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' C-- V

"Ar Hon- Josepn H. Cho*4ta,

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1 i *

B I

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ill

111

Tii.lX&tXLT,

ANDERSON'S Historical Series.

A ^ k A y k*

/ I

History

^z-

M E.

AMPLY ILLUSTRATED WITH

Maps, Plans, and Engravings.

j- BY

R: F. LEIGHTON, Ph. D. (lips.),

Amik^r 0/ •* Critical Hittory ef Cicero's Letters Ad Familiaret;^
^LmHh Lestonty''' ^^ Greek Letttms*' Etc,

*AAi|#k»Mr^n|r pi¥ cimu iroiBctW koa yviunoiav irpb« ri.^ voXvr^^^ vpa{<t«, rifK <«c riff

NEW YORE:

Clark & Maynard, Publishers,

784 Bboadwat.
1881.

3 .fill's Historical Serie&

TIlLlN f ATION*.

"A^Juriibr Class History of the United States.

lUiistimted with hundreds of portnits, views, mAps, etc. 87S pages. 16ino.

A Grammar School History of the United States.

Annotated ; and iUostrated with nnmeroas portraits and views, and with more than
forty maps, many of which are colored. 840 pp. Idmo.

A Pictorial School History of the United States.

Folly illnstrated with maps, portraits, vignettes, etc 490 pp. 12mo.

A Popular School History of the United States,

in which are inserted as a part of the narrative selections from the writings of eminent
American liistwians and other American writers of note. FnUy illnstrated wifli maps,
colored and plain ; portraits, views, etc. 856 pp. 12mo.

A Manual of General History, mastrated with nomeions

engravings and with beantifnlly colored maps showing the changes in the political di-
visions of the world, and giving the location of important places. 488 pp. ISmo.

A Sbhool History of England, niastrated with nnmerous
engravings and with colored maps showiug the geogrqihical changes in the country at
different periods. 889 pp. ISmo.

A School History of France. Dlostrated with unmeroos en-
gravings, colored and nncolored maps. 878 pp. ISmo.

A History of Rome. Amply Ulnstrated with maps, plans, and
engravings. 548 pp. By R. F. Lkiobtox, Ph.D. (Ups.).

A School History of Greece, in preparation.
Anderson's Bloss's Ancient History, ninstnted with

engravings, colored maps, and a chart 445 pp. 18mo.

1 he illStOnCal jNeader, embracing selections in prose and verse,
from standard writers of Ancient and Modern History ; with a Vocabalary of DifBcuIt
Words, and Biographical and Geographical Indexes. 544 pp. 13mo.

The United States Reader, embracing selections from eminent
American historians, orators, statesmen, and poets, with explanatory observations,
notes, etc. Arranged so as to form a Class-manual of United States History. Dlastrated
with colored historical maps. 414 pp. 18mo.

Clark a MaynARD, Publishers,

JTewf Tork,

Coprrfglit, 1fi78, V;- CLARK A MAYNARD.

■<^ Hon Joseph H Choate,

Mai . Ltf oo

PREFACE.

WirHIN the last twenty-five years historical criticism
has made nowhere greater advances than in the his-
tory of Rome. Aside from a more careful and critical ezam-
ination of the ancient authors^ many other departments of
stndy bearing directly or indirectly on Roman history have
within that period been begun and pursued with the most
gratifying results. Great progress has been made in the study
of comparative philology and that of the Italian dialects.^
The inscriptions^ for the time of the republic and the em-
pire, as well as those in the provinces and in the city of
Rome itsetfy have been collected and edited, and they have
senred in very many cases to correct or supplement the
statements of ancient writers. The excavations* that haye
been made at Rome and Pompeji ^ haye settled many disputed
questions of topography and brought to light inscriptions*
that have added to our knowledge of the manners and cus-
toms and private life of the Romans. In fact, within twenty-
five years the whole subject of Roman history has been
reviewed in the light of these accessory means of informa-
tiouy and very important contributions have been added to our
knowledge of the regal period and the early republic/ of the
internal history in the time of the republic,^ of the organ*
ization of the senate and the popular assemblies,* of the con^
quest of Italy and the . manner in which the subject states '

* Those of Lower Ibilr, edited I7 Momrasen In 1860 : fhe Sabellltfi end Oecan, hf
Hofldike in 18B8, nnd the stnuican and Oscan, bj Oorseen in 1874.

