill Janiculus, and would have entered the 
city over the wooden bridge* if it had not been for one man. 
This was Horatius Codes, who with two comrades kept the 
whole Etruscan army at bay, while the Bomans broke down 
the bridge. Horatius then sprang into the Tiber, armed as 
he was, and swam safely to the opposite shore. The Etrus- 
cans now laid siege to the city. The people were hard pressed 
with fiEunine. Then Mucius, a noble Boman, went to the 
Etruscan camp to kill the king. By a mistake he slew the 
treasurer of the king, who was distributing pay to the soldiers. 
He was seized and led to Porsenna^ who threatened him with 
death. Mucins, to show that he feared neither pain nor death, 
thrust his right hand into the flames that were burning on the 

* The lictors were senranta of the mfulfltrateB. Each confml had twelve. They 
eanfed ih»/<uee», or rods, bound in a bnn^e, from the middle of which an axe {seeuris) 


altar until it was burnt to ashes. Astonished at the courage 
of the youth, the king forgave him, and allowed him to depart 
in peace. And Mucins, in gratitude, revealed to him that 
three hundred Boman youths had sworn to take his life, and 
that they would not rest until they had accomplished the deed. 
Porsenna, alarmed for his life, made peace with the Bomans. 
He took no land from them except the seven Vejcntine villages, 
which the Bomans in former times had conquered. After 
taking hostages, he withdrew his forces from the Janiculus. 

Among the hostages was a noble maiden named Cloelia. 
She escaped from the Etruscan camp, reached the Tiber, and 
swam across the river to Bome. The Bomans, although they 
honored her courage, sent her back to Porsenna, who so admired 
the faith of the Bomans that he not only released Cloelia bat 
as many of the other hostages as she selected. 

4. When Porsenna made peace with the Bomans, he 
returned to Clusium. He sent his son, however, with an 
army against the Latin town Aricia. The Greeks of Gumae 
helped the Latins, and the Etruscans were defeated in a great 
battle, so that few escaped. These fled to Bome, where they 
were hospitably received. The fathers gave them a dwelling 
in a part of the city that was called, from them, the Etruscan 
quarter {vicus Ihiseus), At this time Attus Clausus^ migrated 
to Bome with his three thousand clients, and founded the 
great patrician house of the Glaudii. 

5. The Battle of Lake RegUlns. — The king made one 
more attempt to regain his throne. This time he applied to 
his son-in-law, Octavius Mamilius, of Tusculum. The Latins 
espoused his cause. A great battle was fought near Lake 
Begillus. The Bomans were commanded by a dictator, Aulus 
Postumius, who was appointed for six months to rule over 
Bome like the king, and to be the sole leader of the army, for it 
was feared that the two consuls might not agree. Titus, the 
son of the king, perished on the battle-field. The king him- 
self fled to Cumae, where he soon after died. The tradition 
relates that the battle was long and bloody. The Boman 
army began to give way. The dictator vowed a temple to Cas^ 

> See p. w. 


tor aod PoUax^' if they would assist the Roman army. Then 
two youths rode on white chargers at the dictator's right hand. 
The liomans pressed again on the Latins and overthrew them. 
The same evening the two youths appeared at Rome to an- 
nounce the victory. After they had washed their horses at 
the spring Jutuma^ in the forum, they disappeared and were 
never seen again. Then the Romans knew that they had seen 
Castor and PoUnx, and they built them a temple where they had 
washed their horses. With the battle of Lake Regillns closed 
the period of mythical Roman history. Although the vein of 
poetical fable often reappears, even to the time of Gamillus,* 
still in the main the narrative is reliable and trustworthy. 

& The Credibility of this Narrative.— It is difficult to 
determine from these legends what the actual course of events 
was. There is little doubt that Rome was conquered by the 
Etruscans and lost all her territory on the right bank of the 
Tiber. This war, ho wever, can not be regarded as an inter- 
Tention of Etruria in fayor of the Tarquins ; for the reason 
that notwithstanding the complete success of the Etruscans^ 
they made no effort to restore the Roman monarchy. Neither 
was the war with the Latins an effort to restore Tarquin, for 
he had been their oppressor, and his banishment must have 
been welcome to them ; but in this war probably was disguised 
the fact that the neighboring tribes seized this opportunity to 
throw off the hated yoke of Roman supremacy which Tarquin 
had laid upon them. Another evidence that Rome was hard 
pressed, is that in order to strengthen the unity and power of 
the government, the kingly office was temporarily restored. 
The consuls were superseded, and a dictator with supreme 
power* was nominated. The first dictator is said to have 
been Titus Larcius (b. c. 601), and his master of horse,' Sp. 

^ TUb temikle vowed hr the dldator is said to have been erected by his m>n. It was 
in the foram east of the boflillca Jnlla, and separated from it only by the view Tubcus. 
It waa rebuilt dt Tiberius, and the three colamnn still standing are of his time. Part of 
the foundation i» tufa and ia of the time of the kings. A little farther on, nearer the 
rotira of Julian Caesar, are the remains of a fountain, which by some has been idcnttfled 
as the Ibuntain JtUvma. 

* Imperium plemim. * MoffisUr eguitum. See p. 91. * Sec p. 76. 



7. Tlie result may be summed up by saying that Borne was 
reduced abnost to her original limits. She became again a 
Latin town. For nearly the next two hundred years she waa 
engaged in conquering what had been lost by the reyolution. 


Thb Establishment of the Bepublic. '(SOO b.#v) 

1. After the banishment of the king, the power' that had 
been delegated to him returned to the fathers.* The forms of 
the constitution were strictly observed. Under the direction 
of Brutus, or of the poni,\fex maximuBy an interregnum'* was 
declared and Spurius Lucretius was nominated interrex. The 
constitution was so amended^ that instead of a king two magis- 
trates, called consuls, were placed at the head of the state. 
They were not elected a^ the king had been, in the comitia 
curicUa, an exclusive patrician assembly, but on account of the 
rising influence of the plebeians, in the comitia centuriaia, 
where they too had a vote.* The consuls, like the king, were 
to rule the state," administer justice,* and lead the army. 
Certain priestly functions which the king alone could perform 
were transferred to an officer called the king of sacrifices,^ 
who was appointed for life.* It was not lawful for him 
to hold any political office nor to address the people. He 
must always perform his sacrifices in the comitium in the first 
half of the day, during which all public business was sus- 
pended. The power of the consuls was equal,* and neither 


* Ih^mium. * I. «., Patrea fcankHat gentium peUridarwn. 

* By the so-called lex curUUa a L. Bnito repetUa : a proposal to change the oon«tita- 
tion mart be nanctloned in a ooneUium poouH^ i. «., In a meeting composed of the heads 
of patrician families only ; then It ranxt oe Incorporated In the lex euriata de imperio^ 
which was laid before the contUkt euriata for ratification. In the time of the remiblfc 
all the heads of patrician families, i. «., paired famiUae gerUitum natridarum^ were in the 
aenato: hence the eoncU. pcmuH became oonftised with the patrician part of the senate. 

* The oonsnla. Just as the king had done, laid the lex euriata de imperio before the 
aaeembly of curies to ratify their election. 

' Hence called prcE^orw. * Hence called ./iMttcev. * Hex focriUculut. 

* See p. 86. * JPar poteiiae, 

* See p. 90, n. 1. 


coald take any step without the consent of the other.^ The 
result was that either consul could veto the acts of the other. 

2. The first, consuls were Lucius Junius Brutus and Tar- 
qninins Gollatinus. The name of Tarquinius was, however, so 
hateful to the people that he was obliged to rcjign his office^ 
and was banished, with the whole Tarquinian ges^ from Bome. 
Publius Valerius' was elected in his place. 

3. The Dictatorahip of Valerius.— Tradition relates that 
Valerius remained alone in office ^ for some time after the death 
of his colleague. This excited the suspicion of the people that 
he was aiming at the royal power. This fear, however, was 
groundless ; for he only remained in office in order to carry a 
number of laws limiting the power ^ of the consuls. These 
laws Valerius laid before the people assembled in the cmnitia 
ceniuriatcu This assembly,' it will be remembered, was founded 
on the classification of Servius Tullius, which was planned 
purely for military purposes. Under the kings it had had the 
right of deciding on the declaration of war. Now its jurisdic- 
tion was so enlarged that it exercised nearly the same functions 
which had formerly belonged to the comitia ciiriata. In it 
was vested the right not only of electing all the higher magis- 
trates, but that of legislation, in so far that it could adopt or 
reject all proposals laid before it by the presiding magistrate. 
These measures, however, before they became valid, as well as 
the election of the higher magistrates, required the sanction 
of the curies. For the comitia curiata^ alone could confer the 

*■ From their conal authority they were called confinls. 

• Plot. Poplicofa. • Corimi Hne atUeqa. * Imperium coMvlare. 

• In order to andemtand the hi$>tory of thin a^ftcmbly In the time of the republic, It Is 
iieccvwry to keep In mind that it was frequently reorganized on the barfH of the cenooB ; 
that the nomber of men In a centuria wan not alwayn a hundred, but often thirty, nlxty, 
oreren one hondred and twenty ; that the number of men between forty-nix and Bizty 
waa equal in inflnenoe to thoee oetween seventeen and forty-six. thouRh \e»» nameroua; 
that it was so arranged tliat in the lower cla^neH the nnnilvr of men In a century was far 
greater than In the fimt. The result was that the find cla^K, inchiding thu knights, had 
a majority of the centuries, although by no ineanu a majority of voters. 

• It must be remembered that oeforc any meannre ))ertain{ng to the impfrium conid 
be laid before the oomiUia curkUa, it muMt flrnt receive the ixifmtm aucforifatt, i. «., tlie 
»nction of the palre9 famUian gentium pafriciarum, and that all Hmilar meaguren 
ade^pted by the winitia eenluriata, before they became valid, reanired this sanction. In 
renrd to the comitia cerUurkUa it is important to recollect tliat only tlione raeasnres 
which limited the consular imperium required the sanction of the comitia curiata. 
According to some authorities, particularly MomniMen, the plebeians voted In this 
aMemblr. There Is evidence to show that they were admitted to the curies for pur- 
ox worship. The weight of evidence is, however, decidedly against the supposi- 


imperiumy which empowered the magistrates to command the 
army and to exercise judicial functions.^ The patricians then, 
beside their great influence in the eofniiia cerUuriata, still 
retained in the comitia curiata, in which they alone were enti- 
tled to vote, a check on all legislation and the election of all 
the higher magistrates. 

4. The Valarian Laws. — ^Valerius first renewed the cen- 
BUB, and rearranged the classification in the interest of the 
rich, in the manner already described. In order to conciliate 
the poor be remitted the poll-tax > imposed by Tarquinins 
SuperbuSy and restored the tribtitum^ of Servius TuUius. At 
the same time he lowered the port dues,^ made the salt-works 
at the mouth of the Tiber a state monopoly, and bought up 
corn for the state, that this necessity might be supplied to the 
poor at a reasonable price. Valerius carried another measure 
also highly acceptable to the plebeians. It will be remem- 
bered that Tarquinius had failed to keep the senate up to its 
full number. To these vacancies a number of noble plebeians 
of equestrian rank* was admitted, and to distinguish them 
from the patrician senators, they were called corhscriptu^ They 
ranked only as equUeSy and had no right to the insignia of 
senatorial dignity — the purple-bordered robe, the red shoe, 
and the golden ring. 

1. The first law* carried by Valerius prescribed that eyery 
Roman citizen against whom sentence of capital or corporal 
punishment had been pronounced should have the right of 
appealing'' to the people in the comitia centuriaia. This 

tlon that thej were entitled to vote wben the lex cttriaia was to be ratified. (QT. (He. ad 
AU.^ i., 18L 4!) If the plebeians coald vote in the comiHa euriata^ there woald be no 
propriety in Cioero^s writing that the adoption of Clodins was to be voted on in the 
campus MartluB^ where the whole people {universwt populus) could vote. 

^ BeeAde conferring the imperium, the oomiUa curiala (ealaia) exercised inrifidlction 
over the internal aflairH of the cnrim*, iuaufiiirated certain prientM, and before It willn 
were made and the ceremony of arrogatio^Dj which a man adopted any penon a8 hie 
son who was tuihtrU^ that 1% who had been freed from the {patria) poUatat of his fMher. 

" Ae$ eapUanum. 

* This was at flrpt a land-tax. It was raised in the tribes by offloers called curatorm 
fri&tmm, later tri^ni cerarii. 

* Pyrtoria. 

' The senate was henceforth addrewed as palres (ef) eoMcHpfi. There are said to have 
been as many as 164 added, a clear majority of the whole number. These were by no 
means all plebeians. 

* Ne quit magMratut dvem Bomanum advermsprocoeaitUmem ntcaret neve ogrften u c ^ . 
^ «/iM provooaOonii, ♦ See p. «0, n. C 



was a direct limitation of tho power of the consul ; it was 
the Habeas Corpus Act of the Romans. As an outward sign 
of the limitation of the official power of the magistrate, Vale- 
rias caused the fasces to be borne in the city without the 
axes, and to be lowered before the peopl& Outside of the 
city the consular authority was still supreme, and the axes 
were bound up with the fasces.^ 

2. The second law^ placed a limit to the fines' which the 
magistrate could impose. 

3. The third law was also a limitation of the power of 
the consul, in that it prescribed that two qtuBstors^ should be 
appointed annually to manage the finances of the state. The 
management of the finances wfus a question of less importance 
at this time in Home, where no public officer received a salary, 
and where military service was exacted from every citizen. 
The consuls, as has already been said, were elected for one 
year, yet they did not abdicate until their successors were 
appointed, for they must nominate and preside at the election 
of the latter. 

4. The fourth law^ of Valerius compelled the presiding 
magistrates to nominate and receive votes for all suitable 
candidates proposed by the people.* 

5. The fifth law'' threatened any one with outlawry who 
should attempt to assume the highest magistracy without the 
consent of the people. 

5. These are the laws attributed to Valerius, henceforth 
called Poplicola, " the people's friend." It is evident that they 
helped to settle the new order of things, and by limiting the 
power of the magistrate made the aristocratic rule of the 
patricians less intolerable to the plebeians. They offered to 
the plebeians, both in the senate and comitia centuriaia, a 

* This led to the difltinetlon between itnperium domi mnd hnpertum mUUUB, 

* At least It Is generally aijcribed to Valeriun. 

* Muttoi dieUo: the limit was five cattle and two f»heep. 

* The quoBtoret parrieklU were maglKtrates under the king. By the law of Valerius 
Uiey became guagtoret parrieidii and cerarU, 

■ Lex Valeria de candidaHe. 

* The natridanH could render the election invalid bv refasing to empower (jMi<rtoii 
auctoriUuo the candidate to la^ tl^o lex cnriata de imperio before the eotnlfia curuUa, 

' Lex de sacrando cum borne cajAUi t;}iui, qui rtgni occupandi ccmtilia irdeeet. 


share in the goyemment, and thereby helped to strengthen the 
unity of the state. 

6. The Dictatorship. — The repeated re-election of Vale- 
rius, and the popular tendency of his laws, created a reaction 
and led to the establishment of the dictatorship. This was a 
temporary restoration of the full power which the kings had 
possessed. By a decree^ of the senate one of the consuls was 
empowered to nominate a dictator for a period not exceeding 
six months. All the other magistrates remained in office, and 
continued to discharge their duties, but they were all subject 
to the dictator. The guarantees by which Valerius had sought 
to protect the liberties of the people were all in abeyance. The 
dictator appointed as second in command a magister equitum^ 
or master of the horse. The first dictator was T. Larcius.' 

7. Valerius, after he had secured the adoption of these laws, 
convened the comitia for the election of a consul.' The people 
chose Spurius Lucretius, but on his death, a few days after^ 
Marcus Horatiu^ was elected in his place. 

ckcaptkr vii. 
The High and Poor. — The Tribunes of the People. 

1. Thus far both parties had co-operated in the restoration 
of order. The chief motive, however, that had influenced the 
patricians to consent to the amendments of the consjbitution 
and to other popular measures, was the fear that the plebeians 
might unite with the party of the king and thus bring about a 
restoration of the monarchy. It was at this time that tlie con- 
servative aristocratic party in Bome was strengthened by the 

^ Ltx de diUatOT€ cretmdo. 

* Or If \ Valeriufi. It is doabtfal whether the dictatorship originated a8 demrlhed in 
the text, or In the disMnffions of the two orden*— 4. «., that the patricians m^ht thwart 
the meamires of the people or of a popular consul— or arose from a necessity of unity of 
command in military affairs ; see also p. 48. 

* Con$tU wfftctut. 


GlandiaD gens, which migrated to Rome with three thousand 
clients. About this time the population had so increased that 
the Boman territory was divided at the next census (b. c. 498) 
into twenty tribes,^ of which four were the ancient wards formed 
by the Servian constitution. With the death of Tarquinius' 
vanished all fear of the restoration of the monarchy, and at the 
same time all regard for the welfare of the plebeians. 

1. The Condition of the Plebeians. — ^In order to nnder- 
Btand the condition of the plebeians, it is necessary to rememl)er 
that the management of the government was almost exclusively 
in the' hands of the patricians. They alone could be dictators, 
oonBuls, qusBstors, or priests. The plebeians, it is true, had a vote 
in the comiiia ceniuriaia, where they even formed a majority. 
This assembly, however, had been remodelled in the interest 
of the rich, so that here also the influence of the patricians was 
predominant. Further, no measure could be laid before this 
assembly until it bad first received their sanction. The comiiia 
then could only decide with yes or no on the question laid 
before them. All emendation, discussion, and debate were 
excluded. The measures, after their adoption by the people, 
must come once more before the patricians for confirmation 
in the comitia curiata. In the popular assembly, then, the 
plebeians could make no successful resistance to the well- 
organized rule of the patricians. Marriage between the two 
orders was unlawful. Neither wealth nor service to the state 
opened to the plebeian the prospect of rising above his order 
and sharing in the government. 

3. The Iiaw of Debtor and Creditor. — Another circum- 
stance aggravated his hardships. The wars that had followed 
the banishment of the king had pressed hard upon the ple- 
beians. They had to render military service without pay, and 
to provide their own arms. Rome had to surrender her terri- 
tory beyond the Tiber « to Porsenna. The ravages of war 
ruined the crops. The enemy destroyed the farm buildings 
and drove away the cattle. When the poor plebeian returned, 

' Tb« twentjr-ilnt tribe was added at the next cenRiu, flye yeare after (b. o. 488). 
• p. «. • Septem pagi. 


either hm farm had been left untilled or his crops were de- 
stroyed, and he was without means of subsistence or of pur- 
chasing seed for the next year, lie was then obliged to incar 
debts. If he failed in paying the large interest — ten or twelve 
per cent — ^he was seized by the creditor and imprisoned^ or 
sold as a slave and his family left to starve.^ 

These wars, while they were the ruin of the plebeians, 
benefited the patricians ; for they alone could ^ occupy the land 
acquired by conquest.. Under the kings the plebeians had 
been admitted to a share in its use ; but now the patricians 
divided the land among themselves and the wealthy plebeian 
families represented in the senate, and paid to the state only a 
nominal rent for its use; and as it was exempted from taxation 
an unfair portion of the taxes' fell upon the poor, while their 
means for bearing the burden were narrowed. This led to a 
distinction between rich and poor, by no means identical with 
that between patricians and plebeians. 

4. The Right of Appeal — ^The Valerian law had guar- 
anteed to the plebeians the right of appeal to the popular 
assembly against the hard sentence of the patrician consuL 
This right, however, the senate could at any moment render 
void by authorizing one of the consuls to nominate a dictator, 

* When a plebeian at Rome found himself inyolved in a debt which be oonld not pay, 
his best renonrce was to pell hlmnelf to his creditor, on the condition tliat imlera the 
debt were previously dlHchargcd, the creditor, at the expiration of a stated term, should 
enter into possession of his purchase. This was called, in the lanfi;aage of the Roman 
law, the entering into a nerum^ and (he person who had thus conditionally sold himself 
was said to be nexw. When the day came, the creditor claimed possession, and the 
mafi^lMtrate awarded It : and the debtor thus given over to his purchaser, addicius, passed, 
witTi all that beloneed to him, into his power ; and as the sons were considered their 
father's property, they also, unless previously emancipated, were Included in the wle, 
and went into slavery with their fattier. Or if a man, resolved not by his own act to 
sacrifice his own andtiis children's liberty, refused thus to sell himself, or, in the Roman 
lan^^nage, to enter into a wanim, and determined to abide in his own iierson the conse- 
qncnces of his own debt, then he risked a fate still more fearful. If, within thirty day« 
after the justice of the claim had been allowed, he was unable to discliar^ it, his creditor 
might arrest him and bring him before the court : and if no one then offered to be his 
security, he was given over to his creditor, and kept by him in private custody, bound with 
a diain of fifteen pounds weight, and fed with a pound of com dally. H he still could not, 
or would not, come to any terms with his creditor, he was thus confined during sixty davfi, 
and during this period was brought before the court in the oomUium on three successive 
market-days, and the amount or his debt declared, in order to see if any person would 
yet come forward in his behalf. On the third market-day, if no friend ai>i)eared, he was 
either to be put to death or sold as a slave into a foreign land beyond the Twer.—Amold^t 
Hist, Rome, p. 68 ; see also Livjf ii. S8. 

* Tribuhim. This was a tax assessed by tribes only on landed property. The wealth 
of the patricians consisted niontly In their occupation of the public land, which was 
exempt from this tax. The burden then fell more heavily upon the plebeian. 


whose power was not limited by the Valerian laws, but was 
supreme both in and out of the city. The only way for the 
plebeians to gain a share in the management of the govern- 
ment was to organize themselves as a separate political body. 

& The FixBt Secession. — The first crisis, however, came 
not from those who resented their political disabilities, but 
from the poor. They saw in the frequent wars the real cause 
of their poverty. When the levy of the state was called out 
for a dangerous war against the Yolscians, the plebeians refused 
to serve. Then the consul Servilius, who was friendly to the 
people, suspended the severe law of debtor and creditor, and 
liberated the imprisoned debtors on condition that they should 
take their place in the ranks and help to secure the victory. 
The enemy was driyen back, and the army returned victorious to 
Borne. But the distress began again, for the law was enforced 
by bis colleague, Appius Claudius, in its former rigor (b.c. 495). 
The next year the enemy appeared again, and it was not until 
the senate appointed M'. Valerius dictator that the farmers 
yielded and took their place again in the ranks. On his return 
as victor, the dictator tried to carry his measures for reform. 
When these were rejected, the army, which stood in array be- 
fore the gates of the city, abandoned its general, and headed 
by the military tribunes, who were at least in part plebeians, 
marched away to the district between the Tiber and Anio, 
and there determined to build a new city ^ (b.c. 494). 

The patricians were compelled to yield. They saw plainly 
that they and their clients could not carry on the government 
alone. They sent Valerius to make terms with the leaders. He 
was accompanied by ten senators, at whose head was Agrippa 
Menenius, who is said to have overcome their obstinacy by 
relating the fable of the belly and members. Henceforth 
Valerius was called MaximuSy and the mount beyond the Anio 
the Sacred Mount,* and the law the lex sacrata^ 

* Hits was called the MoetHo pMAs in sacrum montem^ or secesHo Crustmnerina. 
Vbe etotement on the anthority of Pieo (£4v. il. 33), that the Aventine was occupied, 
relatesi to a later eeoetwion. 

" li WW 8 SomAO miles, or 2^ Englleh milefl, distant from Rome. 

* That is the covenant or tenuH upon which peace wa« made. 


& The Tribtmes of the People. — The conditions of their 
return were, (1) the cancelling of old debts, and (2) the election 
of two plebeian tribunes. The tribunes of the people took their 
names and were elected, not from the military tribunes, but 
from the tribunes ^ who managed the local afEairs of the tribes. 
Their office was purely civil, and was designed to protect the 
plebeians from the severity of the consular power. They had 
no* military force at their disposal, but their authority was 
strengthened by placing the tribunes themselves under the 
special protection of the gods. They were declared to be 
sacrosancH, that is, consecrated and inviolable, and whoever 
injured one, or hindered him in the exercise of his authority, 
was threatened with the curse of the gods,' and might be killed 
by any one without fear of punishment. The recognition of 
these laws, wrung from the patricians, was the first plebiscitunu^ 
This was the beginning of a new form of legislation, which led 
in the course of years to absolute democracy. 

7. The Original Power of the Tribunes.— The preroga- 
tives of the tribunes were at first simply to protect any plebeian 
who appealed to them for protection against the consular 
authority.^ In order that every injured person might place 
himself under the protection of the tribunes, it was enacted 
that they should not go more than a mile from the city,' and 

* Owratores ttifmum. or triJtntni arariiy t^ they were called. Each trfbc had Hvo, 
making in all one hunared and five. PlebcianH were eligible to thi8 office, and it was 
from the plebeian members that the tribunes were electra. Their number was at first 
two, but was immcdiateiv increased, by eoapfatio (i. e. the two who had already been 
chosen selected their colleagues), to five, to correspond to the five classes. According 
to Mommsen their number was increased to five by the PublUian law of Voloro (471 b. c); 

■ CoMeeraUo capUis et bonontm. 

' KplebincUum was any mca«(ure adopted by the plebeians. In this ease the tiibunea 
were elected and the lae taeraUi carrii-d in a meeting of plebeians held by tribes (trUm- 
Um\ i. «., in a eoncUium tribulum. Henceforth the tribunes were elected in the comUia 
cttriata. Aoooiding to Mommsen they were elected in a condHvm euriatum ; but this 
is connected with another view of Mommsen, viz.: that the plebeians were admitted to 
the curies. It is in any case mere supposition ; the ancients give no satisfactory informa- 
tion on the subject ; see note 3, page 64. 

* JuB intercedendi, or as it was at first called, ftu avxUU. In order to understand the 
position of the tribunes, it is necessary to remember that their legal power comiisted 
simply in suspending an act, not in annulling it^ and ttiat the coercion ezerdsed over the 
consul was simply a nsun^ power. Eigenbroat has proved that their power {tridunida 
po(€9tatt) was not, as Mommsen supposes, superior to that of the consul Onqfor poUgUu\ 
nor their veto like that of the dictator (ri nu0oris poUstaiU)^ but sprang simply from 
their invIolabDity, i. e., from their saerosancta potestas. 

■ That i^, that thev should not go outside of the jxmwHum, for eo fkr the light of ap^ 
peal and the power of the tribune extended. 


that the doors of their houses should be open night and day, 
that any one might find refuge with them. From the right 
of intercession was developed the power by which the tribune 
could place his yeto upon the execution of any law or measure 
of the consul injurious to the interests of the people^ and for 
a time, at kast, prevent its execution. This was a direot limita. 
tion of the consular power.^ 

& The Icilian Iiaw. — The tribunes also had the right of 
sDmmoning' the plebeians' from time to time to consult them 
on their affairs. In these meetings the tribunes addressed the 
people and carried resolutions. These^ however, when they 
pertained to the afiEairs of the state, were niere petitions, or had 
bat little more effect than the resolutions of our modem public 
meetings. Their validity, however, was asserted by the plebeians 
from the first, and in this way the Icilian resolution,^ which 
punished with death any one interrupting a tribune while ad- 
dressing the people, was adopted and became a law (493 B. o.). 

Two plebeian aediles were elected at the same time with 
the tribunes,' whom they were to attend and to assist. • ^^ 

■• ♦ <■ 

chaitb3r viii. 

Development op the Power op the Tribunes. 

Agrarian Agftations. 

L The powers of the tribunes developed rapidly. They 

soon usurped the right to summon any patrician before their 

assembly, and to punish him with fines or even with death. 

The first instance of the kind is said to have been in the case of 

Ck>riolanas7 (b. c. 491). 

' J. «., bnperiwn donA. * OoncUia pleHa. 

\ Ju» e*mi pUbe Off&ndi. * Pkbi^Htum Icilivm. 

At the Mine time probably ten men for lawKuits Uudices decemviri) were elected, 
*«»^«it3r vrw to investigate caaes which came under the juri»dict{on of the trihuiieH. 
• The tiibunes entered each year uijon their office the 10th of December. 


2. The Story of Coiiolanns. — The legend runs that there 
was a famine at Rome. The distress was great among the poor. 
Com was bought in Etruria and distributed among them. This 
was not sufficient, and the suffering continued, tUl Gelon, king 
of Syracuse, sent ships of corn as presents to the Roman people. 
Then Gajus Marcius Goriolanus, a brave patrician who had 
fought at Lake Regillus and won the civic crown, proposed 
that none be yielded to the plebeians until they consented to 
give up their tribunes. Thereupon the tribunes impeached him 
before the assembly of tribes^ of having broken the peace be- 
tween the two orders, and of having violated the sacred laws. 
The patricians could not protect him, and^li'^as compelled to 
flee from Bome.^ He betook himself to Antium, the capital of 
the Yolscians, and persuaded them to make war on Borne. 
Commanded by their king and Goriolanus, they penetrated 
within five miles of the city and laid waste the land of the 
plebeians for miles around. The Romans sued for peace. Gori- 
olanus demanded the restoration of all the towns that had 
been taken from the Yolscians. These terms seemed hard, and 
the ambassadors came again to ask for more favorable con- 
ditions. Goriolanus would not even see them. But when a 
procession of Roman matrons came, and Goriolanus recognized 
his mother Veturia, his wife Volumnia, and his little children, 
he was induced to yield. lie withdrew his army, and gave 
back the conquered towns. Some say that he was put to 
death by the Yolscians, others that he spent his life in exile. 

3. The Position of the Tribunes. — The prerogatives of 
the tribunes were now secure. The discord between the two 
parties, rich and poor, or what at this time was nearly the same, 
between the patricians and plebeians, was legally organized. 
The struggle of the plebeians henceforth was for a further limi- 
tation of the consular power, and for a legal position in the state. 

4. The Management of the Public Land. — The meas- 
ures thus far adopted afforded only temporary relief for the 

* That Is. the aenembly of plcbcianB by trib^f*, eoncUium tributumpUbU. 

* The loiiiclal power of the tribunes in capital offences was regulated and defined b| 
the lex Atema Tctrp^a (b. o. 464). 


poor. Their condition could never be permanently bettered 
until the injustice which lay at the root of the civil dissensions 
was removed. This was the management of the public land.^ 
Tliis land had been acquired by conquest, and so long as the 
patricians alone formed the people,' they jealously excluded 
the plebeians from all share in it. But when the plebeians 
were admitted to military service, and when new lands were 
acquired, in part at least, by their blood and toil, they too 
claimed a share in its use. This the patricians denied, and 
claimed and exercised, for the most part, the exclusive right 
of inclosing and occupying it For its use they were to pay ' to 
the state either a small tax,^ or a tenth of the income' of the 
soil After the banishment of the king, in order to con- 
ciliate the favor of the plebeians, the patricians allowed them 
also, on giving a tenth of the income,* to drive their cattle 
upon the common pasture.^ When in course of time larger 
tracts were conquered, portions were also parceled out to the 
plebeians, in a manner, however, by no means satisfactory to 
them. Small farms® were given to them in the newly acquired 
territory, on condition that they should settle there and de- 
fend it 

S. Its Oc:<niptttion. — But as population increased and 
agriculture was developed, the occupation of the land fell 
more and more into the hands of the rich. For when the 
senate authorized the consul to offer new tracts of land for 
occupation • and possession,^^' only the rich who had herds of 
cattle and households of slaves, could make its cultivation 
profitable. Hence the public pastures were brought more and 
more into cultivation, and the grazing land for the use of the 
poor became smaller. The poor plebeian could not even obtain 
work on this land as a day-laborer, for the patricians pre- 
ferred slaves, because they were cheaper, and the slaves were 
not liable, like the plebeians, to military service. By admitting 
the rich plebeians to a share in the public lands, the senate 

* ^jgtr nubUeus, * Populvs. * Thin wan not Btrictly enfoixod. 

'iSlfftofrmi. • Vectlgal, • Vectigal. 

^Jwua, * Binajugera, * OccupcUio, ^"^ Posgessio, 


identified their interest with its own, and deprived the poor 
plebeians of the aid of those who ought to have been their pro- 
tectors. The patricians then claimed the exclusive right of oc- 
cupying the public lands. This claim the plebeians resisted. 

6. The Agrarian Law of Cassioa (b. c. 486).— To rec- 
tify this injustice Spurius Cassius,^ a noble patrician, proposed 
to the comitia centuriata the first Agrarian Law. He was the 
most renowned of his order, and had formed a treaty with the 
Latins in his second consulship (b.c. 493), and in his third with 
the Hemicans. He now came forward as the protector of the 
plebeians, and proposed that the newly-acquired public land 
should not be offered for occupation, but be divided among the 
plebeians and Latins,' and if this was not sufficient a part of 
the public land already occupied shoald be taken. Against 
this proposal the patricians rose as one man, and the rich plebe- 
ians took part with them ; first, because the consul had laid 
a matter relating to the civil administration, which properly 
belonged to the senate, before the people ; and secondly, be- 
cause the bill threatened to deprive those already in possession 
of the public land of their rights. The plebeians themselves 
were dissatisfied, because the Latins were to have a share in the 
land. The patricians allowed the law to pass, but prevented its 
execution. Sp. Gassius was accused the next year, at their insti- 
gation, of aiming at kingly power, and condemned to death. 

7. The Three Parties. — Thus far the struggle had been 
chiefly between the rich and poor. Still all the rich plebeians 
had not taken sides with the patricians, and there were many 
rich patricians who favored the poor. It was these rich patri- 
cians and plebeians who formed the third party, a party which 
had the welfare of the state in view and counseled conciliation 
and unity. 

1 Bj a fttmnge compenratlon of fortune, the first Boman wbo«e peatneM Is really 
historical, Ia the man whonc deedn no poet wing, and who^e memory the early annalititfl, 
repeating the language of the party who destroyed him, have branded with the charge of 
treason and attempted tyranny. Amid the nilence and the calumniei} of hi« enemies, he 
l» known as the author of three works to which Rome owed all her future matnese : be 
concluded the league with the Latins in bis second consulship ; in bis third ne concluded 
the league with the Hemicans, and procured, although with the price of bis own life, ibe 
enactment of the first agrarian law.— ^m(rf./V JluU^y p. 67. 

• Accorduig to the treaty. 


a The Fabii and Vejentines (b. g. 485-477).— The 
death of Cassius, howeyer, so strengthened the patricians that 
the Fabian gen$y contrary to the law of Valerius^ usurped the 
consulship for nearly ten years. Oppression fell heavier than 
ever on the poor plebeian. When he refused to serve in the 
army the consul made the levy outside of the pomerium, where 
the intercession of the tribune was of no avail The patricians 
had also learned to make use of the veto of some tribune to 
neutralize the acts of his colleagues. It seemed as if the 
Fabian gens^ as the senate recommended from year to year 
one of their number for the consulship, would gain supremo 
control of the state. In order to win the favor of the ple- 
beianSy Kaeso Fabius, the same who had impeached Cassius, 
even proposed to carry into execution the agrarian law. The 
government took the alarm, and the Fabian house, of three 
hundred and six males of full age and four thousand clients, 
were compelled to leave Rome. They marched to the river 
Cremera near Veji, and established a fortified camp. For two 
years they sustained the whole of the Vejentine war, but at 
length were enticed into an ambuscade. AH were slain. One 
boy only, who had remained at Home, preserved the name and 
race of the Fabii (b. c. 477). 

9. The Pablilias Law of Volero (b. c. 471 ).~ After the 
banishment of the Fabii, the contest for the execution of the 
agrarian law was waged more fiercely. The tribune Genucius 
accused the consuls for the year b. c. 473 before the assembly 
of tribes of not having made the promised assignments of land. 
On the night before the trial, the tribune was murdered in his 
own house. This so terrified his colleagues that they did not 
even dare to make use of their power of intercession. Then 
the plebeians became convinced that they must have men for 
tribunes who were politically independent,' and ready, under 
any circumstance, to lend their aid to the poor. 

Their tribune Volero Publilius proposed to transfer the 

* The patrician.9 exerted Indirectly an Influence on the election of the trthnnen by 
peeliig th«t raitablie men were elected for etiratorM tribfwm, from which the iribnncf* of 
the people were fielected. The euratoreg trilnmm were elected by members of the tribes ; 
patiidaiis, plebeians, and clients voting on a footing of equality. 

election of tribunes to the plebeians themselyes. The patri- 
cianSy under the lead of Appius Claudius, resisted ; they 
pressed into the assembly of the plebeians,^ and delayed the 
adoption o!C the measure. Yolero rallied the people ; ho was 
re-elected. Notwithstanding the disturbance of the patri- 
cianSy ho carried the measure, and it became a law.' Hence- 
forth the tribunes were elected in the special plebeian as- 

10. This was a great gain for the plebeians. To their rights 
of meeting together and discussing their own affairs and pass- 
ing resolutions free from interruption, secured by the Icilian 
plebiscitumj was now added that of electing their own officers 
free and independent of patrician influence. \^ 

^ The patricians, like the plebeians, were included in the local trihefl, and both voted 
together in eloctine the ofBcerx of the tribe and managine its local amdrs. When an 
asHembly from all the tribes wam oammoned by the trlbnne, It was natural tiiat the patri- 
cians should lay claim to admittance also. They may have pressed into the assemmy to 
enforce thU right A few vcars afterwaids (b. c. 447) the comitia tri^ula was oiganixed, 
in which both patrician and plel)eian voted on a footing of equality. 

' This law was a ptebUcilttm^ but the patricians were compelled to recognize its validity. 
Rome had now the lollowing public assemblies : the comUia eetUuriata^ presided over uf 
the consul} in which both patricians and plebeians voted according to a classiflcation 
that gave the greatest influence to wealth and age ; the spedal asseniblv of plebeians by 
tribes (oondUum Mbutum pM>i4\ presided over by a tribune, where all voted on a foot- 
ing of e<|nality ; the oomina euriata^ composed only of patricians, in which the peoide 
voted in curke— each curia had one vote, determincSd by the majority of votes in that 
curia \ when the lex curiata de imperio came before the assembly, a consul, pnetor, or 
dictator presided ; when cases of adoption or religious matters, the pont^ex maa^mvt 
nresided ; the coneUium curiatum^ composed of the patresfmnilias oendttm patrieiarufA^ 
lormerl V conferred the patrum auctontas^ but since all the patrician ffCfUsi were repre- 
sented in the senate, this was said to have been conferred by the patrician part of the 
senate ; the eomiHa trilnila^ generally presided over by the jrtnxtor. in which the whole 
body of citizens, patricians, plebeians and clients, voted on a footing of equality, was 
not organized till a later period (b. c. 447). It was employed to enact some laws, elect 
the in^rior magistrates, and decide the less important Judicial processes. The word Zee, 
by no means synonymous with our word " law/* was applicable to whatever the people 
commanded iquocL populus Jybet atgtis conttihnt). whida did not consist in an election or 
Judicial decisioD . The wora was particularly applicable to a roffotio (a bill) propoeed (iaia 
ett) in a comUkij an aseemblv of the whole people. A wUum was a resolution carried in 
a eoncUiwn pMns, and only Became a law after it had been recognized by the people. 

* VoncUium trilnUum plebia ; this law Mommsen (vol. i., p. 807) calls one of the most 
momentous in its consequences with which Roman history has to deal ; for two of the 
most important arrangements — the introduction of the plebeian assemblvof tribes (p. 6B| 
note 8) and the placing of the plehitcitwn on a level, although condltionallv, with the 
formal law sanctioned by the whole community— are to be referred, the ronner cer> 
tainly, the latter probably, to the proposal of Yolero Publllius, the tribune of the people, in 
B. o. 471. The plebe had mtherto adopted their resolutions by curies ; here the voting had 
t>cen by mere numbers, without distinction of estate or freehold propertv. and the cTientB 
of the great patrician families had voted together in the assembly. Tnis had given the 
nobility an opportunity of exercising influence on that assembly, and especially of man- 
aging the election of tribunes aocoraing to their views. According to Mommsen, to the 
twenty di*^tricts into which the Roman territory had already been divided, namely the 
four Servian wards and the sixteen new wards added in b. c. 496 (see p. 6S and note 1), 
was now added, in consequence of the Pubiillan law and with a view to bring about the 
inequality which was desirable for voting purposes in the total divisions, the nprenty-first 
tribe, the Cmstuminian, which derived its name from the place where the pleba haa oon- 
Btituted itself as such and had established the tribunate (see p. 67 and n. 1>. 



The Dbcemvibs and the Laws op the Twelve Tables, 

1. Zifforts to obtain Equal Laws. — The contest now 
assumed a new form. The aim of the plebeians was unmistaka- 
ble. They were struggUng to limit the power of the consul, 
and to secure for themselves a separate, clearly defined, and 
legal position in the state. The first step was taken by the 
tribune G. Terentilius Arsa, who, in the year B. c. 462, laid a 
proposal ^ before the assembly of tribes that five men be ap- 
pointed to draw up a code of laws by which the consuls should 
be bound in the exercise of their judicial functions. It will 
be remembered' that the patricians had exclusive knowledge 
of the law and the forms of procedure in the civil courts. This 
they guarded as a sacred mystery from the plebeians. By care- 
fully preventing the laws from being written down and pub- 
lished, they kept the plebeians in a state of dependence from 
which even the tribunes could not deliver them. With the 
advance in civilization, cases arose to which the common law 
did not apply.' The decision of these cases depended wholly 
on the will of the magistrate. Under these circumstances the 
only course for the plebeians was to have the laws revised, 
written down and published. The proposal of Terentilius was 
adopted at once by the plebeians, but the patricians were de- 
termined not to yield and consequently refused to ratify it.* 

2. ConcossioDS. — The contest over the rogation* lasted for 
ten years. The old party violence broke out anew.*^ Foreign 

* See page 40. * «^u« ineertum. 

* As tnu mopoftal Hmited the consular imperhtm, it required the sanctioix of the patri- 
dMXM before it could become a law. * See page 64, n.ft. ^. , ^ . 

■ The Tonnger patricians organized clubs for the peri>etration of every kind of vio- 
lence. Among theM Kaeso QninctiuB, the son of the celebrated Cinclnnatus, brought 
upon himself an impeachment by the tribune Anlus Yirginins (b. o. 461). K«8o flea to 
Smiria before the day of his trial. A conspiracy was formed for effecting his return. 
Li the foOowing year a band of exiles, led oy the Sabine Appins Herdonins, surprised 
the fT«»j^i liy i^g^ and attempted to aaeaBstnat^) the tribunes and restore the constito- 


enemies seized this opportunity to press hard on Rome. The 
Volscians penetrated into the heart of Latium, and the 
^quians even defeated a Boman army on Mount Algidus. The 
patricians would not yield. In b. c. 457 they conceded, how* 
ever, that the number of tribunes should be increased from 
five to ten, two from each of the five classes. The result of 
this was that a greater number of plebeians came within reach 
of the tribune's protection.* In B. c. 454 the tribune Icilius 
earned a law * that the public land on the Aventine should be 

tion OR it was before the Recession to the Sacred Mount. The cry reRonndcd through the 
city, '* To arms I the enemy are In the city/* Anns were given oat ; the yonog men were 
enrolled. Attslifitance came from Tawulam. The connal led the allied forces up the 
Capitoline hill. The citadel was recovered, bat the conral was stain. The pfttnclans 
elected in his place Quinctiun Cincinnatus, the father of Kseso. The plebeians were 'dis- 
mayed. CincinnatOH, however, was not more severe In restraining the plebeians than in 
reproving the senate. A trace wai* concluded with the JSquians. The next year (b. c. 456) 
the Mqmkntt brolce the trace, invaded the oountrv of Tuscalum, and pitched their camp on 
Mount Algidus, the eastern spar of the Alban hills. The Roman consul was defeated, and 
his camp Desieged in one or the defiles of the mountain. Five knights escaped and 
brought the news to Rome. Terror prevailed in the city, for the other consul with his 
anny was fighting with the Sabines. The senate decided to appoint Cincinnatus dictator. 
Ho was llvuig on his little farm on the right bank of the Tiber, and, like the noble 
Romans of the good old time, was cultivating it with his own hands. When tbe ambas- 
sadors came, Cincinnatus quitted his plough, and put on his toga that he might receive 
the message of the senate in a becoming manner. When he heard the errand he accepted 
the office, and appointed Tarqainius Flaocus, a noble patrician, but frugal like hlmseli, as 
his master of horse. He ordered all coarts of Justice to be closed, all business suspended, 
and summoned every man of military age to meet him on the Campus Martins before 
sunset, each bringing twelve stakes and rations for five days. Before midnight the dk* 
tator had reached Mount Algidus and reconnoitred the enemy^s position. He ordered bis 
soldiers to throw down their bageage and surround the camp of the iSqulans with a 
ditch and drive in the stakes, witb a shout the Romans b^an their work and an- 
nounced their presence to the ^quians and their countrymen at the same Ume. The con^^nl 
and his army recognized the war-cry, seized their arms, and renewed the battle. The 
iGquians, hemmed in between two armies, surrendered and prayed for mercy. Cincin- 
natus Piwrcd their llvc<i, but made them all pass under the yoke. (The yoke was formed 
with two s{)ear.H placed a[)right on the ground, and a third placed across the upper ends 
of them.) CincinnaUiH divided the sfioits with his army and returned in triumph to Rome. 
On the sixteenth dav he laid down nis ofllce and retired to his farm. — lAvyt ilL IK ff. In 
Buch a warfare as that of the Romans with the^quians and Volscians, there were always 
mfflcient alternations of success to furnish the annalists on either aide with matter of 
triumph ; and by exaggerating every victory, and omitting or slightly noticing every 
defeat, they fonned a picture such as national vanity most aelights In. But we neither 
care, nor need we desire, to correct and snppiv the omissions of toe details of the Roman 
historians : it is enough to say that at the close of the third century of Rome, the w^r 
fare which the Romans had to maintain against the Opican nations was geiienii y 
defensive ; and that the ^Equians and Vol>K:Tans had advanced from the line of the 
Apenn!ne>i, and established tnemscIveM on the Alban hills in the heart of Latium : that 
of the thirty Latin states which had formed the league with Rome (b. c. 496), thirteen 
were either now destroyed or were in possession or the Opicans ; that on the Alban 
hills themselves Tuscnlum alone remained independent ; and that there was no other 
friendly city to obstrnct the irruptions of the enemy into the territoirof Rome. Accord- 
ingly tnat territory was plundered year after year, and whatever defeats the plander^ 
ers may at times have sustained, yet they were never deterred from renewing a contest 
which they fonnd in the main profitable and elorious. So greatly had the power and 
dominion of Rome fallen since tne overthrow of the monarchy. — Afvold, toL L p. 78 f. 

* This was the third plebUHtum recognized by the patricians. 

* Lex IdUa de Avenano pubHcando : this plebigcifum did not require to be ratified by 
the conUiia euriata, bat by the senate, because it relatoe to matters of civil admhiiBtii^ 


giren up to the plebeians. The third concession was more 
important. One of the consuls proposed a law which limited 
the amount of fines which any magistrate^ consul as well as 
tribune, could impose, to two sheep and thirty oxen.* 

These concessions, however, did not satisfy the plebeians. 
After a conflict of nearly ten years (b. o. 462-454)* a compromise 
was effected. The patricians gave way and allowed the com- 
mission to be appointed, but only from their own order.^ First 
an embassy of three men^ (triumviri) was sent to Athens to 
examine the laws of Solon and to southern Italy to study the 
manners and customs of the Greeks there. On its return ten 
men ^ were elected in the comitia centuriata for the year b. a 
451, with full powers not only to draw up a code of laws, but 
to act as supreme mi^trates until the new code should come 
into force. They performed their task with diligence and 
administered justice with impartiality. 

3v The Code of Roman Law. — The result of their labor 
was that they published on ten tables of brass the first code of 
Boman law. This was sanctioned in the comitia centuriata and 
then declared binding on all the people.^ These laws gave so 
much satisfaction to the people that new decemvirs — this time 
plebeians as well as patricians — were elected for another year 
to complete the work. Appius Claudius was the only mem- 
ber re-elected. Two more tables were added, thus completing 
the celebrated Tiodve Tables of Laws, the foundation of 
Boman jurisprudence. These were affixed to the rostra in front 
of the Curia Hostilia, that all the people might read them. In 
the time of Cicero they were committed to memory by the boys 

* The iex Atenria Tairp^^ carried in b. c. 464 ; twenty-fonr years after theee fines 
were expreaeed in money, the f^hcep at ten assw {csrU gravif»\ the oxen at one hnndred. 
Hitherto the consals alone oooM impose fines ; this right became now a prerogative of 
tbeiwMif of the maelatiate and not of the imperium, 

' In B.C. 464 tbetrflmne propoeed tliat fhiB oommiasion ehookl be composed partly of \ 
plebeianfrwtd patricians. 

' TIm patriclanH, from religions as well as political reasons, conld never admit tlie 
plebeians to the eomnilssion, biecanse it must be invested with the imperium. 

* The embacwy was accompanied by Hermodoros, from Ephe«ns, as interpreter. 

' DecanHri ammlari imperio legUfus serUmndis. All the other magistrates were ras- 
pended and the j)lel)clans gave up their tribunes. That this was only a temporary ar- 
mn^ment is evident from tne fact that when the plebeians gave their consent to it In 
the ermcjftum pletfU, they reserved the leges saerata and lex Jctlia. 

' The laws, aiiioe they changed the lex curiata dt imperio, i. e. limited the consular 
fmpfriiim, must, after being carried in the eonUHa centuriata, first receive the sanction 
of the ju/rvm audorUae and thfon oome before the ogmUia curkUa for laiiiicatioii. 


in the 8chool& These laws made no comprehensive change in 
the existing laws. The law of debt — aside from fixing the rate 
of interest at ten per cent — ^remained the same. The distinction 
between the assidui and proletarii ^ and the invalidity of mar-* 
riage between patrician and plebeian were confirmed anew. 
The significance of the measure consisted in the fact^ that jus- 
tice must now be administered according to the known and 
prescribed form of law. The right of appeal, the laws relative 
to fines, imprisonment, and capital offences, remained the sama' 

4. The Decenwirs Re-elected.— The work of the decem- 
virs gave great satisfaction. They ruled the first year with great 
mildness and impartiality. They had not quite finished their 
task. It was therefore necessary to choose decemvirs for the 
next year to complete the laws. The nearer the time of elec- 
tion approached (May 15), the more Appius Claudius sought 
to win the favor of the people. The patricians saw through 
his designs, and to prevent his re-election made him presiding 
officer in the comitiay thinking that, according to custom^ he 
would not receive votes for himself. This plan did not succeed ; 
Appius not only allowed himself to be re-elected, but succeeded 
in securing the election of such men on the commission as 
pleased himself. 

8. The TTFanny of the Decemvln.— The decemvirs 
had scarcely entered upon their second year of office when they 
threw off the disguise, and the reign of terror began. They ap- 
peared in the forum, each with twelve lictors, and these carried 
the axes in the fasces, a sign that every citizen must fear for hiB 
life. Oppression fell the hardest on the moderate section of both 
parties, patrician as well as plebeian, who would not join the 
decemvirs. They neglected all the forms of the constitution ; 
they consulted neither the senate nor the people. Wlien their 
term of office expired they refused to resign. Relying on 
the extreme sections of both parties they continued their 
rule of undisguised tyranny until two acts of infamy 

* See pages dS and 23. 

* The aitsenibly of plcboians lost their inrlRdictfon In criminal cases. All cases in voW- 
ing the life of a Boman citisen (de eapUe civit Romani) mosl bo decided in the oonA^ 

* The election was regarded as Illegal, for the fhthen would never grant the patmm 
4mctorUa»^ which empowered the decemvirs to lay the tee euriala before (he oonUHu 


patricians and plebeians to take np arms against them as they 
had once done against Tarquinius Superbus. 

6. The Mordar of Siciniiui DentatOB. — The news came 
that the Sabines were plundering the Soman territory and 
the ^qnians had encamped on Mount Algidus. The danger 
was great The decemvirs now^ for the first time^ called the 
senate together. The moderate section of the aristocracy, 
headed by Valerius Potitus and Horatius Barbatus, sought to 
carry energetic measures against them, but in vain. The patri- 
cians wished to overthrow Appius Claudius and his colleagues, 
but were opposed to the restoration of the tribunes, which was 
unavoidable, if the decemvirs were compelled to resign. The 
senate dechured war and the levy was called out The plebeians 
could not resist, because there was no right of appeal nor were 
there tribunes to protect them. While Appius and one of his 
colleagues remained in the city to repress all signs of discontent, 
the others led the armies against the enemy; bufc the soldiers 
allowed themselves to be defeated; Bome i^lf was in danger. 
In the army that fought against the Sabines was a brave sol- 
dier, named L. Sicinius Dentatus, a former tribune of the 
people, whom the decemvirs caused to be murdered because he 
had spoken loudly against the usurpation of the tyrants. 

7. The Deatb of Vixginia. — Meanwhile discontent had 
already broken out on account of the outrages of Appius 
Claudius. He had conceived a passion for Virginia, a beautiful 
maiden, the daughter of Virginius, a plebeian hero. In order 
to get possession of her he suborned one of his clients to de- 
clare that she was the daughter of one of his slaves. As she 
came one day into the forum to school the tyrant had her seized 
and brought before his tribunal. Appius heard the claim of his 
client and pronounced the decision that put Virginia in his own 
power. Virginius, seeing that there was now no way of shield- 
ing his daughter from dishonor, hastened to the spot, plunged 
a knife into her breast before the eyes of the people, and, with 
the bloody weapon in his hand, escaping from the lictors, he 
rushed to the gates of the city and fled to the army. The 
storm now broke forth. The army espoused his cause, and 


marched to the city and encamped on the Ayentine^ where it 
was joined by the other army. Both armies withdrew to the 
Sacred Mount. The decemvirs were compelled to resi/^. 
An embassy, headed by Valerius and HoratiuSy who had ever 
counseled measures of moderation, was sent to treat with the 
army. It was agreed that amnesty should be declared, and the 
tribunes of the people and the right of appeal should be 
restored. The first step of the tribunes was to take measures 
against the decemvirs. Appius Claudius and Oppins were im- 
peached and thrown into prison, where they put an end to 
their own lives. The other eight went into exile. 16 

8. Valerian and Horatian Laws^ (b.g. 449).— Valerias 
and Horatius were elected consuls,^ and their first act was to 
carry a number of laws, called the Valerio-IIoratian Laws,* 
which more clearly defined and farther limited the consular 
imperiutru* These laws were : 

1. The restoration of the kx sacrata, which guaranteed the 
inviolability of the plebeian tribunes and a formal recognition 
of the lex Icilia.^ 

2. That every Roman citizen should have the right of ap- 
peal against the sentence of any magistrate.* And 

3. That the pUbiscHoy or resolutions passed by the plebeians 
in the coneilium tributum plebiSy should be binding on the 
whole people.'^ 

9. The Tribonea Co-operate in Legislation.— The last 
law was a great gain to the plebeians, for it gave them, al- 
though with limited power, an opportunity to co-operate in 

^ After the abdication of the deccmTfn, there was an inten-Gf^nm. An int^rrex 
rammoncd the cotnitia eeniuriafa for the election of conpub. In due form they laid the 
kxcuriata fie imperiOy (now modified by the lawn of the T^velvc Tables), afl«r the po- 
trum aucUmtfut had been granted, for ratification before the comitia cmturiata. 

• Hitherto the chief ma^tttrateti bad been styled Prceton. 

• l^rje^t Vaieri(r Tlaratia. 

* The^e lawD, it must be remembered, after being adopted in the romitia caUurlaia, 
and ranctioncd by the patn/m auHorifas, mant come Defore tlie comitia curiata for 
oonflnnation, before they wore binding on the people. 

> Liv. iii. 63 ; sec al8o p. 60. 

* ye quU uUrnn mapiHratwn Hne prwocatioM erwrety qui ereasfei, eum Jutfa^gm 
eud occMi, Mw ea cade* eapiialis nora haberehtr. Tlilt< right, in cane of the ordinaiy 
magifttratefi, was, it will be remembered, e8tabli(«hed by the valerian law in Uie lint year 
of Uie republic ; it «va8 now extended to the dictator. 

' Ut qund trilnUum jMbt Jumistet, popuban teneret (Liv. iii. 66). Theee reMlnUoiia 
mu?<t, nice the lawH pa^mid in the eofnUia emtwUUa, if they nertained to tlie imverintm^ 
be firbt iHuictioned by the jDdUrum auctorOat, and then ratUiea by the comiUa eurtaku 


legifilation. Of this privilege they eagerly availed themselves. 
They soon claimed jarisdiction over matters of civil and inter- 
nal administration^ matters that legally helonged to the senate, 
and mnst come before it for confirmation. Hence the practice 
arose for the tribunes first to snbmit their proposition to the 
senate, and then bring it before the people. In this way 
they gained admission to the discussions of the senate, at first 
only aa listeners, sitting on benches before the doors of the 
senate-house. They were soon, however, admitted to the hall, 
and oonld not be prevented from placing their veto on any 
measure that displeased them. The validity of the veto was 
naturally denied by the patricians. 

10. The resnlt was that when the senate apprehended the 
op]x>sition of the tribnne to any measure, it was met in 
advance and a compromise efFected^ or the measure was given 
np. The power of the tribunes, now considerably enlarged, 
was completely restored, and instead of being an instrument 
for the protection of the plebeians, it aimed to secure equality 
of civil and political rights between them and the patricians. 

U. Q mp g torB Elected by the People.— In the following 
year (b. c. 447), the election of quaestors,^ whom the consuls had 
hitherto nominated, was committed to the comitia tributa, an 
assembly in which all the people in the tribes voted ' on a foot- 
ing of equality. 



The Development of Plebeian Eights — ^Wabs with 
NraoHBOBiNG Nations — MiLrrABY Tbibunes wtth Consu- 

LAB POWEB. (b. C. 445.) 

1. The results gained by the decemvirate had fully or- 
ganized the plebeian opposition. For once the claim of the 

^ Hie qnestore now became magifltrates in the proper sense of the word, becanae 
thqr reeeiTed their poUntat from the people. They were elected from the patrician 
oroer only. 

* Eftch tribe had one vote, the vote of the tribe beine decided by the majority of 
voten in the tribe, and the majority of the tribes decided the question at issue. 


plebeians had been admifcted, and they had sat in the corule 
chairs by the side of the proud patricians^ and worn the in- 
signia of the highest office. The agitation which sprang from 
the social condition of the poor plebeians, the political tendency 
which the agitation had assumed since the time of Volero Pub- 
lilius, were only aimed to secure protection against the severity 
of the consular power. The plebeian nobility, who were as 
indifferent to the social condition of the poor plebeians as the 
patricians were, had hitherto stood firmly by the side of the 
patrician order. They now saw in the restoration of the tri- 
bunate with increased powers, and in the decrease of the patri- 
cian families, whose rule approached more and more that of an 
oligarchy, the means of obtaining complete political equality. 
The united strength of the plebeian order was directed against 
two exclusive privileges of the patricians. 

2. Military Tribunes with Consnlar Power (b.g. 
445). — The tribune Ganulejus proposed two bills at the same 
time, one legalizing intermarriage ^ between the two orders, and 
providing that the children should follow the rank of the father, 
the other opening the consulship to the plebeians. The first 
became a law, but a compromise was effected in respect to the 
consulship. It was provided that in the future the people should 
be free to elect either consuls ^ or military tribunes '^ with consu- 
lar power," to be selected promiscuously from the patricians and 
plebeians.* In the first year (b.c. 444), the election of the three 
military tribunes* was annulled on account of a defect in the 
auspices, and their place was supplied by consuls. It was not 
till B.C. 438 that three military tribunes ^ were elected, and such 

* It will be remembered (p. 88) that tbe patricians claimed the ezclnrive po owced on of 
the anctpiccfi, by meanH of which the divine protection was Kcured for the utate. The/ 
had reHiKtcd Intermarriage with the plebeians, not only becaaw they and thdr dcNsendf* 
anti* alone could take the annpiceH (auspMa publica) for the f*tate, bat also on tbe ground 
that the ausplced (afuipUia privata) employed at the marriage would be irregular. The 
Unit bill became a law at once, without being ratified by the eomUia ewiatay because It 
did not pertain to the imjmium. 

* That Is, patricians : for they alone were eligible to the consuithip. 

" Promiseue ex pattibut et pUbe.—H9. iv. 0. The senate was to decide whether con- 
suls or military tribunes were to be elected. 

' It was probibly designed that they should be six in number, to correspond to Um 
six military tribunes in each legion. 

* It is uncertain whether one was a plebeian or npt ; aocoidln^ to Schwegler twp 
were plebeians. 


were the inflnence of the patricians in the comitia centuriaia^ 
and the indifference of the poor plebeians, who felt little inter- 
est in promoting the ambitions schemes of the rich plebeians^ 
that it was not till B.C. iOO that fiye plebeians were elected mil- 
itary tribnnea^ 

3. The CensocBhip.— The plebeians then gained little from 
this reform. The patricians even devised a scheme to deprive 
the eonsnlar tribnnes of an important part of the functions 
which had belonged to the consalship. Hitherto the census on 
which the rank of eyery citizen in the state depended had been 
taken by the consuls. This duty was now (b.€. 445) committed 
to two new magistrates, styled censors.' They were chosen 
from the patricians by the comitia centuriata, and held their 
office until their duties were completed.' The censors ranked 
in dignity next to the consuls. The importance of their office 
consisted in the fact that the censors revised from time to time 
the register of the tribes, which regulated not only the military 
service of every citizen, but determined his position in the 
comitia ceniuriata^ It was their duty to fill up vacancies in 
the senate and eqnUeSy and, on the revision of the register of 
the tribes, to remove individuals from the list of senators, 
equiteg, and citizens. They subsequently exercised a general 
control over the finances of the state — the management of the 
public land and public works, the farming of the indirect taxes, 
and a general supervision over the public and the private life 

* It \» diJBealt to dlf>coyer In what the oonralar trihaneR differed from the oonpulH. 
That they bad tbue right to mmmon the wnate and command the army Is certain. They 
luertjfore poMeaeed the contularis polMtat and the imperium mUiticE. It 9eem» probahle 
that ihe paUielaiupoeBeBaed the full hnperivrndomatiu^ mUUke ; the plehefane the full 
imjufium miBMa but the imperium domL so trnt limited that they could not exercise Indi- 
cia] fanctionH. They could not triumph, for thl^ pretnippoBed the full imperiftm dand; as 
their iinperHoft wan different, so were the inM^r^ ana ONapkiti. They had the lictors 
and the aeOa curuHf, for these were the inRijniia of the magiptrateV potet^w ; but not the 
M Ifflosrlnton. In n^gatd to the auapida^ it had already come to paw) that the cmnieUi 
orn^de of the pomerium were different from those Innide. The plebeians poHMe^Hed those 
ontKide the jsomtfrium, the OMftiAdaex tripudiis in full bntinHido, the pomerium (theotM- 
ptcio UF&ona) not in the same manner as the patricians. For Mommsen^s Yle%¥, see his 
W^JT. voL I., p. 8ia 

* This Is the view of Sehweffler : according to Mommsen, the oensorBhlp was estab- 
liiihed in b.c. 488 ; according to Llyy (iv. 8), in B.O. 443. Schwegler has satisfactorily 
pco^red that it wan a oart of the reform of b.o. 445. 

' From the fact that when they had completed the census they held a solemn puri- 
lication of the city and people, called /ustrum^ their term of office wa<« r>fy^cd a Ivtftrum^ 
which in later times wa<* live yeans. Their term of office was limited to eighteen months 
I7 the lex (onUia, b.c. 438. 

* See page 61, note ft. 


of every dtbeiL The plebeiaos were admitted to the oensorship > 
B.a351. ^ 

4. lacrease in the Nmnber of QnaMtoiB.— In the year 

B. 0. 421 another concession was made to the plebeians. The 
number of qusBstors was increased from two to four. Two were 
to remain in the city,» and the other two, who could be elected 
either from patricians or plebeians, accompanied the army as 

& Spurtaui Mtelios.— During these struggles the patri- 
cians did not scruple to resort to violence. In the year B.0. 440 
there was a great famine in Bomc.^ Spurius MsBlins, one of 
the wealthiest of the plebeian knights, in order to relieve the 
distress, bought up com in Etmria through his friends and 
clients, which he sold at a low price or distributed gratuitously 
among the poor. In this way he acquired great popularity 
among the people. The patricians were alarmed, and he was 
accused of aiming at royal power. The danger was said to 
be great, for in the house of MsbUus arms had been collected^ 
and the tribunes had been bribed to betray the liberty of the 
republic. In this emergency the senate authorized one of the 
consuls to nominate a dictator. The aged Gincinnatus, who 
had saved the Roman army on Mount Algidus, was appointed. 
On the foUowing morning he mounted his tribunal in the 
forum^ and summoned Maelius to appear before him. Maelius 
knew the &te in store for him, and implored the protection of 
the people. Then 0. Servilius Ahala, the master of the horse, 
drew his dagger, and killed Mselius on the spot The dictator 
commanded his property to be confiscated, and his house lev- 
elled to the ground. The patricians, as we know from Cicero 
and others, always spoke of this deed in the highest terms, but 
the people regarded it as an act of murder^ and threatened ven- 

1 The ceawn did not possen the imperiwn, and therefore had no lictors, and ooald 
not command an army nor snmmon the comUia oenturiata (except for mattere relatin*' 
to the census), therefore their election wap not oonflrmed hy the ux ewiata de imperii 
bat l^ the lex cerUuriata de eensoria poteetaU. 

* Q^aeMore9 urbani, 

* It was not nntil 409 that plebeians were actually elected. 

* Liyy, Iv. 12. 


geanoe, becanfie Msalius had been pat to death without a trial. 
Their anger was turned againBt SeryUius, who was compelled to 
go into exile, and his property was confiscated. 

■• ♦ >■ 

Wabs with Neighboring Nations — Sack of Bome by 

THE Gauls. 

1. IRTars with fhe Volscians and JElqtiians.— While 
these struggles were going on in the city^ the Roman armies 
fought with less vigor in the field, and even allowed themselves 
to he defeated, in order that the consul might lose his triumph. 
The ^quians and Volscians pressed hard on the Boman allies ^ 
and even entered tlie dominion of Bome. The -^quians* en- 
camped again on Mount Algidus and laid waste the plains of 
Latium. The Latin towns could look only to Bome for assist- 
ance. The concessions granted hy the decemvirate and by the 
Canuleian law seem to have pacified the people, so that they once 
more made head against their old enemies. These were success- 
fully driven back, and colonies were planted in the conquered dis- 
tricts. These colonies were mainly military settlements, which 
enabled Bome to secure her conquests, and from which, as from a 
series of military posts, she could extend her dominion in Italy. 

2. The Conqnest of Veji (b. c. 396).— The Bomans now 
tnmed their arms against the Etruscans on the north. The 
long feuds with FidensB were ended by the conquest and de- 
struction of that city. Its territory* was added to that of the 
Boman people. Next, Veji,* the most important town in 

* Hw Hernieans and Latfiv. * Livj, ii and iif. * Ager publicus. 

* AboQt all that Lb known of VejI is that it wan one of the most powcrf ul of the Etrus- 
ttn dtiee ; that after a contest protracted for centimes, which at first centered roand 
'WQAf the city wan at length taken hv Camillnn (Pint. Gam.). According to the 
VUUklifltlQ ap^ountis the me^ of Veji, like that of Tro^, lasted ten ^ears. In the eighth 


southern Etruria was attacked^ and after a siege ol ten years, 
taken. In order to conduct a siege of a well-fortified town like 
Veji^ it was necessary for the Roman army to remain in the 
field summer and winter^ year after year, until its object was 
attained. To secure this it was necessary that the soldiers 
should receive regular pay, a regulation that exerted a benefi- 
cial influence on the organization of the army, but gave a new 
turn to the struggle between the patricians and plebeians.^ 
The conquest of Veji added so considerably to the Boman 
territory, that four new tribes were formed, and the wealth ac- 
quired from the captured city must have given a new impulse 
to industry and trade, and Rome seemed to have entered upon 
a career of prosperity. This, however, was checked by the in- 
yasion of the Gauls, who dealt Rome a blow that almost put an 
end to her existence. 

3. Rome taken by tbe Oanla (b. o. 390).— The Celtic or 
Gallic nation had in early times spread over the western part of 
Europe. Some had settled in France and Britain, while otheiB 
crossing the Alps, had penetrated to the valley of the Po,and giveu 
their name to the country.^ On their plundering excursions, the 
Gauls laid waste with fire and sword the provinces of Central Italy. 

year of the war, the waters of the Alban lake roee suddenly to sach a height as to 
overflow the surroandiDg conntiy. The Bomans sent an ombaHsy to ooosnlt the 
Delphian oracle. In the meanwhile a voice waa heard from the walls of Veji, say- 
ing that the city could only be taken when the waters of the Alhati lake found an oot- 
let. Wheu thiK reached the ears of the Romans, they cat a tnnnel through the side of 
the mountain which bounded the lake, and thus let the water flow into the plain. Tfalti 
sagecHted to the Romans the meann of taking the city. Meanwhile M. Farins Camillns 
had Deen appointed dictator. He had a tnnnel cut from the Roman camp nnd^ the 
walls to the citadel of Veji. When the mine was finished, Camilluii divertea the atten- 
tion of the Vejentincs by a feigned attack on the walls, and entered the tunnel at the head 
of a picked body of men. When he arrived at the end of the tnnnel under the temple of 
Juno, ho heard the priest saying to the king that whoever should complete the sacrifioes 
he was offering would be victor. At that moment the Romans burst tiirough and seijsed 
the victim, which Camillus offered on the altar. TKe troops dispersed through the city 
and opened the gates, and Veji fell into the hands of the Romans. The booty was im- 
mense. Camillus, on his return, celebrated the most magnificent triumph Rome had 
ever seen. In his chariot drawn by four white horses, he advanced along the sacred 
street, followed by his army flushed with joy and singing songs of victory, to the temple 
of Jupiter Capitolinns. 

In the hour of victory Camillus had vowed a tenth of the sfmils to the Delphian 
Apollo. He now demanded from each soldier a tenth part of all the booty he had taken. 
This seemed unjust to the people. The tribune impeached him because he had not 
fairly divided the spoils. Seeing tliat he was sure to be condemned by the people, he 
left Rome, and retired to Ardea. 

* For the pay was to come from the city treasury (the jSrariwn), LUi from the 
on the public lands. 

• OaUia Cisalpina. 


The Boman army waa defeated by them, and Borne itself laid 

io ashes. Ab the Ganla 

were merely on a plnn- 

dering expedition and 

were not prepared to 

make permanent con- 

qnesta, after collecting 

tiieir booty they retired, 

according to Polybios, 


4. ThalMsaroMof 
tha Poor. — After the 
enemy bad departed the 
Itonuuu returned to 
their homes. Their 
honaea and temples had 
been homed, their farms 

laid waste, tlieir cattle thi omltio *"- 

driTen off, and their 
fiirm-bnildingB destroyed. It is no wonder that the poor 

■,(6; ■ecardlTiRtoLtTT(T.3Sir.),UieOiD)i wenlndncml tocroEB Ibe 
Alp> br > cldxen orUDnlDiD.trtio wlihed to ■venue hlmulron blsereoiT. TheOaah, 
under JMrlcadar, Bminni. laid Bleee to thecllr. The (.'iurlant applied to Rome tOrta- 

j- ..... .jj^ envcijn, tbe kidi of M. Frtlne Ambn»[n«, lo w«ni Ibo 

ends ind illlee of tbo Romtii people, from whom II 
!■ In replT pcomlKd puce ir Ibe Ctnalins txnild (tru 
■to loeAcl B ncondflBtloD wera In nlo, B battle <t** : 
BODtnrj to tbe Ibwb of natloiiB, look pBrt,uid rli" 

, ciilef uhI look blB armor. Tbe Oul* thea « 

attack •glint tba CSoaluu and aent unbaiMdon to Rome to com plain of Inclr Inlarles, 

11 Ihe 

^r br ioBii,~mS~aia unnlTerHn (J11I7 18) of Ihn ixtlje was ecer revanled u i 
naliiekj dajr. Tbe dir waa even denertad. The ftiirlllret Bed In crovrdu acroM II 

Gwh Dol to attack Ibe friends and allies of Ibo R 

recditd DD barm. TbeOi_" 1_ 1, ^. j, --- 

'~~' to settle npoii. All efltirt* loeOecl a [econcltiBHon wera In nln, a battle wastDDEbt, 

par. ma ao IncaDsad 
"•mtoBoDe. On Ibe 

aiirreiider of tbe tbreo Fabtl. ne unala wavered, bst tbe people no 
u conenlar Irlbnnoi for Ifie noi 
ilnm andmartl 

m potTo'fliiihtind Iw'Wafrdlrectron 
and Uh annlTer .■-■-•"■ -■ -- 

w^ reltaasd ntleflwtlon, but elecud tbe tbree envoys 
— — -'- a locanead Iba Oanla that tbej left Clni 

~ " 'it Allla, only eleven milea rroni 
-" --' -id In alt - — " — " 

It tbey left Clntlnm and marched « 

Tttier. Ibe Hcmd olenalli were bnrled, and Ibe racred Ire catrled Id Cicre. Everr- 
Uilnt else, tb« InHfcu of Ibe KOd*. tbe hionce tablets of ibe laws, Ibe old snnsls, aD 
wrluen docnmsDt*, were abandoned to Ibe enemy. llMTonly bad time to defSnd the 
capllol. Ibe temple of /nplMr, tbe fmardlan of the city. The ased senalors. and priests 
■>< tte znd*, MMnr tbat tbelr ■ervkee were ira loneer ni«nil io Iba sUle, dladsrned to 
^'nrretbalrllnabrlUgbt. They weresian^btered bytba aanta.eaeb as bculin Ibe 
■way of bis hooa*. on bii enmla «tialr. Por semi monUu tbe Oenls laid siege 10 tba 

cMt°l. bal Iheganlson. n rider Ibe commaDd ol 
"enitti Ibe renuuDt at (be Boman anny reooran 
be ciij from tbe barbnriana. This they Mt eo 
^kailKu. Be wu still In banbhrnant at Ardi 
Kcrae of tbe agnate. Therefore a bold yoatb, ..... 

B from Veil and commonleale «llb the eenate In tbe capltfll. He swam down tba 
Iw, climbed np tbe side of the Cn|dIollae bill, and, after reeriTlng tbe decree of tbe 

lenjtti Ibe renuuDt at (be Boman anny reoorared from llo terror, and wlohed lo deliv 
tbe ciij tram tbe barbwlBna. This they Ibit could only be done Biidur ibelr old )eBde 
Oaillos. Be wu still In baniahntant at Ardia. Ha cooM not be recaMed wlthont 
A -.. _._ Therefore a boM yoatb, named Pontine r--'-' ..— — >- . 

78 WAES WITH nbighboki:nt> nations. 

shrank from the toil of rebailding, and the annalists in after 
times related that they wished to emigrate to VejL The old 
Boman courage and Roman perseyerance, however, trinmphed. 
The senate was firm, the spirit of the people ^ was unbroken. 
Only one thought animated them, to rebuild their city and 
recover their position in Latium. The hard times pressed 
heavily on the poor plebeians. They were compelled to borrow 
from the patricians. The rates of interest were high, military 
service and taxes oppressive; all their old distress returned. 
As in former times it had sometimes happened, a noble patri- 
cian espoused their cause — Manlius, the defender of the capitol, 
the hero of many battles. One day when he saw a debtor, a 
centurion x)f the army, carried away to prison, he paid his debts 
and set him free. He sold his estate near Veji and advanced 
money, free of interest, to more than four hundred poor plebeians 
5. Iffanlins Condemiied. — This aroused the patricians. 
The senate nominated a dictator who summoned Manlius be- 
fore his. tribunal. The excitement in the city was great. The 
senate was compelled to yield, and Manlius was liberated. At 
length, like Sp. Gassius, he was accused of aiming at royid 
power, and was brought to trial before the camilia centuriata. 
In sight of the capitol which his valor had saved, the people 
could not condemn him. Shortly afterwards he was again 
brought to trial in the grove of PoBtelius, where the capitol was 
not visible. He was condemned and hurled from the Tarpeian 
rock 2 (b. c. 384). 

wnate ncaJOtkng Camilliu and appointing him dictator, retnmed the same way. The 
next morainfif the Oaoh* saw the marks of the ascent and determined to rarprlM the 
citadel in the same way. A Oaul had almost reached the summit when the ffoese sacred 
to Jaoo roused the sarrison, and Manilas hurled his shield agahnst the foremost Gaol, 
who, in his fhll, overthrew the others behind him. The QaiuiB began to weary of the 
long siege and wished to withdraw. Negotiations were opened and it was afeieed 
that Borne shoold pay one thousand pounds of gold as a ransom. When the gold was 
being weighed out, in the foruuL, Brennns. the leader of the Gauls, is said to haye ineraased 
the amount bv throwing hli) sword Into the scale. At this moment CamlUus appeved in 
the forum with a large army, and ordered the gold to be taken away, saying that Bome 
must be ransomed by steel and not by gold. 'Die batUe was fought near Oabii and not a 
Gaul escaped ; even Brennns himself was taken prisoner. The Gauls retnmed agali), in 
B. o. 861, when Tituii Manlius kilted a gigantic Ganl in single combat, and obta'ned the 
surnamepf Torquatns, from the golden necklace (torgtiM) which he stripped from the 
neck of the barbanan ; and again in b. o. 840, when Marcun Valerius accepted a challenge 
to single combat with a gl«nintic Gaul, and a raven perched on the helmet of the Roman 
KoA flew in the face of the GanL Valerius slew the Ganl and received the name of Corvna. 
The story about Oamillus was hiventod at a later time to celebnte the Parian house. 

* See p. 81. 

« It ie generally agreed funon^ modem historians that Manlius wss condemned by the 



The Equalization of the Orders. 

1. The Political Condition of the Plebeians.— During 

these straggles no action had been taken in regard to the public 
lands, and no reform was made in the system of credit. The 
acquisition of new territory after the conquest of Veji had re- 
newed the agrarian agitation. The social condition of the ple- 
beians, on account of their long service in the army, had been 
by no means improved. The colonies planted in the conquered 
territory had given only temporary relief. After the burning of 
Borne by the Gauls, the plebeians sank deeper than ever into 
distress and poverty. Individual tribunes attempted from time 
to time to revive the law of Cassius, and some of the patricians, 
like Manlius, attempted to remedy the social distress, but without 
avaiL But few plebeians had been elected to any of the higher 
magistracies open to them. If, under circumstances of great 
excitement^ a plebeian was elected, the colleges of sacred lore 
might be called in to see if there were not some informality in 
the auspices which would annul the election. Besides, the poor 
plebeians felt little interest in advancing the plebeian nobility 
so long as their own distress was unrelieved. 

2. The Idcinian Laws (b. c. 366). — Under these cir- 
cumstances the plebeian nobles were convinced that the only 
way to. wring from the patricians the recognition of their claim 
to an equal share in the government, was to secure the co- 
operation of the poor plebeians by first introducing measures to 
relieye the social distress. For this purpose G. licinius Stolo * 

eamiMa eeniuriata or eomMa curkUa ; Lfvv, however, calls the asaemhly a amcUium 
popuA (LiT. tL 80, 11) ; was not this probahly the assembly of the paires gentium patri- 
darwnf See p. SO, n. 8. 

* lAry (▼!. 84), after relathig the apathy into which the plehefans had sunk, introdnces 
tiie foUowiog Incident as the caoHe or the reform. The two danjErhters of M. Fabias Am- 
bnstiiB had been married, the elder to the oatrician, Scrvias Sulpicius, the younger to 
the plebeian, O. Lfcinlne Stolo. It happened that the two sisters, the Fabue, were one 
day sitting io conyeraation in the honse of Solpiclus, who at that time was consolar 
irionoe, and » li^r of Snlpicios, whoQ be returned m>n) the forum, rapped ae usaal 


■ - ._. — 

and Lucius Sextius, tribunes of the people, brought before the 
plebeian assembly of tribes two measures for relieving the dis- 
tress of the poor and one to advance the claims of the plebeian 
nobility. These were the celebrated licinio-Sextian rogationa. 
They enacted : 

1. That the interest already paid on borrowed money should 
be deducted from the principal, and the balance paid in three 
yearly instalments. ^ 

2. That no person should possess more than five hundred 
jugera of the public land.' 

3. That in future, consuls and not military tribunes shouM 
be elected, and one of the two consuls must be a plebeian^^ '^ 

3. The OflBce of Praetor Created. — ^The struggle for these 
reforms lasted ten years.^ The senate impeded the measures 
by making use of the veto of some one of the tribunes. Thea 
Licinius and Sextius prevented the electioQ of all patrician 
magistrates. In order to overcome the people the aged GamiUus 
was appointed dictator. All, however, was in vain. The ple- 
beians even increased their demands by asking admission into 
the priestly coUeges, the sacred citadel of patrician exclusiveness.' 

vrlth hiR/ffMor loudlr on tho door, to annoance the arrival of bifi master. Frlffhtened 
at the DoiM, which itne wan anacciutomed to, the younger cister ntarted, and excited the 
mirth and derision of tlie elder, who informed her of the caafic of the noiiie. Wounded 
in her pride and bumbled that Hhe, the wife of a plebeian, was to forego the pomp and 
honor of otBcial rank, she rented not till she had inntigatod her father, as well as her hm^ 
band, to change the order of things in Borne, and to oring about a reform by wliieb tvhe 
would be able to nhow hernelf equal to the noblent matrons.— ThiH »torT does not stand 
examination. How could the daughter of M. Fabins Ambnstns, who hlmBetf had been 
consular tribune four years before, nave been frightened at the knocking of the lictor at 
the house^oor, or have felt herMclf degraded oy marrying a man wnoee family had 
already held tho chief magistracy in the state, and who could expect the same dietinction 
for himself f The stocj is one of that class by which the vulgar attempt to discover the 
cauMc of great events in trivial or accidental circumstances. It Is characteristic of the 
ancient historians that this absurd story is repeated by Livy and his successors without 
the least hesitation, as if it were perfectly authenticated.— /aa«*« IRU.^ vol. i., p. SIS. 

* Ut dedueto eo de eajiUo, quod ugunt pemumeratum enet, id. quod wpertamt^ ft-i- 
ennU> ceguU parttorMnu wrtoCveretur : it was probably intended that only the amount 
of interest in excess of the l^^l interest shonki be deducted from the principal. 

' Ne mtis phu quinoentaiugera agri posHderei. This article also contained provision 
m regard to the number of cattle which each could feed upon the public pastures (100 
head of large and 600 of small), and also that the number of free men which each em- 
ployed upon his farm should be proportioned to the number of slaves. 

* Ne (rUfunorvm miiUum comitiafiertnty coiutUumque vtique alter ex pUbe erea r etur . 

* Only the itrst article fell within the jurisdiction of the plebeian assembly of tribcM • 
the other, which pertained to the tmomum, belonged to the eomitia cerUuriata, and 
before it could become a law required the sanction of the patrum attctorUae and then 
the ratification of the oomitia curuita. 

* That the care of Sibylline books should he taken from the two patricians and 6n> 
trusted to ten men composed equally of patridans and plebeians. 


The bill was at last carried, and Lucius Sextius was elected the 
first plebeian consuL The patricians attempted even then to 
nullify the election. The plebeians threatened another secession. 
Then the aged Camillus saw it was too late, and came forward 
as a mediator and peace-maker. A compromise was effected. 
The consular imperium was limited, under the pretext that the 
nobility alone could declare the law and preside at the tribunal, 
by conferring its judicial duties on a new patrician magistrate 
called prsetor.^ Then the election was ratified and the plebe- 
ians were admitted to the highest honors of the state. Hence- 
forth the word pcpulus had a new import ; it embraced the 
citizens of both orders. The long struggle between the orders 
would have ended here, had there not been some among the 
patricians who could not regard their defeat as decisive, and 
hence sought to regain their privileges. For the present, how- 
ever, there was peace, and Camillus commemorated tlie close of 
the long era of civil strife by dedicating a temple to Concord 
and by adding a fourth day to the great Boman games. 

4. Furthar Progress of the Plebeians-^The patricians 
still retained certain exclusive privileges, but the plebeians 
were finally admitted to these — to the dictatorship in b. c. ' 
356, to the 'Censorship in b. c. 351, to the praetorship in 
B. c. 337. By the Ognlnian law in b. c. 300 the number of 
pontiffs was increased irom five to eight, and that of the 
augurs from six to nine, and it was enacted that four pontiffs 
and five augurs should be taken from the plebeians.^ The ad- 
mission of the plebeians to the sacred colleges was necessary in 
order that they might be free from patrician influence in taking 
the auspices and performing the sacrifices for the state.^ 

*■ The pnelor wm attended by eixJictors ; the namber of pnetors wa^ fioon increttned 
to two, TU.: the prcetor wifonug^ who adminiHtered the law between citizenti, and the 
pr(Etor jmgrinus took charge of all canes In which foreigners were concerned. 
Another conoemion to the patrldana wan that two new niagintratCH called ajrule 
atfiUeM to dieitingaish tbem from the plebeian 8edilef« were apix>inted to BUijerintcnd the 
public same ; bat the office wan roon o\v&n to pIcbeianH. 

■ The religioiis privileges of the patricians that had no political importance were not 
• interfered with, ouch as cxclatdve eligibility to the office of the three huprcnie Jfwninfs^ 
that of rex saerorum^ and the guildn of Salii ; nee pp. 86, 87. 

* * Henceforth it was to no parpoee that a patrician augur detected secret flawK in the 
ausipides, and that the patrician censor did not permit \n^ colleague to pre^^ent the nolemn 
><acrifice with which the cenAun cloned. It became the custom also for the {Mttriclan preni- 
dents of the senate {prin4xp<ii aenatus)^ not the patrician niembcr8, but those who had at' 
tatned to the con«iab>hip,i>netorahip, and curule aedileship to give their oninlon In order 
and without distinction or clas8, while the t<enators who had held none of Xhaee offlcen otUl 
even now took part merely in the diviidon (iee also p. 88, n. 8). 





1. The Licinian laws had bronght abont political equaliiy. 
A certain reaction set in. The patricians once more thwarted 
the claims of the plebeians^ and elected both consuls from their 
own order.* This produced violent discontent The patricians 
sought to pacify it by concessions. The Jute of interest estab- 
lished by the Twelve Tables was not only renewed, but in B. a 
347 was reduced to five per cent. The dictatorship and censor- 
ship were opened to the plebeians. 

2. The Mntiny of B. C. 342.~Still the state of affwrs was 
unsettled and discontent widespread. In the year B.c. 342, when 
the army waa wintering in Campania, it broke forth.' The con- 
suls perceived the danger and tried to avert it by granting fur- 
loughs. The army mutinied and marched to Borne. The gov- 
ernment had to jrield. The Licinian laws were re-established. 

It was further agreed — 

1. That both consuls might be plebeians.* 

2. That no Roman soldier when in actual service should be 
discharged from the army without his consent* 

3. That no one should be re-elected to the same magistracy 
within ten years.* 

4. All interest on loans was abolished.* 

3. The Publilian Laws (b.g. 339).— Still there was a 
strong party among the nobility, which was constantly at- 

1 The conmlAT FcuH for fonrteen yean (868-880), show ihe names of twenty-one 
patridanK and onlv seven plebeians. 

* UHque lioereteongules umbos pUbdoe creari.—lAv, tU. 4S. 

* Ne cmjut miUU» »cripti nomen fdH ^>90 volente dtleretw.—lAv. tU. 41. 

* Ne ovU eundem magUtratum i$Ura deeem cmnot caperet neu €hio$ magUinUtia amto 
fferer€.—iAy. vil. 42. 

* This is the 80-<»Uled pkbUteiium Oenueivntf and was carried during this vear.— Liv. 
Til. 43. It is hardly to be snpuoped that the intontion of this law was to aboluth intere:*! 
altogether. The Intention probably was to forbid an illc^ rate of interest ; tills Tlew is 
rapported by the prooeedlnffs when the pnetor Asellto rerived the law (p. MO) ; 
LORffe, 1, Q« yQ)i U. p. 38 ; torlbne^e yiew, see bis history, yol, i p. 84S, 


tempting to regain its former power. The senate managed the 
new acquisitions of land not according to the licinian laws, bat 
according to its own interests. The patricians still possessed 
the right to nullify the action of the people by refusing their 
sanction to the resolutions carried in the camitiiu Under these 
circumstances the dictator^ Q. Publilius Philo^ in the year B. c. 
339, proposed three laws which stand in close connection with 
the reTolt of b. g. 342, and which were intended to abridge still 
further the privileges of the patricians.^ It was enacted : 

1. That the resolutions carried in the plebeian assembly of 
tribes should be binding on all the people.' 

2. That all laws passed in the comitia centuriaia should re- 
oeiye previously the sanction of the patrum auctoritas^ 

3. That one of the two censors must be a plebeian.^ 

4. ChangOB in the OomititalAon.— The first law is but a 
re-enactment of the Valerio-Horatian laws of B. a 449. The 
patricians had from time to time prevented the law from being 
carried into effect, and succeeding in this, had finaUy ques- 
tioned the validity of the law itself. Hence its re-enactment. 
The second law, by requiring the previous sanction of patrum 
ttuetaritas to the action of the assembly of centuries, effectually 
abolished the veto power of the patricians over legislation.' 
7%« third law secured to the plebeians a share in one of the 
most important offices of the state.' This was an important 
gain for the plebeians, for it gave them a voice in determining 

^ Utrj (Till. IS) characterizes them as teevndissimas pleU, adtenag nodilUaH. 

* Ul plMseUa omnss Qulriteg tenerent.^JAy. Tifl. 18. MommHen (ROm. Forch, p. 900) 
thinks ttiat thi» claose, as well aa that in the Valerio-Horatian laws, applied to mcaHures 
tarried in the eomUia trUmta : and the Hortensian law, to thorn carried In the ofmeUhiin 
pUbi$. Tlifo Mippofnitlon involves a very material emendation of the text of Livy, with- 
oat which it is onsupported. 

* VtkgumqwB oomUUs oenturkOit ferrentur anU InUum m/jftagkum pairet auctorea 
fkrmi.—JAv. vlil. 12. 

« Z/l otter uiiqw ex plebe cum eo {venium tU)^ ut utrwngue pleb^um {consuiem) Jleri 
Secret, eeneor enaretitr.—JAyj^ vill. 12. 

* The rerailt of thiis law was to transfer the control over lefflslation from the patricians 
to the nobility,, from the eoneiMum patrwnfamUias genuvm patrMantm^ which be- 
■towed the patrum auctoritas opon the senate (to the tenatwi conmltvm which preceded 
the rotations), which henceforth exercisod XhepcUrum avetoritm, A» this was an impor- 
tant cSanice of the oonstitation, ft needed the sanction of the patrum auetorltae^ which it 
could never have secared had it not been felt that the new nobility in the Initiative of the 
senate and the magif<trate (the sanction of the patrum auctontM for the election of 
mafcistrates wae not repealed) still held control over leglnlation. 

* As thiM law only related to the een»9rla poteaUvt and not to the imperiwn^ it did not 
leqaiie the oonllnuatton of the peUrum auaorUae or any change In the kr curiata de 


who should be senators and equites, and prerented the patri- 
cians from managing the proletarians and freedmen in the in- 
terests of their own order. 

5. The Hoztemdan IiawB. — ^After the sncoessful concln- 
sion of the tliird Samnite war, the nobility attempted to draw 
the reins of government a little firmer, as they felt secure in 
their power. In consequence of the tribute of B.C. 293 and the 
})estilence which continued for several years, the plebeians ^ fell 
into debt again, and the conflict between the nobility and ple- 
beians, between the rich and poor, was renewed with its old 
fierceness. The tribune proposed a law* for the relief of the 
poor debtor, which led to a violent contest between the senate, 
as the organ of the nobility, and the people. This caused the 
people to secede once more — this time to the Janiculus — and 
they were not induced to return until the proposals of the dic- 
tator, Q. Hortensius, were adopted (about B. c. 286). Besides 
amnesty and relief from their present indebtedness, the dicta- 
tor carried the following laws : 

1. That the resolutions of the plebeians should be binding 
on all the Quiritcs. 

2. That all laws passed in the concilia plebts should receive 
previously the sanction of the pcUrum auctoritas? 

3. That the concilia plebis, like the comitia centuriatOf could 
not meet on market days.^ 

6. Further Changes in the Conetitation.— The first law 
seems to be only a re-enactment of a measure already twice 
guaranteed. We must consider, however, that the senate was 
in no way bound to execute the measures carried in the ple- 
beian assembly, and that it had just failed to execute a law for 
the relief of the debtor class.' The second provision defined 

^ Mfna pUb$, * De mrt aHeno. 

* TnlB law placed the reeolatlons of the people on the Hame level as tbone carried In 
the oomitia eenturiata ; from th\» time the legisiaUve ])owert» of the eoncUimnj^ebis were 
recognized ; floe note 9, page 83. 

* Ut nundincB/agtcB e9»erU. With the BoroanH the dars on which thajpreetor conld ad- 
minister iimtice or the pahlic awemblic^ meet, were called dietfasti. Tne wmUia conid 
be held, nowever. only on a certain namber of thene day^, called fiiee oonUUalM ; thei« 
were 1S4 in namoer. /Mm n«fwU were days when neither the court? of JOMtlce nor tlie 
comUia were allowed to be held. By the to; BorieMUik the nundind^ became /octt fiom 

* D«<ereatUno, 


more clearly the measures to which the veto of the senate was 
applicable.^ The third clause gave the nobility an indirect 
control over legislation in the plebeian assembly by making it 
illegal to transact business on the nundinw or market-days. On 
these days the plebeians came in large numbers to the city, and 
the assembly was likely to be fully attended. Since the nobility 
had control of the calendar, they could postpone action on 
any measure proposed in this assembly injurious to their inter- 
ests by declaring the day on which the concilium met to be a 
holiday (Jeriai), and therefore illegal for transacting business.^ 


chapter xiv. 

The People and the Government. — The Rise of tub 

New Nobhjty. 

1. The passage of these laws ended the long struggle between 
the two orders.* The extension of Boman sovereignty over 
Italy and the colonies which she planted to secure that power, 
improved the condition of the middle class. The increase of 
the indirect revenue rendered it seldom necessary to impose 
direct taxes. The wealth which began to centre in Rome, 
through war and commerce, reduced the rate of interest The old 
disputes and political agitations gradually died out. A new era 

^ Tha t tt did not entirely abolieh the veto power of the senate L«) known from the fact 
tiiat Bemal decrees of the people, highly dlragreeable to the senate, were annnlled, where 
no Mhire in the anspioen haa occarreo. The law relates especially to measareB that re- 
vuredfor their ezecntion the co-oiieration of the senate, although carried in direct oppo- 
ntion to it It can be raid, then, that the lex PiMiHa gave thepeojple a veto power over 
toe decieee of the senate— a negative power over its action. The (ex HortenHa declared 
uAt resolutions of the people in relation to administrative raeafinres. carried in direct op- 
irantioii to the senate, nad the force of law and must he executed, tliat no law pawned in 
^PP^[2S^^ to the t>enate wao carried into execution until the agrarian law of FlamiiiiuH, 
'^i^^* «ii i» owing to the fact that the trlbnnes, without directly neglecting the Intero^ttf 
V*Sf**P^«» were under the control of tlie nobility. 
Upa nobility oonid also anunl a measiire by declaring that it was adopted on a day 
^"^ it WM illegal frir the coneiHvm to meet, nine (1. c. vol. i. p. 448), Nicbnhr (Som. 
j^-i vol. Hi., p. 4S0\ and Arnold (1. c. vol. II, p. 377), a^imme that the movement which 
>^ to the ^ HortenHa was connected with the agrarian law of Mania!« Cnrlus, the con- 
queror oT the Saranitea. 

Abogt thifl time the pUbif>cUvm Manium wa«i carried, which compelled the natricians 
to gire their sanction to the election of magistrates beforehand, as they already nad to do 
TO wgiKlation, i. *. the eonciiium patrttm familias gentiwn pafric. must, before the eleo* 
*i?^ Snrnt the jNtfrum auctoritmt which empowcrra the candidate, in case of election by 
^^ P^le, to lay the tor cufUUa de imperto before the comitia curiata for their approval, 



began. The eqnality it is true was only formal. A new no- 
bility arose. The rich plebeians^ after the Ganuleian law legal- 
ized intermarriage, raised themselyes above their feUow-plebeian& 
It was no longer the plebeians, but the common people, that 
were treated as an inferior class. The old nobility melted 
away. A new nobility, founded on office and wealth, sprang 
from it. The germs of a new aristocracy and a new democracy 
were formed ; but for the present all contest was suspended. 
The glorious victories and their grand results silenced faction. 

2. The Popular Assemblies.— The result of the long 
struggle had changed considerably the relation of the assemblies 
to each other and to the senate. The cofnitia ceniuriata, with 
their system of auspices and complicated classification, still re- 
tained the right to vote on a declaration^- of war and to elect the 
higher magistrates, but were superseded for legislative purposes 
by the coniitia tributa. To the latter was assigned the election 
of all the newly established magistrates except the censor and 
praetor, and it even assumed functions legally belonging to the 
comitia centuriatay and in course of time questions involving 
peace and war came before it. The decisions in this assembly fell 
more and more to the four city tribes because the vast extension 
of Boman territory had so increased the number of tribes that 
it WHS impossible for them to act in concert, especially since the 
rights of initiation and of discussion were not allowed.^ The con- 
cilium tfibutum plebis had been placed, in regard to legislation, 
by the Hortensian law, on a footing of equality with the cami" 
tin centuricUcu As only plebeians could vote in this assembly, 
the patricians were excluded from taking a part in the enact- 
ment of some of the most important laws. 

3. The Composition of the Body of Citizens^ — Appius 
Claudius attempted to introduce a radical reform not only in 

* It most be remembered that thlft yot« of the people did not actnally declare war but 
rimply empowered the senate to declare and wage war. The actual declaration of war 
mast be made by the MiaiUt Ntnctloned by the patrum auctorUw. 

' The eamUia ceruuriata wa« oi^nized originally for military parposes ^ee p. 23). 
The annali8t8 represent the Roman army as comported mostly of plebeians. In tfie &«- 
eembly of centnrieB, for political parpones, the patricians (or later the nobility) on the 
contrary had a decided majority ; for they were Kufficicntly strong to carry the electioiifl. 
This Bhnws tliat the oomttia centurkUa had l)ecome a mere political organintion and that 
the army wa» fonncd on a different banis. When this cuange took place none of tlw 
original aufchoritieD tell un ; uee pp. 83 and 51, note 5. 


the plebeian afisembly of tribes, bnt in the other assemblies as 
well. Hitherto only freeholders ^ could be members of the 
ooantry tribes,^ while in the dty tribes' not only tradesmen and 
artiaanSy but the clients and freedmen had been enrolled* For- 
merly the freedmen had constitated an unimportant part of the 
population, but after the conquest of Veji the number of slaves 
had largely increased, and, as manumission was frequent, the 
number of freedmen became very numerous. When Bome be- 
came the capital of Latium it was a centre to which more and 
more tradesmen, artisans, and adventurers flocked. Although 
enrolled in the tribes, they were excluded from the classes and 
from military service. They enjoyed all the private rights but 
none of the political privileges of Soman citizens* 

4. The Imiovation of Appius dandiiis.— This class 
began to show symptoms of discontent, and Appius Claudius, 
regarding them as a real danger to the state, or to increase his 
own influence, as censor enrolled them in any tribe they wished. 
The result was that not only the concilium trihitum plebis but 
the comitia tributa and the comitia centuriaia, since the freed- 
men who possessed landed property were admitted to the classes^ 
were rendered more democratic than ever. This arrangement, 
however, was reversed by the censors, Fabius and Decius (b. o. 
304), who confined this class to the four city tribes. Still great 
powers had been committed to the assembly of tribes. How easy 
was it for the demagogues to avail themselves of this favorable 
state of things to carry laws for grants of land, for distribution 
of money or reduction of debt No effort, however, was made 
in this direction for the present. The danger was afar off. The 
republican spirit and love of country were too strong. For the 
present all parties united in bringing to a successful issue that 
c*areer of conquest on which Bome had now embarked. During 
this period the public assemblies were only the means which 
the nobility used to govern the commonwealth. 

5. The Weakening of the Consnlar Powers. — At 
the beginning of the struggle the consul was the chief magis- 

' AnktuL * TYUm rusUea. • Tiidw urbimau 


^^ ■ ^__ • ^ 

trate in fche state. At the end of the contest his powers had 
been so weakened that the most important functions — ^the ad- 
ministration of justice, the election of senators and equitesy the 
classification of citizens, the taking of the census, and the 
management of the finances — ^were transferred to others. For- 
merly the consuls, although everywhere co-ordinate, divided 
between themselves their different spheres of duty.^ Now it 
was usual for the senate to define annually the provinces, and, 
in case of extremity, it could suspend the consuls by appointing 
a dictator. 

7. The Senate; its Composition. —The senate practi- 
cally governed the Roman republic. It still consisted of three 
hundred members who held oflBce for life unless deprived of it 
by the censors. At first all vacancies were filled by the con- 
sul; but by the Ovinian law (about B. c. 351) the power was 
transfeired to the censors. This law enacted that every one 
who had been consul, prastor, or curule-sedile,* was entitled to a 
seat in the senate. These were not enough to keep the senate 
up to its full number, and hence the censor could elect those 
who had not held office. The senate, as the centre of the noble 
houses, controlled the elections, and really took the reins of 

» ProtfineUB, 

* By the pMdscUum Aanum^ b. c. 904, thom who had been trihanos were entitled to 
a seat in the fienate (qneHtors were not included until the time of Sulla). It muKt be 
remembered that althou^ thene ez-roagistrates were admitted to the senate on the expi- 
ration of their term of office, they were not actual nenatont. only having the Ju# 9ent/ntia 
dieenda^ until the next Udio senatwt took place. The inngnia of the t*enatorB who had 
held a cnrule office (sencUores moQifttraiibuf atrulibus funea) were the tunica kUidaria 
and tmiUeut, The eenatore who had not held a curalo office were styled tenatoru pedarii 
because they assented to the opinions of the connUare/t^ prcBtarUy ote., and when toe divi- 
sion wat) taxen voted with their feet (pedUnu in fientmtiam ire). The order in which tbe 
senatorR ranked was, oonauktretf. praUorii^ cedilldi^ tri^nieilj gvijestorii and adlicH (thn«e 
who had never held any office which entitled them to admission to tbe senate). From the 
oldest oonsularei the princeps senatm was selected by the censor. The senators had f>cat0 
reserved for them in that part of the theatre called the an^Uftra^ also at the celebrations 
of the publicgames. The senate could only meet in a place consecrated by the augnn: (or 
Ump^um). The ordinary place of meeting for many centuries was the curia NoffiHa 
(until B. c. 216), erected on the north side of tbe eomitium on a {tart of the Vnlconal. 
Later the senate had many other places of meeting, a« the temple of Apollo, Jupiter Capi- 
tolinns, Bellona, in the magniflcent Ouria Julia and others. The magistrates who had 
a right to summon the senate were the coMuly int^rrex {prctfeHug vrftMK dictator, mo^- 
ter equitum^ deeemviri, consular tribunes, picftxn vrlKtnug (after b. o. SOft), and ttie trib- 
unes of the plebs (about b. c. 21(1). In the earliest times the senatx>rs assembled on tbe 
area Vuicani and were summoned by a prctco^ or hendd ; in later times public notice was 
posted up a few days before.hand. It depended wholly upon the presiding magistrate 
what business he would lay before the senate ireferrt). The senators, in speaking, conid 
express their opinion on other subjects ; Cato always added, at the conclusion of his 
opinion, eeUnim cenwo Carthagififtn ejftie delendnm; when the final vote was taken the 
senators separalcd and .* tood on different sides of the house {ditceesio). 


public a£EairB into its own hands. Even the tribunes of the 
people bowed to its authority. The noble houses in the senate 
could control l^slation, since no measure adopted by the peo- 
ple could become a law unless they sanctioned it. In fact, in 
regard to war and peace, the management of the finances and 
the control of the public land, all depended upon the senate. 
The senate issued instructions to the consuls, assigned the 
provinces,* fixed the number of troops, provided supplies, and 
voted or withheld the triumph. 

8. The Senate a Consiiltative Body.— Still it must be 
remembered that the original and legal powers of the senate ^ 
were to advise and not to command; that it could exercise the 
functions of government only so far as the magistrate volun- 
tarily submitted to its authority. It had no means of enforcing 
submission except by appointing a dictator, and this was only 
possible when one of the consuls lent his aid. Still so long as 
it governed with wisdom and moderation it kept its place at 
the head of the state. 

9. The Arlefeocratic Character of the Govermnent— 
Bome was a complete aristocracy and wielded that concec trated 
force which springs from an aristocracy. The upper classes 
were reinforced and reinvigorated by the infusion of new 
blood from rich plebeian families. The exclusive aristocracy 
of birth had been broken down ; the aristocracy of wealth 
took its place and wielded an overwhelming influence. A 
stable centre for that influence was provided in the senate,' 
whose great powers gave it a preponderating weight during the 
long career of military conflicts on which Bome had now 
embarked. The time came at last, however, when the senate 
had to abdicate. The empire became too large even for that, 
and the nobility, thoroughly corrupt and selfish, used its great 
powers for their own advantage ; then the monarchy stepped 
in and transformed the freedom of the few, which had become 
a sham and nuisance, into an equal slavery for all.* '^— 

' The pmmhieiioe of the senate at Bome Ifl indicated hy the official designation of the 
Roman gnremmtmi, 8. P. Q, S,, i. e, SencUw popuiusque QuirUet SomanaSt thi tenaU 
tmd Bomofi people. 

* Uuu^ 1. e. vol. i., p. 451 * See p. ISS, n. 8. 

Races In Italy. 

Tl&e Itatlns. 


Itatin Cantons. 

lieagne ot tl&e 

liAtin Cities. 

Foundation ot 

B.C 753. 




Orlfrln of tlie 


The SETTLEMEin' of the Latins. 

In Italy proper (see p. io8» n. i) there were three races, 
viz., Etruscan, lapygian, and Italian, all of which were 
probably (certainly the last two) of the Indo-European 
stock. Of the different branches of the Italian race, the 
Latins were historically the most important. They set- 
tled in the plain between the Alban hills and the sea; 
they had before their entrance into Italy attained to a con- 
siderable degree of civilization — had laid the foundation 
of their social and civil constitution. The households 
(zfici or pagi) were united by ties of blood or by nearness 
of locality into clans, and the householders* dwellings 
formed the clan-villages, which were united, and all 
formed a canton. Each canton had a common centre, 
where justice was administered and the markets were 
held. Around this central town, which was always 
situated on an elevated and easily defensible position, 
suburbs grew up, which formed the nucleus of the early 
Latin towns. The different Latin cantons ynited into a 
league, with Alba Longa at their head, known as the 
league of the thirty Latin cities. 

One of these cantons, the Roman, with its capitsJ, 
Rome, situated on one of the hills on the Tiber about 
18 miles from its mouth, was destined to be the most 
eminent. The Ramnians, or Romans, as they were 
afterwards called, were not the only dwellers on these 
hills, but two other cantons were here, that of the Titles 
and that of the Luceres ; these three united for mutual 
protection and formed the Roman commonwealth. The 
government of these three cantons after the anion 
was like that of all the other Latin cantons. All the 
heads of families were citizens, and were politically on 
a footing of equality. They chose the king, or leader 
in war, who held his office for life, and he nominated a 
council of elders, called the senate, and all the citizens 
met at his bidding in a public assembly called comitia 
curiata to enact laws or give their assent to war or peace. 
The citizens or householders were divided into 3 tribes, 
each tribe into 10 curiae, each curia into 10 gentes^ and 
each gens in theory into 10 households ; therefore 300 
gentes^ or 30 curix, or 3000 households formed the pop- 
ulus, civitas, or community. Every household had to 
furnish one foot-soldicr, and each gens a horseman and 
senator. The army thus consisted of 3000 foot-soldiers 
and 300 cavalry ; the senate of 300 members. 

The union of these three cantons gave the people a 
great superiority over the isolated cities of Latium, and 
one after another was subdued, and in some cases de- 




stzojed, and the people moved to Rome. These peo- 
ple (plebeians, as they were called) were entirely without 
political rights. Their efforts to obtain a share in the 
government led first to the reform of Tarquinius Priscus 
and then to that of S. TuUius, by which wealth and not 
birth was made the basis for the taxes and military ser- 
vice. This was a very important change. Hitherto the 
king, as high priest, had been all-powerful ; now the 
military and civil power, which gave Rome a superiority 
over the Latin cities, became predominant. The terri- 
tory was divided into four trib^ or wards, and the pop- 
ulation that possessed land into five classes, and these 
classes into 193 centuries, which formed the comitia cen- 
turiata^ as the people were called when summoned in^ 
military order on the Campus MarHus by the king. 

Tlte power of the king was carefully limited, and when, 
therefore, one of the kings, called Tarquinius Superbus, 
oppressed the members of the great houses and de- 
manded more than was right from them, they rose in 
rebellion and expelled him from the throne. Hence- 
forth, instead of entrusting the supreme power to one 
of their number for life, they determined to exercise it 
themselves in turn. According to tradition there were 
eight kings, but their history is almost feibulons. Regal 
period ended B. c. 509. 

Sad or «]&• 

B.C. 509. 

Ho. o# Kings. 

Cnuurnetor of 



Supposed Chronology op the Kings. 

Romulus and Titus Tatius, B..C. 753-716; one year 
interregnum ; Numa Pompilius, 715-676 ; two years 
interregnum ; Tullius Hostilius, 674-642 ; Ancus Mar- 
tins, 6^h6i8 ; L. Tarquinius Priscus, 618-578 ; Servius 
Tullius, 578-534 ; Tarquinius Superbus, 534-509. 


The groundwork of the religions of the Romans and the 
Greeks was substantially the same. Both nations wor- 
shipped the powers of nature — the sun and moon, the 
earth and sky« water and air, light, darkness, health and 
sickness, were all objects of special worship. Most other 
nations invested their gods with human passions* and 
worked out a system of genealogy, but the Romans 
regarded their gods as spiritual beings. They told no 
myths or stories about their gods before their contact \ 
with the Greeks. In fact, the Romans were little in- 
clined to enter into speculations concerning their gods, 
but they were very solicitous to perform the practical 
part — the praj^rs, vows, offerings, and ceremonies — 
this was their religion.^ It had little to do with a spir- 

* Hie woid nUgfon oomet from tho same root as ofttfMtfon ; obligation denotes the 
Kfriee dnc from one person to another; religion the servioe that man pwes the gods for 
the protection they give. 



M^flMgof the 


Tlk« Four 
8«ier«d Colle^fes. 

T1i« A«aplel««. 

ni«lr Abase. 

Vhe Anavrerto 
tlie Annn a 
Simple Yea or 

Vhe Roman 



State Relifftoit. 

itual life, with morality, with right-doingp with the con- 
science. It simply demanded the performance of certain 
services to the gods, and this entitled the Roman to an 
eoiiivalent-— general protection and assistance. 

No enterprise was ever undertaken, either in public 
or private life, without first consulting the will of the 
gods. No battle could be fought, no war declared, no 
act of any kind performed, until the assent of the gtxls 
had been obtained. Unlucky omens did not, however, 
deter the Roman from undertaking any enterprise ; he 
simply repeated the process of divination until favora- 
ble signs appeared. For these reasons the observances 
of their religion became very numerous, and the least 
oversight or mistake in one of these might draw down 
the anger of the gods. Hence it was necessary to have 
men thoroughly versed in the divine rites, that the cere- 
monial might be performed with scrupulous accuracy. 
For this purpose four sacred colleges were established ; 

Sontiffs, augurs, fetiales, and later the keepers of the 
ibylline books. The head of every family was a priest ; 
every house, ^/mr, curia, tribe, and finally the state, had 
its own sanctuaiT. The augurs assisted the magistrate 
when he wished to consult the will of the gods, i.e., 
take the auspicies; the augur simply interpreted the 
signs, and if he announced signs that he did not see, 
the magistrate was justified in acting as if he really had 
seen them. This gave the augurs great power, ana they 
soon began to use it for political purposes, and an- 
nounced favorable or unfavorable auspicies as the in- 
terest of their party demanded. In this way elections 
were annulled, laws rejected, and consuls recalled. 
On this point the internal history of the republic for 
many centuries turned, for the argument of the patricians 
was that the plebeians could not take the auspicies, 
and therefore could not hold the highest magistracy. 

The gods declared to the augur their simple appro- 
bation or disapprobation of the enterprise concerning 
which they were consulted. When the gods signified 
that the undertaking was acceptable to them they gave 
no directions, neither did they guarantee success ; ail 
was left to the discretion of men. 

The authority of the Roman gods extended no fur- 
ther than the slate. Their religion was strictly national, 
and no god outside of the state could claim worship. 
It was a duty to worship the national deities, and trea- 
son of the worst kind to pay homage to foreign gods until 
their worship had been permitted by a public resolution. 

In the temple of Vesta was the symbolic hearth for 
the whole state. The state worshipped Jupiter, Mars, 
and Quirinus, and the enlarged state Jupiter, Juno, and 
Minerva, in the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, while the 
Romans and their allies united in worship in the tem- 
ple of Diana on the Aventine« 





mt WLm 

The Establishment of the Republio. 
The Internal History. 

For several hundred years after the establishment of 
the republic the history of the Roman state is little more 
than (i) a struggle between the rich and poor ; (2) a con- 
test of the plebeians for equality of rights with the pairi- 
cians ; (3) an effort to limit the power of the patrician 
consul, for the plebeians as jet had no share in the 
government, and they were often badly treated by the 

Laws Carried to Alleviate the Condition 

or THE Poor. b.c. 

Old Debts were Oanoelled (p. 58) , 494 

Tlie Agraiian Xiaw of Spurios OtmBixu (p. 62). . 486 
The XJoinio-SezUan Xaw (p. 80, s. i and s. 2). . . . 366 

The Bate of Intevest was limited in B. c. 351 
to 10 per cent, and reduced in B. c. 344 to 5 per ' 
cent. In B. a 349 a commission was appointee! to 
make advances from the state treasury to needy 
persons who could give security. 

ThB Xi^pbdation of B. O. 342 forbade illegal 
rate of interest 

Tlie yariooB Colonies planted to secure Ro- 
man sovereignty in Italy improved the condition 
of the middle class. 

Laws Passed to Establish Political Equauty 
between the patricians and plebeians. 

Plebeian Tribunes appointed 494 

The loiUan Iiaw (p. 59) 493 

The Agrarian of d. Oassius (p. 62) 486 

Tlie PubiUian Iiaw of Volero (p. 63) 471 - 

The number of Tribunes increased to ten (p. 66). 457 

The TerentUian Xiaw (p. 65). 454 

The Icilian I<aw (p. 66) 454 

The Valerio-Horatian Xawb (p. 70, s. 3) 449 

Tlie Oanulean Lawn (p. 72) 445 

Military Tribunes, "with consular powers" (p. 72) 44 5 

Seztio-Lioinian Iaw (p. 80, s. 3) 366 

Tlie Publilian Law (p. 83, s. i and s. 2) 339 

Tlie Ogulnean Law (p. 81) 300 

The Hortentian Law (p. 84, s. i and s. 2) 286 

These laws established complete equality between the 
two orders. 

Laws Carried to Limtt the Power of the 
Chief Magistrate. 

Valerian Laws (p. 53, «• 3)- 509 

Tlie Law of the Twelve Tables (p. 67) 450 

QoflBStora appointed (p. 71) 447 

Oenaon appointed (p. 73) 445 

Pr«ton appob&ted (p. 80) 366 



Regal P«riodf 

B.C. 753-509. 

"Wam of the 



The Extirnal History. 

The Romans carried on an incessant warfare with the 
neighboring tribes — ^the Sabines, iGquians, Volscians, 
Ruiulians. Before the close of the regal period Rome 
had acquired the leadership in Latium, but after the 
expulsion of the king, one tribe after another broke 
away from their alliance or subjection to Rome (as the 
neighboring tribes had made their treaties with the king, 
they regarded themselves as released when the king 
was expelled), and she lost most of her territory and 
was reduced to her original limits. The annalists, how- 
ever, made these wars originate in the efforts of Tarquin 
to recover the throne — first the Etruscans of Veji and 
Tarquinii aided him, then Lars Porsenna of Clusium, 
and finally, the thirty Latin cities under the lead of 
Octavius Mamilius of Tusculum. For the next two 
hundred years Rome was engaged in recovering what 
she had lost : in most of these wars she managed to 
obtain the assistance of some other tribes — as the Latins 
and Hernicans, with whom Spurius Cassius formed 9 
league in b. c. 493. 

The most important of these wars was (i) that with 
the Vejentines (in which the Fabian house was destroyed) 
until the capture of Veji by Camillus in B. c. 396 ; 
(2) the Volscian war in which Coriolanus was the most 
distinguished figure ; (3) and the frequent wars with (he 
iEquians, celebrated for the legend of Cincinnatus. 
Rome .was interrupted in this career of conquest by the 
invasion of the Gauls ; they entered Italy on a plunder- 
ing expedition, defeated tliie Roman army on the river 
AUia, captured and plundered Rome. 

After the Gauls retired, Rome soon recovered her po- 
sition in Latium. The Tuscans who had assailed Veji 
were punished, and all Southern Etruria became subject 
to Rome ; four new tribes were formed from the terri. 
tory, and the fortresses of Sutrium (B. c. 383) and Ne. 
pete (B.C. 380) were established. The land of the Vol- 
scians and the iEquians was subjugated, the inhabitants 
were overawed, and Roman law and influence extended 
by a series of fortresses.* The most important of these 
were Satricum (b. c. 385) and Setia (b. c. 382). The 
whole Volscian district (the Pomptine Marshes) was dis- 
tributed in small farms (2 jugera) to the plebeian sol 
diers, and organized in a few years into tribes. Rome 
had now advanced as far as the Liris. Here she came in 
contact with the Samnites, the only nation in Italy pow- 
erful enough to contest with her for the mastery of Italy. 

tbe Catlns aud 

B. C. 493. 

Fabian House. 

Coriolanus and 
the AiqnlanSf 

B.C. 488. 


the iBqntanSy 

B.C. 458. 

Rouke Captured 
by the Oauls, 

B.C. 390. 


JBtrurla Subject 

to Aome* 


The District as 
far a« the I«l* 
rle Subject to 

* There were three clasoe** of coloniefl : I, those Latin coloDies foanded bv the Ronuuio- 
Latln Leafi^Qe before B.C. 493 ; II, those (alM called Lstin colonies) foanded oy the Lea^ni? 
of the Romans, the Latins, and the Hernlcans before b.o. 880 ; III, those founded br 
Rome after the closing; of the Lcasae in b.c. 880, which were either (1) Roman colonics 
with full riffhts, or (2) colonies wttn Latin rights (whether natfTO Romans or not). The 
lAtin colonlus toji^ther with the original Latins formed the nomen La^wn and stood to 
Borne as civUatst/oiUfxUaR. See p. 110 and n. 9, also i>. IIS and n. 7. 


The F1B8T Samnttb Wab (b. 0. 343-341).— Thb Revolt 
OF THE Latin League (b. c. 340-338). 

1. After the Oanls* had departed, Borne soon recoyered her 
former poeition in Latium. The Latin towns ^ which had ao- 
qidred a partial independence were subdued and compelled to 
submit The ^quians and Yolscians were driyen back, and 
the Romans soon extended their dominion to the Liris. Here 
they first came in contact with the Samnites^ who were then at 
the height of their power. 

2. The BainiiitaB, the principal branch of the Sabellian 
race, inhabited the lofty ridges of the Apennines. Thence in 
successive migrations they oyerran the plains at their feet 
The chief towns of Campania,' eyen including Capua and 
CumsB, fell into their hands. As no political tie bound them to 
their own country, they soon broke off all intercourse with the 
rude mountaineers of the Apennines. In the beautiful plains 
of Campania, surrounded by the comforts and luxuries of a 
refined life, they lost their old simplicity and brayery,' and finally 
so far forgot that they were descended from the Samnites 
of the mountains that the two races were sometimes engaged 
in hostilities with each other. It was a contest of this kind 
that gaye the Romans the pretext for crossing the Liris, and led 
to the war with the Samnites of the Apennines. 

*S«S**?*"'!2'**"^™^- , . • See colored map. No. 1. 

TM mignttonswere eonMCtod with the legendary cnstom of the tferffacrum or 
Mr/vtf fpKn^ In bad yean the Sabellians vowed fo Math {Mamen) the tenth of all that 
TO i»rn\n the warm of one vprinff. This custom J» a\m found among the Romans — 
u«r, xrii. 10. The migimtlonR to GaroDania took place In the regal period : those to the 
plahw of Utlnm earlier. See d. 12. •fl*««w ' 

ri» of UUqiq earlier. Seep. 18. *Seep.'n. 




Tills list of Um Lfttln cittos ft taken fhnn IHojBinB (t. (U). 8ehimri«r (BOm. Gesli. 
tt. WQ thinks with NIebahr that be obtained the list from the treaqr (3 b. c. 4M (we p. 
tt) ; others as Mommsen (ten. 882): and Ihne (Bom. Forsch. p. 88) think that It was 
made ap from a list of those places that were afterwards regarded as members of the 
Latin oonfederacr ; or by some annalist, from Tarioos sooroes. Tiiat the rerolt had 
nothing to do wltli the reatoiatUm of Tarqniniiie is tolerably certain ; see p. dl. 

B. C. 340.] THE FIBST 8 AMKITE W AB. 95 

3. The Cause of the War.— It happened that another 
Samnite migratioii issued from the mountains to the plains of 
Campania and threatened Teanam, a city of the Sidioini. Being 
nnablo to withstand the attack of the Samnites, the Sidicini ap- 
plied to the Campanians for assistance. This was readily granted, 
but even then the Samnites were victorioas, and having occupied 
Mt Tifata^ from which they issned as their stronghold, they 
defeated the Campanians as often as they appeared in the field.^ 
The latter^ in their distress, turned to the Bomans for assist- 
ance. The Romans had a few years before formed a treaty 
with the Samnites (b. o. 354), and therefore had no excuse for 
meddling in their a£Eair& This, howeyer, was of little conse- 
quence to Borne when she had an opportunity to extend her 
territory. War was declared and the Bomans seemed in a &ir 
way to gain possession of Campania, when an insurrection' in 
their own army and the threatening attitude of the Latins 
compelled them to pause ' and form a hasty treaty with the 

4. The Oreat Latin War^ (b.o. 840-338).— During the 
regal period Rome attained her position as head of the Latin 
league. Thus &r the Latins had fought on the side of Borne, 
and helped secure the victory. The conquered territory, how* 
ever, was not incorporated with the Latin league but with the 
Boman state." The manner in which Bome had subdued the 

' It fa not pTobftble that the Capiuiiie, as lAvj relates, offered to place Capua In tha 
hands of the Romans, becaiue it remained after the war an independent town. 
' SeepaseSa 

* Little b known of the details of this war, and still less of the terms of peace. Hm 
aceoant of the war hj lAwj (Tii. S9 IT.) Is filled with descr^tions of bloodj battles and 
haod-to-hand onnfllcttf, and all kinds of improbabilities. 

* LivT (vlU. S ff.) relates as a canse of tne war that the LaUns sent two pnetors, who 
were tticar chief magistrates, to Rome to demand a share in the government— Uiat one of 
the consols and hall of the senate shoold be Latins. The reauevt excited great indigna- 
tif>n at Bome. Hie senate met in the temple of Japiter Capitolinas. In Qie discuKf ion 
whi<A folionrad, the Latin pretor scorned the power of Jnplter CapItoHnns ; then an 
awfol peal of thander shook the temple, and as the praetor was leaving the temple he fell 
down ue steps and died. 

* The threatened revolt of the league in b.o. 884 cani«ed the Bomans to prevent any 
more dties from joining the league. Hitherto every city founded by Rome and Latium 
had enjoyed this right, out according to Latin usage the number of citicw havlnff the right 
to vote oould never exceed thirty ; the others were without this right. In Uiis way it 
happened that thirty cities bad the right to vote, but seventeen others had the prlvilese 
of participating in the Latin festival without the riirht of voting. The commnnitiea 
fonnded later, as Satrinm, Gales, dtc.. were not allowed to vote. Thiifi fixed the limits of 
Latium. So lone as the Latin confederacy had continued open, the boundH of Latiuiq 
advanced with tne founding of new cities. The later colonies not being entitled to vote 
ill the leagne were not regarded as belonging to Latitwi. See map No. 1. " 


96 THE FIB8T 6AMKITE WAR. [b. 0. 338. 

Latin towns after the Gallic inyasion had filled the liatins with 
discontent. The Creqaent acts of injastioe on the part of Rome 
increased, from year to year, this discontent The reyolt of the 
league might be expected at no distant day. The war with the 
Samnites was in progres& Borne seemed in a favorable way to 
acquire new territory. This she had no intention of sharing 
with her allies. Then the ferment broke out into open insur- 

The peoples, too, south of the Liris, had discovered the in- 
tention of Borne, and were prepared to fight for their inde- 

S. ni6 Battle of Mt VmuvIiib.— The danger was great 
The Latins alone were equal to the Bomans in courage and 
military experience. Against such a combination the Bomans 
looked about for aid, and even formed an alliance with their 
old' enemies, the Samnites. The Boman army, joined by the 
Samnites, entered Campania by a circuitous march through 
Samnium. The battle was fought near the foot of Mt Vesu- 
vius.' The Bomans and Samnites were victorious. The Latins 
could no longer keep the field, but, shut up in their fortified 
towns, they protracted the contest for nearly two years. Town 
after town, however, fell into the hands of the Bomans, and 
finally, on the capture of Antium (b.o. 338), the Latins laid 
down their arms. The Latin confederacy was dissolved, and all 

^ Bveiy Lftthi town 9XO&pt Lurnntimi Joined ttao IniiiiTeetton. 

■ It was in this war that the annaliotft told the etonr that the corun^. T. ManHna Tor- 
qnatos, ordered his own eon to he heheaded for engaging in sinfle combiU with Mettioi*, 
tne leader of the Tnscalan catalry, contrary to the orders of blB father. It is also re- 
lived Uiat the battle was Aeroe and lone undecided. The two connnls, who had been 
warned by a dream that rictory should oe with the army whoipe general would devote 
himitelf to death, had agreed that he wlioee legions first wavered in the battle should 
sacrifice liis life for hii« country. At length on the wing where the plebeten oonral 
Decius M us commanded, the Roman line ftD Into disofder. The moment had come, and 
the consol, cslling the pontiff, veiled his head with tiis gown, and repeated after tlie 
l>riet(t the sacred prayer : ** O Janus, Jupiter, father Mars, Qnirinm*, Bellona, ye Lare^s 
ye god^ Novensiles, ve gods Indisetes, ye divinities under whose power we and our ene- 
mies are, and ye spirits of the departed dead, to ve I pray, ye I worship. I ask your 
favor, that ye will grant strength and victory to tne Roman people, the Quirites ; and 
that ye may strike we enemies of the Roman people with terror, dlsmaT. and deaUi. As 
I have pronounced in words, so do I now, in belialf of the commonwealth of the Bonuui 
people, the Quirites, of the army, of the legions, of the allies of the Roman people, so do 
1 devote, with mvself, the legions and allies of tlie enemy to the spirits of the departed, 
and to the earth. * when be nad uttered this* prayer and ordered the licton to annomnoe 
to his coUeasnes that he had devoted himself for the army, he girded himself with his 
toga, and, fully armed, plunged into the thickest of the battle, to seek death for himself 
aim victory for the army. 

B. C. 326-304.] THB SEOOND 8AMNITE WAB. 97 

general afisemblies were forbidden. Rome henoeforih was the 
common centre. Here the Latins could settle, buy and sell, 
and marry; but all intercourse and intermarriage between 
the different Latin cities were prohibited. Large tracts of 
their land were incorporated with the Boman stated and two 
new tribes • were formed.^ 

>• ♦ •■ 

The Seoond Samnftb Wae (b. o. 326-304). 

1. The P6UC7 of Rome. — Borne busied herself in secux 
ing the territory she had conquered by planting colonies alon^ 
the frontier. Gales was conquered and a Roman colony estab- 
lished there (b. a 334). A colony was planted at Fragellas 
(b. c. 328), the most important locality on the Liris. With un- 
deviating energy Borne pursued her policy, until her territory 
reached even to the Samnite border. A contest between the 
two nations was inevitable. 

2. Tha Canse of the War.— The city of Palaeopolis was 
the immediate cause of the war. The senate complained that the 
Palaeopolitans had committed outrages upon Boman citizens 
settled in the vicinity of OumsB. In Palaeopolis, as everywhere in 
Italy^ there was an aristocratic and a democratic party ; one party 
was favorable to the Bomans, the other sought aid from the 
Samnitesy who at once dispatched a strong garrison to the city. 
When this force entered Palaeopolis the war was really begun, not 
between Palaeopolis and Bome, but between the two great rival 
nations. The Bomans without hesitation resolved on war, and sent 
Q. PubliliuB Philo, the same who had carried the important laws 

*■ Tilmr and Pnenette renewed their old alliance with Bome on a footing of eqaality. 
The eltizenB of the other towns did not have the fhmchii»e ; the/ receiyed the right of 
iniennarrlage with the Bomans (eonmidHim\ and the right to hay and sell in Borne 
(eommgrcimn) : the towns were called munidpia (bound to $ervice») ; thej were suhjeet 
to the JnriedictHm of the Boman pnetor, who appointed a prefect {pnmctwjvri diatndo) 
to OKtvise the jnriadictiaii. * Making ». 


which bore bis name, into Campania with an anny. Aa be 
wag not able to rednce the city before his year of office expired, 
the Benate prolonged bis command under tbe title otpreconsiU. 
In the following year the city sabmitted, although tbe garrison 
still held ont, and tbe Bomans succeeded in winning over the 
other Greek cities by granting them favorable terms of peace. 

3. Declaration of War. — In the mean time the Samnites 
were called upon in regular form to withdraw their garrison ' 
from Falaeopolis. This they refused to do, and the Boman 
fstialia declared war in due form.i During the first five years 

of the war the Roman arms were generally snccesafnL Rome 
placed three armies in the field ; one continued the siege of tbe 
garrison in Palaeopolis and the other two invaded Samninra, 
fighting and pilling as far as Apulia. Once more discontent 
broke ont among the Latins. A truce was concluded with the 
Samnitcs. Two Latin towns* revolted and the rebellion threat- 
ened to spread, but Rome, by wise concesmona, appeased the 
discontent. The next year the Samnites sued for peace. The 
Romans would hear of nothing bat sabmiaslon ; so the war was 

4. The Candlne Paw. — In b. c. 331 the two consnls, 
Vetnrins and Pustnmius, advanced from Campania with the 


purpose of relieTing Laceria, whicb, it was reported, the enemy 
had besi^ed. Their roate led^ through the defiles of the 
moaatains near Caudium into the enemy^s territory. The 
army entered the pass, the celebrated Caudtne Farks,^ but 
foaud to its surprise that the Samnites awaited it here 
and not at Luceria. The Bomans attempted to force their 
way, but in vain ; meanwhile the enemy had taken possession 
of the pass by which the Bomans entered, and nothing remained 
but to capitulate. A treaty was signed by which the Soman con- 
suls and all the superior officers bound themselves by a solenm 
oath to give up ail conquests and colonies in the territory of 
Samnium. Then the brave Samnite general, Qavius Pontius, 
set the Roman army free, after each soldier had given up his 
arms and passed under the yoke.^ When the news reached 
Rome the senate very naturally * refused to ratify the treaty. 
Pontius demanded that either the terms of the treaty should be 
carried out or the Roman army should be returned to the Gau- 
dine Forks.* 

5. War with the Etrnscans.— The war was renewed 
and the experienced Papirins Cursor was placed at the head of 
the army. The army entered Samnium and appeared before 
the walls of Luceria. The town surrendered, and on account 
of the importance of its position was strongly garrisoned. The 
Samnites now looked about for allies. The Etruscans, whose 
forty years' truce with Rome had expired, came to theb assist- 
ance, and, in order to create a diversion, attacked the fortress 
of Sutrium. Fabius Maximus RuUianus boldly entered the 
country through the Giminian forest and defeated the Etrus- 
cans at the Yadimonian lake'^ (b.g. 310). 

* Between the present Arpftja and Montenrchio. * /lifvute OaudimB, 

* That is, tubjngwn ; benoe the Bnglieh word mifiugaU : see p. 66, note. 

* Uty (Ix. sic.) relates that when the qnestion of the ratification of this treaty came 
before tab senate, Po^tamiiiB declared at once that it onght not to be kept, bat that 
heUimiielf and bis colleagne. with the other ofBoerp, ought to be delivered to the enemy, 
becanw tbey bad promim what they conid not perform. This proposal the senate ac- 
cepted, and all tbe oiBcers who had bonnd themselves to the Samnites were delivered to 
them. No sooner was the surrender made than Postumin^ stmck tbe Roman /s/iolijr who 
had condncted him and cried ont : " I am now a Samnite citizen, and as I have done 
violence to tbe sacred envoy of tbe Roman people ye will rightfully, Romans, wage war 
with ns to avenge this oatrage." Pontins refused to accept Postumius and his compan- 
ions, and ttiey returned on&rt to their own army ; see /An«, vol. i., p. 607 ff.; Amoldt 
p. »6 and note CB. • See map No. 1. *Seep. 66J7. 



6. The Sanmites Subdued. — In the sonth the Samnites 
weie repeatedly defeated. Finally, after the capture of their 
capital, Bovianam, they were compelled to sue for peace. 
They were obliged to give up their conquests beyond Sam- 
nium. They formed, on an equal footing with Bome, an 
alliance which secured them their independence.* 

7. Tha Reralts of the War were great. Four new tribes 
wore formed,' eight colonies were planted, and the large num- 
ber of citisens who settled in Campania spread Roman influence 
throughout Central and Southern Italy. The country to the 
north, between Samnium and Etruria, was secured by fortresses, 
while Samnium on the east and west was hemmed in by a 
whole line of fortifications. Some was unmistakably the first 
power in Italy. 

♦• »•» 

The Third Samnftb War (b. c. 298-290). — Suooess in 

Etruria akd Southern Italy. 

1. Cause of fha War. — In the last war the Lucanians 
had sided with Rome. The garrisons which the Samnites had 
to keep in Lucania had been a serious drawback to their suc- 
cess. They therefore determined to seize the first oppoiiunity 
to supplant the influence of Rome in that country. It hap- 
pened that in internal dissensions among the Lucanians one 
party applied to Rome for assistance, the other to the Samnites. 
The Samnites immediately dispatched an army into Lucam'a 
in order to bring their party to the head of the government. 
Rome renewed her alliance with the Lucanians and ordered the 
Samnites to desist. This they refused to do. Rome imme- 

' LiTj, ix. 4S. F(Bdu» antiquum SamnUUnu reddUum. 

' Two formed in b. c. S16; two Id b. o. SOO-maklng thirty In ail. 

B.C. 298-290.] THE THIRD SAMIHTE WAB. 101 

diately declared war. Since the year b. c. 301 the Romans had 
been at war with the Etruscans, who just at this time entered 
into negotiations for peace. This enabled the Bomans to send 
both armies into Samnium.« The Samnites were defeated and 
Roman influence was re-established in Lucania. 

2. War with the Xitniscaiis. — In order to induce the 
Etruscans to continue the war, the Samnite general, Gellius 
Egnatiusy promised to render them assistance in their own 
country. The Sanmites placed three armies in the field, one 
to protect Samnium, one to invade Campania, and the other 
Egnatins himself led through the Marsian and Umbrian terri- 
tories to help his allies in Etruria. The Romans saw their 
efforts to sever northern and southern Italy frustrated. Nearly 
all Etruria^ was in arms, and an invasion of the Gauls, whom 
the Etni;9cans had taken into their pay, was threatened. The 
Bomans made great efforts and placed larger armies in the 
field than ever before, with the two most eminent generals at 
their head, the aged Q. Fabius Maximus RuUianus and Pub- 
lius Decius Mus. They met the enemy at Sentinum, near 

1 Tbe fliBt jear of the Samnite war is of great interest, because the epitaph of L. Cor- 
Delias SdpAo "Barbatui*, who was consul a. c. 296, has l>een preserved. It Is orobably 
tbe oldest document that has come down to as in the original. It was found at 
Bome in 1780 (see Hiai. qf Literature, p ). According to Llvy (x. 12) Scipio fonght 



rppjifTiF^f If iiiipi 

Cim^MIW i\rr/$..Wf»BARMT»t-CN^IVf.U-'^ATi»B 

* — -\ 


fai Vtmrla • be makes no mention of the towns of Tanrasia and Ciwauna which Scfplo is 
itaid to bave t*ken, nor of a defeat of the Lucanians. Rlu<chl (Rhcin. Mnnenm, 1884, p. 
1 ff 1 thinks that the epiUph was not compot«d immediately after SciploV death ; is m 
fact not older than the flrst Punic war. Ihne (1. c. vol, I, p. 46) thinks tliat the whole 
EtTUKCsn campaign was a fiction, that the Samnite arm/ was pent to Btmria to join the 
Qanl« in a war against Rome. AeaJnst WiU coalition A. ClaadiuH wan nent in b. c. S96, 
bat the campaign was un»*ucccHKfal, and I he danger became ko serious that In B.C. S96 
Knllhuma and Decios were dit<patched with two cooralar armies of four legions. 

102 THE THIRD SAMNITE WAR. [b.G. 290. 

the pass whei*e the Vta Flaniinia afterwards crossed the moan- 
tains. The battle was long undecided until the consul^ Decius 
Mus, like his father in the battle near Mt. Vesavius, devoted 
himself and the hostile army to the infernal gods. The victory 
was complete, the coalition was broken ; the Gaols dispersed, 
and all Umbria snbmitted. 

3. Ezhanstion of tbe Sanmites. — The Samnites re- 
treated, to continue the war in their own country. There 
with the oourage of despair they fought and even defeated the 
consul, Fabius Maximus Gurgcs, the son of Rullianus. The 
aged SuUianus consented once more to take the field, as legate, 
under his son. Then the Samnites were defeated, and their 
general, the brave Gavius Pontius, who had commanded at 
Caudium, fell mto the hands of the Bomans and was killed m 
prison.^ Still the spirit of the Samnites was not broken. In 
their mountains they protracted the struggle until both parties 
were weary of war. They concluded an honorable peace which 
secured them independence and the entire possession of Sam- 
nium, though they were compelled to give up their foreign 


4. Colonies Establislied.— Bome now bent all her ener- 
gies to secure the territory she had gained. The Gampanian 
coast was strengthened by two fortresses, Mintumae and 
Sinuessa, and the colony of Venusia was planted on the bor- 
ders of Samnium, Apulia and Lucania to command the south. 
About this time the Sabines were finally conquered and became 
subjects of Some.* The fortress of Hatria was established on 
the Adriatic to secure the territory there.* 

5. War with the Oanls and Etruscans.— After the 
conquest of the Samnites the only peoples left unsubdued were 
the Lucanians and Greeks of the south. Ten years elapsed 

« The followfnff description of the conmiPis triamph ie from Dr. Arnold's RUtcrp<lf 
Borne, ii., p. 866.—Whne ho ww borne along in hJs chariot, accomlng to cnstpm, bisold 
fattier roie on horseback behind him as one of hie lieutenants, delighting himself with 
the honors of his son. But at the moment when the consul and hit* father, haTinc ar- 
rived at the end of the Sacred Way, turned to the left to ascend the hill of the capltol, 
G PonthiH, the Samnitc general, who, with the other prisoners of rank, had thus fu* 
foUowed the procession, was led aside to the right hand to the prison benoith the Capf- 
tollne hill, and was there thnwt dowu Into the underground dungeon of the priaon and 

""' wJSlt^ t^^ragio. • See colored map No. 1. 


between tbe cloae of the third Samnite war and the commence- 
ment of the next great struggle in which Rome was engaged. 
In the meantime the Senonian and Bojan Oaals were defeated 
at the Vadimonian Lake (b. a 283) and the fortress of Sena 
Crallica {Serugaglia) was established. In Etruria the fortune of 
war was tried again^ but Yolsinii was taken and destroyed, 
Falerii subjugated and the £truscan power completely crushed. 
& Wiar with tlie Lncanians. — In the third Samnite 
war the Lucanians had rendered Some important aid. They 
no doubt thought that Rome in return for this would look 
quietly on while they plundered the Greek cities. They had 
already laid siege to Thurii, which being hard pressed applied 
to Borne for assistance. The Romans did not hesitate to es- 
pouse the cause of the Thurinians and to declare war against 
the Lucanians. The latter^ however, effected a union of the 
Samnites and Bruttians,^ but Gajus Fabricius defeated their 
united armies, relieyedThurii, received the submission of most 
of the Greek towns ^ except Tarentum, and after having gar- 
risoned them, returned to Rome laden with spoils (b. c. 282). 
Tarentum was now the sole obstacle to Rome's entire mastery 
of Italy. ^ 

«■ ♦ •> 

chapter xviil 

The Gbeek Settlements. — The Wab wfth Pyrrhus. 

1. The Condition of the Italian areeks.-~In early 
times the Greeks had founded colonies on the coasts of Sicily, 
Spain and France, and particularly in southern Italy where the 
Greek cities were so numerous and powerful that the country 

was called Ormcia Magna. Many of these cities, such as Agri- 

■ i I' III ■ ■■■■.11 ■ III - 

*■ Aeoordinff to Mommseo the Lacanlans effected a anion of not only the BnittianB 
and SAinnftes imt also of tbe BtniKcanp, UmbrlanH and Oanls, and this* led to the battle 
of tbe Vadimonian Lake. Depriyed of the narrative of Llvy for this period (the narrative 
ends B.C. 90S) the raoceraion of evenU< i^ exceedingly dpahtful. 

* Loerl, Rbegiam, and Croton were garriiraned. 


THB OBBEK SETTLB1CB19X8. [B. G. 280-272. 

gentaniy Syracuse, Oroton, Sybaris and Tarentam attained 
great prosperity, and extended their power from the coast 
inland and ruled over the native races. The Greek dtiee in 
Italy, howeyer, owing to civil dissensionSy jealousieB, and hostil- 
ities with each other, had very much declined in power and 
prosperity. At the time when Bome came in contact with 
these cities Tarentum was by far the most powerfuL 

2. War with Taxwitiim (b. a 280-272> — Favorably 

situated on a splendid harbor, 
Tarentum grew rich by com- 
merce and industry. Una- 
ble to defend their indepen- 
dence against the Lucanians, 
the Tarentines had summoned 
Archidamus, the Spartan king, 
to help them. In the interviJ 
between the first and second 
Samnite wars Alexander of 
Epirus had been invited to assist them against the Lucanians 
and Samnites. The second Samnite war gave the Tarentines 
an opportunity to form a league to check the ambitious schemes 
of Bome. But with their usual indolence they left the Samnites 
to struggle alone, and assuming to act as umpires, they sum- 
moned both parties after the battle of Gandium. to lay down 
their arms ; the Bomans replied by an immediate declaration of 
war. Even then the Tarentines took no decisive step. At the 
close of the war the Tarentines and Bomans concluded a peaoe,^ 
the terms of which were that the Bomans should not eaSl 
beyond the Lacinian promontory. 

This was the condition of affairs when Thurii fell into the 
hands of the Bomans, and a fleet of ten vessels was sent to 
protect Thurii and at the same time to watch the Tarentines. 
When the fleet appeared off Tarentum in open violation of the 
treaty, the Tarentines quickly manned their ships, sailed out, 
attacked the Bomans, and gained an easy victory.' After this, 

» Probably about b. c. 804 : accordiDg to Nlebubr, b. c. 801. 

* Mommaen and Niebnhr condemn the attack of the Tarentines. Dine tblnkB ttiftt a 
Soman partj in Tarentum had agreed to deliver the dty to the Bomana. 



Thtirii was attacked, the Bomaa garrison expelled, and the 
town plundered. 

3. The Axxlval of Pyrrhns in Italy.— War was de- 
clared,^ and the Tarentines, accastomed to lean on Greece for 
sapport, inyited Pyrrhus, king of Epims, to conduct the war 
against their enemies. Pyrrhus eagerly seized the opportunity, 
and in the winter of B. c. 280 landed ^ at Tarentum, and took 
the reins of the goTernment into his own hands. The Taren- 
tines were effeminate, and cared little for war. They soon 
found, howeyer, that they had a master The clubs and thea- 
tres were closed, and the young men were pressed into military 

4. The Battle near Heraclea (b. c. 280).— The Roman 
army under the command of Valerius LsByinus soon appeared 
and commenced hostilities. The two armies met at Heraclea." 
Seven times the Bomans attempted to break through the 
Grecian phalanx; then Pyrrhus brought forward his cavalry 
and his elephants against the exhausted Romans. This decided 
the contest ; tlie Romans fled, and their camp fell into the hands 
of the enemy. Discontent was now silenced in Tarentum, and all 
southern Italy rose against Rome. The victory was great, but 
it had been dearly purchased. Nearly four thousand of Pyr- 
rhns's best soldiers strewed the field of battle. This battle 
taught the king the difficulty of the task he had undertaken, 
for he knew well that the contest was only decided by the sur* 
prise produced by the attack of the elephants. Before the 
battle, when he saw the Romans forming in line as they crossed 

^ It Is related that before declaring war, the nenate fient an eniba«ny to Tarentnm to 
eomplaln of the attack on the fleet and demand 8atii*faction. L. Poptuminft, who was at 
the Dead of the emhasRj, wan beset by the rabble. Hiifi pun)1e-b()rdered toga was jeered 
at, and when he hecan to address the people in Greek « his miittakes and accent were 
laughed at He still oontUined stating his demands— release of the captives, the restora- 
tion of lliviii, and the enrrender of The authors of the outrageH— when a drunken bnf* 
f oon beeuattered his white toga with dirt. The whole af<«ienibly applauded, but PoBtu- 
mio:*, holding up his sallied toga, said : " Laugh while ^e may, bat this robe Khali be 
washed In torrents of vonr blood/^ ValerluH Maximum (ii. 2, 5) makes the innnlt to Pos- 
tnrohis take place before the assembly is called ; Bionysius (zviil. 7) after, LIvy (epit. 
ziL) sars the a mb assad o rs were beaten bv the Taren tines. 

* With an army of S1,000 heavy^armed soldiers, 3,000 arehers, 600 slingers, and 8,000 

* For the first time on the field of Heraclea the Koman legion and Grecian phalanx 
were broog^ht In collision. The order of the Roman army untu the time of Cam ill us was 
similar to the phalanx. The legion was now drawn up in three lines, called the haHati^ 
pHnapai, and triarii ; the last line was triple (triarii proper, rorarU^ and aecefui)^ so 
that there weie really five linen, see p. :^. 


the river, he said : ^' In war at least these are not barbarians." 
Afterwards, when he saw the Boman soldiers lying upon the 
field with the woonds all in {ront, he exclaimed: ^^If these 
were my soldiers, or if I were their general, we should conquer 
the world ! '' In view of the fact that his veteran soldiers 
were more difficult to be replaced than the Boman militia^ 
and that the surprise produced by the attack of the elephants 
could not be often repeated, it may be that the king described 
his victory as a def eat^ or as the Boman poets afterwards ex- 
pressed it : '^ Another such victory and I must return to Epi^ 
rus alone." 

5. Embassy of Cineas to Rome. — Pyrrhus resolved, 
therefore, to avail himself of the impression produced by this 
victory to make overtures of peace to the Bomans. He sent 
his minister Cineas to Bome, with the proposal that the Bo- 
mans should recognize the independence of the Greek cities.^ 
Cineas, whose eloquence is said to have won more cities for 
Pyrrhus than his arms, left no means untried to induce the 
Bomans to accept the terms. When the question came up for 
debate, and the decision of the senate seemed doubtful, the 
aged Appius Claudius^ appeared once more in the senate and 
denounced the idea of peace with a victorious foe with such 
effect, that the overtures of tlie king were rejected, and Cineas 
was warned to leave Bome. When Pyrrhus, who had been 
waiting in Campania, heard this, he immediately advanced 
toward Bome, hoping to secure the aid of the Etruscans, to 
shake the adhesion of the allies of Bome, and to threaten the 
city itself. He nowhere met with a friendly reception. The 
Bomans placed new legions in the field, and Pyrrhus fell back 
to Tarentum loaded with spoils and captives. 

6. The Battte of Asculmn (b. c. 279).— Both sides made 
preparations for the next campaign. Pyrrhus had not yet 
given up all hope of concluding peace, and when Bome sent 
an embassy to treat for an exchange of prisoners he determined 

* And ftccordinj; to Platarch (PyrrboA, IR) he would help them rabdoe lUIr. 

* Sornamed Crcuk ; a descendant of AppiuH Claadine. the decemvir. Tne story of 
hlfl blindnetM originated probably from hU suraame. Se^ Mommo^o RQm. Fonch, 
p. 801, or 1. c. vol. 1, apiiendiX' 


^ renew his proposals. His negotiations with 6. Fabricius, 
^he head of the embassy, furnished the annalists with material 
to eulogize their own countrymen. Fabricius was poor and 
'^ras proud of his poverty. His integrity was incorruptible, and 
he rejected the large sums of n^oney offered by the king. At 
last Pyrrhns attempted to work upon his fears by concealing an 
elephant behind a curtain, and then causing the curtain to be 
withdrawn so that Fabricius was directly under the monster's 
trunk. Fabricius remained unmoved, and only smiled when 
the elepbant roared. The object of the embassy failed.^ The 
king refused to exchange the prisoners. The next spring hos- 
tilities were renewed. In the battle at Asculum {Ascoli di Ptt- 
gUa) in Apulia, the Romans were again defeated. 

7. Tl&e iklUance of Rome with Carthage.— An event 
now occurred ^which induced Pyrrhns to conclude a hasty 
peace with the Bomans and retire from Italy. The Bomans 
conclnded an ofienaive and defensive alliance with Carthage.^ 
The object of this was to oppose the plans of Pyrrhus both in 
Italy and Sicily. Carthage had already subdued the western 
part of Sicily, and now an opportunity was oflEered for her to 
get poBsession of the whole island. After the death of Agath- 
ocles, the power of Syracuse rapidly declined. The Cartha- 
ginians made rapid progress in the island. Agrigentum was 
taken and Syracuse threatened. At this juncture the Syracu- 
sans applied to Pyrrhus for aid. Hence his desire to bring the 
war in Italy to a conclusion in order to help Syracuse before it 
was too late, and hence the interest of the Carthaginians to de- 
tain him in Italy that they might complete the conquest of Sicily. 
XieaTing Milo with a garrison in Tarentum, Pyrrhus sailed for 
Sicily. Syracuse was relieved, the Greek cities united under 
liis leadership, and the Carthaginians were almost entirely 
driTen from the island. The arbitrary rule of Pyrrhus soon 

> Aeoordhiff to AppUui(!ii- 10, 5), the king allowed all the prisoners to go to Rome to 
edebnte the reast of the Satnmaiia on condition that they should letixrn if the senate 
would not accept the terms of peace already offered. The senate remained firm and 
Uurcatened with death anr who ahould break his oath; according to Jnstin (xviii. 1), he 
retoaned only 900, while Li?y makes him release all the prisoners without ransom. 

* This was about b. o. S79. A commercial treaty had been concluded with Carthage, 
Aeending to Polybfau, in the first vear of the republic (b. c. 609). According to Momm- 
•en iBOm. Chropol., p. fgfi U.\ Polybius dates this treaty 161 years too early. See p. 117, 

108 BOMAK 8UPBEMACT IK ITALY. [B. 0. 260. 

caused discontent to break ont among the Oreeks, and the sit* 
nation of a&irs in Italy demanded his presence. 

8. The BatUai of Beneventmn (b. c. 274). — In the antamn 
of B. c. 276 Pjrrhns set sail from the port of Syraense^ and 
appeared again in Tarentum. His troops were almost the same 
in number as when he first landed in Italy, but their quality 
was far different. His best officers had fallen in battle. The 
Romans prepared for the campaign. One consular army under 
Cornelius Lentulus entered Lucania, and the other under 
Manius Curins, Samnium. The king fell in with the army of 
Gurius at Beneventum and determined to engage it before the 
other army could come up. He stormed the Boman position, 
but was completely repulsed. Gurius now led his army into 
the plain^ and gained a complete victory. The camp of Pyrrhus 
fell into his hands. The king was obliged to giye up his idea 
of Italian conquest, and leaving Milo with a strong garrison 
in Tarentum, he sailed to Greece to engage in new adventures. 

9. Union of Italy (b. o. 266). — The departure of Pyrrhus 
virtually ended the war. Tarentum fell into the hands of the 
Bomans (b.c. 272). The guerrilla warfare of the Samnite8''8oon 
ceased and every people south of the rivers^ Amus and JEeis 
submitted to the power of Borne. V 

■> ♦ •• 


ZKN8 — ^The System of Colonization — ^MiLrrABY Boads. 

1. Roman Etovereignty. — ^Bome ruled leniently over the 
conquered states. They paid no tribute besides equipping and 
paying their army when Borne called for contingents. They 
still retained their own local laws and internal administration, 
when these did not conflict with those of Home. The general 
management of the affairs of the allied states was centered in 

* Acctirdlng to MommMn (1. c. toI. Hi., p. 8S7) It wtg Salla who fixed tbe rfyere Ralii- 
con and Arnui* as the northern boandarx of Italy ; rae p. 2S7, n. 4. 


Borne. Borne was the head and her magistrates collected the 
revenue, superintended the census^ and apportioned the military 

2. Smmnaxy of Rome's Policy.— A brief summary of 
Bome'a policy in dealing with conquered .states will help us to 
understand the manner in which she.goyemed the different 
peoples in central and southeni Italy. In the regal period, it 
will be remembered that the state was governed by the patri- 
cians ; that when conquests were made the territory was an- 
nexed to the Boman state and the inhabitants were moved to 
Borne and the surrounding territory, and became subjects of 
the king, i.^., plebeians; that after the destruction of Alba 
Longa, Borne became the leading power in the Latin league. 
In the conise of time the plebeians were admitted to equal social 
and political privileges with the patricians, and ceased to form a 
separate class. Boman supremacy had meanwhile been extended 
not only over Latium, but over all central and southern Italy. 

3. ClaBBOs of Roman Citizens. — The state, however, 
still consisted of three classes: Roman citizens^ suhfects, and 
allies. The first class, the members of thirty-three tribes, con- 
stituted the governing people. These were the citizens of Borne 
and of the country tribes into which the Roman territory^ was 
now divided. The second class, or those ^ who possessed only 
the private rights • but not the public franchise,* consisted of 

' TIm territory extended on the north nearly to Cere, on the east to the Apenninee^ 
and on the soath to Fonnte, though there were some towna even in Latium, as Tibnr 
and Pnene«te, which did not poeeeas the ftill flranchiee. 

■ LaHidyOir diMt tine if^ffatio, 

* Bveiy Roman citizen poraessed pablic ipubOea) and private (pHvata) rights (Jura). 
The poblic rights were : (1) the right of voting, i. e. , of enactlDg ana repealing laws {Uge9 
9eridtn\ ofdedaring war ( M m w vMUcere\ and concluding peace {paoemfacere)y(j^u ^- 
fragii) ; (S) tlie right of holding poblic offloeft {hta honorvm) ; (3) the right of appeal 
{Jmm mweatkmU). The priTate right8 were : (1) }u9 conntibii, ana (2) Jus commereii. 

* The flrvt city on which private rights were conferred was Cnre, in consequence of 
Its hftTing received tiie vestal virgins at the time when Borne was taken by the GaulK. 
Although this was a great priyilege for the Cerltes, it wat*, of course, a d^adation for 
the citizens with foil rights (cl9i« optimojure) to be ulaced on the same lootinf^ ; this 
was one of the modes in which the censors expressed tneir displeasure towards a citizen; 
Ids name was omitted from the roll of the tril>e and he was deiirived of the Jvs si^ffiragii. 
Henoe the phrase, in CairUum IoMob r^erre attguem^ to deprive one or his right of 

Any one in fall enjoyment of all these rights was a eivU cptimo jure. These rights 
taken collectively were callediM dviiaiis or dimply civif^Wy and might be acquired (1) b^ 
birth, (3) by gift. A child bom of parents who could contract a regular marriage, i.^., 
both of whom had the Jim cnnnulni^ was by birth a Roman citizen, when a marriage took 
place between parties who did not mutually possess the Jim amnuUi, the children belonged 

110 MuxiK BXtPnmikat list rf aly. 

the towns in a part of Latiam,^ and some of the communities 
among the Hernicans,' iSquians,^ and Sabines.^ These assumed 
the position in the state which the plebeians had formerly 
occupied. They were compelled to serve in the Boman armies, 
and were subject to all the burdens of Roman citizens, although 
not admitted to full political rights. These communities ^ were 
divided into two classes, one retaining more of local self-goy- 
emment than the other. Boman law was introduced and ad- 
ministered by a prefect* sent from Rome. The third clasSy or 
the allies,^ consisted of some old Latin towns," such as Prseneste 
and Tibur, of three towns among the Hemicans, of the Latin 
colonies, and of all the communities in central and southern Italy 
after their conquest. The Latin and Hemican towns retained 
their old privileges to a great extent, and their condition was 
so favorable that they were unwilling to change it for that of 
full Roman citizen& The condition of the allied communities 
in central and southern Italy was determined by special treaties. 
They enjoyed local self-government, but they were deprived of 
all political intercourse with other nations, and were bound to 
famish ships of war and contingents for the army. 

4. Colonisation. — ^For the purpose of securing the new 
conquests, colonies • were founded far and wide in Italy. , In 
this way Roman manners and customs were spread over Italy, 

to the rnnk (ftoAur) of the Inferior partr. Foreigners might receive the cMta$ as a gift 
(dare HvUalem). In early times this gift was very freely Destowed, and foreigners were 
admitted into tne rank of the patricians (per OHfpiatkmem in patree): six years after the 
expolsion of the kings the whole (fens OUxudia was admitted. Later it became more val- 
uable, and was bestowed for faithfal services, sometimes on individaals, sometimes on 
whole oommnnities. Sometimes It was bestowed, as already mentioned, with a limita- 
tion, excluding thejw ei^froffU vadjut homnvm, 

* After B. 0. 838. 

* After B.C. 800, of all hot three cities, viz.: AJatrfaim, Forentiniim, and Vernle, 
which had not taken a part in the war against Some. . ^ . _^ 

* After B. c. 801 * After b. o. 9B0. * MwdeMa-^iOttDA to services. 

* Hence called prefectnree (iVYQr<Kftir0). * OMiaUtfmdtraia. 

* That is, Nomen LaHwmn ; the way to fttll citiaenshlp was opeiied to the dtiaena of 
any of these towns, on emigrating to Rome, if they left children in their native d^ or 
had held office there : to the others the privilege of citiaenshlp was not granted. 

* In the north, Arlmlnnm. Firmnm, and castram Novum were founded : In 8am- 
ninm, Beneventum and iBsemia ; in Lucania, Piestnm ( PoHdonlka) and Oosa. The col- 
onies founded at PyT]Bl, the seaport of Ossre, Ostia, Antinm (b.o. 88B), Tarracina ^.o. 
8S8). Mintnmfle, and SinnesM (b. c. 986), Sena Oallica, and Castmm Novum (b.o. 168), 
retained tiieir fall Boman citizenship, and had the right, probably, oH managing their 
own local affairs. The others were Latin ooloniei*, i. «., Latins who settled on the lands 
taken from the conquered population. They could acquire full citizenship, by emigiat> 
ing to Rome (see note 8), but after the founding of Aiiminnm (b. o. 988), this right was 
limited to those who had lield office in their own city. 

fi. a SIS.] ftOKAN eo?KBMACTf fS WALT. Ill 

and the local dialects began to give way to the Latin language 
wben bU the snbjecta looked to Rome as the common centre. 
The contact with the Greek cities made the Bomana acquainted 
with the Greek langnogo and literature, the influence of which 
was 80on Tisible in their religion, castoms, saA Uterstore. 

5. Military Roads. — Intimately connected with the colo- 
nial system was that of the military roads,^ which in time were 
so extended that they intersected all parte of Italy and bound 
the outpoets to Rome as the common centre. This great 
system was begun by Appius Claudius, who, ^ter the conquest 
of Campania, constructed a paved road* to Capua, called from 
him the Appian Way (b. o. 312). This was soon extended to 
Bmndisium by the way of Venada and Tarentnm. This project 
of Appius was carried ont by others, each of whom gave his 
name to the work he bad executed. The Flaminian Way 
(b. c. 230) was constructed to Ariminum by the way of Namis 
and Fanum ; the .i£milian Way (b. c. 187) continned the line 
to Flacentia by the way of fiononia, Mntina, and Parma ; while 
another of the same name (b- c. 171) extended the Cassian 
Way from Arretium to Bononia. The Valerian led through 
the country of the Sabines, jSquians and Mareiong, and the 
Idtin led through the valley of the Liria to ^semia. All issu- 
ing from the capital they bound the different cities and colo- 
nies not only together but to Rome, and were the great high- 
ways by which intelligence was speedily carried and the Roman 
armies marched. 

6. The Aqnednots. — At about the same time (b. c. 313) 
Appius commenced the system of aqueducte which was to sup- 
ply the capital with pure water from the Sabine hills.' No 

B the PorUCipen«, of the tti 

Vwmxlan, foand In 1084, ie In (be Plu» del Cun- 

*Water bad hllherto been obUJned fram tb* 

~" •■ Bcily; but It now 

g In popnlatlon) to 

uAiTiA, l«»n(™K<»iintoftlielnB 
mow. w IntnfflciDDt, uid wu uto 


audertaking of the Bomans presents more striking evidence 
of their energy, skill and nntiring perseverance, than the 
military roads and aqueducts. The latter were constructed at 
an expense of a vast amount of toil and money, over hills, 
valleys and plains, sometimes in subterranean channels,^ some- 
times on long ranges of lofty arches,^ the remains of which, 
stretching for miles over the barren and desolate Campagna, 
present one of the most imposing and picturesque spectacles 
around modem Bome. The Appian aqueduct' started about 
eleven miles ^ from Bome, and was constructed under-ground 
except about three hundred feet at its termination. M'. 
Gurius Dentatus commenced the^ Anio Vetus^ in b. c. 272, 
and the expenses were defrayed from the spoils taken in the 
war against Pyrrhus. The water was conveyed in a vnnding 
channel under-ground, from above Tibur, for a distance of 
forty-three miles, until where it entered the city it was raised 
on arches. Two others^ were constructed during the time of 
the republic, but the number was increased under the empire 
to nineteen. They were the most wonderful structures of 
ancient Bome and well might excite the admiration expressed 
by PUny : ^ "If any one will carefully calculate the quantity of 
the public supply of water, for baths, reservoirs, houses, trenches, 
gardens, and suburban villas ; and, along the distance which 
it traverses, the arches built, the mountains perforated, the 

* These were formed of rtone or brick mud were arched in order to keep the water 
free from imparities ; aperturet) Ctumina) (nee p. 447) were made for yentllmtlon. Tlie 
chmnnel deecended with m gradQaf elope and the bottom of it was coated with oemenL 
When the aqaedact was carried through tK)]id rock8 the rock itc>elf Mrved as a channel. 
That the water might deposit the impnnties with which it wafi contaminated lam recep- 
tacles, or pond)*, were made at convenient places for the water to enter : in the city it 
was received into a reservoir and from thence conducted in lead or eartlien pipes into 
smaller reservoirs in the different districts which it was to snpply. 

* It has sometimes been asserted tliat the Romans wwe nnacqnainted with the princi- 
ple that water flnds its own level, becaose they built aqueducts instead of laying pipes. 
This has arisen from the assumption that the large pipes are better adapted to carnr water 
than the aqueduct. The. Bomans did nuke use of pipes, but they pcoveived the advan- 
tage of the aqueduct over pipes. Although at first more expensive, yet when onoe con- 
structed they were permanent and durabra. Four of the old Roman aquedacts are still 
in use. The lax?^ pipes are liable to get obstructed or to yield at the Joints, and require 
constant attention and repairs, and are really in the long run more expensive. Bngineem 
are now returning to the aqueduct. The Kew River in Xondon and the Oroton aqiiediicts 
in Hew York are constructed on the plan of the Roman aqueducts. 

' Aqua Appia. * A Roman mile = 4860 ft. 

* Remains of these are found at TivoH and near the Porta MuQgion, 

* The aqva Marcia^ b. o. 144, and agua l^qmla^ b. c. 135. 
' Nat. Hitit., zxzvi., 16. 


valleys leveled, he will coofesB that there never was anything 
more wonderful in the whole world." 

7. The Military System. — The new military system, 
introdaced probably by Camillus, has already been mentioned.^ 
This neceseitated a far longer military training than that of the 
old phalanx, in which the solidity of the masa kept the inex- 
perienced in the ranks. This end was now attained by aban- 
doning the former mode of ranking the soldiers according 
to property, and arranging them according to lengtli of ser- 
vice. The reemit entered first among the light-armed skir- 
mishers (rorarit) and advanced step by step to the first, then 
to the second line, wid finally to the third, where all soldiero 
of long service and experience were associated in the corps of 
the iriarii,* which imparted tone and vigor to the whole army. 

In pmaring lo make » rq*d. iwo irencbeB were 
trtt dag 5™ll'l we«d^ oiher lo nark the br««dOi 
oftbennri. Tb« brewlUi In tto ™« "«• "J« 
UieVi*Alwawu*liaut israot. ThelooHMitli 
between Omm twnche* ™ then remond ud Ihs 
enxTUkm wnetrntSnued nniil ksolld fcrandatlan 
niMMlMd: iomBUn^ln ■w»inral»iid«h«i« 
ITU fonned arlUksiaUr. Ab™ tba foandallaa 
gmAU stonea wen flrat Iiid ; then ■ in»»s « bn^- 
ken atflnai about fl Inches Uikk, crtnented with 
Ume. uid »boTB Ibla won ftMmantB of brlcka and 
Doltan, abml V locbM In deplb, *]hi cemonlcd. 

I ona] btocka of [be bard- 

' eot atone, fllted and 

joined wltb gnat nlMlr, 

were placedT The csa- 

tra of the road waa a 

^ little eleraled to pennll 

Chanmel or ut brick, andcovered 
AqtmnOT, T one caw vlth n]a 

1, In the other wUh 

TaiVu A 

Hn«dwltb««hK!OWhwofc«nentmade (PaadnB Uirough the gmUo of 
oTcbalk and Dagmena of InTcka. The water PoaUipo near NapIeB.) 

tliher ran dlrectlv throiurii tbia chumcl, or It wag 
carried IhrOBgh plpei lafl along the channel. The plpea 
and •ometlmea <M lealber. Tbe pipea were made iu leiift 

_ ]e iu lenMhB not less than ten foel, and of 

widlba. "Tile)' were cemented together at the joiute. which fn«ariheo pluesuBrv 
made lo OTcrlap, and when llie water waa flrst lol in. ashea were mlied with 11, In order 
thai Iber might aettle In the jolnis and stop Ihcm moretompleLelT- Bj the use of pipes 
ibe water »i aomedmee carried round a hill, and in very wide t»IIojb the cosilj sinic- 
tnreorarcbeBCOoklbedispcnBed with, the pipe being broogbl down the one bIuuc on a 
(■nbHroclorc, and up (he opiKwIie >lope, to nearly the belghl of that of the opposite side. 
See alao pp. 114, nolea 1 aud », and «V. n. I, and K«, n. 1, 


Conquest of Italy — b, c. 384-266. 

Tbe Revolt of 

B.C. 384. 


After the destruction of Rome by the Gauls in b. c. 
390, the Latins and Hernicans, who had hitherto bc^n 
united in a league with the Romans, took the opportu- 
nity to declare the league dissolved. Rome, however, 
recovered with remarkable rapidity and succeeded in 
maintaining her position in Latium. The malcontents 
were subdued and the league restored under the leader- 
ship of Rome. After the conquest of the Volscians in 
B. c. 383 no people of importance opposed the advance 
of the Romans to the river Litis. 

As the internal condition of the state gradually im« 
proved * and political equality between the two orders 
was established,' Rome felt that she could safely con- 
tend with the peoples of Central Italy. Accordingly, 
when the Campanians offered to enter into an alliance 
with and to place their chief city in the hands of the Ro- 
mans, if the Romans would protect them against the 
Samniteswho were making forays into their territory, 
the offer was too tempting to be rejected. Those 
Samnites who had descended from the mountains 
and settled in the plains of Campania became in 
the course of time detached from the parent stock, 
the Samnites of the mountains, and the two nations 
were sometimes engaged in hostilities with each other. 
The Samnites of the mountains made forays into the rich 
and highly civilized lowlands of Campania. To save 
themselves from these forays the Campanians offered to 
place themselves under the protection of Rome. To 
accept the offer was to double the territory of Rome ; to 
reject it was to strengthen the Samnites, who were al- 
ready the chief nation in Southern Italy. The offer was 
accepted, the Campanians were received into alliance, 
and the First Samnite War followed. A Roman army 
was sent to Campania, gained some successes, and pre- 
pared to winter there. The mutiny of the soldiers ' and 
the threatened revolt of the Latins compelled the Ro- 
mans to make a hasty treaty. 

The land ^ that had been acquired in Campania, 
Rome had no intention of sharing with the Latins, al- 
though it had been won by their help. The spirit of 
the Latins began to rise. They demanded a share in 
the spoils of war and in the government of Rome. 

* See p. 85. * Sec p. 81. * See p. 88. 

* It is important to remember that Borne, when Rhe eonqoered a state, enooeeded to 
the riffhts or the prevloiis government As all of the Italian states possesecd a public 
domain of some kind, Borne acqnlred, as her conquests advanced, laiige tracts of public 
land and various other kinds or property, snch as mines, qnarries, nlt-works, etc. In 
addition to all this Borne reqnired, at the close of the war, the surrender of a tract of 
arable or pasture land, which was added to the public domain (dpvr Somomu). In this 
waj the territory of Borne was always increasing. 

Peae* PoUejr 

of Rome 

The Ronana 
and Balanites* 

TIfte First 
Samnite IVar, 

B.C. 343-341- 



Tike liAtim ^ITart 

B.C. 340-338. 

flanuata IVar, 
8.C. 326-304. 

This was not an unjust demand. The two peoples had 
the same political, religious, and social institutions. 
Rome, however, rejected these demands, and war was 
declared. The Romans, aided by the Sammtes, with 
whom they had just formed an alliance, defeated the 
Latins near Mt. Vesuvius. The Latin league was dis- 
solved, and the leadership of Rome in Latium was con- 
verted into a supremacy. Henceforth the Latin cities ' 
furnished soldiers and contribiitions, not according to a 
fixed rule, but according to the pleasure of Rome. 
From this duty of the subject towns arose the name 
" municipal/' f . ^., bound to services. 

The Romans now had time to secure their conquests 
in Campania. Colonies were established at Cales 
(b. c. 334X and at Fregellae (b. c. 328) on land conquered 
by the Samnites — a. direct challenge to the Samnites. 
Tliis was followed by an attack on Palseopolis, an inde- 
pendent Greek city, which had long been under the 
protection of the Samnites. It was alleged that the 
Palasopolilans had maltreated Roman citisens settled 
near Cumae. The aristocratic party in Paiaoopolis was 
favorable to Rome, but the popular party sought aid 
from the Samnites. The Samnites dispatched a strong 
garrison to the citv, and Rome declared war. It was 
felt in Rome that the time had already come when the 
contest must be decided whether the Romans or 
Samnites were to rule in Southern Italy. During 
the first part of the war the Romans were successful ; 
but in B. a 321 the Roman army was defeated at the 
Caudine Forks bv G. Pontius. The Romans, however, 
recovered, and Papirius Cursor was in a fair way to 
bring the war to a favorable conclusion when the Etrus- 
cans revolted. Fabius Maximus defeated the Etruscans 
at Lake Vadimo (b. c. 310), and in a few years after 
Bovianum, the capital of Samnium, was captured, and 
the Samnites were compelled to sue for peace (B. c 304). 

The Lucanians furnished the cause for the third war 
with the Samnites. During the last war Lucania had 
sided with Rome, but the popular party among the Lu- 
canians was averse to this alliance, and sought support 
from the Samnites. As it was Rome's interest to keep 
the Lucanians as their allies in a sort of dependency, 
she ordered the Samnites not to interfere in Lucania. 
The Samnites refused to obey the command, and Rome 
declared war. Although the Samnites were assisted by 
the Etruscans and Umbrians, and almost all Italy was 
united in a league against Rome, still their united armies 
were defeated by Rullianus and Publius Decimus Mus 
at Sentinum (a. c. 295), and the Samnites were compelled 
to acknowledge the supremacy of Rome. 

BatU* at tlte 
Cavdlse Forks, 

&C. 321. 

B.a 998-290. 

jf S««tin« 

B.C. 295. 

■ There were three daaBes : (1) the towns with which the old alliance was renewed ; 
(2)thoee that became monidpla \ (8) and those that were absorbed into the Boman state, 
from whoee territory two new tnhes were formed. 



B.C. 280-272. 


Relations to tbe 

Snbjeet States 

' Gitlse 

The only obstacle to Rome's entire mastery of the 
peninsula was Tarentum. A rash attack of the Taren- 
tines on the Roman fleet led to war. The Tarentines in- 
vited Pyrrhus, King of Epirus, to their assistance. He 
defeated the Roman army under Laevinus at Heraclea 
(B. c 280), and the next year at Asculum (b. c. 279). 
Events now occurred that called Pjrrrhus to Sicily, but 
on his return three years afterwards he was defeated by 
Manius Curius at Beneventum ' (b. c. 274), and Pyrrhus 
was* compelled to evacuate Italy, and soon after (b.c. 
272) Tarentum surrendered, and all Italy south of the 
rivers Amus and iEsis acknowledged the supremacy 
of Rome. Military colonies were established in South- 
em Italy at Paestum, Cosa^ (b.c. 273), and Beneventum, 
and the great Appian Way was soon extended to Brun- 
disium ; in the north, as an outpost against the Gauls, 
colonies were planted at Ariminum (b. c. 268), Firmum, 
and Castrum Novum.' 

All the different states^ in Italy were now united un- 
der the general management of Rome. Self-government 
was granted to the different states. Rome reserved to 
herself the sole right (i) to make war or to conclude 
peace ; (2) to coin money ; (3) Rome also had the right 
to demand ships-of-war and troops in case of war, and 
these troops must be anned and equipped by the com- 
munity which furnished them. The citizens within this 
great confederacy were divided into three classes : First, 
the body of Roman citizens ^ inhabiting Rome and the 
country tribes into which the Roman territory ' was di- 
vided. Second, those who possessed the private rights 
of a Roman citizen, but not the public franchise {cives 
sine suffragio). Third, the allies, consisting of the 
Latins in a few old Latin towns, and of the so-called 
Latin colonies,"* and of all the Sabellian and Greek 
towns in Italy. 

> The name of the place where the battle was fooght was changed for a good 
omen ftom ICaleventam to Beneventam, and a colony e»tablished there, b. o. MB. 

* The situation of Ck>iUi is doubtful. According to Livy, xzvii., 10, it seemed to be 
on the west coast. 

* To some of these places 4000, and to one a« many as 90,000, colonists were sent. 

* Bmbracing the tenritorv sooth of the riven Amos and JBoaa. 

* The territory inhabited by Roman citizens extended from CflBre on the north to 
Formia on Uie sonth, and eastward at* f atr as the Apennines. There were some cities 
within this limit that did notpossefts the full Roman franchise, and a few beyond itit 
bounds that did possess it. TOc number of eltiaens (inclndinK citizens of the first and 
the second class) = about 380,000 ; of old men, women, children, slaves (about 60,000% 
and foreigners, total = about 3,800,000 : the population of the city = 800,000 souls. 

* T%ose citizens who had emigrated into Roman colonies {cotomm eivhtm Bomancrum) 
retained all their civil rights, but could not exercise them on account of their absence 
from Borne. 

' OokmicB LaUtKB^ or Latin colonlcH. consisted of Roman citizens who, bj becoming 
colonists, lost their right to vote in the oomitia at Rome. The Latin colonies were 

Slanted in the conquered territory, and were compei)<9d, as the rulers of the surrounding 
istricts, to lean on Rome for support. To some jf these places 4000 and to some as 
many as 20«000 colonists were sent. It was these Latin colonists, who belonged origi- 
nally to the body of Roman citizens, and who felt themselves every way equal 10 Bommn 
citizens, that felt so keenly, at a later time, their subordinate position. 



List of Magistrates. 

ConsnlB (originally called Tprndon^ sometimes Justices) werct tbe highest ordi- 
nary magistrates at Borne. They exercised at first the full civil and military authoilty. 
They were always two in number and were elected annually by the Comitia Centuriata. 
It was their duty to command the army, convoke tbe €k>mitia Centuriata, to preside in 
the Mme and to carry into effect the decrees of the senate and the people. Th^ entered 
upon their duties after b. c. 154 on the first of January. 

Tribunes of the People were elected (first in b. o. 494) to protect the plebeians. 
They could be chosen from the plebeians only, and their person was sacred. Th^ 
were elected by the plebeians In the special plebeian assembly by tribes (after b. o. 4T1). 
The number of tribunes was increased in b. c. 457 to ten. 

Praetor was first elected in b. o. 867. Originally there was only one ; but as the 
territory of the state was extended, the number was increased in b. c. 888 to two, In 
B. c. 2ia7 to four, in b. o. 107 to six, by Sulla to eight, and by Cesar to sixteen. One of 
the pretors {prcBtor urbantu) administered justice in the city, while the other ipere- 
grinus) attended to lawsuits between foreigners or citizens and foreigners. After 
B. 0. 149 all the prsBtors remained in the dty during their year of office (two* presiding, 
as formerly, in the civil courts, the other two having charge of criminal cases), and the 
next -year as proprietors governed provinces. 

iEdlles were elected in the Comitia Tributa. There were two sets of sediles, two 
plebeian sediles and two curule sediles (elected first in b. o. 807). The ediles bad charge 
of the public buildings, the care of cleanlug and draining the city, and a general eapet- 
intendence of the police and the public games. ^^ 

QiuM^rs took chaige of all the iHiOney»bdonglng to the state. Theyreceived all 
Uie taxes and made all the payments for the civil and military service. At first there 
were two qunstors, but in b. o. 427, the number was Increased to four, in b. c. 207 to 
eight, by Sulla to twenty and by Caesar to forty. ^^ ...-^^ 

VQfiMjprs wer^ M|(^iP number, and were elected everj^j^years, ffB^aej hdd 
theiromce only imli^thrir duties were discharged. Their ^g||^Rre to take the mq^ 
on which the posiiiuuiuf i!\ery one in the state dependedTth^ also exercis ed cont rol 
over the conduct an djnon ^" *^^ *^^h** ^<*^^*"^"«i and had a- general superintendence ^th e 
fln^^es of the state, under the direction of the senate (such as leasing the taxes, filirg 
th^^onnt of the trlbutnm for each individual, etc.). They had no concern, however, 
with payments into the treasury, nor with the expenditure of the public money. When- 
ever the senate resolved to have public works of any kind, as bridges, roads, aqueducts, 
etc., constructed, the censors made the oon^jdis and superintended their erectio n. 

The magistrates above-mentioned were elected annually. It became the enstinn 
(l^all; ft-om the time of Sulla, b. c. SS) for them to remain the first year of office in. tbe 
city, and then as proconsuls, propraetors, etc., to command In the provinces. It \ms 
legnlly enacted in b. o. i jy. hv thft T^^ ^j^RHg j|fat-MMg citiseirwho desired to attain the 
consulship must commence with the qucestorship and pass through a regular gradation of 
public offices. The earliest age for the qnsstorshlp was 97 years ; for the aedilebhip, St; 
for the pnetorship, 40 ; and for the consulship, 48. 

Dictator must be nominated by one of the consuls in obedience to a decree of tbe 
senate. He exercised for six months only the whole civil and military authority, all the 
other magistrates being subject to his control. He was usually nominated in case of 
some extraordinary danger, as for the prosecution of a war (rH gerundoi causa) or the 
suppression of sedition (sedMonis sedandas caiisa.) At a later time dictators were ap- 
pointed when the consuls were absent from the city to perform some special act, and 
they resigned when the duty was done. As soon as he was nominated he appointed a 
lieutenant, called Magister EquUum^ to lead the cavalry, while he led the legions. After 
the second Punic war, the office fell into disuse, the senate conferring upon the consols 
iictatorial powers in the formula, vidfant consules ns quid respuUioa detrimenU capiat 




Cabthagb and Home. — The First Punio Wab 

(B. C. 264-241). 

1. Ifatnro of the Carthaginian Empire. — On the shores 
of the Mediterranean, opposite to Italy, lived from the earliest 
times the Libyans,^ a branch of the Semitic race. Their 
conntry was early visited by the Phcenicians, whose enterprise 
led them to plant colonies not only on the coast of Africa and 
the islands of the Mediterranean, but even in Spain. Con- 
nected by no particular tie with the mother country these 
colonies soon became independent. One of the most important 
on the coast of Africa was Carthage,^ which, from her favorable 
situation, attained a rapid growth, and succeeded in not only 
uniting the other colonies under her sway but in subjecting a 
considerable tract of the surrounding territory. The city grew 
rich by industry, agriculture and commercial enterprise. In 
order to extend their commerce, and make the products of the 
countries of the Mediterranean pass through their hands, the 
Carthaginians established trading-posts on the northern coast of 
Africa, in Sardinia, Corsica, Spain, and Sicily. Their vessels 
distributed the products of the East — ^glass from Sidon, em- 
broideries and purple from Tyre, frankincense from Arabia, 
slaves and ivory from Africa, linen from Egypt — over the 
shores of the Mediterranean, and brought back in return iron 
from Elba, silver from the Balearic islands, gold from Spain, 
tin from Britain, and copper from Cyprus. Carthage became 

* Tlie Namidlane, Msnrltanlans mnd Gtetnlimns belonscd to the Llbjan 

* CartbafTe wan founded probably in the ninth oenniry ; according to JUt, zrlli. % 
in B. c. 881 ; according to others, in b. c. 801, or 806, or 8t9. 

118 CAMHAGE AND ROME. [b. C. 270. 

the mart for these countries, and the immense gain resulting 
from this commerce made her one of the richest cities in the 

2. Tho ConatitatioB of Cfotiiage. — ^The government was 
yerj similar to that of Rome. Two magistrates, elected by the 
people from the best families, were at the head of the state. 
The command of the army was committed to a dictator whose 
authority in the field was unlimited. The families were repre- 
sented in the senate, which, like the Roman senate, really man- 
aged all matters of foreign and domestic policy. From the 
senators was elected a board of one hundred and four, in whose 
hands the judicial power was invested, and through which the 
senate exercised control over the magistrates and the general 
administi'ation of public affairs. How wisely this goveniment 
was planned and administered is attested by the fact that for 
more than six centuries there was no revolution in Carthage.^ 

3. The Relative Strength of Rome and Carthage. — 
It was in Sicily that the Romans and Oarthaginians first came 
in contact Their relations had hitherto been peaceful, and 
the treaty concluded in b. c. 348 had been renewed in b. a 279. 
The resources of the two nations were nearly equal. Carthage 
relied on mercenaries for conquest and defence, while Rome 
formed her armies from her own citizens. The Roman empire 
was consolidated and the different peoples in Italy looked to 
Rome as the centre. The dependencies of Carthage were widely 
scattered, and too loosely connected to be serviceable in a long 
war. The efforts of the Carthaginians to gain possession of 
Sicily and the expedition of Pyrrhus to relieve Syracuse have 
been related.' Both Rome and Carthage were eagerly watching 
the course of events in Sicily, and it was evident that a struggle 
for the possession of the island was not far distant. Pyrrhus, 
when he quitted Sicily, exclaimed, " How fine a battle-field 
are we leaving to the Romans and Carthaginians! " 

4. The Mamertines. — It happened while the war was going 

on between Pyrrhus and the Romans, that bands of mercenaries 


* Arittotie, PoUt it 8, 1 9. • See p. 107. 

ft. a 264.] CABT&AOK AlTD BOUB. 119 

seised the towna of Rbegium and Messaoa. After the con- 
closion of the war Bheginm was taken by the RomanB and the 
revolterB were pnt to death. 
Id Hesana* the merceDa- 
riea who called themselTes 
MamertmeB, that is, bodb of 
Han, maiBtaiiied their po- 
rition, preyed npoa the 
BarronQdicg territory, and 
made the whole island un- 
safe^ After the capture of 
Bh^nm the day of pirn- 
ishmeDt seemed near for 
the HamertineB. Hiero, 
tbe king of Syracuse, was 
sent against them. They 
were defeated in battle and 
abut up in Messana. After 
the siege had laated fire 
years, and the Mamertines 

were reduced to the last extremity, they looked about for aid. 
Their only choice was between Rome and Carthage. Tbe 
party in favor of Rome finally prevailed, and an embassy was 
sent to the senate to offer the surrender of the city. The 
temptadon was strong, for the refus^ to grant protection 
would surely throw the town into the hands of the Carthagin- 
ians.' Only six years before Hiero had assisted tbe Romans 
in subduing Rbegium, and it seemed now impossible that the 
Romans eould lend their aid against their old ally to those who 
were guilty of the same crime which they had just punished 
BO severely. If the assistance were granted it would lead to a 
war with Carthage and take the Romans beyond Italy. The 
Roman senate hesitated ; but when the question came before 
the people all considerations were laid aside, and, animated by 

■ AccotdlnE Id Itanc, i, Carthaglnlu gurSaoD HM flnt kdmillad lo tlM Uwn, and tban 

120 OABTHAOE AND fiOHfi. [b. C. 262. 

the hope of spoils and gain, they voted for the undertakiiig. 
The consul, Appius Claudius, was entrusted with the task of 
carrying out the decree. 

5. The Siege of Messaxut— In the meantime the Car- 
thaginians had appeared before Messana and concluded a 
peace between Hiero and the Mamertines ; and Hanno, the 
Carthaginian general, had been admitted into the city, so that 
there was no longer any pretext for the interference of the Bo- 
mans. Still the consul would not abandon the enterprise. His 
legate crossed to Messana, ostensibly for the object of settling 
the difficulty, and persuaded the Mamertines to expel the Car- 
thaginians. Hiero and the Carthaginians made common 
cause, and laid siege to Messana.^ Appius, although the Car- 
thaginians ruled the sea, managed to elude their fleets landed 
with his army, relieved Messana, and advancing even to the 
walls of Syracuse, defeated Hiero and the Carthaginians. 

6. The Capture of Agrigentum (b. g. 262).— The next 
year the Romans carried on the war with two consular armies. 
On their advance the Sicilian cities one after the other deserted 
Hiero and the Carthaginians and joined the Romans, so that 
the latter were in a fair way to gain possession of the whole 
island. Hiero became alarmed and saw that he had made a 
great mistake in forming an alliance with the Carthaginians. 
He soon concluded a peace with the Romans, and ever after 
remained their faithful ally (b. c. 263). The Romans now laid 
siege to Agrigentum, which the Carthaginians had selected as 
the base of their operations. After a siege of seven months, 
the city fell into their hands. The capture of this fortified 
town had not been attained without great loss,^ but the success 
waa correspondingly great All Sicily, except the fortresses of 
Eryx and Panormus, was entirely subdued. The Romans began 
now to look higher than merely keeping the Carthaginians out 
of Messana. The prospect of acquiring all Sicily was opened 
to them. 

* There was no formal declaration of war by the Roman fetioHs (see page 41 f.) the 
action of the people had practically be^n the war. 

' According to niodonxs (xxiil. 9), the Romans lost 80,000 men. 

B.C. 260.] CA&THAGE AKD BOME. 121 

7. The First Roman Fleet. — The Bomans prosecuted 
the war with vigor, but they saw from year to year that it was 
impossible to defend Sicily and bring the war to a successful 
conclusion without a navy. In Sicily the towns on the sea- 
coast were continually exposed to the attacks of the Cartha- 
ginian fleet, and even the coast of Italy was ravaged. There 
siras a good deal of truth in the declaration of the Carthaginian 
liplomatists before the war/ that no Boman against their will 
could wash even his hands in the sea. The Bomans deter- 
mined to construct a fleet and meet the Carthaginians on their 
own element The navy of the Greek and Etruscan towns 
must have been considerable, yet the Bomans determined to 
defend Italy with a fleet of their own. Hitherto Bome had 
built triremes only, that is, galleys with three tiers of benches 
for rowers, which were entirely unable to cope with the quin- 
queremes of the Carthaginians — ships with five tiers of benches 
for rowers. A Carthaginian quinquereme, wrecked on the coast 
of Bruttium, served as a model The forests of Italy furnished 
pitch and timber. The sailors* were levied from the Greek 
and Etruscan towns. In the short space of sixty days one 
hundred and twenty ships were built* 

8. The Battle off MyUe (b. o. 260).~One of the consuls, 
Cn.* Cornelius Scipio, put to sea with seventeen ships, but was 
surprised in the harbor of Lipara and taken prisoner with all his 
crews. This loss was, however, soon repaired. Gajus Duillius, 
his colleague, took command of the rest of the fleet and im- 
mediately led it against the enemy. The battle was fought off 
MylsB. The Carthaginians were far superior to the Bomans in 
maritime tactics. In order to supply their lack of skill in 
manoeuvring the vessels, the Bomans invented the boarding- 
bridges.^ Each ship was provided with one, which was pulled 

* Hie name ttodi nttvaUs shows that Uiey were raised chiefly from the allies (soeil). 

■ UiDe thinks that a great part of the fleet came from the allies and was manned by 
fb«m (Tol. iL, p. M); see map No. 1. 

* AJtboogh the letter g had been in use for some time, still the abbreviation On. was 
leUdned for the name Otueut. See Hisl. qf LUeroture. 

* It was thirty-six feet long and was palled np twelve feet above the deck and fks- 
toned to the mast twenty-f onr feet high in rach a way that it conld be moved up and 
down an weU as sideways, by means of a rope, which passed from the end of the bridge 
through a rli^ in the top of the mast, down to the deck. The bridge was broad eaougb 

128 CAETHAQE AND BOMB. [B-C. 267. 

Dp and fastened to the mast ia the fore part of the ehip If 
the enemy's ship approached 
near enough, the rope was 
loosened, the bridge fell on 
the deck of the hostile ship, 
and the spikes on the onder 
side penetrated the timbers 
and fastened the two ships 
together. The soldiers then 
ran along the hridge to board, 
and the sea-fight became a 
hand-to-hand engagement. 
When the Carthaginians saw 
the Bomau fleet, confident of 
an easy victory, they bore 
down upon it The bowrd- 
ing-bridges worked admira- 
bly. Their ships were seized 
\ by the boarding-bridges, and 
when it came to a hand-to- 
hand fight the Carthaginian 
crews were no match for the 
Boman soldiers. The victoiy 
was complete, and Dnillins 
was awarded the honor of a 
triumph' on his return to 
Borne, and a column, deco- 
ooi.r„*ito^.^ rated with the beaks of the 

conquered ships and an inscription* celebrating the rictory, 

was erected in the forum. 

9. The Battles of Tyndaric and BcnomnB. — After 

the battle of Mylie, two plans were open to the Bomans, either 

for two soldiers to wilk tbroMt, and t, nlllLE on «aeh •tda protoWrf thMD bon tli» M 

• It i? relsWd that otter honora wete conterrerl upon ""-."^.^iJ^^*" •"" 
DSnlBl home in the ereolnB from banqneM by • flntn-ptoTer and loreh-bMnr. 