* Bdited by RItselil, Xomou>en, Hcnzen, and otheiv, 1888-74.

* Beran by Oanina, bat soon diaoontinoed ; resumed bv the Italian goyemment,
onder tfie superrlsion of Pletro Hosa, in 1871. ' Overbeck.

* Used by Dr. Henaen and Jordan, the first part of the first volame of whose work on
Soman topography appearsd In 1878.

* Xommaen, Linge, Behwagler, Clason, Rnbtaio, Peter, and nine.

* DnunaaB, Mommsen, ana Lange. * Momm^en, Lange, and Rubino.

yi PREFACE.

were goyemed^^ of the iiifinence»of oriental conquests and of
Hellenism on the Roman character^' of Oreoian philosophy and
the Roman religion,' of the provincial system ^ and the mili-
tary organization/ of the history of the empire,* the revival of
the study of philosophy/ the influx of oriental forms of wor-
ship, the revival of Paganism and the spread of Christianity.
In short, all who have busied themselves with the subject are
aware how valuable and interesting the contributions to Bo-
man history have been, and how few of them have found their
way into our school-books on that subject. The aim of the
present volume is to treat Roman history in the light of the
most recent investigations, and to present the results so far as
they have been unanimously accepted by scholars in a form
suitable for school instruction.

The various subjects have been worked up after a careful
and critical study of the original as well as the latest and best
modem authorities. Besides a general obligation to many
works on Roman history and antiquities, I am especially in-
debted to the published works and the private instruction of
Professors Ludwig Lange and Georg Voigt, of the University
of Leipsic.

Statements have often been substantiated by notes and
references to ancient and modem authorities, but the object
in these cases was more to suggest the means for additional
reading and investigation than to introduce scientific informa-
tion.

The book has been prepared on the theory that history is
something more than mere biography and the records of bat-
tles ; that it ought to set forth the connection of events, show-
ing how each was the product of what preceded and the cause
of what followed; that it deals with the inner life of the
people ; that its aim is, as it were, " to penetrate into the
workshop of the national mind and watch the operations

* M ommBen and Marqiuudt. * Hommsen and Ume.

* Preller. * Znmpt, Hommaen, Madvigf and others.

* Rflatow, GOler, Lange, Marqnardtf and othere. ,*

* Walter, Knhn, Badorit, and Mommsen^a edition of the Monnmentum AncyranniD.
186S. * Friedlinder.

MtfiFAOS. vn

going on there." Hence an nnusaal amount of space for a
book of this kind has been devoted to the study of the inter-
nal govemmenty the inner life^ the religion, manners and cus*
tomsy the influence of foreign conquests and foreign religions,
the provincial system, the military organization, military
roads, etc. The space for this extra matter has been gained
without enlarging the book so as to make it imseryiceable for
school use, by omitting details of battles and sieges and briefly
indicating the results — a plan that was made possible without
detracting from the value of the book, by the use of engrav-
ings, plans and maps.

The summaries have been prepared with a great deal of care,
and although they have added somewhat to the size of the book,
it is hoped that they will be found serviceable. If we leave the
summaries, the space occupied by maps, engravings and notes,
the chapter on military organization, which will be mainly for
reference, except for advanced classes, and the chapter on man-
ners and customs, out of consideration, the narrative is brought
within the moderate compass of three hundred pages.

Many interesting topographical details of the ancient city
have been introduced, illustrated by maps, modified to cor-
respond with what we have learned from the excavations.