■ Thefrwrnenloftheftwriplionon ihi? colomn, renews by ■nbwtM. I» lii""" 
at ROBie, in its P«i»c« of [bo QoaternXvA {fluUiOi anuol adBomm Pbko* m teirita 
etc BetBUt.if LU.,v- }■ 

B. 0.256.] CARTHAGB AND HOME. 123 

to inyade Africa or to attack and subdue the islands of the 
Mediterranean. The latter course was adopted. Expeditions 
were sent to Cosica and Sardinia, and Hamilcar^ who at this 
time was placed in command of the Carthaginian forces in 
Sicily, was driven to the western end of the island. The sea 
battle at Tyndaris (b. o. 257), although not a decisive victory, 
encouraged the Romans to enlarge their fleet, and to transfer the 
war to Africa. The task was entrusted to the two consuls, M. 
Atilius Begnlus and L. Manlius Vulso. They sailed along the 
southern coast of Sicily, and near Ecnomus met the Oartha- 
ginian fleets under command of Hamilcar and Hanno, pre- 
pared to obstruct their way to Africa. In the battle which 
followed,^ the boarding-bridges did good service as at Mylse. 
The Soman fleet was victorious and the way to Africa was 

10. HegohiB in AMca. (b. a 256).— The Romans landed 
near the town of Glypea,'" and established there their camp. 
The country all about was covered with flourishing villages, 
towns, and the villas of the nobility. The spoils were great 
Town after town fell into the hands of the Romans, till at last 
the capita] itself was in danger. The Oarthaginians sued for 
peace, but the conditions were too humiliating, and they deter- 
mined to continue the war with energy. They increased their 
forces. Among their mercenaries was Xanthippus, a Spartan 
general, a man of great military ability. He pointed out to 
them that their defeat was due to the fact that they did not 
select the proper field of battle where their elephants and cav- 
alry could be useful, and not to the superiority of the Romans. 
By his advice the Oarthaginians left the hills and offered bat- 
tle on the level ground. This Regulus readily accepted. His 
army was almost annihilated (b. o. 255). A Roman fleet ^ was 
sent to carry off the remains of the army, but on its return 
home, it was overtaken by a fearful hurricane on the southern 

* Tba Bomans, aooordlnff to Polrbias, had 880 Bhipe and 140,000 men ; and the 0»> 
th«c!*'*f"* had a rtlll larser lorce, 1S0,000 men and 8S0 yemela, 

■ On Its way to sain a rlctotr at the Hermcan j>iomontory, near Alexandria. 

• See map, p. 817. 

124 CABTHAOE AND ROME. [B. G. 254^ 

coast of Sicily. Nearly the entire fleet was destroyed, and the 
coast was strewed for miles with wrecks and corpses. 

11. Panormiis (b. c. 254).— The Eomans, after these re» 
verseSy set about with undiminished energy rebuilding their 
fleet, and in less than three months they had 220 yessels ready 
for sea. This fleet surprised and captured Panormus (Pal- 
ermo), one of the most important Carthaginian strongholds in 
Sicily. This success so encouraged the Romans that they made 
a second descent on the African coast, but nowhere obtained 
a firm footing. On its return the fleet was overtaken by a 
terrible storm near the Palinurian promontory on the coast of 
Lucani% in which one hundred and fifty ships were lost For 
the next few years the war languished. The Carthaginian 
dominion was confined to the western part of Sicily, with the 
two important fortresses of Lilybsenm and Drepana. 

12. Panonniui (b. c. 250). — ^In the year b. c. 251 Ham- 
ilcar arrived in Sicily with a large army and one hundred and 
forty elephants. He laid waste the country and approached 
the walls of Panormus. The consul, L. Metellus,^ at a favor- 
able time accepted battle and gained a complete victory. This 
was the most important battle that had yet been fought in 
Sicily,' and the result encouraged the Romans. 


L. Cmchaub Mbtbxxub, 
COS. B.C. 951,M7. 

CM. B. o. U6. tr. pi. B. o. 816. pr. b. o. S06^ 

Q. IffVTBL. MACBiMincuB, L. MBmj.u8 Caltub, 

COB. B. O. 148. COB. B. O. Itt. 


1 Mat. Balbab* L. Mbt. Diadbh- M. Mbtbllus, Q. Mst. Cjmiua, m. Cjkili a. m. 


«M. B. 0. U6k OM. B. 0. 117. CO*. B.a US. VaTIA. tlCA. 

* Bftmllcar, on his retain to Cartluuref was crocliled. UO elephantB were taken and 
led In Um tiinmplMd proceBBlon of Metellna. 

B. C. 249.] CASTHAOE AND BOM£. 125 

X3. IiilybfBiiin and Drepanad — The battle of Panonniis 

was a taming point in the war. The Carthaginians were dis- 

coaraged and sent an embassy ^ to Borne to negotiate a peace. 

Nothing, however^ was accomplished, and the Romans renewed 

the war with yigor. They concentrated all their force against 

LdlybflBaniy' situated in the western extremity of the island on a 

promontory of the same name. This siege> like that of Veji, 

lasted almost ten years. All kinds of attacks were resorted to, 

but without avail In the second year (b. c. 249), the consul, 

P. Clandius Pulcher,' was sent to Sicily with a new army. He 

^ Oonneeted with this embawy is the celebrated story of Begnlas. It is related that 
be was sent to Rome with the aoiDaesadorB to negotiate a peace or at least to procure an 
exdbMBgt of prisoDero, bound by his oath to return if not successful. The poets relate 
how BekoluB at first refnaed to enter the city as a slave of a Cartha^nian ; how he would 
not give hia oplnioo in the senate, as he had ceased by his captivity to be a member 
of that bodr ; bow at length he dissuaded his countrymen not only from peace bat 
ftom an ezchanire of prisoners, because he thoqirtit it would resnlt to the advanta^ of 
Oothage ; how ne resisted all the persuasions ofhis ftimlly and fk-lends who urged him 
to reondn at Borne ; how, when the senate wavered and seemed disposed to make the ex- 
chanse, he told them that he could no longer be of any service to his country, because 
the Carthaginians had given liiro a slow poison, which would soon terminate in his 
death. He refused to see his wife and children, and, true to his oath, returned to Car- 
tilage, where he was put to death with cruel tortures. When the news of his death 
reached Home, the senate gave up two noble Carthaginians. Hamilcar and Bostar, to 
bis family, on whom to revenge themselves for the cruel death of Regnlus. This stoiy, 
inherently improbable, is not mentioned by Polybius. It is scarcely credible that the 
Bomans refused to exchange prisoners, for we know ftom Zonaraa (vUi. 16)- that they 
agreed to an exchange willingly two yeara afterwards. 

* Hie modem Mamala : lor the manner of besieging a town see p. 881. 


Afftus Claudius Cocub, 
cens. B.O. 81& 

Af, Glauh. Ciuesua, P. Cl. Pulohvb, G. Ol. Cbhto, Ite. Cu Naso, Claudu^ 
COS. B. o. 20B. COS. s. c. 948. cos. b. c. 240. Quinqus. 

Jkr. Cl. Pduchbb, cob. b.o. SIS. Claudia Quimta. 

Claudia m. At. Cl. Pulohkb, P. Cl. PuLomB, Q. Ol. Pulobbb, 

PBUU VIUB CaLAVIUS. I COS. B. O. 184. COS. B. c. 177. 

A. Cl. Pulohbb, m. Amtibtia. 

A. Ol. Pulcbbb. 

Claudia, Claudia, m. 

Vbbtal. Tib. Obaocbub. 

126 GABTHAGE AKD ROME. [B.a ^7. 

_U 1^1 ■ M ■ IIMl ■ ^1 ■■ ■ ■■ ■■■■! ■■■ ^ m ^t - — I ■■- ^^— 

formed the design of surprising the Carthaginians at Drepana. 
The attack miscarried, and he was defeated with great loss.^ 
This defeat caused great terror at Borne, such as the city had 
not experienced since the day of the Allia.^ 

14. Destraction of the Roman Transport Ships. — ^The 
other consul, L. Junius Pullus, was almost equally nnsnocess- 
fnl. He was sailing along the coast of Sicily with a part of 
the eight hundred transports, loaded with provisions for the 
soldiers in LdlybsBum, which he had collected in Sicily and 
Italy, when he was overtaken by a storm, which waa so severe 
that not one of the transport ships was saved. 

15. Romans Discouraged. — These were great misfortunes 
for the Bomans. The war had continued fifteen years. They 
had lost four large fleets and more than one-sixth of their fight- 
ing population. Lilybseum and Drepana defied all their efforta 
Their trade and industry were ruined. It was no wonder that 
they were discouraged. They became inactive or carried on hos- 
tilities on a small scale. For the next six years their efforts 
were chiefly confined to blockading LilybeBum and Drepana. 

16. Etamilcar Barcas.— In the year b. g. 247 the chief 
command of the Oarthaginians was entrusted to Hamilcar, sur- 
named Barcas (that is. Lightning), the &ther of the celebrated 
Hannibal. He was truly a great man. With slender means 
he carried on the war for six years^ until the faults, of others 
compelled him to counsel peace. 

17. Batde at the JBgatian Islands (b.o. 241).~He took 
possession of Mount Hercte (Monte Pellegrino), from which he 
could threaten Panormns, now the most important possession 
of the Bomans in Sicily. For three years Hamilcar attacked 
the Bomans by land and sea, carried his raids even as far as 
Mount jEtna, and laid waste the coast of Italy. All efforts on 
the part of the Bomans to dislodge him were in vain. At length 
he left Mount Hercte for a position on Mount Eryx, near Dre- 

* He lost 8,000 men in battle, 80,000 prisoners, and 180 ships. 

* The Romann attributed his defeat to his impletr. When the angoilas frere eon- 
snlted, and Claodlns wa«> informed that the pacred chickens wonld not eat, ** At anv 
rate," said he, ** let them drink ;" and ordered them to be cast into the sea. 


pana, which he held for two years longer ; at length the 
Romans determined to build another fleet and attack the Car- 
thaginians again on the sea, the only means by which the war 
<!ou}d be bronght to a successful conclusion. In b. g. 242 a 
fleet of two hundred ships under the consul G. Lutatius Ca- 
tulns was fitted out and sent to Sicily. As the Carthaginian 
fleet was away plundering the coast of Italy and Sicily, the 
consul had time to exercise his men and to become acquainted 
with the coast The next year (b. c. 241 ^^ he gained a com- 
plete victory oyer the Carthaginian fleet off the iSgatian 

18. Ttams of Peace. — ^The Carthaginians were exhausted 
and weary of the war. The discontent of their mercenaries 
warned them to make peace. Carthage therefore empowered 
Hamikar to treat with Catulus. At first the Romans de- 
manded dishonorable conditions, but Hamilcar refusing these, 
and the consul being anxious to complete the negotiation before 
his term of ofBce expired, preliminaries were agreed upon. 
Carthage was to eyacuate Sicily, to give up the Eoman prison- 
ers without ransom, and pay the cost of the war.^ 


cec^^jpttkr xxi. 

The Bbginnino of thb Provincial System — The Illy- 
BiAN Wars — Wars wtth the Gauls. 

1. D7ar with the Meroenaiiae (b.o. 241-238).— During 
the interval between the the first and second Punic wars, a 
period of twenty-three years, both Borne and Carthage exerted 

* The engmment was with the fleet of the Carthaginians, whieh had tnst airlred 
with eappUcMfor the troops in Slelly. The commander attempted to land the provirions 
and take cm boaid the soldiers of Hamilcar, then to ensage the Romans. Catallusi 
although woonded, promptly prevented this. In the battle which follotved, Valerius 
Falto took the command. 

* Tliat is, the snm of 8,S00 talents =-- 94,000,000 ; one-third down and the remainder in 
ten annual payments. 



themselyes to the utmost to consolidate and extend their 

The resources of Oarthage were yeiy much weakened by the 
rerolt of her subjects in Africa ; so much so, that when the 
mercenaries returned from Sicily, being unable to obtain their 
overdue pay, they rose in open mutiny. The mercenaries 
and African allies made common cause. They laid waste the 
country fisur and wide, and all the towns in Libya except Car- 
thage were in their hands. The genius of Hamilcar organized 
an army, and after a war of nearly three years, exterminated 
the mutineers. 

2. Provincial System. — Rome took adrantage of the ex- 
hausted condition of Carthage, to interfere in a reTolt in Sar- 
dinia. When Carthage made preparations to subdue the 
reYolting island, Rome pretended to regard it as a menace of 
war. Carthage being too much exhausted to engage in war 
with Rome, had to purchase peace by resigning Sardinia and 
paying twelve hundred talents.^ Sai^inia' became a Roman 
province.' At this time (b.c. 227) Sicily^ was also organized 
as a province. This was the beginning of the provincial «y^ 
tern. Each province was governed by a praetor and paid taxes ° 
to the Roman people. 

3. Hamilcar Baxcas. — The manner in which Carthage 
had been treated inspired in Hamilcar an implacable hatred of 
Rome. He departed for Spain, where he strove to restore the re- 
sources of his government and to renew her exhausted energies. 

4. The First niyrian War (b. c. 229-228).— The Romans, 
in securing their frontier, first came in contact with the Dly- 

' About 1«600,000 dollars. 

• Ooraica, which bad never been In tte hnda of Otftbage, was added to SanllnJa, and 
formed one province. 

* The word province (protkickt) denoted primarilj tbe field to which the imfwrftmi 
of the consol or other maffiatrate wan limited. When foreign territory wa9 acnnired, the 
Boyemment of it was amgned to a consul or a pnetor and^the tn^taium was eztended 
iprorogalum) for this purpose. Tbif* foreign territory was called provinda, a special nee 
or the word« which is more familiar than tne original meaning. 

* According to Applan (Sic. S), Sicily was organized as a province in b. o. 941 ; Urj 
(Bp. XX.) says that the namber of prstors was increased from two to four in b. c. SSf. 
and one nent to Sidl/ ; this Is the earlicAt notice that the Romans took the government 
into their hands. Trie province of Sicily conmsted, until b. c. 310, of only the western 
part of the island: after that, of the whole inland. Tne territory of Syracuse consisted of 
tbe seven cities. Syracuse, Acm, Leontlni, Mogara, Blomm, Netnm, and I^Miromenlmn. 

• Either veeUffol or tributum ; see p. 181. 


xians, who lived on the eastern Bide of the Adriatic. They were 
a nation of pirates and made the whole Adriatic and Ionian seas 
unsafe for commerce/ and even the Italian towns began to suf- 
fer. An embassy was sent to Scodra (Scutari), to Queen Teuta, 
to complain of iiiese injuries. She not only refused all redress, 
but caused one of the ambassadors to be murdered on his way 
home. War^ was declared (b. c. 229). A Roman fleet appeared 
in the Adriatic, the corsair vessels were scattered and Queen 
Teuta was compelled to give up her conquests and to make peace. 
Coicyra was surrendered and Demetrius of Pharos (Lestna) 
taken under the protection of Borne. The Greek towns which 
were liberated from the Illyrians were taken under the protec- 
tion of Bome. The action of Borne in suppressing the piracy 
caused great joy among the Greek states. 

5. The Agrarian Law of O. Flaniiiiiiis (b.o. 232).— The 
Bomans began now to look to their border in northern Italy, 
with a view of extending it to the Alps. After the defeat of the 
Gauls at the Vadimonian Lake comparative quiet had prevailed, 
and the colonies at Sena and Ariminum had been founded to se- 
cure their dominion in that quarter. There were still large tracts 
of unoccupied land which had been taken from the Gauls, and 
which had thus far i*emained as pablic land. In B. c. 232 the 
tribune, G. Flaminius, carried an agrarian law to the effect that 
this land should be divided among the Ycterans and poorer classes 
in order to people those districts. The senate, although since 
the Hortensian law the resolutions of the assembly of tribes did 
not need the confirmation of the patrum aucloritaSf resisted 
the measure. In spite of this resistance the law was executed, 
colonies were planted, and the Plaminian Way* was constructed 
to Ariminum, at that time the extreme oatpost of Boman 

6. VTbx with the Gauls (b. c. 225-222).— This activity of 
the Bomans alarmed the Boji. They looked forward to the day 
when their country would be seized by Boman settlers. To pre- 

* The town« laea. Pharos, Apollonla, and Bptdamnns were In danger. OorcTra wm 
taken and giren to an aniirindpied Greek from PharoA called Demetrias. 

• An army of SO,Q00 men and 8,000 horne went to Bnudtoiiim to embark. 
■ Via FUwHnia ; see maps, pp. 8 and 114. 


Tttfe WAR WifH tttE ILLtRlAirS. 


The ooontrj on the eutern oowt of the Adriatic, comptMnc what was aftenraidi the 
prorinoefl Dalmatia, Pannonia, Moexia, and, aocordiiur to Appian (Uljr. 6), Rhaetia, and 
Noricain. waa known to the ancients by the name of lllyricani (f«e map, p. 180). At one 
time Dacia and the district between the Dalmatians and Bplrna, with the cities Apollonia, 
Dyrrtiaciam, and Li^sad, were inclnded nnder the name of n/ricnm, although later this 
district was mostly joined to Macedonia and known an lUyria. The last Idng of Dlyrli 
was Gentian ; he was t»abdaed b. o. 167, his capital, 8codra, taken, and bis kingdom was 
divided into three parts and taken under the protection of Rome. When the Diunatianek 
lapydian, and Libnmians were snbdned their country was formed into a province which 
tiie Romans called Illyricnm. It extended on the sonth to the river Drllo, on the north to 
the northern boundary of Pannonia, and to the eastward as fttr as the Donan (after a.d. 9). 
In ▲. D. 10 Pannonia was made a separate province, and at the same time the territory be- 


B.a222.] TSfi WAR WITH THE axULfi. 181 

Tent this they organized an alliance of all the Cisalpine Ganls^* 
and summoned nnmerous adyentnrers across the Alps for a com- 
bined attack on Borne. When the news of this invasion reached 
Borne terror pervaded aU Italy. The day of the Allia * was re- 
caQed and the Sibylline books' were consulted. To avert the 
impending evil two Grauls and two Grecians, one of each sex, 
were burned alive in the public market-place.^ A large army^ 
Tras raised and stationed at Ariminum^ on which side the attack 
was expected. In the common danger the alUes eagerly offered 
men and supplies. The consul, Atilins Begulus, who was 
engaged in a war with the natives in Sardinia^ was hastily 
summoned home. The Oauls, deceiving the calculations of 
the Bomans, took the most westerly of the great highways to 
Bome and thus avoided the consular army at Ariminum. They 
fell in with the reserve corps, and completely defeated it.' In- 
stead of continuing their advance to Bome they decided to 611 
back and first place their plunder in safety, and after collecting 
new forces, to renew their raids. By this time the consulararmy 
had arrived from Ariminum and followed closely on their heels. 
The other consul had brought back his army from Sardinia, 
and landing at Pisa, marched southward on the same road on 
which the Gauls were retreating. The d^sive battle was 
fought near Telamon (TeJemone), The Gauls, hemmed in 
between the two consular armies, were annihilated.*^ 

7. Roman Colonies. — During the next two years the Bo- 
mans defeated the Insubres, captured their capital, Mediolanum 
(b. c. 222), compelled them to submit, and reduced the whole 
country between the Alps and Apennines. Two more colonies, 
Flacentia and Cremona, were founded to secure the newly ac- 
quired territoiy.'' 

* IBxtaat the Cebomanlans. * See p. 77, note. 

* Pin. ifaroell. 8 : aeeording to Ume tlie Hbri faialetj of Stnisean origin, were oon- 
Nilted. The SibjUtne bookft, which were of Oredan ongln, wonid hardly demand the 
M Ci M c e <rf a Greek. 

* Wbrtun Boot^uMm 

* Ibe army numbered in ali 8S,000 men and wae commanded by the oonnil. L. iEmllliu 
Pnaa, with a leeerve corps of about 60,000 Umbrians and Sahmee to protect Btnuia* 
staoDned near Anetlom. 

* Fkobably near Clnsiam. 

* Thia wai b.o. SB ; 40,000 were killed ; 10,000 taken priraners ; only the hornemeo 

' According lo MommMn the Via Flaminia was extended, after the enhjeetlon of 
GSaalpine Gaiu, from Spoletiom through the Fnrlo Fus to Ariminum (b. c. 280). 


8. The Second nijriian War (b. c. 219).— While the 
Romans were engaged on the northern frontier in subduing the 
Gauls, Demetrius of Pharos had taken the opportunity to free 
himself from his subjection to Eome, and entered into an 
alliance with Antigonus of Macedonia. Thinking that Borne 
would soon be engaged in a war with Carthage, he had collected 
a fleet, attacked the Eoman allies, and committed various acts 
of piracy along the coast as far as the Mgeaji SesL The Ro- 
mans prepared with all speed to settle affairs in Illyricum, that 
their hands might be free for the war with Hannibal which was 
now inevitable. The consul, L. iEmilius PauUns,^ crossed the 
Adriatic, destroyed Pharos, and restored the Roman supremacy 
in that quarter. Demetrius fled to Macedonia and sought to 
prevail on the king to declare war against Rome ; but Philip, 
the new king,' was too young to resent the attack upon his 


c:haptkr XXII. 

The Skoond Punio War (B. C. 218-201).— Thk Fimt 

Period (B. O. 2ia-216). 

1. Cartbagiiiian Policy. — ^While Rome was busy enlaig- 
ing and strengthening her power, Carthage was not idle. 
After the loss of Sardinia the determination to renew the 
struggle with Rom^ became a fixed national sentiments The 
aristocratic and peace party lost its control of the govern- 
ment. The popular party with true instinct saw its only 
hope in war, and a fitting leader in Hamilcar. He found a 
rich compensation for the loss of Sicily and Sardinia in Spain. 
ELere, during nine (b. c. 236-228) years he extended the Car- 
thaginian power over the southern part of the peninsula. When 

■ This spelling Is better than Paulns; sec Brambach, p. 963. 
* Antigonna med b. c. S31. 

B.a219.] THE SSCOS^D FUNIC WAR. 133 

he fell in battle his plans were ably carried ont by his son- 
in-law, Haadnibal, whom the voice of the soldiers raised to the 
chief command. New Carthage was founded and destined to 
be the capital of the new empire. The steady advance of the 
Carthaginian power to the northward awakened the jealousy of 
Kome ; she entered into an alliance with Saguntum and £m- 
porise and assumed to be the protectress of the Greek cities on 
the Iberian, as she already was of those on the Adriatic Sea. 
She formed an alliance with several of the native tribes and 
compelled Hasdrabal to declare that Carthage would not ex- 
tend her power beyond the Ebro (Iberus). 

2. Sieg0 of Sagontiim^ (b.g.219).— In b.o. 221 Hasdrubal 
was assassinated. The universal voice of the army and the Car- 
thaginian people called Hannibal, the son of Hamilcar Barcas, 
to the chief command. He was at that time in his twenty-ninth 
year, and was already trained to the knowledge of war. Sworn 
from boyhood to eternal hatred of Home, he had accompanied 
his father to Spain, and was there trained to that personal 
courage and endurance that made him the idol of the army. 
He wished to make war at once on Rome before the Illyrians 
and Gauls were subdued; but he had first to complete his 
preparations for the security of Spain and Africa, and to try 
his army. In the spring of b.o. 219 he proceeded to attack 
Saguntum, which claimed to be of Greek origin and which had 
already entered into an alliance with Rome. The Soman senate 
warned him to desist, and felt that a warning would be suffi- 
cient. Hannibal pushed on the siege, and after a stubborn 
resistauce of eight months the town surrendered. 

3. Homan Embassy to Carthage. — A second embassy 
was sent to Carthage, after the fall of Saguntum, to demand 
the surrender of Hannibal as a sign that the Carthaginians 
took no i)art in this violence done to the allies of Rome. 
After a long discussion, Quintus Fabius, the chief of the em- 
bassy, gathering up the folds of his toga, said, ^^ Here I carry 
peace and war; say, ye men of Carthage, which you choose ?'' 
** Give us which ye will," was the reply. " Then we give you 
war,'* said Fabius, spreading out his toga. "We accept it, 

> See map, p. 175. 

134 TOE SEOOND PUNIC WAR. [B. G. 218. 

and will maiutaiii it with the same epirit with which we have 
accepted it.^ ^ Thus war was declared, a war the most memora- 
ble of all in the annals of the ancient world;' memorable not 
alone for its length, the numbers engaged, and the ability of 
the generals, bat because it decided the future destiny of 
Europe. It decided whether the civilization of Greece or of 
Bome was to prevail in the west, or to be superseded by the 
Semitic civilization of the east 

After the fall of Saguntum, Hannibal returned to New Car- 
thage, where he spent the winter in preparation for the inyaaion 
of Italy. 

4. The Growth of Roman Powar. — The power of Bome 
had been much increased since the last war with Carthage.* 
All Italy was now united, old animosities had died out and all 
looked to Bome as the centre. Her armies were composed of 
her own citizens and faithful allies. Her supremacy was ac- 
knowledged in the western Mediterranean. With Carthage it 
was very different Her armies were composed of mercenaries^ 
her subjects and allies were not trustworthy, and her finances, 
although considerably improved by the resources of Spain, 
were far from what they had been. Hannibal saw this, and 
the necessity of securing allies. Negotiations were opened with 
the king of Macedonia and with the Gauls in northern Italy. 
The colonies which the Bomans had founded in their country 
had awakened anew their hostility. If he could unite these 
Oauls with his own disciplined army, and make their country 
the base of his attack on Bome, his success seemed certain. 
He hoped also to secure the alliance of the Italians, and that 
his victories would finally shake the adhesion of the Latins. 

5. Hannihal'B Bfarch ikom New Cartilage.— In the 
spring of n. c. 218 all his preparations were complete, and he 
crossed the Ebro with an army of ninety thousand foot, twelve 
thousand horse, and thirty-seven elephants. After a severe 
contest, and the sacrifice of nearly one-fourth of his army, he 

' Hvv, xxl 18. • Lifff, xiA. 1. 

* The popalation of luly proper was about 9,000,000^ with TTO^OOO men capable of 
beaiiiu< arms, 


forced bifi way through the country between the Ebro and the 
Pyrenees. At the Pyrenees he left his brother, Hasdmbal, 
with ten thousand men to defend the newly conquered territory. 
An equal number of Spanish soldiers he discharged, finding 
that they accompanied him unwillingly. With a picked force 
of fifty thousand men and nine thousand horse and the ele- 
phant^ he reached the Bhone without serious opposition. The 
Gauls had assembled a force on the eastern bank of the river. 
These he outflanked by sending a detachment, under Hanno, 
across on rafts two days' march higher up, and thus easily put 
the (xauls to rout and forced a passage. 

6. The Preparatioiis of the Ronume. — The Romans 
acted with remissness. They had no conception of Hannibal's 
plan. The two consular armies were levied as usual ; the one 
under Tiberius Sempronius Longus was to be sent to Sicily and 
thence it was to cross over into Africa to attack Carthage itself; 
the other, under Publius Cornelius Scipio, to act against Han- 
nibal in Spain. Scipio, late in the summer, proceeded to Mas- 
silia on his way to Spain. Here he learned that Hannibal had 
crossed the Ebro and the Pyrenees. On advancing up the Bhone 
to the spot where Hannibal had crossed, he learned that the 
Carthaginian army was three days in advance of him on its 
way to Borne. When he heard this, he sent the main part of 
his force under his brother Gnseus into Spain, and he himself 
set sail with a few men for Genoa and hastened to Cisalpine 
Gaul to take command of the troops there and to attack Han- 
nibal immediately on his arrival 

7. Hannibal's Route. — Hannibal advanced up the river 
Isere almost to the foot of the Little St Bernard. Here he 
commenced the passage of the Alps. In contests with the 
native tribes and in struggling through the difficult places he 
lost more than half of his army ; when he at length emerged 
into the valley of the Duria and descended into the plains of 
the Po his first care was to recruit his exhausted troops. After 
a few days' rest he turned against the Taurinians, who had re- 
jected bis offers of alliance, and in three days took their capital 
(Turin) and annihilated their army. The other tribes submitted. 



[b. a 218. 

Route of Hannibal 


& SkirmiBh on the TiciniiB. — The Romans had no snit- 
able army in northern Italy * to oppose the progress of Hanni- 
bal. The recent insurrection of the Gauls, on account of the 
founding of Placentia and Cremona, had caused the Romans 
to leave some troops there. The consul Scipio took command of 
this force, and, utterly ignorant of the quality of Hannibal's 
army and of his genius as a commander, hastened to meet him. 
He advanced along the left bank of the Po, across the Ticinus, 
where he fell in with a part of Hannibal's cavalry. The Roman 
cavalry was repulsed and Scipio himself severely wounded. 
Unwilling to come to a regular engagement, on account of the 
superiority of the Numidian cavalry, Scipio hastened across the 
Po to Placentia. Having occupied a strong position on the left 
bank of the Trebia, he waited until his colleague arrived from 

9. The Battle of the Trebia (b. c. 218). — Sempronius 

> See map, p. 2. 


had already sent his troops to Ariminum,^ and thence he 
marched to the Trebia where he effected a junction with Scipia 
The oombined armies' were snperior to Hannibal's^ and Sem- 
pronins was eager for battle. Hannibal succeeded in drawing 
the Roman army across the riyer^ already swollen by the recent 
rains, and in delivering battle on a field chosen by himself. It 
was towards midwinter (December), and the day was cold, and 
sleet and snow filled the air. The battle was decisive. The Ro- 
mans were completely defeated and thousands perished on the 
retreat^ in the river and by the cold. The remains of the army 
took refuge within the walls of Placentia. The wavering Gauls 
joiBod the Carthaginian standard and were eager for the plan* 
der of Italy. 

10. Batae of Lake Tnurimenns (b. g. 217).— The Ro- 
mans made great preparations for the next campaign. Four 
new legions were raised, and provisions and supplies were sent 
to the north. One of the new consuls Gn. Servilius, proceeded 
to Ariminum with two legions^ and the other^ O. Flaminius, 
the leader of the popular party and a man of great energy^ to 
Arretium. It was the same Flaminius who was the author of 
the Agrarian law that occasioned the Gallic war. Of no great 
military ability, he had been raised to the consulship by -popu- 
lar tAYOT, in opposition to the aristocratic party. After his 
election he hurried from Rome, lest under pretext of some bad 
omen his election should be annulled.^ As soon as the season 
permitted, Hannibal crossed the Apennines,^ and after great 
difficulty and tremendous loss in the low ground along the 
Amo, reached the Upper Amo, and then proceeded southward 
past the camp of the consul at Arretium towards Perusia. 
Flaminius followed the Carthaginian army beyond Cortona.alb 
far as Lake Trasimenus/ where Hannibal awaited the consul's i 
approach in a narrow defile,* his army occupying the heights. 

' Aecordlng to Zivy, r?i. 51. ' Nambered 40.000. 

* Xiry, xxl. 68w It was cnstoniary for the newly elected con»ai, before departing for 
hii proTfoce, dad in his purple-bordered toga, to offer prayer ta Jnpiter Capitotinn», oer- 
form certain sacrifices, and iniperintend the celebration of the Latin festival on the Aloan 
Monnt These formaHMes Flaminias disregarded and left Borne at onoe. 

* By the Pootremoli pass from Parma to Laoca. 

* iam^di ArfMte ; eee colored map, p. 4. 

* Acooiding to Mlnen, near the village of Taoro. 

Idd tnt sAc6ift> pvmc waa. [b. o. 2if. 

The Boman column advanced without hesitation into the defile, 
the thick mist concealing the position of the enemy. The rear- 
guard had juit entered when HauDibal gave the signal tor 
battlot The Bomans, attacked by invisible enemies, enenm- 
bered by their baggage, with no time to form their line of 
battle, were cut down on every side.^ 

XL Hannibal's Traatment of his PriMnon.— Hannibal 
treated the prisoners the same as after the battle of Trebi& 
The Boman allies were dismissed without ransom, with the 
assurance that Hannibal waged war against Borne only. By 
this means he hoped to shake the adhesion of the Italians, and 
to represent himself, not as an invader, but as one come to free 
them from the Boman yoke. All Etruria was lost to the Bo- 
mans, and the road to Borne was open. The senate, however, 
did not despair. Measures were taken for the defence of the 
capital ; the bridges over the Tiber were broken down ; arms 
were distributed, Servilius was summoned to Bome, and Qnin- 
tus Fabius Mazimus was appointed dictator.' 

12. Plans of WomiiWai — Hannibal did not march to 
Bome as was expected, but turned aside across the Apenninea 
through Umbria and Picenum to the Adriatic, and then con- 
tinued his march to the southward, hoping that the Italians 
would join his standard. Their fidelity to Bome remained 
unshaken ; not a town opened its gates. 

13. The Policy of Fabnw. — Four new legions were 
raised, and Fabius determined not to risk a battle, but revive 
the courage of his army and accustom his soldiers to war. He 
marched through Samnium into Apulia and encamped near 
HannibaL The latter tried to force him to an engagement, 
but nothing could induce him to change his cautious strategy. 
Hannibal marched past him, crossed the Apennines into the 
Gampanian plain, the garden of Italy, and then to Gapoa. 
After the battle at Lake Trasimenus he had released three 
Gapuan knights who promised him their assistance. Gapna, 

^ Fifteen thoiuand were killed and an equal number taken pKiaonan. HanwUial loat 
onlr JIfteen hundred. The battle was f onghl the last of April. 

' Ocmttitationally one of the consuls maat nominate a dictator ; in this caae it 
BO the people elected a pro'dictator. 

a 0. 217.] THE SECOND PUNIC WAR. 139 

however, remained faithful, and Hannibal continued to lay 
the country waste far and wide, and, after collecting his plun- 
der, set out to retrace his steps to Apulia. Fabius had all 
this time foUowed on his track, and from a secure position 
on the mountains had watched the ravages of HannibaL Fa- 
bins attempted to occupy a pass and thus obstruct the retreat 
of Hannibal, loaded as he was with prisoners and plunder, to 
Apulia. Hannibal, instead of retracing his steps and taking 
another road, eluded the vigilance of Fabius by a stratagem. 
He ordered his light-armed troops to drive, in the night, a 
number of oxen with fagots tied to their horns, to the summit 
of the hilL The Romans in the pass, thinking that the Car- 
thaginians were crossing the hills in that direction, left the 
pass and hastened to fche same heights. This left the defile ^ 
open for Hannibal and he continued his march with all his 
plunder, unmolested, to Geronium, where he encamped, dis- 
patching a part of his army to collect supplies, while the re- 
mainder watched Fabius. 

14. Dissatis&ctioii with FabinB.^The inactivity of the 
dictator occasioned great dissatisfaction at Rome. A temporary 
success of Minucius, the master of the horse, caused the storm 
of indignation to break forth. In the assembly of tribes it was 
proposed to divide the command between Fabius and Minu- 
cius. The latter, eager for battle, soon engaged the enemy. 
The army of Minucius would have been annihilated had not 
Fabius come to his assistance. Minucius acknowledged his 
error and resumed his former position. Hannibal took up his 
winter quarters at Geronium. 

The cautious firmness of Fabius the OundatOTy or the De- 
layer, had saved the state, and the crown of grass,' the highest 
military distinction, was awarded him by the senafce. 

15. Roman Fimmess. — During the winter the Romans 
made great preparations. As yet all the allies remained faith- 
ful. The Greek cities sent presents and Hiero sent supplies 

* The location of tlib defile Ins not been BaUfifftetoiilyaBoertained; forLivy'saoooai^ 




and troops. The senate remained calm and flrm^ and eyen re* 
minded the lUyrians lo pay their tribute, and ambassadors were 
sent to the king of Macedonia to demand the surrender of De- 
metrius of Pharos, who had taken refuge with him. The peo- 
ple, however, were impatient The burdens of war pressed 
heavily. By the defeat of Flaminius, the nobility had gained 
the upper hand, and Fabius, as dictator, was to restore their 
ascendency. The popular party made violent opposition. As the 
elections approached, party spirit ran high. The popular candi- 
date, O. Terentius Varro, was elected, with Lucius j^milius Paul- 
Ins,^ a man of experience and military ability, as his colleague. 
16. Battto of Cannae (b.c. 216).— Hannibal had re- 
mained at Geronium until late in the spring, and then taken 
up a position at CannsB, on the south of the river Aufidus.' 
The Roman army * arrived at CannsB about the middle of June 
{b. c. 216), and pitched two camps, the larger on the right and 
the smaller on the left bank of the Aufidus. In the bend of 


H. MMorna Paullub, 
COS. B. c. SQ9. 

M. uBhiuvb Paollub, 
COS. B. c. 265. 

L. Mmilvjb Paullub, 

COS. B.C. 219, 216. 

Fell at Caniue. 

L. JBxiuvB Paullus Macxdokicub, 

COB. B. c. 182. 168 ; died b c. 160. 

m. Papxbia, daughter of Pafxbiub Mabo, 

cot), b. 0. 281. 

uBmuA, m. P. OoBHBJUB 
Africanub mt^ifr. 


Eider son, adopted 
by Q. Fabius Max- 


AtmasA Prdia 

m. Q. iBuus Tu- 

Tonnger mn, adopt- 
ed by P. CORBEUUB 

Scipra, the son of 

SoiFio Afrtcamub 

rn^or^ became P. Oob^ 

HBuns SciFio Afbi- 

OANUS minor (see p. 

■ His army nambered 40,000 foot and 10,000 horse, 
s The anny nmnbeied nearly 90,000 ; 80,000 foot and 6,000 horaa. 

.AxiUA Sbcitivda 
m. H. PoBcxus 
Cato, the mm of 


the censor. 

a a 216.] 



the liTer on the left bank Yarro selected the battle-field. Lieay- 
ing ten thousand men in the larger camp, he drew np his army, 
the legions in the middle in files of twice their usual depth, and 
the cavalry on the wings, 
with the right resting on 
the riyer. The Boman 
cavalry on the right, com- 
poaed of the sons of the 
noblest fiimilies, was com- 
manded by Panllns, and 
the cavalry of the allies on 
the left by Yarro. Cn. 
Servilins, the consul of the 
preceding year, and Minu- 
cina led the legions in the 
centre. Hannibal drew up 
his infantry in the centre 
in a semicircle and placed 

on the left wing the Spanish and Qallic cavalry under Hasdru- 
bal, and the light Numidian horse on the right under Hanno. 
The battle commenced almost simultaneously along the whole 
lineu The onset of the Carthaginian cavalry was irresistible. 

The order of battles 

The Proconsul 


AemniDi __._. 



HaadrutMl Hannibal Hanno ^ 

A A, the right and left wing ; i and it, the caTalrjr ; ^ A, the light anned troope hef ore 
ttm Hue ; abe^ the colvmns of faifantrj ; on the side of the Ovthaginians, 7 7, the posi- 
tion of the Balearic eUngera, archers, ic,; p m and n v, the cavalry on the wlnga; / /, 
the infantry ; o, tlie centre, the colnmna of infantry. 

The battle all along the line was terrible. The legions^ eo- 
gaged in iront and attacked by the cavalry of Hasdrubal in 
the rear, were crowded upon each other and snrrounded on all 
sides. Flight was impossible. Ko quarter was given. Seventy 

> Ufy (zxll. Iff) makes Maharhal ooramand the right ; eee Folyhins ilL 114, |7. 

142 THB SECOND PUNIC WAB. [b. C. 2ia 

thousand Bomans strewed the field of battle.^ Hannibal loet 
only six thousand in all. Paullas, the two consuls of the pre- 
ceding year, Minucins, about eighty senators, and many of the 
knights were among the slain. Yarro escaped with a few 
horsemen to Venusia. 

17. The Spirit of tba Peopla — When the news of this 
battle leached Some, the people thought that the last day of 
the republic had come. The remnant of the senate met and 
sought with calmness to restore the public confidence. Party 
strife was hushed before the common danger. The old Boman 
pride and stubbornness saved the commonwealth. Hannibal 
has been censured because he did not march after the victory, 
as Maharbaly the commander of the Numidian cavalry, urged, 
directly upon Bome. " If," said this officer, " you will let me 
lead the cavalry, within five days you shall dine in the capitoL" 

la Poflition of Hamiibal in Italy.— Hannibal knew 
the Boman people better. He sent a commission to Bome to 
treat for exchange of prisoners and to open negotiations of 
peace. No one in Bome thought of peace. The messengers 
were not allowed to enter the city. Hannibal proceeded to 
Gampania and sought to obtain in the conquest of some forti- 
fied town a new base of operation. He also hoped that now, 
at last, the Boman allies would join hint In this he was disap- 
pointed. The Boman and Latin colonies, the Greek cities, and 
the vast majority of Italian subjects remained faithful In 
southern Italy a few tribes showed a willingness to revolt from 
Bome.' Capua and a few other walled towns fell into his hands. 
Hannibal sent Mago to Carthage with the report of his last 
great victory, while he himself took up his winter quarters in 
Capua. It has been said that his brave warriors became effemi- 
nate in this luxurious city, and lost their love of war ; in reality, 
however, Hannibal's superiority in the field remained as decided 
as ever. Henceforth Uie war was spread over a greater space. 

^ Aooording to liyjr (zxli. 49), the RomanB lost 46,000 infantry, 2,700 Cftv»lnr killed ; 
8.000 Inftmtry, and 1,000 cavalry taken In battle : 9.000 taken at Oannn and 10,400 taken In 
the camp», a total loes of 71,100. Polybins <!li. 117) places the loss higgler, or about 90,501 
In all ; tne battle took place Angafft m, or, according to the corrected caieMar, in 4uoa, 

* The Locanlans, Apnlians, Brattians, Oandlniane, and HirpfQiane. 

a G. 21SJ] 



Difficulties began to multiply aroiind his path. The series of 
great viotories had culminated in Oannse, and it became yearly 
more evident that the resouioes of Borne were superior to those 
of Oarthage. 

19. The War in Spain (b. a 218).— Publius Scipio^^ when 
he returned from Massilia* to northern Italy, sent his brother 
Gnaens to Spain with a large part of the consular army. He 
acted with energy, and def^ted Hanno both by sea and land, 
and acquired possession of most of the country from the 
Pyrenees to the Ebro. Meanwhile Publius himself had been 
sent to Spain with an army of eight thousand men and with 
thirty ships (b. g. 218). Even after the battle at Lake Trasi- 
menusy reinforcements were sent to Spain, the senate regarding 
it as important that the war should be waged there in order 
tiiat no considerable force could be sent to Hannibal in Italy. 
The two brothers carried on the war with vigor. They availed 
themselves of the discontent among the different tribes to in« 

L. Scmo, COS. B. o. SS9. 

P. Scmo, 

eo«. B.a m. 

KUled In Spain, B. c. ill. 

P. Scmo AwBMjjKxn mttfcTt 
eofl. B. c. SOS, 194, m. .Am ilia. 

Cif . Somo Caltub, L. Somo. 

eo«. B. o. m. I 

KlUed in Spain, b. o. Sll. Cir. Somo, 

000. B. c. 171. 

On. Somo BuFAUiVa, 
_^__^^__ prst B. c. 189. 

* Cm. Somo HurAUAii 

L. Somo AfiiATicus, 
COB. B. c. 190. 

P. Scmo 

L. Scmo 


m. P. Scipfo 


m. Tm. Qbao- 



Cob- chub. 

P. Scmo ibnuAKus AvBioAinTB 
mbior (son of L. .SaoLnn Pauixub and 
adofpted bj P. Scafio AnucAinTe), oob. 
B.0. 147. 184, mftnied Sbxpsohia, the 
ristar of the QsAOcm (aee pu 9QEI). 


qiues. b. o. 107. 

L. Scmo ABXATicua. 

QOS. B. c. 88. 

* 9^ Map 1^0, 5, 

144 :raB sbookd punio wab. [b. a 215. 

duoe them to throw off the dominion of Carthage. When 
Mago laid the news of Hannibal'B great yictories before the 
Carthaginian senators, they resolved to raise^ for his assistanoe, 
twenty thousand infiEUitry and four thousand cavalry in Spain. 
This the Scipios determined to prevent; they crossed the Ebro 
and inflicted so severe a blow on Hasdmbal in the battle of 
Ibera ^ that he was obliged to delay his plan of sending rein- 
forcements to Hannibal. The results of this victory probably 
saved the Soman government ; it decided the wavering Sjuinish 
tribes in &vor of Rome and prevented the Carthaginians from 
sending another army to reinforce Hannibal when he was in 
the full tide of success. , ^ 

H • •! 


The Sboond Punio Wab. — ^Second Pebiod (B. C. 216-207). 
SiBGB OF Sybacusb (B. C. 214r-212). — ^Wab in Spain 
(B. C. 215-206). 

1. Measures for Carrying on fhe ^7ar. — During the 
winter, while Hannibal was carrying on negotiations with the 
king of Macedonia and waiting for the co-operation of the 
Italians, Rome strained every nerve to raise a new army. All 
men of military age were called out. Prisoners and slaves were 
enrolled, and the whole city resounded with the preparations 
of war. Twenty-one legions were placed in the field* and a 
fleet of one hundred and fifty vessels was huilt. The year 
(b.c. 215) passed away without any decisive events. As no 
great accession of force came, Hannibal, having to protect 
Gapua and southern Italy, acted on the defensive. Hasdru- 
bal was detained in Spain ; Philip, the king of Macedonia, 

» Hie location of this town Is anknown. ^ , ^ 

' Bight to keep Hannibal in check, three in the north against the Gfanls, one at Bran- 
ditdnm to act against the king of Macedonia, two to guard Rome, two in Sardinia, (wo 
in Sicily, and three in Spain, amoatitlng in all to nearly 200,000 men. 

B. a 214] THB SBOOKD FUNIC WAB. 145 

did not make the expected attack. Hannibal was also foiled 
in his attempt to get poasession of Neapolis, Tarentum; and 

2. War in CUciiy (b.o. 214-210). — Meanwhile events were 
occurring in Sicily that reyiyed the hopes of HannibaL Hiero^ 
the faithful ally of Borne for nearly fifty years, died and his 
grandson, Hieronymus, a boy of fifteen, succeeded him. The 
new king immediately opened negotiations with Carthage. 
Hannibal, in order to encourage him, sent two of his own 
officers, Hippocrates and Epicydes, to Syracuse, to act as nego- 
tiators. The king, however, was assassinated after a reign 
of a few months, and the Roman party in Syracuse gained 
the ascendency. Hannibal's envoys had to leave the city. 
They took refnge with the people of Leontmi and urged them 
to assert their independence of Syracuse, and finaUy incited 
them to attack a military post of the Bomans. Marcellus, the 
Boman praetor, without waiting for the co-operation of Syra- 
cuse, marched against Leontini, took the city by storm, and 
although he spared the inhabitants, inflicted severe punishment 
on the Boman deserters that he found in the garrison. This 
act of brutality alienated the Syracusan soldiers and they joined 
Hippocrates and Epicydes. The gates of Syracuse were oi)ened 
and the Carthaginian party had undisputed possession of the 
city. Marcellus appeared before Syracuse with a large army, 
and, failing to take it by storm, proceeded to lay siege to the 
city. On the land side the usual modes of attack^ were 
directed against tie walls, while sixty Boman vessels, carrying 
wooden towers uid battering-rams, attacked from the sea. 
These were driven back, and all efforts to capture the city 
were rendered ui^availing by the skill of Archimedes.' Marcel 
Ins was compelled to turn the siege into a blockade. 

a The Fall and Sack of Syraoqse.*— This delay 

* See pege 88011. 

* ManT BtortoB ere told of the wonderfal and cnrions engtnes of war oonstnicted by 
Aichimedea. It Is said that the ahipn of the Bomaos were neized by iron hooks, partly 
laieed from the water, and then dashed back to the dismay of the crews. The sto^ 
that ArehJinedee llred the Ronuui vessels by wonderful reflecting minors Is probably 
a fletl<Mi, aliice neither Polybios nor Livr mention it. 

* Hie tiiegB of Syraciise b^gao probably near the end of the yearn, 0.814, and Ui9 town 



gave the Oarthaginians time to send reinforoements to Syracuse. 
Landing at Heraclea^ they soon made themselves masters of 
Agrigentnm. The position of Marcellns was becoming critical 
when an unexpected attack on a part of the walls^ left unguard- 
ed during a festival, made him master of the £pipola9 with the 
quarteis of Keapolis and Tycha. This was the condition of af- 
fairs when the Car- 
thaginian army ad-, 
yanced to the relief 
of the city. The 
Boman army man- 
aged to keep its posi- 
tion. As summer 
approached a deadly 
disease broke out 
among the Carthagi- 
nian army which was 
encamped on the low 
ground by the river 
Anapus. After a 
great part of the 
men and officers 
had died the remain- 
der dispersed. In 
the meantime another reyolution took place in Syracuse ; still 
Marcellus did not attempt to take the city by storm until a 
Spanish officer, commanding on the side of Ortygia^ opened the 
gate. The next day the army, after a siege of two years, entered. 
Marcellus promised to spare the lives of the inhabitants, although 
the city itself was giyen up to plunder. Archimedes was slain, 
because he was too intent upon a mathematical problem to an- 
swer the question of a plundering soldier.^ The numerous 
works of art which during so many centuries had been collected 

was stormed In b. o. 91S. Llvr, howerer, assigns the storming of the town to the yeai 
B. o. 814 ; see Weissenbom^s (Llvy zxiv. 8B) note. The text of Polyblas is probably oor> 
mpt ; he says (vtii. 9, 16) that the siege lasted only eight months. The town was taken 
in the fall of B.C. 818. 

* Archimedes caUed to the soldier in the weUlmown words, nattttffbcwvdfViitoflMea 


were sent to Bome.^ The fall of Syracuse gare the Bomans the 
upper-hand in Sicily; still HannilMd's cavaky general, Matines, 
prolonged the war for two years. After Agrigentum fell, and 
the leaders were beheaded, the inhabitants sold as slaves, and 
the town sacked, the other towns submitted, and all resistance 
in Sicily to Boman rule was at an end. 

4. "Vtrar in Spain (b. o. 215-206).— After the successful 
campaign of the two Scipios in Spain, in b. o. 215, the Bomans 
continued the war, and overran the Carthaginian possessions. 
The Ebro was crossed, Saguutum was taken, and preparations 
were made for an attack on Africa. Syphax, a Numidian 
chief, was won over to their side. The Libyans began to 
desert Carthage in such numbers that Hasdrubal was recalled 
from Spain. He secured the alliance of another Numidian 
prince, Gula>* whose son, Masinissa, only seventeen years old, 
began his long career, which was destined in the end to be so 
fifttal to the Carthaginians. Syphax was defeated and Hasdrubal 
was able to return to Spain with large reinforcements (b.c. 212). 
Finding that the Bomans bad divided their forces, Hasdrub^ 
attacked each army in succession, and iip thoroughly routed 
them that but few escaped, and the two Scipios were slain. 
Nearly all Spain was lost to the Bomans. The efforts of Bome 
to prevent the invasion of Italy from Spain had ended dis- 
astrously, and nothing seemed able to check the Carthaginian 
general if he intended to attack Italy from this quarter. The 
senate, however, resolved to make one more effort* and to 
entrust the command to Publius Cornelius Scipio,^ then only 
twenty-seven years of age, who had only been SBdile, and there- 
fore never invested '^ with any office to which the imperium 
was attached. In the autumn of b. o. 210 be set out on his 
hazardous mission. 

* Tbia was not the ilrst instanee of a piactioe that afterwards became so geDeral. 
T^urentom and VolsinU, on their capture, had been plandered. These works of art from 
firraciiBe were so mach more nnmeroos and valnable than any before taken that tradition 
(UY. zxv. 40) asrigns the beginning of the cnstom to llarcelins. 

* King of the Sassylians. * They sent 11,000 men. 

* lAry (zztI. 18) ruates that when no one came forward to take the command in 
Spain, Seipio dedaied his willingness to assume the dangerons post, and inspired th^ 
people with oonildence and conrsge, 


148 THE SECOND PUNIC WAR. [b. C. 214. 

& Tha SncceBB of Scipio. — ^Landing at Emporisd* he 
took up his winter quarters in Tarraco^ where^ with the atmoet 
secresyy^ he prepared for the coming campaign. Fortune favored 
him from the first Learning that the three Carthaginian ar- 
mies' were a long distance from New Carthage, in the early 
spring of 207 B. c. he appeared unexpectedly before this city, 
which, after a short siege, fell into his hands, with all its 
stores, engines, and materials for war. Scipio, following up this 
success, attacked Hasdrubal at Bsecula in Andalusia. The re- 
sults,* however, were so far favorable to Hasdrubal that he was 
able to carry into execution his long-delayed plan of reinforcing 
his brother in Italy. His departure left Spain an easy conquest for 
Scipio. In the year b. c. 206, Scipio, marcliing southward, met 
a second time the Carthaginian army under another Hasdrubal, 
the son of Qisgo, at Bsscula^^ and totally defeated it The Span- 
ish levies fell ofE, and Hasdrubal escaped almost alone to Gades, 
the only place in Spain left in the hands of the Carthaginians. 

& Scipio's Interview with Syphaz. — This decided 
victory not only caused the spirit of disaffection to spread 
among the Spanish tribes, but even among the African troops. 
Masinissa, the brave Numidian prince who had rendered im- 
portant services againsf Syphax, thinking that the cause of 
Carthage was lost, and fascinated by the influence of Scipio^ 
secretly promised aid to the Bomans. According to livy, 
Scipio crossed to Afiica with only two quinqueremes and spent 
some days at the court of Syphax, where he accidentally met 
Hasdrubal, the son of Gisgo.'^ During his absence some of the 
Spanish tribes revolted, and a body of eight thousand Bomaii 
soldiers, who complained that their pay had been withheld, 
mutinied. This rebellion was quickly subdued, and before the 

* He commnnicatcd his plans to his friend O. Laelias only, the father of Hie Laeliai^ 
whose friendship for the younafer Afrfcanus, Cicero has rcndeit>d so ceicbrated. 

■ Hasdmbai Barca was in C^tile ; Mago was at the Straits of Gibraltar, and Handra- 
bal, the son of Oiseo. on the Taffu« with an army of 26,000 infantry and 9,S»0 cavalrv. 

* LIvy (xxvll. 18 f.) asserts that Hasdmbal was defeated with loss of 80,000 men.' 

* Livy (xzYiii. 12) calls the place also Silpla, which is probably the same place that 
PoWbins (zi. 20) calls nipa (in the MS. Etinga). * See map. p. 178. 

* Tbe voyage of Sdplo to Africa and the sacoeselon of events for the year b. c. 206 
have been exposed to serious donbts. Weissenbom (note to lAvv, zxviii. 16, 14) aMsicns 
a part of the events to the year b. c. 907. The mutiny of the anny probably took placa 
during the illness of ^pio. 

B. a ;dll.] THE SECOND PUNIC WAR. 149 

dose of the year (b.c. 206) Oades fell into the hands of the 
BomttQA, and Spain was lost to the Carthaginians. 

7. The War in Italy (b.c. 214-203).— While these evento 
were going on in Spain and Sicily, Hannibal made no real 
progress in Italy. Two years of indecisive warfare passed, in 
which Hannibal tried to capture Tarentam, and the Romans 
to recover Capua. In the year b. c. 212 Hannibal's efforts were 
crowned with success, and Tarentum was betrayed into his 
handsL This enabled him to turn his attention to Capua. By 
a brilliant campaign he relieved Oapua, and scattered the Bo- 
man armies in southern Italy. Still Soman perseverance held 
out There was no thought of peace. 

8. The Siege of Oapna.— The next year (b. c. 211), the 
Roman armies marched toward the doomed town. When the 
news reached Hannibal, he appeared once more on the ridge of 
Mount Tifata and made an attack upon the Boman line. This 
time the Romans were too numerous. Compelled to give up 
the attempt to raise the blockade of Capua by a direct attack 
on the Roman lines, he changed his plan, and marched directly 
upon Rome. Plundering the country as lie advanced, he spread 
terror and dismay erery where on his path. At his approach, the 
city, although well garrisoned, was filled with alarm. A part of 
the army was recalled from Capua, and marching directly by 
the Appian road reached Rome as soon as Hannibal. His plan, 
however, did not succeed ; the siege of Capua was not raised, 
and the Romans, acting strictly on the defensive, gave no op- 
portunity for battle. In the meantime the fate of Capua was 
sealed. All the leading men in the town were beheaded ; the 
people were sold as slaves. Capua could no longer hope to rival 
Rome ; she was blotted from the list of Italian towns. The 
right of local self-government was withdrawn, and a prefect 
was annually sent from Rome to govern the district 

9. MowementB of Hannihal. — The conquest of Capua 
was the turning point in the war. Hannibal lost his strong- 
hold in Campania and was obliged to retire to the southern 
part of Italy. Rome was gaining everywhere. The Italians 
who had joined Hannibal began to lose confidence. Silapia and 

150 THE SECOND PUNIC WAR. [b. C. 209. 

many towns in Samnium were betrayed to the Bomans. But 
when FulviuB^ the proconsul who commanded in Apulia^ ap- 
peared before Herdonea^ which he hoped to gain possession of 
by treachery, Hannibal marched from Bruttium, attacked the 
Boman army, and gained a brilliant victory. In the following 
year ^ the Bomans recovered several places in Lncania and Bmt- 
tium, and Fabias Maximus crowned his long military career 
with the recapture of Tarentum (b. g. 209). The inhabitants 
were sold as slaves ; the town was plundered and the works of 
art were sent to Bome. The next year Marcellus^ for the fifth 
time elected to the consulship, was surprised near Yenusia and 
killed. Hannibal paid suitable honors to the remains of his 
great opponent. This defeat taught the Bomans to adhere to 
their old plan of avoiding pitched battles, and to limit their 
operations to the capture of the places that had been lost In 
this way Hannibal, although unconquered, was pushed back 
into narrower and narrower limits. 

10. M ovementB of Hasdrubal.— The war had lasted ten 
years, yet its favorable conclusion seemed &r off. There were 
increasing symptoms of discontent among the allies, while the 
news from Spain left little doubt that the long prepared expe- 
dition of Hasdrubal over the Alps to join his brother in 
Italy was at last to be realized. Bome strained every nerve to 
meet the impending danger. The number of legions was in- 
creased from twenty-one to twenty-three. The preparations 
were incomplete, when the news came that Hasdrubal was 
crossing the Alps by the same route which his brother had 
taken eleven years before. The consuls for the new year were 
M. Livius Salinator and 6. Claudius Nero. Hannibal, at the 
beginning of spring, after organizing his force in Bruttium, 
advanced northward, encountered the consul Nero at Grumen- 

* In this Tear an erent happened that ehoirod in how e»haaBted a eondltion tiie peo- 

8Ie were, ana how near Hanniiial was to the attainment of his expectation—the disaffec- 
ion of the Latin towns. When the oonrale in b. o. 900 called upon the Latins to famish 
more men and money, twelve of the thirty Latin colonies declared that their resources 
were exhansted. Tnns far Some had heen saved by the Arm adhesion of the I^tin 
tovms, but now the fabric seemed on the point of cmmblinff to pieces. All depended on 
the action of the other eighteen colonies. Fortunately their decision was raTorabie: 
they declared that they were willing to furnish not only their contingent of troope, bat 
even more. 


tam^ whence, after a bloody but indecisive battle, he continaed 
his march to Ganusium. Here he waited for news from his 
brother. The expected despatch was intercepted by Nero, who 
formed the bold resolution of joining his colleague in the north, 
and with their united armies crushing Hasdrubal while Hanni- 
bal was waiting for the expected despatch. 

Haadrnbal had appointed a rendezvous with his brother in 
IJmbria, whence with their united armies they were both to 
adyanoe on Namia and Bome. 

11. The Battle of MetanniB (b. c. 207).— Nero, selecting 
from his army seven thousand of the best soldiers and one 
thousand cavidry, left his camp so quietly that Hannibal knew 
nothing of his departure. Near Sena he found his colleague 
LiyiuB, and in the night entered his camp that his arrival 
might not be known to the Carthaginians. Hasdrubal, when 
he heard the trumpet sound twice from the Boman camp and 
saw the increased numbers, was no longer ignorant that both 
oonsnls were in front of him. Thinking that his brother had 
been defeated, he resolved to retire across the Metaurus and 
wait for accurate information. Missing his way, wandering up 
and down the river to find a ford, pursued and attacked by the 
Bomans, he was compelled to accept battle. Although in an 
unfavorable position, a deep river in his rear, his troops ex- 
hausted by marching all night, still the victory long hung in 
suspense. Hasdrubal displayed all the qualities of a great 
general, and when he saw that all was lost, he plunged into the 
thickest of the battle and was slain. ^ The consul returned to 
Apulia with the same rapidity with which he had come. He 
announced to Ebnnibal the defeat and death of his brother by 
casting Hasdrubal's head within the outposts and by sending 
two Carthaginian captives to give him an account of the dis- 
astrous battle. ^ I foresee the doom of Carthage,'^ ^ said Han- 
nibal sadly, when he recognized the bloody head of his brother. 

12. Bannibal Retreats to Bmttiimi. — This battle de- 

> Aooordlng to JAfj (zzvli 40) the Carthudnians lost 66,000 killed and 5,400 pr1«>nen, 
and tlie Ronuuis only &000 ; the eetlmate of Folyblos (xi. 8) seems more reesoiiable, i. «. 
that the Osrthagliiians lost 10,000, and the Romans 8,000. 

152 THS 8E00KD PUNIG WAR. [B.a 206. 

cided the war in Italy. Hannibal withdrew his garrisons from 
the towns in southern Italy, retired to the peninsula of Bmt- 
tiam, where for four long years, in that wild and mountainous 
country, with unabated courage and astounding tenacity, the 
dying lion clung to the land that had been so long the tbeatie 
of his glory. 




Sboond Punic Wab— The Third Period (B. C. 206-201). 

1. Scipio'8 Expedition to Africa.— A favorable termi- 
nation of the war seemed near at band. The time had oome 
to carry into execution that expedition to Africa which Sem- 
pronius had attempted in the beginning of the war. Publins 
Scipio, on his return from Spain, offered himself for the con- 
sulship and was unanimously elected. His design was to cany 
the war into Africa and in this way compel Carthage to recall 
Hannibal. The senate, headed by the aged Fabius Maximns, 
was not favorable to his plan. The people, however, were 
unanimous that the conduct of the war must be entrusted to 
Scipio, and that it must be finished in Africa. The senate 
finally consented that he should cross from his province of 
Sicily to Africa, but they voted no adequate means for such an 
expedition. Scipio called for volunteers. The whole of the 
year b. o. 205 passed away before he completed his preparations. 

2. Efforts to Help Hannibal. — Meanwhile the Cartha- 
ginians made one last effort to help Hannibal. Mago, Hanni- 
bal's youngest brother, was sent to Liguria with fourteen thou- 
sand men to rouse the Idgurians and Oauls to renew the war 
on Rome ; but having met a Roman army under Quintilius 
Varus, and being wounded in the engagement which followed, 
his movements were so crippled that nothing of importance 
was accomplished. 

B.C.^02.] THB 3S00KD PUNIC WAR. 153 

3. War in Africa — In the spring of b. a 204 Scipio had 
completed his prepaiations. He embarked his army^ from 
Lilybseam, and after three days landed at the Fair Promontory* 
near Utica. After laying siege to Utica all summer, he was 
compelled to fiill back and entrench himself on the promontory. 
Hasinissa bad joined him immediately on his arrival By his 
adyice Scipio planned a night attack on Hasdrnbal, the son of 
Gisgo, and Syphax, who were encamped near Utica. This 
enterprise was completely successful A short time afterwards 
Haadrubal and Syphax were again defeated. Syphax fled to 
Namidia„ where he was followed by Laelius and Masinissa and 
compelled to surrender.^ 

4. ZSSTortB for Peace. — These successes convinced the 
Carthaginians that with the existing forces the Boman invasion 
could not long be resisted. Therefore they opened negotiations 
for peace with Scipio, in order probably to gain time to recall 
their generals from Italy. The desire of Scipio to bring the 
war to a conclusion induced him to agree upon preliminaries of 
peace, subject to the approval of the Boman senate and people. 
Carthage was to give up all prisoners and deserters, resign all 
claim to Spain and the islands between Africa and Italy, recall 
Hannibal and Mago from Italy, acknowledge Masinissa as king 
of Kumidia, deliver up her ships-of-war except twenty, and 
pay five thousand talents to defray the expenses of the war. 
According to the conditions of the armistice, Hannibal and 
Mago were recalled from Italy, and the Roman prisoners were 
released in expectation that the conditions of peace would be 
accepted. When the Carthaginian ambassadors appeared before 
the senate they were dismissed almost without an answer, be- 
cause the capture of Syphax had convinced this body that Car- 
thage, deprived of her most powerful ally, would not be able to 
continue the war. Meanwhile the arrival of Hannibal at 
Hadrumetum had so encouraged the Carthaginians that the 
armistice had been broken before the return of the ambassadors 

• The strength of the armr te Tarfouely eRtlmatcd from 19,000 to 86,000. The Cartha- 
glnlan force I0 estimftted at 88,000 ; the Nuinidlan at 00,0(10 ; see map, p. 817. 

■ TbH waH a great gain, as now Mamidia united with Borne agalnet Carlliagc. 

* flee map, p. 217. 

154 THE SECOND PUNIC WAR. [b. O. 201. 

from Borne. ^ All hopes of peace by negotiation vanished^ and 
Scipio prepared to renew the war, which, since the arriTal of 
Hannibal, had assumed a more serious character. 

5. The Battle of Zama. — The details of the operations 
which ended in the battle of Zama are but imperfectly known. 
The decisive battle was fought on the river Bagradas, near 
Zama,' on the 19th of October, b. a 202. Hannibal managed 
the battle with his usual skill. His veterans fought like the 
men who had so often conquered in Italy, but his army was an- 
nihilated. The elephants were rendered unavailing by Scipio's 
skillful management Instead of the three lines of battle, with 
the usual intervals,* Scipio arranged his companies behind 
each other like the rounds of a ladder.^ Through these open- 
ings the elephants could pass without breaking the line. This 
battle terminated the long struggle. Carthage had for a long 
time been exhausted and overcome, but witii the madness of 
despair had fought on. The superior perseverance and stub- 
bornness of the Roman people had won the victory before the 
battle of Zama. Hannibal himself advised peace. The terms 
were not so favorable as before. Besides the conditions abeady 
prescribed, and the increase of the war-contribution to an an- 
nual payment of two hundred talents for fifty years, Carthage 
was bound not to wage war either in Africa or elsewhere with- 
out the consent of Bome. 

6. Triumph of Scipio. — ^Scipio returned to Rome, where a 
splendid triumph awaited him. All that witnessed the tri- 
umphal procession winding along the via sacra, up the divus 
capitoKnus to the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, joined the 
youthful hero, henceforth called Publius Cornelius Scipio Afri- 
canuSy in returning thanks to the gods that the Hannibdian 
ipflrr* was ended. 

* Aoeoidlng to nine (vol. ii., p. 445) the action of the Mnate in rcnrd to the treaty 
reached Carthage before Uie return oi the emhasey, and thns restored the aaoaKlaacy 
of the war Pftrtj in Carthase, and dispelled all hopes of peace. 

' Aocorduig to Applan (viii. 41) Hannibal had 60,000 men and 80 elephants ; Sctpio, 
84,600 in adduion to the Nnmidians ; Poljbina (xr. 1^ §6) eajB both armies were equal 
in infantry. The place and time of the battle are both mcertain. The date is nsnany 
fixed by means 6t m solar eclipse, mentioned by Zonoras (ix. 14) as taking place on the 
day of the battle ; according to Mommsen (yol. 11., p. 180, note) the battle took place In 
the spring. 

* gee paffe 886 f. ' Ihne, yoI. li., p. 461. * Polybins, ix «(. 

B. C. 914.] THB SBCOKD PUNIC WAR. 155 

~ - m 

7. Tha Results of the War. — The resnlts of the war were 
that Carthage became a dependent state ; the native tribes of 
Africa were admitted to an alliance with Borne. The Roman 
dominion was increased by the accession of Spain, which was 
formed into two provincesy and by the territory of Syracuse, 
which was added to the province of Sicily. The supremacy of 
the sea was transferred to Borne, and the way opened by the 
hostilities with Macedonia for the great conflict with the East. 

8. Tha Romanliing of Italy. — In the meantime Borne, 
true to her policy of first securing what had been gained, 
turned her attention to the subjugation of the revolted tribes 
in Italy. The Cisalpine Gauls were subdued and the fetters 
were riveted more firmly over the states in southern Italy 
that had joined HannibaL Large tracts of land were confis- 
cated, the old colonies strengthened and new ones founded,^ 
and an effort was made to extend the dominion and infiuence of 
Bome, the Latin language and Latin customs, throughout all 
Italy, and to weld the different peoples into one nationality. 
The great Flaminian way' was extended to Placentia, and the 
Gassian from Bome to Arretium was reconstructed and ex- 
tended * to Bononia. The whole country was in process of being 
Romanized. The colony of Aquileja was founded to protect 
the eastern border (b.c. 183), the Istrians were subdued (b.g. 
177), and the wandering Gauls who had crossed the Alps were 
driven back and compelled henceforth to keep within proper 
bounds. The contest with the Ligurians was severer, and it was 
not untU B. 0. 143 that the Bomans gained a firm hold of the 
country. The work of subjugation was carried on by extend- 
ing (b. c. 109) the great highway along the coast from Luna 
to Yada Sabbata {Vado) and thence over the Apennines to Der- 
tona {Tortondy Gallia Cisalpina, however, was probably not 
formed into a province until the time of Sulla. . 

^ Vemisla (b. o. 900) and NarnU (b. c. 199) strengthened ; Bipontam, Croton, Baler* 
pun, TlkiiriL, henceforth called Copla, Pnteoli (b. a 194) and Aqoileja (b. o. 188) founded 
10 secnre the command of the Onlf . 

* Under the name of JSmilian waj, B. c. 197. *B.c.l7t 


/ The Conquest of the East (B. C. 214r-146). 

3. Condition of the East.— The diffnsion of Hellenic 
civiliasation and culture in the East which Alexander, the 
king of Macedonia^ had begun, was carried out by means of 
colonies and trading-posts which were scattered over the vast 
empire which he had conquered. After his death this empire 
was rent to pieces by his generals, and finally, after a long 
struggle and yarious vicissitudes, resolved itself into the fol- 
lowing kingdoms : 

1. Macedoniay governed by Philip V., whose dominion ex- 
tended over a great part of Greece. 

2. Syriaj ruled by Antiochus III., extended from the coast 
of the Mediterranean to the Indus, although many provinces 
within this limit were in a state of practical independenoe. 
In Asia Minor, Galatia and Pontus^were governed by native 
princes, while the kings of Pergamus ruled over most of the 
western part. 

3. Egypt, embracing the valley of the Nile, the provinces 
of Palestine, Phoenicia and Coele-Syria, together with the Greek 
city of Gyrene, the island of Cyprus, and many islands in the 
^gean sea and towns on the coast of Thrace, was governed by 
the Ptolemies, and formed a compact and united state. The 
kings, instead of trying to extend their territory, had sought to 
attract the traffic between India and the Mediterranean to the 
port of Alexandria. By this means they hoped to make Egypt 
a leading commercial state, and the mistress of the eastern 
Mediterranean. They had, as early as B. o. 273, entered into 
fHendly relations with Borne. In b. c. 205 the throne descended 
to Ptolemy V., Epiphanes, then a child only four years old. 
His minister, dreading the designs of the Macedonian and Sy-* 
rian kings, had sought the protection of the Boman senate. 

* Sec map, p. 248-0. 


2. The Free Ghreek Cities. — The most important posi- 
tion among the minor states was held by the free Greek cities 
on the shore of the Propontis, along the coast of Asia Minor, 
and on the islands of the ^gean sea. Among these may be 
mentioned : 

1. Byzantium, the mistress of the Bosporus, which had grown 
rich from her favorable position and tirade with the towns on 
the Black Sea. 

2. Cyzicus, on the Propontis, was one of the marts for the 
yast trade of the interior, and soon attained an independent 
and important position. 

3. Rhodes, This republic was the chief maritime power in 
the jEgean. Sea. Prom its favorable position it had secured 
much of the carrying-trade of the eastern Mediterranean. Its 
vessels entered, without port-dues, the Bosporus and the Black 
Sea. Bhodes took an active part in defending the Greek cities, 
and as a protection against Macedonia had formed a commer-* 
cial treaty with Bome. 

3. The Achaean and 2ltoUan Leagnes. — In Greece 
proper two new powers had arisen since the death of Alexander, 
which sensed as a counterpoise to Macedonia^ and might have 
been of great service to the Greek nation had they not, by in- 
ternal dissensions, inflicted more injury than good. The more 
important was the Achaean League which embraced Corinth, 
Arcadia, and a greater part of the Peloponnesus, and which 
sought to unite the best elements of the Greek nation in a 
league for self-defence. The -^tolian League included a great 
part of Central Greece. The Romans, during the second Punic 
war, had availed themselves of the hostility of the ^tolian 
League to Macedonia, and entered into an alliance with it 
(b. c. 212), and by this means occupied Philip at home while they 
crushed Carthage. Athens and Sparta still retained their inde- 
pendence, but only a shadow of their former power. 

4. First Macedonian War (b.c. 214-205).— It will be 
recollected that Demetrius of Pharos* took refuge with Philip 

» See page 188. 


and urged him to make war on Bome. After the battk of 
Cannae the king sent an embassy to Hannibal, offering assist- 
ance, but the ambassadors being captured by the Bomans the 
alliance was not concluded until B.G. 215. Philip's fleet ap- 
peared in the Adriatic, captured Oricum^ and laid siege to Apol- 
lonian which, since the Illyrian war, had been in possession of 
the Bomans. The Bomans sent M. Valerias LeBvinus with a 
small force to the Adriatic ; he recaptured Oricum, raised the 
siege of Apollonia, stormed the Macedonian camp at night, and 
compelled Philip to bum his ships to prevent them firom falling 
into the hands of the Bomans. This overthrew his scheme of 
invasion and so frightened him that for three years he sus- 
pended active operations. Id b. c. 211 Lsevinus appeared at 
the assembly of the iBtolians and promised them aid in a war 
against Philip. This gave the war a new aspect, and so occu- 
pied Philip that he was compelled to seek assistance from Car- 
thage instead of co-operating with HannibaL The attention 
of the Romans, however, was so occupied with affairs in Spain 
that the ^tolians were left almost alone to cope with Philip, 
and, being hard-pressed, they made a separate treaty (b. c. 206). 
The Romans, who wished to have their hands free for the inva- 
Bion of Africa, soon after also consented to peace (b. o. 205). 

5. Second Macedonian War (b.o. 200-196).--Philip 
now had an opportunity to consolidate his power in Greece, to 
restore the prosperity of his kingdom and to prepare for the 
struggle with Rome, which both sides regarded as inevitable. 
Instead of doing this, he entered into an alliance with Antio- 
chus, king of Syria,' for the dismemberment of the territories 
of the king of ^ypt, who at once applied to Bome for assist- 
ance. Soon after he plnnged into a war with Attains, king 
of Pergamus, and with the Rhodians.* He even sent a force of 
fonr thousand soldiers to Africa who fought at the battle of 
Zama under the command of Hannibal. Philip was still pur- 
Bning his policy in the east when the peace with Oarthage left 
Bome at liber^ to succor her eastern allies. An embassy was 

* See map, p. lao. * b.c. 206. * B.a 90S. 

160 THB CONQUEST OP tHE EAST. [b, C. Id7. 

sent to mediate between Antiochus and Ptolemy^ and Philip 
was warned to give up the Egyptian dependencies that had 
fallen into his hands, and not to attack the Greek cities. He 
was still engaged in these ambitions schemes,^ when an event 
growing out of the hostility of Macedonia to Athens furnished 
the Bomans the pretext for a declaration of war. 

6. The Causa off the War.— It happened that two Acar- 
nanian youths had been put to death in Attica for intruding upoo 
the Eleusinian mysteries. The Acamanians, exasperated by 
this outrage, laid their complaints before the king of Mace- 
donia^ their ally and protector. He encouraged them to make 
war upon Attica and lay waste the country vrith fire and 
sword. The Athenians immediately sent an embasqr to Borne * 
asking assistance against the Acamanians and the king of 
Macedonia. The senate sent an embassy ' to Philip to declare 
war unless he desisted from hostilities against the Greek cities 
and gave up the possessions of Ptolemy whicli he had seized. 
When Philip replied that the Romans diould observe the terms 
of the treaty, but if they were bent on war, they should have it, 
the declaration was determined upon.^ 

7. The Battle of Cynoacephate (b. o. 197).— After two 
unsuccessful and indecisive campaigns, T. Quinctius Flamini- 
nus was sent to Greece. He was an able general and a skillfal 
diplomatist, and, by proclaiming himself the champion of Greek 
freedom, succeeded in uniting almost the whole of Greece 
against Macedonia. He carried on the war with energy and 
vigor and in b. o. 197 met Philip at Oynoscephalas and com- 
pletely defeated him. Philip was now glad to make peace on 
any terms. He was compelled, in addition to the demands 
already made,'^ to surrender all his navy except five ships, re- 
duce his army to fire thousand men, and pay a war indemnity 
ot one thousand talents.' After the conclusion of peace the 

» Against VKTpt, BhodeA, and AtUlns. 

* Ifie Athenums had entered Into friendly relations with Borne aa eariy aa b. o. M^ 
and in the peace of b. o. 906 were mentioned a« Soman alliee. 

' The erobaMT visited Athens and Egypt, and remonstrated with Fhil^ who was stiH 
ansaaed in the siefte of Abydos. 

*lArjTTx\.lS: •See 16. 

* Aboat M4,000 pounds sterlinic. 

B. C 192.] tHB COKiiUBBT OP THE EAST- 161 

^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^__^^_^^^^^^^__^^^^^^__^^_^^^_ .^-^-^ . 

Boman garrifloiis were withdrawn from the Greek towns, and at 
the ensuing Isthmian games Flamininus ordered the herald to 
proclaim the independence of all Greece.^ 

8. Tho Syro-2ltolian War (b. c. 192-189).— While the 
Romans were engaged in Greece, Antiochns, instead of co-op- 
erating with Philip, thought it best to take this opportunity 
to extend his own territoriea He conquered Coele-Syria, 
Phoenicia^ and Palestine, adranced even into Asia Minor, took 
Ephesns, and proceeded to conquer Thrace. Here a Boman 
embassy met him, and declared that he must surrender all his 
conqu^ts in Asia Minor, recognize the independence of the 
Greek cities, and not send any more troops into Europe. An- 
tiochns asserted his claim to Thrace,' and denied the right of 
Bome to interfere in his affairs. The negotiations were broken 
off by the return of the king to Syria on account of a rumor of 
the death of Ptolemy, the young king of Egypt (b. c. 196). 

9. The Plana of Hannibal.— The next year Hannibal 
found refuge at the court of the Syrian king at Ephesus. Prom 
that time forth Antiochus made actiye preparations for war. 
After the defeat at Zama, Hannibal counseled peace and do- 
Toted all his energies to promoting the welfare of his country. 
He introduced changes into the constitution, depriving the 
oligarchy of their power, and reformed the financial adminis* 
tration. The Bomans sent an embassy to Carthage to inquire 
into these changes and assist the aristocratic party in their 
opposition to these reforms. Hannibal, seeing that it was 
useless to resist the threatening storm, escaped from his natiye 
town and visited Antiochus at Ephesus. Here he was received 
with great honors (b.c. 195), and urged the king to a war 
against Bome, and to raise an army for the invasion of Italy. 

10. The Intrigaea of the JBtoUana.— Meanwhile the in- 
ternal dissensions in Greece increased. The ^tolians, dissat- 
isfied with the terms of the last peace, and believing that the 

' That Uie Bonum ienata and lltos Qialnctliu Flamlnlnos, the geneiml and prcHx>im]. 
hftTing Tanqnished Idxiff Philip and the Haoedonians, restore liber^, their own liTes and 
priTlJ%ee, without foreign sarrlBons or tribute, to the Corinthiana^Locriana, Fhodaoe, 
BahoBm, Achgiane, Fhthlotlans, Xagneifiana, ThewaUana, and BBrrhMbeaoa.— iVnl, 
Hamin. 10. 

* nuaee had belonged to Seleocaa, his anceator. 

162 THE CONQUEST OP THE EAST. [b. C. 190. 

success of the Romans was chiefly due to their own efforts, Ix?- 
gan now to intrigue against them^ and to encourage N'abiB tlie 
tyrant of Sparta to make war on the AchsBans, and finally invited 
Antioohus over from Asi% representing to him that all Greece 
was ready to join his standard. When the news re.ached Bome 
that Antioohus had landed in Greece, war was inunediatelv 


declared (b. c. 192), and the following year an army crossed tc 
Greece under command of Marcus AciUus Glabrio. The king 
had entrenched himself at Thermopylse, but when a detach- 
ment under Marcus Porcius Cato surprised the uStolians and 
put them to flight, the king fled in all haste to Chalcis and then 
to Ephesus. The ^Etolians were now left to bear the brunt of 
the war. They attempted further resistance at NaupactoSy but 
by the influence of Flamininus they were admitted to capitala* 

11. The Battle of MaBnania (b. o. 190).— The next year 
the Boman army under Scipio, after the fleet had gained the 
mastery of the sea,^ proceeded to follow Antioohus across the 
Hellespont The two armies met at Magnesia, and the Bomans 
gained an easy victory, which ended the war. The king had 
to cede all of Asia west of the Taurus range, to give up his 
elephants, to reduce his fleet to ten ships, and to promise not 
to sail west of the mouth of the river Galycadnus in Cilicia. 
Uo had also to pay the sum of fifteen thousand talents,' and 
to surrender Hannibal. Most of this vast territory was added 
to the kingdom of Pergamus. Scipio returned .to Some, where 
a splendid triumph awaited him, and in imitation of his brother 
he assumed the surname of Asiaticus. 

12. Death of Hannibal. — Hannibal, after the conclu- 
sion of peace, fled to Crete, and thence to Prusias, king of 
Bithynia. When this king could no longer protect him, he 
drank poison to escape falling into the hands of the Romans 
(B.C. 183). 

13. The 2itolian War (b. o. 189). — ^The Bomans now 
had leisure to punish the ^tolians. The consul Marcus 

> At Corycas. * About pOfiflO^W^ 


Folyhis Nobilior landed at ApoUonia (b. c. 189) and began the 
third war against them, ^toliawas ravaged on every side; 
bat when Ambraeia the chief town was taken, and the works of' 
art transported to Borne, the ^Etolian confederacy gave up the 
contest and sued for peace. Henceforth ^Etolia^ like Mace- 
doni% became tributary to Borne, renounced all conquests re- 
cently made, and gave up the right to make war or peace with- 
out tbe consent of Boma 

14. The Achgan Loagne.— The degradation of ^toUa was 
fiftvorable to the growth of the Achaean league. Under the able 
management of Philoposmen, the Greek states so far forgot their 
petty jealoQsieB that all Peloponnesus united with this league. 

• 9 » •■ 

The Third ifAOEDOKiAN Wab — The Achmas Exiles — Cap^ 


1. Vngmiaroiui Policy towards BCkcedonia — Philip 
had been induced to co-o|)erate in the war against Antiochus 
with the prospect of being able to extend his dominions. When 
his assistance was no longer needed and he proceeded to take 
possession of theiBtolian towns, complaints, directly encouraged 
by Bome herself were sent in on all sides, and he was com- 
pelled to give up all his conquests and confine himself to the 
limits of ancient Macedonia. In the negotiations which fol- 
lowed, Philip was treated with great harshness and contempt. 
Still there was no course open to him but war or submission. ( 
He chose the latter, but with the firm determination to pre- 
pare for the day of revenge. 

a The Batde of Pydna (b.c. 168).— In B.a 179 Philip 
died, and was succeeded by his son Perseus, who prosecuted 
with great energy and skill the aim which his father so long 
had kept in view. From new sources of revenue open to him 

164 TfiB OOKQU^ST OF TOR EAST. [b. a 16S. 

in mines, customs, and tenths, and from the floimshing con- 
dition of agriculture and commerce, Perseus was enabled to 
raise and discipline his army. A change had taken place eyen 
among the Greeks, who no longer regarded the Bomans as the 
liberators of their country, but as its enemies. Perseus was be- 
coming daily more popular. The economic degradation of 
Greece was frightful, and the class which lived by spoil and 
plunder was growing daily lai'ger. The result was that Perseus 
was soon at the head of a lai^ army, but now his good 
genius seemed to forsake him, and by his parsimony and ill- 
timed measures he disgusted his allies, and instead of prompt 
and Tigorous action pursued a policy of procrastination. The 
time had come, however, for Eome to put an end to the partial 
state of independence in which the Greek nation still exist^ed^ 
A Roman army landed in Epims in B.c. 171 and first succeeded 
in detaching the allies of Perseus. A battle followed, in which 
Perseus was victorious, but still with unaccountable inactivity, 
he made no use of his victory. In b. c. 168 L. .^hnilius 
Paullus defeated Perseus at Pydna,^ and soon afterwards took 
him prisoner. This was the end of the war. 

3. Macedonia in Nominal Independence. — Macedonia 
was not at once reduced to a province like Sicily, but was di- 
vided into four parts, each of which governed itself and was 
independent from the other three.^ An annual tribute ^ was 

> Bainene«, the king of Pergamns, preferred the formal charge? agidivt Perpen* 
which lod to the declaration of war. On niB return from Rome, Bomenes was attacked 
by fonr aHsasaina hired by Penieae, and badly woanded. 

' Polvblas (zxxli. 11, 0) dates from this battle the establinltment of the xuitTCTBal cm* 

f>ire of Kome. It was in fact the la^t battle in which a civilized vtate confronted Rome 
n the field on a footing of equality with her a« a great uower : all ifubmqnent atrogvlcK 
wore rebellions or wars with peoples beyond the pale of the Romano-Greek cirUizAnon 
—the barbarians, as they were called. The whole civilized world ttienoeforth recognSiied 
in the Roman ftcnate tne tiupreme tribnnal, whose commissioners decided in the last 
rewrt between kings and nationtt ; and, to acquire its language and manners, foreign 
iirinoes and noble yonth» resided in Rome. A iialpable and earnest attempt to get rid of 
tier dominion was in reality made only once — ^by the great Mithridates of Pontas. The 
battle of Pydna, moreover, makes the last occasion on which the senate still adhered to 
the state maxim, that they shoald, if possible, hold no possessions and maintain no car- 
risons beyond the Italian tieas, but phould keep the numerous states dependent on them 
by a mere political snpremacv. Indicatione^ of a change of svi«tem, and of an Increasing 
dtsinclinatiou on the part of Rome to tolerate by its Bide mtemediate states, even in 
such independence as was possible for them, were clearly given in the def>traotioii of the 
Macedonian monarchy after the battle of Pydna.— ifommMn, vol. iUiP. 880. 

' The form of government was settled by the proconsul Emilias Paallns and a com- 
mission of ten. The four divisions were deprived of the Jw conntiMi and Jug eommeirU 
among one another. AmphipoUs, Thessalonica, Pella, and Belagonia were maide tiie 
capitals of the fonr divisions. 

* One-lialf of the amount which the kings had exacted. 

B.C. 151.] TBB OTHER GREEK 8TATE& 165 


laid upon the Macedonians, in return for which Borne ander- 
took to defend the country and to relieve the people from 
military aervioe.^ In order to secure the permanency of this 
form of goyemment, all the most prominent men of the coun- 
try, all who had served the king in any capacity, were tnms- 
ported with their grown up sons to Italy. Paullus on his return 
xlebrated the most magnificent triumph ' Bome had ever seen. 
4. Treatment of the Other States.— The other states 
of Greece were treated in the same manner,^ being obliged to 
pay as tribute one-half the sum hitherto paid in taxes, and the 
most noted men were sent to Italy. Home now had time to 
look to the states of the East Shodes, which had offered its 
mediation during the war, was stripped of its most valuable 
dependencies, and compelled to seek . an alUance with Borne ; 
Eumenes of Pergamus was humbled, and Antiochus of Syria, 
who had commenced war with Egypt for the possession of Coele- 
Syria^ was commanded to leave Egypt and to make peace.^ 

* niTrto was trmted Uke Macedonia, the ooontiy was divided into time iwrts, eadi 
of which retained an Independent government ; rae p. 190. 

* We most paiv« for one moment to contemplate die spectacle of the triumph whi<sh 
ended this mcraonUble war. Bome liad long been accustomed to magnificent Bights of 
thip kind. Hie conquerors of Tarentnm and Carthage, of Philip and A'litiochnn, had ex- 
hibited before the Roman people the greatness of their exploits in brilliant Hhow8. But 
the past was entirely eclipsed dv the magnificence of the procession which brought home 
tn toe Romans the fact tliat tfie empire of Alexander the Great was comuletely over- 
thmwn. The fe?<tival lasted three days. On the first day two hundred and fifty wagons, 
containing the paintings and statues talcen in the war, were driven through the streets 
and exliihited to the people. On the second day were i*een wagons with trophies con- 
sisting of piles of tlie finest and most precious arms. Then followed the procension of 
three thousand men carrying the captured nilver ; after thene the venmjlH of silver, drink- 
ing ttorns, bowls, and goblets. The third day was the moot magnificent of the whole 
fentival. A strlnk of animals decorated for ftacrifice was followed bv the bearers of the 
captured gold muL golden vessels, the heirlooms of the dynasty of Macedonia. Then 
came the royal chartot of Perseus with hln anns uid his diadems ; behind it walked his 
children, led by their attendants and tutors. Next came Perseus titmself In nnklngly 
Svb. 1>owed down and completely broken in spirits. His friends and higher fiervants, 
who had been taken prisoners in war, and now walked behind their master, had tears 
and nrayers only for nim, and almost forgot their own fate in contemplation of hid over- 
whelming misfortune. Four hundred gcHden crowns, the offerings of Greek communi- 
tteit, were carried behind the prisoners ; then came the general himi*elf on his chariot, 
drcMed in the garb and decked with the insienia of Jupiter Capitolinus, with a laurel 
branch in his muid. The whole army was also adomod with lanrcl^, and marched in 
warlike order behind their chief, singing M)ngs of victory, mingled with occasional f<al- 
Hck of satire directed againHt him. A solemn sacrifice in the Capitol concluded the fes- 
tiTal.~llbi€, vol. m., p. 187 f . 

' In iBtolia the league wm dissolved ; Acamania was allowed to continue an Inde* 
pendent form of government ; Bpirus was punished and ravaged for deserting the Boman 
side : Bceotia was divided Into four districts. 

* roplUus Lenas was the ambassador who carried the message of the senate. He met 
the king near Alexandria and handed him the letter ordering him to leave Egypt. The 
^ing replying that he would consider the matter, Popillus draw with his staff a circle on 
te ground aroand Um khsg, saying : ** Before you step out of tliis circle tell me what 

166 THE DE8TBUCTI0K OP COftlNTH. [b.C. 146. 

5. The Achman Leagae. — The punishment of the 
AchseanBy who had taken no part in the war, was peculiarly 
severe. In parsnance of the policy hitherto adopted in the other 
states, of removing all suspicious persons to Italy, the decree was 
issued that aU accused Achseans should be sent to Italy and an- 
swer the charges against them there. More tlian one thousand 
of the noblest Achseans were transported to Italy, and were 
kept in prison in the towns in Etruria for seventeen years with- 
out a trial Among the exiles was Polybius, the great historian 
whose long residence at Home and intimate friendship with 
Scipio Africanus and other leading statesmen gave him that 
accurate information and extended knowledge of Boman policy 
which admirably fitted him for the task he undertook^ viz.: to 
write the history of the union of the Mediterranean states 
under the hegemony of Bome.* The control of the Achaaan 
league fell into the hands of Callicrates, a strong pardsan of 
Rome who had been chiefly instrumental in procuring the pun- 
ishment of the Achaeans. After languishing in prison for seven- 
teen years, the exiles, by the influence of Africanus and Cato, 
were allowed to return to their native land (b.c. 151). The 
number was reduced to three hundred, and returning to their 
country bitterly exasperated at their long confinement, they 
were ready to engage in any enterprise against Rome. 

6. The Destmction of Corinth (b.c. 146). — ^The oppor- 
tunity was offered by Andriscus, a pretended son of Perseus, 
who raised the standard of rebellion. Andriscus met at first 
with some success, but was soon conquered and taken prisoner. 
The Achseans were defeated in two engagements by Metellus.* 

aiif«wer I ghall hear to the senate " (Ltv. xlv. IS). The king mw that resistance was u£«- 
■ess. and yielded to the demand?* of Rome. 

* Tlie nlKtory of PolybluH consisted of forty hooks (the first five of which only are ex- 
Ant), and embraced the period from the acoeflidon of Philip to the extinciion of Grecian 
independence (B. c. ^280-146). Ak he lived from abont b. c. 906 to b.c. 127, ai>d hii> inti- 
macy with the leading statesmen gave him an opportunity of learning the earlier eTent«, 
the work is almost a contemporaneoas history. 

• The detnih of the iror. —Athene, which liad suffered greatly during the war, in order 
to indemnify hernelf. sent a pinndering expedition against Oropus. Tlie Oropiane ap- 
pea1<'d to Rome, which referred the question to the Slcyonians, and Athens wa* con- 
demned to t)ay 500 talent^. An embassy, at the head of which stood tlie academician Car- 
neadex. the st^iic Dinrrenes. and the peripatetic Ciitolans was sent to Rome- to deprecate 
the severity of the sentence. The appearance of these three eminent men in the nenate 
pn>dncod snch an effect amonir the admirers of the Greek language and literature (the 
tpeecheb were traiiKtared by Qajutf AcUiutf for ihoise who did not uudentiUMl Greeks Uiai 

B. C. 146.] THE THIBD PUITIC WAB. 167 

His suocessor Mnmmius soon broaght the stmggle to a close. 
Crorintb; where the remnant of the Achaean army had taken 
refuge, was stormed and burnt to the gronnd (b. c. 146). The 
inhabitants were either slain or rednced to slavery, the works 
of art were sent to Borne, and the richest city of Greece, which 
Cicero called the ^ eye of Hellas/' ^ was blott^ from the face of 
the earth.* 

7. Macedonia a Roman Province (b.g. 146).— Mace- 
donia, enlar^d so as to include Apolloiiia and Dyrrhachiam on 
the Adriatic, became a Roman province. The old divisions were 
abolished, each community was allowed local self-government, 
and the general administration was, like that of Sicily, under the 
control of a governor sent annually from Borne. The super- 
vision of the different communities in Greece was entrusted to 
the governor of Macedonia, but it was not until the time of 
Augustus that Greece, under the name of Achaja^ was regu- 
larly organized as a Roman province. ,y^ 


Thb Thibd Pumo Wab (P>. C. 149-146). 

L Roman Policy. — During this period of conquest in the 
East, Rome kept up a system of surveillance by sending to 

the floe VM rednoed to 100 talents. ThfB snm the Athenians were anable to pajr, and a 
compromise was effected with the Oropians, and a garrison was placed in their town. 
When thej wished to get rid of this garrison, thev applied to the Achcean league, and 
bribed the Spartan, Menalcidas, who was chief of toe leagae, to help them. He promitted 
batf of the bribe to Calilcrates for his inflaenoe, a promise which he failed to keep, and Cal- 
llentes broaght an action for the money. Menalcidas applied to Dlseasand bribed him, 
and from thS dispute about moner, Uie quarrel between Sparta and the AchsBan league 
aroeewliieh caosed Borne to interfere. The league under Critolani wan defeated first bj 
Metelhis at 8aui>hea, and then under the lead of Dlnus by Mnmmius at Leucopetra, on 
the Ooir of Corinth, which ia not mentioned on any other oocaaton. 

* iiwnm toff iM QnxiifB, 

* (The destmetion of Oorinthi by no means proceeded from the brutality of any single 
iodiridoal, least of all of Mummins, but was a measure deliberated and renolved on ny 
tlie Roman senate. We shall not err if we rec(^;nize it as the worlc of the mercantile 
psrty, which even thus early began to interfere in politics by the side of the aristocracy 
proper, and whidi. in destroying Corinth, got rid of a commercial rival. If the great 
merchants of Borne had anything to say in the regulation of Greece, we can understand 
vby Corinth was dngled out for punishment, and why the Bomans not only detttroved the 
dcy as it stood, bat also prohibited any future settlements on a site so pre-eminently 
fAvoiable tor commerce. The Peloponnesian Aigos henceforth became the rendezTOua 
for the Boman merchants, who were very numerous even in Greece. For the Boman 
wholesale tnflic, however, Delos was of greater importanoe.~-ifomfii«m, vol. iii., p. 51 

1^8 THE THIBD PUNIO WAB. [b. C, 157. 

the difPereut states ambassadors ^ who interfered with the gov- 
eminent, acted as arbiters in disputes between states, and 
fermented qnarrels on all sides. The object was to scatter 
seeds of discord and encourage internal disputes. These con- 
troversies were received with open ears at Borne, and prolonged 
by negotiation, until Bome found a pretext for interference, 
and in the end humbled allies and enemies alike. In Greece, 
particularly, Rome's perfidious policy^ tormented the different 
states, until decay and ruin and desolation spread over the land 
which had once raised itself to the pinnacle of prosperity and 
happiness by its wonderful achievements in art and literature. 
It is true that the battle of Pydna had put an end to the 
detestable policy which left the conquered countries to rule 
themselves, weakened them by separation, and still sought to 
entangle them in disputes until a pretext was finally found to 
crush them. It was this intriguing, insidious policy which 
Bome pursued with Bhodes, with Pergamus, and particularly 
with Carthage ; this constant encouragement of disputes that 
finally drove the people to despair and made them prefer any 
form of slavery rather than be longer exposed to this cruel 

2. The Condition of Carthage. — After the conclusion 
of peace in B.C. 201 Carthage began, by a strict neutrality 
during the wars in Macedonia, Asia and Spain, to recover the 
carrying-trade of the Mediterranean, which soon restored the 
old prosperity of the city. This could hot fail to awaken the 
jealousy of Bome. Masinissa* was encouraged in his attack on 
Carthaginian territory, and being prevented by the terms of the 
treaty from waging war with any ally of Bome, Carthage was 
compelled to refer the dispute to Bome. Embassies commenced 
their work ; tlie land in dispute was assigned to Masinissa. In 
this way Carthage was annoyed, harassed, and stripped of her 
territory, her towns and her castles, while by the terms of the 

^ Legati. ' For Mommsen^s view, see I. c toI. il., p. 266. 

* *ut wonid be better," said the Carthaginiang, '* to live as plavee of the Romans thaa 
to poseeee a liberty exposed to the insolence of Masinbua." Nay, ntter mln was prefer- 
able to a condition in which they were dei)endent uxxin the grace ot bo cruel a tonnentor. 
^Uvff xlii. 2S ; see lAne, vol. ill., page 819 note, and p. 885. * See p. VSL 

B. C. 150.] THE THIRD PUNIC WAE. 169 

peace she ivas preyented from defending her just claimB by wan 
In B. G. 157 an embassy was sent, of which Marcus Pordus 
Cato was chiefs to arbitrate on some new claim of MjminjfMfi^, 
The Carthaginians appealed to the terms of the treaty, while 
MaainiaHa professed his willingness to abide by the decision of 
Borne, whatever it might be. The deputies were astonished 
when they beheld the increasing prosperity of the city, the 
h^bor thronged with ships, the country highly cultivated, and 
on every side signs of prosperity and wealth. Prom this time 
the decision was fixed to destroy Carthage and remove the only 
commercial rival that Borne had in the western world. So 
firmly fixed was this determination, tliat Cato is said to have 
ended each of his many speeches with the words, ^^ Carthage 
most be destroyed." ^ 

3. War with Masinissa. — The opportunity that Bome 
was seeking for soon occurred. The popular party ' having 
obtained the power in Carthage, about forty partisans of Msr 
sinissa were banished. When the people refused to receive the 
exiles, at the request of Masinissa, he marched upon the city, 
and the Carthaginians, instead of appealing to Bome, took up 
arms. A battle followed in which the Carthaginians were de- 
feated, and their army, after passing under the yoke, was 
treacherously cut to pieces (b.o. 150). These events took place 
while P. Sdpio iEmilianus happened to be at the camp of 
Masinissa to ask for elephants for the Spanish war. 

4. Roman Interference. — Carthage had now offered the 
wished-for pretext, by taking up arms against an ally of Bome. 
An embassy was sent to Bome to appease the anger of the 
senate, but it was coldly received. The Carthaginians were 
ordered to send three hundred hostages within thirty days and 
to obey the further commands of the consuls. The hostages 
were sent, but still fearful forebodings tilled the minds of the 
Carthaginians when the Boman fleet landed at Utica. Here 
the Carthaginians were informed that all their miuiitions of 

* Ddmtdaett CarQuiQO. 

• There were three 
the democratic or popal 
fnom their dependency 

\ 170 THE THIRD PUNIC WAB. [B.a 147. 


war moBt be snrrenderedy as they could no longer haye any 
occasion for arms, sinoe they would henceforth be under the 
protection of Borne. When this demand was complied with, 
the consuls, thinking that the state was now defenceless, threw 
off the mask and announced the final irreyocable decree of 
the senate : ** That Carthage must be destroyed and the inhabi- 
tants must settle ten miles from the sea.^' Then the Cartha- 
ginians realized to its full extent the revolting perfidy, the 
perfidious policy of the Roman state. 

5. Siege of Carthage. — When this news reached Car- 
thage the spirit of resistance burst all bounds. One thought, 

^ne feeling animated the people, to fight to the death. Their 
temples were turned into workshops, supplies were collected, 
and arms were manufactured day and night ; the women sacri- 
ficed their long hair to make strings for the catapults, the 
whole town resounded with preparations for war. Hasdrubal, 
who had been expelled to please the Bomans, was recalled and 
entrusted with the chief command ; without aUies, without 
ships, almost without arms, the Carthaginians maintained the 
unequal struggle for nearly four years. When the consuls, after 
a short respite, advanced from XJtica to Carthage, they found 
I that matters were changed, and that» after an unsuccessful at« 

tack, the town could only be taken by the slow process of a siege. 
For this they were utterly incompetent, and the army is said to 
have been saved from destruction on one occasion by Scipio 
iBmilianus,^ who was serving as military tribune. 

6. Capture and Pe Bti acti on of Carthage.— As no per- 
manent success was gained, the people determined to confer 
the consulship on Scipio, and give him the command in Africa,* 
although he was only thirty-seven years of age and therefore 
legally disqualified for the office.* In B. c. 147 he landed in 
Africa, forced his way into Carthage, took it almost house by 
house, firing it as he advanced, until finally only the citadel 

* It was In an expedition Into the interior that, according to Amdan (who borrowed 
from PolyUns). Sciino saved the Roman army. It Ib not Bnr^sing ihat PolyUna eelxed 
every opportunity to praise his friend and pupil. 

* WTtnont the senate^s resorting to the nsnal deeiidon by casting lots. 
' E^ the 2m; atmaUi of b.o. 180; see p. 185, n. 4. 

B. a 146.] THE THIBD PUKIC WAB. 171 

remaiAed. When this snrrendered, fifty thoofland men, women, 
and children were carried away as captiTes, and the town, after 
being plundered, was consigned to the flames, which raged for 
seTenteen days. As Scipio beheld the desolation of the once 
flourishing city, he is said to have shed tears, and to have 
giren vent to his sad presentiment in the words of Homer : 

** The day shall surely oome when sacred Troy will fall, 
And Priam, and the people of the ash-speared Priam, all I " ' 

When Polybius, who had accompanied him to Africa, asked 
what he meant by these words, Scipio replied that he was 
thinking of Bome and foresaw the ruin of his own country. 

A splendid triumph awaited Scipio on his return to Bome, 
and the surname Africanus, already his by adoption, he had 
now acquired by his own exploits.* 

7. Africa a Roman Province. — The territory of Car- 
thage was joined to TJtica, which became the capital of the new 
province of Africa." The towns which had sided with Bome 
became free cities, while those that had adhered to Carthage 
were punished with loss of land, which was partly added to the 
public domain,^ and leased to occupants,^ and partly restored to 
the former communities on condition that they should pay a 
fixed tribute* to Bome. The Boman merchants flocked to 
Utica, and henceforth conducted the inland and foreign trade 
that had formerly belonged to Carthage from that port. In 
this way fioman customs and manners, the Latin language and 
lit^titure, were carried to Africa. The rich Libyan ^ plains even 
surpassed Sicily in their production of com. The site of Car- 
thage was plowed, and a curse pronounced against any one who 
should undertake to rebuild the city. 

^ ' He was the eon of Amilim FAnlliu, the hero of Pydns, and had been adopted hy 
PnbUitt OomellOB BdpIo» the elder son of the elder Africanus ; according to custom he 
'Stained the name of Ms own gent, and aseomed that of his new father: his fall name 
was Pabllns Cbmetliis Sdplo iBmiUanns Africanus, to which that of Komantinus was 
^'t^rwardB added. 

' The proTince of Africa Incloded only the teiritonr that Carthage possessed last, i. «., 
toe territoiy along the coasts of Zengitana and Byzacinm. See map, p. SIT. 

^^piOHeus, *BMtet9oret, * StipendOium. 

' Tbe name of Africa, which the Romans saTe to the proyinoe, was unknown to the 
^'"^ I they applied the name of JMya to t&e whole Qontlnent. 


8. Tbe Fonnation of the Roman Zimpixe. — Rome had 

now extended her dominion over the chief countries that 
skirted the shores of the Mediterranean. Before turning to 
study the manner in which the senate managed these depend- 
encies, let us attempt to determine, if possible, how a great city 
could have grown up on such a site as that of Borne, and at- 
tained such superiority over the other towns in Latium and in 
Italy, and then over the countries around the Mediterranean. 
In fertility of soil and healthf ulness of chmate the situation of 
Borne was far inferior to that of most of the old Latin towns. 
Neither is Bomc's supremacy sufficiently explained by saying 
that the people were warlike and fond of conquest, for so 
was nearly every nation in antiquity ; and besides, the Bomans 
and Sabii\es, that united to form ihe predominant element of 
the Boman people, were offshoots of the Sabellian stock to 
which nearly all the races in Italy belonged. We have already 
learned that the career of conquest on which the Bomans en- 
tered with 80 much energy and perseverance was far from 
being a contrived plan carried out from generation to genera- 
tion by men of genius. Bome was singularly barren of great 
men, and during this whole period of conquest the Boman 
aristocracy confined its ideas to Italy, and desired nothing but 
its sovereignty. What then were the causes that raised this 
city on the Tiber first to the position as ruler over the sur- 
rounding country, then over Italy, and finally over the Medi- 
terranean states ? 

9. The Causes of Rome's Supe ri ority. — The chief 
causes that contributed to this end were first the site of the 
city itself. The other Latin towns were built on isolated hills, 
but Bome was situated on a group of hills which were easily 
defensible, and at the same time so near to each other that the 
political isolation of each was impossible, and that some kind 
of federation ^ was necessary for the maintenance of internal 
peace. The people were compelled therefore to agree upon 
some terms of amicable life or to submit to the miseries of 

' JSynoUAtmut. 


internecine warfare. Community of interest then compelled 
the Tarioas settlements on the different hills to unite for mu- 
tual protection, and the ties that bound these political commu- 
nities together were riveted by those of the gentes, curim^ and 
tribes. The site, too, was admirably adapted to make Home 
the emporium of Latium ; and the ready access to it up the 
river, while it was at the same time remote enough to be pro- 
tected from the pirates that infested the Tyrrhenian sea, invited 
adventurers wandering over the Mediterranean to make it their 
home. This accounts in a measure for the rapid growth of the 
population. Even the sterility of the soil may have encouraged 
the warlike spirit of the early Romans, and have induced them 
to undertake their frequent wars for the sake of booty ; while 
the malaria that infested the lower parts of the city, particu- 
larly when the valleys between the hills were swamps, may 
haye served as a barrier to ward off attacks when other re- 
sources failed. The principle of association then based on cal- 
culations of interest lay at the root of the early vigor of Borne, 
and gave the people the first predominance over the isolated 
cities of LatiuuL^ 

10. Secondary Causes. — This principle, however, did 
not stop here, but city after city and tribe after tribe were in- 
vited or compelled to join the leading power, until all of Italy 
formed one vast confederacy, around which Borne wove a net- 
work of colonies and military roads. After the conquest of 
Italy, the geographical position of Borne, in the centre of the 
Italian peninsula, by which she was enabled to divide like a 
wedge the northern from the southern half and thus subdue 
her enemies separately, greatly facilitated the career of foreign 
conquest. This position prevented her enemies from combin- 
ing* and attacking the city simultaneously on all sides. 
Thirdly, the similarity of race which bound the Bomans 
by ties of blood and customs to the Latins, Samnites, and 

* Ume, Batiif Some^p. 7. 

■ Tlie ancient worid knewnoUiing of a balance of poiver among nations, and therefore 
erevT nation which had attaint internal unity strove to eubdne Its neighbon).~Jf9fnin* 
tm, lii., p. 883. 

174 SPAKISH WAB8. [B.C. 200. 

the other indigeneous races in Italy, enabled them to ap- 
pear as the protectors and champions of Italy, and to unite all 
the other races nnder their lead in repelling the invasion of 
foreign enemies.^ Finally the admirable pohtical system and 
military organization, based upon the character of a people Uke 
the Romans, with so much inherent energy and perseverance, 
were important elements that contributed largely to their suc- 
cess. When they had once entered upon a war, no obstacle 
discouraged them, no power could arrest their progress. Their 
defeats were but incentiyes for greater efForts, and, urged on by 
an uncontrollable instinct, they gained the sovereignty of three 

<•♦ t> 


Spaotsh Wars (B. C. 200-133) — ^Extbl sign of the Peo- 
vmciAL System — The Condition of 'he Slaveb. 

1. The Oppression in Spain.--^ ^n tht. year b. g. 205 

Spain had been formed into two prc\lnces,' although the 

Boman dominion was established in only a small part of the 

country. The country was easy of defence and the people 

brave and fond of war. Although efforts had been made to 

colonize it,^ and in this way bring it under the influence of 

Home, yet little had been accomplished, and the natire tribes 

were in a continual state of revolt Marcus Porcius Cato was 

'. sent to the country in b.c. 195 ; he an'il^'Bd tliu QUhuuuli ^ibis 

; against each other, gained several decisive victories, and on hi£ 

iretum to Bome, boasted that he had destroyed more towns 

' nme, HUi. qfEome^ toI. ill., p. 4S7. 

* The two provinoM wen eallM Htopmla Cltsrior ftnd mgpaniA Ulterior, and wen 
divided hr the nienu. 

* Sdpio had 0et^^ his wldlen in Spain and fonnded Italica (• i. 206). 

B. c. 154,] 



than he had spent days m Spain (b. g. 194). The senate under- 
took to control the rapacity of the Spanish governors^ and the 
first of those judicial commissions,^ which afterwards became 
so numerous, and which were designed to protect the provin- 
cials, was appointed. Spain enjoyed comparatiye quiet for a 
few years, and treaties' were formed with a number of towns, 
stipulating that in return for war contributions or auziliarieSy 
Rome guaranteed them protection. Still there was but little 

real gain ; the Boman dominion was recognized only on the 
eastern border, the tribes in the interior and to the north were 
but little known, and had never come under the Boman yoke. 
The military service in Spain, which offered but little plunder 
and no easy, bloodless victories, was becoming daily more dis- 
tasteful to the Boman soldier. 

2. TUTar with the Celtiberians. — In the year b. c. 154 

* ^it€utkmf$t rtpetvHdarufn. 

* By T. Sempronltu Qnecbns. 

176 SPANISH WARS. [b.C. 150. 

it happened that the people of Segeda were occupied in en- 
larging their town^ when the order came from Borne bidding 
them to desist, and to furnish tribute and auxiliaries. The 
order they refused to obey, because according to the treaty 
they were only forbidden to build a new town, and not to en- 
large one already existing, and because they had hitherto neither 
paid tribute nor supplied soldiers. War broke out, and the con- 
sul, Fulvius Nobilior, was defeated with great loss. The peo* 
pie of Segeda took refuge in Numantia and defeated the 
fiomans again under the walls of that city. In the same year 
(b. g. 153), the Lusitanians revolted and defeated a Boman army. 
The next year the consul M. Claudius Marcellus concluded 
a treaty with the Arevacians and otlier tribes, on condition 
that they should pay tribute and give hostages. When LucuUus, 
the next consul, arrived in Spain the following year, finding 
the v^ar had been ended and his hopes of bringing home honor 
and especially plunder frustrated, he turned his arms against 
the tribes ^ at peace with Rome. 

3. War in Lnsitanla. — Meanwhile Sulpicius Galba was 
vieing in Lusitania with LucuUus in treachery and deceit 
When the Lusitanians sent ambassadors to him to ask for 
peace, he received them kindly, lamented the condition of their 
country, and promised to settle their people on fertile lands. 
After having collected them to the number of many thousands 
and disarmed them, they were surrounded by his own troops 
and murdered (b. c. 150). This outrage was too much even for 
the Boman people, accustomed as they were to so many acta of 
cruelty and treachery. Cato preferred charges against Galba, 
but his wealth and great gifts as an orator (he was one of the 
most famous orators of his time) procured his aoquittal in the 
^ ( \ assembly of tribes. 

: ' I 4. yirjathns. — ^Among the few who escaped the massacre 
j 1 1 was Viriathus, wli o, as the avenger of his people, carried on 
the Hery war ^ in Spain against the vast power of Borne for 

* He attacked the Vaccseans, gained poeeesslon of Ganca by treacbery, elew tbe inhib 
mtsj and plundered the town. 

* Polybios, xxzY. 1. 


B. a 143.] SPANISH WAB8. 177 

■ - - I - ■— - . ~ ^^ III !■■!-■ ■-■ 1 M-fTI TW^M- - M T m ~ 

more than ten years. Army after army was defeated^ year after 
year the incompetent Roman commanders fell into the same 
traps. Euih Q Fn1ii||H Mwillhliii ' Hiiii nnable to break the power 
of the Lusiianians and defeat the wily Viriathus. In the year 
B. G. 141 Viriathus fonned a treaty with Home which recog- 
nized him as the friend of the Boman nation, but the consul 
for the next year, in open violation of the treaty, renewed the 
war. Viriathus was defeated and compelled to sue for peace, j 
When the Lusitanians were ordered to give up their arms, Viri- ^ 
athus, convinced that the treachery of Galba was to be re- / 
peated, was meditating a last desperate resistance, when he was 
murdered by his own envoys (b. c. 139), who had been bribed 
by the Boman consul Sen^ilius GsBpio to do the deed. So low 
had Boman honor and valor descended that the proconsul did / 
not hesitate to employ the hand of the assassin to rid himself 
of an enemy whom he conld not defeat in the field. 

5. The Nuinantiiie war (b.g. 143-133). — In the mean- 
while the Celtiberians had revolted and renewed the war, which 
centred round Numantia, and which defied the Boman arms 
for ten years. During the first two years the war was con- 
ducted by Metellus Macedonicus^ with considerable degree 
of success, but his successors experienced repeated defeats 
and disasters. Finally Gajus Hostilius Mancinus was brought 
to such straits by his own incapacity and the cowardice of 
his soldiers, that he was compelled to sign a treaty in which 
ho acknowledged the independence of the enemy. The senate 
repudiated the treaty, and the commander was surrendered by 
the Boman fetialis. Naked and with chained hands he stood 
bound before the town, but the Numantines, like Pontius, 
refused to accept the sacrifice, and Mancinus returned to the ^ 
camp and then to Bome. The war continued in the same I 
disastrous manner until ^.c^J^^yfhQn Scipio Africanus^ took i 
the command. Throy mfi n^ OajuR Mafius, who was aff^yi'^ftrds J 

^ * Tlds w»i the eldest son of JZmiHiiA Panlus, who had been adopted into the Fiabian ) 

* Tlds vnm the eldest son of JSmilioA Panlns, who had been adopted into the FSabian 
his full name wan Qnintiu Fabins Maxlmos ^mlHanns. 


* Scipio was re-elected consnl, notwithstanding the law passed in b. o. Ifil prohibiting 
n-^setion ot a consul ; see Momrasen, BOm Staatr. i., p. 485^ 


seyesi times oonsnl, Jugortha, the g randson of Masinissa^ and 

JTM OT«/w>|pa^ w ho wftft dtwljnii|] Ui [lUw an tmportATit. part 

in iComan Listory, served under Scipio. Scipio's first efforts 
were devoted to the restoration of the discipline of the army. 
He drove the vast rabble of camp-followers^ traders and trsi- 
fickers who snpphed the soldiers with articles of luxury, from 
the camp. He reduced the amount of baggage to what was 
aetualiy necessary for the wants of each soldier, and by con- 
stant drill and exercise succeeded in bringing his soldiers back 
to a saitable condition for war. 

6. Siege of Numantia.— Scipio now advanced to the 
AegQ of Numantia. The inhabitants defended themselves with 
wonderful heroism and courage, and it was not until they had 
suffered the most dreadful extremities of famine, eating even 
the bodies of the dead, that they surrendered. Fifty of the 
principal citizens were selected to adorn Scipio's triumph, the 
rest were sold as slaves and the town was razed to the ground. 
Scipio now assumed the surname of Numantinus in addition to \ 
his title of Africanus. All serious resistance in Spain was at an 
end ; and the country, by the great influx of Soman traders, 
speculators, merchants, and settlers, became rapidly Romanized. 
Great towns sprang up as centres for the vast inland commerce 
in com, wool, wine, and mineral products, and Latin soon / 
became the o£Scial language of both the Spanish provinces. 

7. The Provinoe of Asia (b.c. 129)— The same year in \ 
whidi Spain was subdued the first province beyond the Helles- j 
pont was acquired. AttelusTIIjt.hf sixth king of P ergam us^died 
in B»al33, leaving no children. He bequeathed his kingdom 
afldlffaumres to the Roman people. Aristonicus, a natural son 
of Bomenes the father of Attalus, laid claim to the throne, but 
he was soon defeated and taken prisoner. The rnnntry^^as I 
formed into a R oman province under the name of Asia. 

flr-Vlldr'fiorease in Blaveiy. — ^TBe' stave peculation, ,. 

daiHig the wars in the East, had increased enormously. On the | 
large estates the labor was almost entirely performed by gangs \ 
of daves ; the immense herds of cattle on the pasture-lands t 
were tended by slaves who were made responsible for their flocks ' 

180 THS BEBVIIiS WAR. [b. C 134 

and were left to find Bubsistenoe as they could. Almost all had 
once been freemen^ and no marked difference of color or race 
or civilization placed the master aboye the slaye. The Roman 
nobles, as occupiers of the public lands, found it profitable to 
cultivate them by slave-labor. The free population in Italy, 
particularly the possessors of small farms, had so decreased that 
large tracts were parcelled into sheep-walks. 

9. The Servile War (b.c. 134-132).— The condition in 
Sicily was even worse.* There a wealthy land-owner, named 
Damophilus, maltreated his slaves to such a degree that ihey 
resolved to have revenge. They found a leader in Eunus, a 
pretended Syrian prophet They attacked Enna and plimdered 
the town. The insurrection spread far and wide ; four Ko- 
man armies were defeated, and the rebels so increased that 
they numbered two hundred thousand. For three successive 
years (b.c. 134-132) Boman consuls were sent to the island, but 
nothing was accomplished towards subduing the insurgents 
until B. c. 132, when Publius Bupilius brought the war to a 
close by the capture of their strongholds, Tauromenium (Taar- 
mind) and Enna, and as pro-consul, with the aid of ten com- 

' When the slaves landed in Sicily they were kept by the dealers in elaye-pene wmitlng 
for iMircba»ora. The wealthy capitalists would boy whole batches at once, brand or 
mark the elaves like cattle, and nend them off to the country to work. The young and 
robost were employed as shepherdM, the othcnt in af^coltaral and other labor. Some 
worked in fetterA, to prevent them fn>m running away. All of them bad hard service, 
and their roasters supplied them Hstntily with food and clothins. They cared little about 
their slaves. Thev worked them while they were able to work, and the losses by death 
were replaced by fresh purchases. This want uf humanity and prudence in the marten^ 
soon produced intolerable mischief. The slaves who were employed in looking after 
sheep and cattle of necessity had more freedom than those who were cultivatrag the 
ground. Their masters saw little of them, and left them unprovided with food, snj>pof>- 
uig that they would be able to look after themselves and cost nothing. They soon founfl 
ways of helping themselves. They l)egan by robbing and murdering, even in frequented 
places, travellers who were alone or tmly In small comiMinies. It became unsafe for 
travellers to move about by night, nor cniild people any longer safely live on their land:* 
in the country. The shepherds got poKsesnion of huts whicb the oocupantji abandonvd. 
and of arms of various kinds also, and thus they became bolder and more oonfidciiL 
They went about with clubs and spears and the staves which were uned by herdsmen, 
dressed in wolfskins or hogskins, and already be$ran to make a formidable appearance. 
They had a great number of fierce dot^s with them, and an abundance (»f food from the 
milk and flesh of their beasts. The island was filled with roaming bands of plnndnvrs. 
Slaves were bought cheap, and coald be made nrofitablo by working them hard ; and thus 
the greediness of gain, tne total want of any human feeling in the masters, the neglect 
of proper discipline among the slaves, and the careless feeling of security prodnoea by 
many years of prosperity, l)rought things gradually to such a suite that repretnAoii of the 
disorder was beyond the power of the masters or governors ; for the masters could not 
reduce such sturdy fellows to obedience on c<*tatefl far removed from towns, and a Ko- 
man governor of Sicily had no army at his Qontmftnd.— /<o/t^'« I>eciin/$ qf the J7om. Ren^ 
Tol. i., p. IH f. 


missioiien, settled the affairs of the island.^ On his return to 
Rome he celebrated a sort of lesser triumph, called ovation.* y 

■»•♦ >■»■ 

The I:nt£rnal Goveknmekt. — Fabming the Ketenue. — 
The Italian Allies. — The New Nobiuty.^ — The Con- 
DmoN OF the People. — ^Hellenic Influences. — Okien- 
TAL SuPEBsirnoNS. — Slaveby. 

1. The Provincial System. — ^During the preceding cen- 
tnij the chief countries that skirted the borders of the Medi- 
terranean had become provinces of Borne: (1) Sicily' was 
acquired in B. c. 241 ; (2) Sardinia and Corsica, B.c. 238 ; (3) 
Hispania Citerior and (4) Ulterior/ B. c. 206 ; * (5) Macedonia/ 

* Of Uw 100 Buailia ; lee map No. 1. 

' In order to enjoy a triumph the impeH^tm muet haye been conferred npon the com- 
nmder in the reffiuar way Qienoe Pabiimt Scipio, after the oonc^nest of New Carthage in 
Spain, was not allowed to tniunph Itecaase he had commanded gtne uUo tfiaaistrcUu.-^Z4v, 
zxriiL 88) ; tbe war ended, the dominion of the Btate cictended (Liv. zzzix. 89), at leant 
GjOOO of toe enemy slain in battle, tlie war mutst have been a legitimate one, waged under 
the aiwpieefi, in the province, and with the troopn of the commander seeking the triumph ; 
for a raagictrate as a pnMX>n8al to triumph after the expiration of hlB term of ofSce, a 
fietdseUvm wait neoeeaary to allow him to enter the city, while for the conral whone im^ 
perium included the city it waf> only necet<Kary to confer the fall itnverivm {regitim <«»• 
cerium). To settle thetfeprelimjnanefl, and to fix the day for the trfumphaJ proce}<f<ion, 
oploo|ed to the oenate. The procefeion, headed by the i^ienate and followed b^ the victo- 
rioos troopt$ with trains of wagonu loaded with spoils from the captured citietf, entered 
tbe porte triumpKa&s and advanced along the via »aera to the temple of Jupiter Capito- 
linoi*. The triumpher rat npon a golden chariot drawn by four white horeen, clad in the 
p>reenn9 triumpluil robe embroiaered with gold (toaa picta) and tlie flowered tunic 
ifutHea palmata) crowned with a wreath of m vrtle, and holding a weptre (gcipio edftmeus) 
in his r^i^t hand. He wa* accompanied in his chariot by him children, while his cliontn 
and relaUvcK, clotlied in white ti^ias, surrounded it ; behmd him stood a slave holding 
nvor his head a golden crown, and whispering in his ear, re»fHce poat te, hominem 
WMiftUo U, The soldiers were in the rear, ttieir spears adorned with lanrcl ; some sang 
nyrons to the gods, some shouted lo triumphe^ while others sang songs in praise of th<'ir 
leader, or indulged in sallies of satire, or coarse ribaldry, for the soldiers were releotted 
uoni military discipline and Ihll license of spct'ch was granted on this day. 

In the ovation tne imperator entered the city on foot, or in later times on hors<*back, 
cad In the purple-bordeied robe (toffa purjjur8a)t his head being crowned with lanrcl. 
Instead of a bull he sacrificed a sheep {ovi»)y hence the name oratio (Sor\-. ad Vcrg. A. 

' That is, the western part of the island ; the whole itdand was acquired after the cap- 
tore of SyracoHc in b. c. 210. 

* The first enlarged by Celtiberia ; the second by Lusitanla, in b. c. 179 ; according to 
Jbrqnardt {StaaUver, p. 99) Spain was organized in b. c. 197. 

* l^ceotding to Appun, Hup. 88. 

* Aehaja became piacticaliy a province at the s^ime time, although not formally o^ 
guiized until the time of Augustus, 


B. 0. 146 ; lUyricnm,! about b. c. 167 ; Africa, B. c. 146 ; Asia, 
B. c. 1^3. Each province was governed generally by a prsBtor,' 
^ the number of whom was increased in b. o. 227 to four and in 
B.O. 197 to six. These provincial governors received no salary, 
but they were entitled to exact certain contributions from the 
provincials for the support of themselves and suite.' They pos- 
sessed the supreme military and civil authority, and no matter 
how serious the complaints were against their management, 
they were irremovable during their term of oflSce. At its expi- 
ration, it is true, they could be brought to trial either before 
the people or before the senatorial judges,* but there was little 
prospect of conviction in a suit brought by a poor man or by a 
foreigner against a powerful member of the ruling aristocracy, 
especially since it was tried before jurymen far removed from 
the scene, and if not involved in like guUt, at least belonging 
to the same order as the accused. ' 

2. Roman Governors. — After b. o. 149 it became the 
general practice for the praetors * to spend their first year of office 
in Bome, and the second year aa pro-prggtora to undertake the 
management of a province.^ For many years these governors 
ruled the provincials with honesty and protected them from the 
oppression of the revenue-farmers.' But gradually they relaxed 

> Livy (xIt. 88, 11) desrignates nijrlcam aa a provinoe ; see 838, a. 1. 

* A conHOl wan nent only in ctu*e of a danseroiu war. 

* Cohan: contdMting oi queiitors, secretaries, notaries, lletors, aqgnn, and public 

* A criminal prosecution was made before the people, a civil suit before a Juiy selected 
from the senators. 

' The provinces found some protection from the rapacity of Roman officials by be- 
coming clients of distinguished men who brought the plundering officials to trial on 
their return to Rome. 

' According to Mommsen this arrangement, by which the governor spent the first year 
at Rome and the second in Uie province, became tiie estabi&hed pracaoe from the time 
of Snlla ; see p. 2G7. 

' The poDulation in the provinces conslnted of two classes : those to which a certain 
degree of inaependence was granted, and tiiose complotely Kubject to the civil and iudi- 
cfal administration of the governor. In the first class were the (1) free cities (€icUaU$ 
li/m-ce) ; (2) the citiei that were free and exempt from tazcH {eiritcUes Obera et imimme*); 
and (3) the allied cities {dvikUet fxderaUE) ; the second class paid not only tribute, but 
a land tax. 

* Pubtioani : thes^e were the persons who farmed the pnbllc revenues (pttMlea 


Ha\ i. e. direct {decftnuBj tributum. scriptura^ mstaUa^ talituK^ and Indirect ( aorioHo). 
taxes ; about the tfTRp of fhe occniHi Punic war the putileant (prln dMUly ftt)m toe eoue s- 
trianAirdfr} formed themselves into corporations which enanled niWl i W ^fffa n\be 
buniiesson a large scale. The land lil the provinces was partly ghen 16 UoMiR tettiers 
iagri priv(Ul\ or to the free communities {cititate* fotderata and dfUfiliS WHtOt H im- 
munes)^ or, as was generally the ca^e, became public domain {c^er pv^ ^ut\ and w** 0) 
partly sold bv the q """"*"- (afl fi f yiT Vtivf"*"^ t^ 4 At i fa U t u mni\ ^ bol4aiXLxsOiMDiSu§^»»-Ht the 
property of the state that it payeoa nominal tax (vectiffol)^ or, as was the case with mo«t 


in their honesty, and it became a rare case for a governor to 
retom from his province with clean hands. The governor had 
the right to free quarters and free conveyance when travelling 
on the business of the state, and to obtain, at a fair price, sup- 
plies for himself and retinue, and in case of war for the army. 
As the senate exercised no strict control over the provincial 
magistrates, these privileges opened the way to so many abuses 
that in time the condition of the provincials, under such gov- 
ernors as^^gg^licame intolerable.^ The man who had ruled 
a provindSmamanner substantially independent of the senate, 
found it hard on his return home to descend to the common level. 
In this way the equality within the aristocracy was broken down, 
the oversight by the senate of the provincial magistrates, always 
lax, began to give way, and hence the aversion of the govern- 
ment to the acquisition of new provinces, as in the case of 
Macedonia after the battle of Pydna. Further, the immense 
wealth of the governing families was used to influence the votes 
ol the proletarians in the capital, either directly or by expending 
vast sums on the public games or gladiatorial shows. This ren- 
dered it more and more difficult for a man who was not wealthy 
to rise to office. 

3. Titles and Tnfllgnia. — We have already noticed that 
the desire for titles and insignia was so great, and that every 
inmgnificant combat was so magnified by false bulletins, that 
the senate had to enact a law that a triumph could be granted 
only when a pitched battle had taken place in which five 
thousand of the enemy fell. At first the thanks of the senate 
satisfied the successful commander, but soon he demanded some 
permanent distinction. Statues and monuments had become so 

of the land, (S) was restored to the old ovmera, rabject to taxation, or (8) wa8 retained 
by the state and was lea5>ed by the cenBors {ager Ramanus poputt^ quia cen^oribvs locari 
»W). Tlie provinces paid either tenth? {decumcE), a** in Sicily, or a fixed Bum (sfipendium) 
84 in the other province^). The collection of the tentht* wae larmed out, or leased, to the 
paMcmi, who paid a fixed ^um into the public treasury and collected what they coald ; 
^^7 ahtiaed their power and oppressed tbe defencele«B provincials to Bnch a degree that 
even Utv (xlv. IS) rays vbi puiiieaniis est, ihi avi jus p*tblicuin vanum^ out Hb^tw POciU 
nulia— wherever a tws-coUfctor wa» employed^ either the rights ftf the people were disre- 
\9^xrded or the freedmn of the allies des/royed. 

^ When complaints of ench extortion (in year b. c. 173) b^an to be made, they came 
before the pcnate ; in b. c. l^ifegj^ Cnlpvmia de i-fivehma is wa** enacted by which a 
P'TSlftLFa" appoin ted to try TOChcorrvf.TnTTir* : thy t n^iiallT \\'ti>< iwcnniary. pnt it was con- 
tmi3iiy lliJlUB wavil!! flj dit lailUUM iUWsT^a-^^^ed ftTter the lex (Jalpu^^ ~ ' 


oommon that they were no longer congidered an honor, and the 
ouBtom mainly established by Scipio, the oonqneror of Hannibal, 
of acquiring a permanent surname for himself and his descend- 
ants from the victories he had won, came into general practice. 
4. The Italian Allies. — In consequence of the long wars, 
the position of the Latins, and particularly of the pities in Italy, 
had undergone a change greatly to their disadvantage. The 
/ burdens imposed upon them had been unjustly increased, and 
the military service — particularly garrison duty and the odious 
service in Spain — was transferred more and more to the Italian 
allies. After the subjugation of Italy, the admission of indi- 
viduals as well as communities to the Soman franchise was 
almost completely stopped, and the Italian allies, although by 
their blood and toil the Roman dominion had been extended 
over the states of the Mediterranean, remained substantially 
in the same condition as the provincials. Just as the ruling 
f class at Bome separated itself from the people, so the Roman 
f citi28ens in their turn asserted their superiority over the Latins, 
' and excluded them more and more from their rights — such 
as an equal assignment of land, the right of free migration, 
and of free settlement in Rome, unless the emigrants left chil- 
dren behind them in their native city — ^while transferring to 
'. them an increased share in the common burdens. 
^ 5. Roman Citizenship. — This injustice was the more 
; keenly felt by them, from the fact that the rights of a Bo- 
( man citizen had been enlarged, and more clearly defined by 
laws that threatened the severest punishment ip a magistrate 
who put to death or scourged a Roman citizen.^ To this was 
added the right to one on trial for life before the comitia ceniu- 
riata of going into voluntary exile, before the decision of the 
1 assembly was announced. The great increase of the revenue ^ 

* TTi^aof i-^aFo »Ki> x"^^*^ <»^ioK>ft»«u^ P^"?<i" ^'^p (Cic. de BoD. il. 81, 54) carried prolsa- 
biy by (l) M. PorcloB Cato (prntor b. c. 198), which »*»^a»^»^ "T'^i ^^ V"'' 'rfni^f "ffir 

^ g pni to 


_ OB) L. PorcfnB LwinaA (oonral 

B. o. 18S), to {he Roman citizens Hefvliig iii tbfi arin^so far as was ^wafatjwir iy|^^[^wmi- 
tjtfy dlHcipHne.— ^n^e, Ji9m. Atterth. vol. fl.. pp. iTO", 21B,'*W. 

* Of the vaHt revenue of the Boman state, (the spoils in the war with Peneos amoanting 
to £3,100,000). \ in time of peace, tV in dme of war was expended in roads, bridges, aonc' 
dnctfl, and pahlic Imildings. The great system of sewena was constrmoted about b. o. liBO ; 


tfl£ IirTEftKAL GOVEttKMEl^. 185 

from the transmarine proyinoes had rendered it unnecessary to{| 
impose the tribute on Boman citizens since the battle of H 
Pydna. These privileges rendered citizenship from year to year 
more desirable, and made the allies feel that they were Bubjects 
of Borne. When they saw the chasm growing greater, and that 
it was spanned by no bridge, a profound dissatisfaction preyailed 
throughout the whole Italian confederacy. 

& Formation of New Parties. — ^In Borne itself the 
condition of th ings was not much better. The old opposition be- 
tween the plebeians and the patricians had been removed by the 
Hortensian and MsBuian laws,^ only to be renewed under another 
form. The common people rose in revolt against the new! '^ 
nobility , composed pf_the jaembeip of those families that had! ' '. 
held a cumle magistracy,^ and were members of the senate, and! 
thus yirtually renewed the old contest. The increasing power 
of wealth to influence elections, the initiative of the senate in 
legislation, the exclusion of all ''new men''^ from the higher 
magistracies, threw the government * more and more into the 

In Bxi. 171 Che etreeta of Borne were paved ; in b.o. 160 the Fomptine marshes were drained, 
and tbe magnificent aanednctSf wnich even in their rainn are the admiration of modem 
timiea, were Mcon by toe prstor Q. Marcioi^ (b. c. 144). In b. o. 160 the flret clepsydra 
wan t^et up by Scipio Na8ica.. The KomanH for nearly 6U0 yearn pos«iesHed no cloclui. At 
flmt tliej gn oooed at the time from the position of the ran, not even dividing the day into 
hoars. Afterwards twenty-four houn were reckoned from midnight to midnight, bat 
the day, from the rlafng to Uie setting sun, was divided into twelve hoars. After son- 
diaiit {wlarii^n) (aboat b. g. 204) were intn)dnced, the day was divided into twelve eqaal 
parl», and the night into twelve hoars. Henoe the hoars of night and day were of variable 
^gth, and only equal at the eqainoxes. In order to compare the Boman hoars with oars 
we most always know the nataral lenfi:th of the day at Borne. For a fall comparison see 
IdeUr'B Lehrma^ d. CTkronologie, It is well to remember that on the sandials {soktrivm) 
the hoora were divided by means of eleven lines. If the shadow of the finger (ffnoman) 
fell iqion the first line, the first hoar was already passed. Hence prima hora denotes the 
begtnnii^ of the second boor. On dall days there was no means of determining the time 
ontil the depsydraB were known. They were similar to oar sand-glasses, the water being 
allowed to escape gradaally Ifice the sand. In order to know the time without any troable, 
ficaves wen kept at the wlarium and clepsydra to report when each hoar e9q>lrecL 
*■ See pp. 84 and 86, note 8. 

* Tbe corale nutfistrates had the right of pitting on the seila cwvUt^ or chair of state. 
Thl? r^t belonsedL in the time of the republic, to the consuls, praetors, corale eediles, 
cenaon, Ihunen Slaus, dictator, and his master of horse {nUigister equUwn). 

* It wOl be recollected that the nobility had no legal privilege)^ as a class (see p. 86), 
out the nobles were bound t<q;ether by common interest, partteularly in confining the 
election to all the higher magistracies to the members of their own order. The especial 

attained to a cnmle office, and was thas the founder of his 

___ _ ibility, he oould have no imagines of his ancestors nor of hlM own, for the im- 
agktis at a man were not made until be was dead. Such a person, then, was not noMa 
in the foil aenae of the word nor yet was he ignobUU, He was called nomu homo, or a 


* A law was carried in b. o. 848 (see p. 62) to prevent re-election to the same office until V * ' 
afisr ten vcara. and in B. c. IflO (hy the is g^ffjfitf^i^hfl tfrff*' *"i T^Wl *^*^ mayriHtrncfftit nywt 
be Boofiht was defined^ ana loe Agenerore wtiicn tncy coula not be hejd was fixed ; thp i / 

•^^^■* 1 '~- ' * ■<. ... / ' - . ' . 



/ 1 hands of a few great houses.^ In this way the old republican 
aristocracy was transformed into a fiEunily oligarchy. 

7. Separation of the Orders. —Upon those whose ances- 
tors had attained to any of the curale magistracies there were 
bestowed certain privileges — ^the most ancient of which was the 
permission to place the wax images of such ancestors* in the 
family hall — ^and external in^gnia, of which the stripe of pur- 
p le ' on the tunic, the golden fi nf^er ring/ the silver fflOUUii^ 
housings* or fhV youthsTlmdrthe golden amntetnauu * of the 
boys were the most important. These served' to dlstio^^sV 
the noUrffimilies, and combiiitiS'with the innovation introduced 
by Scipi o (b.o. 194) , of assigning fhe front seats of the theatre ' 
to thd tonaional order, and the fact that the senators wlio' ]bad 
been consuls, plSetors, or curule sediles were Jbonorgd with cer- 
tain speciaTprivilegeSy^ drew a sharp line between thexidios 
class and tHe people. 

8. The Aim of the NoUUty.— During this period the 
nobility sought to gain sole and exclusive control of the gOT- 
emment by means of the senate and equites.* Formerly the 
censpr. had placed the names of MTOCthy men on thp Ji^ of 

I senators who had not held a curale office, and sometimes ex- 
I pelled unworthy members from, tbat-body althQugh they did 
belong to the nobility. Now the aim of the goyeming aristoc- 
racy was to grant to the senate the power of filling up its own 
ranks by legally entitling every one who had held a cumle 

magistracy to a seat in that body, and by makingJt thcLdiity 



\ j of the censor,^® on erasing fr om its list any name, to give the 

I reasons in writing. As the nolSility succeeded in confining the 

; ; higher offices to their own clique, the senate joined control over 

'ij both mode^ of. a dmisRinn ^taLits rankfl~p.Wi.ion f^ a, ^t^^Ia 

jj office and nomination by the censorrTThe government man- 

■ > 

, earliest age for the quMtonhip was S7 ; for the aedileehip, 87 ; for the pmtor«lilp, 40 ; for 
' ■ the consiUHhip, 48. ^ 

' ^ According to Mommeen (BOm. For^ch. p. 71, fl.) annw^ ^^'Ml flf rilttWI ilWIIMM lili'M 
\ troUeA thg ipavennnant ,ta thfe end of tha-rgpnhHc. ^ Jiw tmagitnmit, J 

" Latits davtu. * An nvlns au reus, * JPhalera. " Btdktmtrea. 

' Til the 3fCIRSstra. *■ ■ SM p."?8. n. 2. • Om p. 88 anflprSlu, note 6. 

^*' One censor had the right to veto his colleagne's decision, and his floocesnor could 
eritirelT cancel it. Farther, the list was not liable to revision at any time, as foroMrij, 
bnt only onee in five years. 


aged in the same way with the equites. Senators,* although 
past the age when they could serve in the cavalry, and young 
men of the nobility were allowed to vote in the equestrian cen- 
turies, and thus to exert undue influence in the comitia. And 
farther, in order to bring the public assemblies more and more 
under the control of the ruling aristocracy, large numbers of 
freedmen, the political retainers* of the noble houses, were 
admitted to the franchise either by legal enactment' or by the 
carelessness and collusion of the censor. Tlie lower classes of 
voters, the city rabble, were also systematically corrupted by 
larg^ses of com and by the public games which the rich cele- 
brated with great expense and splendor in order to curry favor 
with the voters. These assemblies were also brought more and 
more under the influence of the governing aristocracy as the .- 
body of citizens increased, because the elements which composed ; 
them grew more numerous and varied and widely separated, and r 
therefore more easily managed by the presiding officer. The /l 

maggtaptft a.l9Tifl had thfl rigVif. nf w/li^TyflffiT^gr fli^i QaQi>TnK1ipa» and/i 

the people sto od and assented, taJua-propQaalfl^^ The Toters were 
too widely scattered to be instructed beforehand and to agree 
upon any unity of action. Therefore it is not to be wondered 
at that it had long been the custom for the more important 
affairs of state, the entire foreign policy, to be settled in the 

9. The Condition of tba People. — OriginaUy the Bo- 
mans had been a hardy and industrious race and had lived on 
their amall fflfnifl **"^ /»«UiN>Qfp/| them with their own..baQd8t^ 
During the war with T Tftnuih^] the devastation^of ItaljLhad 
been so great that the small farms had almost entirely disajK 
peared-. The armies destined for foreign service were com- / 
posed chiefly of veterans, many of whom served for fourteen. \ 

years. They became estranged from civil life, adopted the 
habits of soldiers, and relied chiefly on plunder. The condiJ 
tion of Italy, particularly after the Hannibalic war, was favor-^^ 
able for indulging such propensities. A great number of the 

' See It. S8 and p. 210, n. 6. * (MenU9. 'AsinBO.MO. I 

188 TETE iNtERKAL GOTfiEKMENT. [b. C. 232. 

Italians had joined Hannibal, their towns were given up to 
plunder, and large tracts of land were confiscated. The aol- 
diers could seldom make use of the spoils that fell into their 
hands, and therefore had recourse to the retinue of traders 
that followed in the wake of the armies, converted their 
plunder into ready money, which was soon squandered^ and 
returned home to swell the impoverished crowd that was daily 
increasing in the capital. The result was that during the long 
wars the rich grew richer, and the poor poorer ; productive 
labor declined when a vast amount of wealth poured into Rome 
from the conquered states. The proletarians increased to an 
alarming extent, and by the largesses of com and the enormous 
sums spent in public festivals ^ fell more and more under the 
power of the few reigning families. 

10. The Agrarian Law of FTaminina.— AH over Italy 
large tracts of land were deserted, thousands of people were 
impoverished, and what was worse, disinclined to earn an honest 
living by toil in the field or in the workshop. There were some 
who saw the evils that threatened the state and sought to avert 
j them by wise measures of reform, but they were thwarted by 
the calculating avarice and selfishness of the nobility, and the 
state continued on the downward road and approached nearer 
and nearer the fatal catastrophe. G. Flaminius saw clearly the 
danger that threatened the state, and strove against the entire 
opposition of the Roman aristocracy to remove it The people 
however sided with him, and he was able to carry his measures 
for reform in the plebeian assembly of tribes in direct opposition 
to the senate.' The law pas sedJnriTlC lli» tirib""*^^ (b. a 232), 
assigning the territory of the Senoman Qmk to.JBnman aet- 
tlers, has been mentioned.' He was elected consul in B. c. 222, 
and conducted the war against the Insubrians. When the trib- 
une G. Claudius proposed the law to prevent the nobility from 

* Tl:e pabllc festiyals were religioan oeremonies inRtltated to padfy tlie gods. To tbe 

KAt Boman eame« institated in the regal period were added the plebeian games in b. c. 
, the ApoUraarian in b. c. 612, and the Megalipian in b. c. 804. 

* So important was this that Polybius (if. 81), a stanch defender of (he aristocracy, 
datef* the mcline of the Boman state from this time. 

* See page 180. 


speculating in goYemment contracts by forbidding senators and 
their sons to engage in foreign trade or to own any vessel be- 
yond a certain size^ Flaminius was the only man in the senate 
who was outspoken in &Tor of the measure.^ The disastrous 
defeat which Varro^ the popular leader, suffered in the Hanni- 
balic war, threw the entire control of the goyemment again 
into the hands of the senate. 

U. Cato's Efforts for Reform. — There were also other 
men who saw with regret the deelme of the old national vigor 
and the spread of corruption, and strove to resist it. Such was 
Marcus Porcius Cato,^ who was bom at Tusculum in b. c. 234. 
He was brought up on his father's Sabine farm, where his at- 
tachment to the hardy habits of his ancestors was encouraged 
by his neighbor Gurius Dentatus, the conqueror of Pyrrhus. 

* The refonn in Uie order of Toting, efllBcted soon after the flnt Punic war, was dae to 
the opposition, and wa» a change in fkvor of the people. Hitherto the tguUa and the flnt 
dan bad conetitoted a muority ^f the 198 centariea ; as it was now arraiufed each of the 
thhtY-Hre tribes was divided into Ave classes, each class was subdivided into two oen- 
tazies, thns giving 850 centuries, which with the eighteen centuries of equites and the 
Ave eenturles of smiths, carpenters, &c., made the sum of 878. The right of priority in 
voting was withdrawn from the equites^ and transferred to a division chosen from the 
flret oaes by iot. Aboat this time began the agitation in regard to the manner of voting 
for elections of magistrates and in public trials. Hitherto each citizen declared the can- 
didate for whom he voted : now the opposition demanded the ballot {taibeUa)y hence the 
laws were called leff« tabdUtria ; the first law {Ux Oabinia) for the election of magistrateL 
by ballot was not carried until b. o. 189, and in b. c. 137 the voting by ballot was extendeo 
to state trials ; in a trial, C {condemno) for guilty. A {absolvo) for not guilty, and N. 
L. (JMm Htruet, I. «., it is not clear) for a neutral verdict, were inscribed upon the ticket. 
In an eleenon, the name of the candidate ; for the enactment of a law, 27. JS. {uU roges) 
tot ttM affirmative, and A. {arUiquo) for the negative. 

led I 

N. I 
et. I 


1. M. PoBOiua Cato CsusoBirs, cos. b. o. 196, cens. b.c. 184. 
m. 1. Lioibia, 2. Salonia. 

2. M. PoBciUB C4T0 LioiviAinTB, 8. M. PoBcnrs Cato Salobiahub, 
pr. design, b. c. U0, m. iBwiJA. pnetor. 

4. M. PoBcnjB Cato, 6. O. PoBcnrs Cato, 6. M. Porcits Cato, 7. L. Poroius Catc 
cos. B. c. lis. COB. B. c. Hi. Tr. pi. m. LnriA. cos. b. c. 89. 

8. H. PoBoiUB Cato, 

M. Pobcius Cato Uticbkoib, Poroia, m. 

pr. B. G. 64. L. Doxrrius 


IdO TBfi iKTEltKAL OOTEJElKMSKT. [b. O. 195. 

Gato entered public life under the patronage of Valerius Flaocus^a 
loyer of the olden times in which the farmer was called from his 
plow to lead the armies of the commonwealth. He was seven- 
teen when he served his first campaign. He fought with honor 
through the whole Hannibalic war. He rose from one ofSce to 
another until in B.c. 195 he became consul^ crossed the line, 
and entered that well-fenced circle from which the efforts of 
the aristocracy were to exclude all "new men." He distin- 
guished himself by opposing all corruption. He resisted the 
repeal of the Oppian law, which forbade a woman to possess 
more than oue ounce of gold, or to wear a garment of diverse 
colors, or to ride in the city in a carriage. Cato was the same in 
the forum as on the battle-field. He battled manfully against 
the prevailing corruption. His prompt and ready wit, his 
knowledge of Boman law and Roman affairs, made him a 
dreaded opponent, as he laid before his colleagues the list of 
their shortcomings. 

12. Prosecution of the two Scipios. — ^After the battle 

of Zama, Gato took an active part in the measures which led to 

the accusation of Scipio. When the tribune, at his instigation, 

preferred a charge against Lucius Scipio of being bribed 

\ by Antiochus, and Lucius was about to produce his accounts, 

1 his brother Africanus snatched them from his hand and tore 

I them up, saying that it was unworthy for a man to be caUed 

tto account for a few thousands, who had paid millions into 

ithe treasury. This haughty conduct contributed to the con- 

jviction of Lucius, and he was sentenced to pay a heavy fine. 

As he was being led away to prison, Africanus attempted to 

1 liberate him, and a violent conflict was averted only by the 

:interference of the tribune Tiberius Gracchus. In b. c. 185 the 

'tribune brought charges against Africanus himself; but the 

i trial happened to come on the anniversary of the battle of 

Zama, and Scipio invited the people to follow him to the capi- 

tol and to give thanks for the victory. After this he retired 

from Bome to his country-seat at Litemum, where, after two 

years, he died and had this inscription placed on his tomb: 

"Ungrateful country ! you do not even possess my bones." 






13b Censoraliip of Cato. — Gato himself did not escape ; 
he was accused forty-four times, bat the people always stood by 
him. In B.a l84 he was elected censor with Lucius Flaccus, 
and dcToted^himself with honesty and impartiality to the 
duties of his o£Sce. He restrained the farmers of the revenue, j 
levied a heavy tax on articles of luxury,^ forbade the celebration ' 
i of the festival to Bacchus, and was chiefly influential in expel- 
I ling the three Greek philosophers from Rome who had come to 
' procure an abatement in the sum which the Athenians had been 
I ordered to pay the Oropians.' In his old age Gato began to 
■waver in his opposition to every thing foreign. He even applied 
'himself to the study of Greek literature, and the love of gain 
caused him to invest his money in commercial speculations.* 
ato was honest but flhoroughly narrow-minded ; he restricted 
is ideas to Italy and was averse to the career of conquest which 
brought the states of the Mediterranean under the dominion 
of Some. His measures, however, produced but little lasting 
effect, and the increase of wealth and the decay of the old re- 
publican virtues continued.* 

14. The Character of the Roman GtoTemment — Not- 
withstanding the evidences of, disorder and decline that were 
visible in the government at home, in the administration of 
the provinces, and in the army, we must remember that the 
downward step was gradual ; that it took many ages of corrup- 

* The <mpo«itioii curled the lex Orehia (b. c. 18B), which limited the nnmher of guests 
it hsnqueCs, the tex Faunia (b. c. lO), the ezpeose, and the lex Didia (b. c. 144), which 
made these restrictions appilcahle to the allies. Cato himself never allowed more than 
thirty tueee (60c.) for any meal ; no dress cost him more than 100 denarii ($21.60) ; no 
riave more than 1000 detunH (t885) ; he had no carpets in his hoase, often no wine on his 
table, and he partook oidinaiuy of the same fare with his servants. It was at this time 
that the booths {tadema veteree el tHnm) and markeu were removed fh>m the f6mm, and 
the BaeiHea Borda erected near the Cttria JSoeOUa. 

■ See p. 16A, n. S. 

' Gato never speeolated in state leases nor practised usury. 

* To the later generations who survived the ptorms of the revolution, the period after 
ue Eannihalic war Mipeared the solden age of Bome, and Cato seemed the model of the 
noman statesman. It was in reality the cium before the storm and an epoch of political 
inediocrities, an age like that of the government of Walpole in Bngland ; and no Chat- 
ham was found in Bome to infuse fresh energy into the stagnant life of the nation. 
Wherever we cast our eyes, chinks and rents are yawning in the old building ; we see 
workmen busy sometimes in fllling them up, sometimes In enlaiglng them, but we no- 
where perceive any trace of preparations for thoroughly rebuilding or renewing it, and 
tlie Question is no longer whether, but simply when, the structure will fall. During no 
epoch did the Roman constitution remain formally as stable as in the period from the 
Sicilian to the tliird Macedonian war, and for a generation beyond it ; out the stability 
nf the constitution was here, as everywhere, not a sign of the nealth of the state, but a 
token of incipient sieknees and tlie harbinger of revolution.— JfommMn, vol. U., p. 894. 

' i 


tiou and mismanagement to break down the system of goyem- 
meut based upon the character of a people with so mnch 
inherent energy as the Boman nation possessed. It was the 
hardy habits, the civic virtues, the willing submission to the 
power of the government, the sacrifice of the individual will to 
the national, that made the Romans a nation of warriors and 
then the rulers of the world. These qualities laid the elements 
of their political constitution, which at home remained for 
ages unchanged, and when carried to the provincials was felt 
by the subjects to be a blessing ; for it introduced a "govern- 
ment of laws, and not of men,'*^ and the subjects clung to 
that constitution until abuses began to undermine its very 
foundations and converted it into an intolerable tyranny.* 

15. Hellenic Xnflneiices. — If we turn to study the inner 
life of the nation, we shall find the old Boman frugality and 
integrity disappearing, and signs of Hellenic and Oriental 
influences visible on every hand. We have already learned that 
Bome, even in the regal period, was subject to the influence of 
Greece, and that the Oreek language and literature and par- 
ticularly the laws of the Greek states had been studied by the 
leading statesmen at Bome. We have already seen to what 
moral and social degradation Greece had been reduced when the 
people came most intimately in contact with Bome. The luxury 
and levity of manners, the vice and infidelity that came from 
Greece, did much to subvert the old Boman frugality and piety. 
Cato opposed with energy and honesty the inroads that 
Greek indolence and Greek immorality were making on the 
Boman character, but in vain. Greek literature and Greek ideas 
grew more and more attractive, and it became the &shion 
to laugh at Cato for his old-fashioned notions. There was, 
however, much truth in his denunciations. The literature of 
Greece had in some measure kept pace with the degeneracy of 
the country. Plato and Aristotle had been succeeded by Chry- 
sippus and Cameades ; Euripides and Menander had taken the 
place of -^schylus and Aristophanes.* 

^ Livj li. 1, 1 : imperia Isgwn potentinra qitam hominum. 

■ See nine, vol. Ui., {x 403. ' Max MAlIer, Lect, an Scknee qf 

Lcoig,t voL 1., p. in 


16. Philosophy and Religion.— It was particularly in 
the religions life that the influences from Oreeoe were most 
deleterious. It was openly avowed by the enlightened classes 
that philosophy must take tlie place of religion, and that a 
belief in miracles and oracles was necessary to keep the masses 
in order. There were three schools of philosophy : the Stoic, 
the Epicurean, and the New Academy. The last two were 
always considered dangerous, but with the Stoic philosophy 
and the native religion a kind of compromise was effected. 
The Stoics professed to believe the popular faith, but with 
them Jupiter was the soul of the universe, and the statues of 
the gods were mere works of art, not representations of divin- 
ity.^ Many Greek philosophers ' lived in the house of the Scipios, 
which was the rendezvous of the select literary circle in Bome. 
Here the problems of Greek philosophy were discussed, and the 
standard of good taste for classical Latin was established. The 
influences that emanated from this ^ Scipionic circle " reacted 
powerfully and beneficially on the national literature. 

17. Oriantal Snpentitions. — The conquest of the East 
brought the Bomans in contact with various forms of super- 
stition, some of which were introduced into Italy. The wor- 
ship of Cybele, the Phrygian mother of the gods, was very popu- 
lar. A crowd of Chaldean horoscope-casters and Marsian bird- 
seers found their way to Italy and made a great impression on 
all classes, and even the leading men of the state had recourse 
to their omens. Measures of repression were adopted, but they 
were temporary in their effect, and whoUy inadequate to root 
out the eviL Gradually these forms of superstition spread into 
every grade of society and into every comer of Italy, and men 
began to be perplexed in their old faith. 

18. Slave Labor. — We have already alluded to the injuri- 
ous results of slavery, how the chief part of the labor on the 
large estates and the vast tracts of pasture-land was performed by 
slaves. This system gave the rich a great advantage, from the 
fact that they could, with their retinue of slaves, prodace at a 

* Max Mllller, I. c. p. 115 ; Mommsen U., p. 416 If. 

' llie philo««opher Pftnetliui, the hiBtoriin Polybiiu, and the poetj> Lucilias and Ter- 
ence were welcome gneets. 

194 THE IlsrrEEKAL aOVEEN^MBNT. [b. C. 218. 

cheaper rate than the small farmer^ who^ uDable to compete 
with the system of farming on a large scale, gave up the con- 
test, sold his lot of land, and swelled the impoverished crowd 
that was swarming over Italy. His land was absorbed in the 
large estate of the rich landlord, and this evil, instead of being 
restrained, was ever on the increase. This inequality was indi- 
rectly encouraged by the government. Oom^ was admitted 
from the provinces to the Roman market free of duty, and the 
Eoman farmers were compelled to give up the raising of grain 
and confine their attention to the production of oil, wine, and 

19. TTn&vorable Ii^;i8lation. — The Glaudian law (about 
B.C 218), by excluding senators from commercial speculations, 
indirectly compelled them to invest their enormous capital in 
land. This helped to swallow up the little plot of the ^rmers, 
and add it to the great estates of the rich. Already the Boman 
bankers ' and money-lenders,** the crowd of brokers and specu- 
lators, had got control of the varied mercantile and moneyed 
transactions at home and in the provinces, and managed all of 
their different branches of business by means of slaves and freed- 
men. The corporations that leased the custom dues, farmed 
the public revenues, contracted for furnishing supplies, or 
erecting public buildings, had these duties performed chiefly 
by slaves and f reedmen. The various means of investing capital, 
combined with the unfavorable legislation, created a moneyed 
aristocracy, discouraged the growth of a prosperous middle 
class, caused the small farmers to disappear and the absorption 
of their farms in the large estates, where the labor was per- 
formed by slaves under the supervision of a steward. 4^ 

* In the Moond Ponic war. a fMdUnntu (1 } bnebele) of wbeat had ooet fifteen dnduiug 
($2.50), while grain afterwards bo flowed into Italy irom Africa, Sicily, Saidinla, that a 
msdimmu of wheat cont four oboH (about 19 cents), and of barley two oboU. In a. c. liM 
more than 840,000 bnshels of Sicilian grain were dietribnted, at 13 a«w (90 oente) per 
bnehel. In Oaio^s time Sicilian and Sardinian com was eometimee sold in the Itauaa 
ports for the freight. The average price in the flret and i*eoond oentaries before Christ 
was one denaritts for a modltts, or abont seventy cents per bushel (the avovse price now 
is abont eighty-five cents (in the provlncet* of Brandenburg and Pomerania mm 1816-41); 
this difference is probably owing to the fall in the value or silver). In the time of Poly- 
bins victuals ana lodgings at an inn in northern Italy cost on an average half an a$ 
(two-thirds of a cent)jper day; a bushel of wheat was there worth one-third of a dOMriit*, 
or about six cents. The result was that wheat-producing land was aJmost valueless. 
» ArffeiUarius, * Fenerator, 


ot Roofte and 


B.C. 263. 

Captttre of Aif- 

B.C. 262. 



B.C. 260. 


F1E8T PuNio Wab— B. c. 264-241. 

Carthage was the most flourishing commercial city on 
the Mediterxanean Sea. Its form of government was very- 
similar to that of Rome ; there were two chief magis- 
trates, a senate, and a council of 104. The army was 
commanded by a dictator. At the time Carthage came 
in collision with Rome she was the first maritime power 
in the world. The Carthaginians and Romans for many 
years had maintained friendly relations, and had, as early 
as B. c. 348, formed a treaty with each other, which had 
been renewed in B. c. 270. This alliance, however, had 
never possessed any real significance, and after the con- 
quest of Italy by the Romans the two nations began to 
regard each other with jealousy. The Carthaginians 
were aiming to secure possession of Sicily, and the Ro- 
mans wished, if they could not obtain the island for 
themselves, to have at least friendly and not too power- 
ful neighbors there. When it happened, therefore, that 
the Mamertines, who had seized Messana and were 
plundering the surrounding country, were on the point of 
being subdued by Hiero, King of Syracuse, and applied 
to Rome for assistance, she thought that this was a good 
opportunity to get a footing in Sicily, and without much 
hesitation dispatched an army to relieve the Mamer- 
tines. Before this army could arrive in Sicily, the Car- 
thaginians had effected a reconciliation between the 
Mamertines and Hiero. This made no difference to the 
Roman commander ; he crossed to Messana, persuaded 
the Mamertines to expel the Carthaginians from the 
town, and finally attacked and defeated Hiero and the 
Carthaginians near Syracuse. This energy on the part 
of the Romans alarmed Hiero, and he made a treaty 
with Rome, and ever afterwards remained a faithful ally. 
The next year the Romans captured Agrigentum. Nearly 
all of Sicily was now in the hands of the Romans. 

The necessity for a navy began now to be felt by the 
Romans. It was difficult to transport troops to Sicily, 
and the shores of Italy even were ravaged by the Car- 
thaginian fleet. The senate set about the work with 
such energy that in 60 days 120 ships * were launched, 
and soon after Gajus Duillius gained a great victory 
over the Carthaginians off Mylae.' 

* Borne had not .been hitUiTto a mere anlenltunl state, sb I0 proved by many cfr- 
comstanceB: the port^nee on exports and Imports at Ostia, the oommereial treaties 
with Oulhage, ana the antiquity or the galley on the city arms. The Boman fleet how- 
ever, was ineijiniflcant in comparison with that of Carthage. The Bomans had only 
triremee, and these were not fitted to contend with the larger and better nuuAied qain- 
qneremes of the Carthacinians. 

* See aoeoont of the hoarding-bridges, p. 131 and note 4. 



Battle of 

B.C. 257. 

Invasion of 

B.C. 256. 

Battle of 

B.C. 250. 

The Battle at 
the .S<f^atlan 

B.C. 241. 


B.a 241. 

The Romans were now prepared either to invade 
Africa or to subdue the islands in the Mediterranean 
Sea. They adopted the latter course. Corsica and Sar- 
dinia were attacked, and the Carthaginian army was 
driven to the western end of Sicily. A victory at Tim- 
daris encouraged the Romans to invade Africa. Regu- 
lus set sail with a fleet of 330 vessels and a large army, 
and after defeating the Carthaginians at Ecnomus landed 
at Clypea, but was defeated, and the fleet that was sent 
to bring back the remnant of his army was destroyed 
by a storm. The Romans, however, rebuilt their fleet 
and captured Panormus. 

A few years after Metellus gained a great victory at 
Panormus (B.C. 254). This was the turning point in the 
war; henceforth it centres round Lilybaeum and Dre- 
pana, which the Romans found impossible to take on 
account of the brilliant strategy of Hamilcar, the father 
of Hannibal. At last, however, the great sea fig^t at 
the iEgatian Islands, where the Roman fleet was com- 
manded by Lutatius Catulus, decided the contest. The 
Carthaginians were exhausted ; their treasury ' was 
empty, and they were glad to conclude a peace. 

All of Sicily except the territory of Hiero, who had 
been the firm ally of the Romans, passed into the bands 
of Rome ; it was organized as a province,' and governed 
by a prastor. The Carthaginians paid the cost of the 
war. The Romans had created a navy and wrested 
from the Carthaginians the sovereignty of the sea. 


IVeahenea bjr 

the IVar with 

the Mereena* 


B.C. 241-236. 

MTar with the 
Ganls In N. 

B.C. 231*222. 

Battle of 

B.C. 222. 

niyrian "Wars, 

B.C. 229-219. 

Interval between the First and Seoond 
Punic Wars— b. c. 241-218. 

During the interval between the First and Second 
Punic Wars both Rome and Carthage exerted them- 
selves to the utmost to consolidate and extend their 
power. Carthage was weakened by the revolt of her 
mercenaries, whom she was unable to pay. Rome took 
this opportunity to wrest from Carthage Corsica and 
Sardinia. In addition to this the Romans subdued the 
Gauls in Northern Italy, defeating them at Telamon. and 
founded colonies to secure the possession of the country. 
On the eastern coast of the Adriatic the Romans sup- 
pressed the Illyrian piracy. In the meanwhile Carthage 
had found a compensation in Spain for the loss of Sicily. 
Hamilcar had really established a new empire in the 
west, and had made good the loss of Sicily, so that Car- 
thage was able to renew the war. 

Second Punic War— b. c. 218-202. 

When his preparations were completed, Hannibal, 
who had just come to the command of the Carthaginian 

> TUej tried in vaIq u> mis^ ft l9ftQ in B^ypt. ' 9oe p. 1298 ftnd n. 3, also p. 181* 



B.C. 219. 

Battle aft tlie 

B.C. 218. 

Battto at ttf 

B.C. 218. 
Battle or I««lce 

B.C. 217. 
S*a1ilas Policy. 

BatUe of 

B.C. 216. 

anny, laid sicffe to Saffuntum, a town in alliance with 
Rome. This led, as Hannibal expected, to a declara- 
tion of war. The next spring Hannibal set out with a 
well equipped army for the invasion of Italy. Crossing 
the Alps, he descended into the plains of the Po ; here 
he defeated the Romans under Scipio, first near the river 
Ticinus, and then at the Trebia. The next spring Hanni- 
bal crossed the Apennines, reached the upper Arno, and 
advanced past Arretium towards Perusia. In a narrow 
defile near Lake Trasimenus he defeated the consul 
Flaminius with terrible slaughter. After this battle 
Hannibal proceeded through Umbria and Piccnum to 
the Adriatic, and sent news to Carthage of his great 
victories. The Romans appointed Fabius to the com- 
mand of their army, and he sought to avoid an engage- 
ment ; but the dissatisfaction became so great that the 
command was transferred to Paulus and Varro. A 
murderous battle was fought at Cannae, in which the 
Roman army was almost annihilated. Many of the na- 
tions in Southern Italy joined Hannibal, and particularly 
the Capuans, with whom Hannibal took up his winter 
quarters. The Romans, however, made greater efforts, 
and placed 21 legions in the field, but the next year 
passed without any decisive battle. 

War in Spain— b. c. 218-206. 

The two Scipios had been sent to Spain to prevent if 
possible Hasdrubal. whom Hannibal had left there in 
command, from sending reinforcements to Italy. They 
carried on the war at first with vigor, and defeated Has- 
drubal at Ibera. Many of the Spanish tribes joined the 
Romans. This enabled the Romans to cross the Ebro, 
take Saguntum, and to prepare even for the invasion 
of Africa. Hasdrubal, however, received large rein- 
forcements, and soon after defeated the Romans. Nearly 
all Spain was now lost to the Romans, and Hasdrubal 
was prepared to send reinforcements to his brother in 
Italy. The Romans, however, displayed that energy that 
had so often saved them in the crises of their fortune. A 
new army was raised and the command was entrusted 
to Publius Cornelius Scipio. Landing at Emporiae, he 
passed the winter in preparing for the campaign. He 
surprised and captured New Carthage, and soon after 
engaged Hasdrubal at Baecula ; the results were so far 
favorable to Hasdrubal that he was able to carry out his 
plan to reinforce his brother in Italy. The departure of 
Hasdrubal left Spain an easy conquest for Scipio. 

War in Sicily— b.c. 214-210. 

While the war was going on in Italy Hannibal sent 
envoys to Sicily, and after the death of Hiero, the faith- 
ful friend of the Romans, the Carthaginian party gained 
possession of Syracuse. Marcellus, the Roman praetor, 

Battle of Ibera« 

B.C. 215. 


B.a 207. 

BatUe at 

B.C. 207. 
Comqvest of 

B.C. 206. 



Slcffe of Sjrra- 

B.C. 214-212. 

Capture of Ta- 

B.C 212. 

fteoaptiire of 

B.C. 211. 

Tbe Battle of 
the Metanrasj 

B.C. 207. 


Hanulbal R»« 
ealled from 

B.C. 203. 

Battle of Zama* 

B.C. 202. 

Terms of Peaee* 

Resttiu of tl&e 

Coadltlott of 


soon appeared before the city, which after a stubborn 
siege fell into his hands. The other towns soon sub* 
mitted, and Roman rule was restored in Sicily. 

Wae in Italy— B.C. 214-203. 

While these events were going on in Spain and Sicily, 
Hannibal made but little progress in Italy. The war 
centred round Capua, which the Romans tried to re- 
cover, and round Tarentum, which Hannibal wished to 
capture. The next year the Romans recovered Capua, 
and two years later rabius Maximus recaptured Taren- 
tum. Hannibal's only hope of successfully continuing 
the war rested in procuring aid from his brother Has- 
drubal. In the year b. c. 207 Hasdrubal crossed the 
Alps and reached Northern Italy, where he waited for 
news from his brother. The consul Nero, who was 
watching Hannibal, managed to intercept HasdrubaPs 
despatch, and, without the knowledge of Hannibal, to 
leave his camp, join his colleague Livius Silinator near 
Sena, and with their united forces completely defeat 
Hasdrubal. This ended the war in Italy. Hannibal 
withdrew to Southern Italy. The time had now come for 
the invasion of Africa. Scipio was elected consul (for 
B.C. 205), and in b.c. 204 completed his preparations and 
landed near Utica. Hannibal was recalled from Italy, 
and the decisive battle was fought near Zama. The Car- 
thaginian army was annihilated and Carthage was com- 
pelled to make peace. The terms of the peace were : (i) 
Carthage gave up all of her territory beyond Africa ; 
(2^ she could engage in no war, either in Africa or out 
o! Africa, without the consent of Rome ; (3) she must 
give up all prisoners and deserters ; (4) the payment of 
an annual war-contribution of 200 talents for 50 vears ; 
(5) the surrender of all her fleet except 20 vessels ; (6) 
the recognition of Massinissa as King of Numidia. 

The results of the war were great for Rome, (i.) 
Carthage was removed from the position of a rival to 
that of a small dependent state. (2.) The Roman do- 
minion was increased by the acquisition of Spain, which 
was divided into two provinces, and by the territory of 
Syracuse, which was added to the province of Sicily. 
(3.) The Roman protectorate was extended to the native 
tribes in Africa. (4.) The complete supremacy of the 
sea was transferred to Rome, and the way was opened 
for the great conflict with the East. (5.) The war tended 
further to consolidate the Roman power in Italy. The 
nations in Italy— as the Bruttii, Apulians, Samnites, and 
the Greek cities — that had joined Hannibal were deprived 
of a part of their land, and colonies were established 
there. The fetters were riveted more firmly on the Urn- 
brians and Etruscans, and everywhere except in Latium 
the Roman dominion pressed more heavily. It is reck- 
oned that during the war 400 flourishing towns were 



B.C. 214-205. 

destroyed in Italy; slaves and robber-bands haunted 
eveiy comer of Italy. As manv as 7,000 men were con- 
demned for robbery in Apulia alone in one year (b.c. 185). 

Wab8 with the East — b. o. 214-146. 

The nations around the western part of the Mediter- 
ranean acknowledged the supremacy of Rome. The 
treaty which Philip had made with Hannibal after the 
battle of Cannae had opened the way for Rome to inter- 
fere in the affairs of the East. In b. c. 273 Rome had 
entered into friendly relations with Egypt, and her wars 
with the Illyrian pirates' had brought her in contact 
with the iEtolians. Finally, the alliance of Philip with 
Hannibal had compelled her to send a fleet to the Adri- 
atic* Rome had then been drawn on without any design 
on her part to interfere in the affairs of the East. 

The First Macedonian War was barren of results. 
After the conclusion of peace with Carthage the Ro- 
mans prepared to renew the war with Macedonia, for 
which Philip had given sufficient cause. He had sent 
troops to fight at the battle of Zama ; he had commenced 
war against Egypt, the ally of Rome, and also against 
Attains and the Rhodians, both friendly to Rome, and 
one was protected by a treaty. War was declared and 
a Roman army sent to Macedonia. After two unsuc- 
cessful campaigns, Flamininus was appointed to the 
command. He defeated Philip at Cynoscephalao. This 
battle was decisive. Philip was compelled to withdraw 
his garrisons from the Greek cities, to surrender his 
fleet, and to pay 1000 talents. 

The iEtolians had formed a treaty with Rome, but 
feeling that they had been unjustly treated, and that the 
success of the Romans was mainly due to their efforts, 
they began to intrigue against Rome, and invited An- 
tiochus of Syria to their assistance. The king crossed 
to Greece, but the Romans defeated him at Thermopylae. 
Antiochus returned to Asia, but the Romans followed 
and defeated him again at Magnesia. This battle ended 
the war. Antiochus had to give up all of his possessions 
west of the Taurus range, to surrender his fleet, and to 
pay 1500 talents (= $20,000,000). The Romans now had 
time to punish the ^tolians. Thev were defeated and 
Ambracia, their chief town, was taken. The ^tolians 
now sued for peace. Their confederacy was dissolved, 
and ^tolia, like Macedonia, became tributary to Rome. 

In B. c. 179 Philip died, and was succeeded by his son 
Perseus. Perseus was popular, and the Greeks them- 
selves began to see through the designs of Rome, that 
independence was impossible, and that the choice really 
lay between subjection to Rome or to Macedonia. Rome 
watched the preparations made by Perseus, and when 

B.C. 200-196. 

BAttte of 

B,C. 197. 

B.C. 192-189. 

Bottle of 

B.C. 191. 
BotUo of 

B.C. 190. 

War wItH the 

B.C. 189. 



B.C. 171-168. 

*8eep. IBO. 

' Bee p. 160. 



BAttle of 

B.C. 1 68. 


Dominion of 


Roane's Polloy 

in Deallni; 

with the De- 

peudcni SUttes. 

she felt that longer delay would be fatal to her interests 
war was declared. A Roman army landed in Epirus, 
and defeated Perseus at Pydna. Macedonia was broken 
up into four separate states, which paid an annual trib- 
ute to Rome. Illyria was divided into three states. 
From this battle the universal dominion of Rome is 
dated. All subsequent wars were mere rebellions. 

Rome left the countries to govern themselves. Still 
she interfered. She sent commissioners, who visited 
the different states, acted as referees in disputes, and 
fomented quarrels on every hand. R6me's policy was 
to maintain and strengthen her friends as counterpoise 
to her foes. When the foes were subjugated the friends 
were no longer needed, and she quarreled with them. 
Hence, when Macedonia was subjugated a coolness 
arose between Rome and her eastern allies, Pergamus 
and Rhodes, and they were both punished. 

The Achaeans gave Rome the pretext for converting 
Greece into a province.^ They joined the standard of 
revolt raised by Andriscus, a pretended son of Per- 
seus. They were, however, quickly defeated, and the 
consul Mummius gave orders to destroy Corinth, where 
the remnant of the Achxan army had taken refuge. 
This removed one of Rome's commercial rivals; one 
still remained, and to this the Romans now directed 
their attention. Cato simply expressed the general sen- 
timent when he said that Carthage must be destroyed. 
Rome therefore determined to destroy Carthage and to 
form Africa into a province. After a siege of three 
years, Carthage was stormed by Scipio and blotted from 
the face of the earth. 

Achaean "Wmr, 

B.C. 147-146. 

Destruction of 

B.C. 146. 

Third Pnnle 

B.C. 149-146. 

Destruction of 

B.C. 146. 


B.C. 154. 

Capture of 
Human tla* 

B.C, 133. 

The Wars in the West. 

While Rome was extending her empire in the East, 
her authority was fiercely disputed by the wild tribes in 
the West. Spain was far from being subdued, and con- 
stant wars were carried on with the natives. When the 
Romans ordered the Celtioerians to desist from enlarg- 
ing their town, they refused and prepared for war. The 
same year the Lusitanians revolted, and the different 
Spanish tribes were united under the leadership of Viri- 
athus. When he fell by treachery (b. c. 140), the Cdri- 
berians took refuge in Numantia, and prolonged the war 
for ten years. When Numantia surrendered all serious 
resistance in Spain was at an end. 

^ The change in Rome's policv must be noted. When Macedonia was flrst oonqnerpd 
Jtome was unwillinf to anaertakc the government of more dependencies. Her expcri- 
nient in Spain had been far from saccessful. Accordingly she left the conqaered conn- 
tries to rule themselves, while she watched over them, and weakened them by repara- 
tion. Eighteen years of trial had proved how injurious this plan was. Borne tfaereforr 
determined to end this and reduce the conquered countries to provinces, and at the 
same time, as the best mean<) of advancing her Interests, to destroy Corinth and Gir 
thii^, her Qoninierpi^l rivf^s in the western world* 



The AoHABiAN Law of Tibebiub Geacchtts (B. C. 133). 

1. The Causes of the Civil Troubles.— We have now 
reached & period in the history of the Roman state when foreign 
wars became few and unimportant. The Roman dominion was 
nndispnt«d, and Roman law and Roman customs had found 
their way to three continents and inspired the people with rev- 

' TiM ■talroHS l««da la tb« Pluzi dalORmpIdoKllo. orSqun of IheCapi'ol 1 

foot UB tbe two Scjptlcii Hods uidal the top tbetaDrne-uimlDf! Dtoiicarl |C4»IoTuidPoL- 
hu, oDoe In tbs tbeun of Pomper; ne p. 4m). At the Me ot the Dkwcnri an tba bo- 

nllcd Uoph 

In the eontre i tiie mkirnllcenl equeitri^ ,^. . ., 

oilTlnallT piued tn (he tornm near the colnmn of PhocRi. In lim U wu Inpxn 
neu theulenn, and to \U prwnit povltlon In ISffi. It* eir«llenl >(iil8 of preiurvi 
lgda«i0lbetwU<'U«>'lt""'t>O*H>^'*'C0u«tut<De, the OntCbiiitUa emperor, 

itnee of the Binperor CoDsUadni! and his •on Con»tang (taken flrom Ih. . 

Oo Qnliiiul)^ To the right Ib the anclent^niU^ptaDe <ir tbe^ .^;^j<a. 

200 THES^BARIAH LAW. [3. C. 133. 

erence and admiration. For m^ny generations the Bomans 
had been so intent on bringing to a successful issue the career 
of conquest on which they had entered, that they had given 
but little attention to the condition of affairs at home. The 
pressure of poverty had been alleviated by the long wars that 
thinned the population and thus relieved the labor market, by 
the distribution of plunder^ and by the colonies ^ planted in 
various parts of Italy. But now there were no more lands in 
Italy to be confiscated and no more nations to be conquered 
The labor market was overcrowded, and it became more difficult 
from year to year for a poor man to earn a living. Besides, a 
genuine Roman was too proud to. carry on any useful craft, and 
regarded all kinds of business as a mild sort of slavery, only 
fit for slaves, freedmen, and foreigners.* 

2. Tlie Necessity for RefDrm. — ^The provisions of the 
licinian law had been disregarded for so many generations 
that the land in Italy ^ was all in the possession of a few noble 
houses. Instead of having this land cultivated partly by free 
laborers, as the Licinian law prescribed, which would have 
relieved the labor market and averted the evils that threat- 
ened the state, the possessors found it more profitable to em- 
ploy slaves, whom the wars in the East had made cheap. The 
result was that the large body of poor Roman freemen, cut 
off from every means of obtaining wealth — the occupation 
of the public land, the farming of the revenue, and the gov- 
ernment of the provinces — and now unable to obtain work on 
the very land that they had won by their blood and toil, was 
left without means of support, and flocked to the capital to 
swell the impoverished crowd that fed on the bounty of the 

yond this statae in the Pakaswo M Senaton, erected in IM on the site of the ancient 
Tabularium by Mictiael Angelo. The top of the tower U embellished by a standing 
flgare of Roma. The palace on the right Is the ConMrvatori, or Town Hall ; on the 
opposite Bide \» the CapUoiUie Mrueum. 

* The laMt Italian colony was sent to Lona in b. o. 177. 

* It was reserved for O. Oracchos to propose a system of transmarine odofiizatioo. 
See p 310. 

* As the Latins had long been waiting to be admitted to the privil^pes of Boman citi- 
zens, they tlironged to Rome, and the Italians to Latlum. 

B. a 133.] THE AGBAEIAK LAW. 201 

3. The Oovenunent Unable to Afford RelieC — ^The 
goTeniment, controlled by a few noble honses which found 
their centre in the senate, was both unable and unwilling to 
afford relief. The leading aim of the new nobility was to 
maintain its usurped^ privileges and exclude all ^^new men'' 
from a share in the goyemment If some one could restore 
the lands and love of labor to the people, limit the vast power 
of the senate, restrain the cupidity of the capitalists, and arrest 
the flood of slaves that was pouring in from all parts of the 
world to spread over Italy and destroy its free population,' such 
a statesman could restore the wasted energies of the Eoman 
&tate.* Lselius and Scipio ^milianus ^ had recognized the peril 
that threatened the state, and had proposed agrarian meafiures 
of reform (b. c. 148) ; but when these met with determined op- 
position from the nobles, they gave them up as impracticable. 
It must be remembered that the nobles, from long possession, 
regarded the public land as their own. Many had acquired their 
vast estates by purchase, inheritance, or marriage, and against 
one who interfered with their interests the whole body of the 
nobility rose as one man. If anything could have opened the 
eyes of the nobility, the woeful condition of Sicily must have 
been sufficient; for the servile war was then at its height and 
was sweeping all before it Matters, however, went on in their 
old way, and the government drifted, like a shattered ship be- 
fore the storm, with no statesman at the helm. The old contest 
between government and governed, the old conflict between 
labor and capital was renewed, and it was only a question of 
time who should deal the first blow. 

4. Tiberius Sempronins Ghracchns. — Two brothers, Ti- 
berius Sempronius and Gajus Gracchus, came forward to remedy 
the evils in the state. They were the sons of that Tiberius Sem- 

* That is, to ratrict re^l«etloii to the conralship In order that Ita honors miffbt be 
njoyed bj a laiger number. In b. c. 217 the law prohf biting re-election (fiee p. 8S) was 
■appended, nnder the preesnre of the war with Hannibal, down to b. c. 908. From b. c. 
Vn to B. 0. 153 not one wa» re-elected in violation of the ten vearH' Interval. The repeated 
election of Marcni* Marcellaip led to a law (about b.c.161) pronibitlnK re-election altogether. 

* The eenoQfi retnms show a regular falling off in the number of citiTsenit from b. c. 
ISB. when the number capable of bearing arms was 828,U0U ; b. o. 154, 894,000 ; b. o. 147, 
1^000; B. O. 181, 819,000. 

*■ See Michelet. p. 900. 

* See nut. L^e qf 7U. Oraochm, 

202 THE AGRARIAN LAW. [b. C. 133. 

pronius Oracchns,^ whose prudent measnreshad given tranqaillity 
to Spain for so many years. Tiberius sought to relieve the social 
condition of the poor, and to restore the small farmers in Italy ; 
Gajus placed the axe at the root of the evil, and attempted 
to break down the power of the senate. At an early age they lost 
their father, but their education was carefully attended to by 
their mother, the highly cultivated Cornelia, the daughter of P. 
Scipio Africanus the elder. Tiberius was nine years older than 
his brother, and had been military tribune in the army of his 
brother-in-law, P. Cornelius Scipio ^milianus, where he was 
the first to scale the walls of Carthage. As augur he came into 
intimate relations with Appius Claudius Pulcher,^ the chief of 
the senate, and a man decidedly favorable to reform.' He 
established his popularity^ as quaestor in Spain, where, by his 
influence, the army of Mancinus was saved from great peril 
The rejection by the senate of the treaty which Mancinus had 
concluded with the Numantines and which Tiberius had signed 
and guaranteed, caused his alienation from the party of the 

4. His Measures for Reform. — On his return from Spain 
Tiberius was elected tribune of the plebs, and entered upon his 
office December 10, b. o. 1 34. After consulting with his &ther-in- 


Tanmius Gracchus 
m. OoBRBUA, daughter of P. Scipio Afucahub rnqfor. 

Tm. Qraoohub. G. Obaoohitb. Sehpbonia m. 

P. Scmo Afbicaxus ptinar. 

* See page 195. 

* Tiberias, in the fol lowing word», recounted from the rostra his own Yivid imprei«iciii« 
of the evils that beset Italy and the people : "For, among sach numbers, perhaps there 
is not a Roman who lias an altar that belonged to his ancestors, or a sepulchre In whiHt 
their a.'«he8 rest. The private soldiers light and die to advance the wealth and inxnrr of 
the great ; and thev are called masters of the world, while Uiey have not a foot of Jaod 
in their possession/*— JRfi*^. 7\. Or. 

* Plutarch records as a stiiking proof of the esteem in which Tiberias was held the offer 
which A. Claudius made him of his daughter In marriage at an augural banqnct, and the 
answer which Appius received from bin wife when he returned home and informed her 
of what he had done : " Antistia, I have promised our daughter Claudia in marrfaire : "* 
" Why in such haste," said the mother, ** unless you have promised her to TEberioi? 
GracctiUB : '' see Genealogical Table, p. 185. 

* That IB, the senatorial partv, consi(»ting[ of both patricians and plebeians. Altboo^ 
not recognized by law an a distinct clans, still the optimates endeavored by all meauii m 
their power to secure exclusive possession of its curule office;* and the public land ; the 
popular party began at thi« time to receive the name of poputarei. 

B. C. 133.] THE AGRARIAN LAW. 203 

law Appius Claudius, with PubliosCrassas Macianus the ponti/ex 
mttximusy and with P. Macius Scaevola the great lawyer, he 
brought forward his measures ^ for reform,^ planned with great 
care and with all possible regard to the interests of those in pos- 
session of the public land.^ He proposed a re-enactment of the 
Licinian law, which in fact had never been repealed, but with 
certain additions suitable to the exigencies of the times. ^ Tibe- 
rius discussed his proposals before the people ; ^ he pictured 
the deserted condition of Italy, the distress of the poor classes, 
as worse eyen than that of the beasts of the fields,^ and appealed 
to the patriotism of the rich. The propositions met, however, 
with intense opposition. The nobility prevailed upon the 
tribune Octayius, one of his owA colleagues, to interpose his 
veto. Tiberius, however, pushed his measures with zeaJ, in- 
duced the people to depose Octavius,*^ and finally succeeded in 
carrying his proposals. A commission^ was appointed and 

' Gnechns relied chiefly upon the popular party, the ponulantf for rapport. There 
WW alro a »mall party In the senate, headed by the dlstingmsned namee mentioned in the 
text, which favored him ; this party waB deserted by Scipio in the be^ning of the con- 
tert ; deprived of his influence, a peaceful settlement of the troubles oecame more diffl- 
ealt. TUft nmkes the statement of Cicero ide Baa, 1. 19) clear, that the death of Qraochns 
divided the senate into two parties, and that P. Craosus, A. dandins, and P. Mnciiu 
Seevola, were tlie opponents of Scipio. 

* Vderet potseMores. 

* The iex Semrnvnia allowed each father, (1) beside the five hundred Jugera for him- 
i^, two hundred and flf tv for each of tiis sons who were under the patria potesUu^ pro* 
▼ided the whole quantity did not ezoeed one thousand iv0r#ra ; (2) the rest of the public 
domain was to be divided into lots of thirtyiugr^ro, ana was to be leased in perpetuity to 
Boman rttlwaM at a moderate rent (veetiffat) ; (8) the appointment of a standi ng com- 
ml^on of three (tretHH aarit dandit asfignandis elected In the concUivm pleUf) to 
cany the provisions of the law into ftnee ; (4) the indemnification was to be made for 
improvements, buildinflM, etc., to the former nolders. According to Mommsen Q. c. vol. 
ju-vP- M) the Italian allies were to be admitted to a share in the land, but this seems 
bardly probable if we consider the feeling of the Boman citizens againf^t the Latins and 
ItsUan allies (see lanae, 1. c. vol. iii., p. 10). It must be kept in ^ew that the agrarian 
5*7 *d not meddle with private property, nor with the lands that were let on lease as 
u teCun panian lands (ager Oampanw). It simply proposed to divide the state lands (the 
{j^wcsBora had almost wholly neglected to pay the rent due the state for its use) among 
^wpoor Roman citizens, and to prevent the rich from buying up the allotments by pre- 
"cribtng that tbey should l>e inalienable. 

' In eontltmeg. 

* Tiberius had observed the deserted condition of Italy in his journey through Etmrla 
wjom the army in the Numantine war (b. c. im\ In the following words he recounted 
{2"* ^be TOHtra his own vivid impression of the evils that beset Italy : " The n-Ild 
wests have thefar dens and eave^ while the men who fonght and died in defence of Italy 
enjny indeed the Hght and air, but nothing else : houseless, and without a spot of 
•*nd to rest upon, tbey wander about with their wives and children, while their com- 
jwnders do but mock them wlien thev exhort the soldlerH in battle to fight for their 
vmm and the temples of their gods. Por among so many Romans not one has a family 

T" ^®' »n anceKtra] tomb ; they flsrht to maintain the luxury and wealth of the flrwif, 
*na they are called masters of the world without possessing a clod of earth that theV 
ow enn their own."--«irf. 71b. Or. 8. •- « 

This was a violation of the Ifx KOfrata .• see n. B8. 

* ODUffisting of Tib. Gracchus, his brother Oajus, and A. CHaudius his father-in-law. 

204 THE AGRARIAN LAW. [B. a 133. 

commenced its work. Now the difficulties began to maltiplj. 
The lands had remained undisturbed so many years in the 
hands of the possessors that it was impossible to decide which 
was public * or which was private * property. The question ought 
to have been referred to the consuls or to the senate ; but in- 
stead of this Tiberius carried a law that empowered the com- 
missioners to decide * which was private and which was public 
land. The senate refused to make the necessary appropriation 
for the expenses of the commissioners.^ Still the work went on. 
Tiberius^ when his popularity began to wane^ proposed new 
laws'^ which embittered the senatorial party more and more. 
Scipio Nasica* and Q. Pompejus openly declared that they 
would impeach him as soon as his year of office expired. 

5. Efforts to Re-elect Ghracchus.-'Tiberius saw that 
his only safety lay in the sanctity of the tribune's office^ and 
thereupon determined to become a candidate for re-election. 
In order to gain new allies he promised the people to carry 
a law^ limiting the term of military service, to confer upon the 
equestrian order ^ the right to furnish one-half of the jurors' 
who had hitherto been taken wholly from the senate, and it is 
said to extend the right of appeal even to civil cases, and to 
admit the Italian allies to Boman citizenship. The time of 
election occurred in June, when the country people were en- 
gaged in field labor and but few of them could come to the 
election. When the day of voting came the nobles inter- 
rupted the election by declaring that no votes could be received 

' Ager pubOeus. * Affer privatus. * LIt. Bp. aS. 

• Only 24 OMet (abont S6 cento) were allowed dally. ^_ . ^ ^ ^^ m^, ^ ^ 

• About this time Attains, king of Perffamna (see p. 179, % 7), bequeathed Kfekiiig^ 
and treaearefl to the Boman people. Tiberius proposed that the treasures should be diTMed 
amonff the people to enable them to stock their raiTOs. 

• F. Cornelius Scipio Nasica Seraplon. ' Lex miHtari$. •See p. »10,n. «. 