The whole book is amply illustrated with maps (mostly from
Spinner's and Eiepert's Atlases), plans and numerous engrav-
ings selected from Becker, Guhl and Eouer, and others.

The table of contents gives a complete analysis of the whole
work. It is so arranged that it suggests topics as well as ques-
tions for examination and review, and affords a full chrono-
logical index of the whole volume.

a P. L.

Bbookltn, N. Y., March, 1879, .

viii LIST OF WORKS ON ROMAN HISTORY.

For convenleoce of reference or for special stady of Roman history and antlqnltiea
llie following list of tlie best modem autnorities is sal^oined:

Life and Letters of Cicero 1864

(Translated by Merivale.)

{, History of Bome 1M6-1S49

(To the Second Panic War.)

Leben d. Cloeroe 1808

(Very valoable.)

Br|r0ey J.y Holy H ^rm fi Empire • ...» IflTO

(The anthor has availed himself of the best German authorities.)
Beeker. w. A.« Ctallns, or Bonum Soenes of the Time of Auirastas, with Notes

and Excarses illastrative of the manners and customs of the Romans 1847

De Coalanses, The Ancient Cityj a study on the Reliijion, Laws, and Institu-
tions or Greece and Rome. (Trans, bv W. Small : a work of great yalue, as

giving the view of the ancients of their own institutions.) 1877

Drain«nn« IV., (^escbichte Roms, 6 vols 1884-44

A biographical history of the Fall of the Republic.
(A copious citation of authorities.)

Dyer, Kings of Rome 1886

(Written mainly from the old standpoint ; to be used with care.)

Forsjrtliy Life of Cicero 1888

(Popular, but prepared with discrimination and care.)

FrlodlXiidery Lm Slttengeschichte Roms, 8 Yohi 1878

(Indispensable ; it covers the time from Augustus to the last Antonlne.)

Frovde, Csesarf a sketch 1879

Otbboaii Decline and Fall of the Rmpfre. Srols 1864

Ottltl 4fe Koiser, Life of the Greeks and Romans 1874

(Verr valuable.)
I. MetroiG

Haltsoli, F., Griech. und ROm. Metrologle 1888

(The latest and best)

UuiOf History of Rome, 8 vols 1871

(This is a very valuable work, although some of the author^s views In
regard to the early Institutions are not accepted.)

Jordan I Topographic d. Stadt Rom im AUerthnm 1871

(The second volume containing a list of aalhorities appeared bi 1871;
the first part of the flr^t volume. In 1877.)

Klepert. Atlas Antlquns (U maos, with Index) 1917

lAAIpe^ L.f R5m. Alterthflmer, 8 vols 180V

(The first and third volumes were revised In 1878 ; a new edition of the
second volume has not yet appeared. The greatest living representative of
the conservative school of Roman history.)

Iteek]r, History of Buropean Morale, 9 vols 18T7

liO wes. Inquiry Into the Oediblilty of Rarly Roman History, 8 vols 1886

(Destructive.)

lilddelL History of Rome, 1 vol

Itowkx, Decline of the Roman Republic, 4 vols 1928

M9wvrm,l; History of the Bmplre, 8 vols

Merlvale, Gkineral History of Rome, 1 vol

BIiddl«toai» Life of Cicero, 6 vols

Blarqiuundt 4fe Momuisea, Haudbnch d. ROm. Alterthflmer, vols 1871

HoBaaaaea, Roman History, 4 vols 1878

(To the Establishment of the Empire.)

** Geech. d. ROoL Mflntswesens. (French translation) 1861

** ROm. Forschangen, VoL 1 1864

HlelnBlur, History of Rome 1888

(Later researches have modified NIebnhr's theories, still his works are
• of great value.)