• It was not customary for a Roman magistrate to investigate the facte in dienite m 
such matters as were brought before him. For this puroose he appoint^ a indce ijwier*: 
the whole civil procedure waa expressed byji«, comprehend tng wlwiat took place before 
the magistrate, and Judicium, all that took place before the Jvdex. The Judicki wtnMxs 
to settle disputes between Individuals (privaia) or to punish crimes (jbmWiob). Before 
the lex Valeria tU proweoHone (p. 68) the king or consul presided In all eases ihar 
aifected the caput or rights of a Roman citizen (see p. 1€») ; after that, perwrns calltd 
QuceHtores were appointed, and later permanent magistrates were appointed, called gna*- 
liones perpetwB : later still a special body of Judiees was chosen for trying these eases ; 
these were selected from the senators, and as many of those who were tried in the 9Vff»- 
tionee perpdwB (p. 188, n.) belonged to the optimates, it often hanpened that they vere 
acquitted when fmnartial judge«» wonid have convicted them. Hence the popular party 
strove either to exclude the optimates, or at least to be admitted themselves to the offlce 
of Judex. 

S.C. 133.] THS AOftAtLlAK LAW. 205 

for Tiberius because it was illegal to re-elect a tribune.^ A vio- 
lent debate ensued, and tbe assembly adjourned till the follow- 
ing day. The next day the assembly met on the Gapitoline hill,* 
in front of the temple of Jupiter Gapitolinus. An immense con- 
conrBe of friends and foes assembled, and it was evident that a 
conflict was imminent. The rumor spread that the senators in- 
tended to murder Tiberius. In the disturbance that followed, 
as Tiberius raised his hand to his head, some cried that he was 
asking for the diadem, others that he only wished to indicate 
that his life was in danger. 

6w Murder of Tiberitui. — In the sitting of the senate 
which was held close by in the temple of Fides,* Scipio Nasica 
required the consul, P. Mucins ScsBvola^ to put down the ty- 
rant ; the consul replied, 'Hhat he would not begin to use 
violence, nor would he put any citizen to death who was not 
legally condemned; but, if Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, 
either by force or by fraud, should obtain a plehiscitum con- 
trary to the constitution, he would not ratify if Then Scipio 
Nasica started up and exclaimed: ^' The first ^ consul betrays the 
republic ; let those who wish to save it follow me." * He then 
mshed from the senate-chamber, followed by a crowd of sen- 
ators. The people timidly gave way as they saw the nobles rush- 
ing to the Capitol. Arming themselves with staves and broken 
benches, they fell upon Tiberius and his attendants. The 
tribune fled for refuge to the temple of Jupiter, but the priests 
had closed the doors. He was at length overtaken and killed 
by one of his pursuers.* Three hundred of his friends fell with 
him, and their bodies were cast into the Tiber. This was the 
first time that blood had been shed in civil strife at Bome since 
the days of the kings. 

7- The ResiiltB. — The nobles, in order to reconcile the peo- 
ple, allowed the agrarian law to stand,'' and as the part^ favor- 

* The re-«lectlon of a mAcitntratc within the space of ten yeare waH forbidden in b. o. 
812. See p. 82. ' la the Area CapUolina. " Also on the Gapitoline Hill. 

* Tbe elder eonral {comuI mcfjor) usually presided at the meetings of the senate; the 
first coDsal {consul prior) was the one first declared elected. 

* Pint Tl. Gr. 1«. • Br P. Sataiejus or L. Rnftis. 

' New difficulties arose because the ** possessors ** neglected to make returns of the 
public land in their possession. The commissioners gave notice that they would talce the 
evidence <>f any perf^on who would give them iuforniation. A great crop of difficult suits 
•oou f prang up. Laud which bordered on the imblic laodi ana had been sold or distiib- 




able to reform gained the ascendancy for a time in the senate^ 
the law was carried into execution. The popular feeling was 
80 strong against Scipio Nasica^^ that, fearing for his life, the 
senate, in order to remove him from Italy, commissioned him 
to go, on pretended business,* to Asia, where after a few years 
he died of vexation and despair. 

t ■ ^ ♦♦■ 

The Laws of Qajits Gkaochtts. 

1. Death of Scipio 2hnilianii8. — While the commis- 
sioners were engaged in their work, removing the old land- 
marks, confiscating land that had been secured to the Latins 
and the Italian allies by treaties, Scipio iGmilianus returned from 
Numantia. The senate was very sharply divided into two par- 
ties, and Scipio seemed disinclined to join either. He found 
little favor with the people, because when Carbo ^ asked him in 
the popular assembly what he thought of the death of Tiberius, 
he replied that " he was justly slain." * When the multitude ex- 
pressed its displeasure, he boldly said : ^' Cease your noise^ ye step- 
sons of Italy ; do ye think by your clamor to frighten me, who 
am used unterrified to hear the shouts of embattled hosts?*' 
The Latins and the allies, and all who had been deprived of their 

nted among tlie alliM. was all nabjected to loTestigatloii for the uorpoee of atcertatntaf 
the Umitfl of the pablic land, and the owners were reqnlred to enow how this land had 
heen Bold and how it had been aw*ifpied. All pernong could not produce the ln»tnmimt» 
of Bale nor the evidence of the assignments : and when the titles were found there was 
matter for dispute in them. Xow, when tlie land was surveyed anew, some were re- 
moved from land planted (with vines, olives, and the like) and with buildings on it, to 
land which was lying waste ; and others from land nnder cultivation to uncultivated 
lands, or marshes or swamps ; for neither had they originally, as we might expect in the 
case of land acquired by war, made any exact measurement or it, and the public notice, 
that any man might cultivate the land which was not assigned or dlsLribated, had led 
many to till the parts (of the public land) which bordered on their own, and so to cnn- 
fonud them together. Time also as it went on made many changes. Thus the wrong that 
the rich had done, though jpreat, was dlflScult to ascertain exactly ; and there was a gen- 
eral disturbance of eveiythmg, men being removed from one place and transferred to 
another.— J.f»pian, 1. c 1. 18, quoted by Long, 1. c. p. 238. 

' As he took one day the hardened band of a laborer whoee vote he was wdicitlag, he 
asked him '* if he walked on his hands."— Fa/. Max. vii. &. 

' LegaOo libera. 

* Elected with Fulvlns Flaccus to the two vacancies on the commission. 

* When the death of Tiberius was announced to him at Nnmantla. he simpty ex- 
claimed in the words of Athena at the fate of iSgisthus (0d« L 47) : " So periiili ha, wlio> 
e'er he be, that doth such deeds agsdn."— i^wrn. Or. 91. 


land, crowded to the capital.^ Scipio took up their canse and 
indnoed the senate to transfer all cases of disputed boundary to 
the consuls for decision. The consuls^ alarmed at the difficulties, 
left Italy, and as no one appeared before the commissioners, the 
distribution of the public land ceased* The hatred of the pop- 
ular party burst forth against Scipio. One night after a stormy 
daj in the senate and the forum that rang with the cry, " Down 
with the tyrant," he retired to his home. The next morning he 
was found dead in his bed. The belief was general that one of 
the popular party' had assassinated him; but according to 
Cicero he died a natural death.* Gajus Lselius, his devoted 
friend, composed the funeral oration, and his old opponent, 
Metellus Macedonicus, then censor, bade his sons pay reverence 
to the conqueror of Africa, Asia, and Spain.^ 

2. Party Strife. — After the death of Scipio the agita- 
tion of parties raged still more fiercely. To the old conflict 
between the impoverished Boman citizen on the one side, and 
the capitalist and senatorial classes on the other, were added now 
the claims of the Latins and the Italian allies to the franchise. 
The latter crowded more and more into the capital, introduced 
themselves into the tribes, and helped to add disorder to the pub- 
lic assemblies. The popular leaders, perceiving the mistake they 
had made in alienating the Latins and the Italians, now took 
up their cause, hoping to find in them the means of crush- 
ing the power of the senate. The nobility adopted measures 

' Wben the arbitrary acts of the oommiflsionerB were nnendnrahle, the Italians deter- 
mined to adopt Sdplo, the defltroyer of Carthage, an their protector against the manifold 
•cti> of injnstiee indicted upon them. He did not refuse his aid. He proceeded to the 
•enate, gave a long review of the difflcnlties, and concluded hy proposing that the cog- 
Dizance of tlie disputes should he transferred to the consul Tuditanus. The latter had 
"caroely entered upon his duties when, alarmed at the difficulties, he departed for Illyrla. 
No one, however, appeared before the commissioners for settlement of claims. The 
otate of things excited great indignation against Scipio. His enemies said that he In- 
tended to abrogate the agrarian law altogether.— ^Kpion (1- c.). 

' 0. Puirlns Garbo or Fulvins Flaccus. 

' Cfe. LaH. 8, IS. Appian (1- c.) says that Scipio had retired with his tablets to pre- 
pare a speech for the following day. In the morning he was found dead, but without 
%ny wonnd on his person. According to some, he was murdered hy the instigation of 
Cornelia, the mother of the Gracchi, who feared the repeal of the agrarian laws, and of 
her daushter, Sempronia, 8cipio> wife, who, ugl v and disagreeable, was disliked by her 
Bo-^banC Some sav that he destroyed himself oecause unable to accomplish what he 
Bad undertaken. His slaves, on being put to torture, confessed that durinff the night 
^ome strangers had entered through the private door and strangled their master. 

* ^Jm, edtbraU exequku^ fvunquam dvU fnaioHt fumua vkMUU^Flln. n. h. vii,, 

208 THfi LAWd 09 6AJU6 O&ACCHUS. [b. C. 1^. 

of repression. A law was carried banishing all aliens^ from 
Rome (B. c. 126). 

3. Revolt of Fragellee (b. c. 125). — ^The next year the 
popular party snoceeded in electing Falvius Flaccus to the 
consulship. He proposed a law for granting the right of citi- 
zenship to the allies^ and therefore a vote in the popular assem- 
blies. The senate removed him from Bome by sending him on a 
foreign mission. G. Gracchus had already departed (b. c. 126) as 
proqusestor to Sardinia^ so that the senate was now freed from 
its most troublesome opponents, and the Italians had lost 
their two most powerful patrons. The Italians were bitterly 
disappointed when Flaccus's bill was rejected. The old Latin 
colony, FragellsB (Ceprano), rashly raised the standard of revolt 
The town was taken and razed to the ground, and the inhab- 
itants dispersed throughout Italy.* The vigorous policy of 
Bome alarmed the allies, and the revolt spread no farther. /^ 

4. Gh. Ghracchns Elected Tribune. — Gajus Gracchus 
meanwhile suddenly appeared in Rome * and presented himself 
to the people as a candidate for the tribunate.' He was elected 
for the year b. o. 123 in an unusually large assembly of the peo- 
ple, who crowded from the colonies and municipal towns in 
Italy to Rome to vote for him. Still, such was the influence of 
the aristocracy, that Gajus was returned fourth on the list of 
tribunes, but his impassioned eloquence and his extraordinary 
abilities soon made him first in influence and power. ^ 

« Ferifpini, 

« The right of citisenehlp was probably sranted to part of the allies ; this would as^ 
count for the great increase in the oenras from 816,828 in b. o. 18St, to 894,786 in b. o. 185. 
Mommsen (1. c. iil^j p. 107) attribnteft this IncreaM to i^lotnienta made by the commid- 
sloners ; see Li v. Bp., 00 ; al80 Lanse, 1. c. vol. til., p. 9B. 

* He proved to the cen»or that me retnm was conformable to law, as be had wrred 
twelve years thooeh required to serve bat ten, and two yeans as questor. He also freed 
himseli from all uiplication in the revolt of Fragellc— ilnf. (M. Ixii., c. 15; Pint. C 

* Cicero relates that when Oajus avoided all offices and had resolved to live retired 
from public life, his mother appeared to him in a dream and thus addressed him : 
" Why dost thou linger, Oajus? There if« no alternative. The fatee have decreed ns ooe 
life and one death in defence of the people.**— /Yvl. C. Or. S. 

* Plutarch (in lift. G. Gr.) gives a vivid description of his wonderful powers as an ora* 
tor. In the character and expresmon of hif> countenance, in his movements, Tfberiv 
was mild and sedate. Gajus was animated aud carried all by the impetnons torent of 
his words. When Tiberius harangued the people, he stood still ; but Gajus was the flnc 
Roman that moved about on the ro$tra^ and pulled his tc^ ttom his shoulder while he 
was i«peaking, as Oleon the Athenian is said to have been the flrst popnlar oiator who 
threw hitf cloak from him. The numuer of GaJun was awe-Btriking ana vehemently im* 

B.C. 123.] THE LA.W8 OF 6AJUS QKACCHU& 209 

5. Tlw Semprooian Laws (b. g. 123-2). — Oajus came for- 
ward with measures of reform which, were more general and 
more sweeping than those of his brother. His first proposal, 
intended to deter any tribune from repeating the opposition 
of Octavins, forbade a magistrate who had been deposed by 
the people from holding any office again.^ He then aimed a 
blow against Popillius LaBnas, who had procured the sentence of 
banishment and death against the adherents of Tiberius^by ex- 
tending the Porcian law ' so that capital punishment in case of 
Boman citizens was entirely abolished. After this Gajus carried 
a series of measuresy which are known as the Sempronian laws, 
that were intended to destroy the power of the senate, to alie- 
nate the condition of the poor, to extend the colonial system, 
and to elevate the rich capitalists to a distinct order. 

1. The first 2ai9 * directed that the tithes of grain which ac- 
crued to the state from the provinces should be distributed 
among the people at a low price. The object of this was to 
attract the proletarians to Bome, and render them independent 
of the aristocracy.^ 

2. The second law^ was intended to procure the requisite 
means of carrjring out the provisions of the first enactment The 
law by which the province of Asia paid a fixed sum * into the 
Boman treasury, and thus escaped the exactions of the tax-gath- 
erers/ was repealed. The province was burdened with a systenv 
of heavy taxation,^ which was leased at Borne instead of in the 
province, as in Sicily and Sardinia; thus substantially excluding 
the provincials who often bid in and farmed the taxes them- 
selves, and thus kept away the Boman tax-gatherers. 

pfrvioned. The manner of TIberiiu was more pleaidng and calcolated to moT« the eym* 
patldw. The language of Tiberius wan pore and nicely chooen ; that of Qajas wan per- 
iFiiaidTe and of heut^tliTlng power. Hln poweifa] voice fllled the whole foram, and he 
wa« obliged to hare a flute player behind tilni, the sound of whose Instrument Drought 1 
Ida roice back to its tone and moderated its force. 

' This he withdrew at the reqnef^t of hie mother. * See p. 184, n. 1. 

■ The lexfntmeniaria: ut popuhit pro /i^iinenio, quodMipubnee daretur, In«in<7fifo9 
modHot 8eno§ ctri» H tfienteg prmi nomine exmdvertt.—Uy. ep. 00 : that flye modii (\\ 
bn»hels) were distributed monthly at 6); asiiefl (about Mz centn) each, rents upon Momm- 
fenV conjectural emendation of LivyV text. Peter {Gesch. Romt. vol. li., p. 8S, note) 
shows that the price cannot be fixed with cerUinty. 

* No attempt is made to dintingniiih between the laws carried this or the next year, 
as it is f mpoeeible to determine with any certainty the exact order in which the laws 
were enacted* 

' Lex d€ nrovhtda Asia a ceMoribut loeanda. * SOpendhtm. 

* FitbUeani. * Deeuma^ eeriptura, and vteOffaUa, 


3. The third law^ extended the agrarian law of hia l»other by 
planting colonies not only in Italy but in the provinces, restored 
the judicial power of the commissioners^' and authorized tbem 
to lay out streets along the new allotments.* 

4. The fourth law ' renewed the old rule that a soldier should 
not be enlisted before his seventeenth year,^ and enacted that 
his outfit should be furnished by the state, without deducting 
the cost as hitherto from his pay. 

5. Thejifth to«;^enacted thskt the judices should be taken from 
the equites instead of as heretofore from the senators. This at^ 
tacked directly the prerogatives of the senate, and brought the 
equestrian order in sharp collision with the senate, to serve as a 
check on its powerJ 

6. The sixth law^ touched the power of the senate still 
more vitally. Hitherto the custom had been for the senate 


* Jj8X aQraria. * O. Oracchiu, Falvlai) FlaocuH, and P&piiTiii« Carbo. 

* The Ux viarto ; he first had brldf^ oonstracted oyer manheB, erected niilesUmes 
in regular order from the mUiarium in the foram ; at regnlar intervals ^uare »toDe» 
were erected on the side of the road for moaoting and dltouoanting. 

* Lex mUitaria. 

* lliia prevented the younff nohleti from Mrvlnff in the camp {eonhAemio) of the gen- 
eral as a kind of body-goard before the eeventeeutn year, and thus entlUing them to ap- 
ply earlier for the qoKotorohip. 

* Lexjudidaria. In the year b. c. 149, offences against the state which had originally 
been tried by the whole people were tran^f erred to special ooorts, the Jurors (JudUitfi 
of which were selected from the senate. The first of these laws was the lex Ca^mmia 
de rtpetundU, which punished magistrates for extortion in the provinces. The name 
of equites applied originally only to the members of the eighteen centuries ; tbe»e 
were called equiUs equo ptMioo because their horses were assigned them by the state 
and they had the census of the first dass (400,000 sesterces, about $ 16.000). Since then 
the equftes had ceased to serve in the field, and the cavalry was t-npplicd by the allies. 
In the meantime another cl^ (equU&t equo private) had ariisen, conHi»tinff of men of 
wealth who did not belong to the governing senatorial families. Before the time of GtLiw- 
Oraoohus, a law had been carried, compeUTng the eguUee, when they entered the c«i.ate, 
to give up their hor^. This drew a line between the senators and eqvifeg. The law 
of Oracchne prescribed that thejudtcea should be taken ftom the second class, I. e.. from 
those who posnesfied the eanestrian census (400,000 sesterces^ but were not members of 
the senate. Since the Clandian law had excluded the senatorial families from a bur me*" 
life, and the nobles exeinded the rich men who did not belong to the governing senato- 
rial ftimllies, from a political career, there were two powerful aristocracies in the htaie 
~the senatorial govenilne order, composed of a few aristocratic families, and the eqne^ 
trian order (ordo eqiieMrG), the men of wealth. The aim of Gracchus was to create ao 
antagonism between these two orders. They had often come in collision in the prov- 
inces, for th^ provincial ma^tratas came from the senatorial order, and the jmUkwi 
from the equestrian order. 

' His colleague Acillns Olabrio carried a law (iex repetundarum) by which the inmneo 
in civil cases ranst1)e taken from the equestrian order. The lex Awia repealed the lex 
Jvnia r^)etundarumt by which all aliens were banished from Rome, and directed that 
these civil processes of repetundarum should come before the pnetor periqriMtfi, and a 
Jury of 450 J^fdicee^ from which senators and senators* sons were excluded. The com- 
plainant in such a case, if he was an alien, was to be rewarded with citizenship, or in 
ease that was not desired, with the right of appeal. 

* Lex de provineiU ameularUnie. 


to assign the consuls and prsetors their provinces after 
the election. The result was that a lucrative government 
or the conduct of an important war was bestowed upon a 
favorite, while to the " new man '* a disagreeable or unimpor- 
tant field of action was assigned. Gajus wished to make the 
magistrate independent of the senate, and therefore proposed 
that the provinces should be determined before the election.^ 
Gajus was now substantially the ruler of Bome. He carried 
his measures in the popular assembly without troubling himself 
about the prerogatives of the senate. He saw to it himself that 
colonies' were founded, roads constructed, and jurymen select- 
ed, and really exercised absolute authority in Bome. 

6. Reaction against Gkgoa. — He was now at the height 
of his prosperity, and seemed to have succeeded in his object 
— the breaking down of the jurisdiction and administrative 
powers of the senate. He was re-elected for the next year,* 
and came before the people with still more radical measures of 
reform. He made a proposal to grant to the Latins full citi- 
zenship and to the ItaUan allies the rights which the Latins 
had hitherto enjoyed.^ This proposal met with intense oppo- 
sition, not only from the senate^ but from the people, who 
could not endure the idea that the Latins should be admitted 
to full citizenship. The senate now saw that the means was 
given it of depriving the tribune of his popularity. A law was 
carried ejecting all Latins from the city, and the tribune 
M. Livius Drusus was won over to outbid Oajus himself for 
popular favor. Drusus proposed that the Latins should be 
exempt from capital and corporal punishment in the camp, 
that instead of the three or four colonies which Gajus 
had promised, twelve Italian colonies should be founded, 
and that the rent which Gajus had imposed upon the land 

'■ This meamiTe waa exempt from the veto of a trflmne. 

■ One wu fonnded on the site of Carthaif^ in b. o. 1S8 ; one at Aqtue Sextia (Aix in 
ProTenoe) J;^ b. c. ISS. 

' F9r.B. o. ISS ; the law had probably been repealed prohibiting the re-election of a 

* Lex de toeH»: at tlie Kame time the lex AdUa Rubria proposed to confer upon the 
Latins a share in the worship of Jnpiter CapitoUnns. A law was alno carried abrogating 
the old arrangement in the order of voting in the eomiiia centurkUa^ and it was settled 
that the order in which the Ave claHses were to vote should be determined by lot. 


should be remitted. The people ratified the LiTian laws with 
the same alacrity with which they had sanctioned the Sempro- 
nian. From this time it was evident that Oajus was a doomed 
man. He failed to be elected to the tribunate for the third 
time, and saw his most bitter opponent Lucius Opimius raised 
to the consulship. Gajus courted the favor of the people, left 
his house on the Palatine and lived with the poor citizens near 
the forum. As soon as Opimius entered on his office he had a 
proposal^ brought before the people to repeal the Sempronian 
law for the colonizing of Carthage, because the site had been 
accursed by Scipio. 

7. Efforts for Peace. — Gajus sought in every way to 
avoid a conflict, and was not present when the tribes met. He 
could not, however, prevent his adherents from remembering 
the fate of Tiberius, and they appeared armed. When the 
tribes had assembled at the capitol to vote on the proposal of 
Opimius, it happened as the consul was offering sacrifices 
in the porch of the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, that his 
herald, a certain Antyllus, a partisan of Oajus, was struck 
down by mistake.^ In the midst of the confusion that followed, 
the assembly dissolved, and Gajus went to the forum to address 
the people. The nobility declared that he was calling the peo- 
ple from the popular assembly, and interrupting the tribune 
while addressing the peoplo.*^ Gajus and Fulvius Flaccus the 
consul of B. 0. 125 returned home accompanied by an aimed 
retinue. The consul occupied the capitol with armed soldiers 
and assembled the senate the next morning, in the temple 
of Castor and Pollux. Martial law was declared by empowering 
the consul to see that the republic suffered no harm.^ 

8. Death of Ghracchoe. — Gajus and his adherents occu- 
pied the Aventine, the ancient Vesta of the plebeians, and their 
stronghold during the struggles between the orders. Civil war 

*■ By the tribune Minnclnfl Rnfa?. 

' Lange, 1. o. vol. lit, p. 47. For a different acooimt of the cause of the ooUiaion. vee 
Mommflen^ I. c. vol. ill., p. 184. 
pe e p. Ov. 

* The dictatoivhip had fallen Into disuse after b. o. 816. The formula inveoUng thi 
coneal with fall power was : viderei nt qtOd nqniMica deMmtnti'etg^ertL 


Tu declared. After some fruitless uttempts at negotiation, 
the coQsal stormed the AveatiQe. He met with little resist- 
ance. Qajofi escaped across the Subliciaa Bridge, where two 
of his friends checked the pursuers at the cost of their lives. 
He continaed his flight to the grove of the Furies, where his 

Thb Tbhtu or GoNoomp RanoxwD. 

faithful slave flret put him to death, and then slew MmseM on 
liie corpse of his master. The head of Q&jas was carried 
'o the consul, who had promised for it ita weight in gold, 
t'laccos was killed with three thousand of his adherents, their 
houses were demolished, their property confiscated, and their 
M'idowB were forbidden to wear mourning. After this the city 
wii8 purified by a lustration. And from the confiscated property 


a temple of Concord ^ was erected' in memory of the great vic- 
tory.* The nobles all tried to brand the Oracchi as seditious 
demagogaes, but the people revered their memory, and at a 
later time their statues were erected in the public places^ and 
the spots where they fell were called holy ground. 


The Rule op the Oligarchy. — ^The War with Jugubtha. 

— The Rise of Gajus Marius. 

1. The Role of the Oligarchy. — The death of Gracchus 
left the popular party without a leader. The nobility proceeded 
with caution. First the proviso that the allotments of land 
should be inalienable was abrogated. Then a law' was passed 
declaring that the assignments should cease, and that the 
public land should remain in the hands of the '^possessors," 

* The remains of this tempie (rebDilt by Tiberius) are directly bdiind the arch of 
S. Sevenifi. Behind the raised snper9tnictare was the senate hoose in which the senate 
met in the time of Cicero. There were four temples of Concord : the first was dedicated 
by Camillas b. o. 86S (see p. 61), near Juno Moneta^s temple ; the second by FlaTla<« 
B. o. 806 (see Livy iz. 4H), in the area of Valcan near the Oneoostasis (see p. 896) ; the 
third was erected by Manlius b. o. S16 in the citadel (Livy zxii 28) ; the fourth by 
Opimins. Nothing remains of the first three ; of the fourth, the foandation and the 
Inscription have bien preserved. 

* The Bai<Ilica Opimia was boilt at the same time, bnt its location Ik not known with 
certainty. Apptan and Feotus describe it as in the fomm and near Uie temple of Satnrn. 
As the temples of Ooncord and the Basilica were both boilt by Opimios, he i»obab)y 
placed them near tc^ther. (See map, p. 416.) 

* Plutarch (Uie of O. Qraochns, 18^ aescrlbes the manner In which Cornelim paned her 
life in cherishing the honor of her sons. Cornelia is said to have borne her mief ortnneit 
with a noble magnanimity, and to have said of the consecrated places where her eons lo(4 
their lives " that tliey had tombs worthy of them." She took up her residence at W*^ 
num, and made no alteration in her manner of life. She liad many friends, and her hot^ 
pi cable table was always crowded with sueste. Learned Greeks and the most noble men at 
Bnme visited her, and all the kings in lUlianoe with Home sent and reoeiTed pments fh>in 
her. She made herself very agreeable to her guests by talking to them or the Hfe and 
habits of her father Africanus, and what was most suiprising, slie spoke of her sons with- 
out a sigh or toar^lating their actions and suiTerings aa If «ie were speaking of heroes of 
the olden time. This maide some think her understanding had been Impaired by age and 
the sreatness of her misfortunes, and that her sensibilities had grown dull and bfnnted 
by the terrible catastrophes that had swept away her children. Stat those who were of 
tnls opinion seemed rather themselves to be wanting In understanding, since they could 
not comprehend how a noble mind by liberal education could support itself against mif^ 
fortune ; and that in the pursuit of rectitude fortune may often biumnh over Tlitne, yet 
she can never take away from virtue the power of enduring evils with fortitude. 

* The lex Thoria In b. c. 118 : at this time provisions were made for foandinc colo- 
nies in Spain at Aquae Sextlte (Aix in Provence) ; a part of Oanl was organiaS as a 
nrovinoe, and a colony in honor of the god Mars, called Naibn Martins (Naibonne) inu> 
founded. (The colony Junonia at Cartilage was given up ; Neptunia at Taimtnm wa« 
alone allowed to remain.) 

B. C. ] 18.] THE RULE OF THE OUQABCH Y. 215 

but that the rent ^ of it should be distributed among the poor 
people. The other laws remained in force and the com lavs 
became the basis for all subsequent legislation on this subject. 
How the oligarchy, after their restoration, governed at home 
was witnessed by the fact that there were not more than two 
thousand wealthy &milies among the citizens. Farms were 
again swallowed up in sheep-walks, and social ruin and decay 
spread over Italy. Servile insurrections broke out on every 
hand. The Mediterranean swarmed with pirates. The wealth 
wrung from the poor provincials was employed in bribery at 
home. The vices and corruptions of all classes were hurrying 
the state on to ruin. Wherever the eye turned throughout 
the vast domain of the Boman empire, corruption, mismanage- 
ment, and impotency were visible on every side. How the 
wretched oligarchy managed the foreign relations, the condition 
of the dependent states showed. Foreign princes bought their 
crowns of the Boman nobles, and judges and senators sold their 
decisions. Wealth flowed into Rome from the plunder of the 
provincials. The shameless and incompetent rule of the oli- 
garchy seemed likely to endure for many yeafs,' had not the 
revolt of Jugurtha in Africa furnished the crowning proofs of 
their wretched and corrupt government, and brought into 
prominent notice the two men who were destined to usurp des- 
potic power ; Marius in the name of the people, and Sulla in 
that of the oligarchy. 

2. Nnmidia and Jngnrtha. — It will be remembered that 
the resistance which the Carthaginians had made to the en- 
croachments of Masinissa on their territory gave the Romans 
the pretext for war.* After the destruction of Carthage, 
much of the territory that had formerly belonged to the 
Carthaginians was bestowed upon Masinissa.^ When Masi- 
nissa died he left three sons, Micipsa, Oulussa, and Mas- 
tanabal, among whom Scipio divided the Numidian king- 

' VeeUffid, 

* Tbe only work of improTement at borne wortby of notice at this time, was the com- 
pletion of tbe eia jBmilia from Pliia and Lnna to Sabata and Datona, and the pom Mul- 
Hv« daring the oeneorahfp of ^mlltns ScanroB (b. o. 10)). . The fornix FtManvti imn 
erected at the entrance of the ria (tacra Into the foram by Q. Fabtns Maxlmns .Acobr»- 
Ciais« * 9ee p. IdS^ * See p. m, n. S. 

216 WAB WITH JUOUBTHA. [B.C. 118. 

dom according to the directionfi of the last king. The death 
of the two last left Micipsa^ sole king. Jugortha was the 
bastard son of Mastanabal ; Micipsa, however^ brought him up 
with his own sons, Hiempsal and AdherbaL Jngurtha, when 
he grew up, displayed such remarkable qualities of mind and 
body, and his popularity among the people was so great, that 
the old king Micipsa^ fearing that he would snatch the inherit- 
ance from his own sons, resolved to expose him to the risks of 
war. He placed him, therefore, in command of the Nnmidian 
contingent in the Numantine war. Here he met the young no- 
bles who were serving in the camp' of the general, and lived on 
intimate terms with them. They encouraged him to kill Micip^ 
and to usurp the throne, assuring him that it would be easy to 
buy a pardon at Rome, where everything had its price.' After 
his return to Nnmidia, relying on the support of the powerful 
friends he had made at Numantia, he caused Hiempsal to be 
murdered, and procured by bribery a division of the kingdom 
between himself and Adherbal. Commissioners, at the head of 
whom was Opimius, the opponent of Oracchus, wero sent to 
carry out the provisions of the senate, but they, sold themselves 
to Jugurtha immediately on their amval in Africa. The western 
and most fertile division was assigned to Jugurtha ; the eastern, 
which was arid, fell to AdherbaL This, however, did not satisfy 


Masikisiia (iS»-149). 

MioipaA, B. o. lis. OuLussA. Mastaxabal. 


B. o. tlL 

\dhsbbal, HnnpsAL L, Hioipsa. Gauda, JusraiBA, 

B.0.11S. B.0.U7. I B.C.KM. 




* In etmiytentkf imperataris. * Boma omnia venaiia eMf.— Snll. Jog., 0, IOl 

B. C. 111.] 



Jngnrtha. He made war upon Adherbal, defeated him in battle, 
and finally besieged him in Girta. When the town surrendered, 
Adherbal was put to death with tortures, as were also all the men 
in the garrison, not excepting even the Italians.^ This roused the 
indignation of the mercantile class at Borne, and the tribune G. 
Memmius compelled the senate to declare war against Jugurtha. 



N U M I D I A 

•nd the old 


A F k'i C a 

3. Jagarthlne "War (b. o. 111-104).— The consul, L. Cal- 
pnmius Bestia, landed in Africa, ostensibly to carry on the war 
in Numidia, but really with the purpose of being bribed by Ju- 
gurtha. In order to protect himself he took with him as legates 
a number of influential nobles, among whom was M. u£milius 
Scaurus, the president of the senate.^ After Jugurtha had 
paid enough to satisfy Bestia and Scaurus, a treaty was made 

*■ Tboae were mercha&ts dolDg biudnese In AMca. 

* Prinoqtt wnatus. 

218 WAB WITH JUGURTHA. [b. C, 110. 

without the interposition of the senate or the people, granting 
the kingdom of Numidia to Jugurtha. 

4. nie Treaty with Nmnidia Cancelled. — When the 

news of this disgraceful treaty reached Borne, a storm of indig- 
nation hurst forth. The tribune Memmius recounted^ the 
offences of the oligarchy, and, in spite of the influence of 
Scaurus, carried a bill that Jugurtha^ under a safe condact, 
should be invited to come to Rome and give information in re- 
gard to the manner in which peace had been made. When Ju- 
gurtha appeared before the assembly of the people, and Mem- 
mius had stilled the murmurs of indignation from the multi- 
tude for him to declare who his accomplices were, the tribune, 
G. BsBbius, already bribed for this purpose, interposed his veto 
on the king's speaking. Shortly after this, Jugurtha procured, 
under the very eyes of the senate and people, the assassination 
of Massiva, the son of Gulussa, who was instigated by Albinus, 
the consul elQct, to lay his claim before the senate for the 
throne. The murderer escaped, and since vengeance could not 
be taken on Jugurtha, he was ordered by the senate to leave 
Rome. When beyond the walls, he is said to have looked back 
in silence on the city, and at last to have exclaimed : " venal 
city, about to perish if it can but find a purchaser.*' * 

5. The Renewal of the V7bx (b. c. 110). — The war was 
renewed by Albinus, who, however, accomplished nothing. 
His brother Aulus succeeded him, and penetrated into the 
heart of Numidia, where he was surprised and defeated, and 

^ " It grievee me to relate how, during the last fifteen yeare, jroa have been the $poH 
of the arrogance of the oll^rchy, and how utterly unaTenged yoar defenders hate per- 
ished. After the murder or Tiberia^i Gracchus, whom they accnaed of aspiring to Idnclr 
S>wer, pernecutlons were instituted aeainst the people. After the slaughter of G«Jv 
racchus and Marcus Fulvia<4, many or your order were put to death in prLran. Let a< 
pass oyer this ; let us admit that to restore the rights of the people was to asirfre to royal 
power. You have seen how in past years the treasury has been pUlaged ; you hare teen 
kinss and free people paying tribute to a small party of aristocrats, ia whose handu are 
all the honors of the state and wealth of Italy* • • . This is not a case of pecolstioii 
of the treasury, nor a forcible extortion of money from the allies. These indeed ai* 
grave offences, but we are so used to them that wo consider them nothing. Now Uie ab- 
tnorityof the senate and your own power have been surrendered to your greatest enemr. 
The public interest has been betrayed for mooev. If we do not inveet^ate their mk- 
deeds, if we do not inflict punishment on the guilty, what will remain for us except to 
live and obey those who have committed these crimes f For when men can do with im* 
punity what they like, th«t Is really kjngly power."-iito0, /wr. 81. 
' Jug.f 8&, 

B. C. 109.] THE BISE OF GAJU3 MARIU8. 219 

bis army sent under the yoke. This disgrace roased the 
people. The condact of the war was committed to Q. GsBciliiiB 
Metellus^^ a capable and experienced officer. In b. c. 109 
he departed for Nnmidia with O. Marios and P. Bectilins 
Rnfus as legates. The discipline of the army was restored, 
Cirta and other towns were captured, and Jugurtha was de- 
feated near the river Muthul, and compelled to flee for protec- 
tion to Bocchns, king of Mauretania.' l/^"^ 

6w Rise of G^JQS Maritui.— The glory of finishing the 
war was, however, not reserved for Metellus, but for his legate, 
Oajus Marins. Bom (b. a 157) in the environs * of Aipinum 
among the Latin hiUs, Marius was reared in the country, and 
his rustic manners and illiteracy clung to him through hf e. He 
had a taste for war, and his bravery at Numantia attracted the 
notioe of Scipio JBmilianus, who, being asked one day where 
the Bomans should find such another general when he was 
gone, touched Marins on the shoulder and said, '^ Perhaps 
here."^ This raised the hopes of Marius. On his return 
to Borne he was elevated to the tribunate ^ (b. c. 119) and four 
years after to the prsdtorship. He was a man of iron nerve and 

inflexible resolution. When he accompanied Metellus to Africa 


L. Mbtxllub Calyits, 

C08. B. o. 148. 

L. MsnixuB DALXATioirs, Q. Cjkhltub Mbtbllus Nuxidiovs, CiBoiUA, m. 

COS. B. C. 119. 0O8. B. C. 100. L. IiUCULLVB. 

• Cjwuja, m. Q. Mbtillub Pros, 

1. SOAUBVB. 9. SUIUL. COS. B. 0. 80l 

Q. Mbtslutb PnrB Soxfio, 
COB. B. o. SB. m. Lvpn>A. 

Ck>Bl(BLIA« m. 

1. p. CBAB8178. 2. PoMPEJve, trlimiTlr. 

• See msp, p. Hi: 'At Oercata. * Flat Mar. 8, 

• He carried a law (tap Mwia de tviffragHs ferundis) to restrain the inflaence of the 
aristocracy at elections. The law enacted that the yoting-brldgea (pontes ; thcM were the 
narrow pasBages that led to the different compartments into which the enclosed space 
[feptd] where the assembhr met was divided) nhonld be m^de n(trrow^, so t)iat the nobl^ 
could not so easily st«nd Oj find inil^encelpeir clients, 

220 THE RISE OF QAJU3 MARIU8. [B.C. 108. 

a new field was open to his ambition. He neither declined the 
most difficult tasks, nor thought the most servile labor beneath 
him. He shared the hardships of the common soldier, ate of 
the same dry bread, and slept on the same hard conch. He so 
endeared himself to all, that his name was in every one's 
mouth, and the letters of the soldiers carried his fame to Bome. 
This encouraged him to hope for the consulship. 

7. Marina Elected ConsiiL — One day while sacrificing 
\in the camp before Utica, the hamspex, on inspecting the 
victims, bade him trust in the gods, and execute whatever 
purpose he had in mind. He applied to Metellus for leave of 
absence to go to Bome and apply for the consulship. The con- 
'sul tried to dissuade him from bis purpose, but he repeated his 
'request from time to time. Metellus gave vent to his scorn by 
dsaying, '^ You need not be in such a hurry ; it will be time 
Senough for you to apply for the consulship with my son." The 
Ison of Metellus was then only twenty, and could not therefore 
become a candidate for the consulship for twenty years. Marius 
^ever forgot the insult. From this time he courted the favor 
hi the common soldiers more assiduously than ever, intrigued 
against the general, and boasted that if he had but one-half the 
2frmy, he would soon end the war. The letters of the soldiers 
and of the merchants carried these sayings to Bome, and the 
pbople began to think that the only way of ending the war was 
t(^ elect Marius consul. Only twelve days before the election, 
ho obtained leave of absence and sailed to Bome. He was 
elated not only consul,* but general for the war against Jugur- 
tha, notwithstanding the senate had designed to prorogue 
the command of Metellus. This was a great victory for the 
lobular party ; for it had for a long time been an unheard of 
^hiig for a '' new man " to be nosed to the consplship. Fur- 
ther, he was designated to the command,' not by the senate, 
Uul; by the people. 

^ For the year b. c. lOT. 

' The senate had already assigned the provinces, bat Manlins Mandnns laid it before 
the oeople, who should conduct the war against Jognrtha ; they decided In faror of 
lianas. For the changes in the military oi^anlzation introdxiced oy Kaiiae, Bee p. 321. 

C. 113.] THE CIMBBI AND TEUT0NE8. 221 

8. The War Renewed by Mariiis. — ^After Marias had 
oompleted his preparations in Bome, he departed for A&ica.^ 
Here he fulfilled the popular expectation. Advancing into 
Xumidia ravaging and plundering, he defeated Jugurth% 
and BoochuSy king of Mauretania, in two bloody battles. This 
defeat discouraged Bocchus, and Snlla» Marius's quaestor, entered 
into negotiations with him, which resulted in the surrender of 
Jugurtha (b. c. 106). This ended the war. After remaining two 
years in the country, Marius returned to Rome to celebrate his 
triumph (b.o. 104), in which Jugurtha walked in chains. 
While the procession was winding up the cUvu8 CapitoUnus, 
the king turned to the right to be cast into the Mamertine 
prison. As he touched the cold, damp dungeon,' he exclaimed: 
" By Hercules ! what a cold bath is this,'' and after six days 
died of hunger.* Numidia was not immediately made a Roman 
province, but the western part, Mauretania Caasariensis,^ was 
annexed to the kingdom of Bocchus, and the rest was bestowed 
upon Oauda, a descendant of Masinissa. 

•• ♦ •• 

OHAirrER xxxiiz 

Thb Wab wrra the Cimbri and Tetjtones (B. C. llS-101). 

1. The Relations of Rome to tiie North. — Before 
the war with Jugurtha was ended, a new danger threatened 
the empire from the north. It will be remembered that 
Home had subdued the Gauls in the north of Italy and 
had founded Eporedia^ (Ivrea) to command the passes of the 
western Alps, as Aquileja did of the eastern. The province of 
Narbo had been organized and communication was opened 
with Spain by means of the Domitian way, which extended 

> Aeeordlng to SftUnst (e. 78), in the snmmer of b. a 107 ; Mommfen (I. c. vol. ttl., p* 170) 
tbinkB In b.o. 106 or late in tbe Muon of b. o. 107. See Peter (Btudtm mir Bom, U€$eh., 
p. 06, note) f t a thoroiub dii$cn««1on nf the subject. 

* Tim Tultiamm. ^PluuO.Mw. * Algien. 'B.0. 190. 

222 THE CIMBRl AND TEUT0XE3. [B.C. 105, 

from the Khone to the Pyrenees. The colonies which the 
Gracchan party founded to alleviate the condition of the pro- 
letarians in the capital, and. which soon became centres for 
Boman traders and settlers, have already been mentioned.^ In 
most of the country beyond the Alps, however — ^in Spain and 
in Gaul, except the small tract along the coast — ^the native 
tribes still roamed in freedom and defied the incompetent gov- 
ernment at Rome. 

2. The Battle of Axaiudo (b. g. 105).— About this time 
it happened that a Germanic tribe, the Gimbri, in its wander- 
ings from home,* reached Noricum,* and approached the passes 
of the Alps near Aquileja. The consul Paperins Carbo was de- 
feated,* but instead of directing their march to Italy, the Cim- 
bri turned to the west, crossed the Jura, and threatened the 
Roman territory in that quarter. Here they stimulated other 
tribes ^ to attack the Romans, and the consul Junius Silanus 
was defeated in b. c. 109, and two years after, L. Cassius Lod - 
ginus su ffered a t ft"^^1p r^ofonitj nun >^^g ftrmy ^^pnnpftrf nnly hj 
giving up its baggage and passi ng under the yoke. This en- 
couraged Tolosa (Toulouse) to revolt, but the consul the next 
year retook the city, and plundered the rich temple there of its 
vast amount of treasures. The next year the Gimbri returned 
with the intention of invading Italy. Three powerful armies 
opposed their passage of the Rhone.* The battle of Aransio 
(Orange) followed, and the three armies were cut to pieces in 
detaiL The loss was tremendous." The terror of another inva- 
sion from the north spread throughout Italy, and the storm of 
popular indignation burst forth with terrible fury against the 
oligarchy.* The Gimbri fortunately turned towards Spain and 
gave the Romans a two years respite. 

3. MariaB Re-elected Coiunil (b. o. 104). — ^AIl eyes were 
now turned towards Marius, as the only man who could save Italy. 
During his absence he had been elected to the consulship, 

* See p. S14f n. 4 ; also p. ua * Chirwnuiu OMbfiea, * Ketr Koreja. tn b. c. \\t 

* Tlgwini^ Tmt^ni, Ac. * 60,000 noldlers and #>,000 camp fonowen. 

* Ccplo, one of the commanders, was deposed f^m offloe, lUs propei^ oonllMstsdi 
and be, in direct rlolation of law, was COQdemiM tQ ^eftth. * See Map Ko. 7, 



although the law prescribed that the candidate should apply in 
person, and prohibited reflection until after the elapse of ten 
years. On the same day that he celebrated his triumph^ he 
entered his second consulship.' He set out immediately for 
6anl at the head of an army ardently attached to him, and com- 
manded by the best officers, among whom was his old quaestor 
Satla. The departure of the Cimbri gave him time to harden his 
soldiers by toil, and to complete the important canal ' from the 
left bank of the Rhone to the coast, which opened communica- 
tion between the sea and his camp, thus avoiding the difficult 
navigation of the delta of the Rhone. 

4. The Battte of Aqa» SerdsB (b.o. 102). — In the 
meantime the Cimbri had returned firom Spain, re-united 
with the Teutones,' and, reinforced by other tribes, prepared 
for the invasion of Italy. The immense host, however, divided 
again ; the Cimbri and the Tigurini crossed the Rhone, in 
order to enter Italy by their old route, the eastern Alps, while 
the Teutones and Ambrones marched toward the Rhone, where 
Marina was encamped, to enter Italy by the Maritime Alps, and 
join the Cimbri on the Po. The camp of Marius at the junction 
of the Rhone and Isara (Is^re) commanded both of the western 
routes to Italy, the one along the coast, and the other over the 
Little Si Bernard. The barbarians stormed the camp, but ; 
when they found the intrenchments too strong for them, they 
pursued their way to Italy. For six days the vast host filed 
past the camp, and defied the Romans by asking if they had 
anything to send to their wives at home, for they should soon 
be in Italy. When they had advanced a short distance, Marius 
broke up and followed until they reached Aquse SextisB * {Aix). 
Here Marius offered battle, and the enemy were eager for 
the encounter. The Teutones fought with all the energy and 
courage of their race, but the Roman legions stood like a wall. 
At length, attacked in the front and rear, for Marius had placed 

* Jan. 1, B. c. 104. * Fo$gcB Mariana, 

* Mommaen, foUowing; Liry, thinks that the Cimbri first anited with the Teutonee 
after their return from Spain. Vellejus Petercnlas (li., 8), Appian {CeU. 18), and many 
othem malte the Tentone? appear with the Cimbri much earlier. 

* That Us, 0«th8 of Sextins j eee map, p. 814. 


a band of Roman soldiers there in ambascade, the mighty host 
of the barbarians was annihilated.^ Just as Marins was in the 
act of setting fire to the vast pile of arms ooUected from the 
field of battle, it was announced to him that he bad been elect- 
ed to the consulship for the fifth time (b. o. 101). 

5. Battle of Vercell0B (b. a 101). — Meanwhile Q. Lu- 
tatius Catulus had engaged^ the Cimbri as they attempted 
to enter Italy by the Brenner pass,^ but being unable to hold his 
position, had retreated over the Adige,* thus leaving the whole 
valley of the Po exposed to the ravages of the barbarians. Ha- 
rius, on his return to Borne, refused the triumph oflfered him 
by the senate, until the Cimbri were subdued.^ After a brief 
stay in the capital, he joined Catulus. Their united armies 
crossed the Po and offered battle, but the barbarians declined 
lit and sent envoys to Marius to demand lands for themselves 
land the Teutones. *' The Teutones,'' replied Marius, ^ have got 
lall the land they need on the other side of the Alps." The 
(battle could no longer be delayed, and near VerceUsB, just 
Jvrhere Hannibal had fought his first battle in Italy, the hostile 
furmies met As at Aqusd SextisB, so here, the barbarians were 
tmnihilated. Those who survived the battle were either killed 
^r sold in the slave market at Bome.' 

* 800,000 wero killed and 90.000 taken prisoners. 

* Aooordinff to Livy {Bp. Izriii.). Plat. (Jfor. SB) eajs that Catnhis gave np the paaees 
without a contest, and posted himself on the Adige. See MommseQ (1. c vol. UL, p. 801). 

* From Innsbruck to Trent. 

* He was consul for b. c. 108, and tiis knperium had been prolonged ; he was now act* 
fng as proconsul. 

^ The human ayalanche which for thirteen years had alanned the nations fh>ni the 
Danube to the Ebro, from the Seine to the Po, rested beneath the sod, or toHed under 
the yoke of slavery ; the forlorn hope of the German migration had performed Its duty ; 
the homeless oeopJe of the Cimbri and their comrades were no more.— Jtfi>mi7U«A, i. c. 
vol. iii., p. 806. The hypothesis that the CimbrL as well as the similar horde of the Ten* 
tones which afterwards joined them, belonged, in the main, not to the Celtic nation, to 
which the Bomans at first assigued them, but to the Germanic, Is supported by the moK 
definite facts : viz., by the existence of two small tribes of the same name— remnants 
left behind to all appearances in their primitive seats— the Cimbri in modem Denmark, 
the Teutones in the northeast of Germany, in the neighborhood of the Baltic, where 
Pytheas; a contemporary of Alexander the Great, miUces mention of them thus earlj Id 
connection with the amber trade ; by the insertion of the Cimbri and Teutones hi tlw. 
list of the Germanic peoples amunx the Ingnvones, alongside of the Cfaand ; by th* 
judgment of Csesar, who first made the Romans acquainted with the distinction between 
the Germans and the Celts, and who includes the Cimbri, many of whom he must hioh 
self have seen, among the Germans ; and lastly, by the names of the peoples and the 
statements as to tbehr physical appearance and babits in other respects, which, white ap- 
pljing to the men of the north generally, are especially applicable to the Gennana.- 
Jfonun&erit 1. c. p. 187. ♦ The Aihesie: see map, p. 8;^ 

B. a 101.] SOCIAL DISTRESS. 22& 

Social Dibtbess — Befobms op Mabius — The Apfulel^n 
Laws — The Kule of the Senate Kestobed. 

1. Necessity for RefoniL— The triumph which Marius 
had refused was now celebrated with doable splendor. The 
people called him the third founder of Bome/ and rewarded 
him with new honors. Manus was now the first man in the 
state. His services had placed him far above Metellus or 
Catalus or any member of the aristocracy. He had delivered 
the state from her foreign foes, but a severer task was before 
him : to core the social and agrarian evils, to arrest the pre- 
vailing decay, and to infuse a new spirit into civil and political 
life. At home the allotments of land had ceased, and poverty 
and decay were spreading again over Italy. While the labor 
on the great estates was performed by vast gangs of slaves, 
Roman citizens wandered houseless and homeless. Repeated 
insurrections broke out in Italy and in Sicily. In the provinces 
the capitalists and the magistrates made common cause in plun- 
dering the provincials. 

2. The Slave PopolatioiL — The farmers of the revenue in 
collecting the custom-dues and the tenths, had also prosecuted a 
profitable business in the provinces in kidnapping the free 
population and selling them to the slave dealers. This practice 
had been carried on to such an extent, that when Marius 
asked Nicomedes, king of Bithynia, for auxiliaries in the 
war against the Teutones, this prince replied that owing 
to the jEumers of the revenue and slave merchants, he no 
longer had any subjects left in his kingdom except women, 
chUdren, and old men.' The senate issued a decree that no 

* The flni two were Bomuhia end Camillns. 

* Tbe BomftD rate.hed nndoiisone ererywhere a material alteration. Partly through 
the oooetent srowth of opuesaion natorally incident to every tyrannic government, 
partly thronm the indirect operation of the Roman revolution— in the eeiznie, for 
m«itance, of the iiroperty of the soil in the provinces of Asia by Gajufl OracchoB, in the 
B^raan tenthf« and cnntonut, and in the human huntA which the ooUectors of the revenue 

226 SLAVE POPULATIOK. [B. C. 101. 

freeman, a native of an allied country, shonld be detained in 
slavery, and directed the praetor in Sicily to announce to those 
who believed that they were unjustly held in captivity to ap- 
pear before him. Immediately innumerable multitudes came 
to claim their freedom; but as most of them belonged to 
influential capitalists^ who openly expressed their disaatis- 
faction, the magistrate was obliged to let the measure drop. 
The slaves deceived in their hopes for freedom and rendered 
furious, flew to arms in all directions. They found two able 
leaders, Salvius and Athenion, one of whom conducted the 
war in the eastern part of the island, and the other, in the 
western part. The insurrection soon assumed such a formid- 
able aspect that, when the war with the Cimbri was ended, 
Manius Aquillius (b. c. 101), the colleague of Marius in his fifth 
consulship, was sent to Sicily. After two years he succeeded 
in subduing the insurrection (b. c. 99) ; the prisoners were sent 
to Bome to flght with wild beasts for the amusement of the 
people, but they disappointed the spectators by skying each 
other with their own hands in the amphitheatre. 

3. Marins as a Politician. — ^Under such circumstances, 
the people looked to Marius as the only man who could save 
the state and overthrow the rule of the oligarchy. The army 
which he had formed and led to victory was ardently devoted 
to him, and furnished the means of striking the blow against 
the government. The times, however, were not ripe for a 
military despotism, and Marius sought to accomplish his reforms 
in a constitutional manner. He disbanded his army after the 
I triumph, and relying on the support of the popular party, came 

* ( forward in the regular way as a candidate for the consulship. 
>. I Marius, although a great warrior, was no politician. As he 

• * had no clear and definite views of his own position nor of the 
^ manner in which reform was to be accomplished, he became a 

added to their other avocation ther&^the Roman rale, barelj tolerable even from tlw 
flTDt, premed so heavily on Ania, that neither the crown at the Idnir nor Uie hat of the 
pearant there wat* any longer uie from oontlMatlon, that every iwk of corn eeemed lo 
grow for the Roman deevmanuf (I. «., the tithe-gatherer), and everv child of free pareat9 
seemed to be bom for the Roman 8lave-driver.— itfSommMn, 1. c. vol. ill., p. SB8. 

* The capitaliHt belonged to the equestrian order who, ai jadget, could punish th9 
ma^Htrates on their retom to Bome. 


mere noyice in the hands of the political intriguers of the 

4. Mariiui and the Demagogues. — The leaders of the » 
popular party were no longer what they had been in the days of .• 
the OraochL They were now mere adTentnrers animated with . 
intense hatred and contempt for the nobility. Marias allied 
himself with two of the worst of these demagogues, L. Appu- 
lejos Sainminus and 6. Servilius Olaucia. The former was a ; 
candidate for the tribunate and the latter for the prsstorship ; i 
by their efforts and by open violence and bribery, Marius was '» 
elected consul for the sixth time. Olaucia obtained the praetor- * 
ship, but when A. Nonius was declared elected tribune in the ^ 
place of Satnminus, he was set upon by a band of Marius's vet- 
erans who, for such purposes, had come to Bome in great num- [ 
bers, driven from the forum, and finally killed. These were the 
men to whom was entrusted the task of carrying out the reforms 
of the Gracchi. 

5. The Appoleian La ws (b. c. 100). — Saturninus, in order / 
to conciliate the favor of the people, proposed two rogations : 

1. 77ie first ^ prescribed that the state should sell com at a 
nominal price ^ to Boman citizens. 

2. The second^ directed that the land in Cisalpine Gaul * 
which the Cimbri had obtained possession of, should be 
divided among the Italians and the Roman citizens, thus pro- 
viding relief not only for Rome but for all Italy .*^ 

A provision was also made for founding in Sicily, Achaja . 
and Macedonia colonies of veterans who had served in the army / 
of Marius. In order to prevent amendments and delay on the ' 
part of the senate, a clause was added threatening a heavy 
punishment against those senators who refused to swear obedi- 
ence to the laws within five days after they were enacted by the 
people. The laws, however, were carried only after the mostl 

■ Lfx/himentaHa. 

' Instead of Ok aeaes (2( Mses = 5 cente) m formerly, the price was redaoed to 
I of an M {MmU»eg et trienUt) per moditu (peck). 

* The aurttm Tobmmum^ " the sold of Toloea '' (see p. SSS), which C»pio had stolen 
fn>m the temple in Toloea, and which fell to the iDtate treasury after his condemnation, 
wad to be di»Uibatod among the tiettlers to enable them to stock their farms. 



diBgracefnl riots and intense opposition. The partisans of the 
nobility dispersed the comitia by violence ;^ but the old soldiers 
of Marius, who had flocked to the dty in great crowds to 
vote, retaliated, and the voting was finally completed and the 
nieasnres were adopted. 

(6. Re-election of tiie Demagogaes.— Sataminns now 
called up the senators to take the oath to observe the laws fiuth- 
fully. The course of Marins was marked by indecision and 
deceit After declaring in the senate that he would never com- 
ply with the clause, he immediately took the oath to obey 
the laws so far as they were valid. The other senators followed 
his example. M eiellos alone refr "^, ar^ "'^ r* ^■'' frii^^f 
promised to take np arms in Lis defence, he declined their 
assistance and went into exile. Thus far Marius had enconr- 
ageii Appui^JUU uud Olauulii. For some unaccountable reason, 
he kept aloof from the scenes of violence attendant on the next 
election and let matters take their own course. Satuminus was 
again elected tribune, and Glaucia was a candidate for the con- 
sulship, although, according to the leges annalee^ not legally 
eligible to this office until after the elapse of two years ; the 
other two candidates were M. Antonius ' and 6. Memmius. As 

' At flret the nobllitj broa^tat the veto of the tribnne to bear, bat Satnnihiiis took do 
notice of that ; next the magMtrate who presided at the election was informed that a 
peal of thnnder had been beard, a portent bj which, aocording to ancient belief, the 
|N)dB commanded the public avecmbly to break ap (eee p. 40); Sataminag remarked to 
the roeseenffere that the ^nate would do well to keep quiet, otherwise the thunder m|^ . 
be followea by hail. 

* See p. 185. n. 4. ' GENEALOGICAL TABLE. 

H. AiVTONius, Orator, «m. b. c. 99. 

M. AMTOHirs CnncuB, 

pr. B. c. 76 ; m. 1. Numttoria ; 

8. JUUA. 

G. AMTomuB, co^ 68b 

M. AHTomrB, trhimTlr. 

m. 1. FaKXA. 4. OCTAYIA. 

9. Amtonia. 6. Clbopatba. 


G. AifTOinus. 
pr. B. o. 44. 

L. Amonus. 
coe. B. c. 4L 


Aktonia. M. Akto- J. Anto- Amtonia Antonia 
NiuB. Niud. major minor. 

Alex- Olbo- 

axdbb. patra. prfladvlpht*. 


the election of Antonius, the celebratsd orator^ was certain, 
the straggle lay between Memmius and Olaucia. As Memmios 
seemed likely to be elected, Satnrninns hired bands of rations 
to assail and irill him on the public street. This outrage 
alarmed all who cared for the safety of the state. 

7. Reaction against Marins. — The senate saw that the 
time had come to act. The consul was invested with full 
powers,^ the state was declared to be in danger, and Marl us, as 
consul, was charged with its defence. At the head of bands of 
armed men, Marius attacked Satuminus and his followers. 
Glancia was killed in a private house, and the young nobles 
stripx)ed the tiles from the senate house, where Marius had 
confined Satumi nus and the oth er jriflnn^rftj and stoned them 
to deathi""TEe "violent course of Satuminus had alarmed all 
pfcu liiBi anything to lose. His laws were repealed, and the 
equestrian party joined in unsparing persecutions against his 
followers.' From this time the popularity of Marius declined. 
Odious to the senate, and hated by the people because he had 
deserted Satuminus, despised by all for his duplicity and inde- 
cision, he had lost the confidence of all parties. Bather than 
witness the return of his hated rival Metellus, he left Borne 
under the pretext of performing vows in Asia Minor, but really 
to brood over his hopes of revenge and to recover his popularity 
by gaining fresh victories in the East, where the daily increasing 
complications threatened war with Mithridates. The predic- 
tion of the Utican seer had thus far been realized, but the 
promise of the seventh consulship still remained unfulfilled. 

8. The IncreaBe of Snperstitioa— For the third time 
the power of the senate had been restored, ^ot only the char- 
acter of the internal government, but even religion began to 

* See p. 91S, n. 4. 

* An impoitant law was carried enforcing the observance of certain formalities at 
elections, m., (1) The lex CacUkt DicUa, In reference to the trinvndintim, i «., that snb- 
iects to be brongnt before the eoneUium pieUs most be announced three mmdifUB be- 
Torehand (erery elsht davB, reckoning from the flrvt of January, was a nundincB ; the 
Romans counted Both the day from which and to which they reckoned ; a lunfemdifUB 
therefore occurred erenr ninth day. A similar mode of reckoning is still cn^tomary in 
Germany, where eight oays in nm for a week). (2) A legal prohibition against lamping 
several laws containing distinct r^nlations together, ana carrying all at one time (per 
mturamferre). Thl« save the nobility a better opportunity to discuss a law and to main- 
tain ccmtrol over legislation (b. c. 8S). 

230 Il^CREASE Of SUPEflSTlTlOlf. [b. a 99. 

feel the injnriouB effects of a revolationary straggle that had 
now lasted for nearly fifty years. The social evils pressed 
heavier and heavier upon the people, while the luxnry and wealth 
of the upper classes increased. What was still worse, the 
old forms of faith were dying out, and men turned from their 
ancestral gods and sank more and more into strange supersti- 
tions. The slaves from the east hrought their forms of worship 
with them. During the war with the Teutones, the senate 
welcomed the Phrygian Battaces, the high priests of PessLmus, 
who promised victory, and a temple was erected to the Good 
Goddess. Marius took with him everywhere the Syrian pro- 
phetess Martha, consulting her before every battle. Sulla be- 
lieved in omens and miracles and obeyed the Chaldean pro- 
phets. The wild orgies of the Gappadocian Ma^ to whom the 
priests shed their own blood in sacrifice, the glowing Egyptian 
mysticism, and various forms of unallowed and secret worship, 
crept into Italy and took possession of the minds and hearts of 
the people.^ In b.g. 97, the senate was obliged to forbid human 
sacrifices. Strange priests, religious impostors, and crowds of 
Boothsayers swarmed in the streets and preyed upon the igno- 
rance and fears of the superstitious mass that thronged the cap- 
ital from all parts of Italy. The native gods seemed to have 
forsaken the people, who in utter despair turned towards 
strange gods and sought with religious frenzy after strange 
worships. As every nation in antiquity had its own special 
gods, who, in consideration of constant worship, granted pro- 
tection to every citizen, it was therefore a sign of national 
decay when the people forsook their own gods and turned to 
foreign deities. )/^ 

* Men had become perplexed, not merely a^ to their old faith, bat t» to their wen 
eelvee ; the fearfal crisis of a fifty years' revolution, the instinctive feelinff i^ nt the cini 
war was ntill far from beingat an end, increased the anxious suspense, the sfoony per 
plexity of the multitude. Ke^tless and wanderin? imagination climbed every he&tit 
and fathomed every abyss, where It fancied that it might discover new prospects or new 
light amidst the fatalities Impendinff, might gain fresh trophies in the despeimte stniggle 
againrt destiny, or perhaps might find merely fresh alarms. A portentous mystiewra 
found in the general distraction— political, economic, moral, rdigious—the soil which wv 
adapted for it, and grew with alarming rapidity ; it was a« if glpinUc trees had grown bv 
niirht ont of the earth, none knew whence or whither, and tlus very marvelloas rapidity 
of growth worked new wonders and seized like an epidemic on all minds not tlioroasfalT 
fortified.— lfofwin*«n, 1. c vol. ill., p. 481. m-w™i««v 


chai*ticr xxxv. 

The Stbuqgle of the Italians fob the Fbanchise. 

1. The Condition of the Subjects.— It will be recol- 
leoted that Scipio was able to pnt an end to the execution of 
the agrarian law when the commissioners interfered with the 
knd secnred to the Latins and the Italian allies by treaties.^ 
The state had, no doubt, legally the right to resume possession 
of the public land, whether occupied by Roman citizens, Latins, 
or allies ; but while the complaints of Roman citizens could be 
disregarded, it became a question whether it was politic to give 
fresh offence to the Latins and the Italian allies, among whom 
already a profound dissatisfaction prevailed.* The leaders of I 
the popular party proposed to remove the obstacle which the | 
allies interposed by granting them the rights of citizenship ; j 
and from this time the agitation for land and the Italian 
agitation for the franchise moved along side by side in close 
alliance. For nearly thirty years the hope of obtaining full 
citizenship had been held out to the Latins, but during all of 
that time no measure had been carried to better their condition. 
On the contrary, however, their condition had changed greatly 
to their disadvantage. The burdens imposed' upon them had \ 
been unjustly increased, and Rome managed the whole admin- 
istration of affairs in such a way as to make the allies feel that 
they were subjects without rights. The result was that the 
Italians, almost like the provincials, were handed over to the 
caprice of the Roman magistrates. 

2. The IKTrongs of the Sntgects.— It was no uncommon 
thing for a Roman consul to order the magistrate of an allied 
town to be flogged for some trifling offence.* A mere citizen 

' See p. 907. * See p. 184. * See p. 184. 

* Tlie oonsnl came to Teannm Sidicinum ; he said his wife wished to bathe In the men^s 
bath, liarcoe Marios confided it to the care of the qusstor of Sidiclnnm to see tliat 
those who were halhing shoold be sent away. The wife told her husband that the baths 
werv not given np to her soon enough, nor were they snfBciently clean. Immediately a 




passing through Venusia ordered a free peasant to be seized 
and whipped to death on account of a jest which he made on 
the Boman's litter.^ During the Jugurthine war Latin ofScers ^ 
were scourged and beheaded, while the poorest Roman soldier 
had the right of appeal All this produced profound discon- 
tent, and that discontent grew from year to year, as the bond- 
age became more oppressive and the prospect of obtaining full 
citizenship disappeared.^ Formerly the Latins had looked to 
Rome as the centre, and the full liberty of settling there and 
acquiring partial citizenship ^ had been accorded to them. Now 
this right ^ was attacked, and in the few years of tranquillity 
that followed the departure of Marius to Asia (in B. c. 99), 
the two consuls of b. c. 95, L. Licinius Crassus* and Q. Mucins 
ScsBYola, hoping to put an end to the agitation of the allies, 
carried a law ' which forbade any who were not citizens from 
claiming the franchise under severe penalty. This law, framed 
no doubt with the best of intentions, by two of the most 

poet was fixed down hi the market-place, and the qtuwtor, the moat tilaatrioas man of 
his city, was led to It; his garments were stripped off, and he was beaten with rods. — 
Aul. GeU. Nod. AUie, x, 8. 

* The peasani, when be saw the Roman carried in a litter on the shoolders of alavee, 
asked, ** Are yon carrying a dead bodT V^ The expression cost hlnti his Hfe. 

* Sail. Jug. 60 ; the roqaHo Livia (p. 811) had never bec<mie a law. 

* There are no official figures that give the nomber of the Italian alHes. Mommsen 
(1. c. vol. iii.,p. Ml) estimates it at 600,000 or 600,000; the nnmber of cidxena was prob- 
ably about 400,000. 

* dvitat Hue nffffagio. 

* To escape from tne tyranny of the Boman magistrates, each man tried to approach 
Kome and to establish himself there if possible. Thus Rome exercised upon Ita^ a sort 
of absorption, tending in a short time to make a desert of the conntrv and overburden rbe 
city with an enormous population. (The same tendency is observed in modem times ; the 
population flocks ttom the rural districts to the cities.) Such was the condition of Italy. 
The extremities of the body became cold and void : all was carried to the heart, wliich 
became oppressed. The senatcirs refected from the senate and public offices the " new 
men," the knights, the rich men, and gave np to them in compensation the invasion of 
the laud of the poor. The Romans repulsed the colonists from the suffrage, the Latins 
ttom the city ; the Latins in turn expelled the Italians from Latium and from the riefats 
of the Latins. Rome had ruined f ndei>endent Italy by her colonies, in which she ci 
the poor; then she ruined colonised Italy by the Invasion of the rich, who evei 
liought, claimed, and usurped the lands, and had them cultivated by slaves.- 
I.C., pp. 964,966. 


L. LioiKnTs Cbassus. Orator. 
COS. B. c. 96. m. MuciA. 

LicmA, m. 
Soipio Nasioa. 

LiciHiA, m. 
G. Maiuub. 


' The lex lAdnia Mucki d« civitw rediffundie. 

L. LiuuiuB Obaisitb Soipio, 
son of LiciNiA, adopted by 
L. L. CaAaava, Orator. 


eminent statesmen of the times, so exasperated the Italians^ 
that it became the proximate cause of the Social war. 

3. The Eqiiestrian Order. — During the prosecutions that 
followed under 6his law, events occurred that gave the senate 
new strength, and caused it to believe that the time had come 
to depriye the equestrian order of its judicial power. How 
unfit the knights were to exercise this right the unjust con- 
demnation of P. Rutilius Rufus, one of the most eminent 
jurists and historians of his day, showed. He had accompanied 
M. ScsBTola as l^ate to Asia, and when ScsBYola returned to 
Borne, he was entrusted with the management of the proyince. 
With great impartiality he granted the provincials protection 
against the extortions of the tax-gatherers, the merchants, and 
the contractors. This so enraged the equestrian order that, on 
his return to Borne, a charge was trumped up against him, and 
being convicted, he was sentenced to pay a fine. His property 
was confiscated, and Bufus withdrew from Bome, and retired 
to the province which it was alleged he had plundered. After 
this prosecutions fell thick upon the senators, while every capi- 
talist tried before members of his own order was sure to escape.* 

4. The Laws of Dnuraa — The senatorial party entrustedy 
the tribune, M. Livius Drusus, the son of that Drusus wh< 
had rendered the oligarchy such assistance in the contest wit] 
G. Gracchus, with the attack on the jury courts. He came foi 
ward with measures of reform which he believed would satisi 
all XMurties. He proposed that colonies should be founded ii 
Italy and Sicily, that the senate should be increased b] 
the addition of three hundred new senators chosen from th( 

* So long as the demands of the Italians were mixed np with, those of the revolution- 
ary party at Bome. and had, in the hands of the latter, been rejected bv the folly of the 
inm»fe», they might still resign themselves to the belief that the oligarchy had been hos- . 
tile merelv to the proposers, not to the proposal itself, and that there was still a possi- 
bility that the more mtellisent senate would accept a measure which was compatible 
with the nature of the oligarchy and salutary to the state. But the recent years, in 
which the senate once more rulra almost absolutely, had shed, only too disagreeable a 
light on the designs of the Roman oligarehv atleo.—Mommsen, 1. c. vol. iii., p. sSlS. 

* Svery one in the eovemment party who was still alive to the fact that governing 
implied not merely rights but duties, every one in fact who still felt anv nobler or prouder 
ainbitioD within him, could not but rise In revolt against this oppressive and disgraceful 
potitiea] control, which precluded any possibility or upright administration. The scan- 
oaioQ^ condemnation of Rutilius Rufns seemed a summons to Ix^n the attack at once, 
and Marens Livius Dnmis. who was tribune of the people b. c. 01, regarded the tuinmons 
•e spedally addressed to himeelf.— Jfamffwen, 1. c. vol. lii., p. 881. 



equestrian order, and that the jurymen ^ should be taken from 
the senate,* thus increased in numbers. There was neither 
in Italy nor in Sicily sufficient public land for this purpose, 
and the senators were indignant that the equifes were to 
be admitted to the senate, while the equites had no desire 
to transfer to a few of their own order the share in the 
administration of justice which they all enjoyed Still the 
most eminent men in the state &vored the proposals, many of 
those whom Cicero in his history of Boman eloquence men- 
tioned as the most renowned orators of their times.* The agi- 
tation began anew, and party spirit ran high. It soon became 
evident to Livius that the people did not favor his proposals. 
He sought to conciliate them by another agrarian law, by fresh 
distributions of corn, and in order to defray the expense, issued 
copper denarii, plated to resemble those of silver.^ He even held 
out to the Italian allies the promise of the Boman franchise. 

5. The Proposals Carried. — When Idvius found that 
these new measures were far from being welcome to the aris- 
tocracy, and were violently opposed by the capitalists, he em- 
braced all his proposals in one law ; and as those interested in 
the distribution of com and land had at the same time to vote 
for the clause in regard to the jurymen, the proposals were 
carried, although amid scenes of violence. The consul Phi- 
lippus, a furious opponent of Drusus,* summoned the senate to 

i Tlie punishment of corrapt JiUTmen wms to be entrusted to a special commiMioo, 
^wutio ptrpttua. 

* Lex Jvdiearia ; Llyins hoped that these proposals would he aooeptable to both 
parties, hot they reallj satialled none. 

* L. Liclnln)< Ctasiqifl, M. Antonins, Q. Mndns ScsTola, Q. Latatins Catalns, O. Avrt- 
Has Cotta, and P. Snlpicios Rnfas. Cioero was hi this year (b. c. 91) alreadj AAeeii 
years of age. He knew them pen«onally, and ha I heard them with admiration. 

* Lexnummaria 


M. Lmcs Dbusus, trib. pi., 
Killed B. G. 91. m. Sbbtiua. 

L. Dbusus Claubiahus. 

M. Lit. nBcrsus Lebo (adopted), 

cos. B. C. 1&. m. POMFB/A. 

LrriA Dbubilla, afterwards nauMdJnu 
Augusta, m. 1. Tdbrius. 2. Auer^r* 


& a 91.] THE sa^RUGGLB fOJBL THfi FRAKCHlSfi. 236 

declare the livian laws null because they were' carried in 
Tiolation of a recent law.^ After a stormy session^ the senate 
decreed the abrogatioQ of the laws. Drusus disdained to make 
use of his veto ; he contented himself with remarking that it 
was the senate that had riveted the equestrian yoke upon its 
own neck. 

6. The Death of Dnunw. — Only about two months more 
remained for Drusus to perform his promise to the allien' 
The opposition was formidable. The aJlies looked to him as 
their leader, and were ready to take up arms for their rights. 
The ferment soon became so great that ciyil war was threatened. 
The opposite party looked upon Drusus as a conspirator, and 
the yery day before the assembly was to meet to vote od his 
proposal to grant citizenship to allies, he was assassinated in 
his own house. Turning to those around him, well might he 
ask as he was dying, '^ Friends and neighbors, when will the 
republic have another citizen Uke me?"^ for he had lost his 
life in attempting to overthrow the power of the capitalists, to 
restore the state by a systematic colonization, and to avert the 
impending civil war. Suspicion fell upon the tribune elect, Q. 
Varius, and particularly upon the consul Fhilippus. 

7. Rupture witii the Allies. — Notwithstanding the death 
of Drusus, his colleagues in the tribunate favorable to the 
measure, hoped still to succeed, and the allies were summoned 
to Some to assist in carrying it Q. Pompffidius Silo was 
already on the way with ten thousand Marsians. when one of the 
ambassadors who had been sent to pacify the Italians, met him 
and induced him to return by saying that the senate had already 
decided to give the allies the franchise.^ The Italians had long 
been making preparations for revolt, and had secretly collected 
arms and made treaties. The Roman praetor, Oajus Servilius, 
hearing that the town of Asculum in Kcenum was preparing 

'Tbeter CcBCiHa DUOa, p. 9S9, notes. 

■ Lex de elvUaU soeUs (kmda ; that the action of the senate had so embittered Dnvtoii 
and caused him in the last two months of his ttibnnate to propose this law, is testified to 
in the most poetttre maimer bj Vellejns Patercnlns (ii. 14). See A^, 1. c. voL it, p. SO, 

* Soqwtndtme 9bnUmnmH Hvem AabMt rettpubitea.'-Y^ \ly \A. 

* See DIodoniB 97, 19 f. ; also Lange, 1. c. ill., p. 10& 

236 THE dTfiUaOLS F0& THE PRAKCHISS. [b. C. 90. 

for reyolt, proceeded there and threatened the inhabitants in the 
most vehement language. The sight of the fasces and the threats 
of the prsBtor aroused the people ; Servilius was seized and pot 
to death, together with his legate and all the Bomans in the 
\ ' place. This was the signal for a general insurrection. The 
^fiPiF^fi VestinianSy Marsians^ Pelignians, Mar mcinianSy Sani- 
nites, and Lucanians, were .soon in ann& The communities 
witli Latin rights, that were scattered throughout Itai^-thi^ 
Etruscans and the TJmbrians^ as well as most of th e Gree k 
cities, adhered to the fortunes of Bome. 

8. The Gk)vermnent of the AIIii66.-^In the meantime, 
the allies had prepared for war, and, with bitter hatred againfit 
their former rulers, they determined to destroy Bome. They 
fixed upon Corfinium in the beautiful valley of the Atemus* 
(Pescara) as the new capital of Italy. Its name was changed 
to Italica,^ and citizenship was to be conferred upon all who 
joined the insurrection. The form of government was borrowed 
from that of Bome. It was to have a senate of five hundred 
members, which elected two consuls — the Marsian Q. Pompffidias 
Silo, the chief instigator of the war, and the Sanmite O. P^ias 
Mutilus — ^who were to conduct the war, and twelve praetors. 
The Latin and Samnite languages were equally recognized, 
though the Latin was used in ofiicial intercourse. The soul of 
the insurrection were the brave Marsians, and from the promi- 
nent part they took in the struggle, it has frequently been 
called the Marsic war. They had served in the Boman armies, 
and were armed and disciplined like the Bomans. The Bomans 
themselves said of them, *^ Who could triumph over the Mar- 
sians, or without them ? "* 
^ 9. Commencement of Hostilities.— The best officers of 
j / all parties, Qajus Marius, the democrat, a well-known sympa- 
I I thizer with thetlalians ; Luc ius Su lla, the hero of the war ; 
; I Publius-Sulpicius Bufus, the friend of Drusus, and Pompejns 
/ I Strabs, all oBered their services to the consuls. • An army of 

. - * In Oacan, Vitellia, a name found upon th» coins that the confederacy inoed. 

* * Appian, 1. c. il., 68S. 

* There were ten lieatenant-commanders : tiie two ooneuls were Lndns OBoar, i^ 
gained a victorj at Acerne, and PubUo^ Etatilius Lapos. 


one handred thousand men was placed in the field. The 
linsorgentfl, however, had an army equally large, and were 
jbetter .prepared^ Of the details of the war but little is known ; 
it is clear, however, that the military operations were mostly 
confined to two districts — the northern, extending from Pice- 
nnm to the borders of Campania, where the Latin language 
vi'as spoken ; and the southern, embracing Campania, Sam- 
kium, and the states where the Sabellian language was spoken.^ 
ITbese two districts formed throughout the war two distinct 

10. CoDcessioiifl. — ^The Bomans fought with alternate 
victories and defeats until near the close of b. c. 90, when it 
became known that the Etruscans and the Umbrians were about 
to join the insurrection. The majority of the senate saw that 
the time had come for concessions, and the Bomans were com- 
pelled to concede the very privileges that they had so long 
withheld : 

1. TheJuUjjj^ffv? carried by the consul Julius Csssar, 
grantelRRS^n^^e to all the Latins, and to the other Italians 
who had remained faithful to Bome or had laid down their 
arms. The new citizens were to be confined to eight tribes, 
AB the freedroen were to four. 

2. The lex Platitia Payi ria • prescribed that every citizen 
of an Italian ^ tuwu tiliOlilff^ceive the franchise, provided that 
he was at that time a resident of Italy, and appeared before 
the Boman prsstor within sixty days to register his name. 

The effect of these concessions was immediately apparent. 
The insurrection became disorganized. Many fell away from 
the confederacy and hastened to avail themselves of the pardon 

* Id tlie northern district. Silo commanded aealnst the consal Pabllus Lapna ; in the 
■onthem, Cieur commanded ac^ainet the Samnite Oajas Paplas Matilns. 

* Lex JvHa, JDe HvUaie aodis danda : carried near the close of b. o. 90. 

* Piopoead by the tribunes PUratios Silvanns and Fapirios Carbo either in December, 
B. c. (N>, or Janoaiy, 60. 

* The Po was reckoned as the northern bonndary of Italy. According to Hommsen 
(▼ol. iii., p. 260 f.), Latin rights were conferred upon the commnnities between the Po 
and the iQps, in consequence of a law carried by the consul Strabo. Zumpt (De OaiHa 
Bom. pftWMCto), however, seems to have conclut^ively proved that the/tM taai was not 
beBiowed np<m the oommnnlties between the Po and the Alps, but that citijcenshlp was 
only granted to the Latin colonies, and the J<m Latii to some communities which seemed 
to deserve it See Lange, 1. c. vol. iii., p. lIS. 


offered by the goverDment The second and third campaigns ' 
were decidedly favorable to the Romans^ and the war Beemed 
near its close, although Nola was still in the possession of the 
Samnites, and the army of the Lucanians and Samnites in 
southern Italy, under Pontius Telesinus, was still in arms, 
when extraordinary events occurred at Bome, which caused 
Sulla to raise the siege of Nola, march to Borne, and com- 
mence the Civil war. In order to understand these events, it is 
necessary to revert to the internal history during the Social war. 
11. The Vaxian ProBecntions. — Even before hostilities 
had broken out, the most radical of the optimates and the 
capitalists mercilessly pursued the partisans of Dmsus, whom 
they regarded as the cause of the war. At the instigation of 
Q. Varius, a low demagogue, an investigation was ordered 
against all who had directly or indirectly favored the demands 
of the Italians for citizenship.' The most eminent senators 
were dragged before the equestrian courts and compelled to go 
into exile. Even ^milius Scaurus, the president of the 
senate, was compelled to appear before this tribunaL He 
deigned only to reply : ^^ Varius, the Iberian, accuses ^milius 
Scaurus, the prince of the senate, of exciting the Italians to 
revolt. Scaurus denies it. Quirites I* which of them do yoa 
believe ?^^ The people acquitted him with acclamation. As 
the war progressed, party spirit began to cool amid the disasters 
that befell the Romans on all aides* A reaction set in that 
was soon visible in Rome's policy at home and abroad. Besides 
measures of compromise,^ the tribune Plautius Silvanus carried 
a law which deprived the knights of their control of the 
judicial power, and entrusted it to jurymen chosen by the 
tribes.^ The convictions under the law of Varius had been the 
work of the knights encouraged by the extreme senatorial 

' B. C. 89 and 88. 

* This law, lex de nufitftaU ; vt qwerereiur de Ut <r»on>'n ope eotuUUMie eoeli ecmtra 
paoutum Bcmanum arma eumpmeent^ wm propoeed Mwn after Vaiins entered the 
trfbunate, i. e.. either in December, b. o. 91, or in Jannary, b. o. 90. 

* Tbat is, citizen!*. See p. 16, n. 4. 

* L. Calpomtns Pi8o carried a law {lex Oatoumia de dMtate) wlilch e m po w ed a gea* 
eral to confer citlKen^hin on the Itelfan!* penrtn^ in his army. 

' The lex PtauitaJudieaHa ; each tribe was to choose lA Jniymen tfom the eenaton, 
eqttitea, or people. 


party. The passage of this law shows that the moderate party 
had obtained the upper hand. The ultras were in turn con- 
demned and compelled to go into exile, among whom was 
Yarius himsell This prosecution arrayed party against party 
and sowed the bitterest discord among the people. 

12. The Conditioii of tbe Allies. — The results of the 
war had completely justified the concessions of the moderate 
party ; but the manner in which the concessions ^ had been 
made produced deep discontent among the allies. The new 
citizens had been crowded into ?ighti ^"^h^**, which were tQ«£gte 
last^ and in case twenty-two out of the thirty-five old tribes 
agreed, the matter was already decided, and the new tribes did 
not come to a vote at all. Besides, the increase in the num- 
ber of citizens' was so great that no public place in Bome was 
large enough to contain them. Scattered as they were all over 
Italy south of the Po, it was impossible for the vast multitude 
to come to Bome on the days when the public assemblies were ' 
held.' The restrictions under which they voted might have | 
been necessary and beneficiail, had the Boman citizens been * 

^ Inwt<fd of gnnting equality of rUhts to all Italian commanities, the Bomans had 
onlj ezpreised the Inferiority in anotner form. They had received a great namber of 
It^oan commanities into Boman citixenahip, but had attached to what they thus con- 
ferred an injuriouB stigma, by placing the new eitisens alongside of the old oir nearlr 
the same footing as the freedmen occupied alongside of the free bom. They had irri- 
tated rattier than padfled the communities between the Po and the Alps hr the oonoea- 
sion of Latin rights. Ijwtly, ther had withheld the franchise from a comadenble, and 
that not the worst, portion of too Italians— the whole of the insurgent communities 
which had again submitted: and not only so, but, instead of restoring in a legal shape 
the former treaties annulled by the insurrection, they had at the utmost renewed them 
as a matter of favor and rendered them revocable at pleasure. The disability as regarded 
the right of voting gave the deeper offence, that it was—as the eomUia were then con- 
stitntnl — politically absurd, and the hypocritical care of the government for the un- 
stained parity of the electors i^peared to every nnpreindiced person ridiculous; but all 
these restrictions were dangerous, inasmuch as they luvited every demagogue to canr 
his ulterior objects bv taking up the more or less Just demands of the new citizens and 
of the Italians excluded from the franchise. . . . But still deeper Indignation swelled 
the heart of the old man (i. «., Marlus) who had gone forth to the Itelian war with 
revived hopes and had come back from it relnctantly, with the consciousness of having 
rendered new services, and of having received in return new and moiit severe mortifica- 
tions, with the bitter feeling of being no longer dreaded, but despised by his enemies, 
with that gnawinff spirit or vengeance in his heart which feeds on its own poison.— 
Jfomiiwfli, 1. c. Tof. ill, p. 988 ff. 

* According to Liyj (epit. bczxviii), the number of dtiaens for b. o. 70 was 900,000 ; 
while the last censas before the war showed 894.886; see p. 989, n. 8. 

' This Marsic war, which introduced the Italians into Bome, permanently destroyed 
the unity of the city (see p. 911), which had so long been maintained by the patricians. 
Before the old temple of Qnirinos, says Pliny (zv. 80), there grew two myrtles, the 
one patrician, the other plebeian. The first which bad been green and vigorous up to 
the Music war. thereafter languished and withered^ while the other flourished and grew 
strong.— FoJ. Max.^ Iz. 6. 

240 THE 8TBUGGLE FOB THE 7BA17GHI8E. [B. C. 88. 

what they onoe were ; but the people long ago had lost all power, 
and the voters in the public assemblies were for the most part 
an ignoble rabble^ composed of the fieedmen of all nations. 
They took^ however, the spirit of ancient Borne, believed them- 
selves Romans, asserted their superiority over the new citizens, 
and defended the unity of the city. Finally, the franchise had 
been entirely withheld from the Samnites, who had remained 
in arms^ and had not complied with the provisions of the 
Plautian law. 

13. The Financial CMsis. — ^Meanwhile events had oc- 
curred in the East which rendered it imperatively necessary to 
declare war against Mithridates, king of Pontus, and to assign 
one of the consuls^ with a new army to conduct the war there 
(b. G. 88). The state treasury, however, after a war of two 
years, was completely exhausted, and in order to equip a new 
army, the Romans had to raise money by selling for building 
lots the land in front of the capitol, which had been left vacant 
for the use of the pontiffs, augurs, and flamens. The dis- 
tress produced by the Social war, followed by the breaking oat 
of hostilities with Mithridates, ruined thousands. The capi- 
talists and all who had their property invested in Asia Minor, 
no longer receiving returns, were compelled to suspend pay- 
ments Terrible financial distress set in at Rome, and interest 
rose to enormous rates. The debtors in their distress sought 
relief from the prsBtor A. Sempronius Asellio, who revived the 
Oenucian law which authorized the debtors to sue for fourfold 
the amount of interest paid above the legal rate.' This so 
enraged the creditors that they assembled in the forum and 

attacked and killed the praetor before the eyes of the people.' "^ 

* See p. 388. * Salla was elected consol for B. o. 88. ' See p. 81 

' Hattore fitood again exactly as thev bad stood during tlie strife of the orders ; ooee 

more the capitalists in league with the prejudioed aristocmcr made war agalnfi. si» 

prosecated. toe oppresced mnltltnde and the middle party which adTised a modUcstioo 

of the rigid letter of the law : once more Rome Bto<>d on the verge of that ahfss into 

the prince and the beggar meet ; now eveiTthing had come to be on a broader, more 
abrupt, and fearfully grander scale. When the Social war brought all the pottdcal vn 
social elementfl fermentins among the citizens into collision witn each other, it laid fi^ 
foundation for a new revolution.— IfommMA, 1. c. vol. iii., p. 871 f. 

B.a 88.] THB FIB8T CIVIL WAB. 241 

The Fibot Civil Wab (B. C. 88-86).— The Peosobiptiow 
OF THE Senatorial Pabty (B. C. 87). 

1. The Rise of Sulla. — Meanwhile the war in the East 
grew more threatening every day^ and the senate was compelled 
to assign the management of it to one of the consuls. The lot 
fell a(K>n Sulla, who was still engaged in the siege of the Sam- 
nites and the Lncanians in Nola. The selection of Sulla deeply 
offended Marius, who had long regarded the conduct of that 
war as his due. Sulla^ howe?er, during the Social war^ had 
greatly increased his popularity. In the campaign against 
Jugurtha as Marius's legate, he had first displayed that bravery 
and audacity to which he owed his reputation. He took part 
in the Cimbric wars, where he displayed his remarkable talent in 
a still more striking manner. In b. c. 93 he was elected pr»tor, 
and, at the Apollinarian games, he exhibited for the amusement 
of the people a hundred African lions which were put to death 
in the circus by archers sent from Africa. A few years later 
when Bocchus had gilded figures erected in the capitol repre- 
senting the surrender of Jugurtha to Sulla, the exasperation of 
Marina knew no bounds. In the Social war private quarrels 
had been hushed, and Marius and Sulla both offered their 
services. But Mariu? was so far advanced in age that he lost 
his renown as a soldier, and saw the laurels which he hoped to 
gather reaped by his opponent Sulla's brilliant exploits estab- 
lished his reputation as a soldier, and raised him to the consul- 
ship ; and now, entrusted by the senate with the command in 
the East, new fields of conquest were open to his ambition. 

2. The Snlpician Laws (b. c. 88). — Marius, however, had 
long coveted this distinction, and determined not to yield to 
his rival without a struggle. He left his beautiful villa at 
Misenum, and appeared daily in the Oampus Martins, and ex- 
ercised with the young men. His enemies asked him what had 
become of the nervousness which had paralyzed his movements 

242 THE FIBST CIVIL WAB. [B. C. 88. 

in the Social war. In order to regain his popularity, he under- 
took the cause of the Italians, and induced the tribune P. Sul- 
picius, who had renounced his nobility ^ in order to become a 
candidate for the tribunate, to propose measures to conciliate 
the Italians and the knights, and finally to procure for him 
the conduct of the Asiatic war. These proposals were : 

1. That the new citizens and freedmen should be distrib- 
uted among all the tribes.^ 

2. That those citizens condemned under the Yarian law 
should be recalled from exile.' 

3. That every senator who owed more than two thousand 
denarii ^ should forfeit his seat in the senate." 

3. Civil War (b. o. 88). — ^SuUa returned to Borne to pie- 
vent the tribune from carrying these rogations, and declared 
all the remaining days of the year holidays;* during which 
no business could be legally transacted. This, however, 
made no difference to Sulpicius. With a body-guard of six 
hundred knights whom he called his anti-senate, and three 
thousand freedmen, he compelled Sulla, amid scenes of tumult 
and bloodshed^ to withdraw the juatitium.^ After Sulla had 
left the city, Sulpicius came forward with his principal pro- 
posal : that the command in the Mithridatic war should be 
transferred to Marius.' Two military tribunes sent to the 

* As none tmt plebeianB could hold this office, patricians often renonnoed the priti- 
leges of their rank in order to be qnallfied ; this was called iratuU^ ad pUbem, 

* Vt nofoi dves fibertinique in omnea trVma diatrUntermtur.—IAyr. Bp. 77 ; If the allies 
were admitted to all the tribes, they wonld oatnnmber the old ettixens, and could ea^y 
confer the command on Marios. 

* UIH ^ecti rtwKorentur.—lAy. Bp. 77 : i. «., those eqoites who were oondemned iftar 
the change in the popular feeling. See p. 9SS. 

* About HOO. 

■ This was also in the Interest of the eqnites, as the senate, thus purified, was to be 
filled up from their order {Plul, 8uUa^ 6). For a different Interpretation of these lawn, 
see Mommsen, I. c. vol. ill., p. 274 f. 

* FerUB impertUiwE ; all da/s with the Romans were either eUeffatH, when bo»loe» 
could be transacted, or diet n^attiy when business was suspended,. All d]ftys oonsecnted 
to the worship of the gods, to feasts or eames, were />«M. and were either y^frt^ /wMof 
or privakB. Ferim piMicct were : (l)/«rMB Uativat^ nolidays observed eveiy year od » 
lUod day ; (2) f«ria ooncqMvcB were observed every year on dnys fixed by the prisstf ; 
(^ ferUB impiraiivm were extraordinary holidays for supplication or thankqfpriitg 
appointed by the magistrates. 

' A time in which all public business was suspended. It was proclaimed by the woati 
and magistrates in times of public danger, and wnen tranquillity had been restored It wii 

* Ut Sulla imperium abroaaretur. O. Metric primto proamwleprovinda JMa 4 Mtaa 
d^otmfntur Mithrid<Uieum.-Uy, Bp. 77 ; also Plut Mar. 84, Soli. 8. 

B. C 88.] THE fXBST CIVIL WAB. 243 

oonsurs camp before Kola to take command of the army for 
Marias were killed by the soldiers, who, correctly interpreting 
the wish of their beloyed leader, demanded to be led to Borne. 
At the head of six legions Snlla set out for the city. The 
resistance of Marias and Salpicios was soon overcome, and for 
the first time in the annals of the city a Roman army encamped 
within the walls ; for the first time party questions were solved 
by the sword. On the next day Sulla summoned the senate, 
which declared Marias and Sulpicins and ten others public 
enemies. Sulpicius was overtaken and put to death, but 
Marius succeeded in making his escape. 

4. LegiBlatioa of Sulla. — ^The Sulpician laws were an- 
nulled, and such new provisions as seemed necessary for the 
secnrity of the oligarchy were carried : 

1. The power of the tribune was limited as it was before 
the Hortensian law, that is, every proposal must first be sab- 
mitted to the senate and could only come before the people in 
case the senate approved.^ 

2. The old Servian arrangement for voting in the comitia 
centurvUa was restored.' 

3. The senate was filled up by the admission of three hun- 
dred new members selected from the party of the optimates. 

To relieve the condition of the poor and of the hard- 
pressed debtors, colonics were founded and the old law in re- 
gard to the maximum rate of interest was restored.' After 
holding the consular elections for b.c. 87, in which Gn. Octavius^ 
a strict optimate, and Cornelius Cinna, a member of the Map 
rian party, were elected, Sulla, first making Cinna promise 
that he would not disturb the existing order of things, left 
Italy to commence the campaign against Mithridates. 

5. The WandeiingB of Marina. —Meanwhile Marius had 
met with the most remarkable adventures. The victor of Ver- 
cells had still a strong hold on the affections of the people, 
and all Italy was interested in his fate. He embarked from 

* The l€X OonuUa I\fmp^a de trilwnieki poUstais. 

* The Ux OffmMa Fofn^a de camUUe cm^uriaUt / eee p. SI ■ See p. 68. 

244 THE FIBST OIVIL WAR. [B. C. 88. 

1 ■ r ——Mil 1^—— ■ ■ ■ I ^^-TM— I ■ —I 1 1 - I ■! I ■ ■ ^m^m^^^^m^^^^ ^^ ■ f 

Ostia^ in a ?es8el bound for Africa, but a storm compelled bim 
to land at the Gircejan promontory. Being deserted bj the 
sailors, he took refuge at first in the hut of a poor fisherman, 
and then in the marsh near Minturnas, where, in order to con- 
ceal himself he sank in the mud up to his throat Here he was 
discoYored and dragged before the magistrates of Mintamse, 
for a proclamation had already been made in all these towns 
that a general searx^h should be made for Marius, and that be 
should be put to death wherever he was found. The magis- 
trates sent a slave — one of the Cimbri whom Marius had sent 
to Italy— to put him to death. The prison in which he lay was 
dark, and, to the frightened barbarian the eyes of the old gen- 
eral seemed to flash fire, and from the darkness a haughty Toioe 
demanded : ^^ Durst thou kill Oajus Marius.'' ^ 

6. Marina's Escape to Afiica.~The sword fell from 
the hand of the barbarian, and he fled exclaiming : ^* I cannot 
kill Oajus Marius.'' When the magistrates heard this, they 
were struck with remorse at their conduct towards the pre- 
server of Italy. " Let him go," said they ; 'Het the exile go 
nnd await his destiny in some other land. It is time that we 
who have refused the poor, the naked wanderer the rights of 
hospitality, should deprecate the anger of the gods.** They 
got a vessel ready, and sent him to the island of j£naria 
(hcMa), where he was joined by many of his proscribed 
friends. From here he sailed for Africa ; but hearing on the 
way that his son had taken refuge with Hiempsal, king of 
Numidi% he landed at the site of Carthage. He had scarcely 
set foot on shore when the praetor Sextilius sent an officer who 
said : ** Marius, I come from the praetor to tell you that he. 
forbids you to set foot in Africa. If you do not obey, he will 
execute the decree of the senate and treat you as a pnbUc 
enemy." On hearing this Marius was struck dumb with grief 
and astonishment. At length he said with a sigh, ^^ Go tell 
the praetor that you have seen Oajus Marius a fugitive sitting 
amidst the ruins of Carthage." At length, being joined by his 

* Se^ map, p. W»-7. » Pint. Mat. 