Nlebiilftr's Lectures, ed. Schmits. (To the Fall of the Empire) 1870

Paal]r, Real-EncydopBdle d. class. Alterthflmerwissenschalt, 7 vols 1888

Pet«r, C, Gesch. Roms, 8 vol& 1871

" ROm. Zeit-tafeln

Preller, ROm. Mythologle 1866

Ranasair, Manual of Roman Antiquities 1870

(Not reliable for the early institutions.)

fketk-wgler, ROm. Gesch., 8 vols ; continued by Clason 1878

(To the capture of Rome by the Gauls.)

Smltht Diet, of Grecian and Roman Antiquities and Biographies 1886

Spranery Atlas Antlqnus (87 maps) 1874

LIST OF MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS.

WmniMi Vomin iwtoved (nootupwoo).

Mapof K.Italx 8

Map of Latiom Yetos 4

Map or Italy: No.1 ft^

of the Indo-Borapaan Laa-

Dte^Tam of Baeaa la Italy IS

MaporiloHM:No.S tt-lT

Cloaca Mazima.... 17

toovetanriUa M

Temple of Yeita 44

OeltieAniia 17

Map of Rome aad Ttdnlty M

MapofNapieiand Tidnitj 96

flareophagna of Sdpio 101

Plan of Tanotom IM

Via Appia in Its pieaeot eondUioii HI

Map of Italy: No. 8 IIS-IIS

Yla Appia near Naples 118

Channel of an Aqnedoct 118

Map of Carthage and her dependen*

des 118a

Map of thu territory of Syiaeoae 119

Oohunna Boetrata Vtt

Map ianstiBtIng the rcyrlan Wars 180

Ronte of Hannibal 186

PlanorCanns 141

Mapof thedtyofSyncQBe 14B

MapiUnstiatingtheWanfai theXMt, 157

MapofSpain 178

SI^Bof Nnmantia 118

The Modem Oapltid 198

Temple of Conoord restored 818

Map of Nvmidla and the old Pt o i lu ee

of Africa tl7

Map of the Vast in the tfanas of Mithrl.

dates: No.4 8«B-8i9

Fompejns Magmis

Mareos TnUins Oioefo

Temple of Jnplter CapitoUnns restored, 800
€N^Jn)l«sC«9«lu> 801

rAoa

Map of Oatf te the time of OMsr:

N0.& 808-808

Pian of 0Mar*8 FortlflcaUons 80O

Map of the ProTinees of Gaol 814

Bmndlahim 887

CmnaOctaTios 8«

Map of Italy: No. 8 888-817

Map of the rosiions of Italy 881

Marctts Anconlns 801

Taetle Order of the Maniple 868

SUngWf Legionary^ Lictor, Knight.... 871

Order of Battle 878

Order of the Oentories 878

Order of the Cohorts 874

Defensive Order of the Legion 874

Plan of the Camp 878

Plan of Camp in the time of Casar ... 877

Plan of the Tents of the Cohorts 879

Catapnlta 881

BaUlsta 881

Besieging Tower 880

Engines for Besi^ng a City 88i

Plan of Boman Forum in its present

condition 884

PUn of Boman Fomm In the time of

the Early Bepabllc 880

The Atrinm 387

The Yestthnle

FlanofaBomanHouBe

Cooking Utensils 801

Implements of Writing 408

Tablets for Letters 408

Covering for the Feet 406

The Toga 405

Dress of Women..... 408

BmprBMLtyia 488

Baths of CarscaHa 408

Bacing Chariots 408

Ohidiatorial Oomhat 410

Fbivian Amphitheatre In its pneent

condition 418

GEKEALOGIOAL TABLE — 8UMMABIES.

Tliflatre of Pompejiu restored by

Cuiina^ 414

Plan of Roman Fomm In time of the

Empire 410

Pantheon in its present condition 496

Xap of (Germany 481

Maasolenm of Aognstas restored 488

Map showing the extent of the Boman

Empire a. d. 88 480

Tiberias 440

Section of the Clandian Aqnednct com-
pared with the triple aqnednct of

Agrippa. 447

Hero 440

Flavian Amphitheatre 454

Areh of Titos 465

Tn^ 4B8

VA«S

Fommof TnOan 400

Map showing the extent of the Roman

Empire A. D. laO-lTO. 401

HoleofHadrian 4flS

Antoninns Pins 485

Aqnednct Pont dn Guard 485

Marcus Anrellns 460

Alexander Serems 481

Ruins of Palmyra 488

Map of the Roman Empire in the time

of Diocletian : No. 7 490-7

Arch of Constantlne 487

Map of the Roman Empire from the

time of Constantlne to tl»t of Theo-

dosius: No. 8. 40S-8

Map of Gaul abont A. D. 600 404

GE^JJ^EALOGICAL TABLE

PAOS

Of Demaratas of Corinth 45

Of L. OaciUns MeteUns 1S4

Of AppinsClandinsGeecns. US

Of ^mllins Paulas 140

OfL.8cipio 148

Of M. Porcins Cato 180

Of Tiberius Gracchus 90S

OfMasinissa. 910

OfM. MetelluB Calvus 919

OfM. Antonius, orator

Of L. Liciniua Crassus, orator ,

OfM. UtIus Drusus 984

Of Cn. Pompejns 9B9

OfMarcnaTnllias Cicero 987

Of A. CUudiOB Pulcber 800

OfM Porcius Cato Uticensls 884

»Of M. Antonins, triumTir 848

OfG. Julius Cesar 840

Of Augustus 484

Of LlTia DmsUlia 440

Of Bassianns 480

SUMMARIES.

PAOS

I.— The Settlement of the Latins 90-9tb

IL'Oonqnest of Italy 114-llfla

III.— First and Second Punic Wars ; Wars In Spain, Sicily, Italy, the East and

the West 195-1986

IV. -Civil Dissensions 861-8646

v.— First and Second Periods of Imperialism 609-504

Ust of Magistrates. .,.,.,..... UOft

ANALYSIS.

INTROJ^XrOTION.
I. G«Offrapbjr of Italy.

VAAS

baljr In flifly times 1

Its dlTtaknif 1

L Nortbeni Italy 1

1. Ucorift 8

t. GsUia Cisftlpliia 8

8. Vsnetia 8

n. Oentm Italy 8

1. Blnirla ■ 8

S. Lattam: Ita two tenses (ms

note) .. 8

8> Campanta 4

4. Umbria 4

B. Pleennm 6

•. Sabtni ^

SabelUans 6

8. Marradni

9. FtoBgni..
la Vestiai...
11. Freotani.

IS. ftfcWi'inm 6

OL Southern Italy 6

1. Locania • 8

8. BrnttiiCseenote) 6

a. Apulia 6

4. Calabria 6

Moontain systems of Italy 6

The Campagna 7

Itaftrtillty 7

Btvertystams of Italy 8

IMands of Italy 8

Position of Italy 8

Itsdfanate 9

ItsftrtiUty 9

n. Karly laltabltnBU.

I. lapyglans ^\

U. Italians t 9

m. Btmsoaaa 9

Italians 9

I.Latins 9

8. UmbnKSabeUians 10

Umbrians 10

SaUni ]

Samnites Isabelllans. 10

Floentes. • • • * . .1

Btmseans 11

Theirname 11

Theircities 11

Their civilization 11

Their infloeooe on the latins 19

Theiroilgin 19

Unity of the noes in Italy 19

I.
FoawdntlOTS of Ronae, B. C. 7SS.

Latins IS

Their primitive dTlliaation IS

Their language 18

Comparison of words (note) IS

Latins enter Italy 14

Their social constitntion 14

Households 14

Chms 14

Yilkges. 14

Cantons 14

AlhaLonga 14

Borne a Latin settlement 14

The Cantons

Its location 14

The Palatine city 15

8q:iiare Rome 16

Pomerinm 15

SaUneclty 15

Union of the two cities 16

Curia 16

Qnlrltes (note) IS

Itome the capital of Latinm 19

ANALYSIS.