B. C. 87.] THE FIBST CIVIL WA£. 245 

son, he cioeaed to the island of Gercina,* where he waited for 
the falfillment of the propheey of the Utican seer, for he had 
not yet heen consul for the seventh time. 

7. The Marian Party. — Scarcely had Sulla departed, 
when Ginna, supported by the majority of the tribunes, pro- 
posed that the new citizens and freedmen should be enrolled 
in the thirty-five tribes,^ and that the exiles should be recalled.' 
The senate, headed by Octavius, determined not to yield. Both 
parties appeared armed on the day of voting. Octavius, after 
a dreadful conflict, in which as many ss ten thousand were slain, 
gained the victory. Ginna, being deprived of his office and 
driven from the city, fled to the army of Claudius, whom Sulla 
had left in command in Gampania. Having obtained its 
support, and being joined by a vast number of the Italians,* he 
marched to Bome. The senate recalled the army of Pompejus 
Strabo from Gisalpine Gaul, and directed Metellus Pius, who 
had charge of the war against the Samnites, to conclude peace, 
and return to Rome. When Marius heard of these events, he 
set sail from Africa, landed at Telamon with a few followers, and 
occupied one place after another on the coast until Ostia fell 
into his hands. This cut Rome off from communication with 
the sea, and Maiins moved rapidly up the Tiber, captured Mons 
Janicolus and united his forces with those of Ginna. Strabo 
and Octavius succeeded in retaking the.Janiculus, and the 
senate, in order to increase the army, conferred citizenship 
on all the allies w4io had been subdued in the Social ^r and 
had not complied with the lex PlauHa Papiria,* A few of the 
government troops arrived, not more than sixteen cohorte, not 
enough to supply the places of those who had fallen. 

& The Proscription of the Senatorial Party. — The 
government, however, did not despair. On the arrival of 
Metellus, it prepared to offer battle to the insurgents on the 
Alban Mount, but the untrustworthiness of the army compelled 

the senate to capitulate. Ginna was recognized as consul, and 

— — — ~^ — I ■ ' ■ - ■ , ■ . 

* Tlw lex C&metkt ds fuyoomm dMum et HbefUnortun tuffiragilU^ probably a re-enact* 
ment of the X» SulMa; see p. MS. * The lex Oomena de easm^ue revoeatuHe, 

* An many as thirty lonons. 

* The lex OorneUa de C. Morio et cettrit exuWme revocandie. * See map, p. S17. 


with the sole condition to refrain from bloodshed, was admitted 
into the city. Bat Marias refased to enter the gates until 

^ the sentence of oatlawry against him was recalled. The armies 

then marched in, and the soldiers were let loose for a massacre, 
which lasted five days. The most distinguished men of the 

I state were put to death and their property was confiscated. The 

consul Octavius was slain while sitting in his carule chair and 
arrayed in his consular robes. Among the slain were L. Julias 
GsBsar, the hero of Acerrse,* and his brother Gajus, M. Anto- 
niusi the celebrated orator, Q. Lutatius Catulus, who had tri- 
umphed with Marius over the Gimbri, and P. Licinius Grassus 
Dives. Ginna was soon tired of the slaughter, but Marius 
required new victims every day. The bodies were refused 
burial, the heads of the senatoi^ were fixed to the rostra in the 
forum. Marius revelled in the scenes of blood, and his body- 
guard of Vardsejans, as he called the band of Dlyrian slaves 
who had escaped from the ergastula ^ in Etruria and fled to 
him, struck down every one who displeased him. Sulla was 
proscribed and his property confiscated. 

9. The Seventh CoiunilBhip of BCaximi.— Without the 
forms of an election Ginna declared himself and Marius con- 
suls for the next year (b.c. 86). The Utican seer was right 
The gods granted Marius the seventh consulship, but fear of 
Sulla and pangs of conscience haunted him day and night 
Hated by all parties, he sought forgetfulness in the wine<up, 
and, wearied with life, he died on the thirteenth day of his 
consulship, in the seventy-first year of his age. Order was in 
some measure restored, though for two years longer Ginna 
disregarded all constitutional forms and exercised dictatorial 
powers. L. Valerius Flaccus was appointed consul in the place 
of Marius, and suitable laws' were carried by the two consuls 

* Those were dave pene. * See map No. <L 

* The Ux PUnUiaJutiicaria (p. S88) wm repealed and Uie Jorymen were to be takto 
exclarivejj from the eqtdUi ; tho laws of Salla {UneM OomdUi) were repealed : the proT- 
Ince« redbtrlbnted : a oenras was taken (b. o. S6) for the pnrpow or distributing tlie 
Italiane io all the tribeB according to the lex Oomdia ds nowrum dvhnn tMgiragH^ hot 
the retums save only 468,000 (In b. c. 115, 894,886), Bhowing that only a few of the new 
dtizons had compiled with the Plantlan law ; and Flaocm) carried a law Uat VaUria dt 
aire alieno) to necnre the favor of the people, which cancelled all debts by tne payment of 
onefoarth of the amount due— -a mea<4are that had become necewair* becacue (<Qch a ]ugt 
number of Roman citizens had lost thehr property invested iu Asia Ifinor. In coiue:.iieoo» 
of Uie Mithridatte war. ^^ 


which they hoped would render their anthority secure. The 
goTemment of Cinna was a real tyranny. In utter disregard 
of the people to whom he owed his power^ he had himself and 
Cn. Papirius Carbo declared consuls for the two following years. 
Meanwhile L. Valerius Flaccus had been appointed to super- 
sede SuUa, and had departed on his perilous mission. 

•• ♦•> 

Thb Fiest Mftheidatic War (B. C. 88-84). 

1. Mithrldat^Wi and the East — The arrangements which 
the Bomans had made in Asia Minor after the subjugation of 
Aristonicus^ remained unchanged, except that Phrygia had 
been added to the Boman province.' The other countries, al- 
though nominally free and governed by independent princes, 
had been treated more and more by Rome as dependent states. 
Pontus, the most remote of these kingdoms in the northeast, 
extending along the Euxine sea from the river Halys to the 
frontiers of Colchis, had, like the others, originally been a 
satrapy of the Persian kings. The country had, however, for 
many centuries been independent, and the throne had de- 
scended through eight generations to Mithridates YI., sumamed 
Eupator, and the Great He was only twelve years old when 
his father was cut off by the dagger of an assassin (b.c. 120). 

2. Bis Plans of Conquest — Mithridates became a man 
of remarkable powers of mind and body.' As soon as he came 

* See pi 179. * The province embraced at first M^rida, Lydla, and Carta. 

* The armor which fitted the gigantic frame of king Mithridates excited the wonder 
of the Axdatics, and still more that of the Italians. As a ranner, he overtook the swif tent 
deer ; ae a rider, he broke in the wild steed, and was able by changing horses to accom- 
plish 1JM> miles in a day ; as a cbarioteer, he drove sixteen in hand, and gained in oompe- 

of dreams and the Qreek mysteries occnpied not a few of the king^s hours— and by a 
rode adoption of Hellenic civilization. He was fond of Greek art and music, that is to 
say, he collected precious articles, rich furniture, old Persian and Greek objects of lux* 
nry— hia cabinet of rings was famous : he liad constantlv Greek historians, philosophers, 
and poets in his train, and proposed prizes at his court festivals, not onJy for the great- 
est eaten aud drinkers, but alao for the merriest Jester and the best singer. He proae* 


of age (b. g. 113), he endeavored to extend his dominions as far 
as he could without coming in contact with the Romans. Col- 
chiSy Lesser Armenia, and the Tanric Chersonese with its capital 
Ponticapaeum (Kertch), were annexed to his kingdom. He 
formed treaties with other tribes on the Black sea, and eyen as 
far as the Danube, and in the East allied himself with Ti- 
granes, king of Armenia, by giving him his daughter in mar- 
riage. After making these preparations, he felt himself strong 
enough to contend with Bome herself. In order to bring Cap- 
padocia^ under his sway, he attempted to place upon the 
throne one of his nephews. The Romans interposed, and 
Sulla, who was then propraetor in Gilicia, received orders to 
interfere. Mithridates was still anxious to avoid a collision 
with Rome, and therefore left the management of affiuis to 
Tigranes. Sulla, with a small force, drove the king's auxiliaries 
out of the country, and permitted the people of Cappadocia to 
choose Ariobarzanes as their king. Sulla, however, had scarcely 
left the country when Tigranes fell upon Ariobarzanes and 
expelled him from Cappadocia (b. c. 92). 

3. Mithridates' Invasion of Asia — ^In the following year 
Mithridates interfered in Bithynia, and set up a rival claimant 
to the throne, although the Romans had recognized Nicomedes 
as king. Ariobarzanes and Nicomedes both appealed to Rome 
for aid. The consul Manius Aquillius was sent to Asia as 

CDted the ezperlmental stadj of poisons and antidotes as an Important branch of tbe 
Inifiiness of government, and tried to inure hla body to particalar poisons. 

Wbat reulT di«tinfi[aiKhe8 Mithridates among the mnltitude of similar sultans was Us 
boondless activity. He dinappeuvd one morning from liis palace and remained nnbeard 
of for months, so that he was given np for lost. When he retnmed, be had wandered 
incognito throogh all Asia Minor, and reconnoitred everywhere the country and people. 
He was not only flaent in (speech, but administered justice to each of the twenty-two 
nations over which be ruled, in its own lancpage, without needing an interpreter. 

Notwithstanding his Hellenic culture, which sat on him not much better than the 
Roman armor on ms Cappadocians, he was throughout an Oriental of the ordinary stamp, 
coarse, full of the most sensual appetites, superstitious, cruel, perfidious, and unscrupa- 
lous ; out so vigorous in organieation, so powerful In physical endowments, that his de* 
iiant laying about him and his unshaken courage in resistance looked like genius. Tbe 
Mithridatic war formed at once the last movement of the political opposiition offered Iff 
Hellas to Rome, and the beginning of a revolt against the Roman supremacy resting on 
very different and far deeper grounds of antagonism— the natlomU reaction of the 
Asiatics against the Occidentals.— i/bmmMn.l. c. vol. ill., p. 875 f. 

* Cappadocia had formerly belonged to Pontus, but when the Romans gave Mitliri- 
dates* father Great Fhrygia (about the same as the present Pbrysria, except that a por- 
tion of its territory on the west had been added to the province of Asia) as a reward for 
his services in the wars against Carthage and against ArlBtonicns, they deprived him of 


enToy to settle the difScalties. Mithridates yielded again, and 
the two kings ascended their thrones. At the instigation of 
Aqnillins, Nicomedes declared war against Mithridates, closed 
the Bosporus to his vessels, and made predatory incursions into 
his territory. The king of Pontus, however, remained un- 
shaken in his policy of peace, until he had applied to the 
Soman envoy either to restrain Nicomedes or to allow him to 
defend himsel£ AquiUius, who had instigated the war for his 
own profit, informed the king that he must refrain from war 
with Nicomedes. This was the old policy of Rome acted oyer 
again. Mithridates, with the courage of despair, prepared for 
war,^ and ordered his generals, Neoptolemns and Archelaus to 
invade Bithynia. They defeated Nicomedes and drove him 
from his kingdom, captured Aquillius and put him. to death 
with torture, and even invaded the Boman province. Here the 
extortions of the tax-gatherers, the rapacity of the Boman mer- 
chants, and the oppression of the slave speculators, had pro- 
duced such deep discontent that the people everywhere hailed 
Mithridates as their deliverer. Civil war had broken out at 
Bome, and Sulla was detained at home. No sufficient force 
opposed the king. From Ephesus, he issued orders to put to 
death on the same day all the Italians with their wives and 
children residing in Asia Minor. ^ Taking up his winter- 
quarters at Pergamus, he sent Archelaus with a fleet to extend 
his'^mpire to the west, while another army advanced along the 
Thracian coast as far as Macedonia. The most of the islands 
of the Grecian archipelago submitted, and even Athens and 
nearly all Greece declared in favor of Mithridates. 

4. Sulla Lands in Epima (b. c. 87). — In the beginning of 
the next year Sulla landed in Epirus with five legions.' Ad- 
vancing directly to Athens, where Archelaus had intrenched 
himself, he captured the city after a stubborn resistance,^ and 
gave it up to plunder and massacre. Meanwhile the second 
army of Mithridates under Taxiles had arrived in Greece, and 

> His Army numbered 960,000 infantiy, 40,000 cavaliy, and 400 nhips. 

* AccoTdlng to nome aoconnta 80,000 were murdered ; aad to otheni, as many as 150,000. 

■ Aboat a(MDO mm- * March 1, 80 b. o. 


ArcfaelaQB joined it in Bceotia. Sulla defeated both armies, 
first at Ghaeronea* (b. g. 86), and then at Orchomenus (b.c. 85). 
Meanwhile Flaccus,^ who had been appointed to supersede 
Sulla» had arrired in Greece with two legions; but finding 
Sulla's soldiers deaf to all his solicitations to desert their com- 
mander, he retired to Macedonia and marched through Thrace 
to Asia Minor. Soon after Flaocus fell a victim to an insurrec- 
tion headed by O. Flayius Fimbria, a Roman demagogue who 
was serving in the army as a legate. He had acquired such 
popularity with the soldiers that on the death of Flaccus he 
was raised by them to the chief command. Sulla took up his 
winter^quarters in Thessaly. ^ 

5. CondoBion of Peace (b. c. 84). —In the meantime 
affairs had changed in Asia Minor. Mithridates had shown 
himself in his true colors of a savage Asiatic despot At first 
he had come forward as a liberator of the Hellenes, but his 
tyranny had alienated these, and all the provincials were ready 
to receive the Romans back. L. Licinius Lucullus, Sulla's 
legate, who afterwards commanded in the second Mithridatic 
war, collected a fleet, and gained two victories off the coast of 
Asia Minor. Just at this time Fimbria had defeated the 
younger Mithridates, captured Pergamus, the capital of the 
Pontic king, and compelled Mithridates himself to take refuge 
in Mitylene. These repeated disasters made Mithridates anx- 
ious for peace. The preliminaries, however, which were settled 
with Archelaus in Greece during the winter, were rejected by 
the king, who asserted that Fimbria would grant more fisivorable 
terms. Sulla broke off negotiations and crossed the Helles- 
pont (b. c. 84). This brought Mithridates to his senses. In a 
personal interview with the king at Dardanus, the terms were 
definitely settled. Mithridates abandoned all his conquests in 
Asia Minor, confined himself to the dominions which he had 
held before the war, paid three thousand talents,' and surren- 
dered eighty ships-of-war fully equipped. 

6. Death of Fimbria.— ^nlla was now at liberty to pro- 

' See p. S47. • Nearly KOOO^OOQ. * See map, p. W. 


ceed against Fimbria, who was at Tbyatira. After yainly 
attempting to induce his soldiers to fight. Fimbria fled to Per- 
gamos and pat an end to his own life.^ Sulla imposed upon 
the inhabitants of the province of Asia an enormous contribu* 
tion of twenty thousand talents,' which delivered them com- 
pletely into the hands of the Boman bankers and speculators, 
from whom they were compelled to borrow the money at an 
exoilHtant rate of interest 

•• ♦ •» 


1. SoUa's Retain to Italy (b.c. 83). — During Sulla's 
absence, the Marian government, under Cinna, had been a real 
despotism* It was evident, from the time that Ginna had de- 
clared him a public enemy and sent Flaccus to relieve him in 
command, that Salla intended to overthrow this government by 
force of arms. Tidings had arrived from time to time of his 
success, and finally in b. c. 84 a letter came from Sulla himself 
to the senate, announcing the end of the war and his return to 
Italy. The first general of the age and at the head of a de- 
voted army, he had little to fear from his adversaries ; yet, 
knowing that their strength lay in the city mob and the Ital- 
ians, he attempted to conciliate both of these by declaring that 
he would respect the rights of the new citizens, and that pun- 
ishment should fall on the authors of the trouble and not on 
the people. 

2. Civil War (b. c. 83).— The senate in alarm sent an 
embassy to Sulla expressing a desire for peace, and at the same 
time ordered the consuls Cinna and Carbo to suspend their 

* His sokHem wure not allowed to return to Rome, Imt were condemned to miUtazy 
ttrrlee fn AtH* Mfnor. 

* Neviy $K,000,000, the amoont of tbe tribute tor Sye jmn. 


preparations for war. This order, however, made no difference 
with the consuls, who knew that a reconciliation was impossible. 
Cinna hastened to Ancona,* with the intention of crossing over 
to Greece to meet Sulla, but the soldiers mutinied and pat him 
to death.^ Still the Marian party continued its preparatiom 
and raised an army of nearly two hundred thousand men. 
There was tremendous excitement in Rome when Sulla landed, 
in the spring of b. c. 83, at Brundisium, with an army of forty 
thousand men. The senate declared the republic in danger 
and bestowed upon the consuls unlimited powers. Snila, 
in his advance through Calabria and Apulia to Campania, 
was joined by Metellus Pius and M. Licinius Crassns, and 
many members of the optimate party. Cn. Pompejus,' the 
son of Pompejus Strabo, rendered important aid by levying 
three legions in Picenum at his own expense, and reinforced 
Sulla in Apulia.' In Campania, at Mount Tifata, Sulla de- 
feated the consul Norbanus, who took refuge in Capua. An 
event now happened, the origin of which was never discov- 
ered, that threw the city into consternation. On the night of 
July 6th (b. g. 83), the temple of Jupiter, on the Capitoline 
hill, was burnt ; even the volumes of the SibyUine oracles were 
destroyed. The destruction of this sanctuary, and of the 
sacred books that had been preserved there since the days 
of the kings, taken in connection with the events that were 
going on in Italy, produced a profound impression on the 
Boman people, and contributed not a little to the belief 
that the downfall of the state was near at hand. Sulla 

* Lncins Sciplo and Gajas Norbanns were elected consolfi for b. o. 88. 

Cn. Pompbjub Stbabo, cos. b.o. 88l 

Ck. Poxpbjtts Maghub, triamvirf m. 
1. Antxstia, 
8. Mmiula^ 
8. MuciA, 

4. JULU, 



Cn. Pokpbjub Magnub, m. Skz. Pompzjvb Maqnub, m. Poxpbja, m. Paubtob 
Claudia ; died, b. o. 46. Scbibonia; died« b.o. 85. Sdula. 

* Sulla saluted bim as imperator, i. «., one coramandinjir with an independent 
Hum ; for the meaning of imperium see pp. 60 and 63, n. 1, 


now turned agaizist Scipio, and opened communications with 
him for peace, and concluded an armistice. By means of 
Sulla's emissaries^ Scipio soon found himself deserted by his 
troops, and as no terms of peace were agreed upon^ was com- 
pelled to resign his office and retire from the war. Sulla and 
Metellus took up their winter-quarters in Campania and main- 
tained the blockade of Capua. 

3. The Battle of Clnsiiim (b. g. 82).— In the meantime 
Cn. Papirius Carbo hastened from the camp of Norbanus to 
Borne, had Sulla and the leaders of his party declared pub- 
lic enemies, and the consulship conferred upon himself and 
Gajus Marius, the younger, although the latter had not yet 
attained the legal age for that office (b. c. 82). Carbo under- 
took the conduct of the war in the north against Metellus, 
while Marius was charged with the task of holding Sulla in 
check in the south. At Sacriportus, between Signia and Prad- 
neste, Marius was utterly defeated and shut up in PrsBueste. 
This left the road to Bome open to Sulla/ but before he could 
arrive there, Marius found time to send orders to the prsetor 
G. Damasippus to evacuate the city after putting to death his 
leading opponents. The most distinguished senators were 
struck down in the senate-chamber ; among the distinguished 
men who fell were the SBdiles Publius Antistius and Gajus 
Carbo, the two best judicial orators of the age, and the ponHfes> 
inaximus Q- Mucins Scsdvola. Sulla entered the city in a few 
days, and after a brief stay there, marched to Etruria to join 
Metellus and Pompejus in the campaign against Carbo. After 
several trifling engagements, he so thoroughly defeated Carbo 
at Clusium, that the latter gave up the war and fled to Africa. 

4. The Battle at the CoUine Gate (b. c. 82). — Mean- 
while the army of the Samnites and Lucanians under Pontius 
Telesinus came to the relief of ProBneste, but finding his 
advance to that city cut ofiF by Sulla, who had hastily come 
from Etruria, he advanced directly upon Bome, "For," said 
Pontius, " there will be no peace for Italy until the forest is 

~- - - ■ _ _ _ - .^ 

* He left Q. Locretias Qfella to continue the siege of Pneneete. 


rooted up in which the Soman wolves have their dens."^ Had 
not Sulla appeared in time^ Borne would haye been lost The 
battle was fought before the Colline gate and was long and 
furious. The victory hung so long in the balance that Sulla 
in despair invoked the Pythian Apollo to lend his aid.* The 
Samnites fought with the courage of despair. The flower of 
their army was cut to pieces, and the prisoners to the number 
of three or four thousand were slaughtered in the Campos 
Martins. Their cries reached the temple of Bellona^* where 
Sulla was haranguing the senate. " It is nothing," said he ; 
** I have only ordered some malefactors to be chastised.'' * This 
ended the resistance of the Marian party in Italy, and the last 
hope of the Samnites perished at the Colline gate.*^ In Sicily 
and Africa Pompejus gained an easy victory over Perpenna and 
Domitius Ahenobarbus, but in Spain Sertorius defied the power 
of Home until b. c. 72. 

5. StiUa Proscribes His Opponents. — Sulla entered the 
city as the head of the optimate party, and alter declaring to 
the people * that he would give them a better constitution, and 
that he should punish the leaders of the opposite party, who 
had taken part in the contest since the armistice with Scipio,' 
he drew up a list ' of those on whom he wished to take ven- 
* geance. It contained the names not only of the leaders in the 
late war, but of the wealthy citizens and disaffected Italians. 
A reward* was set upon the heads of the proscribed, their prop- 
erty was confiscated, and punishment threatened against all 
who sheltered or concealed them. New lists constantly ap- 
peared, and terror reigned not only at Rome but throughout 
Italy. The senate made no objection, and only ventured to 
assign the first of June, b.g. 81, as the limit for the blood r 

» Ven. 87. • Pint. Soil. 89. 

> The temple of Bellona was in the Campus MarHuSj near the dreoe Plamlnfaiii. In 
this the senate recetved foreign ambassadora who were not admitted to the d^, and vte^ 
torioa» generals who claimea the honor of a triomph. It was here (after the &>man'< ex- 
tended Uieir dominioni*, m> that it wvt not practicaole to go to tiie enemy^ci ftontiert that 
,^ t^/etUUis made the declaration of war, for the area of the temple was regarded aa fo^ 
Mgh territory, and the pillar in from (oHumna beiUca) of the temple as the frontier, and 
^ the !/Vtott« hurled the spear over this pillar. 

2 Pint. Sail. 80. • The hattle was fong^ Not. 1, b. o. 88. • In a amflo. 

f See p. 868. • Tabvia progeHp^mifi. * lS,00O<lmartt ^ about tMOa 


work. Lost after list appeared, and as many as forty-seven 
thousand are said to have perished. The confiscated property, 
which Snila himself sold at public auction, was bid in by his 
friends and dependents at a nominal price, as no one dared to 
bid against them.^ Sometimes the purchase money was not 
paid at all, and sometimes Sulla bestowed estates upon his 
favorites without the formality of a public sale. The wealth 
that had been wrung for many generations from the toil and 
blood of the slaves, from the plunder of the provinces, and 
from the mined cities and people of Italy, became the spoil of the 
soldiers, the generals, and the nobles, so that it was a common 
sapng : ^ His fine house was the death of such a one, his gar- 
dens of another, his hot-baths of a third/' One day a stranger 
came into the forum, and reading the list out of curiosity, saw 
his own name among the proscribed. ^' Ah I unfortunate that 
I am," cried he, '^ my Alban villa has killed me." He had not 
gone far before he was overtaken and killed.' It was a fearful 
time; bands of soldiers traversed Italy to hunt down the pro- 
scribed.' Men of wealth were sometimes murdered first and 
then proscribed.^ After this, Sulla celebrated his triumph, had 
the senate legalize all his acts while consul and proconsul, and 
ordered the erection of a gilded equestrian statue of himself 
in front of the rostr% with the inscription, " Z. Cornelio Sulla 
impenUori Felici!^ 

« Ole. Rose. Am. 8. 81 ; Pint Clc. 8. Such creatOTM as P. OorneliiiB ChiyBOgoBOs, G. 
Verres, and P. Goradliu Sulla seized this opportODitj to enrich tbemselyes. 

^ Flat. Soil, aa 

" The Tictoiy of SaOa was the triamph of Borne over Italy ; in Borne Iteelf, that of 
the noblee orer the rich, particularly over the knighte ; w for the common people, they 
eriflted only in name ; 1,600 knlgbto vrere proecribed, with 80 senatore belonging to 
rheir party. The terrible vystem of confiscation was applied to all Italy. In every place 
the men belonging to the opposite party were pot to death, banished, or plundered ; and 
not only themselves, but their parents, their friends, those who knew ihem, those who 
bad spoken to them, and even those who had accidentallv traveled with them. Whole 
cities were proscribed, as well as men, and were plnnderea and depopulated to give place 
to the legions. Above all, the unfortunate Btruria, the only country which had still 
escaped tlie colonies and the agrarian laws, the onlv counttr in which the laborers were 
IpeneraBy free, became the prey of the soldiers. Sulla founded a new town in the valley 
of the Amo, not flir from Fiesole, and called it Florentia.— iijagoton. 1. c ; JtfieAaM, 1. c. 

* Whoever killed one of these outlaws was not only exempt from punishment like 
tn executioner duly fnlfllling his office, but also obtained for tne execution a compensa- 
tion of li.000 tienarU (ISBOO) : any one, on the contrary, who befriended an outlaw, even 
the nearest relative, was liable to the severest punishment. The property of the pro- 
f>cribed was forfeited to the state like the spoils of the enemy ; their children and grand- 
children were excluded rrom a political career, and yet, so far as they were of senatorial 
rank, wore bound to undertake senatorial burd«nt». 

266 THB 8TTLLAK CONSTITUTIOK. [b. C. 82-80. 

csi^prrsi^ XXXIX. 
The Sttllan CoNSTrrunoN (B.C. 83-80). 

1. The Rule of the Senate Restored.— Sulla now had 
time to turn his attention to the reorganization of the govern- 
ment^ in the interest of the nobility. This party, since the 
time of the second Punic war, blind and obstinate, had more 
and more proved its unworthiness to govern the Roman state. 
Sulla, in this restoration of the rule of the senate, restored what 
was already dead, and, blind to the influence of the popular 
party, attempted to push the great revolution back to the point 
at which, in his opinion, it ought to have stopped. It was 
therefore only a temporary arrangement, because the nobility, 
thoroughly corrupt and selfish, exercised the privileges entrusted 
to them, not for the good of the state, but for their own 
aggrandizement. The people soon regained their power, and 
misgovemment and anarchy prepared the way for the rule of 
one man who restored good government and peace to the 
exhausted Boman world. 

2. Sulla Dictator with Fnll Powers.— On the motion 
of L. Valerius Flaccus, the chief of the senate, Sulla was ap- 
pointed dictator with full ^ powers to regulate the state by new 
laws, to confiscate property, to pronounce sentence of death, to 
dissolve or to establish communities in Italy, to fix its bound- 
ary, to found colonies, to confer the imperium, and to dispose of 
the provinces. Hitherto no one had held the office of dictator 
for more than six months ; Sulla was to hold it as long as he 

* Dictator legViw icribendU et reipuMcee comtUuenda, i.e., ettetatorfor tike maUM 
of laws and the regvkMnq qT the commonuMoUk, Sulla in eome mcMiire obcencd tte 
lormH of the constitution In belne Appointed dictator. As a conral only could nomlnaff 
a dictator and both oonrals were acsd, Snlla retired fh>m Rome and the senate deeded an 
interreXn who appointed SuUa dictator. The dictator was formerly apiiointed for a par- 
ticniar piirpoc>e and for a definite time : Solla's dictatorship was nnllmited in both tli^ 
respects. Legally the flrft interrex conld not appoint a dictator, and oonstltationaliy tb« 
dictator was appointed nnder the lex de didatore ereando: bnt Salla wa« appotntcd 
under the lex Valeria. He appeared with twice as many lictorv (twenty-four) u tbt 
dicutor in former times. The Valerian law was carried November, b. o. A 

B. C. 82-80.] THE SUIiLAUr C0N8TITUTI0N. 367 

3. Changes in tiie Constitution.^ — He immediatelj set 
about carrying a series of ]aws to reconstruct the govemment 
in the interest of his own order : 

1. The tribunes were depriyed of all their prerogatiyes 
except that of intercession* In order to make the office 
dependent on the senate, it was enacted that only senators 
could became tribunes, and whoeyer had been elected to the 
tribunate was ineligible to any curule office. 

2. In regard to other magistrates, the regulation of the lex 
annalis was enforced, that no one should be prsBtor before he 
had been qusestor, nor consul before he had been prsBtor. Can- 
didates for the qusBstorship must be at least thirty years of age; 
the law of b. o. 151, which forbade re-election to the consulship, 
was repealed, and that of b. g. 342 re-enacted, by which ten 
years must elapse before the same office could be held a second 

3. The number of prsBtors was increased from six to eight 
and the quaestors from tweWe to twenty. It was definitely ' set- 
tled that the consuls and praetors during the first year of office 
should deyote themselyes to ciyil duties in the city, but dur- 
ing the second year, as proconsuls and propraetors, undertake 
the goyemment of one of the proyinces.* There were at this 
time nine proyinces: Sicilia,* Sardinia, Hispania citerior, HiS" 
pania uUertor, Macedonia (with Achaja), Africa, Aeia, OaUia 
NarhonensiSy Cilida, and Sulla probably organized OaUia 
Cisalpina as the tenth. ^ Sulla undertook the rebuilding of the 
Capitoline temple^ which had been burnt during Oarbo's 
absence from Rome, July 6, b. c. 83, and the reconstruction of 
the senate house. It was at this time that the pamerium, the 

« Lex ComeUa <U Mdunida poiettaU. The right to impeftch befon the people wm ^ 
made dependent on the will of the senate. Aecoraing to M ommeen (!• c. vol. til., p. 880) 
the tiflrasee still had the right, on the provioua pennlwlon of the eeiiAte, to cany laws 
In the aaeembly of tribes. This ylew is contradicted in the moet positive manner by 
the authorities, especially by Cesar (b. c. i., 7), who expressly say* that all the praroff- 
ative9 of the tribunes except that of interce«i«ion were taken away. 

' See p. 188 : this, as many other proTidona of the oonstitntion, had long been the 
cofltom ; now it became a \tgiBl enactment. 

' Breiy magiatcate was to leave his province within thirty days after the arrival of 
his stuooeeeor. * Sec map, p. 485-7. 

* See Mommeen, I. c. voL iii., p. 987 and note. The northern boundary of Italy 
changed from the M^^M to the Sabicon, and abont b. c. 49, to the Alps. 

258 THE fiULLAK COKSTITUTlOlif. [b. C. 82-80. 

dividing line between the civil and the military authority, was 
extended to embrace all Italy, which was henceforth to be 
exempt from military authority,^ the aim being to bring about 
a complete separation between the civil aathority which go?- 
emed in districts inhabited by Roman citizens, and the mili- 
tary aathority which governed in other districts. 

4. The senate, which had been greatly reduced during the 
Civil war, was filled np with three hundred new members, elected 
by the cotniiia tributa^ from the equestrian order. The 
revision of the roll of the senate by the censor was abolished, 
and all who had been quaestors were eligible to a seat in the 
senate. The office of jurymen was restored to the senate, and 
the revival of the old regulation by which the senate had the 
initiative in legislation, kept the public assemblies under its 

5. The foundation of the power of the nobility had been in 
the priestly colleges. Sufla repealed the Domitian law of 
B. c. 104, which bestowed upon the people the right of electing 
the members of these colleges, and restored that of txhoptatio 
or self -election. The number of pontiffs and augurs was 
increased to fifteen respectively.* 

6. The judicial system was reorganized, and permanent 
courts ' were established for the trial of criminal cases. Al- 
ready as early as b. c. 149, by the Oalpumian law, a criminal 
court ^ had been organized for the trial of provincial governors 
in cases of extortion. Sulla established several new ones, and 
henceforth there were separate courts for exactions,' for mur- 
der, for high treason,* for adultery,^ for forging of wills,' for 

' hmperivin mMtioi. 

* "Die kx Oometta de preicripiione has already been mentioned. For ezecntiiig tfet 
pro'viiions of the law more than 10,000 ulaves were freed and enrolled aa a bodr-cnard. 
The work of oonfiMation was intermpted Jan. 97« b. c. 81, by the celebration or Salta'^ 
magniHeent tHamph over M ithridateft. Hifi soldiers were then provided for. Tliey were 
fiettled in all parts of Italy, whole diptricts were depopulated to give place for them. Tbe 
towns, sooh as Nola and Volaterrfe, that refased to receive the new settlers, were reduced 
and compelled to submit, and in place of citizenship received the jut LaHL 

* Quattkmet perpetwe, * Quoutio rerum repdumdamm. 

* Lex Comma de peeukUu. 

* Lex OofneUadenu^tate (i. a, treason against the greatneu [fiu^^Mtoa] of the rtate) 
took the place of the lex Ajmulefa of b. c. 100. 

* IM advUerUe. 

■ Lex Oometta defafeie. 

ft. C. 8S-80. TAt SUtLAl^ COKSTltOTlOK. 269 

injuries* to persons^ and for the disturbance of the public 

7. One of the eight praetors presided in each of these courts, 
while the civil jurisdiction was left as before to the prcBtor 
peregrinus and the prator urhanus, Sulla first established the 
distinction between the trial of civil cases before a single judge, 
and of criminal cases before a bench of jur}Tnen. The jurymen 
were to be taken exclusively from the senators. As only the 
people could pronounce sentence of death or imprisonment, 
and as Sulla had transferred the trial of all cases of treason 
from the popular assembly to the courts, it followed that such 
cases could no longer be capitally punished. This arrangement 
took from the hands of the popular leaders one weapon which 
they had for many years wielded effectively. 

The Sumptuary laws,* probably issued this year, were 
intended in place of the censors to restrain luxury by limiting 
the amount that could be expended at banquets.^ A special 
law restrained the extravagance at funerals. 

These laws were submitted to the people in due form and 

4. Effects of Bis Legislation. — Sulla's work had been 
thorough, and he hoped that his constitution would be per- 
manent. It was a great mistake, however, to suppose that the 
old soldiers whom he settled on the confiscated lands of the 
Italians could become industrious and sober-minded citizens. 
It was a still greater one, to expect that the political ferment of 

> Zk inktrUi. It was ander this last law that Cicero in b. c 80 defended Sex. Boecins. 
(See p. aS0.) 

' Zex ComtUa sumptuaria. 

* These laws enaeted that on the Kalenda, N<me», IdeSy and on the days of the games 
ilidt) and of certain holidavs {Feri(X\ three hundred sest^ces could be expended upon 
entertainments, bat upon other da/s only thirty. The month was diTided by the Romans 
by the Idet into two portions : the Ides in March, May, July, and October fell on the 
fifteenth, and in the other months on the thirteenth. The eighth day before the Ide$ 
w&< termed the Nonm (the Romans included the day from wuch they counted). The 
first of each month was called Kalenda. 

« It is impossible to fix the date accurately for the legislation of Sulla. The first five 
laws were probably issued before Jan. 87, b.o. 81, perhaps in Kovember, b. c. 82 ; the 
triumph was celebrated Jan. 87, B. o. 81 ; from that time until June 1, b. o. 81, was the 
time of the proscription and the settlement of the soldiers in various parts of Italy. 
The other laws were iasned before the end of b. c. 81, and the constitution went into 
effect at the beginning of b. o. 80. See Appian, b. c. 1. 90 ff.: Uvy, ep. 89 ; Clc. Rose. 
Am. 8, SS, 46 ; this case was tried in the summer of b. o. 60 (tieU. 35, 98), and was the 
first that ctfme before the new jurymen.— Zaii^«, 1. c. 157. 


■ — 

the capital, for the moment bashed, would remain forever 
qaiet When agitation began again, party leaders found no- 
where stronger adherents than in these military colonies of 


5. He Refidgna the Dictatorship (b.c. 79).— For the 

space of nearly three years, Sulla, as dictator, had ruled the 

Boman world, when, to the astonishment of all, he resigned 

the regency and declared himself ready to render account to 

any one for his conduct. He retired to Puteoli that he might 

give himself up to that pleasure and rest which had ever been 

the chief aim of his life. Still he could not wholly withdraw 

his attention from public affairs. Only ten days before his 

death he reconciled the contending parties in Puteoli, and 

regulated their police laws. The very day before he died he 

had the quaestor Granius strangled by his bedside because he 

attempted, to withhold the money due the state, hoping that 

Sulla's death would relieve him altogether of regulating his 

accounts. After a brief illness— he finished the twenty-second 

book of his autobiography two days before his death — he died 

in the sixtieth year of his age. Many of his enemies combined 

to prevent his having the usual honors of burial, but his name 

was too powerful, and the senate decreed him a public funeral, 

the most magnificent Bome had ever seen. His soldiers came 

from all parts of Italy to do honor to the old -hero who had led 

them so often to victory. The magnificent procession, headed 

by the senate and the magistrates, the priests and the vestal 

virgins, and followed by the army, legion by legion, reached the 

Campus Martius, where the funeral pile was erected.* Here, 

according to the wish of Sulla himself, the body was burned 

and the ashes were deposited beside the tomb of the kings. Hi^ 

monument was erected in the Campus Martius, bearing an 

inscription composed by himself: **No friend ever did. me a 

kindness, no enemy a wrong, without receiving full requital"* 

> Snlla, although crael, ieems to have been a neat favorite with the Boman ladiea. 
At hii< faneral they attended in great nnrobere, orlnglng sodi a qnantitj of aromatics. 
that besides tho«e which were contained in SIO baslcetsTthere was enough ciniiaioon and 
other precious spicen to form a statne of SaUa cf the on of Itf e, uid another of a UeHV 
bearing the faeces before him. 

* Phit. Sou. 40. 


The SoAin>ALous Kule of the Oligabcht. 

1. The Oppositioii. — When Sulla delivered the Roman 
state oyer to the consuls, it was under the absolute sway of the 
oligarchy. Still there were many discordant elements — the 
jurists who resented the violation of constitutional law, the 
moderate aristocracy who were inclined to compromise, the 
offended capitalists, the relatives and friends of the proscribed, 
the large class of men who had been ruined by the civil war, 
and finally the remnant of the popular party, the popularesy 
who only waited for an opportunity and a leader to overthrow 
the &bric which Sulla had reared.^ 

2. The Conditioii of Italy and the Provinces.— The 
coudition of Italy since the Social and the Civil wars was inde- 
Bcribably wretched. The soldiers, too indolent to cultivate the 
land Sulla had given them, had squandered their fortunes and 
either returned to the capital or re-entered the military service. 
The lands were once more swallowed up in great estates, and 
devouring slavery made the free population disappear. Half of 
Italy wafi a desert, and in Samnium there was scarcely a town 
that was not in ruins. The soldiers had expelled ^Tfbrmer 
population, which wandered in beggary cr labored on tBfeir for' 
mer forms as servants. In the provinces, all the old abuses had 
returned — violence, outrage, plunder, robberies, the seizing of 
free men as slaves — and were practiced to such a degree as 
no man could have conceived of, had not the prosecution of 
Verres unveiled the merciless rule of the oligarchy in Sicily.* 

3. The Xncrease of Lnznry. — The great aim of the 
Romans was the acquisition of vast wealth ; and by systematic 
plunder and rapine, immense riches were accumulated and 
squandered on brutal pleasures. At the public festivals, animal 

> Mommaen, vol. iv., p. 8. ■ See pi 909. 


hunts and gladiatorial combats met with enthusiastic favor. 
Immense sums were squandered on funeral games.^ At this 
time every man of the ruling oligarchy, the principeSy or 
optimatesy or boni viri^ as they called themselves, thought it 
necessary to have a beautiful city house, adorned with fine gar- 
dens, ornamented within with statues, paintings, and a library, 
and a number of villas scattered over the most beautiful part of 
Italy. It was particularly at Baj® and the district around the 
bay of Naples, the Baden-Baden of the ancients, that this 
fashionable rural life found its centre. To give some idea of 
the extravagance and luxury of this period among the higher 
classes,^ it is only necessary to mention that Lucullns had 
mountains and rock cut through for the purpose of conducting 
salt water to the tanks at his villa near Naples and Bajae, that 
he might be provided with marine fish at any time fresh for the 
table. When, therefore, Cicero and Atticus at one time came 
\o supper with him, they found a meal prepared that cost one 
hundred and seventy thousand sfisterces^^ although Lucullns 
only had time to designate the room in which the meal should 
be served.' 

4. The Insurrection of Lepidus. — The oligarchy, 
sunk m indolence and luxury, was powerless to maintain its 
position. Accordingly Sulla was scarcely dead before the con- 

^ JSmiliOB Lepidus ordered that not more than 1,000,000 omw (I»,000) ahonld be ex- 
pended on his funeral. 

* That is, ths ehi^t ; the best mm ; ths good mm. 

* The houHe of CraHenR, with \t» line garden and treee, was valned (b. o. 91) at ft.000,000 
iesieroet ($800,000). an ordinary houMe was worth abont one-tenth as moch. Tbe XiMn- 
ian villa of Cornelia, the mother of the Gracchi, cost 75,000 aesUret* ($9,760), but L. Lo- 
callns at this time paid thirty-three times as mnch for it. * |7,600. 

* A villa with its land was sold for 40,000,000 segUreet ($8,000,000), on acooant of \xa 
flsh-ponds. The plunder of Verres in Sicily is estimated at tf, 000,000 satercm ($ILO0O,O00t. 
Caesar, when he departed for Spain as prstor, needed 81,000,000 tetttroeB to pay his debt? : 
in B. o. SO he bribed the conHai Paullnp with 80,000,000 Mfttercet ($1,600,000) and Corio tbe 
tribune with 60,000,000 testerces. A moderate senatorial fortune was 8,000,000«eiiferorA an 
equestrian, 3,000,000. The property of P. Crasons, consul In B.C. 131. was estimated st 
100,000,000 suUrcea ($5,000,000), and that of M. Oassus at 170,000.000 seatereet (^,B0O,OWi. 
although he had expended enormous sums in providing free com for the people. We 
must, however, remember that the^te are exceptional casee, that the laige mass of tbe 
people were far from being rich ; that many men, as Rothschild, Stewart, and otberv in 
modem times, have left at their deaths many times as mnch, after making due aUowmnce 
for the diflerence of value in gold. The expenses of the banquets consisted also largely 
in the decorations, presents to the guests, oc. 

Men like Lucnllus, Oasar, Pompejus, Craasus and others were compelled to expend 
enormone sums for political purposes. It is said that Scanrus exhausted bis fortane ro 
this way. Crassus, although the richest man in the time of the republic, was not so rich 
as many freedmen under the empire— Pallas Cali^tufl and Narcissus, for instance.— iVM, 
H. N. xxxili., 184. 


8ul Lepidus attempted to reBcind his laws; but the other 
consul, Gataliis, was a firm friend of the oligarchy, and urged 
decisive measures. The senate adopted a temporizing policy, 
and in order to quiet the agitation in the capital, bribed the 
people with new distributions of com, asxd. when this did not 
satisfy, it thought that the disturbance would cease if the two 
consuls left Home. The consuls were accordingly sent to 
their proTinoes,^ bound by an oa£h not to turn their arms 
against each other. Lepidus, however, interpreting the oath 
as binding only for his year of office, collected an army in 
Etnuia and marched upon Borne. The senate recalled Oatulus, 
placed the city under his protection, and directed Pompejus 
to proceed against Lepidus' legate, Marcus Brutus in Cis* 
alpine QauL Brutus was overpowered and killed at Mutina^^ 
and Oatulus defeated L^dus near the Campus Martins, in. 
his retreat Lepidus was met by Pompejus at Oosa in Etroria, 
and being unable to maintain his position, sailed with his army 
to Sardinia^ where he soon after died, l^ 

5. The War with Sg rtoiins (b.o. 79-72).— In Spain 'V 
the Marian party was more fflSBBHRIl under Sertorius, who had f 

'the address to unite his cause with that of the national inde- '* 
[^)endence. He obtained such influence over the natives that 
I he found no difficulty in raising a powerful army. He defeated 
several Boman armies, and even Me tellus Pi us was unable to 
make head against him. In b. o. 78 he was reinforced by Per- 
pema with a large army. This made his power so formidable 
that the senate feared an invasion of Italy. 

6. Tha Rise of Pompcdiis. — Pompejus took advantage a 
of the situation to compel the senate to send him to Spain, J 
at the head of the army with which he had defeated Lepi- jl 
dus, to conduct the war against Sertorius. Pompejus was J 
bom in b. c. 106, in the same year as Oicero. As a young n 
man he, like other noble Romans, took his first lessons in ) 
war in the tent of his father, Cn. Pompejus Strabo in the i 

' ^u 

* Mommeen 0* c. vol. !▼., p. 85, note), relyinff on a fra^ipment of Granins Licinfanne, ^ 
njn that both consald were eent to Btnrla. This contradlctfi Appian (1. e. toI. i., 107) 
and Philippiifi {StUL MUl. i., 48 ; !▼., 5 D).— See Ikter, 1. c. toI. IL, p. 140, and Lange, 1. o. 
▼ol. m,, p. 174. * See map Na 0, 


Social war. When Salla returned from Asia^ he raLaed^ as we 
haye already seen, an army at his own ezpenBe, was present at 
the battle of the Oolline gate^ and afterwards drove the rem- 
nants of the Marian party oat of Sicily and Africa. On his 
return the dictator greeted him with the surname of Magnns, 
and carried a law ^ allowing him to triumph^ although he had 
been neither, consul nor praetor (b. c. 80). In b. o. 79 Pompe jus 
exerted his influence to secnre the election of Lepidus to the 
consulship, in opposition to the wishes of Sulla. Sulla, in his 
retirement, contented himself with this warning : ** Young man, 
it is time for you not to slumber, for you have sbreng^ttiened 
your rival against yourself."^ In the war that followed, Pom- 
pejus did not deliberate which side he should take, but declared 
immediately against Lepidus. After the war was ended, as he 
was anxious for the command against Sertorius, he found 
various excuses for disobeying the order of the senate to dis- 
band his army. At length the senate was compelled to yield, 
and appointed Pompejus and Metellus Pius to the command 
. ' in Spain. 

^' I 7. Tha Bud of the WWiff^paiiL— At the doee of the 

^ year b. o. 77, Pompejus set out for his province, marching over 

A the Alps' and Pyrenees. At first he was defeated at Lanro and 

^ liras afterward near being annihilated on the river Sucre {JTuear), 

I when Metellus, i^r winning the battle of Italioa (S^trilU), 

I came to his assistance. The war continued without any decided 

I success on either side until b. o. 72, when Sertorius was assas- 

I sinated by Paperna, who hoped to succeed him in command. 

In the first collision with Pompejus, bis incompetency to suc- 

. ceed a soldier and general like Sertorius was evident. Hifl 

army was scattered to the winds and Paperna himself was taken 


a Tha War with tha aiadiaton (b. a 73-^71).— While 

the war was going on in Spain, the enemies of Borne roee 

Everywhere. The proletarians could hardly be kept from insnr- 

« rection, brigands haunted every comer of Italy, and pirates 

* Lex O&msna de re^iu On. Bomp^ * Flat. Pomp^ 1& 

* Oyer Mt. tienevre; Me map*, p. UW ; p. 176. 


-- — -* 

swarmed on all the seas. The war in Macedonia against the 
moantain tribes in the north was far from beisig ended either 
by C. Olaadins or Scribonios Curio.* The pirates became so 
troublesome that it was found necessary to send P. Servilius 
Vatia to carry on the war against the Isanrians. In the East 
LncnUns had been sent to conduct the war against Mithridates^ 
who had long and eagerly been watching the coarse of the reyo- 
lation, had promised S^rtorins ships and money to wage war 
against Home if in case of victory Asia should be restored to 
him, and now^ that the fietvorable moment had come, had invaded 
the 1Rat"»" province; The contest of parties in the capital, 
however, was hashed for a time by the bursting out of the war 
with the gladiators. There was no army at liand. The war in 
Spain was not yet ended, and LucuUus had already departed to 
conduct the war against Mithridates (b.c. 74). The gladia- 
torial shows had for a long time held the first place at the pub- 
lic games. -During late years, whole bands had been bought 
by speculators from the vast supply of prisoners, and trained by 
proper persons ^ in the gladiatorial schools ' for the arena. Bich 
men kept some of these to fight on public occasions to please 
the ]>eople, hired some on speculation to the aediles to fight at 
the pnblic games, and sometimes to the party leaders, who 
let them loose like furious bloodhounds against the opposiug 

9. Victories of Spartacns. — ^In one of these schools 
at Capua* there was a number of gladiators, most of whom 
were Oelts and Tbracians who, under Spartacns as a leader, 
escaped firom the town and fled to the crater of Mount Vesu- 
vius. The slaves flocked to him fh)m the slave-pens^ in 
Campania, and he was soon at the head of an army of one 
hundred thousand men. A successful battle furnished the 
insurgents arm& The consuls of b. c. 72 were defeated, and 
the power of Spartacns grew daily more formidable. He, how- 
ever, never overrated his own power nor hoped to conquer the 
Romans. He wished to cross the Alps and dismiss his troops, 
and let them return to their Celtic or Thracian homes. He 

*Xanl#M9. *Lii4i, * ^aHula, * 8^ map, pp. M&-7. 


would hare attained his object after defeating both consuls 
again, had not his followers, elated by success, refused to 
listen to his proposal. They preferred to trayerse and plunder 

10. Crassiis Defeats the aiadiatora.— In b. o. 71 the 
praetor Crassus took the command. After restoring discipline 
in the army by decimating the soldiers, he posted himself in 
Picenum, and droTC the insurgents to the southern part of Italy. 
Here Spartacus happened to find a number of vessels belonging 
to the Cilician pirates. With these he resolved to escape to 
Sicily and rekindle the servile war there. Accordingly he entered 
into an agreement^with the pirates, but they had no sooner 
taken his money than they broke their engagements and sailed 
away. All hope of escape in this quarter was taken away, and 
Spartacus intrenched himself at Bhegium. When Grassus came 
up, and attempted to hem him in by building an intrenched wall 
across the isthmus, Spartacus, in a dark, stormy night in win- 
ter, broke through the line and encamped in Lucania. Crassus 
overtook him on the Silarus, and after a desperate battle in 
which Spartacus fonght with the courage of a lion, and twelve 
thousand of his followers fell all with their wounds in front, 
gained the victory.* Before the battle, when they brought 
Spartacus his horse, he drew his sword and killed him, saying : 
** If I am victorious, I shall have horses enough ; if I am 
defeated, I shall have no need of this." A body of five thonsaDd 
of the insurgents escaped from the battle and were cut to pieces 
in Cisalpine Oaul by Pompejus as he was returning firom Spain. 
On account of this Pompejus took to himself the credit of 
finishing the war, and wrote to the senate, ** that Crassus had 
defeated the enemy in battle, but that he had cut up the war 
by its roots.* 

* After the doArly-boiight victory (b. o. 71), the troops who had aehiered it, and tho*p 
of Fompejafl that had meanwhile, after oonqaering the Sertorians. arrived from Spaxo. 
infltltat«l throughout Apulia and Lucania a man-hunt, Buch as there had never Dero 
before, to crash odt the last sparks of the mighty conflagration. Alone the road 
ftova. Capna to Borne, the six thousand crosses bearing captured slaves, teanfled to thr 
re-estabiishment of order, and to the renewed victory of acknowledged right over its 
living property that had rebelled.— ifonwiMA, vol iv., p. 88 f . 

» pint. Crass., 8-18, 


Ths CoismuLSHip OF PoHPEjus AND Obabsub (B. G. 70). 

1. Pompc(jii8 and the Popnlar Party. — Pompejns 
and Crassns now approached the city at the bead of their 
armies, and claimed the consalsbip as the reward of their ser- 
Tices. Neither of them was legally eligible, as Pompejas was 


only thirty-five years old and had never been qnsBBtor, while 
Crassus was still praetor, and two years onght to elapse before 
be conld be consul. In order to attain their end, they entered 
into a coalition with the popular party and promised them the 
restoration of the tribunitian power. Orassiis, on account of 
his wealth, had great influence among the capitalists, and both 
he and Pompejus, supported by the popular party, were elected 


consals for the year b. c. 70, and aft^r receiviiig permifision 
from the people,^ entered the city on the last day of December 
B.O. 7I9 Pompejas in triumph, while Grassus was entitled only 
to a lesser triumph, an oration. 

2. Fall of the Oligarohy.— Pompejus, as soQa.,.Ba^Ji0 
entered upon his cpnsulship, carxMd his ))Fe«i«nd law restoring 
t!i^T>b\ver of the tribunes.^ This struck away one of the chief 
foundations of the Sullan constitution. The_o_therj the ekc- 

t ion of jurymen. Pomo eius did not venture himself to pH-o^v 
but hoped by a purification of tfe senate to relieve the eonrta 
of the distrust which the corruption of the jurymen had created. 
But before the censors who were elected for this purpose could 
enter upon their duty, the wanton outrages and cruelty of 
Verres, the governor of Sicily, who openly boasted that should 
he devote two-thirds of his plunder to bribe his powerful 
friends at Borne and the judges, he would still have enough 
left for his own desires,* aroused the indignation of the people 
against the courts. In order to understand how a provincial 
governor could so abuse his power, it is neoeesary to review 
briefly the manner in which the Romans managed the provinces. 
3. The Administration in tfaa Provinces. — In the 
provinces the Soman government had taken the place of the 
former rulers, and for many centurio s it was so mild and 
equable, and the Roman governors performed their duties with 
so much honesty and frugality, that the change was felt to be 
a real gain. The Romans imposed taxes not to enrich them- 
selves, but simply to cover the cost of administration and 
defence. The governor himself served without pay, and the 
state defrayed from the taxes collected the cost of main- 
taining the army,^ and provided the governor with the means 
of transpoirt and all other requisites. The provincials had to 
furnish, free of cost, a house for the governor, shelter for the 
army, wood, hay, and similar articles. If at any time the 
governor needed for the defence of the province, grain, ships. 

*■ That id, they were exempt from the lex annaRe and from the lex OomeBa de nuaii- 
ifCUbut ; iee pp. ISB, n. 4 : 9o7. $ S. 

* Lex Pompeia lAcinia de trwttnida potentate. * CIc. in Verr. aocoA., I.. 14. 

• The proTinciats in the Roraaa armies were paid and equipped by Uieir own ctaie. 


slaTes to man the ships^ or aught else, he had the right to 
demand them from his province at a ftur price. 

4. The AbiiMS in tlie Provinces. — ^At first this was 
managed with great justiee^ and the goyemor eren restrained 
the cupidity of the Boman contractors who farmed the taxes. 
Bafe gradually the £oman role relaxed, and it had already 
become a rare thing for a Boman governor to return home from 
his province With clean hands. Soon it became the custom for 
the governor to determine the value of the supplies in a man- 
ner to suit his own interest, and to impose exactions whenever 
he pleased. SuUa compelled the provincials in Asia Minor to 
f Qmifih every common soldier quartered among them f ortyfold 
pay.^ Soon the governors were not satisfied with these exactions, 
but seized with cruel rapacity objects of art, as statues, pictures, 
marble columns, gold and silver gems, and whatever else pleased 
tiieir fancy, from the houses and temples, and carried them off 
to Borne. In time this became so scandalous that courts were 
organized to punish the plundering official on his return to 
Borne. But unless the misgovemment had been glaring and 
infiODOus thoe was but little prospect of conviction, for the 
case came before judges and jurymen often involved in similar 
guilt and belonging to the same order as the accused. 

& The Bcandalona Abnaee of Verrea. — In Cicero's 
orations' against Verres, the shameless rule of a provincial 
goTemor is pictured in graphic colors. For three years Yerres 
had been governor of Sicily, and his career there furnished the 
most astounding proofs of the corruption of the governing 
class. His sole aim was to make money, and he was determined 
to rob enough to secure his acquittal. Id fact, he boasted before 
leaving the province that he had not robbed for himself alone ; 
that he should be very well contented to retain one year's gain 
for himself;^ that he had intended another for his advocates 
and defenders, and reserved the third, which was the richest, 
for. his judges.^ During these three years he disregarded the 

* Par day 16 denarU = abont 96 cents. * See Blst. of Lit, p. — . 
" Oic. in Yerr. aocns.. i., 14. 

* All the eitlea In Sicily except Syracnse. the place of hie residence, and Messanaf the 
lepoattoiy of his plunder, conourrea in the impeachment. 


270 cicebo'b prosecution op yebbes. [b. c. 70, 

f laws^ sold his decisions, sold every ofSce at his disposal to the 
highest bidder, exacted enormous contributions, and set at 
naught the religion, fortunes and lives of the subjects.. 

6. His IizactioiiB. — ^His exactions^ of grain were most 
ruinous. He issued an edict that the farmers should paj 
whatever the collector demanded ; but if he exacted 
more than his due, that he should be liable to a fine 
of eight times its value. Under this edict Verres's minions 
seized the whole crop of every town and compelled the owners 
to give whatever share of it they thought fit, or a composition 
in money, on pain of being plundered of all their goods. When 
this grain was collected, Verressold it and put the whole money 
into his own pocket, and bragged tBat he had got enough from 
this single article to screen him from justice. The result was 
that the poor husbandmen deserted their fJEums and refused to 
till the soil when Verres alone reaped the harvest.' Yerres bad 
a taste for pictures, fine tapestry and statuary, and kept with 
him all the time a painter and a sculptor on whose judgments 
he relied in his choice of pictures and statues. Wherever be 
travelled through the island he plundered the temples, carried 
away the statues of the gods — ^the Juno of Samoa, the Oeree of 
Enna, the Hercules of Agrigentum — ^and whatever else pleased 
his fimcy. He employed his emissaries to hunt out everything 
that was curious or valuable in the island — pictures, tapestry, 
vaseSy trinkets, antiques, gems, ornaments in gold or silver — 
all these he seized and sent away to Italy to adorn his villa. 
Antiochus,* the king of Syria, while on his way through 
Sicily, was robbed of a magnifioent candelabrum intended as 
an ofTering to Jupiter Gapitolinus, of goblets of gold, stud- 
ded with precious jewels, and of a sacrificial ladle hollowed 
out from one single precious stone. When any vessel richly 
laden happened to arrive in the ports of Sicily, it was seized 
and the goods were confiscated. He crowned his iniquities 
by imprisoning Boman citizens, and finally by crucifying a 

> CMcero efltlnutted the damages of the Slcllligis fit $9,000,000.~C«««ro Ctee.. i., la 
* (>f the T78 farms 445 were deecrted. * Clo. In Terr, aocas., It., SS. 

B- C, 70.] THE AURELIAN LAW. 271 

Roman trader ^ in sight of the shores of Italy, in sight of its | 
laws and liberty, that be might address to them the ineffectual i 
cry: '* I am a Boman citizen." \ 

7. Venres Bronglit to Trial. — ^To the rapacity of this i 
proTincial tyrant must be added the financial oppression exer- j 
cised by the Italian merchants and brokers. As the farmers i 
of the revenue showed no mercy in levying taxes, whole cities ; 
were sometimes compelled to pledge their revenues to the 
Roman money-lenders, who often collected their dues by the 
severest processes.' Gicero painted in glowing colors the mis^ 
management and robberies of the provincial governors. ^ There 

is no place," said he, ^' this side of the ocean so remote or retired 
where the caprice and oppression of the Romans have not 
entered." The mass of testiniony was so overwhelming against 
Yerres, that he went into voluntary exile before the trial was 
ended. Similar prosecutions were brought against other mem- 
bers of the aristocracy by popular leaders and orators who 
desired to imitate Gicero in winning the &vor of the people, 
but they generally produced no result. The discontent of the 
people increased, and they openly demanded the restoration of 
the tribunitian power, and, on account of the scandalous be- 
havior of the judges, the transferrence of the judicature to the 
equestrian order. 

8. The Anrelian Law. — In answer to the demand of the 
pe ople the prastor, L. Aurelius Cotta, carrie d a^ I^w ^ en^tyig 
tfiSffS^W^BlHnBSuH^ e selected equa lly from the senatpxan 

kiiiBiSrgmdTriZSnT^mm.* When these measures were car- 
ri^ Fomi)eius ana urassus i n no wav in termitted their efforts 
t o wiilL 1!n ^opulaLJiityor« It had long been the custom for the 
ceSSSrS^HQV alscharging their duty,' to hold a lustrum, where 
it was usual for the Boman knight to appear before the censors 
leading his horse, and, after giving an account of the generals 
under whom he had served his campaigns, and of his own 
exploits, to deliver up his horse. When Pompejus appeared 

» dc. In Verp. a49Ciu., r., M. • See p. 826. * Lex AureliaJvdieaHa. 

* Ttie weoltliieet class of citizens below the eanestrian rank ; see also p. 56, n. 1. 

* ihef porllled the senate hj expelling sixty-fonr members. 


leading his horse, decorated with the insignia of bis office, and 
ordered his lictors to make room for him to advance to the 
tribanal, the people were struck with admiration. '^Ha?e 
you " -—so the censor addressed him, amid the profound silence— 
^have you, Pompejus the Great, served all the campaigns re- 
quired by law?*' ** Yes," said he, "I have served them all, 
and all under myself as general" This answer charmed the 
people, and there was no end of theur acclamation.^ 

9. The Popalarlt7 of PompcijiiB and GnuMos. — ^Pom- 
pejus retired from the consulship in great favor with the peo- 
ple, and without completely breaking with the aristocracy. 
He declined to accept a consular province, and declared that 
he wished to live only as a quiet citiasen. The extraordinary 
liberality of Orassns — ^he dedicated a t^nth of his colosdal for- 
tune to Hercules, and spread a feast for the people on ten 
thousand tables and distributed com enough to supply their 
families for three months — ^had won for him also the good will 
of the people, and his influence with the senate waa unshaken. 

«• ♦ •• 


Pompejus Clears the Sea of Pirates. 

1. The Wretched State of Roman AflEEdni.— The Ro- 
mans had let the navy which they had created during the wars 
with Carthage go to decay, and had not even retained a suflB- 
cient number of vessels to protect their commerce on the 
Mediterranean. The measures taken against the pirates by M. 
Antonius, the celebrated orator, in B. o. 103, and in b. c. 78 by 
P. Servilius Vatia,* in a three years' war in Isauria, had pro- 
duced no permanent effect. During the Social, Mithridatic, 
and Civil wars the corsairs had become masters of the whole 

^ Pint. Pomp., 88. • On his retarii he triumphed M P. SerriUiu Yatia Xmuicaa. 


i, from the coast of Syria to the pillars of Her- 
culeB.^ • 

2. TliA Empire of the Pintes.— Even the coast of Italy 
was not safe from the incursions of the pirates ; they infested 
the great roads, plundered the villas on the coasts and even 
seized on the Appian Way and carried off two prsBtors with 
their lictors. Distinguished men, as Gaosar and Claudius, were 
captured and compelled to pay large ransoms. They possessed 
a regnlarly organized government, and are said to have had 
more than one tiiousand ships and four hundred fortified 
places in their possession. They were refugees from many 
nations, and the seat of their power was in Cilicia. It was a 
vengeance and a reaction of the East, which had been devas- 
tated by the soldiers of Italy, by her usurers and publicans, and 
by her slave-merchants. But the most contemptuous circum- 
stance of all was, that when the pirates had taken a prisoner, 
and he had cried that he was a Roman citizen and told his 
name, they pretended to be struck with terror, and fell upon 
their knees to ask his pardon. The poor man thought that they 
were in earnest, and said that he would forgive them. Some put 
on his shoes aod others helped him on with his toga, that his 
rank might no longer be mistaken. When they had carried on 
this farce and enjoyed it for some time, they let a ladder down 
into the sea and bade him go in peace ; if he refused they 
pushed him from the deck and drowned him.^ 

3. The ^jaMnian Law. — The Romans found that their 
trade and ntm^SSoDLW^T^SuE off, and famine began to threaten 
the city. Just at this time news of the disasters which had 
overtaken Lucullus in the East^ reached Rome. The price of 
com rose enormously, and once more the course of events 
brought the power into the hands of Pompejas. For more 
than two years he had lived as a private citizen. He seldom 

' All the enemies of the einpire<-SertoriaB, Mithridates, ftnd Spartacas, the proecribed 
Boouuw, the dlspoeseflsed Italums, insurgent provincials, men rednced to slavery— conld 
all commnnicate by mediam of the fugitives, who were spread on all the seas, and who 
mfested them with their piracies. Liberty had erected minst the tyranny of the Soman 
empire another empire on the water— a wandering Carthage, which no one knew where 
to seixe. and which floated from Spain to AsiA.—Micheiet, p. SOB. 

» Pint. Pomp., 91 » Soe p. 879. 



appeared in pnblic, and when he did a great tnun of friends 
and attendants accompanied him. The tribune irabinias car- 
ried a law for the recall of LaouUnSy and proposed ^ that a gen- 
eral should be named by the senate from the consalarSy and 
inyested with proconsul power to have command for three 
years over the whole Mediiterranean Sea and the adjacent coasts 
for fifty Boman miles inland. He was to have a staff of 
twenty-four legates,^ five hundred ships, a military chest of six 
I thousand talents,' and as many soldiers as he might require.^ 
I Pompejus' name was not mentioned in the bill, but in the 
scarcity of great men all eyes were turned to him. When the 
tribune in due form brought the proposal before the senate for 
discussion, the indignation was so great that he was near being 
killed in the senate-chamber. When it came before the people 
it was received with great delight. 

4. The Law Carried (b. g. 67).— Gajns Julius CsBsar, who 
was now the leader of the democratic party and had ju^lT re- 
turned from Spain as qusBstor, warmly supported the measure. 
It was exactly in accordance with his ambitions plans'to alien- 
ate Pompejus, whose relative he had married, from the senato- 
rial party and to weaken the republican organization. Gatulns, 
and Hortensius the celebrated orator, spoke against the bill 
with great power and effect When Gatulus rose to speak the 
murmurs of the multitude, in reverence for the man, ceased. 
After bestowing due praise upon Pompejus, he advised the 
people not to expose him to so manydang^^^^fM where will 
you find another," said he, ^*if jouTosemD^'^ Hey an- 
swered with one voice, " Yourself." When one of the consols, 
Calpumius Piso,. attacked Pompejus and chaiged him with 
aiming at royal power, ^^ If you emulate Bomulas you wiU 
not escape the end of Bomulus,"^ he was in danger of \jmng 
torn to pieces by the populace. The law was passed, and on the 
same day the price of com fell so much that the people said, 
**The very name of Pompejus has terminated the war."* 

^ Z4X 0<U4nia de ttno imperatore amtra pradoMt ooMlUumdo,—Cie. Mor^ zviL, SL 

* As amended in the nenate after it^ adoption by the peok>le. * |7,OOO»O00. 

* He rained 190,000 infantry and 7000 cavalry. 

* According to a legend Bomalus wa8 torn to pieces by the seniitofi. 

* Plut. pomp. 26-87, 


5. War with the Pirates (b. g. 66).— In the execution of 
his task Pompejus more than falfiUed the popular expectation. 
He diyided the whole Mediterranean Sea into thirteen parts^ 
each under a legate who had charge of hunting the pirates out 
of their chief haunts, while he swept the western part of the 
Mediterranean with the main fleet. In forty days he cleared the 
sea west of Italy, opened communication with Sicily, Africa, and 
Sardinia, and re-established the supply of com. He then pro- 
ceeded with sixty of bis vessels from Brundisium to the original 
seat of piracy, the Gioilian waters. He destroyed the fleet 
of the pirates in a great battle,^ hunted them in creeks, 
captured their castles, and took more than twenty thousand of 
them prisoners, many of whom he settled in the depopulated 
cities of Oilicia, on the deserted lands in Achaja, and especially 
at Soli,^ which henceforth was called Pompejopolis. This part 
of the campaign was finished in forty-nine days, but Pompejus 
remained during the rest of the year in the East, settling the 
afhirs of OUioia and Pamphylia.' So rapid bad been the sub- 
jugation of the pirates, that Cicero summed up the campaign 
by saying ^Hhat Pompejus had made his preparations for the 
war at the end of winter, began it at the commencement.of 
springs and finished it in the middle of summer."* /^^ 

■• ♦ ■ » 

Pompejus Conquers the East (B. C. 74-61). / , ^ 

1. Roman Power in the East^The war with Mithri- 
dates had been renewed by Murena^' whom Sulla had left as 
propraetor in Asia with the two legions of Fimbria. On the 

> Off CofBoenlnxn. * Oar word Bolecism comes from Soli. 

" Crete, which next to CUida was the neatest resort of the pirates, had been assigned 
to Metellos as his province. Metellas hM nearlv sabdned tlic island, when the Greums. 
>referrinff to surrender to Pompejns, addressed themselves to him as suppliants, and 
nvited bm, since Crete lay within the limits of his command, to take possession of the 
Hiand. Pompejns sent letters ordering Metellns to desist from the siege, and when he 
'ail^ to obey, even sent troops to light against him. Metellus, however, persevered, 
look the pirates, and pat them to death. See map Na 4. 

« Cie. Man. IS, as. * See pp. 890 and 361, 


pretext that Mithridates was tardy in eTacnating OappadociAy 
Murena crossed the Halys and ravaged Gappadocia» where 
Mithridates met him with a large army and routed his foroes 
in battle. Salla interfered^ renewed the peace, and ended what 
is sometimes called the Second Mifhridaiie War (b. c. 83-82). 

2. Preparatioiis of Mithxidatea— After this the Bomans 
took Tarions measures to strengthen their power in the East. 
An expedition was sent against the pirates^ and when Nioo- 
medes (b.c. 75), who had bequeathed his kingdom, consistiDg 
of Bithynia and Paphlagonia, to the Romans, died, they imme- 
diately took possession of it and made it a Roman province. 
About the same time Gyrene* was converted into a province 
and a governor sent there. These measures excited the appre- 
hension of MithridateSy who had all the time been aware that 
the peace was only a suspension of hostUities, that the fire was 
not extinguished, it only slept in embers,^ and hence had 
directed his efforts to strengthen his army and to prepare in 
every way for the final conflict. Aided by the Roman refugees 
and the ofiGicers whom Sertorius sent him,' he introduced the 
Roman arms and discipline. When the Romans converted 
Bithynia into a province it seemed a &vorable moment to 
strike. His army^ W9S powerful and well disciplined. The 
pirates, who had created an empire on the sea, sent assistance, 
and Sertorius, with whom he had formed a treaty, seemed on 
the point of invading Italy from Spain. The king therefore 
took the initiative, and advanced, in B. c. 74, into Paphlagonia 
and Bithynia with his army, supported by a powerful fleet. 

3. Defeat of Mithridatea (b. c. 73).— Of the two Roman 
i consuls L. Licinius Lucullus and M. Aurelius Gotta who were 

selected for the conduct of the war, the latter was already in 
Asia, but on the approach of Mithridates retreated to Ghalce- 
don, where he was defeated both by land and sea. Mithridates 
now proceeded to invest Oyzicusf with his army and fleet, and, 
as in B. c. 88, hoped to make himself master of all Asia, wfa^e 
the outrage, violence, and extortion of the tax-gatherers and 

' Flat. LacaU. * See map No. 7. * Laeias Magias and Lndos Fuinlas. 
* Hie army oonsisted of 1»),000 foot and 16,000 hone, and a fleet of 40O anil, 
t See map No. 4. 




the Boman merchants had produced the deepest discontent, b^ 
fore the Bomans cotild send sufficient force to oppose him. This 
place offered a stubborn resiBtance, and while Mithridates was 
detained here Lucnllus adyanced from Phrygia with only five 
legions to its relief. Early in £. c. 73 Mithridates was com- 
pelled to raise the siege, on account of the ^fficulty of supply- 
ing his army. In the retreat he was attacked by the Bomans 
between the .^!sepus and Oranicus, and defeated, while his fleet 
was destroyed, partly by the Bomans at Tenedos, and partly by 
a storm which overtook it on its return. The king arrived 
almost alone at his capital, Sinope, his army of nearly 200,000 
men having been annihilated. While Mithridates was collect- 
ing a fresh army, Lucullus sent his legate through Bithynia 
and Paphlagonia to Heraclea, to which Cotta had already laid 
siege with the fleet. 

4. MithiiclataB Ratfres to Annenia. — Lucullus himself 
entered Pontus, followed Mithridates, who had collected an 
army of over forty thousand men, from Sinope to Amisus, 
and thence to Gabira on the Lycus. Mithridates drew Lu- 
cullus on farther and farther, until finally a superstitious 
dread came over his soldiers, and they murmured at their long 
and tedious marches. " You leave," said they, " the rich and 
flourishing city of Amii^us, which might be easily taken, to 
drag us away to Chaldffia/' ^ At Gabira the army of the king 
was again defeated, and the king hiniself would have been 
captured had the Boman soldiers been able to restrain their 
eagerness for spoiL Despairing of successfully opposing the 
Romans, Mithridates fled with a few attendants to Armenia to 
take refuge with Tigranes, his son-in-law. Lucullus sent Appius 
Claudius to Tigranes to demand the surrender of Mithridates, 
while he returned himself to besiege Amisus. Tigranes was 
at this time one of the most powerful monarchs in the East,^ 
but still he seemed inclined to avoid a cont^t ^Wr^ ^me. 
He granted his father-in-law a refuge, but refused ta, receive 
him at court until the arrogance of Lucullus' e&yoj^ drove 

« Hut. LucqD. 

* HiB empire embraced Armenia, Mesopotamia, Syria, apart of CUicIa, and Cappadoeia. 

him to adopt a difierent policy. He not only refused to snr- 
lender Mithridates, but prepared for war.- 

5. The Unpopularity of Lncnlliis.— LucuUus in the mean- 
time had returned to the province of Asia/Wt^erehe devoted him- 
self to restoring order and dispensing justice. ^£)e8olated and 
enslaved by the tax-gatherers and usurers^ unspeakable misfor- 
tunes had overwhelmed the unhappy country. To satisfy their 
creditors, the inhabitants were forced to sell their children, their 
ornaments and offerings in the temples, their fine paintings aud 
statues of the gods, and finally, when these failed, to serve their 
creditors as slaves. Lucullus relieved the people by regulating 
the rate of interest, by abolishing that which exceeded the 
principal,^ and by compelling the creditors to leave a small 
proportion of the debtor's income for his support The popu- 
lar orators and friends of the tax-collectors and merchants at 
Bome raised a storm of indignation against Lucullus, and their 
influence was felt in the action of the government When the 
time came to open the next campaign, Lucullus' army of thirty 
thousand men was far from sufficient to conduct the war against 
the Armenian and Pontic kings. The government at Bome left 
Lucullus to manage the war as he could, without troubling itself 
about sending reinforcements. Lucullus was a strict disciplina- 
rian, and far from popular with his soldiers, whom he restrained 
from pillage, while appropriating a liberal share of the spoils 
for himself. 

6. The Battle of Tigranocerta (b. a 69).— To undertake 
a war in a distant and unknown land with an army of only 
twelve thousand men — ^for this was all he could muster after 
protecting his communications with Pontus — and almost in di- 
rect opposition to the government at Bome, was fieur ftom wise. 
Still Lucullus, in the hopes of anticipating Tigranes, set out 
in B. c. 69 from Sinope, crossed the Euphrates at Melite, and 
advanced directly towards the capital, Tigranocerta, where he 
defeated the vast host of the Armenian king.' 

7. BCithridatea Retoms to Pontile. — ^During the win- 

' The fine which Snlla had imposed had been twice paid in interest, and yet by iBia» 
eat on Interest still amoanted to four times the original prindpal. 
* Tigranes had an army of 150,000 foot and 65,000 horse. 

B.C. 6S.] MMPEJtfS COKQdEllS TttE EA8t. 37& 

ter Tigranes collected another formidable army, and as the last ' 
defeat had been exactly in accordance with what Mithridates had 
predicted, Tigranes committed the entire management of the war 
to him. The next spring (b. a 68) LucuUus, in hopes of end- \ 
ing the war, crossed the Taurus and, pressing forward to 
the high lauds of Armenia, gained a victory over the enemjr's i 
cavalry on the Arsanias. But long before he could reach 
Artaxata, the capital, the mutiny of his soldiers compelled him 
to retareai. He turned aside to Nisibis, the Mesopotamian capi- 
tal, captured the city by storm and took up his winter quarters 
there. In the meantime Mithridafap^had collected a large force, 
and x^enetrated into his own kingdom, defeated LucuUus' two i 
lieutenants, Fannius and Triarius, one at Gabira^ and the other 
at Zela. When this news reached LucuUus, he hastened back ( 
to Pontus, but Mithridates avoided a battle and withdrew to ) 
Lesser Armenia to await the approach of Tigranes. LucuUus, 
hoping to engage the Armenian king before he united his 
lorees with Mithridates, hastened to seek him, but the soldiers 
rose i^ mutiny, /md checked his farther advance. The Romans 
were now exactly where they were in b. c. 75, Pontus and 
Cappadocia were overrun by Mithridates, and the results of 
eight years' warfare were lost. 

8. Xnsuboidiiiatioa in the Army.— The opposition to 
LucuUns in the capital had reached the soldiers, fie was 
accused of protracting the war from the love of command and 
the wealth it procured him. The opposition in his camp was 
led by P. Glodius Pulcher,^ whose sister LucuUus had married. 
He insinuated himself into favor with the Fimbrian troops,^ 
who had been in Asia ten years and had continually demanded 
their discharge.' **Were they to wear out their lives in 
wandering over the world in wars and toils? Was there no 
other reward for them than to guard the wagons and camels of 
LucuUus, loaded with the spoils of war? If they must forever 
wage war, let them reserve their swords for a general who 
thinks that the enriching of his soldiers is his greatest pleasure." 

* Tbe brother of A. CUodins, the envoy to Tignuiee. 

• See page S60. * TiMir twenty years military eerrloe had nearly expired. 


With such oomplaints ClodiuB stirred up the soldiers against 
Lacullus^ and as, just at this time, news arrived that the people 
at Borne had granted a dischai^ to the soldiers whose term of 
service had expired, and that M' Acilins Olabrio,^ Lacnllns' 
gnccessor, had arrived in Asia, the Fimbrians rose in mutiny 
and deserted the standard. This was the situation of affairs 
when ten commissioners arrived to settle the condition of Asia 
and rednce Pontns to a Roman province. Qlabrio was utterly 
incompetent for the di£5cult and hazardous task before him, 
and therefore never attempted to assume command. 

9. T he ^^i>«*< "*** ^'Vtd^ ^* ^^)' — ^^ ^^ P^^ ^^^ ^^ 

war must be undertaken again from the banning, under a capa* 
ble leader. Who else could this be but Pompejus, who had just 
at this time won new laurels by quickly and successftdly end- 
ing the war with the pirates? The tribune, G. Manilius, had 
lost favor with both parties by proposing to allow the freedmen 
to vote in all the tribes. He sought to regain it by moving a 
rogation to entrust Pompejus with the provinces of Asia^ Bithy- 
nia^ and Gilicia, with the sole charge oi the war \n the East, and 
with full authority to conclude peace and alliance. The opti* 
mates objected to this, as to the Qabinian law, becaofle it 
had not first received the approval of the senate. Gatnlos 
and Hortentius opposed it vehemently, declaring it unconstitn- 
tional, and aptly characterizing the situation by saying 
that it was time for the optimates to secede to the Sacred 
Mount It was supported by the moderate party of the 
optimates, by Csdsar and particularly by Cicero, who^ by 
his successful prosecution of Verres, by the manner in which he 
had discharged his duties while curule sedile, and by the fre- 
quency with which his voice had been heard in defence of the 
oppressed, had raised his popularity to equal that of GrasBiis or 
of Pompejus. In a masterly oration' which has been presenred 
to us, he now brought all the foroe of his eloquence to the 
support of Pompejus. The law was carried, and Pompejv 
was invested with powers such as no one before him ever br 

HythelezCtabiiiia. • Jklaierto Onai Bmf^ 

B. G. 66.] P0HFEJU8 0OKQUBB8 THB EAST. 281 

IjO. PooiDoiiis takes Cosuxuuicl acaiiist BCitliridtttas. 

— When PompejuB received the letters notifying him of his a; 
pointment, he is said to have expressed bis displeasure to 
friends, and to have said that he was wearied by the weigh 
of power. ''Is there no end of my conflicts?'' exclAimed{ 
be. ''How mnch better would it be to live and die as a 
quiet citizen in the enjoyment of domestic happiness!'' 
Even his friends were unable to bear the dissimulation of tbia 
speech, for they knew his unbounded ambition and love of 
power. ^ Immediately on receiving the news of his appoint- 
ment) Pompejus crossed from Cilicia and assumed command ot 
Lucullus' army.^ On his way he annulled the acts of Luoullus, . 
and thus re-established the financial tyranny of the capitalists 1 
and tax-gatherers. One of his first acts was to form a treaty of 1 
friendship and alliance with Phraates, the Parthian king, \ 
whom he encouraged to make incursions into the teiritory of , 
Tigranes. This compelled Tigranes to look to the safety of his '» 
own firontier. 

11. Battle at Nicopolie (b. c. 66).^ When Pompejus had 
completed his preparations, he set out to seek Mithridates in his 
own kingdom. Deserted by his ally Tigranes, Mithridates at 
first attempted to procure peace, but as Pompejus would hear of 
nothing but unqualified submission, he broke off the negotia- 
tions. The Pontic king retired slowly, followed by the Romans, 
until he was overtaken in a narrow pass on the Lycus, where 
the city of Nicopolis was afterward built, and most of his army 
cut to pieces. Mithridates himself escaped with a few horsemen ; 
hut as Tigranes refdsed to receive him, there was no alternative 
left but to take refnge in his kingdom on the Cimmerian Bos- 
poms.' Pompejus gave up the pursuit and turned against 
Tigranes, whose son had already revolted and had entered 
into communication with the Romans. As Pompejus ap- 
proached Artaxata, the king rode out to meet him and threw 
hiniself before him as a suppliant Pompejus received him 

■ Plat. Pomp., 80. 

■ He met Lacalliie in QalAtU and allowed him to retain 1000 men for his triamph. 
* See colored map Na 7. 


kindly, restored to him his kingdom, except Syria, Phoenicia^ 
Galatia, Gappadocia, and a part of GiUcia, which Lncnllns had 
taken from him, on condition that he should pay six thonsuid 
talenta.1 His son was made king of Sophene. 

12. Pomp€|]ii8 PoiBiies Mithridates. — After settling 
the affairs of Armenia, Pompejus advanced in pursuit of Mith- 
ridates northward as far as the river Cyrus {Kour)y where he 
took up his winter quarters. Early the next spring (b. a 65) 
he resumed his march through the momntains of Iberia and 
Albania, fighting his way at every step with the native tribes, as 
far as the river Fhasis, which he followed down to its mouth, 
to meet the fleet which he had ordered to await him there. The 
difficulties of the pursuit, the constant contests with the native 
tribes, and the impossibility of crossing the Caucasus^ which, 
in former times, had set an impassable bound to the Persian 
and Hellenic conquests, caused him to turn back to Pontns, 
where he passed the. winter in organizing it as a Boman province. 
13. He Subdues Syria, Phoenicia and Palestine. — In 
the summer of B. o. 64, he departed for Syria, and without 
recognizing the claim of Antiochus, the former king, to the 
country, he took possession of it and constituted it as a Boman 
province. After settling the condition of the country and 
regulating the relation of the princes who were to remain inde- 
pendent, he pursued his march southward (b. c. 63), and 
annexed FhoBnicia and Coele-Syria to the new Syrian province. 
In Palestine he met with a desperate resistance on account of 
i the ciyil war that was raging between the two princes, Hyrcanus 

I and Aristobulus. Both appealed to Pompejus, but he refused 
I to decide between them until he reached Jerusalem. Aristobu- 
lus seemed at one time inclined to submit to Pompejus ; at 
another, he seemed on the point of taking arms and opposing the 
advance of the Bomans. He succeeded in capturing Jerusalem, 
but when Pompejus came up, the city, after a siege of three 
months, was compelled to surrender. Hyrcanus was restored 
without the royal title to the high-priesthood, under condition 
« of paying an annual tribute to Bome. 

' $7,000,000. 

B. C. 61.] POlCnJUS COlCQlTfiRS tHE EA8t. i6A 

1& Death of Mlthriflates (b. c. 63).— In the meantime ^ 
Mithridates had been making great preparations to renew the I 
war with Borne. He even thought of invading Italy with an j 
army of Scythians; but before he could carry this plan into / 
execution his fate had been sealed by the reyolt of his son/ 
Phamaoes, who had been proclaimed king at Paiiticap8Bum.j; 
The only escape of the old king from being delivered up to the ' 
Romans was suicide. He tried poison, but according to the 
popular account his frame was so inured to this, that he was ' 
obliged to call in the sword of one of his Gallic mercenaries.; 
Thus perished in the year b. c. 63, after a reign of fifty-seveni 
years^ the giant monarch of the East, over whose death the Bo- 
mans rejoiced as if ten thousand of their enemies had been slain.^ 

1^ Settlement of the East. — Pompejus entrusted ^mil- 
ius Scaums, the son of the president of the senate, with the 
government of Syria, recognized Phamaces as king of Bosporus, 
and then returned from Palestine to Pontus. After regulating 
the relations of the kings ^ and tetrarchs' on the west of the! 
Euphrates and rewarding his army, he set out on his return byl 
the way of Lesbus, Ephesus, Rhodes and Athens, to Rome,] 
where he arrived January 1, b. c. 61. \ 

•• ♦ •» 

Thb Internal History During Pompejus' Absence. 

1. Condition of Italy. — After the departure of Pompejns 
to assume command of the army in the East, great confusion 
reigned at Rome. Every one expected a general insurrection. 
Liberty had perished long ago ; property was now thought to 

^ Flat. Pomp., 4SL * He foandod or peopled 89 cities. 

* The new provinces were that of Cilida, wtiich, enlarged by Pamphrlia and Isaaria, 
was reorganized ; that of Pontus to which Bithynia was united ; that ot Syria, and that 
of Crete. Dejotanw still occupied as a vassal the throne of Galatia ; Ariobarzanes 
ruled in Cappadociaf which was enlarged by Lesser Armenia; and Attains ruled in 

284 COKSPXRAOY 0^ ATtLlXK [b. C. 6^ 

be in danger. The old soldiers of Sulla had squandered their 
possessions and only waited the signal for ciyil war. The lands 
in Italy had once more been converted into pasturage; Etruria, 
which had long escaped the scourge of the Boman speculator, 
had in late years suffered this cruel transformation. In eveiy 
part of Italy wandered bands of proletarians— the dispossessed 
land-holders, the soldiers of Sulla, the impoverished Italians, 
the ambitious and ruined Boman nobles — all waiting for an 
opportunity to restore their own fortunes, eyen if it cost the 
ruin of the state. The equestrian party, disarmed by the 
absence of their general, had nothing to oppose to the storm 
that menaced the state. The senate, weak and powerless, 
carried on a desultory warfare against the varied elements of 

2. The Contest of Parties.— The tribunes renewed their 
attacks with all their old fierceness. The nobility replied with 
all the means at their disposal. They impeached tribunes after 
the expiration of their term of office ; the consuls, as presiding 
officers in the comitia, prevented the election of dangerous 
candidates by refusing to announce the election ; the senate 
even ventured to annul certain laws. There were, as Catiline 
said, two states in Borne, the nobility, weak and powerless, yet 
proud and arrogant as ever, and the people, rising into power, 
but destitute of a leader, without plan or purpose and swayed by 
the most diverse impulses. Laws were carried to check the 
corruption of the senate by forbidding loans from foreign 
ambassadors ; the penalties were strengthened against bribery 
at elections; and finally the right of the senate to grant dis- 
pensation in certain cases from the laws ^ v^as restricted.' This 
was merely an aimless agitation. Parties at Home were watching 
the movements of Pompejus, and waiting with anxiety or dread 
the return of the victorious general. The democrats hoped before 

* Rogaiio^ ne guU fdH nerpopuhem legihus solvereiur : the law wm amended and 
passed. N4&uii in tentUu Ugim$ wlveretur, nM O CaffuitHnt; neve qttis^ eum eohttui 
eeeet, inUreederet, eum de ea re ad populum/erreiur. 

* The fnflnenoe of the equestrian order was manifested In the law earned by Um 
tribane Roscins Otho, whidi gave to the equUee tbe fourteen rows of seato in dw 
orchestra next to the senators. 


the decisiye day came, to Btrengthen tbeir power, and perhaps 
gain control of the government. In that case they conld 
entrofit one of their leaders with an extraordinary command, 
and find in him a counterpoise to the power of Pompejns. It 
was for this object that they unveiled the scandalous rule of 
the senate, and proposed laws to ovMhrow its power. 

3. The History of Catiline. — ^In the meantime an insur-' 
rection, instigated by one of the most daring profligates, had 
nearly subverted- the government. The condition of society 
furnished ample materials for such an effort. There were too 
many who sighed for the times of Cinna, with its proscriptions 
and cancelling of debtors' claims. They waited only for a 
leader to fall upon society like a gang of robbers. That leader 
was • found in L. Sergius Oatilina, who possessed all the 
qualities necessary to make him a great man in such a time. 
He was descended from a patrician family,^ and was a man of 
great courage and gigantic strength of mind and body. He 
had proved his courage in the wars of Marius and Sulla. His 
ferocity was displayed in hunting down and killing the pro- 
scribed. He is said to have killed his brother-in-law with his 
own hands. These crimes, however, did not prevent his pro- 
motion. He was elected pr»tor for b. c. 68, and obtained Africa 
the following year as his province. Hera he spent two years 
in the practice, it is said, of every crime imputed to the pro- 
vincial governors of that period He returned in b. c. 66, to 
sue for the consulship. A charge of extortion was raised 
against him which disquaUfied him to appear as a candidate.' 

4. FiiBt Conepiraey of Catiline (b. c. 65).— Stung by \ 
disappointment^ he determined to get possession of the gov- 
ernment by force. All the needy Romans, the dispossessed 
Italians, all who were lost in misery and crime, flocked to 
Catiline. He entered into a conspiracy with Autronius Pastus, 

» Ballast Cat. c. 6. 

« *nie oooBol Volcatiai Tallos, who presided at the comUia, refused to reoeire votes 
for him. 

* P. Aatronlns Fntns and P. Cornelias SoUa were declared elected, bat they were set 
aside on aocoont of bribery, and L. Anrelias Cotta and L. Manllns Torqaatas were 
elected in their place. A law was carried at this time Qex Faihia d« numm> teeUOorwn) 
to limit the nnmber in the retinue of the candidates. 


the late rejected consul, and Gn. Calpumins Piso, a profligate 
young noble, to murder the new consuls on the first day of 
their office, and seize the government The plot, however, 
became known and its execution was postponed nntil the ides 
of February; on this day it failed also, because Catiline gave 
the signal before a sufficiint number of the conspirators had 
assembled. Catiline plunged still deeper into crime. His 
guilty mind, at peace with neither gods nor men, found no rest 
by night nor day. His countenance was pale and disqnieted, 
his eyes were haggard, his step was sometimes quick, sometimes 
slow ; and distraction was written in every feature and look, so 
effectually did conscience desolate his tortured mind. 

5. CatlUne Ibtores His Plot — The government took 
no active measures to crush the conspiracy. When the trial for 
extortion came on, Catiline was acquitted through the influence 
of the consul, L. Manlius Torquatus,^ and by means of the most 
shameless bribery of the judges. From this time he arranged 
his plans more systematically, and enlisted a numerous body of 
adherents, among whom were the senators G. Lentnlus Snra 
and 6. Cornelius Cethegus. In the summer of B. c. 64 he sum- 
moned his followers, all who were ruined in fortune or lost in 
misery and crime, all the depraved and audacious, to a noc- 
turnal meeting. After comparing their own degraded and 
infamous life with that of the favored few who were in poeses- 
sion of the government and of all the wealth, he promised his 
confederates, as consul, abolition of debts,' new proecriptions, 
and, finally, all the license and gratification which war and 
plunder bring. Some say that at this meeting the conspirators 
confirmed their oaths by drinking blood mixed with wine.* 

6. The Second Conspiracy. — When the time for the 
consular elections of B. c. 63 approached, the conspirators Bet np 
as candidates Catiline and G. Antonius, a plebeian noble, a man 
without character and ruined in fortune. Meanwhile rumors 
concerning the conspiracy got abroad among the people, while 
more accurate and definite information was obtained from 

'dcSiULW. •Tiibulanowi * 8«]I. Oftt. » ft 

B. C. 106.] dCEBO'S EABLT LIFB. 28? 

Falvia^ the mistress of Q. OarinSy one of Catiline's intimate \ 
associates. Catiline, it was said, intended to murder the sena* i 
tors^ and to set fire to the four comers of the city. The pablic \ 
terror compelled the senators to overcome their scrnples against I 
'*neir men''^ and cast their votes and influence for Marcus I 
Tallios Cicero, who, supported by the nobility, the friends of I 
Pompejus, and the large number of persons in the capital and 1 
coantry towns to whom he was favorably known, on account of ] 
his services as an advocate, was elected instead of Catiline, with 1 
G. Antonins as his colleague. Cicero detached Antonius from | 
the conspiracy by voluntarily resigning to him the lucrative ■ 
proTince of Macedonia^ which had fallen to himself by lot * 
While the intrigues of Catiline are ripening, we must turn to 
trace the career of Cicero, because it is so intimately connected 
with this period of our history, y ^^^^'^ ' I 

■> # ■■ 

The Consulship of M. Tuluus Ciobbo (B. 0. 63) • 

1. His Birth and EdncatioiL — Cicero' had now attained I 
the summit of his ambition ; he was consul at Rome. Through | 
him the senate had triumphed once more, and this was wholly I 
due to Cicero's great popularity and splendid oratorical powers. { 
As Cicero now steps on the stage on which he is to act a promi* * 

* Sfnoe the time of O. Marias only two new men Qiomines ikwl), T. Didlmi, s. o. 09 
■nd O. Onlios, M, bad attained to the coneolship. 




M* T. Gie«ro m. 0) TnmiTiA. I 


TDU24 m. (1) Piso Fnuot. | 

CD Cramipbs. Mabovb. * 

(B) DOI.ABKLI.A.. Q. T. CiocBa 


288 OIOEBO'S EARLY LIFE. [B. a 106. 

nentpart^ it is neoessary to preface the history of his consulship 
with a short account of his life. He was bom among the Vol- 
scian hills at Arpinunii from a plebeian family^ on the third of 
January in the year b. a 106. Quintus, his brother^ was four years 
younger. Both brothers gave such early promise of great ability 
that their father sent them to Borne, that they might hare all 
the opportunities for an education which the capital could afford. 
Grassus, the great orator, superintended their education ; and 
their first and chief instructor was the poet Archias, in whose 

ICiBOVB TuLuut Gionto.* 

defence Cicero afterwards pronounced that oration which so 
nobly defends the liberal studies. From the time he had 
assumed the toga virilis^ he lost no opportunity of hearing 
the most famous orators in the forum, and he was in constant 
attendance on the greatest master of jurisprudence^ Mucius 
Scaevola, the celebrated lawyer and president of the senate, and 
also he watched eagerly the gestures of iEsopus and Boscins, 

* From a 1>roDxe medal etrnck by the town of MagneRia, in Lydia. 