PAOS

Thefomm 16

ThehillB 17

The streets (note) 17

Cloaca Maxima 17

The comitiiim 17

Therostra 17

The capitol 17

The Benate-houM 18

Temple of Diana 16

Temple of Jupiter 18

II.

Barljr Qo'v^muk^nt of Rome.

Fonn of government 18

Modelled on the honeehold 18

Theclan..* 18

Tribee 18

1. Banines 19

8. Titles * 19

ft. Laot^es 19

Theking 19

Thesenate 19

Comitia cnriata 19

Thearmy 90

Patricians 90

Cllento 90

Slaves 21

Plebeians 91

The reform of Tarqainios Priecos 81

The reform of Senritts Tnllins 89

IMvision of Boman territorj 93

OlassUlcation of the population 93

Thearmy 93

Theoensns — 93

Fiveclasses 93

The armor of the different classes 38

Comitia centnriata 88

The legion 98

The character of the constitntion ...... 94

The Lnstrom 94

Ldvy^'fl Htot«rjr«f til

Other authorities.

Early records.

Oral tradition

Origin of Bome.

Story of Romulus and Bemus .

Bome founded.

War with the Latins.

War with the Sabines

Union of Romans and Sabines.

Coo8tit«UQii aflQribed to RoibbIm,

PASS

NumiJgQimiPtns 80^

ADCusJIJlaBCins 80 -"

Tar^oiniBs Briscus 80

Se^iusTttUius 80

Taf qainius Siiperbus 80

The value of Livy^s narrative 80

Othersouroes 81

1. Excavations 81

8. Oumparative philology 81

& Physical geography 81

The results 88

IV.
Rell^on of the Romans.

Its general character : three periods ^ . . 88

Worship of Italian deities (Faunus) .... 88

Lupercallan feast 84

Various forms of worship 84

Jupiter and Mars 84

Q^lrinus 85

State religion 85

Worship of Vesta 86

Jupiter Capltolinus 87

The Colleges of Sacred Lore 89

Second period : Grecian influence 88

Sibylline books 88

Divination • 88

Auspices • 89

Art of the haruspices 48

Other ceremonies 48

The character of the Roman religion . . 48

Causes of its decline 44

Attempts of Tarqulnlvs to Rof^aia
tlie Ro]ral Poiirer,

The legendary narrative (note) 41

Firstattempt 4|

^ In the first period (ttom. the foundation
of the Boman state until the time of Tar-
quinlus Priscus) Italian deities alone were
worshipped. The second period extends to
nearly the end of the Second Punle Ww.
During this period new forms of worship
were Introduced ; the old patriardial and
priestly character of the constitution gave
way before the Influence of civilization
and Intercourse with foreign nations. The
third period extended to the time of Augus-
tus. During this time the state reUglon lost
its hold on men^s minds.

AKALT8IS.

xih

TAmm

Second att«f4>t ^

Third attemiit ^

Battle of Lake BegilloB 48

CEeffibOityortliisiiarmtlve 40

VI.
EstmbliBlimeiit ef tHe lieiwib Ue«_

B. O.

509. The power (imp^rhcm) returns

to the fklhers BO

Infeerre^iiin declared 60

Spnriiia lioerettas «fi/err«e 60

OoDfiolB dected 60

Pobliiia y alerlns 61

ONNMa em^nrteto a tegialatiTe

amemblj 61

OMnilia cmtmiata the army

(note) 51

FatrfcteB Inftaence SB

Tribntam 6S

F^ypnlarniearares 6i

Vacandee In the senate filed. .. 5i

S08. Valerian lawB 6i

First dictator 64

VUL

Pe Tglopmeat •T the yfr^*"^ ^ ^ *
*Prtl»ttiiea.--A«imrton Agttatior-

B.O.

491. The story of Ourio|
The Volsdans
The position of the tribunes. . . .

The pabUe land

How managed

Tlie Agiar iaa law of 8. Gasshis,

e three
The policy of the Vablan house.
Their slaiighter at the Oranera,
The PnhlD} yi law

T^^f^Bp^Sya fpote)

AtToSScewApplns Otaodins. .