* It was castomary for a Roman youth, when abont 16 veara of asB, to appear bafon 
the pnetor In the f oram and lay adide the tOQa prcet^xta, the dres* of boys, and aMume 
the toqa pura or vlrlHt. which Indicated that lie had reached the age when he might 
engage in the active basmeas of life ; eee pi 401 


the great actors. At the age of nineteen he served his first . 
canapaigTi ^ in the Social war, under Pompejus Strabo. . 

3. Bis First Appearance at fhe Bar. — In the troubled I 
times that followed, during the coalition between Marius and . 
Cinna, Cicero not only devoted himself with energy and zeal to | 
the study of law^ but also became acquainted with the principles 1 
of the three great schools of Grecian philosophy, from their most I 
eminent leaders who were then at Borne: Phaedrus the Epicu- I 
rean, Diodorus the Stoic, and Philo the chief of the New \ 
Academy. By constant practice in declamation, by thorough \ 
study of Roman jurisprudence, added to his love for Greek 
literature and philosophy, he sought, with indefatigable zeal, 
to lay the foundation for his future success as a lawyer and 
orator. When quieter times returned he undertook, at the 
age of twenty-six (b. c. 81), his first case, a civil suit for P. 
Quintius. His first appearance at a criminal trial was the 
next year, in defence of Sextius Boscius of Ameria, accused 
of parricide by Chrysogonus, one of Sulla's freedmen, who was 
himself implicated in the murder.' Cicero's courage in under- 
taking this case against the favorite freedman of Sulla was 
applauded by the whole city, and secured him the reputation of 
a fearless and zealous advocate. 

4. Student at Athena — ^After this he took a journey to 
Greece, not, as Plutarch ^asserts, from fear of Sulla, for his 
defence of Boscius is proof against that, but in order to perfect 
himself in his art and to strengthen his constitution. He 
devoted himself with renewed zeal and energy at Athens, then 
the great university of the world, to the study of philosophy 
under the most eminent teachers, in company with his brother 
and cousin Titus Pomponius, whom the civil discords at Bome 
had caused to retire to his estate'^ in Epirus, that he might, 
unhindered, devote himself there and at Athens to those 

^ Tirodninm. 

* Omua privata: these were tried cither hefore the prstor or before the centuniTiral 


* It was a OansanubHea to be tried in the conrt fbr murder (gnatHo iniers«ear§o»\ 
before the prator M. Fannine, established by the Ux OomtUa ae meciHU it vm^/leU- 
Tb0 JwTinen wen eetoctcd from the senators. See p* va 

* mt. Oic., & • Near Butbrotum. 


Uterary pursuits in which his proficiency gained for him the 
: surname of Atticus. It was to this intimacy that we owe those 
I letters^ so charming and interesting in style, which Cicero ad- 
dressed to his friend Atticus, and of which, in regard to their 
record of contemporary events, Nepos says that he who reads 
them will hardly require a regular history of these times.' After 
studying for six months at Athens under Antiochus, the most 
f eminent teacher of the old Academy, and at the same time prac- 
ticing oratory under Syrius, he repaired to Asia Minor, to hear 
the &mous rhetoricians' in the chief Greek citie& After two 
years of study and travel he returned to Bome, completely 
changed, physically as well as mentally,- and prepared to devote 
himself to the duties of an advocate, for which the state of 
society furnished ample opportunity. At this time Cotta and 
Hortensius were the great orators and undisputed leaders of 
the bar at Bome. Cicero delivered several orations, one of 
which — ^his defence of Roscius the comedian, from whom he 
had taken lessons — is still extant. 

& Impeachment of Verres. — In the year b. c. 75 Cioero 

was elected qusestor. Lot assigned to him Ldlybseum {Marsala), 

one of the two provinces into which Sicily was divided. His 

equable administration, his upright and honorable conduct — 

qualities in those days very rare in a Boman official — won for 

him the favor of the Sicilians, and kid the foundation for that 

great forensic success which he achieved five years after, when 

his popularity had raised him to the curule asdileship. Shortly 

after his return an opportunity occurred for him to undertake 

a case which attracted the eyes of all classes to hiuL Sulla bad 

! restored to the senate the judicial power which assured the 

nobility impunity in their provincial administration. The 

I plunder, robbery and desolation of the provinces would hardly 

\ be believed, had notthe prosecution of Verres brought them to 

\ light During his administration of three years Verres had 


• There were only eleven letten written before Cloero^s consolship. The first one wm 
wiltten B. c. 6B. 

• Nepoe Att., 16. 

• Mentppos of Strstonloe, DionyBins «t Mj»sneirf>, iBechyiae at Gnidiu, Jloio «ad INmI* 


desolated the island of Sicily more than both Servile wars. As \ 
scon as he left the island the provincials determined to bring 
him to justice/ and applied to Cicero to conduct the prosecu- 
tioiu Verres had noble friends at Borne — ^the Metelli, the Sdpios, 
and HortensiuSy the master of the forum^ who undertook his 
defence. Bribes, threats, devices for delay* were devised, but 
all were of no avail. The jurors condemned Verres, and the * 
eloquent invectives which Cicero had prepared, although not 
delivered, were publi^ed and circulated, and read with great 

6. Cicero's Political Coiudstoncy.— Cicero was now the 
undisputed leader in his profession. In b. o. 66 he was elected 
prsetor,' and earnestly co-operated in the popular movement that 
inre«ted Pompejus with the extraordinary command in the East. 
The action which Cicero had taken in the condemnation of 
Verres, which was really that of the nobility, and his ardent 
support of the Manilian law, have generally been considered 
suflBcient evidence that he had deserted the senatorial and 
joined the popular party. It must be remembered that Cicero 
had grown up under the instructions of such great statesmen 
as Crassus and the Scaevolas, whose aim had been to conciliate 
the people and to restore the good old time when unity prevailed 
in the state. There was still a strong conservative party in the 
senate that wished to restore that time; with this party Cicero 
acted, and hence his sympathy with Pompejus, who still counted 
himself a member of the conservative party, and hence the sup- 
port of the senate, which raised him to the consulship. 

7. Cicero as OonanL — On the 1st of January, b. g. 63, 
Cicero entered upon his duties as consul, and one of his first 

* The trial was In the permanent Jnry coart for exactions (gwuth ptrpdua de ' 
npeiundit^ before the pmtor M^Aclltns Qlalnrlo. See p. 968. 

■ An attempt was made to take the case ont of C^ro*8 handa bv aetting np a eham 
pr ooectt tor In Q. OecUinB Niger, Vcrrea^e qnoetor. A prelLminarr uial (diH^aHtii was 
neeeeearr to deeide whether he or Cicero shonld be the accneer. Tie oration that Cicero 
delivered on this occasion is also called ditinaUo. Cicero was allowed 116 daya to col- 
lect eyidence In Sicily; he returned in 60, contenting himself with a brief outline of the 
case. Cioero called the witnesses at once ; their testimony was overwhelming. Hor- 
tentias gave np the case, and Verres went into exile. The following is a list of the 
oradonB: I. (1) DMnatkf in CaxiHum * (S) aeUo prima in Varrtm ; u. Actio teevnda; 
(8) ds pratura wbana ; (4) d€ JudOa riv4 de prtUura atieUienH ; (5) oroMo fhtmaUaria ; 
(8) de Hffnis ; (7) d« mppHcUs. 

* Clrjero presided in (bis court (gututiop^rpttua rtpetundarvm), 


acts was to oppose and defeat the agrarian law of the tribune 
Servilius RuUus^ which was the most sweeping measnre that 
had yet been proposed for dividing the public land, and which 
was intended^ no doubt, to give one of the popular leaders an 
extraordinary command, like that of Pompejus.^ 

8. Defence of Rabixitus.—The next opportunity that 
Cicero had to display his abilities was when Caesar induced the 
tribune Labienus to accuse an aged senator, Rabirius, of the 
murder^ of Satuminus, a popular leader in the tumult in the year 
& c. 100.' This was an attack upon the prerogatives of the sen- 
ate — ^their right to invest the consul with supreme power. If 
Babirius was condemned, the people then had the right to nul- 
lify the action of the senate, and no tribune need in future fear 
the fate of Satuminus. Cicero no doubt looked forward to the 
day when he should need a similar decree against Catiline, and 
therefore defended Babirius with all his energy and power.* In 
the meantime Cicero had defeated another scheme^the repeal 
of the law of Eoscius Otho, which gave to the equites and all those 
who possessed the equestrian census the fourteen rows of seats 
in the orchestra, behind the senators — ^proposed by Cassar, to 
still further widen the broach between the senatorial and eques- 
trian parties. When Otho entered the theatre he was received 
with a storm of hisses from the people; the knights applauded ; a 
fearful riot ensued, and Cicero was summoned. He invited the 
people to meet in the temple of Bellona, and addressed them in 
such a manner that he completely restored their good humor.s 
When Ceesar, shortly after, proposed that civil rights should 
be restored to those who had been proscribed by Snlla — a 
measure eminently just in itself, but not considered at this 
time expedient, the eloquence of Cicero persuaded^ the tribunes 

* (1) OnOio \n mnaitu Kal. Jan. de lege agroria ; (8) ad QnMUe Oomira P. BuUum. 

* See p. 2S0. • 

* Beue perduelUonU (i. «., aocneed of higfa-treaMii). 

« The trial came flnt before the Duumviri, O. CiBear and the oonsalar 1$. Otmt. 
BabirtoB was conyicted and appealed to the people. It is ancertaln what the reealt vw^ 
Dio CasBins rdatea that RabirfuB would have been condemned had not Metelliia Oelcr. 
dnring the Totins. lowered the flag which always waved upon the Janioaliii. TUa broke 
up the eomUia. See p. 40. 

■ Pro Roecio Othone haA been lost. 

* J)e proeaiptomm JUHe tiiimkMi, 


to abandon the measure before it came before the senate. Otesar 
saw that the reyolution was not ripe, and waited in silence. 

'9. CatUine Prepares for War.— These skirmishes were, 
howeTcr, merely preliminary to the great contest with Catiline 
which was approaching. Catiline, while waiting for the consular 
elections for the next year, at which he himself was to be a 
candidate, was secretly laying his plans for civil war, and had 
selected FsBsuln as his headquarters. Cicero contented himself 
witti keeping a constant watch on the progress of the conspiracy, 
as he received accurate information from Fulvia and Curins. 
The time for holding the comitia was postponed, on account of 
fear of Catiline, and the laws against bribery at elections were 
strengthened.^ In the meantime Cicero received definite infer* 
mation in regard to the plans of the conspirators,' and assem- 
bled the senators on the 21st of September and laid before them 
an account of the conspiracy, how imminent the danger was, that 
arms were collected, preparations completed, and the day fixed 
for the rising. Catiline himself was present and engaged in the 
debate ; and believing that there were many in the senate who 
wanted a change, he boldly avowed his design, and added to 
his expression in regard to the senate without power and the 
people without a head,' that he would be the head that was 
wanting. A few days before he had said to Cato,^ who threat- 
ened him with a prosecution, that if a fire were kindled against 
him he would extinguish it, not with water, but by the general 
ruin. The election was held soon after,' and Cicero, in a breast- 
plate of glittering steel under his toga and with a body of armed 
attendants, went to the Campus Martins. Junius Silvanus and 
Tacinius Murena were elected consuls. 

10. The CooaiiUi Invested with Diotatorial Powera.— 
This repulse made Catiline furious. He planned the destruc- 
tion of the city, the murder of the consuls, and as the 
preparations of G. Manlius at Fsesulsa were completed, the 

*■ Z4X ThdHa d$ ambltu threatened paDi<>bment agafnot the divUoref (the ward-dls- 
trlbntoK of bribes to voters) ; forbade a candidate to give gladiatorial shown for two yean 

before election, Ae. 
■ See Saet. Aiig^ 
• Cifr, p^ Miiiri& ' " * AttbebegiimingofOct 

> See Saet. Aii£. 94; Laoge I C vol. UL, p. M7. * Bee p. «84. . 


88th* of October was set for the insurrection. Cicero, in- 
formed of all his plans, summoned the senate October 2l6t, 
which now, thoroughly alarmed, inyested the consols with 
dictatorial power.' In the meantime, letters from Fassnls 
said that Manlius had collected a formidable army, and that an 
insurrection was threatened in Capua and Apulia. By good 
fortune the two proconsuls, Marcius Bex and Metellus Creticus, 
were waiting at the gates for the triumph which they de- 
manded. The senate sent the former to FsBsnlsB, and Metel- 
lus was ordered to proceed against the insurgents in Apulia. 
The gladiators were removed from Capua and rewards were 
proclaimed for information concerning the conspiracy. In 
Bome, citizens were enrolled, guards posted at the gates, and 
watches patrolled the streets. 

11. The First CatUinian Oration.— At this juncture, 
Catiline called a meeting' of the conspirators at the house of 
M. Porcius LsBca, and told them that he was ready to depart 
to the army if Cicero was first disposed o£ A knight, 0. 
Cornelius, and a senator, L. Varguntejus, undertook to assas^ 
sinate the consul in his own house the next morning. A 
timely warning caused Cicero to close his. doors to yisitors, 
and on the same day he summoned the senate in the 
temple of Jupiter Stator.* Catiline was present, but his 
fellow-senators shrank from him, and left the benches vacant 
where he sat Then Cicero arose and poured forth the first of 
the four celebrated Catilinian orations, which begins with the 
well-known words : " How long, Catiline, will you abuse our 
patience ? " He showed him that he knew what he had done, 
what he intended, that he was informed of all his plans, and 
called upon him to relieve the city of his hated presence, and 
to take his companions in crime with him. Catiline, with 

« The pecond day of the ludi rieiorUB SuUana^ a d«r on which th« comilia oooM not 
be held ; it could not, therefore, have been poetponed until this d«y, w isnsoaUy rajh 
posed to have been the case. ^ _. * 

* VldeantetmiuletneguUir^fpuUUadeMmt^ 

* The con8pliat4)rB aeeembled on the iden of November, and the murder of Cieero 
xvB» to take place on the next day. the 6th of November ; but aa the aaeembly broke ap 
too late for that. It was deferred until the momio|r of the 7th. 

* For poeltioo of thitf temple »ee colored map No. 8.. 


downcast eyes and faltering voice, begged the senate not to^ 
JDcLge him harshly, nor to think that he, a patrician, would 
attempt to ruin tiie republic that a man like Cicero, sprung 
from the dregs of the people, might save it Here his voice 
was drowned with the cry, " Traitor I '* " Parricide 1 " He 
mshed from the senate chamber, and after conferring with 
the leaders of the conspiracy and assuring them that he 
would soon return with an army, he left the city at nightfall, 
accompanied by a few associates, and hastened to the camp of 
Manilas. He left instructions for Lentulus and Gethegus and 
others in the city not to quit their posts, but to take measures 
to assassinate the consul and to prepare for an outbreak as 
Boon as he should appear with an army. 

12. The OoaapiratorB Betrayed and Arrested.— On 
the next day. No?. 8, Cicero addressed the second Catilinian 
oration to the people in the forum. He defended himself from 
the chaige of acting harshly against Catiline, denied that he had 
driren him into banishment, prophesied that Catiline would put 
himself at the head of the army in Etruria, and finally 
declared that the consul and senate were prepared to crush his 
nefiuious schemes. The senate declared Catiline and Manlius 
public enemies, and ordered Antonius to proceed against them 
with an army, while Cicero remained to guard the city. No 
steps were taken against the conspirators who remained in the 
city, from lack of suflScient legal proof to oonyict thenu This, 
however, their own imprudence furnished. They ventured to 
tamper with the envoys of the AUobroges, who had come 
from Qaxxl to petition the senate against the tyranny of the 
Roman governors. The envoys had met with no success, and 
were returning home in ill-humor at their reception. The 
adherents of Catiline thought it a favorable time to kindle the 
flames of civil war in Gaul and to create a diversion there in 
their favor. The Allobroges, however, revealed the plot to 
their patron,^ Q. Fabius Sanga, who communicated it to Cicero. 
At Cicero^s directions the envoys feigned great zeal in the 

' Wbole commonitlwi wepe often clients of tome distingokhed num. 


nndertaking and obtained letters from the chief conspirators 
as credentials to their nation. As the envoys were learing 
Borne by the Milvian bridge ^ they were arrested by pereons 
who had been stationed there in ambush for that purpose and 
taken to Cicero's house. The next morning Cioero sent for the 
chief conspirators. Ignorant of what had happened, they came 
and were immediately arrested and led before the senate. The 
letters were opened; the conspirators acknowledged their guilt 
Lentulus was compelled to resign the prsdtorshipy and was 
delivered with four of his associates to the custody of certain 
senators, who were made answerable for their appearance. 

13. Effort to Implicate Crassns. — Cicero related these 
events co the people the same evening, December 3d, in the 
third Catilinian oration. He urged them to return thanks with 
the senate to Jupiter Capitolinus, whose statue by a singular 
coincidence had been erected in the capitol that morning, and 
looking down upon his people in the forum, had granted 
them &vor and protection. An effort was made to implicate 
Crassus as well as CsBsar in the conspiracy, in the hope that 
either their great influence with the senate would screen the 
culprits from justice or if they defended the conspirators they 
would criminate themselves. The senators refused unani- 
mously to believe the insinuations, and decreed that the 
informer should be imprisoned until he disclosed the name 
of the person who had instigated him to give such evidence. 

14. The Conspirators Condemned by the Senate.— 
On the 5th day of December, Cicero convened the senate to 
decide on the fate of the conspirators. The question was one 
of great difficulty. The senate had invested the consuls with 
dictatorial power, but this the people maintained did not give 
them authority to inflict capital punishment. So far Cicero 
had proceeded strictly according to the forme of law. The 
conspirators had been declared public enemies in order that 
they might be deprived of citizenship. He now brought the 
matter before the senate, and, according to the usual custom, 

* J\mi6$ MolUy see nutp, p. 4. 


called on Silanusy the consul-elect, for his opinion first Sila- * 
nus declared that the conspirators should suffer the extreme 
penalty of the law, and all the oonsulars agreed with him. 
When the turn came to Gsssar, who was prsBtor-elect, he recom- 
mended that their goods be confiscated and that they be 
imprisoned for life in different Italian cities. With this opin- 
ion, Qointus, Cicero's brother, agreed, and a large number of 
senators, from fear of the people, inclined to the same opinion. 
Even Silanus retracted and explained his opinion by declaring 
that imprisonment was the extreme penalty that a citizen could 
suffer at Borne. When the turn came to Marcus Fortius Cato, 
he rose and in tones of deep conviction and unflinching courage 
demanded the execution of the criminals ; he attacked Caesar and 
charged him with attempting to rescue from justice the enemies 
of the state. This decided the question. Cicero in the fourth 
Catilinian oration^ summed up the arguments on both sides, 
and called upon the senators to have no regard for his personal 
safety ; that whateyer happened to himself he cared not, he 
would execute the decree of the senate whatever it might be. 
15. The EzecQtion of the Conspiratore. —The senate 
voted for the death of the conspirators. The charge raised 
against Cansar by Piso and Catulus had been industriously 
circulated, and the knights who guarded the doors of the 
temple of Concord, where the senate sat, and were impa- 
tiently awaiting the result, threatened Caesar with their swords 
as he came out Cicero took care to have the sentence exe- ' 
' en ted at once. Lentulus with four others' was strangled • 
in the vault of the Tullianum. The people thronged round I 
Cicero as he descended to the forum, and hailed him the 
savior and second founder of Rome. The streets were illu- 
minated, and each in the train of citizens that accompanied 

* Flat. Cat. Mio., 88 ; this speech was reported br the stenograpfaers and published. 
Tlie foUowing are the nsaal date^ of the roar Catilinian orations with the corrections, 
on aocomit ofthe disorder of the calendar : 

I. Ad Senatum, a. d. VI., Id. Nor. = Nov. 8. b. c. 69 = Jan. 18, b. c. 08. 
n. .Itf ftfni/um. a.d. V., Id. Nov. = Nov. 9, " " = Jan. 18, «• " 
ni. ilrf-P)ptt/um,,Nou.DPC. = Dec. 8, " " = Feb. S, " •• 
nn. Afi Senatum, Nonis Dec. = Dec. 6, " " = Feb. 7, " •• 

• Xbe other four bad et^caped. 


Cicero home, acknowledged that Borne owed its safety to 
Cicero alone.^ 

16. Defeat and Death of CatiUne.^^While these events 
were going on in the city^ Catiline and Manlius had collected 
two legions^ mostly from the veterans of Sulla. When news 
reached them that the plot had &iled at Bome^ many of the 
soldiers deserted, and Catiline endeavored to retreat into Cis- 
alpine OauL But Metellus Celer occDpied the passes of the 
Apennines, while Catiline was closely followed by Antonios. 
Catiline, hemmed in between the two armies, turned upon 
Antonius, who, ashamed to fight against his old friend, feigned 
sickness. The command fell into the hands of Petrejus, an 
old and skillf al soldier. The armies met near Pistoria (Ksto ja) ; 
the struggle was desperate and bloody. Catiline fell in the 
thick of the Boman army, to which he had cut his way, sword 
in hand. His two lieutenants were killed. Not a single free- 
man was taken prisoner ; they covered with their bodies the 
places where they fought.' 

17. The Position of Cicero. — ^The conspiracy had been 
crushed and the republic saved from great danger, yet there 
was a deep undercurrent of discontent, and Caesar's warning 
against trifling with the constitutional sacredness of a Roman 
citizen's life, began to be felt At the head of this faction 
were the magistrates of the following year, L. Cs^sar, and the 
tribunes Metellus and Bestia. When Cicero, according to 
custom, ascended the rostra on the last day of the year, to give 
an account to the people of the events of his consulship, 
Metellus forbade him to speak. " The man,*^ said he, " who 

& Mommeen (I. e. rol. lii., p. 186 f.) consltters the exeentloii as tmeonstitiitfoiMl. 
There can, however, be no doabt, that from the patrician standpoint, the law of the 
republic invested the consuls with the power of lire and death as soon as the senate 
had issued irs final d^ree. In support of this view we have the opinion of Caesar (a. c. 7) 
and of Sallust (Cat. 89), both of the popular party, who recognise it as an existin; 
right of the senate. Ea poUsUu^ says Sal Inst, pw tenatum more Bomano magMnn 
maxima permittihtr. eaxreUvm parari, bellum oerere, ecBeretre omnl^iM mocttis tode^ 
atque eM» domi milUaufue imperittm atgue Judicium eummum habere ; aUter tin€ popuS 
husu nuttiiu earum rerum eonwlijus eat. Ciewr admits it ; with certain limiratioo». it 
Is true, but still he rcc<^;nize8 the right as belonging to the senate. The people had 
often questioned this prerogative, and>^i«dm had declared it null aiid void ; but th« 
nobility by no means recognized the vaJiditv of these enactments, 

" The battle took plaC4* in March b. c. 02. 


condemned our fellow-citizenB unheard, shall not himself be' 
listened to." Then Cicero raised his voice and said, '^I 
swear that I hare saved the republic; and the city from ruin." 
The people applauded, and with one voice responded that he 
had sfpoken the truth. 

•• ♦ •» 

Betubn of Pompejus from the East — C^bsab PBOPBjBroB 

IN Spain. 

1. The Position of Parties. — The attempt of the insur- 
gents to get control of the government had &iled. The efforts 
to incriminate the leaders of the democratic party in the con- 
spiracy, although they may have watched its progress with ^ 
satisfaction, were futile. Even the people had been alarmed ' 
and alienated by the incendiary schemes of the conspirators, 
and the optimates were able to resume in a measure their old 
position at the head of the government. Their recent suc- 
cess encouraged them in their opposition to Pompejus, and 
in the belief that the old powers of the senate could be 
restored. The day, however, was drawing near when Pompe- 
jus would return. He had already sent his legate Metellus 
Nepos to be elected tribune for the purpose of procuring for 
him the consulship and the, conduct of the war against 
Catiline.^ To combat these proposals, Cato, the leader of 
the radical senatorial party, declared himself a candidate for . 
the tribunate. There was also an influential party in the 
senate headed by LucuUus, Metellus Criticus, and M. Grassus, 
who were opposed to Pompejus, from personal motives.' The 
consequence was that when Nepos found the whole strength 

* Wtien Nepos proposed these rogations, a terrible tnmnlt ensaed. Nepos fled to 
Fompcjns ; the senate saspended Cassar from his prsetorship ; his flrmness compelled 
the senate to recall the peitalty ; the senate declared all who qoestioncd the Justice of 
the execotions of the conspirators, public enemies. * See pp. 875, n. 8 ; SCd, 


of the Benatorial partj arrayed againet him, he made ad- 
vances to the democrats, who, jieldiag to necessitr, conceded 
the demands of Fompejna. Nepoa in retain accepted tbe 
democratic view of the execation of the conspirators. Cteeai 
eooght in various ways to conciliate the &Tor of Pompejtu 

and to bring him iD collision with the aristocracy. He pro- 
posed to have the superintendence of rebuilding the Capitoline 
temple transferred from Catulus to Pompejue. 

2. Tiiamph of Fompegus.— In B. c 62, Pompejns reached 
Italy, and instead of marching with his army to Borne bb 
Crassus had expected,* immediately dismissed bis soldiers until 

' The temple of Jiipiler CBnltolinm wms built bj T»rqn[niiiii Saperbua Is a. 0. 5S, 
Itwk«a<'*rlr MDIR. b<-lnesaa ItfimBD fi¥[ Inlenstb. ind UB iD Hldth (Vltr. It.. T.I). 
The flgnre at JapIIer nan Ihp nuwl pmminent object ullhln tb< temple. In blstiAl 
> — .. ... — a„i..i. — J I- ^t. .... q^ gue» «ert -' -"■ ' ~' '"- 

hand in* a thunderbolt, aoil In tola Itrt a spAar. Tm gue» were 
paveme- — '- ' ■- " ' ~" '— ■- 

r Pentelic marble taten from (he temple of Jupller Olymi 

Tbe temple vu, rebulll by Vrspaslaa in exact tUtrneu of Iti predeceuor, onlr hMm, 
bccauH ttie harusplcFS said the gods voulr] not allow tbeplan to be altered (Tw:. HM., 
Iv.. !U). It vn" iTnally, U a. D. US. plundered bf the Vandals and Um notke ot ul 

a. C. 100.] THB BIBf! 0¥ C.S8AS. 801 

it was time for them to attend Ma triumph. He Bet oat him- 
self for Rome, and tuked permisBion of the eenate to enter the 
city witboat forfeiting bis claim to a triumph. C,f\c> opposed the 
"?^nni*'i in'' '* ••"° ~*'lflP(^ He remftined outeide the walU 
until his triamph took place. It lasted two days and was the 
most splendid that Rome had ever seen. He had conqaered 
fifteen Dations, and three hundred and twenty-fonr princes 
walked before hie triumphal car. Pompejus acted with great 
modetation ; he simply demanded of the senate allotments of 


land for hie soldiers, and confirmation of his acts in the East 
Th e senate, influenced b y T^i/miind jjifi n^^^ n^ifinl fh"-- 
reaii flsts. and rompeju^ hat ho^altemative bu t toJiilL.baclt pn 
the popular party 

3. The Rise of Cnsar. — Just at this time Cesar returned 
from Spain, where he had achieved brilliant success and laid 
the foundation of his military career. From this time the 
power fell more and more into the hands of prominent men. 
Fortane bad given Pompejus power which he did not know how 

SOS tB£ ttisB ot CJESXt^ [b. a 70. 

to use. It was snatched from him hy a man who was worthj 
of it GajuB Julias Cadsar was bom July 12, B. c. 100,^ and 
therefore was six years younger than Pompejus or Cioero. He 
sprang from an old patrician ^mily, but the circumstanoeB of 
his early life brought him in close connection with the Marian 
party. His aunt had married Marius, and he himself, when 
serenteen years old, had taken the daughter of Cinna, one of 
the Marian leaders, for his wife. He refused, at the bidding 
of Sulla when dictator, to divorce his wife, as Pompejus had 
done. His name was placed on the list of the proscribed ; but he 
concealed himself among the Sabine hills until the intercession 
of the vestal virgins and nobility obtained his pardon. ** You 
wish it," said Sulla ; ''I grant it; but in this boy there 
are more than one Marius.'' Osesar, however, would not 
accept pardon, but so long as Sulla lived he avoided the capital 
He went to Asia Minor, and in the siege of Mitylene he won the 
civic crown for saving the life of a citizen. On his return to 
Bome he took advantage of the popular dissatisfaction with 
Sulla's arrangements to win the favor of the people. He 
impeached Cn. Dolabella and 0. Antoniusfor extortion in their 
provinces. Although they were acquitted by the senatorial 
judges, still his success was such as to stimulate his ambition. 
To render himself still more proficient he determined to retire 
to Rhodes, then celebrated for its rhetoricians. At this time 
Servilius Isauricus was conducting the war against the pirates, 
and Gsdsar, while on his way to Rhodesi, was taken prisoner by 
the pirates. They demanded twenty talents for his ransom. 
**It is too little," said he; "you shall have fifty; but once 
free, I will crucify you." And he kept his word- 

4. Eto Restores the Trophies of lEariiis.— In b. c. 70 he 
supported the claims of Pompejus for the consulship and the 
laws he proposed, because they admirably accorded with his own 
plans. In B. c. 69 GsBsar was quaestor. In this year his aunt 

1 Mommflen «et the date a. o. lOB. becanne be obtained tbe edne<tblpln b. c. 65. jfoetot- 
■hip B. o. 02. and confmlnhip 58, while accordint; to the leges annalee the^ offloes cooM 
not be held before the 37-88th« 40-41 xt and 4)-44th yean of age. Ce«ar was no doubt 
exempt, by a special law, like Pompejos and many others, from the law, though thJe li 
Dowhiere mentumed in our anthorities. 


JnhA, and wife Cornelia^ died. In pronoimciiig^ according to 
custom, their eulogy, he said: '^My aunt Julia deriyed her 
descent by her mother from a race of kings, and by her father 
from the immortal gods. In onr family are the sacred majesty 
of kings, who are masters of the world, and the divine majesty 
of godfly who are the masters of kings." ^ Three years later he 
dared to restore the trophies of Marias. When these glittered 
once more in gold and marble in their old place, the veterans 
crowded round the statue of their beloved leader, with tears in 
their eyea. As sdile he not only embellished the comitium and 
the rest of the forum, and exhibited three hundred and twenty 
pairs of gladiators equipped in silver, but in the diversions of 
the theatre, in the processions and public tables, he far outshone 
the most ambitious of his predecessors.^ His prodigality was 
frightfal ; his debts enormous. He owed twenty-five million 
sesterces.* His liberality, his magnanimity, made him the 
favorite of the people. Even his vices endeared him to them. 
Cicero * says that genius, method, memory, literature, prudence, 
deliberation and industry were combined in him. When Gatu- 
lus, the chief pontiff, died, the most illustrious men solicited 
the office. Gsosor, however, did not give place to them. On 
the morning of the election he said : '^ I shall this day be either 
chief pontiff or an exile." 

5. CsBoar the Ghaatost Man of AatiqtdXj. — Until 
OaBsar was forty years of age his military experience was of the 
most limited kind. Then he became the greatest general of his 
age. It must have been a strange sight to see that profligate 
spendthrift, that elegant debauchee, his couotenance pale and 
white, withered before its time by the excesses of the capital, that 
delicate and epileptic man, walking at the head of his legions 
under the rains of Gaul, swimming its rivers, climbing its mount« 
ains on foot, and making his bed among rains and snows in its 
loreBts and morasses.' When carried in his litter he read and 
wrote, and dictated to four and sometimes to seven amanuen- 
ses at once. He could be reading, writing, dictating and listen- 

• 2 PbllL, 4ft. ' Michelet, p. 886 ; Saetoniiu Osm.; Pint. Ont. 





804 flBST COKBULSHIP OF CJE&A^ [b. C. 59. 

ing all at the same time. At the most perilous moments he knew 
how to seize a shield and fight iu the ranks of his soldiers. ''He 
was/' says Dmmann, ''great in everything he ondertook; as a 
captain, a statesman, a lawgiver, a jurist, an orator, a poet, an 
historian, a grammarian, a mathematician, and an architect*" 

6. The First Trinmirirate (b. c. 60).~A8 propraetor he' 
received the province of Spain. JBven before his departure his 
old friend Crassus had to relieve him of a portion of his debt 
He returned to Rome before the consular elections of B. c. 60^ 

ll and found Pompejus at variance with the senate. Cassar mada . 
overtures to him, and promised to secure the ratification of hii 
acts in the East and the assignment of lands for his soldiers, ij 
1 return Pompejus was to support Caesar for the consulship. Thfc 
success of the coalition^ was secured by Gaesar's gaining otv 
Crassus, whose great wealth gave him prominent influence vk 
the senate. This was the master stroke of Caesar's policy; to 
overcome the bitter jealousy between Pompejus and Crassus, 
and effect a reconciliation. 

7. The First Consnlship of CsMsar (b. c. 5g^Gs8ar 
was elected consul with M. Bibulus, a narrow minded optimate, 
as his colleague. He immediately brought forward his proposala 
— the agrarian law,' the ratification of Pompejus' acts^ in the 
East, and a bill for granting the petition of the knights' to be 
relieved from the terms on which they had agreed to farm the 
taxes in Asia. After the most obstinate resistance on the part 
of the optimates the laws were carried. Twenty commissaoners, 
with Pompejus and Crassus at their head, were appointed to 

t . superintend the distribution of the land. At the close of his 
^ \ consulship Caesar was invested • with the government of Ciaal- 

> GeschicfOe Somt, vol. iii., p. 746. 

* This private league wa» afterwards known as the Flnt TriwMikvU. 

* The lex Julia of/raria propoBed the division of the offer pubUcus in Italr. The ««e- 
ond kx agraria included the ager Ccunpaniur and the campw SteUatU^ which wpre to 
he divided amons the poor citizenR. * The lex JvUa de am I Sjm i MJ L 

* The iex Jwia de pubHeanin, to ooneUlate Crawns. Cato's eeverity in refn;Anf to 
releai^e the leasees of the tazet* in A"ia Minor from the terms on which they bad agrtred to 
farm the revenne there, alienated the eqnectrian order, and made thpm eager to tno^fer 
their allegiaace to the triamvin). who promised to procure for them the remisaion of ooe- 
third of the ram they had promif>ed to pay. 

* The lex VaHnia de procinda Caseans ; in connection with this was the lex VaSnU 
de ooUmia Latina Oomum deduoenda. Csear had ah«ady advocated the granting of dti- 
aenship to the Transpadane Qanls. This was a step in that direction, and the MOO osA> 
iklsts assured him of their lldeUty. Oomum from this time was called NoYum Ooaun. 

B. C. 58.] PIBBT COlirSni^HIP OF GiE8AR. 305 

pine and Transalpine Gaul and Illyricum, with eight legions, 
for the space of Hyo years.^ The main object of hi^ consulship 
had been attained. He had bound Pompejus and Grassus to 
himself and to the popular party more clcraely, and as proconsul 
of Gisalpine Gaul, he could watch the progress of affairs in the 
capital The threatening moYcments of the tribes in Transal- 
pine Ganl opened to him a wide field for the exercise of his 
military genius, and gare him time to form a powerful army 
devoted to his interests. Pompejus undertook^ in the mean- 
time, to watch OYer Italy and carry into execution the agrarian 

8. Pnbliiis Olodins. — ^The success of the triumyirs seemed i 
complete, and the power of the senate completely brokeou Still * 
the people were fickle, and there were symptoms of discontent 
Some of the optimates were rash enough to propose the annuly \ 
ling of the Julian laws. It was evident that the senate bore wit 
inward rage the yoke which Caesar had laid upon it Ev 
Pompejus felt that his present position hardly accorded with faiis 
aristocratic notions, and he repented of the step he had takeiL' 
There was danger then that during Caesar's absence a recouc !• 
iation would take place between him and the senate, and th it 
he would succeed once more in winning the support of tae 
popular party. To prevent this, Caesar made use of Publics 
Clodius Puleher, who had for a long time been attempting t|p 
procure his adoption into a plebeian house, that he might b^ 
elected to the tribunate. Clodius procured his adoption ' with the / 
aid of Caesar, who henceforth found in him an apt instrument / 
for humbling the power of the senate, and, in case of need, to . 
act against Pompejus. Clodius was exasperated against the sen- > 
atonal party, and particularly against Cicero. The consuls for ! 
the following year were L. Calpurnius Piso, Caesar's father-in- ,! 

* OaUa TYansabiina wu 9dded by tbe senate and no time mentioned. The OaBUi CImI' \ 
Vina wan eonferred nntil March Ut, b. o. 54, instead of January Ut, on which day, accord- j 
fng to the lex OormUa de provineHi^ the oonBols and prnton were aooostomed to eater I 
on their provinces. ' 

* Ci& ad Atticnm ii., 9QS, (written Anfir., b. o. 60): " In the first place, then, I would 
hare yon know that onr friend Samp*«iceramn8 (I. «.,Pompeja<9) is heartily nick of his sit- 
uation, and wishes he could be restored to that place from which he has fallen." 

■ The tee euHaia 4b arrogatkmt: Cmaai,tmpo9U^ez tnaxUnue^ managed the aftair for 

806 I.EOISLATIOK OF CLODirs. [b. C. 55 

law, and A. Gktbinins, an adherent of Pompejns, while P. Clo- 
dins ^ was elected tribune of the people. The personal bonds 
between CsBsar and Pompejus were drawn still more doselj bj 
the marriage of Pompejas with Juli% Osraar's only dangfateri 
then twenty years of age. 

9. Clodiiis' Legislation.— Gsesar still lay with his legions 
before the walls of Borne, ready to support his party, if neces- 
sary. Clodins, agreeable to his instructions, immediately on 
entering the tribunate proposed and carried four rogadons 
at the same time. 

The firsts was intended to secure the favor of the peo- 
ple by providing that they should be supplied with com 

The second^ ma directed against the very citadel of the sena- 
torial power ; it forbade the consuls to hinder legislation under 
pretence of observing the heavens.^ 

> mils irifl the came Clodins who had attempted to Incite an fararrectlmi In the amy 
of LocttUoii, in B. 0. fl7. In B. o. 01, wliile the Boman matrons were met in Gnsar^s bonw 
to celebrate, according to cnstora, the mvsteries of the Good Goddfese (Bona DeaK Ib 
which it was considered the greatest proranation fbr any male creature to be picMT.t, 
Clodins enteiedjdi!^;aised atn a female musician. He was detected and the mysteries ba9> 
tily veiled, but Clowus made his escape. The scandal created great excltemcBt. Cwev 
was compromised. He divorced his wife Pompeja. The case wai, brought beforv* tbe 
senate. The trial hif>ted through b. o. 68 and 61. Clodins bribed tne judges and proenrel 
his acquittal. He was deeply embittered against the senate, and particnlarir a^nrf 
Cloero, who h<id appeared agunst him as a witness. He vo / e^, vecgeance. ana for thie 
purpose procured his adoption Into a plebeian family, and biecame a candidate lor the 
tifbunate. C»sar found in him a suitable instrument f ir aooompUaUog hia daalfiii 
against Cicero and the senatorial party. 

Atfius Claudius* Pulohsr 


ooa.64. I pr0tB.o.66. ttlb. pleb. b. o. 0& 

Claudia m. Claudia m. . . 

Cm. PoKPBTua. M. Bbutub. | I 

P.Glodiub. Clodia dl {MsHk 

* Sometimes caned Claudius and sometimes Clodius (c f . eavdex and apctcr, dauttrw 
and ciodrum); it became the custom, in later times of the repubUc, for aereial of tb» 
daudii to call themselves ClodiL 

* The lex fnxmentaria. 

* The Ux Clodia dejure et tempore lequm roaandamm^ I. «., that It sfaoMd be fcnl <? 
propose rogations to the people on all di«/am, that is, on all dUefadimam oomitukt. 

See page dO. 


The third re-established the ancient guilds^^ which the sen- 
ate-had recently suppressed. 

The fourth^ annulled the most despotic prerogative of the 
censors, by forbidding them to deny admittance to any magis- 
trate to th^ senate who was legally entitled to a seat there. 

10. The Banlfthmant of Glcero.— The next and most 
important service which Glodius performed for the triumvirs 
was to deprive the senate of its two ablest and most influen- 
tial members. Although Clodius was a bitter enemy of Cicero, 
and would gladly have driven him from the state, yet he could 
do nothing without the consent of the triumvirs. Agreeably 
to his instructions, he proposed a bill to entrust Gato with the 
government of Cyprus, which was to be converted into a prov- 
ince, and to interdict from fire and water any magistrate who 
had put Soman citizens to death without a trial. Cicero's name 
was not mentioned. He, however, saw his peril, dressed him- 
self in mourning, and went round the forum soliciting the com- 
passion of the people. The senators and knights assembled on 
the capitol to consult concerning the threatened danger. A 
deputation, headed by Hortentius and Scribonius Curio, was 
sent to implore the assistance of the consuls.^ Deputations 
from the Italian towns flocked to Home to ofEer their sympathy. 
Cicero appealed personally to Pompejus, and prostrated himself 
before him as a suppliant Pompejus repelled him coldly, with 
the answer that he could do nothing without Caesar's consent 
As for CsBsar, he expressed his opinion plainly in an assembly^ of 
the people convened by Clodius' in the circus of Flaminius, be- 
yond the walls. Here Caesar could be present, for as proconsul at 
the head of the legions it was not lawful for him to enter the city. 
The two consuls spoke against Cicero, and Caesar repeated the 
opinion which he had maintained from the first in the senate — 
that the execution of the conspirators was illegal, but that, in a 

Tbcfle asfloclatioos iodUgUi eompUaO^iM) were orfglnallT oij^nised to eonduot the 

Bscred rites of the eomoUa {ertm-roads). Although nomiDallv religions, they had been 
turned into " street-cmbe/* controlled by ward poTltlcIaos.and on that account had been 
pnppreesed by the senate in b.o. 84 ; they were now revived by Clodias {lex Clodia d€ 
coUeffHs}, • The Ux Clodia de eensoria notUme. 

* TMmj dared not offend Clodins, for ae trlbone he could procure for them a rich 
province. * Oontio. 

* ClodluK openly boaated that he acted in understanding with Cmar, Pompejus and 
Crassns. Cie. Seat. 17, » f. ; Bar. Beep. 23, 47. 

808 tB£ C6isc<iu^s/t CV tfitE WEdT. [b. g. 58-5L 

matter bo long passed, he deprecated severe measares. All 
availed nothing. The armed bands of Glodins kept poasession 
of the fomm. Oioero thought it best to yield to the storm, and 
after dedicating in the capitol a small statue of Minerra, the 
tutelary deity of Rome as well as of Athens, withdrew fipom the 
dty.^ Glodius then carried a bill interdicting Cicero by name 
from fire and water within 400 miles of Borne. His property 
was confiscated, and his house on the Palatine was bnmt 
Csesar's measures in the capital had been satisfactorily accom- 
plished, and he was now ready to set out for his province.* It 
was time, for the threatening movements of the Celtic tribes 
demanded his presence. 

•• ♦ f» 

The Conquest of the West (B. C. 58-61). 

1. The Conditioii of Gkiul. — ^The Romans had already 
come in contact with the Celts in Gaul, and had converted the 
strip of land on the seaboard between the Alps and Pyrenees 
into a Soman province (b. c. 118). The Bomans had for a long 
time regarded the Celtic province as very important, still they 
had made no systematic effort to extend their dominion in that 
quarter. The climate was healthy, the soil rich and fertile, and 
the intercourse with Italy, by land and sea, easy. Boman mer- 
chants afld farmers had already resorted in great numbers to 
Oaul, and had disseminated there Boman civilization. The 
centre of this civilization was the old Oreek city, Massilia, 
from which articles of luxury found their way up the Bhone and 
Soane, and thence, by land, to the Seine and Loire, in exchange 
for the products of GauL 


^ Cato left Borne abont the eame time. * Towards the end of Harcli, b. o. 9B. 



2. Defeat of the Btolvetiaiui (b.g. 58). — Abont this time 
the Helyetiaiis, a Celtic tribe, becoming restless in their narrow 
territories, hemmed in as they were between the Jura, the 
Rhine and the Alps, on account of their scanty means of sub- 
sistence, determined to abandon their territories and seek larger 
and more fertile abodes to the west of the Jura mountains. As 
Caesar was waiting before the gates of Rome, in the beginning 
of B. c. 58, he heard that the Helvetians had already assembled 
on the Bhone for the purpose of crossing and settling in the 
West. Thinking that this would endanger the safety of the 
province he hastened to Qanl, reached the Shone in eight 
days, and by skillful negotiations delayed the advance of the 
Helvetians until he had constructed a line of intrenchments 
from the lake of GleneTa to the Jura 

mountains. This defeated the attempt 
of the Helvetiaos to cross the river in 
this direction, and they were com- 
pelled to take their way along its right 
bank, and thus make their journey 
westward by a more northerly route.^ 
Cnsar hastily collected his forces,^ fol- 
lowed up the left bank of the Soane, 
cut to pieces a part of the Helvetian 
army and pursued the remainder to 
Bibracte,'' where he defeated them ^ in 
a terrible battle and compelled them to 
return to their own country. 

3. War with Ariovietiie (b. g. 58). — Ifext, GsBsar advanced 
northward to Vesontio (Besan^on), drove' back the Suevi, who 
had crossed the Shine in great numbers^ under their chief Ario- 
vistufl, for the purpose of reconciling the contending factions 



* Through the pass de I^Eclnse. 

' He went to his other province and hrooght up the three Iwions there, as well as 
the two of newly enrolled recniit«. He had In all 6 leglonR and 4000 Gallic horsemen. 

' Bibraete was, aooording to QOler, on the nte of the modem Autnn ; according to 
NapoIeonjM>me distance from Aatnn, on Mt. Benrray. 

* The Helvetians had set oat with 808,000, their whole popnlatioii, of which 88,000 
were aimed ; only 110,000 retamed. 

' The battle was fooght near Czcmay and Lower Asnach. 
' U0,000 had alreadj crossed. 

310 THE GONQITEST OF TUB WBST. [b. C. 58-51. 

and forming alliances in Gaul. The next year (b. c. 57) Caesar 
conquered the Belgic tribes, one of the three great nations that 
occnpied Oanl. It was in this campaign that, the Romans 
being surprised by the Nervii, while pitching their camp, the 
line was restored by Gaasar's seizing a shield and fighting in the 
ranks. During this year, Csosar's lieutenant, P. Crassus, subju- 
gated the tribes in Brittany and Normandy, so that at the end of 
the second year two of the three great divisions of Gaul were in 
the power of the Romans. In the third year Csasar advanced 
against the Yeneti, who had revolted, and succeeded in captur- 
ing their towns and defeating their fleet in the first great naval 
battle fought in the Atlantic ocean. The Morini and Menapii 
submitted, and G»sar seemed to have fully attained one of the 
great objects which he seikput to accomplish — ^the subjugation 
of Gaul. 

4. The liiTaBion of Oermany and Britain (b. o. 55).— 
The other half of his work — to compel the Germans to recog- 
nize the Rhine as their boundary on the west — still remain^ 
before him. Two tribes had already been driven oyer the Rhine 
in the pressure of the Germanic Mbes towaids the West* but 
Gffisar resolved to prevent them from settling in GauL They 
were defeated with tremendous slaughter, and Csdsar determined 
to bridge the Rhino ^ and cross himself, in order to iiispire the 
other German tribes with terror. In the autumn of tl^e same 
year he crossed for a reconnaissance to Britain,' but his fleet was 
disabled by a storm, and he was content to withdraw, softer a 
fortnight, to Gaul, for the vrinter. The next year he cio«f9ed 
again* with a large fleet, defeated the Britains under the^T 
leader Cassivellaunus, and compelled them to pay tribute and 
furnish hostages. 

5. CstMofs ▼ictoriaa Honored in Roma.— When the 
news of these prodigious marches and wonderful victories 

* This was B. c. 88. The biidfn was efected, aceording to Napoleon, at Bomi; aoeord- 
Ing to CKHer, between Bonn andCoblenoe. 

* Aooordftng to Napoleon, he sailed from the harbor of the modem BoidofDa, both this , 
and the next /ear; according to GOler, he embarked this year fkt>m Wlasant, and the aeit ! 
year from Caiaifi. 

■ He embarked from Portns Itiiu (probably Wltsaad, between Oalali and Boolocne). \ 

B. a 58-51.] THE CONQUEST OF THE WEST. 811 

reached Bome^ a cry of admiration arose from all gides. The 
senate Toted thanksgivings, in spite of the opposition of Gato. 
'^Compared to the exploits of Cffisar," said Cicero, ''what has 
Marias done? He arrested the deluge of Gauls into Italy; hut 
he never penetrated into their abodes, he never subdued their 
cities. Csesar has not only repulsed the Gauls, but he has sub- 
dued them. The Alps were once the barriers between Italy 
and the barbarians. The gods had placed the mountains 
there to shelter Bome in her weakness. Now let them sink 
and welcome. From the Alps to the ocean she has no enemy 
to fear.'' Daring the winter Oaesar held his court, as usual, 
at Lacca^ the most convenient point within his province, 
where he could watch the political complications in the 
capital and receive his numerous partisans and consult with 
them. Here consulars, senators and of&cials of all ranks 
crowded to his receptions, and all returned delighted with 
the courtesy and generosity of the conqueror. 

6. Revolt in QmL — Hitherto the Gauls had offered no 
united resistance, but in the winter of b. c. 54 they thought a 
favorable opportunity was offered for them to combine their 
forces, destroy their conqueror, and recover their independence, 
as Caesar was compelled to disperse his troops, on account of the 
scarcity of provisions. The corps among the Eburones, near 
Aduatica, was attacked, and on its retreat totally annihilated. 
The insurrection spread among the other tribes, and soon the 
insurgents, to the number of sixty thousand, laid siege to the 
camp of Q. Cicero, in the territory of the Nervii. Caesar, for- 
tunately, was still in Gaul. He hastened, with great speed, im 
Cicero's relief, raised the siege, and the insurgents dispersed, 
Caesar exacted terrible vengeance^ from the revolted tribes, and 
in order to strike terror to the Germans, whom the Gauls had 
once more invited to their assistance, he crossed the Rhine 
again. In the following year (b. c. 53) he advanced to the 
north and exacted bloody vengeance on the Eburones, the lead- 
ers of the insurrection. The next year (b. c. 52) Caesar found 

* For this campali^ he raffled three le^onn (two were borrowed from Pompejos). He 
had previoaalj 8| 1<^om ; U was loet In the attack ; he now had 10. 

812 THE CONQUEST OF THE WEST. [B. C. 58--51. 

all Oaal again arrayed against him in a general insurrection. 
The last attempt had failed because the proconsul had appeared 
unexpectedly on the scene of action. Now he waa at a distance^ 
detained on the Po by the imminence of civil war. This, then, 
was the time to strike. The Roman army could be annihilated 
and the province overrun before Gsesar could reappear. The 
Camutes offered to take the lead. Oenabum^ was attacked and 
the Boman settlers were put to death. The cry of war, repeated 
by men through the fields and villages, reached the Arveroi the 
same evening, a distance of one hundred and fifty miles.' 

7. Gkdlant Defence of Vercingetorix. — ^Vercingetorix, 
the chief of the Arvemi, joined the insurrection and called upon 
all to fight for the lil)erty of their country. Just at this time 
G»sar crossed the Alps, took measures to protect the province, 
forced his way across the Cevennes through the deep snow, and 
appeared unexpectedly to all in the land of the Arvemi. After 
collecting his legions he marched directly upon Grenabum, 
which had given the signal for revolt. It was pillaged and laid 
in ashes. Yercingetorix urged his countrymen to change the 
plan of the war, and instead of resisting the Romans in the 
open field or in their fortified towns, to bum their towns, cut 
off the supplies and lay the country waste far and wida The 
plan worked admirably. GsBsar's foraging parties found it difiS- 
cult to obtain supplies, and the army began to be pinched by 
hunger. In the general destruction Avaricum (Baurges) had 
been spared. Hither Csesar hastened with all speed, and preesed 
the siege with energy. The town surrendered and its abundant 
stores relieved the wants of the army. Caesar was enabled once 
more to show a bold front to the enemy, and he entered the 
territories of the Averai and laid siege to their capital, Qergo- 
via.* Here he met with his first defeat in Gaul, and was com* 
pelled to retreat. This was a critical moment for GsBsar. His 
enemies in Rome were eagerly scanning the news, hoping that 
some disaster would befall him, while his position in Oaul 
depended on the halo of victory that surrounded him. His 

* Aooordins to N^wleon, the modern GSen. ■ C»8. bel. GaL tIL, S. * Near dermont 

B. C. 58-51.] THB GOITQUEST OF THIS WB8I. 313 

retreat was the signal for the iEdai to revolt, and the whole 
Celtic nation, with the single exception of the Bemi, were in 
arms, and the warriors swore not to revisit their homes until 
they had crossed at least twice the ranks of the enemy.^ 
CsBsar, however, was nndismayed« He called ont the levy to 
protect the province, and advanced himself towards Agedin- 
cam to join Labienns. After the junction of the two armies 
Caesar turned to the south, in order to protect the province 
from invasion. * 

8. Si^;e of Aleaia (b. a 52).— On his way was Alesia,* 
where Vercingetorix bad intrenched himself with 80,000 men. 
The city was situated upon a hill, in what was supposed to be 
an impregnable position. Here the Celts had taken final ref- 
uge, and Vercingetorix had dispatched his cavalry to summon, 
all Oanl to his relief. The Romans had hardly invested the 
place when they were surrounded by a tremendous army* which 
had assembled to relieve it. G»sar was in great peril, still he 
would not raise the siege, but by a masterly disposition of his 
forces he prevented Yercingetorix from breaking through the 
lines, defeated the Celtic army without, and compelled Alesia 
to surrender. The people were reduced to slavery, and the 
number was so great that each soldier had one slave. Ver- 
cingetorix, the noble representative of all that was brave and 
generous in his. nation, was reserved to grace his captor's 
triumph and to perish in the dungeons of the capitol. The 
fall of Alesia ended the war. What followed ^ was only like the 
swell of the ocean after a mighty storm. A general insurrec- 
tion was impossible. The other tribes soon submitted, and 
after eight years the subjugation of the region between the 
Alps, the Bhine and the ocean was complete. 

9. CsMUur's Organintioa of GkraL— During the winter 
Csesar travelled through Ghml, settled the condition of the 
country, and conciliated the &vor of the people. Honors and 
privileges were bestowed upon the chiefs and the cities, and even 
the franchise was granted to a number of noble Celts, several of 

* Ben. G«l.. tU., 15. * Situated between ChatlUon and Dijon, on If t. Anxois. 

■ SBO^OOO iniantiy and SOOO cavalzy. * Xn 9. a U. 



whom were admitted to the senate. The territory was united to 
the province of Narbo nntil b. c. 44^ when two proTinces^ were 
formed from it — Oallia and Belgica. The taxes' imposed were 
lights and the levying of them was intrusted to each oomma- 
nity. Caesar left the Oauls their land, their laws and their 

religion ; and in a great measure their self-government was undis- 
turbed. In fact, he spared everything that did not interfere 
with his fundamental idea — the Romanizing of Gaul. In order 
to turn their eyes toward Bome, the Boman monetary system 
was introduced, and the Latin language was made the language 

^ Tn ▲. D. 17, Logdnneneifl and ▲qnltonU were formed fkom OalUa. 
* Forty million tetUrea (abont ft3,000,000) were levied aonoally-. The gold eol- 
leeied in the temples and bj the nobler wm oonflecated, and this hrongfat eo moch islo 

the market that gold fdl, M compared wltE silver, 85 per oenr 

B. G. 58-51.] ANABCHY IN THS CAPITAIi. 815 

— ■ ■ ■ ^\ 

of official intercourse. By these wise and jndicioas measures the 
country became thoronghly Bomanized, and the laws and insti- 
tutions of Borne formed the basis of its sodal and political 
life.1 . ^ 

*% ■ ■■ 

Anabcht in the Capital — Kuftube between Cjssab and 

THE Senate. 

X Political Agitation in the Capital.— During GsBsar's 
absence Pompejus had been appointed by the triumvirs to rule 
the capitaL In this he had undertaken a task far beyond his 
ability. To rule the waves of political agitation in the capital 
that sweUed with past and future revolutionSy required a 
greater magician than he. After GsBsar's departure to Gaul, 
Clodins gave free reins to his audacity. Bands of gladiators 
roamed the streets and dispersed the rabble that represented the 
Boman people. It soon began to be felt that the throne was 
yacanty and that the master was in Gaul. Glodius was embold- 
ened to commence a violent attack even on Pompejus. The 
restoration of the clubs had given Clodius an opportunity to 
organize the whole free and slave proletariate of the capitaL 
Utterly helpless to quell .the disorder, and intimidated into the 
belief that a plot was formed against his life, Pompejus retired 
from the contest and shut himself up in his house. Caesar came 
to his rescue, and the next election freed him from his petty 

* In tbMc eight campaigns Cesar bad taken more than 800 cities, defeated 800 tribes 
or nearly three million of men, one million of whom he had slain, and made an eoaal 
namber prisoners. When CsBsar took command in Gaul, he had fbnr l(«ions^b, Btb, 
(Kb, and lOtb ; the 11th and 19th, Caesar enrolled for the campaign against the Helvetli ; 
the tSth and 14th for the Belgian campaign. The 14th was cnt to pieces by the Kborones, 
bat another 14th and also 15th were ^terwards levied in Gaul. Casar enlisted Ganls and 
one legion, the Alauda (so-called because thf helmets of the soldiers were distinffuished 
by a lark) was composed wholly of Gauls. The results that sprang tnm CiBsars wtts 
in Gani^ had a momentous influence on the destinies of the world ; for Cesar flrst taught 
the Bomans to protect the frontiers of their empire by meant, of rivers or artiilelal ram> 
parts, to coIoniM the nearest tribes along the frontier, and to recruit the Koman anny 
from the enemy's country. Bv these means tlie migrations of the Germanic tribes wero 
checked, and the necessary interval for Italian civilization to become establishedii) 
Gaol, on the Danube, in Africa, and in Spain was gained. -See Mommten, vol. iv., p. 801 


persecution. The new consals^ were favorable to Cicero, and 
on the first day of their office, proposed a bill to recall bim 
from exile. One of the tribunes imposed his veto, and preyented 
the bill from being carried in the senate. Pompejus proposed to 
bring it before the people, but a terrible fray ensued in which, 
according to Cicero, the Tiber and sewers were filled with 
bodies, and the forum swam in blood.^ 

2. Cicero's Recall from Bzile (b. c. 57).— Finallj, in 
July, the nobles anned a party of swordsmen under T. Annius 
Milo to enconnter Olodius. Desperate fights occurred in the 
streets, and at last the senate, in concert with Pompejus, deter- 
mined to invite the voters from all Italy to repair to Rome 
and assist in carrying a law for Cicero's recall. On the 4th of 
August the bill was carried, and on the next day Cicero landed 
in Brundisium, where he expected to meet his family. All 
Italy came out to meet him, and so great was the public joy 
that he declared that all Italy carried him back to Some on 
her shoulder.' On the 4th day of September he re-entered 
the city. All the streets and temples were filled with the vast 
multitude, so . that no triumph had ever been equal to his 
return from exile. ^ Clodius in the meantime continued 
his agitation. He drove off the workmen who were rebuilding 
Cicero's house, and even attacked Cicero himself in the open 
streets. As the drilled bands of Clodius filed through the pub- 
lic squares, no one dared attack him. He was a victim reserved 
for the sword of Milo. 

3. The Renewal of the Triumvirate (b. c. 56). — Pom- 
pejus yielded in various ways to the wishes of the senate and 
hoped to effect a reconciliation with the senatorial party. 
Cicero co-operated with Pompejus, and proposed that he 
should be invested with extraordinary powers for the purpose 
of supplying Rome with provisions. The senate, however, 

> P CorneUns LentnliiB Spinther and MeteUns Nepo«. 

• Pro Best, 86, 89. * Pint. CIc, 88. 

« The fez Cornelia granted him Indemniflcation— 8,000,000 eesterees (166,000) forhi« 
..^nse on the Palatine ; he had honght the hoive of Crawns for Z\ mulion w«tiroe« 
(|1SO,000); thirt left 1\ million for the land ; h!f> \\]]m at Tnf<ciilnm (^,000) and Fonni» 
($10,000). After hiii return he delivered fonr orations : ^ott redUum: (1) OraGo ntm 
»imatui gratiM egU; (S) cum populo gnUUu egU;(^) de demo mia ad pon&Jk**; 
(4) a/d MtrwgMCtt. 



wa0 not yet quite ready to receive Pompejufl as dictator, 
and CrassaSy who was ardently attached to Caesar, openly 
opposed the bilL The discord between Pompejus and Grassus 
fomented daily. The senate refused Pompejus the commis- 
sion to restoie the expelled king of Egypt;, and finally dared to 
attack the law carried by Cnsar in regard to the Oampanian 
land. The senate began to feel that the hour had come to 
begin the struggle against the triumvirs. When the consular 
elections came the senate put forward L. Domitius Ahenobar- 
baSy who threatened fco propose a law for Gassar's recall. The 
nobility had thrown down' the gauntlet to Gsesar. It was 
time for him to act In April B. c. 56, he invited Pompejus and 
Crassus to an interview at Luea ^ {Lucca\ reconciled them to 
each other, and arranged a plan for the following year. Pom- 
pejus and Crassus were to be elected consuls, and to obtain pro- 
consular commands, the one in Spain, the other in Syria 
Caesar's province was to be granted to him for another term 
of five years. Crassus promised to keep P. Clodius and his 
gang quiet, while Cicero was to be reminded of the promise be 
had made, before his return from exile,^ through his brother, 
in regard to his conduct towards Caesar. 

4. The Second Conaolahip of Pomperjua and Craasns 
(b. a 55). — It was impossible to carry the election of PoQipejus 
and Crassus in opposition to the two consuls. Two tribunes 
were therefore employed to adjourn the comitia during the 
year, to prevent at least the election of others. A great num- 
ber of soldiers were dismissed on furloughs from Caesar's army 
to take part in voting. Even P. Crassus, the son of the triumvir, 
appeared with a detachment of troops. In the beginning of b. a 
55 the elections were held ; the armed bands of the triumvirs 
having driven their opponents from the Campus Martins. 

1 There were, according to AppUtn (b. c. li., 17), 800 nenaton and so many magistrates 
preaent at Lpica that there were 190 Hctors ; see also Pint. Cas., 81. 

" Clc. ad. fam. I., 0, 9 f.; and Q. fr. 8, 0. 8. From the 11th of April to May 6, Cicero 
reeeived no letto- from his brother. On the 15th of May when the qnestion came np in 
the ♦^nate in reference to the Campanian land, Cicero nad received the warning from 
hl9 brother Cad fam. i., 9, 10). and wa?* not pre<<ent. Cicero gave evidence of hlfl res^nmed 
allegiance to Cieiar by impporting the bill to dve him ten legaten, and to pay his soldiers 
from the public treasury (Cic. Pro v. Cons., 11, 1^); see Mommsen, 1. c. vol. Iv., p. 880, n. 


The arrangements made at Laca were carried oat Gsbsu^s 
command was prolonged ^ for another fire years; the two Spains 
were assigned to Pompejas, and Syria to Grassus. 

5. TampejiuB and the Senate.— -Pompe jus rejoiced to find 
himself once more at the head of an army ; hut contrary to 
the •expectations of all, he remained at the capital nnder the 
pretext of supplying it with provisions, while bis lieutenants, 
Afranius and Petrejus, were entrusted with the command in 
Spain. Once more he adopted his old policy, and encouraged 
secretly the disorder in Rome, hoping that the senate would 
be compelled to nominate him dictator. The turbulence of 
the mob was worse than ever. Many began to foresee the ap- 
proaching end of the republic. Pompejus sought to ingratiate 
himself with the people. He built a magnificent stone theatre* 
on the Campus Martins, the first of its kind in Rome, capable 
of holding forty thousand spectators. At the dedication, plays* 
of Attius and of Livius Andronicus were presented, and 
five hundred lions and eighteen elephants were hunted in the 
arena by trained bands of gladiators. 

6. Crassus Departs for Ssrrla (b. c. 55).— Grassus, id^ 
though he was already sixty and had not entered a camp 
for sixteen years, was impatient to depart to his province 
and seize the riches of the East. From his province of 
Syria, he could conduct the war against the Parthiana and 
penetrate into the distant regions of the East. The P^hians, 
however, had long been at peace with Rome, and the treaty of 
Sulla had been renewed by Pompejus. The senate refused to 
declare war, and the nobles sought by means of the tribune 
Atejus, to excite the religious scruples of the people against an 
invasion into the territory of a people at peace with Rome. 
As Grassus was making the usual sacrifices in the capitol for the 
successful result of his expedition, the tribune announced the 
appearance of unfavorable omens. The senate refused, to 
declare war. When Grassus was hastening from the city to 

* Cm^ar^n eommand wm extended nntfl March 1, b. o. 4B, which was eqniTalenl to 
extendini; it nntfl January 1, b. o. 48, as the senate generally took action on the pronncei 
at the beginning of the year 

* See p. 418. * dj-tsBmnestra and Trojan Horsa 

B.G. 53.] CRASSUS PB000N8UL IN SYBIA. 819 

take command of the army, the tribtme met him at the gate 
and kindled a fire in a censer, and with incense and libations 
deyoted Crassns with terrible imprecations to the infernal 
gods.^ Other strange omens followed him and dispirited his 
Boldiers. His mind, howeyer, was filled with glorious visions 
of oonqnest He hoped to surpass the &me and exploits of 
Caesar and Pompejus, and to penetrate into the unknown 
regions of the East.' He passed the winter in Syria» where, 
instead of exercising his soldiers and preparing for war, 
he plundered the temples and confiscated the revenues of t]^e 

7. Crassiis CroBses the Enphrates. — In the spring of 
B. c. 53, he prepared to set out on his expedition.* He crossed 
the Euphrates at Zeugma, but instead of following the course 
of this river, as his quaestor 0. Cassius advised him to do, 
BO that his ships could reach him with supplies, and so that the 
advance to Ctesiphon and Seleucia would be comparatively easy, 
he trusted to the guidance of an Arabian chief who promised to 
lead him by the nearest way to the enemy. This man had 
already served under Pompejus and was supposed to be friendly 
to the Bomans. When he had led the Bomans from the river 
into the sandy desert, he rode off under a frivolous pretext and 
left them. The rolling columns of sand soon announced the 
approach of the enemy. The air was filled with a horrid din, 
the deep and dismal sound of the kettle-drums struck terror to 
the Soman soldiers. When the Parthian line appeared, it 
gleamed like battalions of fire, for their polished breastplates 
and helmets were of Margian steeL The cavalry poured in 
their long arrows with fearful effect, and the Roman line was 
crowded together. The soldiers fell thickly on every side. Cras- 
sns ordered his son — the same who had served under Caesar in 
Oaul, and led the Gallic cavalry — to charge on the assailants. 
The youth pushed eagerly forward, but was soon surrounded, 
overpowered and slain. The soldiers, worn out with the 

> Plot Cnwt., SI. « Ibid. 

• He bad seven legionl: 4000 caxfhy and WOO Gallic cavalqr ;.map No. 7. 

1 i 

I ; 



820 DEATH OF CBASSUS. [B.a5d. 

heat and the dnst, and blinded by the sand^ were cut to 
pieces. Night put an end to the slaughter. 

8. Battle of Oarrlue (b. c. 53).—rThe enemy galloped away, 
jeeringly shouting to the Romans that they would giro the 
general a night to bewail his son. Crassus, prostrated with 
fatigue and disap}x>inted in his hopes for fame and gold, prored 
utterly helpless. Octavius and Gassius withdrew the army to 
CarrhsB, abandoning the camp as well as the dead and wounded. 
The Parthian cavalry followed in pursuit, but the garrison of 
C/irrhsB came out to assist Orassns, and. the army took refuge 
within its walls. Deeming the place indefensible, the Romans 
set out the next day on their retreat ; but Surenas, the vizier of 
the Parthian king, fearing that they would escape, proposed 
an interview and invited Grassus to capitulate on finvorable 
terms. The mutinous soldiers clamored for submission, and 
Grassus was compelled to yield to the outcry. The proconsul 
and his officers were treacherously seized and slain. A small 
remnant of the army, under Gassius, escaped to the hills and 
made their way back to Syria. Twenty thousand Romans had 
been slain and ten thousand taken prisoners.^ 

9. Clodins and Milo. — Meanwhile at Rome matters had 
been daily growing worse. The disaster at Garrhse produced 
but a faint impression upon the politicians of the capital 
Disorder and confusion had made such rapid strides that the 
best men began to contemplate the necessity of a dictatorship. 
It was evident that the rupture between the triumvirs was 
approaching. In b. o. 54, Julia died, to whom Pompejus was 
ardently attached. This broke one link that bound the trium- 
virs together. Gadsar attempted to re-establish the ties of affinity, 
but Pompejus drew back and finally married « the daughter of 
Q. Metellns Scipio. The death of Grassus, however, was the 
severest blow, for Gsesar always felt that whatever else might 
happen, he could rely on Grassus. Pompejus made use of the 
tribunes to prevent the consular elections, and the year b. c. 53 

* Acoordlxur to Appian, 90,000 were slain and taken priaonen ; the priaonen wen 
kindly treated and allowed to settle in the oonntiy. 


opened with an interregnnm. The city was a prey to the 
riotous hands of Clodius and Milo, and in b. c. 54 tbey were J 
hoth candidates for office, the former for the pr»torship, and j 
the latter for the consulship. Their hired hands of gladiators ' 
fonght in the pnhlic streets, and postponed the elections. Riots 
were of frequent occurrence and blood flowed in the forum 
and public squares. 

XO. Deatii of Clodius. — It happened that Milo was travel- 
ing on the Appian way in a carriage, accompanied by his wife, 
and attended by a retinue of senrants, and, as usual, a band of 
armed gladiators. Near Bovillae,* Olodins met him, and as the 
story goes, an affray ensued between their gladiators, in which 
Clodius was wounded. He took refuge in a tavern near by, 
bnt Milo gave way to his fury, attacked the bouse, and caused 
Clodins to be dragged forth and slain. When the body of Olo- 
diuB, which was left in the street, was found by a senator, Sex. ' 
TedinSy and carried to Bome,a tremendous excitement ensued, i 
The multitude streamed towards the Palatine hill, where the i 
body was exposed to public gaze. On the following morning, 
excited by the harangues of the tribunes, the people bore the 
corpse to the curia Hosiilia, and having made a funeral pile of 
the benches, tables, books and papers, set fire to it so that not 
only the senate-house but many of the adjoining buildings were 
bnmed. The only refuge from this state of anarchy was in 
Pompejus and his army. A few honest statesmen wer3 left, 
bat the great parties had degenerated into factions and cabals. 
Even Cato said ''that it was better to choose a master, than 
to wait for the tyrant that anarchy will impose upon us.'' On 
the 25th of February, B. o. 52, Pompejus was elected ' consul 
without a colleague,'^ — a title that sounded a Uttle less harsh 
than dictator. 

11. Pompcgns' Third Consnlship (b. g. 52).— From this 
time Pompejus threw off all pretence of an alliance with Caesar 
and deroted himself to the cause of the senate. Order was re- 
stored, the armed bands were dispersed, and Pompejus, in order . 

* OMtultUte coUega ; this was illegal, becaase Uie reqiilBite ten yean Bince his second 
consulship had not elapsed. * See map, p. 4. 

323 THE TRIAL OF KILO. [B. C. 53. 

to soothe the anxiety of the senate, declared that he would 
rale the state in the interest of freedom. Pompejns carried 
two^ laws against violence and bribery at elections, also 
measures to secure a speedy trial of those engaged in the 
murder of Clodius, and in the burning of the senate-house. 
Condemnation fell especially on the friends of GaBsar. The jury 
ventured to acquit most of the partisans of the senate except 
Milo. Gioero prepared an oration in Mile's defence; but such 
disturbance arose during the trial that Pompejus stationed 
guards in the city, surrounded the court, and occupied all the 
approaches to the forum with armed soldiers, Mid sat himself 
in front of the treasury, to watch the proceedings. When 
Gicero arose to speak, the sight of the soldiery and the hostility 
of the people robbed him in a measure of that eloquence and 
wit which, on so many occasions, had been so effective. Mile 
was condeamcd, and went into exile at Massilia, where Cicero 
tent him a copy of the splendid oration which be intended to 
have delivered. Milo sarcastically remarked that it was fortu- 
nate that it had never been spoken. '^ Else," said he, '^ I ahonld 
not be enjoying the delicious mullets of this place." 

12. l!3ie Measures of Pompejus. — Pompejus sided more 
and more with the optimates, and admitted Gate into his coun- 
sels. He carried a law that no magistrate should have a province 
till five years after the expiration of his term of office. From 
this measure, Pompejus considered himself exempt, for he 
immediately caused his own command to be prolongea for 
another five years. The next law was aimed directly against 
Cssar. It provided that no one could be a candidate for a 
public office in his absence. It was very important for Csesar 
when his proconsular government expired, to return to Borne 
protected by the consular office. His personal safety quired 
that he should be exempted from the law. His friends saw this, 
and they declared Caesar's desire for a second consulship, and 
demanded that he should be exempt from the law. CflBsars 
name was still powerful among the people. His brilliant suc- 

^ De ti and de ambitft. The flntt provided that the trial shoald last odIj four dayp ; 
that the advocates ehonld speak only two or three hours eaeh ; enlo^es (fewfrfaftowwt 
from distinguished men for the aocu8ed were forbidden. ^ 


cess66 in Gaol had produced a profound impression. Besides, 
his gold flowed in streams to the capital. Opposite the mag- 
nificent basilica erected by JSmiliujB Paullus, near the spot 
where the senate-house had stood, rose the Julian basiUca, 
while a space was cleared for the Julian forum. Pompejus 
thought it best to yields and Caasar was specially exempted. 

13. Caesar'B PositioiL — During the next two years events 
followed their course. The mere force of circumstances urged 
on the crisiB. It was plain that civil war was impending. In 
B. c. 51 the consul M. Marcellus, a strict aristocrat, proposed 
that Caesar should be recalled March 1, b. c. 49. Caesar sought 
in every way to preserve his relations with Pompejus, and 
attain, peaceably if possible, the consulship for b. c. 48, already 
promised him at Luea»^ He sought in every way to postpone 
the catastrophe which all saw was inevitable, overlooked what- 
ever he could ; but still adhered to this demand, that when his 
time expired in Gaul, he should have the second consulship 
promised to him by his colleagues, and admissible by law. If 
Caesar was compelled to resign his office without immediately 
entering upon the consulship, that ia, if there was an interval 
when he was out of office and consequently liable to impeach- 
ment, all knew what his fate would be, for Cato had already 
given notice that he would impeach him. While the coalition 
between Pompejus and the senate was forming, Cadsar adopted 
ever^^ means to strengthen his power. He conciliated the Qauls, 
granted citizenship to Novum Comun, promised it to the inhab- 
itants of Gallia Transpadana, increased the pay of his soldiers^ 
and lavished untold sums of money on the people at home by / 1 / 
rearing splendid structures and by celebrating magnificent i ! j 
_ i; 

* OcflV's prorinoe was confeired on him from March 1, b. o. 09. According to the 
ComeUan law, by which aprooonsui entered upon his province immediately vter the 
termination of hu first year of office, Onsar^s saooeBsor ought to be nominated from the 

the maelJitTate did not enter npon the government of a province till five years 
ezplranon of hie civil oi&ee, there was no difflcnity in immediately filling any sovemor 
0hip from the roagistrateB who had gone ont five years before.— ifommj^n, dU EBchtiflragi 
z. baaar, Sc. According to Znmpt (Stnd. Bom., p. 81 ff)« Cie^r conid be recalled Nov 
18, B. c. 5Q ; the chief passa^s for fixing the time for the expiration of his term of office 
are : Clc. ad At., vii., 9, 4 ; De. p. Cons., 87 : Sneton, C»s., w1. 

after the 


games. ^ Meanwhile the el«ctioiifi for b. o. 60 had taken place, 
and ^milius Paullas and G. Marcellus wei^ elected oonsuk 
To watch his interests in the capital and manage the discussion 
with the senate^ Osasar had bribed' one of the consukand 
the able and eloquent but profligate and unprincipled Gajus 
Trebonius Curio, one of the tribunes, and when Marcellus pro- 
posed* that Caesar should be required to resign his command, 
Curio approved of the motion, but demanded that it should 
extend to Pompejus also, for in this way only could a constita- 
tional state of things be restored. Caesar declared his consent 
to the proposal, and offered to resign at once if Pompejus would 
do the same. The only man who could possibly have effected 
a reconciliation and giyen voice to the conservative element in 
the senate had been removed from the scene of action. Cicero 
had been sent (b o. 52) to govern Cilicia, according to the pro- 
visions of Pompejus' law, which required the governors of 
provinces to be selected from those who had held five years 
before an urban magistracy. 

14. The Pompeians Defeated in the Senate.— Mean- 
while the senate tried to strengthen the military force by 
decreeing that Caesar and Pompejus each should furnish one 
legion for the Parthian war. Pompejus demanded back the 
legion which he had lent during the Gallic war. Caesar com- 
plied, and had therefore to give up both legions, not for the 
Parthian war, for they were at once sent to winter at Capna.^ 
Toward the end of the year Curious proposal came up in the 
senate, and by 370 votes against 20 the senate resolved that 
both Pompejus and Caesar should resign their command& 
Marcellus refused to announce the decree of the senate, and 
circulated a report that Caesar was marching on the city with 
four legions. He requested Pompejus, without being author- 
ized by the senate, to summon the two legions from Capua for 
the defence of the city, and to call out the Italian militiA. 
Curio condemned these proceedings, and at the expiration of 
his tribunate (^ hastened to Caesar at Ravenna. 

' Lvdi funebres^ In honor of his danffhter. 

' He is Raid to have paid Paalus 1509 talents =$1,800,000. * Mar.. 00. 

* Beforo their departure Ctesar gave each soldier 2Q0 drachma. * Dec 10, i, c. 60. 

1.A4S.] m Mnt «tni WAt. til 

14. •eesar's Vltimatiim.-— f«Mr jUijlatched orders to 
his whole force in Ganl to set out for Bavenna, meanwhile send- 
ing a letter by Curio to Bome^ in which^ after briefly stating his 
exploits and public services, and reminding the senate of his 
right to stand for the consulship^ he promised to resign his 
command at the bidding of the senate if Pompejus would do 
the same.' Curio arrived in Borne Jan. 1, b. c. 49^ the day on 
which the new consuls G. Marcellus and O. Lentulns, both bit- 
ter opponents of Caesar^ entered upon their ofSce. The two 
tribunes, M. Antonius and Q. Cassius Longinus,^ devoted friends 
of Gssar, were hardly able to obtain a hearing for Caesar's let- 
ter. A violent debate followed, and finally the motion of 
Seipio, Pompejus' father-in-law, was carried, that CsBsar should 
disband his army and give up his province to his successors by 
a fixed day,* on pain of being declared a public enemy. The 
intercession of the tribunes availed nothing ; and threatened, as 
they declared they were, by Pompejus' soldiers, they fled in dis- 
guise to Caesar. On the 7th of January the senate invested the 
consuls vrith dictatorial power, and called upon all to take up 
arms for the republic. This was the crisis. Civil war was 
inevitable. The senate intrusted the command to Pompejus. 
Caesar, on receiving news of the senate's vote, harangued* his 
soldiers, the one' legion that was at Bavenna, and being assured 
of their support, crossed the Bubicon,* which separated his 
province from Italy, and entered Ariminum. "The die is 
cast,'' said he ; ''let us go where the gods and the injustice of 
our enemies call us.'' 

■ ■ ♦ >■ 

The Gkeat Ciyil Wab (B. 0. 49-46). 

1. The Legality of Caesar's Course. — In regard to the 
legality of Caesar's course, it has generally been said that law 

> OHeaar, <^. Bel. 

* Tbe ocmsin of O. CasBlnf. Cnmns* legate in the Futhian war. * Jnljr Ist. 

* €!■■•* b. e. vit * The thirteentn. * Some time in Jan. s Nov., n. c. BOi 

326 THE GBEAT CIVIL WAB. [B. C. 49. 

was technically on bis side. That the senate had an nndoubted 
right to appoint a governor to succeed Csesar March 1, b. c. 49, 
is nnmistakable.^ By skillful management Caesar had brought 
^ about a condition of things in which it was impossible for 
Mhe senate to foUow strictly the law. The situation of affiurs 
r Vthen that preceded the aQtudontbreakj^ hostilities, must be 
y attributed to Caesar^g^^mordi nftto am bitio^ The causes of the 
^YiT wSr TndrtVo tenoiency towards monarchy must be sought 
in the decay of the republican spirit, and in the increasing dis- 
organized condition of the government produced by the long 
years of revolution that had preceded. This, #89aar, as a states- 
man, saw, and his greatest claim rested in the fact that he was a 
statesman. He knew well that the fires of the revolution had 
burned out Oato might dream of the possibility of reviving 
the republic, but Caesar knew that the time had gone by. He 
saw distinctly that anarchy at home and abroad could be sap- 
pressed only by a permanent supreme ruler. It was plain to him 
that the throne was vacant. The only question was, who should 
be the monarch. True to his nature he seized opportunities. 
Events placed him where he stood, and the tide of events 
carried him on. 

2. Cicero's Efforts for Peaoe.--Cicero, who had returned 
from his province in November, b. c. 60, where he had won the 
title of imperator in a petty warfare against the native tribes, 
was waiting before the city with his lictors, hoping that he 
would be permitted to celebrate a triumph. In the meantime 
he had tried in every way, by writing to Caesar and entreating 
Pompejus, to effect a reconciliation. He saw plainly that 
whichever side was victorious the republic must perish. He 
fluctuated for a long time in his opinion, uncertain which war 
to turn. "For," says he, "Pompejus has the more honorable 
cause, but Caesar manages his with more address ; in short, I 
know whom to avoid, but not whom to seek." Caesar knew 

* Mommsen admits that Cssar^s tenn expired March 1, b. c. 48, bat thinkv, relying apaa 
CSe. de Prov. Cons., that Uiis was not a suitable time for Casar's suceesdor to eater apon 
his duties, since he mast remain idle during January and Febroary. Bat aecording to 
Pompejas^ law of b. c. 6S, five yean* were to elapoe between a civil and military oommtnd. 
and the retiring consol mast be idle not only two roontbs, but Ave yean. Olflero, for 
instance, entered opon his duties as proconsol m the middto of b. o. 61. 

B. a49.] THE GHEAT OITIt WAR. 82? 

well the ioflnence of his name frith the foreign rabjects of the 
repablic, and Boagbt to win bim to hia side. Finally, still cher- 
ishing the hope of efiFeoting a reconciliation, Cicero decided lor 
Pompejns. In an interview' with him he made one more eSort 
for peace, by trying to induce him to accept Cseaar'a proposals. 
Pompejns even sent private friends to Ceesar at Ariminam to 
explain his motives, and Oassar took one more opportanity to 
offer snch terms of accommodation that their rejection wonld 
place his opponents in the wrong.' When the answer cams, 
requiring him to retire from Arimimim and diamiss his army, 
Cseaar saw that dl efforts for a peaceable solution of the tronbles 
were in vain, and realizing how much was to be lost by delay, 
advanced on the road to Rome, ordering bie other legions to 
follow him. 

3. Bmndisiam (b. o, 49). — The celerity of his marches I 
waa well known. Rnmors came that he bad occupied Pisan- | 
mm, then Ancona a nd A^SlUU", and then that hia cavalry was I 
befo re the gates of Rom e. Consternation seized the people, and 
even Pompejus fled in anch haste that his adherents accused him j 
of not taking sufficient precaution for their defence, and of ex- ! 
posing them, asthey wildlyimagined, 

to the onslaught of Gcesar's Gallic ' 

barbarians. Giesar continned his 
march and arrived, February 14, at 
C or8pium. Domitins Aheoobarbus, 
Cfesar'B designated successor in the 
governorship of Transalpine OanI, 
held the place with a strong army. 
Caesar had only two legions. Still 
Domitins considered all as lost, nnless 

Pompejns should come to his assist- (BhowinR the «™p^"ot 

ance. The whole garrison surrendered, ""* "'«'«»"<""'' "" '"'"'■> 
but Domitins and a few nobles made their escape by night. 
Pompejns had already given up Italy as lost, and hastened to 



RrnT^j^'ginm with all bia fr-nny fnllmirnfl >iy n frain ^f flfi^y^ 

tors and aiobles, to emb,ari: Jip.fii:e§2g^ W hen CflMar^ amved 
ftij'lift g^ tiO ^^"^fl8 Pininiiiiinm^ with great skill Foinpejos 
withdrew' his army unharmed and landed it in Greece. Pom- 
pejus' followers openly expressed their dissatisfaction. Some 
hated his arrogance, others hoped to return and wage war in 
Italy. ^'We will starve Bome into submission/' said they, 
*' and not leave one tile upon the roof throughout the country.^ 
" He left the city," said Cicero, " not because he could 
not defend it, but because this was his design from the 
first: to call to arms the barbarians and to lead savage nations 
into Italy, not as captives, but as conquerors. He determined 
to reign like Sulla— as a king over his subject& There were 
many who applauded this atrociouB design." 0««ar tried to 
induce Cicero to return to Rome, but he preferred to remain 
in Campania, and Caesar respected his scruples. 

4. nerda (b. c. 49). — Caesar was unable to iollay PsZQiPCiJfl? 
from want of ships, and therefore returned to Bome tCLftrranga 
matters thei*e. A campaign of sixty days without a siogl&sexiaBS 
engagement had made him master of Italy. Caesar entered the 
city and demanded the treasure hoarded in the temple of Sat> 
urn,' which was popularly believed to be the gold that Camillas 
had taken from Brennus. A curse w^as pronounced against 
any one who used it except to repel a Gallic invasion. The 
tribune interceded, but Caesar pushed him aside. ^The fear 
of a Gallic invasion is past," said he. ^^I have subdued the 
Gauls." After arranging for garrisons to protect Italy ^ and 
taking measures to supply the city with com, he prepsjned for 
the next campaign. Curio was sent with four legions to 
Sicily, and Valerius with one to Sardinia. CgSU^mJi^ 
first ordering the forces which he had assem bled on tj nt. 
Rhone to proceed directly i/Tspmn^ g^nn^ j^jp^qplf ^Ix^pf the 
middle of April. " I go,''"saidTie, " to engage an army without 

* Ctt8ar*8 army confd^ted of onl j nine legions of about 60.000 men ; be bad let cot 
witb cnr* legion and 8G0 cavalry. Pompejus waw the recognuEea chief of the Roman Fttte, 
and had i^its revenues and proTinoes at hie dl^poNU. His army eonelsted of the term 
Spanish legions, and ten legions In Italy ; eminent men of his party wC oat to rsisc 
fecmits. ' March 17. * jSrariitm Seme&tu. 

* Italy was left under command of Antonins ; Bome under that of L^idiis. 

fi.a48.] THS GSEAT CIVIL WAB. 329 

a general; I shall retarn to attack a general without an army/' 
On his way thither, the old Greek city Massilia ^ shut its cntes 
against him, and he left G. Trebon ios and Decimus Birutus to 
press the siege, wtme ne proceeded dWedt]ty'To*15pain to"c6ii-\ 
duct the wSf agam8r*Tom|)eJus^nieutenaiits7"Afraniu8 and 
Petre]u& At first he met with a serious reverse at I lerda, 
(Lerida), but he soon succeeded in compelliug the Pompeians 
to surrender, dismissed them unharmed, and enrolled most of 
their soldiers into his own army.^ On his return he rece ived 
fliA gnTrpn^pr nf i^^piifliiitt Mcauwhile his lieutenanis Had 
been sncoessiul in Sardinia and Sicily. Curio passed over to 
Africa, which had been put in a state of defence by Atina 
Varus and by Juba, king of Numidia, who had sided witli the 
Pompeians. Curio was slain in a battle ou the Bagiadas, 
which he had rashly hazarded, losing nearly the whole of his 
army. The death of Curio was an irreparable loss to Caesar, 
for he was a brave and skillful officer. The conquest of 
Sicily had thwarted Pompejus' attempt to starve Italy, while 
his general plan of the campaign — to have his Spanish and 
Maoedonian armies meet on the Po and invade Italy — had been 
completely frustrated by the destruction of the Spanish army. 

5. Pompe(jiis' Resonrces. — The gre at rendezvous of^ 
Ponqg gjus^ adheren t^ was Macedonia. Thither came jpfttftj „ 
indignant that he had been left unsupported in Sicily ; Domi- 
tius^J irom Massilia also came, and a large number of soldiers 
from the Spanish armies. From Italy emigration became quite 
popular among the aristocrats.' Pompejus had by no means 
been idle. He had the whole resources of the East at his disposal. 
Ships had been collected, his army had been increased to nine 
legions, and a cavalry force of seven thousand had been raised. 
Com had been stored up to supply the army, and the fleet k 
under Bibulus commanded the sea. Meanwhile Caes ar was 
exertinir every nerve to restore order in the capital and 

* nomitios Alienobarbas was in command, but be escaped. 

■ M. Varro, wbo alflo commanded in Spain, was deserted by bis troops and compelled 
to rarrender. 

* Cioero left Italy Jane 7 ; Cic. ad Fam. xiv., 7. 



330 THE GREAT GXYIL WAB. [b.c4& 

thronghout Italy. Du ring his absence in ^p^m ^. )ie ]if^ by»ii 
appoi nted dictator , on the motion of Lepidas, whom he bad left 
in cnargeof tbe city. During the eleven days that he held tbe 
dictatorship, he carried laws to restore those condemned for 
civil offences, while Pompejus was in command of the dtj ; ^ for 
the restoration of private credit, by which all fear of cancelling 
debts was removed,* and finally for the exteusion ol 
citizenship to the inhabitants of G allia Tr ananSES^ 

6. battle of DjrrrhachiomXB. c. 4S). — Gaasar had already 
ordered his troops to assemble at Brundisium. From heie, on 
the 4th of January B. c. 48, he prepared to embark with six 
legions, greatly thinned by toil and sickness, and six hundred 
horsemen for the coast of Epirua Caesar himself crossed with 
the first division, but when his fleet returned for the rest of tbe 
army, it was attacked by Bibulus; nearly thirty transports 
were captured and the rest shut up in the harbor of Brundi- 
sium. Gsdsar's position was critical, so much so that he 
determined to cross alone in a fisherman's boat to Brundisium 
and bring his fleet and army over. This, however, proved not to 
be necessary, for 'M. Antonius made every effort to relieve him, 
and soon succeeded in landing some troops. Pompejus hesi- 
tated to give battle to Caesar's veteran army, and retired to the 
high ground near Dyrrhachium.^ CsBsar proceeded at once to 
invest his position with works sixteen miles long, but famine 
began to be felt in his camp, and as the siege continued, his 
soldiers were obliged to make bread of grass. This did not dis- 
courage them. " We will eat the bark of trees,'' said they, 
^'rather than allow Pompejus to escape us." Pompejus, how- 
ever, forced a passage through the lines, and Cieear was 
compelled to retire to Thessaly. 

7. Battle of Pharsalos (b. c^^^c^'^^^ Pompejans re-, 
garded this as completely decidin^tfe contest. The nohlej 
Romans threw off their reserve ; some advised Pompejus i^ • 
re-enter Italy, others to reconquer Spain. The vaat retinue ay ' 

f i 

"•' ^^ * Thoae condemned vuadw the lex Pomp^adeanMtu, 

* Lex Jutta de peeunHs mufuis. 

* Lex JuUa de HtfUatt lYanrpadanU danda. * See map. p. 107. 

fi. C. 4a] m GSftAt CIVH WAB, 831 

I confiolarSy senators and generals were a great hindrance to 

any eneigetic and active operations. Some accnsed Pompejus 

of not wishing to conquer^ and Domitius asked how long 

Agamemnon, the king of kings, intended the war to last. The 

most insolent was Labienas, Csdsar's old lientenant^ the only 

one who had deserted him. He swore that he woald conquer his 

old general. The prisoners taken at Dyrrhachium he ordered 

to be pnt to death. " We will have no peace," said he, *' until 

you bring us Caesar's head." The noble senators were so sure 

of victory that they began to dispute about the consulates and 

pnetorships, and some even sent to take houses in the capital 

in the great squares, in sight of the people, for the next 

I canvass. The tents of the grandees were strewn with leaves, 

I silver plate stood on the table and the wine-cup circulated. 

I These fashionable warriors formed a great contrast to CsBsar's 

Ueterans.* At length Pompejus was impelled by the taunts of 

mis noble warriors to follow Caesar. He moved southward 

from Larissa and pitched his camp on the Enipeus, not far 

Tom that of Gsesar. When Pompejus hesit:ated to cross the 

stream and engage Csesar,' this excited great indignation 

imong the aristocrats in his camp. Pompejus had to yield, and 

ibout noon on the 9th of August,^ led down his army into the 

)lain8 of Pharsalus (Fersala). The battle resulted in the com- 

)lete annihilation of his army. The victory was so decisive, that 

he kings, cities and peoples, which had hitherto acted with 

?ompejus, joined Caesar. Pompejus fled in the beginning of 

ihe engagement with a few followers to Lesbos and thence to 

fgypt. where he met a speedy and sad feite. He was landing 

ip the harbor of Pelusium,^ when he was assassinated by order 

I J 

' CIcem (ad Ftun. TiL, & written b. c. 40), aptly rams npthe sitnaticm : **I no eooner 
arrhred in thin army than l repented of what I had done, not so much from the danger 
to which I was exposed, as from the many faults which I discovered among them. Fint, 
the foroee were neither laise nor warlike : then, except the general ana a few others, 
ttiey carried on the war with such a rapactoas spirit, and breathed such principles of 
cruelty, that I could not eren think upon oar success without horror. To Uiis I must 
add that some of oar most distinguished officers were deeply involved in debt. In short. 
ttMre was nothing gpod but the cause. Despairing of success, I advit^d (what I haa 
always recommcndea), tliat proposals of accommodation should be offered. Failing in 
this, I endeavored to persuade Pompejus at least to avoid a general engigemeot." 

' deear bad about 2S,0(X) men ; Pompejus had 47,000 and 7,000 horse. 

* Jnoeft, of the Julian calendar. « See map Ko. 7. 

332 THE GftEAT CIVIL WAR. [b.C.4& 

of the Egyptian court, which hoped in this way to win 
Osesar's favor.* Many of the conservative party, among whom 
was Cicero, made peace with the new monarch. The oltras, 
however, would hear of no compromise. They knew that the 
republic had perished, bat they could never be reconcfled to 
the monarchy. 

8. The AleTandrine War (b. o. 48-47). — Cassar never 
failed to follow up his successes. He left a few soldiers to 
watch Gato in Illyricum and hastened himself in pursuit of 
Pompejus. When he reached Alexandria the head of Pompejos 
was presented to him. He turned from it in horror, and 
ordered the remains of his great rival to be honorably buried 
CsBsar, true to his plan of settling the condition of affiiirs in 
whatever part of the empire he happened to be, divided the 
Egyptian kingdom, agreeably to the will of the last king Auletes, 
between his two children, Cleopatra and her brother Ptolemy. 
This decision was opposed by the guardians of the young king, 
and CsBsar was involved in a war which detained him nine 
months at Alexandria. His position for a time was very criti- 
cal, but soon reinforcements' arrived, Ptolemy was defeated,' 
and the kingdom of Egypt was restored to Cleopatra and a 
younger brother, alao named Ptolemy. 

9. Battle of Ziela (b. g. 47).— During Caesar's stay at 
Alexandria strange rumors of his fate spread, and the wildest 
confusion prevailed throughout the empire. Italy greatly needed 
the monarch, but before returning to Rome he crossed to Asia 
Minor and crushed the rebellion which Phamaoes, the son of 

^ In Egypt the line of the Ptolemfe? became extinct with tlie death of Alexander. The 
eldest 0on of Lathynis was procialmed king under the title of Ptolemy XI., fluraamed 
Anletes. Tbie was ratified by Rome b. o. fiS. His arbitrary roeanres caneed his expal- 
sion, and ho fled to Rome b. c. 66. He was restored by Oabinini*. the proconDul of 
Syria, and reigned antil b. c. 51. He left a daoiphter, the celebrated Cleopatra, and two 
sons. HiM will directed that the throne should be shared by Cleopatra and ber eldest 
brother Ptolemy XII. Tlie execution of the will wa» left to tlie senate, which apnointed 
Pompejas ffuardian. The brother and sister married each other, according to Vgyp^nn 
custom, ana relzned nntil the ynutrdians of the brother expelled Cleopatra fh>m the 
throne. She flea to Syria and collected an army to inrade Ef^ypt. Ptolemy, and hi» 
goardian Pothinns, lay with an army at Pelnslam to protect the ea*«tem frontier, when 
pompejas cast anchor in the harbor and sent a request to tlie king to allow him to land. 
The tB^rptian court had been informed of the disaster at Pharsalus. Ptolemy feared thit 
Pompejus would instigate a rebellion in the Egyptian army, in wliich many of liifl old 
■oldlcrs served, and tfiooght it safer to have him put to death. 
■ CsBs. b. Alex. ■ March S7, b. o. 4T. 

B. G. 47.] IHE GBEAT CIVIL WAB. 333 

Mitbridates, had raised. He defeated ^ Phamaces at Zela and an- 
nonnoed the yietory to the senate in three words: Y^i, vidi 
I came, I saw, I conquered, '^ Happy was Pompejus,'^ said he, 
^ to have become great at so cheap a rate, for it took him many 
years to subdue Mithridates." 

10. Coaditioii of Affaixs at Roma.— Caesar hastened to 
Borne, which sadly needed his presence. His lieutenant Anto- 
nius and the tribune Dolabella,^ Oicero's son-in-law, thinking, 
perh^)S9 that their master would never return, had created 
great confusion. The tenth legion, stationed at Gapaa„ muti- 
nied and killed their officers, and marched to Rome. They 
well knew that their services were needed for the African cam^ 
paign, and therefore thought they could make their own terms. 
Caesar mustered them in the Campus Martins, and approached 
them unattended. He asked them to declare their grievances. 
At the sight of their beloved leader their murmurs died away, 
and they could only demand their discharge. ^^ Citizens, "> re^ 
plied he, '' I discharge you. You have bad sufficient fatigue and 
wounds. I release you from your oaths. As to the presents, 
you shall be paid to the last sesterce.'' The spell was broken. 
The soldiers stood for a moment mute, confounded, and then 
entreated the general to receive them back to favor. Caesar 
relented, but be caused the ringleaders to be executed. vPiin " 
' y| the same firm hand Caesar restrained his adherents. He 
■ / refnsea lo aHow^ a ^stem^ j^f^omfis^^ Pompeju?^op- 
* ' erty was confiscated, but Antonius, who outbid all others at the 
sale, was compelled, much to his disappointment, to pay the , / 
price. Ca esar was named d ^fitafor Iq^ ^n jf f^f^fljijjip, timi>j* Tr^th ji 
full powers of joakiajyjieacfijjr war. The statues of Pompejus i i - - 
and Sulla, which the people had thrown down when the tidings 
of the battle of Pharsalus reached Some, were ordered to be 

* The iMttie took place Ang. 2, b. c. 47. Cseear nv6 the kingdom of Bogpoms to Mith- 
ridates of PeiguniiB, with a part of Galatia; over uie reat of Galatia he placed DeJotaniB; 
Oappadoda he eave to Ariooarzsnes. 

* Celias Bnras, the friend and correspondent of Cicero, attempted to create a diver- 
tlon in favor of the Pompeians. Milo yn» summoned from exile, and he snmmoned the 
Kjadiaton and shepherds to arms. The revolt was soon crashed. Celias was killed at 

* See p. 90, n. 8. * Like SaUa's iUeUUura rH pubUca eonftUuendm, 




restored. O aaBar indulged in 

bat. s ought to conciliate all parties^ 

11. Batue of TiiapBii s (b. g. 4fi^i«-When order was 
restored in Italy CsBsar departed to crush the remnant of the 
Pompeians in Africa. They had congregated ^ firom all sides to 
Africa^ and had enlisted Juba in their cause by promising him 
the whole of Africa. Scipio, Pompejus' father-in-law, was 
elected commander in chief ; for the Scipios^ it was said, woald 
always conquer in Africa. Cato^ however, was the moring 
spirit. His energy and self-devotion formed a sad contrast to 
the selfishness and fanaticism of his colleagues. When OsBsar 
appeared off the coast and boldly summoned them to surrender 
to ^^ Os6sar the imperator/' they replied^ '^ there is no imperator 
here but Scipio/' and put the messenger to death. Ciesar 
soon effected a landing, and after some serious* reverses gained 
the bloody battle of Thapsus, on the 6th of April, B. c. 46- 
Fifty thousand of the enemy covered the field, while GsBsar lost 
not more than fifty. All Africa submitted except IJtica. 

12. Deafh of Cato.'— Cato commanded in TJtica. When 
he saw there were no means of resistance he restrained the fury 
oi the soldiers, aided those who wished to escape, dismissed his 
senate of "three hundred,** interceded with the victor for the 
lives of others, but disdained all intercession for himself. ''It 
is for the conquered to turn suppliants," said he, ''and for 
those who have done an injury to beg pardon. For my part I 

> They collected 14 legions and ISO elephante; Cse. b. Afr. 1. 
" The repulse at Bosinna, Jan. 4, b. c. 48. 


K. POBCius Cato, tr., 
m. LiTiA. 


X. PoBonTs Cato UTionraD, 
pr. B. o. 54. m. 1. Atiua. 
8. Mabtia. 



L. D oMA T iu a. 


1. M. BxBULns. 
9. M. Brutus. 

M. PoBcius Cato, 
died B. c. 42. 

PoBoiUB Cato, 

■••♦ •• 


1. Powers Conferred upon CsBsar.— The new monarch 
returned to Borne. ^ The great struggle was orer ; the repablio 
that had lasted five hundred years had perished, and the 
process was to be reversed by which the magistrate had been 
stripped of his authority.* All power was to centre again in 

one man. When the news of the battle of Tbapsns reached 

. . . _____ 

* riot. C«(o, es ff, * See p. m ; also map, p. 817. * July 9&, b. o. 40. *Seep.8;. 


haye been unconquered through life, and superior in the things I 
I wiah to be. Csesar is the vanquished^ the falling man, being 
clearly convicted of those designs against his country which he 
has long denied.^' After taking a bath and supping with his 
friends and the magistrate of Utica he held a long conversation 
on the paradoxes of the Stoics, and then withdrew and read in 
his bed the dialogue of Plato on the immortality of the soul | 
When he sought for his sword at the head of his bed and did 
not fliid it, he called a slave and asked for it ^^Now," said he, 
'* I am master of mysell" He re-read the Phsddo twice, again 
slept, and then sent to the sea-shore to see if his friends had 
departed. He sighed when informed that the sea was stormy, 
and soon sent again to see if his friends had put back. When 
the birds began to sing he fell asleep again. Soon after he arose, 
took his sword and plunged it into his body. Thus perished 
the only free and unconquered man, and the ancient republic 
expired with him.^ The few others that escaped the field of 
battle, such as Labienns, Gnsdus and Sextus Pompejus, departed 
for Spain, and like Sertorius sought for a last refuge in the 
mountains of that still half-independent land. Numidia waa 
made a province under the name of Africa,^ and its government 
entrusted to Sallust the historian. 


Borne the senate decreed a sapplication for fortj days. Cassar 
was nominated dictator lor ten years^ and finally, in b. c. 44, 
for life. He was invested with the powers of the censor under 
the name of prmfectus marum for three year^, and in b. c 44, 
for life. This enabled him to regulate the senate to his wilL 
The consulship was conferred upon him for fire years^ and 
finally for ten. The tribunitian power was bestowed upon him 
for life^ as well as the first place in the senate and the title of 
imperator. Cffisar was already porUi/ex maximus, but now he 
became a member of the second great priestly college, that of 
the augurs. To these offices were added the right of deciding 
on war and peace, the disposal of the armies and treasures of 
the state, the nomination of the provincial governors, as well as 
of a part of the magistrates of the city, and finally, the right of 
raising new men into the patrician order.^ A statue was 
erected to him in the capitol, inscribed to '^ Csesar the demi- 
god." ^ He was to sit on a golden chair in the senate-house, his 
image was to be borne in the procession of the gods, and the 
seventh* month of the year was changed in honor of him from 
Quin tills to Julius. Finally he was styled '^ father of his coun- 
try,'' a title which had been conferred by decree upon Camillus, 
by acclamation upon Cicero.* 

2. Caesar's Tritunphs. — CsBsar celebrated bis victories 
in Gaul, Egypt, Pontus, and Africa. Bome had witnessed 
many magnificent triumphal processions, but none like 
Gsesor's. Behind his triumphal car, drawn by the sacred 
milk-white steeds and attended by seventy-two lictors, walked 
the captives from the East; the Gallic Vercingetorix ; the son of 
Juba; and Arsinoe, the sister of Oleopatra. According to cus- 
tom, the soldiers who followed his car sang derisive songs,' 
while the people gazed with wonder and terror on the Gallic 
and Aftican barbarians who served under his banner. • Cssar 
richly rewarded his soldiers ; each received five thousand 

* There were not mora than fifteen or sixteen patrician tfeniea, * ^ i»t». 

* The fifth of the old calendar. 

* No effort has been made to dfetfni^h between the powers eonfened bj the Mnstr 
and those conferred by the people. 

* A variation of the well-icnown Nenia : rex erU 'H fH^^aeUf, H honfariett mm fri». 

* The treasures amounted to 06,000 talents = $75,000,000. Thiera were 9BCS erownn. 


denarii.^ The people' were rewarded with the three hundred ^ 
sesterces already proxnised them^ and one hundred in addition 
for the delay, as well as with corn and oiL The citizens were 
feasted at splendid banquets, at which vast multitudes reclined 
at twenty-two thousand tables, each with three couches. When 
the multitude was satiated with wine and food, then the shows 
of the circus and theatre and the combats of wild beasts and 
gladiators began. Above the combats of the amphitheatre floated 
for the first time the awning of silk, the immense velarium of a 
thousand colors, woven from the rarest and richest product of 
the East, to protect the people from the sun. 

3. Oassar the Imperator. — CsBsar tried to reconcile party 
interests. He avoided all measures lil^y to exasperate the fallen 
aristocracy. He did not triumph for his victory at Pharsalus.^ 
He showed respect for the memory of Pompejus, and avoided all 
processes against suspected persons. He granted immunity to 
the common soldiers, and to all officers who had not taken part 
with the opposition since the battle of Ilerda. His own friends 
murmured when they saw that his rule was equal and just to 
all, for they had hoped for the days of Sulla and Ginna. Csesar, 
however, remained true to the great principles with which he 
had set out — alleviation of the condition of the debtor, trans-. 
marine colonization, equalization of rights, and the emanci- 
pation of the executive from the power of the senate. Once 
more the military and supreme judicial and adminiaizative 
power was combined and centred, as in the times of the kings, 
in one man. This concentration of power the name of imper- 
ator • expressed more aptly than any other. After five hundred 
years the primitive regal office was re-established. The senate* 

> About {1000. 

* The ia^lma jdebe : promised in a oontio when he took the money from the teimrinm 

* ImperiMm Uenum : This fe Moinni0«n*B view, end it seema yeiy probable, althongh 
not eonflrmed oy any of the original anthorities. Lanse (vol. iii., p. 401 f), however, 

JloeetionB it ; the name is found first on all the coins struck by Ciesar uter his own name. 
t was the restrictions in regard to the temporal and the local limitation of power, 
i. «., inside or outside of the pomerinm, the collegiate arrangements, the co-operatton or 
the senate, or of the people in certain cases, that aistingiiished the consul from the king. 
« Its number was mcreaaed to nine hundred; the number of quaestors, from whom the 
senators were selected, was raised to forty, in order to keep it up to this number. The 
new membeia wwa stlooted Xron the mvOm, noUe ioieiciiem from Spain and Oaol. 


sank once more to its old position — the advisory council of the 
king. The whole execntire power fell into the hands of the 
monarch. The financial administration ^ was no longer man- 
aged by the senate, but by Caesar and his cabinet In regard 
to judicial matters the different jury-commissions were retained, 
but the jurymen were selected from the senators and equitea 

4. Cassar's Work. — Gadsar put an end to the anarchy of 
the capital^ checked the club system, reduced the recipients of 
the largesses of com from 320,000 to 150,000, and strengthened 
the laws in regard to crime and violence. He commenced 
other vast projects, as the building of a new senate-house, a 
theatre to rival that of Pompejus, a public Latin and Greek 
library, and laid out a plan for changing the course of the Tiber, 
by which the Campus Yaticanus would be transferred to the left 
bank and could be substituted for the Campus Martins, while 
the latter could be used as sites for public and pri?ate 
edifices. This improvement would have drained the Pomptine 
marshes, and the capital would have been supplied with a bet- 
ter seaport. Agriculture was encouraged, efforts were made to 
develop a flourishing middle class by reviving the Idcinian laws, 
and laws were enacted in regard to luxury, usury, bankruptcy, 
and debt. 

5. He AiniB to Fuse the Empire into One Body 
Politic. — One of Caesar's aims was to obliterate tlie political 
distinction between Italy and the provinces. When Cisalpine 
Gaul received full citizenship its former place was taken by 
Transalpine Ganl. Latin rights were conferred on the coloaies 
in Africa, Spain, and Gaul.* The old law that no troops could 
be stationed in Italy was extended to the provinces, and henog- 
forth soldiers were stationed on the frontiers only. In this way 
the provinces all entered into a state of preparation which paved 

^ The leading of the direct taxee wu abolished. Indfreet taxes were eoUeeted bj 
ulaTee and freramen, from which in time grew the prooiumton. There were fburtoeci 
proTinoes, 7 Baropean^Hi^pania, citerior and ulterior, Gallia TranMlplna, Oallia 
Clfialpina with Illyricum, Macedonia with Oreeoe, Sicily. Sardinia with uoriica— ive 
Asiatic, Asia, Bithynia and Pontus, Cilicia with Cypras, Syria, Crete— two African, Crt^w 
and AfHca. To them) Cesar added Gallia Lngdnnensis, Belgica, and niyriemn. Cierar 
thoronsbly remodeled the system of administration : Dteuma was limited to AfHca tod 
Sardinm ; middlemen were set aside, and the jzoyemors were resixmsihie to Oesar. 

* The new ookmlee in Gaal were Btaetern (Begien)^ Arelate (Jtfite), Araaaio (Oroa^sX 
Fomm Jnlii (Fr^ui). See colored map. No. 5 

c^sab'b absassustatzok. 839 

the way for the future political equalization of the emfHre.^ 
Caesar undertook the codification of the laws, a work already 
cx>ntemplated by Cicero, commenced a survey of the empire 
and reformed the calendar.* 

<• »•* 

Cssab's Assassination — Antonius Aims to Gsasp the 


1. The Spanish War (b. c. 45).— In the midst of these 
reforms CsBsar was interrupted by an insurrection in Spain. 
Labienus and the sons of Pompejus had raised a large army there, 
and the revolt had become so serious that Caesar was obliged 
to set out in person. The struggle was protracted for several 
months, but Caesar's good fortune triumphed. On the field of 
Munda,' after a hard fought battle in which thirty thousand of 

> Under the republic the magistrates of the city of Borne had been maffletrates of the 
empire, bnt now they were only flret amons those of the many manicipaluies of the em- 
pire, and the oonraUhip was merely a dignitary poet, wluch preaerred Importance 
DcGaose a goyemorahip was attached to it. 

* This was effected by hie authoritT as chief pontiff, with the aid of the astronomer 
Sostgeaes. The Bomans had hitherto nad the Innar year of 856 days. Every second year 
a month of » or 98 days had been Intercalated alternately. This intercalation was too 
much by about 8 days. The rectification of the error was left to the pontiffs. The/ 
had arranged the intercalation so carelessly, shortened or lengthened the year to sait 
their pleasure or extend the year of office of a favorite, or to postpone the dur when a 
note became due, that the confusion was so great that the Boman year anticipated the 
true time by 90 days, and therefore the consuls who were supposed to enter on their office 
Jan. 1, B. o. 46, VeAily entered Oct. 18th, b. o. 47. An intercalary month of 98 days had been 
inserted after Feb. 94, b.o. 46, bnt -this left the ye^r three intercalary months of 99, 98 
and 99 days, i. «., 07 days from the true time. This deficiency Csesar inserted as two 
months between nor. and Dec., which addition can be regarded as the 99 days of Jan., 
98 days of Feb., and the 10 days which the solar year differed from the lunar. This year 
was called " the year of confusion *' (onntM eof^uHonUi). Beckoned from Jan. 1, b. c. 46. 
this year consisted of 446 days, but reckoned from Mar. 1, the beginning of the civil 
year, of 866 days. Just one solar year. From b. c. 46 the extra ten davs which were added 
to the lunar year were so arranged on account of the festivals that 9 were inserted after 
Jan. 98, 1 after April 96, 1 after June 98, 9 after Aug. 98, 1 after Sept. 98. 1 after Kov. 98, 
and 9 after Dec. 98. These days were all regarded as dies fofti nan eomitialet. The year 
B. o. 45 received an intercalary day after Feb. 94 (anU diem biuexhtm Kai: Marthta), and 
henceforth one day was to be added in the same manner every four vears. [The 94th of 
Pebmary was, on Uie Boman mode of reckoning backwards, the tkeih befbre the kalends 
(the 1st) of March ; and the inserted day was called the teamd^ixih (j^ittexhu) before the 
Kslends.] There was a slight error in C«esar*8 calendar, and this in the c ourse of cen- 
turies amounted to 10 days, and was corrected by Pope Gregonr XTTT. in 1589, and 
provisions were made to prevent similar errors in the future. The reformed calendar 
was adopted by England in 1759. 

* According to Hfibner (Jahn*s Jahrb. 1863, p. 84), Mnnda was north d the modem 
Bonda on the road between Cordova and Gibraltar. 


"■- • I r — ■ -■— I — 1 FBI m\ ■ r i _ . - - - - _ - 

the enemy perished^ he gained a crowning victory.* On his 
return to Rome in September he celebrated another triumph, 
foUowed as usual by games, festiyals, and gladiatorial shows. 
New marks of honor were conferred upon him by the servile 
senate.^ He was to sit on a golden chair in the senate and 
at the public games, clad in a triumphal robe, and a diadem 
set with gems was decreed to him. 

2. Signs of DiBContent — ^Amidst this obsequiousness of 
Caesar's adherents, there was an undertow of discontent A 
rumor spread that he was intending to assume the name of 
king. This name from the days of Tarquinius had been hate- 
ful to the people. The multitude felt that a hopeless servitude 
had commenced, while CsBsar chafed under the restraint of 
public opinion, and his temper became capricious and arrogant 
Conspiracies were formed against his life ; but still he could 
never be induced to surround himself with a permanent body- 
guard, for " it is better to die at once," said he, " than to live 
always in fear of death." His mind was filled with far other 
thoughts than the taking care of his life. Yearning to retrieve 
the disaster at CarrhsB, he began preparations for a war against 
the Parthians. But the Sibylline oracle had declared that 
Forth ia could be conquered only by a king. One day as he was 
returning from the Latin festival on the Alban Mount, he was 
hailed as king. Stifled murmurs rose from the multitude. 
CsBsar exclaimed, " I am no king, but Caesar." His friends 
were not satisfied. At the Lupercalian feast, on the loth of 
February, when he was seated on his gilded chair before the 
rostra, Antonius offered him a diadem, but Caesar rejected it 
saying, « I am not king ; the only king of the Romans is 
Jupiter." A few days after, his statues were crowned with 
royal diadems. The tribunes removed the diadems and prose- 
cuted those who had saluted him king. The people called 
the tribunes Brutuses, because Brutus had expelled the king^ 
but Caesar deposed them from office. 

u-*l,^?™f ' ^^^^nj**- Mid Onaeas Pompejae perished ; Sextiw Fompejas eecsped. Tbc 
battle took place March 17, b. o. 45. ■-'-k-— 

»Thc Bomans made jef.t« of the roreigners whom Cwrar had admitted to the KiiateL 
Flacards requested the pabhc not to show the eenatora the way to the senate. 


3. Plot Against Cassar'B Life — Still, in spite of Gadsar's 
moderation there were many who cherished hitter hostility 
towards him. The idea that one man was to rule over them 
rankled in their breasts. When senators came to inform him 
that they had decreed him some extravagant honors, en- 
grossed as he was in other things, he did not rise to receive 
them but said, " there was more need to retrench his honors 
than to enlarge them.'' This seeming haughtiness rendered the 
senate furious. A plot was formed lor his destruction which 
embraced sixty or seventy conspirators. Many^ of them had 
been pardoned by Cassar and raised to offices of rank and 
honor. Gassius was said to be the most active conspirator. 
He had competed for office with Brutus^ and both having set 
forth their claims, Gcesar said, *^ Gassius assigns the better rea- 
sons, but I cannot refuse Brutus." Gassius needed the charm 
of a great name to sanction the deed. M. Junius Brutus, the 
nephew and son-in-law of Gato, who pretended to trace his lin- 
eage from the founder of the republic, gave this name. Brutus 
was an ardent student of the Stoic philosophy; he had a 
ragged and eccentric nature, a wild yearning for effort, for 
painful sacrifice ; but in practical life he was feeble and irreso- 
lute. To him the conspirators looked, and when they saw that 
he hesitated, billets were thrust into his hands, inscribed witli 
the words : " Brutus, thou sleepest ; thou art not Brutus 1 " To 
the statue of the ancient Brutus was affixed a paper with the 
words, " Would that thou wert now alive 1 " The rumor got 
abroad that GsBsar's friends intended to obtain a decree from 
the senate to confer upon him the title of king over foreign 
subjects. This was to come up in a meeting of the senate 
which was to be held March 15, to make the necessary arrange- 
ments for the Parthian war. This rumor probably hastened 
the long contemplated action of the conspirators, and it was 
agreed to assassinate Gassar on the ides of March. 

4. AflffWBBinfltion of CseBar.—Meanwhile rumors of the 
plot got abroad. The pale looks and agitated demeanor of the 

* D. BratoB wait appointed sovernor of Ci^lpine Ganl ; Trebonias had been gover- 
nor in A/iia ; G. Caasias had Been praetor ; Caeca and Cimber had received marks of 

342 Cesar's assassinatiok. [b. c. 44. 

conspirators excited even the saspicion of OsdsaXy for he said 
one day to his friends, ^^What think joa of Cassias ? I do not 
like his pale looks." Prodigies and warnings were not wanted. 
Men spoke of lights in heaven, strange noises by night, and of 
the apparition of a solitary bird in the forum. Strabo speaks 
of battalions of fire in the air, and Suetonins tells that the 
horses which Caesar had let loose at the Rubicon would not 
eat, but shed tears. A soothsayer warned Csssar of the 
ides of March. His wife entreated him not to attend the 
meeting of the senate on that day. She had dreamed a fear- 
ful dream, and the auspices too were unfavorable. The rem- 
nant of Boman superstition ^ in OsBsar's mind had nearly 
prevailed when the raillery of D. Brutus, who had come to 
escort him, dispelled the sliow of irresolution. The conspira- 
tors well knew that delay would be fatal. They were alarmed 
every moment at floating hints, and even in spite of their care, 
a man thrust a paper into Caesar's hand on his way to the 
senate chamber. He thought it a petition and held it unread 
in his hand. To the augur he said, '' The ides of March are 
come." "Yes," replied the augur, "but they are not yet 
passed." The senate was already seated when Caesar entered, 
and the conspirators crowded around his chair. Cimber solic^ 
ited the recall of his brother from exile, the others united in 
the solicitation. Displeased at their importunity Caesar rose 
from his chair ; Cimber pulled the robe from Caesar's shoulders, 
while Casca„ who stood behind, gave the first blow. Caesar 
caught the handle of the dagger and said, " Villain ! Casca, 
what dost thou mean ? " Casca called for help ; Caesar de- 
fended himself for a time, but when he saw Brutus among his 
assailants, he exclaimed, et tu Brute, **Thon, too, Brutus I" 
and drawing his robe over his face fell pierced by twenty-three 
wounds at the foot of Pompejus' statue.^ 

5. The ConspiratoTB have no Plan.— The conspira- 
tors had made no adequate preparation for carrying out their 

. * Bven C»wr was sapenttltionfl : at the battle of Pharvalns he prayed to the godf 
whom he derided ; he crawlod on his knees up the temple of Veniit ; he appealed to the 
omen?« bcforR crowJna: the Rubicon. 

* The senate met in the i«enate>hoii8«> of Pompejoa. 

B. C. 44.] O^SAB'S ASSA8SIKAII0K. 343 

plan to restore the republic. They hoped the senate would 
ratify the act, but when they looked round the hall was empty. 
When Brutus rushed to the forum to harangue the people, 
his Toice was drowned in tumultuous cries. There was a gen- 
eral feeling of consternation, no one knowing on whom the 
next blow would fall, or whether riot and massacre were U) 
begin again. The indifference of the people, whose instinct 
told them that they had nothing to gain from Caesar's death, 
filled the conspirators with dismay. Lepidus, as proconsul, 
was before the gates of the city with an army, and a large 
number of Caesar's old soldiers were in the city waiting for 
assignments of land. The result was that the liberators, as they 
called themselves, had to take refuge in the capitol, offering 
as a pretext that they were going to return thanks to Jupiter 
for their success. Here they were joined by the small remnant 
of the aristocratic party. Cicero was one of the first to come 
to them, and advised that the senate should be convened. 
This they dared not do, but proposed instead to empower M. 
Antonius^ to restore the republic. 

6. Anmeaty Declared and Caesar'B Acts Confirmed. 
— In the first alarm Antonius^ had escaped in disguise to his 
house. During the night ho-bad communicated with Lepidus, 
and had secured Caesar's private papers as well as his treasore of 
seven million sesterces. Hitherto Antonius had been known s& 
the minister and favorite companion of Caesar, but now he was 
about to display 'the arts of a consummate intriguer. He de- 

^ Some of Che conspinton had proposed to assassinate Antonlna also, bat Bnitai 
had protested. 


H. AnroRins, triumvir, m. 1. Fadia. 2. Aktoria. 8. Fulyia. 

4. OoTATi4« sister of Augustus. 5. Clbopatba. 


AXToiriA miOor. Aittonia minor, 

m. L. Doxmus Ajunobabsus. m. Dbusub, the brother of the emperor TnEBros. 

Cb.Dom. AHXir., DowTXA Lbpida, OsBKAinous m. LnriA m. The Emperor 

m. AABimirA. m. M. Yal. Mb88ai«a. Agbifpota, dr. of 1. G. CwBSab. Claudius m. 

(afterward w. of I JuuA, dr. of 8. Dbubus, 1. Flautia. 

Claudiub). I Augustus. sonofTi- %.JBiaa. 


I 4. Agbipfina. 
L. Box. Ahbb., adopted by Claudius a.d. S0« and caUed Kbbo mother of 

Claudiub C^bab Bbubub OsBXAincufl: emperor a.d. 54-68. NiBa 

344 cssab's funeral obsequies. [b. c. 44. 

Glared his adherence to the republic ; the senate was conTened 
on the 17th of March^ and it was voted, under the lead of Cicero, 
that amnesty should be declared and the acts ^ of Osesar rati- 
fied. The conspirators came down from the capitol, a recon- 
ciliation took place, and GsBsar's assignment of the proyinces was 
confirmed.^ This reconciliation, however, was only a pretence, 
and Antonius hoped to crush the conspirators long before they 
could assume their commands. 

7. CaBsar's Will and Funeral Obsaqnias. — ^First Anto- 
nius made public Caesar's will Oajus Octavius, the son of GsBsar's 
sister's daughter, was adopted and declared his heir. Legacies 
were left to many of the conspirators. His gardens beyond 
the Tiber were bequeathed to the people, and every citizen 
was to receive three hundred sesterces. This liberality over- 
whelmed the people with gratitude, shame and indignation. 
The funeral obsequies followed.' The funeral pyre was erected 
in the Campus Martins ; the body^ concealed from public gaze, 
was laid in a glittering shrine in the forum ; a waxen eJffigy 
which turned in every direction, exhibited the twenty-three 
wounds. The people, deeply moved by the sad spectacle before 
them, were still further excited by dramatic representations of 
the deaths of Agamemnon and Ajax, caused by their nearest 
relatives. Last of all, the consul Antonius pronounced that 
marvellous oration,* which excited the fury of the people to 
the utmost. They rushed through the streets to the houses of 
the conspirators. Brutus and Cassius had fled from the city; 
the others dared not show themselves in public. The success 
of Antonius was complete. Still acting his part as a consum- 
mate dissembler he counselled measures of moderation ; pro- 
posed that Sextus Pompejus should be recalled, and just when he 
was expected to ask for the dictatorship he proposed its aboli- 
tion. The joy of all was great ; but they soon found that they 
were subject to a new and more capricious power. Antonius 
pretended that his life was in danger, and asked for a body- 
guard, which the senate blindly granted. The senate had 

* Acta CflBMris. 

> Cisalpine Gaal wm allotted to D. Bnitns ; Macedonia, to MarciiB Bratns ; Asia, to 
Trebonliu : Bithynia, to Cimber ; and Syria, to OaaBine. * On the same dayjiroliablj. 

* Tua ula putchra iaudaUo^ tua nUteratio^ tua oohortatk>, Clc XliU. ii.. SQ^ 


already coaErmed Cte&a'a acta ; AntoniuB canaed the eanctaon 
to be extended to acts which Gsesar had merely cont emplated. 
Antonins being in possessioD of Ctesar's private papers, began 
to use tbem for cooferriog boDors od this one, banishing that 
one, and when do vestige of a docnmeat could be found, he ^ 
fabricated what he wanted. Gseaar's dispoBition of the prov- 
incee was reveraed.' " The tyrant ia dead," said Cicero, " but the 
tyranny still lives." Antonius seemed on the point of obtain- 
ing all he wished, when a new actor appeared upon the scene 
to check him in hia mad career.* "^^-^ 


OfTTATipa, THE Hsm O f Cj^ar — CicEHo*B AciTTnT — Thb 
Second Triumvibatb. 

1. The Popiilazit7 of Octavins.— Gajus Octavina' bad 
been waitiDg at Apollonia to 
joiu Qseear on bis way to the 
East, when a letter from his 
modier iofonned him of the 
dictator's asaasBination. He 
had enjoyed for years Cgesar's 
favor, and had been appointed 
his beir in his last testament 
He immediately proceeded to 
Rome, determined to claim the 
inheritance, and boldly as- 
sumed his adopted name, Ga- 
jus Julius Ciesar Octavianus. 
He arrived at Rome in the 

beginning of May, b. c 44, and ^^^^ octitiot. 

proceeded directly to the prse- 
tor, as one was required to do who assumed the rights and 

' gtrUx-iH Uken from Curiae and (Aligned Id Dulabellk; UacedonlB, Anlonliu 

• Heh*lE«li<^=™f"'l 1'^' LPplilll* 1>7 giving him Ms d»Bghl«r In marrtacc uid 
liT nnmliullng bim paaHfrx marimui. 

' Tbe following Uble shows Ibe relsiloDHliip betveen Cxav aQd Oclavios : 


duties of an inheritanoe. When Antonius returned from the 
southern part of Italy where he had been to gain over 
Caesar's yeterans, Octavius demanded the treasures of the dicta- 
tor that he might discharge the obligations of his uncle's wilL 
Antonias replied that all was spent ; that it was not Caesar's, 
but the public money. Octavius, however, was not dismayed. 
With great adroitness he contrived to win the fevor of all par- 
ties. He sold his own property and borrowed enough from his 
friends to discharge Caesar's legacies. The people were won by . 
shows. Octavius rose rapidly in popular favor, and Antonius 
suffered in contrast Octavius conciliated the senate, cajoled 
the liberators^ into believing that he had no personal ambition, 
but was only seeking to defeat the selfish designs of Antonius. 
He saw in Cicero one who could secure him the support j^f the \ 
senate^ without which it was impossible to make headway 
against Antonias. 

2. Cicero and Octavius. — At this time Cicero's mind 
was in a condition to receive his advances. Cicero knew that 
the two consuls, as well as the most distinguished men of the 
senatorial party, condemned the policy of Antonius. As early 
as June he himself had said that a coalition between Antonius 
and Octavius must be prevented. In short, he knew that there 
was material enough in the senate hostile to Antonias to con- 
trol its action. Therefore, when Octavius approached him 
with the promise that he would take no rerenge on Caesar'a 
murderers, and that he would be guided by the advice of the 

G. JuLKTB CosABf the gnmdfitther of the Dictator. 

6. Jnuns CiBSAB m. Aubkua. irnxk m. Q. MAStOB. 


"1 i 1 

O. Juuns Cjkas, Juua major, m. Juua minor, m. 

Dictator, m. 1. L. Pim ABnjs. Atius Baubub. 

1. COSBUTIA. S. Q. Pbdiub. I 

S. Cornelia, d. of Cinna. Atia m. Octatius. 


4. Calfubnia. O. J. C. Oct. Augustitb, see p. 494. 

» Cicero has preserved a vivid picture of the indecision of the conetpiratora at this 
time. He left Italy in dit«gn8l, but was driven back by adverse winds and retara<»d to 
Rome Aug. 81- He attempted to form a conservative party which shonid hold the bal- 
ance of nower between the ultra rcpablicans and the Cet^arians. Bnitas and Caaoius had 
already left Rome, and Cicero met them at X'elia on his return. 



. Lf 

B. a 44-43.] OICEBO AND OCTAYIUS. 347 

senate, Gioero pretended to belieye his professions, and re^ 
appeared once more in the political arena with his old power 
and influence. In a series of speeches he roused the people, 
and exerted all his powers to consolidate all parties against An- 
tonin& When Antonius had departed from Rome to drive D. 
Brutus out of Cisalpine Oaul, Oicero induced the senate to 
declare him a public enemy.^ 

3. The MntinaWar (b.c. 44-43). — ^Antonius, immediately 
on his arrival in Cisalpine Ganl, besieged Brutus in Mutina 
{Modena), and thus commenced the civil war. The senate, at 
Cicero's behefiL,as sociate( ^i QflflY?"^ iix command with the new. 
consuls Hirtius and P^Qg^ and bade them act against Antoiuua. 
and aid Brutu& Antonius was defeated in two battles^ in 
which both consuls were slain. D.. Brutus was relic vedjaud. 
Octavius was left in sole command. Antonius retreated across 
the Alps and joined Lepidus. 

4. Activity of Cicero. — ^The senate believed the war was 
ended. Cicero was never more active. He was the life and 
soul of the government He maintained an active correspond- 
ence with the chiefs in the provinces, praised the devotion of 
the soldiers, and inspired confidence in the desponding. ^I 
have placed myself,^ said he, ''at the head of the senate and 
people ; and since I have undertaken to lead the cause of 
freedom, I have not let a moment pass which could be em- 
ployed in providing for the general welfare.'' To his one 
great error — ^the belief that the republic could oe restored, he 
clung to the last. His efForts were unremitting. He performed 
'' mightier deeds in the toga than could be effected by arms.** 
Gircamstances were silently working against him. The two 
consuls were dead, and Octavius found himself at the head of 

* AntoBhifl snmmoned the senate for the lat of September, when divine bonors were 
10 be decreed to Cesar, and Invited Cicero to attend. He pleaded fatigue ; Antonins 
itracked him in a violent speeclL, Tlie next day (Sept. 8), Cicero delivered the first 
at tbooe great orations which were afterward entitled Philippics in imitation of those of 
DemoKtheneB against Philip of Macedon. The f*econd Philippic was never delivered, bnt 

Sablistoed in O(»oba:, and was so composed as If delivered in reply and immediately after 
.ntoniaa* speech, Sept. 19 ; the tliird was delivered Dee. 20, in the senate ; the foorth 
was delivered the same day to the people ; the fifth, in the senate, Jan. 1, b. c. 4tt ; 
fbe siztb^ to the people, Jan. 4 ; the others were delivered dnring the winter, the 
fooTieeDtli and last oeing pronoanoed April 29d, in the senate. 

> Fonun Oallomm (cadel Franco) April 1ft, and Mutina, April 97 ; this was called the 

348 THE HdBDEB 07 CIOBBO. [B. C. 43 

a powerfdl army. Oioero hoped he would lead his legions to 
the assistance o£ Brutus and Plancus. Just at this time the 
aristocratic party in the senate began to lift its hand. The 
senate believed it could do without Octavins, and desired to 
thrust him aside^ after having availed itself of his services so 
long as they were usef uL The senate transferred the command 
to Brutas and denied Octavius ^ the consulate. Then Octa- 
vius' rough centurions came to Borne, entered the senate- 
chamber, and demanded the office for their chiel When the 
senate still hesitated, one of the centurions seized his sword 
and exclaimed^ ''If you will not to him, this willP 
Octavius approached the city with his whole army ; the senate 
yielded. He was declared consul, with his cousin Q. Pediu^ 
, as colleague. 

& The Second Triumvirate. — Octavius, who was now 
in a position to treat with Antonius, proceeded with great 
caution. He procured a decree * which declared the murderers 
of Caesar to be outlaws. He made overtures to Antonius, and 
caused the decree against him and Lepidus to be rescinded. It 
was only with their aid that he could hope to triumph over 
^he liberators. Accordingly Antonius and Lepidus were 
invited to an interview near Bononia,' which re8ulte4 in the 
formation of what is usually called the '^Second Triumvirate." 
The triumvirs were to rule the state for five years^ to appoint 
all the magistrates, and to assign the provinces.' Octavius and 
Lepidus were to prosecute the war against M. Brutus' and 
Cassius. This agreement was submitted to the people by the 
tribune, and the three chiefs, under the title of briumvirs* for 
the establishment of the republic, entered upon their office. 

6. Morder of Cicero. — The triumvirs determined to leave 
no enemies behind them. A reign of terror commenced. 
With a list of the chief citizens before them, thev formallv 
adjusted whom they should kill and whom they should spare. 
Once more the terrible days of Sulla and Cinna were revived. 

^ This action of the nenate was probably taken a|i;alni>t Cicero*8 wfsh ; for Uie la^ 
letter which we have of Cicero's correspondence (ad ran. z., M) written Jnly 9B. ar^ms 
to indicate that Mend«hip existed between him and OGiayios. * Laz Astfta. 

* Some say on the Island of Lavinus (Larino) : othen, on the Island of Rhenas (R^no). 

* Antonius was to have the two Qauls ; Lepidus, the Spalns and Narbonensis : 
Octavius, Africa, StcUy and Sardinia. Lepidus and Plancus were to have the eonralahip 
the next year. • Triumviri RHpudUe^ OomUtvenda, 

P. Bmtus In crossing the Alps was deserted by his soldiers and killed at Aqofi^ 

B. C. 42.] LAST SPF0R18 OF THS BSPUBLia 349 

The barbarian soldiers were let loose throughout Italy to hunt 
the proscribed. Gioero'd name was one of the first on the list^ 
a yietim to Antonius' ferocity. He fled from Bome, embarked 
from Astnra, with the view of taking refuge in Macedonia^ 
and seemed already in safety^ when a strange fit of irresolution 
seized him« He landed again and betook himself to his villa 
at Fomuue. His servants warned him in vain of his danger 
'^ Let me die,^ said he, ''in my country which I have saved 
so often." His slaves got intelligence that his pursuers were 
approaching and they harried him once more toward the sea- 
shore, but he was overtaken and dispatched in his litter ; his 
bead was taken to Antonius. '^ This is no concern of mine," 
said he ; ^ take it to my wife.'' ^ Many of the proscribed escaped 
and took refuge with Sextus Pompejus in Spain, and with 
Brains and Cassius in the East. 

■• » •■ 

Last Effobts of the Republic — Division of the Empire. 

1. The J^attle of Philippi {b. g. 42).— Early in b. o. 42, 
military operations commenced. Octavius attempted to drive 
Sextus Pompejus out of Sicily, but his admiral, Salvidienus, 
was defeated, and he decided to follow Antonius to Epirus, to 
assist in carrying on the war against Brutus and Cassius. The 
liberators were wasting their time in plundering ^ the rich cities 
of the East, and were not aroused to their danger until the news 
came that Octavius and Antonius had landed in Greece and 
were on their way to Macedonia. Laden with spoils, the liber- 
ators prepared>to meet them. Brutus, involved as he was in 
the affairs of war, and solicitous for the result, slept only a little. 
He spent the most of his nights in making preparations and 

■ Falvia waa the widow of Clodins when Antonius married her. p. , n. 

* Bratna plandered Xanthas ; Cassius, Rhodes. All A»ia Miaor was compelled to 
par the trttmte of ten yean. The temples were despoiled ; and the free inhabitanta 
aofd into slavery. 

B. a 44-43.] OICEBO AND OCTAYIUS. 347 

senate, Gioero pretended to beliere his professions, and re- 
appeared once more in the politioal arena with his old power 
and influence. In a series of speeches he roused the people, 
and exerted all his powers to consolidate all parties against An- 
tonins. When Antonius had departed from Kome to driye D. 
Brutus out of Cisalpine Oaul, Cicero induced the senate to 
declare him a public enemy.^ 

3. The Mntina War (b. g. 44r-43). — Antonius, immediately 
on bis arrival in Cisalpine Gaul, besieged Brutus in Mutina 
(Modena)y and thus commenced the civil war. The senate, at 
Cicero's behQfii^.a8Soci%t@d, l^fij^lOJis in command with the naw. 
consuls Hirtius and Fftu^ and bade them act against Antcttiua 
and aid Brutus. Antonius was defeated in two battles' in 
which both consuls were slain. D^t Brutus was reliexfid^^aod. 
Octavius was left in sole command. Antonius retreated across 
the Alps and joined Lepidus. 

4. Activi^ of Cicero. — ^The senate believed the war was 
ended. Cicero was never more active. He was the life and 
soul of the government He maintained an active correspond- 
ence with the chiefs in the provinces, praised the devotion of 
the soldiers, and inspired confidence in the desponding. '^I 
have placed myself," said he, ^^at the head of the senate and 
people ; and since I have undertaken to lead the cause of 
freedom, I have not let a moment pass which could be em- 
ployed in providing for the general welfare.** To his one 
great error — ^the belief that the republic could /)e restored, he 
clang to the last. His efforts were unremitting. He performed 
*^ mightier deeds in the toga than could be effected by arms.** 
Circumstances vrere silently working against him. The two 
consnls were dead, and Octavius found himself at the head of 

< Antonius eammoned the senate for the let of Septemher, when divine honors were 
Id be decreed to Caesar, and invited Cicero to attend. He pleaded fatigue ; Antonins 
ftttacked him in a violent speech. The next day (Sept. 8), Cicero delivered the first 
of thoee great orations which were afterward entitled Philippics in imitation of those of 
Demontlienes against Philip of Macedon. The fiecond Philippic was never delivered, hut 

Sablisb^ in October, and was so composed as if delivered in reply and immediately after 
(.ntonins^ speech, Sept. 19 ; the third was delivered Dec. 90i in the senate ; the fourth 
was deUvered the same day to the people ; the fifth, in the senate, Jan. 1, b. o. 48 ; 
tbe sixth, to the people, Jan. 4 ; the others were delivered doling the winter, the 
fonrtaeDth and last oeing prononnoed April S3d, in the senate. 

* Fonun Qallomm {eiatm Froneo) April 15, and Matina, April 97 ; this was called the 


Ill— M _ _ ""^ 

4. Octavins in Italy. — Meanwhile Octavias was busy in 
Italy assigning the promised estates to his soldiers. As no 
money came from Antonias be was obliged to despoil the 
temples and to drive away the old proprietors from their farms 
that he might satisfy the demands of the disbanded yeterans.^ 
Whole cities with their adjacent districts were given up to 
spoliation.^ Great disorder prevailed. Fulvia attempted to 
foment the discontent of the proprietors who had lost their 
lands and of the veterans who were not satisfied with their 
plander^ in hopes of recalling her faithless husband from the 
East. Octavius turned from one class to the other^ bat could 
not satisfy both. Finally, his general, Agrippa, repressed the 
discontent, and besieging Antonins' brother in Perosiai, com- 
pelled him to surrender. 

5. The Treaty of Bmndisiiim (b. o. 40). — The news of 
the Perusian war aroused Antonius, who embarked for Italy 
with a powerful fleet and a few legions. He made a compact 
with Sextus Pompejus to overthrow Octavius, but the name 
of Pompejus had long since lost its charm. The soldiers 
refused to fight and compelled the two triumvirs to treat 
A new partition * of the Roman world gave Antonins the East 
to rule and defend, while Octavius was to be entrusted with 
the West, and with the conduct of the war against Sextus Pom- 
pejus. The compact was sealed by the marriage of Antonins 
to Octavia,* his colleague's sister, while Octavius married 
Scribonia, the sister-in-law of S. Pompejus. The rivals, thus 
reconciled, repaired to Rome, entered the city with an ovation, 
and celebrated games and festivities.' 

6. The Trea^ of Misennm (b. c. 39).— The treaty of 
Brundisium marked the end of the civil war in Italy. It con- 

> AiOCordinff to Applan each soldier wss to have SQOO denarii ; each oentmrion. five 
tlmeH and each tribune ten timei* as much : thle with an army of 28 legions = aboat 
110,000 men, amounted to abont 1000 million denarii = nearly $800,000,000. 

* Viigii loet his property at Anden in Cisalpine Gaul, bnt recovered it thronirti the 
inflnenoe of Maeoenaft. Horace, TibiUlne and Properttos, were involved in the land oon- 
flflcationB. The Ofellus of Horace (Sat. U., 2, 112) giYeea lively picture of a proprietor 
who was doomed to work for a master on the land that had onoe been his own. 

' The dividing line was at Soodra in lUyricnm ; Lepidns was allowed to retain Africa. 

* Octavia had recently been left a widow by the death of llaroeUns ; Folvte had died 
shortly after AntODios* return. 

* This took place dnrinf? the consulship of FoUIo, and Veigil criel—tea tbe pMoe ct 
Brundisium In nis fourth eclogue. 


signed the centre of the empire to a statesman who restrained 
the insubordination of the soldiers and restored order. Sex- 
tus Pompejas had been excluded from the treaty. His fleet 
commanded the sea and cut off the supply of wheat from Sicily 
and Africa. The populace became furious and compelled the 
triumyirs to treat with Sextus. They promised to resign to 
him Sicily and Achaja, while he engaged to supply Italy with 
corn. The three chiefs entertained one another on board a 
vessel moored in the harbor near Misenum. ^' Shall I cut off 
the anchors of the ship, and make you master of the Soman 
world ?" said Menas,^ one of Pompejus' captains. " You 
ought to have done it instead of saying it,'' was his reply. 

7. The Tredity of Tarentum (b. c. 38).— The agreement, 
however, was never executed. Sextus never received Achaja, 
and he in turn failed to evacuate certain places on the coast of 
Italy which had fallen into his possession. Sextus flew to arms, 
and threatened the seaports, and the price of grain rose in con- 
sequence at Bome. Antonius appeared off Brundisium with a 
fleet of three hundred sail. Octayius was so distrustful of his 
designs that he forbade him to land. Antonius sailed round to 
Tarentum, but by the mediation of Maecenas,^ Octa\da, and 
other friends, a reconciliation was effected. The triumvirate 
was renewed for another five years, and Antonius left one hun- 
dred and thirty vessels for Octavius to use against Pompejus, 
while he received twenty thousand soldiers for the Parthian war. 

8. Victory ofF Nanlochim. — It was necessary for Octa- 
yius to build a fleet and practice his sailors in order to wrest 
the dominion of the sea from Sextus. With this view he 
constructed a secure harbor^ on the southern coast of Italy. 
The next spring he attacked Sextus off Mylae, and by the 
skill and energy of Agrippa, gained a partial victory.* Soon 
after, the great sea-fight off Naulochus decided the contest. 
Deserted by his followers Sextus fled in despair to the East, in 
hopes of obtaining the protection of Antonius. 

> Applan C&II0 him Menodonif*. 

■ Horace aocomiMtnied MfleceiuM to BrandiBiam and has given a lively acconnt of the 
Joarnev in the fifth patlre. 

■ The lakes Arernas and Lncrinns, hetween Misenum and Pnteoll, were connected ; 
«nUer wan let In from the Tyrrhenian sea. * Near Myle. 

354 THE PALL OF LEPIDUS. [b. C. 36. 

9. The Fall of Lepidus (b.c. 36.)— Scarcely was this 
danger from Sextos passed, when a new one, not less threaten- 
ing, arose. The Pompeian soldiers opened communication with 
LepidaSy who had come from Africa and had joined Agrippa 
in the siege of Messana. The gates were no sooner opened than 
the Pompeian troops saluted Lepidus as imperator. Finding 
himself at the head of twenty legions, he resolved to hold the 
island for himself. The prompt action of Octanus prevented 
civil war. He holdly entered his rival's camp almost unat- 
tended, threw himself among the soldiers, and made appeals to 
them which were successful. They deserted Lepidus as easily 
as they had joined hiuL Octavius deposed him from the trium- 
virate, and confined him to the idland of Oirceji,*but allowed him 
to retain the title of chief pontiff until his death in B. c. 13. 

10. The Positioii of Octavius. — Octavius now had no 
other rival than Antonius. Sextus Pompejus, who was the 
last of the old senatorial party, had fallen into the hands of 
Antonius' lieutenant, who put him to death. His death and 
Antonius' absence left Octavius the undisputed head of the 
Csesarians. Octavius had now attained that position in which 
he felt himself strong enough to be merciful. The strength of 
the old parties had been so broken up by death and confisca- 
tion, that the remnant were prepared to support any goyem- 
ment which promised order and security. The people joined 
the senate in welcoming Octavius as the "restorer of peace by sea 
and land." Measures were taken to maintain in Bome a yigi- 
lant police, and brigandage was put down in Italy and Sicily. 
Octavius began now on a greater arena to display that state-craft 
which he had maintained from the first and which never de- 
serted him. He granted all the liberty consistent with his 
safety, but veiled his government under the forms of the con- 

11. The BiEiiiisterB of Octavius.— In nothing did he show 
his discrimination more than in calling around him two such 
men as Agrippa, the able general, and Maecenas, the admirable 
counsellor. We have seen the perseverance and obstinate cour- 
age of Agrippa ; how he was ever active in constructing and 

BL a 37-34.] AxiTONins aistd the east. 855 

repairing fleets, and exercising sailors. MsBcenas had already 
rendered important service in reconciling the triomyirs, and in 
calming and restraining the multitude when the fleet of Seztua 
cat off the supply of grain. His genuine taste for learning and 
his encouragement of men of letters, Octavius found to be 
equally valuable in turning men's minds to literature, which 
contributed greatly in reconciling them to the loss of liberty. 
Msdcenas' mild and elastic mind seemed formed to calm and 
quiet Italy after so many mighty storms had swept over it 

■• ♦ $» 


The Battle of AcnuM — The End of the Civil WABa 

1. Antonhui and the East (b. o. 37-^).— After the re-' 
newal of the triumvirate, in b. c. 37> Antonius, who had 
already become tired of Octavia, left her in Italy, and deter- 
mined to carry on his long projected campaign against the 
Parthians.^ By the middle of b. c. 36^ he had assembled one 
hundred thousand men on the Euphrates,* with the purpose 
of completing the success that his lieutenants had already 
began. He penetrated as far as Praaspa, three hundred miles 
beyond the Tigris, but the Parthians cut off his munitions 
of war, and his treacherous ally' deserted him. He was com- 
pelled to commence a disastrous retreat, which cost the lives 
of eight thousand of his soldiers. In the following spring 
(b. c. 34), he made one more effort,' and advanced into Armenia, 
where he collected an immense amount of booty. After 
this he returned to Alexandria, celebrated a triumph, and as- 

*■ Tbc Parthians, led br Labienvs. a son of CflBsar's old general, had Invaded Syria, 
Cilicia and Oaria ; Tentldliu had defeated them twice in Syria ; Lablenoe and Pharna> 
pa tee, the ablest general of Orodee, had fallen in battle. Soelnfl took JeruBalem and de- 
throned Antigonut ; and Canidins, another lieatenant, penetrated into Armenia, defeated 
tlie kings of Iberia and Albania,'and spread the terror of Antonias* name and power 
throuj^h these barbarous regions. Antonius fonnd himself master of the three great 
roade on which the commerce of the world traveled— that of Gaacasns, that of Palmyra, 
And that of Alexandria. 

• Ttie king of Armenia. * Plat. Anton, 


I : 


866 OCTAVItJS AND THE WEST. [b. C. 37-33. 

sumed the insignia and dress of an Oriental monarch. Cleopatn 
sat by his side as queen^ to whose influence Antonins had en- 
tirely surrendered himself. . He gave the title of king to her 
children, annexed the provinces of the Boman empire to the 
Egyptian kingdom, and plunged into the wildest dissipatioD. 

2. Cleopatra, the Queen of the East. — In order to 
retain her influence over him, and to wean him effectuaUy from 

1 1 Borne, Cleopatra daily inyented new pleasures and constantly 
\ amused him. She possessed a thousand channs, a thousand 
I varied graces, and the gift of many languages. She was an ad- 
Imirable singer, a skilled musician. Her flattery was varied as 
|it was delicate. She transformed herself daily to please him. 
She gamed, she drank, she hunted, and followed him in all 
\ his exercises. In his night rambles through the streets of 
! ^Alexandria, stopping at the doors and windows of the eiti- 
' ^ns to throw out jests, she attended him dressed as a slava 
She already dreamed of planting her pavilion on the Tarpeian 
rock and of dictating her will among the trophies of Mariu& 
She must wean Antonius from Bome ; then the Alexander 
,df the East could conquer the West One day Cleopatra bad 
£^1 Egyptian diviner say to him : ^^Thy genius fears Octa- 
vlus ; when it is alone its port is erect and fearless ; when 
hl|p approaches it is dejected and oppressed." Octavius 
possessed Bome ; it was his capital. Alexandria alone conld be 
th^ capital of the empire of Antonius. Here the commerce of 
thiee continents found its mart. In this vast caravansary every 
nation lodged. In this great centre, the religion and mysticism 
of J;he East and the philosophy of the West met This mighty 
WG^ld was mirrored in its queen, the female Mithridates — a 
Tafied, vast and multifarious mind, like that of the ever f mit- 
ful Isis, under whose attributes she triumphed.* 

3. Octavius and the West — Meanwhile Octavina was 
yearly increasing in popularity. His manners were afl!able, and 
his concern for the public welfare unwearied. He established 
a mild and firm government at Rome, and led his legions with 

* Michclet ; Pint Ant. She wa^ adored In Ei^ypt. When, after her death, the ittatne 
of Antonins waa ovprfhrown, an Alexandrian ^ve two millions eteriing to have thote 
*t Cleopatra left.— JfkA^M. 


saccese against the Dalmatians^ the Salassi, and the Panno- 
nians. During the sddileship^ of Agrippa^ he rebuilt and 
beautified Bome^ repaired the highways, cleansed the sewers, 
restored the aqueducts, and multiplied the fountains. At the 
same time the people were conciliated by largesses of money, 
oil and salt, while the games and shows amused them, and 
reconciled them to his government. The spoils from his 
niyrian and Dalmatian campaigns were so enormous that they 
were not only sufficient for these vast works, but they enabled 
Octayius and Pollio to establish public libraries. 

4. Declaration of War against Egypt.— Thus far the . 
two rivals had maintained all appearances of good-will towards \ 
each other; but in b. o. 33, they began to exchange complaints. 
Octavius accused Antonius of lavishing the provinces of the 
Roman empire on the Egyptian queen, and circulated the 
report that he wished to give her Rome even.* The consuls for | 
B. 0. 32 were, according to previous agreement, partisans of j 
Antonius. They began their year of office with a violent in- ? 
vective against Octavius, who at the time was absent from the 
city. On his return, convening the senate, he stationed guards i 
at the door, and entering himself surrounded by a body-guard, 
delivered a bitter invective against Antonius and promised to i 
make formal charges against him at the next meeting. The con- 
sols fled to Antonius. In the meantime Octavius obtained pos- 
session of Antonius* will, which the latter had deposited with 
the vestal virgin& It confirmed his donations of provinces and 
treasures to Cleopatra's children, declared one of them, Gaosario, 
to be the heir of the great dictator, and finally directed that his 
own body should be entombed with hers at Alexandria. No one 
could any longer doubt the rumors that he intended to make 
Cleopatra queen of the Roman world, and remove the seat of em- 
pire to Alexandria. The indignation of the people was aroused, 
and it was loudly demanded that Antonius should be declared a 
public enemy. Octavius refrained from this, but he directed the 

« B. c. 88. ^ ^ ^ 

* the principal witneMM ajsminttt Anfonins were CalvlntUB and PUncos, who had been 
Antonius confodlermtes and had deserted him. 

868 SAIILB OF AOTIUH. [b.C.31. 

senate to declare war againBt IJgypt. ^^It is not AntonioB 
with whom we are going to war, for he is like a man under 
enchantment, who has no longer any power over himself, bnt 
with Mardion the eunuch^ Pothinus, and Iris, Cleopatra's 
I 5. Battle of Actinm (b. c. 31).— Antonius reoeiyed the 
I declaration of war at Athens, and replied by divorcing Octa- 
\ Tia, thus breaking the last tie that bound him to his country. 
Preparations for the coming struggle were pushed forward on 
both sides. Antonius had an army mustered from all the 
East. The Mauritanians, the Arabians, the Jews, the Medians, 
sent him aid ; the kings of Gilicia, Gappadocia, Paphlagonia 
and Commagene followed his banner in person. The vast host ^ 
was assembled on the coast of Epirus to cross to Italy.' 
' Octavius busied himself in coUecting the forces of the West 
\ The triumvirate expired on the last day of b. c. 32. On the 
! 1st of January, b. o. 31, Octavius entered upon his third con- 
I Bulship. Embarking from Brundisium for Corcyra, he landed 
, his army at the Acroceraunian promontory, and directed his 
' march towards the Ambracian gulf ' and established his camp 
opposite Actium,^ where he afterwards erected Nicopolis. The 
fleet was commanded by the faithful Agrippa, and consisted 
. of light Libumian galleys manned by crews which had gained 
experience in the wars with S. Pompejus. It cruised over 
the whole Ionian sea, defeated and destroyed a part of Anto- 
nius' fleet, and thus secured command of the sea. Antonius' 
supplies began to fail, and the dissatisfaction and desertion 
of his soldiers compelled him to risk a battle. His friends 
wished to decide the contest on land, but Cleopatra insisted 
that they should fight by sea. Her advice prevailed, and 
on the 2d of September, Antonius drew up his line of 
battle. The contest was long and still undecided, when Cleo- 
patra, who was in the rear of the line of battle, with sixty 

* Nearly 100,000 foot. 1200 horM, and SOD shipB, many with ten iMUikB of .,«» 

* Octavine had 80,000 foot, 1900 hone, and 860 veaselB, according to tome 40O. 

* The army and fleet of Antoninis was at the Bouthem entrance of tlie Ambfadaa 

* At the tip or aeie of the peninnila Btood a chapel aaored to Apollo, called tba 
Actinm ; see map, p. 197. 

B.O.30.] ItfidtO&ATIOK 09 OfiDBB. 869 

shipe^ took advantage of a fiAvorable breeze and fled« Antonios 
saw her flight, and immediately sprang into a fiye-oared 
galley and followed her.^ The battle still raged fnrionsly, but 
before evening the fleet was entirely destroyed, and a few days 
after the army joined the victor. 

6. Restoration of Order.— Before following the fugitives, 
Octavius restored order in Oreeoe and Asia^ which, on account 
of the exactions of Antonias, gave him a heafty welcome. To 
appease the soldiera it was necessary to sell at auction his own 
effects as well as those of his friends. New colonies were 
planted and ample promises were made from the spoils of 

7. Suicide of Antonios. — As for Antonins he was in 
despair. He wished to be alone. His friends, his power, had 
abandoned him. Cleopatra found means to woo him from his 
solitary life. The time of the "inimitable life"* was gone, 
bat another was instituted by no means inferior in splendor 
and luxury, called the '^ inseparables in death.^' The time was 
passed in festivities and in trying various kinds of poison, and 
experimenting with venomous insects to see if there existed 
a voluptuous death.* When Octavius approached Egypt, both 
sought grace from the . victor. Pelusium,* the key of the 
country, fell into his hands. Once more the soldier-spirit 
blazed in Antonius and he fought like a lion before the gates 
of Alexandria. Cleopatra had already received flattering mes- 
sages from Octavius ; it was only necessary to disencumber her- 
self from Antonius, who had already been deserted by his fleet 
and army. Cleopatra had word sent to Antonius that she had 
destroyed herself in her fortified mausoleum in which she had 
taken refuge. Antonius heard the news. "I will die then," 
said he, and stabbed himself with his sword. Beviving a little, 

t Afleoiding to MerivAle (vol. iii., p. 818), Antonins despaired of vlctoiy either br sea 
or land, before the battle, and had already prepared for flight when he was attacked. If 
this was his plan, the leaving of the army wlthont anv arrangementH for retreat, and 
without even a leader (which would be explainable in the haste and despair after a lost 
battle) would be an act of downright folly. Plntarch makes no mention of such an 

intention, and even Did. <iv., IBt), whom Merlvale follows, seems to lay little weight 

- - J. -, If 

» Plttt Ant ■ Plut. Ant. and Did. 11., a ♦See map Ko. 7. 


he heard that Gleopatra was still alive. He ordered Mmaelf to 
be carried to ber^ and his litter being raised up to the window, 
he was taken into the mausoleum, where he died soon after in 
her arms. 

8. Suicide of Cleopatra.— The soldiers of Octavins en- 
tered by the same window. " Wretched Cleopatra! " exclaimed 
her attendant, ^'you are taken alive/^ She pretended to stab 
herself with a poniard which she carried for this purpose ; but 

\ \ she really clung to life and hoped to seduce Octavius '^by the 
grace of a beautiful grief and the coquetry of desptur." All 
failed before his cold reserve. She resolved to die, when she 
was informed that Octavius wished to remove her to Borne. 
One day she was found dead^ among her attendants^ lying 
[upon a golden couch, with a diadem on her forehead. 

9. Octavins Sole Ruler.— The death of Antonius left 
Octavius without a rival. The restoration of the republic was 
impossible. The long years of civil war had exhausted the 
world. It yearned for repose. The time had come when the 
monarchy was inevitable; with it came the man who knew how 
to grasp the reins with a firm hand and veil his supremacy 
under those constitutional forms so deeply rooted in the ideas 
and habits of the people. The crafty policy of. Octavius in 
representing the battle of Actium as a revolt of the East 
against the West, as an effort to obliterate the rule of Rome, 
was completely successful. All classes were deeply impressed 
with the great danger which they had escaped, and which had 
threatened to subvert their laws and religion. Before returning 
to Rome to celebrate his triumphs, Octavius organized Egypt 
as a province,^ and appointed Cornelius Oallus, a distinguished 
patron of literature and friend of PoUio, governor. Octarins 
then began his journey homeward. In Judaea he confirmed 
the kingdom to Herod, and settled the condition of Syria and 

* The manner of her death was never known. It was popalarW believed tbat she 
died from the stlnff of an aep, which was bi-ootfht to her ooncealea amonsr some fi^ 
OctaviuB adopted this report, and In his triumph her image was carried, the arms being 
encircled with asps. 

' On the plan that Cesar had arranged ; the oflicer of finance {procurator) rendered 
his accounts directly to Octavius. 



Asia Minor. In Angast of B.C. 29 he arrived in Borne to 
celebrate three magnificent triumphs^ for his victories in 
Dalmati% at Actium and in Egypt The restoration of peace 
was inaugurated by closing the temple of Janus for the third 
time in all Boman history.' 

> At his triamph he gave each soldier 1000 sesterces ; each citizen 400 sesterces : 
120,000 veterans were settled In Italy and the provinces. The enormous snm of 860 
miJJion sesterces = nearly $40,000,000 was given to indemnify the former possessors. 

* It was closed first during the reign of Niima and then not till b. g. 885. 


CrvTL Dissensions — ^b. o. 133-31. 

During the preceding period the government had 
fallen entirely into the hands of the nobility. The sen- 
ate governed almost without opposition. In fact the 
nobles had such influence that ** new men " were ex- 
cluded from all share in the government. The opposi- 
tion led by such men as Cato and Flaccus wasted their 
efforts in trying to check the spread of luxury and to 
elevate one of their own number to the consulship. 
Meanwhile the state drifted into troubles from which 
the wisest could not free it. The Licinian laws had 
been disregarded for so many years that all the lands 
in Italy were absorbed in the large estates ; and instead 
of employing free laborers, the possessors found it more 
profitable to have their lands cultivated by slaves which 
the wars in the East had made cheap. In time the im- 
portation of corn which was sold in the market at Rome 
below the cost of production in Italy, compelled farm- 
ing on a large scale to be abandoned, and the conver- 
sion of the land into pasturage. Tiberius Gracchus 
attempted to remedy these evils by reviving the Li- 
cinian laws. This, however, was disagreeable to the 
nobility, who succeeded in frustrating his measures 
and finally murdered Gracchus himself. From this time 
the downward step was rapid ; the old inherent respect 
for law and order soon disappeared, and the govern- 
ment became the prey of violent and unscrupulous 

The death of Tiberius did not deter his brother Gajus 
from coming forward with still more sweeping measures 
of reform — the relief of the poorer classes and the break- 
ing down of the power of the senate. The senate 
triumphed and Gajus was killed with three thousand 

Rome Ruled 
by a Clique. 

The Oppoaitton. 

Ag^rarian La^ra 

of Tiberius 


B. C. 133. 

Blurder at 

B. C. 133. 

!Lawa of Oi^ua 
Gracchus y 

B. C. 123-2. 

His Death, 

B. C. 121. 



Rule of 
Ufco Olliparehy, 

B. C. 121-70. 
IVar wItH 

B.C III-I04. 

Clmbrl and Tea- 

B.C. II3-IOI. 

Battle of 
Aquae Sextiee, 

B.C 102. 

BatUe at 

B. C. lOI. 



B.C. 100. 

B. C. 91. 

Soelal War, 

B. C. 90-88. 

Julian liamT) 

B,C. 90. 

liez Plautla 

B. C. 89. 



B. C< 00. 

Sulla, Corn- 
dander against 

Sulplelan Ijm,yRru, 

of his adherents. The death of Gajus threw the poi 
again into the hands of the oligarchy. The Agrai 
laws were annulled, and the shameless rule of the 
garchy brought dishonor upon the Roman name. Evei 
where the incompetency of the government was visil 
In Africa, Jugurtha revolted and carried on war 
nearly six years. Before the war with Jugurtha ^ 
ended, the Teutones and Cimbri invaded the empirj 
the first were defeated by Marius at Aqux Sextiae, 
the latter by Marius and Catulus near Vercellae. 

These victories raised Marius far above all his ri\- 
and had he been a statesman, he might have anticipai 
the work of Caesar. He was a great soldier but 
statesman. Laws were carried reducing still furthdi 
the price of corn and providing for colonies in Cis^ 
pine Gaul. The demagogues of the capital — SaturniDiflj 
and Glaucia — used him, but when their violence pro>J 
voked armed resistance, Marius deserted them andl 
finally sacrificed them. I 

For a few years there was peace at Rome, but sooa ' 
the claims of the Italians and the Latins to the franchise. ' 
and the demand of the oligarchy that the judicial power 
should be restored to their own order, renewed the 
discord. Drusus proposed (i) to recruit the senate 
from the equestrian order, and then to choose the jurr- 
men from the senators, and (2) he promised the fran- 
chise to the Italian allies. The oligarchy had recourse 
once more to assassination in hopes of delaying this 
reform. The death of Drusus drove the allies to despair. 
All central and southern Italy was soon in arms. Cor- 
finium was fixed upon as the capital of the new ** Italica." 
The allies met at first with some success which com- 
pelled the Romans to grant concessions— (i) by the 
Julian law which conferred the franchise on the Latins 
and all Italians who had remained faithful or had laid 
down their arms ; (2) by the iex PlauHa PapiHa which 
granted all the subjects ever claimed. The allies were 
rar from satisfied with the manner in which they were 
treated after the peace — ^being crowded into eight tribes 
— while the discord and hatred engendered by the prose- 
cutions of Varius, who instituted investigations against 
every one who had favored the cause of the Italians, 
combined with the financial crisis that set in on account 
of the troubles in Asia, arrayed party against party, and 
sowed the bitterest discord among the people. Further 
Marius had gained little credit during the Social war, 
while his rival Sulla had won great renown. The sen- 
ate 4herefore veiT naturally selected Sulla to conduct the 
war against Mithridates. Marius was deeply offended, 
and in order to increase his popularity, he undertook 
the cause of the Italians and induced Sulpicius to 
propose and carry a law to distribute the new citizens 
among all the trioes in which Marius hoped their infiu- 



30ce would be sufficient to procure for him the command 
igainst Mithridates. Sulla, however, returned to Rome 
with six legions and expelled his enemies. Marius, 
after a wonderful series of adventures, found safety in 
Africa. But Sulla had no sooner left Rome, than Cinna 
kindled the flames of civil war, endeavored to recall 
Marius, and to revive the Sulpician laws. Marius and 
Cinna marched to Rome and entered it with their parti- 
sans. The friends of Sulla were slaughtered, their 
property was confiscated, and a reign of terror was 

First Mithrtoatio War — b. o. 88-84. 

Mithridates and the Romans had often come into 
collision in Asia Minor — particularly when Mithridates 
attempted to place his nephew on the throne of Cap- 
padocia and set up a rival claimant to the throne of 
Bithynia. Mithridates saw that war with Rome was 
inevitable, and prepared to strike when the favorable 
moment came. When, however, Aquillius, who had 
been sent to Asia to settle the difficulties there, insti- 
gated Nicomedes to plunder the territories of Mithri- 
dates, Mithridates could restrain himself no longer. 
He invaded the Roman province, took up his winter 
quarters at Ephesus, and sent his generals Archelaus 
and Taxiles to aid the Athenians who had revolted. 
Sulla crossed to Greece, besieged and captured Athens, 
and defeated both armies of the king, first at Chaeronea 
and then at Orchomenus. These successes brought 
Mithridates to terms. He gave up all his conquests, 
paid 300 talents and surrendered 80 ships of war. 

During Sulla's absence the government had been 
controlled by Cinna. Sulla returned at the head of his 
army ; he defeated Norbanus near Capua, won over to 
his service the army of the other consul Scipio, and 
crushed the last opposition of the Samnites at the Col- 
line Gate. After this he published his *' lists " of the 
proscribed. As manv as 47,000 are said to have per- 
ished. He reformed the constitution, concentrating 
all powers in the hands of the senate, and in B. c. 79 

Scandalous Rule op thb Oliqaroht. 

Scarcely was Sulla dead before symptoms of reaction 
against the rule of the senate appeared. The attempt of 
Lepidus to rescind the laws of Sulla was followed by 
the war with Sertorius in Spain and the Gladiatori^ 
war. Pompejus and Crassus gained renown in these 
wars and they demanded the consulship as a reward. 
The abuses of the oligarchy had become so scandalous 
that all classes demanded the restoration of the tribuni- 
tian power. Laws were carried restoring the power 

B. C. 87. 


B. C. 87. 

Maiiiu Consul, 

B. c. 86. 


Invades Aslay 

B. C. 88. 

Snlla takes 

B. C. 87. 

Battle €»r 

B.C 86. 

BatUe of 

B.C 85. 

Terms of Peaee, 

B. G. 84. 

Sulla's Retnm 
to Italy, 

B. C 83. 

Battle €»r the 
Collflne Oate, 

B. C. 82. 


B. C. 81. 


B.C. 82*80. 

UTar witlfc 

B.C. 73-71. 

of Pompejns 

B.C. 7a 



of the tribunes and enacting that the jurymen should be 
selected equally from the senators, knights, and tribuni 
ararii. Pompejus took no province after the ex- 
piration of his consulship, but after two years' retire- 
ment the wretched state of a&irs compelled him lo 
return and clear first the sea of pirates and then end 
the Third Mithridatic war. 

IVar with the 

B. C. 67. 

Cause nt the 

Battle at 
Ti|f raaoeerl a, 

B.C. 69. 

Pompejus takes 

B. c. 66. 

at Bfloopi»lls, 

B. a 66. 

Conelnslon ot 

the HVar, 

B. C. 63. 

Consplracjr of 

B. C. 63-2. 

First Trlnm- 
ir irate, 

B. C. 60. 

Consulship of 

B.C. 59. 

Banishment of 

B.C. 58. 

SnUngatlon of 
the West, 

B.C. 5&-51. 

Third Mfthbidatig Wab — b. c. 74—63. 

Mithridates felt that the peace with Rome was only a 
truce. He therefore made great preparations to renew 
the war. When the Romans converted Bithj^ia into a 
province, he thought it a favorable time to strike. He 
invaded Asia with a large armv, supported by his fleet, 
and invested Cyzicus. Lucuflus raised the siege of 
Cyzicus, defeated Mithridates on the iEsepus and then 
at Tigranocerta, and compelled him to seek refuge 
with Tigranes. A mutiny in the army compclle I Lucul- 
lus to pause in his career of conquest, and his economic 
measures in Asia and unpopularity at Rome caused his 
recall. Pompejus took command, gained favor with 
the soldiers by relaxing the strict rules of Lucullus, 
secured the alliance of the Parthian king, and then 
defeated Mithridates at Nicopolis and compelled him 
to take refuge in the Cimmerian Bosporus. Pompe- 
jus settled the aifairs gf Armenia, subdued Sy^ria, 
Phoenicia and Palestine, took Jerusalem, and then in 
B. c. 62 returned homeward, reaching Rome b. c. 6z. 

Internal History — ^b. c. 65-i9. 

Meanwhile at Rome the government had been nearly 
subverted by the conspiracy of Catiline, in which many 
eminent men were said to be implicated. By the un- 
wearied exertions of Cicero the plans of the conspira- 
tors were frustrated in the city, and their armv defeated 
at Pistoria. When Pompejus returned, he K>und thit 
he was regarded with suspicion by the senators, and 
that they were in no mood to grant lands for his sol- 
diers or to confirm his acts in the East. This com- 
pelled him to accept the overtures of Caesar; a private 
cabal was formed between Cxsar, Pompejus and Cras 
sus, in which it was agreed that they should co-operate 
with each other to secure (i) lands for the soldiers of 
Pompejus ; (2) the confirmation of his acts in the East : 
(3) the elevation of Cassar to the consulship. The tri- 
umvirs determined, in order to secure their power, to 
remove Cicero and Cato. For this purpose the dema. 
gogue Clodius was used. Cato was sent to Cj'pnis, 
which was to be converted on some frivolous pretext 
into a province, while Cicero was banished from the 
state. CsBsar then departed to his province Co subdue 



Great Civil War — ^b. o. 49-45 

Without delay Caesar advanced towards Rome. Con- 
sternation seized the people, and even Pom pejus fell 
back to Brundisium and then embarked for Greece. 
This left Caesar master of Italy. Caesar then subdued 
the different provinces in detail. Pompejus' lieuten- 
ants in Spain were defeated at Ilerda ; then Caesar has- 
tened to the East. The battle of Pharsalus decided 
the contest. After that the Pompeians were defeated in 
Africa at Thapsus, and finally in Spain at Munda. 
Egypt was also subjugated and Pharnaces punished. 

Caesar now returned to Rome and ruled as imperator. 
The various titles and powers that had been taken from 
the supreme magistrate, centred again in one man. 
Good government was secured at home and in the 
provinces. He introduced varices reforms, commenced 
vast projects for the improvement of the capital, encour- 
aged agriculture and reformed the calendar. Caesar 

Legislation of 

B. C. 57. 

Renewal of tlie 


B. C. 56. 

the free tribes in Gaul. Clodius continued the abject 
tool of Caesar. Measures were carried for free 
distribution of com, to limit the power of the senate, 
to re-establish the guilds of trade, and to annul 
the powers of the censors. Soon Clodius dared to 
oppose Pompejus, who was thus forced co incline 
toward the senate, and who hoped that the anarchy at 
Rome would compel the senate to appoint him dictator. 
The senate, however, was not yet ready to receive a 
master; it opposed Milo to Clodius, fomented dis- 
cord between Pompejus and Crassus, and cajoled 
Pompejus. Caesar saw it was time to act. At an inter- 
view at Lucca, he reconciled Pompejus and Crassus, 
and arranged that they should be elected consuls for 
B. c. 55. For himself his command was prolonged for 
another five years. The triumvirs obtained their objects. 
Pompejus received Spain as his province, while Cras- 
sus became proconsul of Syria, where he crossed the 
Euphrates, but was completely defeated and killed. 
The death of Crassus hastened the rupture between 
Caesar and Pompejus. Julia died in B.C. 55, and in 
B. c. 52 Clodius, the last check to Pompejus' ambition, 
was removed. The anarchy in the capital increased to 
such an extent that Pompejus was elected sole consul. 
If Caesar were removed, Pompejus knew that the gov- 
ernment must fall into his own hands. He therefore 
encouraged the aristocrats to propose the recall of 
Caesar and to prevent him in his absence from suing 
for the consulship. When the senate, in spite of the 
tribune's veto, appointed Caesar's successor, civil war 
was certain. When the decree of the senate ordering 
Caesar to disband his army and give up his province 
reached him, he determined to act. 

Death of 

B.C. 53. 

Coalition be- 

tireen the 

Senate and 


Pompejas Sole 

B. C. 52. 


B. C 49. 
B. C. 49. 

R C. 48. 
B. C. 46. 
B. C. 45. 

CoDsar Monarch, 

B C. 45. 



of CsBsar, 

AntonloB Seises 

the Chief 


O. OotaTius. 

did not realize, however, how attached the Romans 
were to the old forms of the repablic. He misjudged 
the temper of the people. He did not realize how 
deep seated was the hatred against royalty. He knew 
himself that the monarchy was inevitable, and by openly 
proclaiming it provoked a conspiracy formed by Brutus, 
Cassius and others, to which he fell a victim. 

Last Days of the Republic — b. c. 44-31. 

The conspirators had formed no plan for restoring the 
republic, and the result was that the power fell into the 
hands of Antonius. Antonius was on the point of 
gaining all he wished, when he was checked in his 
career by G. Octavius, the heir of Caesar. Octavius 
managed so skillfully that he gained the favor of Cicero, 
by whose influence Antonius was declared a public 
enemy, and the senate associated Octavius in com- 
mand with the two consuls, Hirtius and Pansa, who 
were directed to carry on war against Antonius. Two 
battles were fought near Mutina, in which Antonius 
was defeated but the two consuls fell, and Octavius 
was left in sole command of the army. Octavius now 
demanded the consulship and the senate was com- 
pelled to yield. He now showed himself in his true 
colors. He treated with Antonius and Lepidus, for by 
their assistance only could he hope to crush Cassius 
and Brutus in the East. A new proscription was 
ordered in which Cicero perished. Antonius and 
Octavius then crossed to Greece, where they defeated 
the "liberators" in the battle of Philippi. 

After the battle the triumvirs made a new division of 
the empire. Antonius received the East ; Octavius 
ruled the West, while Lepidus received Africa. The 
triumvirs soon began to quarrel, and after various 
reconciliations, Octavius, who had constantly increased 
in reputation, determined to precipitate a rupture, for 
which he had been preparing for many years. The great 
contest was decided at the battle of Actium. Antonius 
fled from the battle, and although prolonging the con- 
test for nearly a year, he was finally defeated, having 
been deserted by fiis fleet and army, and committed 
suicide. The death of Antonius left Octavius without 
a rival ; he was now the sole ruler of the Roman world. 
Warned by the fate of his uncle, Octavius discarded 
every illegal title. He veiled bis supreme power under 
the forms of the republic. Everything that was dis- 
pleasing to the Romans was discarded. Gradually he 
combined within his own person all the republican 
offices, and took to himself every vestige of power that 
the state had to bestow. The monarchy was established, 
but it was disguised under republican forms. 

The Mutina 

B. C. 44-43* 


B. c. 43. 

Battle of 

B. C. 42. 

o# Aetiiutty 

B. C. 31. 


B. a 31. 



The MnjTABT Obganization. — The Legion. — The System 


1. IdBlitaxy Power. — As we have now reached a tnmiug 
point in our history^a time when a standing army is estab- 
lished and the military authority has become predominant in 
the state— it would be well to review the manner by which 
the military organization has reached its present perfection. 

2. The Legion.^ — The legion designated from the begin- 
ning to the end of Roman history an organized body of troops. 
Each legion was complete within itself, being composed of 
troops of all arms, cavalry, infantry, aod when military engines 
came into use, of artillery. The number of soldiers, although 
fixed within certain limits, varied considerably at different 
times. The history of the legion may be considered under three 
periods, viz. : 

L The first period embraced the time when military service 
due to the state was based either upon birth or wealth. This 
period falls into three subdivisions : (1) the time before Servius 
Tullius ; (2) the time from Servius TuUius to OamiUus ; (3) the 
time from Gamillus to the end of the Social War. 

IL During the second period the legion was recruited with 
mercenaries, and 

m. During the third warfare became a regular profession, 
and a standing army was established. 

3. The First Period. — It will be remembered that the 
legendary narrative of Livy attributes the formation of the legion 
to Romulus,^ and that each of the three tribes furnished 1000 
foot-soldiers and 100 cavalry. The 3000 foot-soldiers and the 

^ l^giD, ' See pp. 90 and 29. 


300 cavalrj^ under the command of military tribones^ formed 
the legion. 

4. The Anny as Oiganiaed by Servins Tnllios. — The 

legion as organized by BomuloB remained unchanged until 
the time of Servius Tullius,^ who reformed the military organ- 
ization on the principle that military service should dsTolve 
upon the freeholders or the wealthy^ whether they were patri- 
cians or plebeians. It will be recollected that the Roman 
territory was dinded into four tribes, and the whole population 
subject to military service into five classes. The first class was 
divided into infantry and cavalry^ and all five classes into 
seniores and pmiores. The younger men were employed for 
service in the field ; the elders were retained at home to pro- 
tect the city. The 85 centuries of seniores were strong 
enough to furnish 100 men each or 8500 men^ and the 85 
centuries of jumores, 200 men each or 17,000, equal in all to 
25,500 men. In case of a war the levy was always made by 
tribes. Of the 1800 cavalry it was only necessary to determine 
how many were to remain at home to protect the city, and how 
many were to serve in the field. From the 86 centuries 
of juniores, as they contained more men than were necessary 
for a regular army of two legions of 4250 men each, it was 
necessary to make a selection.' For the two legions of 8500 
men, each tribe furnished 2150, or 25 men for each century.' 

5. The Arms of the Soldiers and their Order in the 
Phalanx. — Only the men of the first class wore complete 
armor — ^the breastplate, helmet, shield, and greaves, with spear, 
lance, and sword.* The fifth class did not serve in the phalanx 
but fought outside with darts and slings. The order of battle 
was the old Doric phalanx,'^ to form which 3500 men were 
taken from the legion.^ If the phalanx was seven men deep, 
this gave a front of 500 men. If, however, as was most prob- 

*8eeiMige23. *DdMtu9, 

* On the Buppoeition that S. Tallins organized only foar clasaeBf as wan jprobablj the 

le, then each of the 70 centnriee of Juimret farnished 120 men each, or 8ID0 in all. 

t Car ..^oa OA 

* Seepa^SS. 

* The phalanx, as changed by Philip, became kno^vn first to the Bomans In the war 
with Pyrrhus. 

* That in, from the 70 centnries of Junioree-TQOO or 3600 for each lesion : tlie fifth 
class famished 1500 men. » 


ably ihe esse, S. Tollius organized only four classes, and three 
of these formed the phalanx, then the phalanx was six men 
deep with a front of 600J The first class furnished 2400 men 
for each legion and formed the first four lines ; the second 
class, 600 men, formed the fifth line, and the third class, 
also 600 men, the sixth line. The soldiers of the first 
class were called principes; the first, second, and third 
classes in opposition to the fourth class, which fought outside 
of the phalanx, were called kasiati, because they were armed 
with the hasia ; or they were called triarih because they were 
composed of men from three classes. The soldiers were armed 
at their own expense and received no pay. They served usually 
for one campaign of a few weeks or months, and returned to 
their usual avocations as soon as the campaign was ended. 

6. The Rise of the Equestrian Order.— In the war with 
Ve ji, it became necessary for the Boman army to remain in the 
field summer and winter, year after year, until the city was 
taken. To secure this it was necessary that the soldiers should 
receive regular pay. The long and continued wars with 
Pyrrhus and with Carthage compelled the continuance of this 
system, and henceforth the army drew regular pay from the 
city treasury. With the introduction of pay for the soldiers was 
connected another important innovation in the military organi- 
zation. Service in the infantry, in consequence of the regular 
pay, became less burdensome, and there was no difficulty 
in obtaining a' sufficient number of soldiers. The richer citi- 
zens, no longer in request for the infantry, offered themselves 
more and more for the cavalry service. They provided their 
own horses, and tlie state gladly accepted their services. These 
volunteers laid the foundation for what was afterwards known 
as the equestrian order. 

7. The Organiaeation of the Army at abont B. C. 340. 
— About the same time other changes were begun that led to 
a complete transformation of the army. The manipular legion 
took the place of the old Doric phalanx. The wars with the 

1 That le, 00 centniiee of Juniores of 190 men each, or TUO in all =80 numiplea of ISO 
men for each legion. 


Gauls cansed material changes in the maimer of equipping the 
soldiers, while the long wars in the Samnite mountains showed 
the necessity of still further changes. The soldiers were no 
longer ranked in the lines according to the Servian classeSy bat 
each assumed the place to which tiie time he had been in the 
service and his experience entitled him. The recruit now 
entered first among the skirmishers, who fought ivith stones 
and slings outside of the line, and worked his way up to the first, 
then to the second, until finally he was admitted into the corpe 
of the triarii. Many essential details in regard to the organi- 
zation of the Boman legion until about the time of the second 
war with Carthage, are matters of conjecture. It was probably 
drawn up in three lines, viz. : hastatiy principessjid triarii ; the 
last line being triple, consisting of the triarii proper, the 
rorarii and the accensi. In the first line the youngest troope 
were stationed ; in the second, those in the full vigor of man- 
hood ; in the third, the veterans ; behind these were the rorarii 
and accendy the less experienced soldiers and supernumeraries. 
The three lines were thus composed : ' 

15 maniples or 30 centuries of hastati at 60 men each 1800 

15 maniples " '' '' prineipes '' " « ...•1800 

The triarii 600 

The rorarii and accensi. 1000 

Total 5200 

8. The Organisation of the Army in the Time of 
Polybins. — Polybius,* who lived for many years at Bome and 
had excellent opportunities for obtaining information, has 
left a clear account of the legion as it was organized in his 
time. It then consisted of thirty maniples or companies 

* This it MarqnardtV (BOm. Staatsyer., p. 868) conjecture. According to Urj (viiL, 8) 
there were: 

to msaiplkea of hastati and prindpu ISM 

15 *' '' triarU,rwarUB;MLaeoenH,with4/ivexmarU 

Total «96 

* See p. 166, n. 1. 


arranged in three lines, hastaiiy^ principes, and iriarii, like 
the black squares on a chess-board ; the roraii and accensi 
hare disapp^Eured and their places have been taken by 1200 
velUeSy^ enlisted from the lowest of the Servian classes as light 
troops or skirmishers. In the two first lines there were in each 
maniple 120 men subdivided into two centuries of sixty men 
apiece ; in each maniple of the third line, there were sixty 
men also subdivided into two centuries of thirty men each. 
Besides these 3000 heavy armed soldiers, there were the 1200 
supernumeraries/ the three hundred cavalry and the quota 
from the allies,^ who furnished an equal number of infantry, 
and, in the time of Polybius, three times the number of 

9. The Tactic Order.— The tactic order of the maniple, 
as can be seen from the annexed figure, shows that the gen- 

eral could advance the principes into the intervals of the 
hast all or withdraw the hastati mto the intervals of the 
principes. The triarii or veterans were the reserve corps and 
were brought into action only when the other lines were 

* The haataH are no longer aimed with the hasta, bnt with the pUnxn : the principes 
are the second line instead of the first aa originally, and the triairHt also called pUonl, ai« 
armed not with the pUum hot with the haatu 

* Thi0 \b the estimated number. 

* The following table will make it dear : 

Bastati 10 moAtouli each 190 men = tO oentarls each 60 men = ISOO. 
Primeipm 10 mmmH each 190 men = 90 centoriie each 00 men = 1900. 
TViom 10 manmU each 00 men = 90 centoris each 80 men = 000. 
VMtea = 1900 ; 90 TeUtee aesiffned to each oentnria. 
EguUes = 800, divided Into 10 turmoi each 80 men ; each htrma had 8 

€he%trkme8, one of wliich c(»nmanded the whole turma, 8 opUoMB and 

one vexUhim. 

* These most be dJetingniehed fh>m the anxlUarles who enlisted in the country where 
the war happened to be carried on, as occasion required. When the Italian sodi 
received tlie franchise, the army was composed of only two classes, Romans and 

* One-third of the cavalry and one>flf th of the inflmt^ were selected as an dUe corps 
called exiraordinarU ; the others were called ordinarii. To a consular army of two 
legione or 8400 men, there were ai>pifned 10.000 m«H, (i.«., 8400 ordinarU and 1000 
extraordinarU.) The ordinarU, subdinded into cohorts, were stationed one-half or ten 
cohorts of 490 men each, on each wing (alay, there were four cohorts of 400 men each of 
exlraor dln ar U : each cobon was commanded by a pnitfeetua cohoflU, and each ala 
\>y pratf€eti weUjrfon. 


broken. The light troops (velites) were armed with the 
javelin; they began the battle in front of the line, bat 
retired as soon as they had discharged their weapons. 

10. The Offensive and Defensive Weapons. — The 
hastati, prindpes and triarii wore a full suit of defensire 
armor ^ consisting of a bronze helmet,' surmounted by a 
crest composed of three scarlet or black feathers about one 
foot and a half high^ a shield,* greaves^ and breastplate.* 
The offensive weapons were a sword, javelins, and since the 
second Punic war, the short Spanish sword. In the time of 
Polybius the hastcUi and principea were armed with the pilum 
and the triarii with the Ao^/a, but at a later time all three 
lines were armed with the pilum.^ The light troops had no 
breastplate, but were furnished with a strong, circular shield,^ 
a headpiece of leather, light javelins* and the Spanish 
sword.* Each legion had six superior officers called military 
tribunes,^ two of whom commanded for two months alter- 
nating from day to day. For the command of the aUies 
the consul nominated twelve officers called prmfedi soci- 

11. The Second Period. — ^Hitherto the military system 
had rested on the principle that military service was due from 
those citizens that possessed property. The increase of the city 
rabble, which naturally looked to the military service as a 
means of bettering their condition, the increasing disinclination 
of the citizens to enter the army, and the consequent enlist- 
ments from the subjects, led first to a reduction of the census 

* Tca^onkia. • Galea. * Scutum, * Oerea. 

* Lorlea ; the ftret class wore sometimes the foriea hamata. 

* This was a wooden shaft either square or round, four and one-half feet long, wiLh an 
Iron head of about the same length. 

' Parma. * HobUb telUaret. 

* In the second Panic war the Bnmans began to make use of MqUttarii uad JStndUontr 
to oppose the Balearic archers and slinsere employed by Hannibal. Theee consisted 
of foreisnn mercenaries, Numidians, Manntanians. Cretans, etc., or of allies. 

*<* TribuM mUUum. At first the consnl nominated for the four legions, which 
it was customary to raise the twenty-four military tribunes ; bnt since b. c. 908, six ; 
since B. c. 811. sixteen ; and since b. o. 267, all the twenty-four tribunes were elected 
by the people in the wmiHa trUnUa. While the people continued to eject the tribune^ 
for the first four legions, the cononl, as the army becane larver, nominated the othem ; 
hence the distinction tribuni mHUum a populo and tfibuni miUtum A^Vfi OLi^y, Tii., SU 
BO called in honor of Rutilius Rnfns. 


qnalificatioD from IIOOO aeaes to 4000,' and finally under Marins 
this was abolished altogether, and the legion was recruited from 
all classes of Boman citizens, without distinction of property. 
When the Italians were admitted to full citizenship, enlist- 
ments were carried on for the army throughout It^y as in 

Rome. From this time the army consisted of two classes, the 
legionaries and the auxiliaries * of the provincials, and of the 
allied kings and peoples. 

12. The Legion in the Time of Matins. — Formerly every 
citizen whose fortune exceeded 4000 asses was subject to military 
service, and could he called upon to serve twenty campaigns in 
the infantry, or ten in the cavalry. From the time of Marius, 
the soldier, after his enlistment, remained constantly with the 

■ Atler aiecaplUcmrlvliniaAm^tind to mlJIUrr wrvlce, other clunnf occarred In 
tba SocLtJ war freedmen waie enllBtel vhn bail fnrmerlv frr\et\ In iha noet onlv ; In ibe 
eirtl w»ri legloniwertrnlisled in thn proTlncei. fc^ftMiM irmorKte, «nd Bn^jglsdlm- 
lora BDd itovis vtn »qiilpp«d u Kildlcn. irtaich onlT once b«tora aid been done, and 
thUanerlbebMLleof fianne. ' AuxiOa. 


army for twenty years, nnleefis exoeptioiially discharged. The 
four old divisions, hastaiiy principeSf iriarii, and velites were 
given up, and every one admitted to the legion was assign^ a 
place at the discretion of the officer. The legion conc&sted of 
ten cohorts of 600 men each, drawn up sometimes in one line,^ 
usually^ however, in' three. The whole legion was equipped 
alike. There was only one standard, those of the old legion 
being superseded by the silver eagle, carried by the first 
century of the first cohort The place of the velites was 
supplied by foreign mercenaries — as the stingers' from the 
Bidearic idands, the bowmen' from Crete, and the javelin 
men ^ from Mauritania — and other light armed auxiliaries. The 
general had a body-guard— the prsBtorian cohort of about 500 
volunteers — which received higher pay and were exempt from 
encamping and intrenching service. The cavalry was recruited 
almost entirely from the provincials, from the Gauls, Spaniards!, 
Tbracians, Numidians and also German mercenaries. It was 
divided into turmm and decurim, and was commanded by 
prcBfecti alarum; the few Boman equites present with the 
legion acted as aides-de-camp to the general, or in some other 
post of special honor. In addition to these must be reckoned 
the auxiliary troops, which also consisted of infantry and cavalry. 
The number was not fixed, but varied as occasion required. 
They were divided into cohorts, but in regard to the manner 
in which they were commanded and organized, the original 
authorities have not left sufficient information. 

13. The Legion in the Tuna of Caesar.— Nothing was 
done by Csdsar in regard to the army further than improving 
its discipline, appointing adjutants and enacting that three 
years' service in tiie cavalry and six in the infantry were neces- 
sary in order to bold a municipal office before the age of thirty. 
There are no means of determining the normal number in a 
legion in the time of GaBsar. It is estimated at about 5000.' 

* This was the OBiial order of battle with the Ofmbri ; the