Logtolatlon (note).

48«.

471.

00
60
60
CI

€4
64

vn.

the

Tbe

494

Condition of the plebeians 64

The plebeians oppressed by debt, 64

Patricians and plebeians 64

The conserrative element 64

dandian genB 66

Law of debtor and creditor (note,

p. 66) 66

gnfferings of the poor 66 | 454.

Pablicland 66

Bight of appeal 66 |

The object of the plebeians .... SI \ 461.

The first crisis 5r i

Itscanse w|

FIrstMOesston 67 >

M^Valerins 57 | 450.

The sacred monnt 67 |

Thefe£M0rato 67 ■ 449.

Tribunes of the pkbs 68 |

Their original powers (note) .... 68

The first plebiscitnm .... 68

Second pleblKitum 68

JPlebelanfedUes,..,.,, . 90

(note), 64

C-

DeeensTlrs and the lAinra of
the TvrelTe Tahlea.

IBflorts of the plebeians to obtain

written code of laws 66

Tile Terentflian Bogation 66

Opposition of the patricians. . . . 66
Violence of Ksso Qjulnetins

(note) 61

Herdonius seizes the capitol

(note) 66

l%e Arentine given up to the

plebeians 66

Appointment of the commission-
ers •.. 67

They visit Athena 67

Decemvirs appointed 07

The Twelve Tables of Roman

Law 67

Their character 68

Decemvirs re-elected 66

Theirtyranny 68

They continue in office 60

Murder of SIcinius Dentatus .... 60

Death of Vliginla 60

Second secession 70

Resignation of the decemvirs ... TO

Vdlerio-Horatlan laws 19

XIV

AKALTSI8.

IhereMtd powen of the Mb-

noes 71

Qp«0ton elected by tlie people, 71

Tba plebeiftn opposition. 71

The plebeian nobUltj 71

445. The Gumleiui l«w 7S

MUitMy tribnnee ' with eonsular

power,* 7S

Oeneon appointed T8

Tbelrdntlee 78

440. Spbrineltelfau 74

431. i^eetonhlp opened to the ple-

belana 74

896.

890.

884.

urttlft HelffhtoorUiS Hatlone.
of Rome by tMe Oanle.

VolseUuiB and JSqnlans 75

Conquest of Veji * 76

Fay glyen to the soldiers 76

Oanls, or Celts 78

Their nomadic character 76

They enter Italy... 76

Capture of Bome . 1 76

The narrative of Llvy ; that of

Polybins (note) 77

Distress of the poor 77

Bate of interest 77

Death of Manilas 7S

Further Gallic wan (note) 78

B.O.

Number of pondfls and angnra
increased

876.
866.

856.
851.
836.
800.

R<mallaatlon of tike Orders.

Condition of the plebeians 79

The Llcinlan Bop^tions 79

Opposition of the patricians .... 80

Ucinian Bogations adopted ... 80

L. Sextins first plebeian consul, 80

The offlce of praetor created .... 80

His duties 81

Heaning of the word popuhu. . 81
Farther progress of the plebe-
ians 81

The Temple of Concord 81

Bomangames 81

First plebeian dictator 81

First plebeisn censor 81

First plebeian pretor 81

The Cgnlnian laws 81

CJoBtlniied AfitalloB.— MvUajr 4Mf
B. C. 843.— The PublUIais ua«i
Hortensiaa I^mmr:

Political equality 88

Bate of faitersst 88

848. Mutiny of B.o.8tt

The Gennclan law (note)
The plebeians appeased .

889. The Pablilian laws

Their character

The changes effected by these

laws (note) 88

The Hortenslan laws 84

The character of these laws .... 85
' The nobility still control legisla-
tion

The plebiBcitnm][»nium(nc*;e),

7^ XIV.

People and <

Rise of the New NohiUtir.

The condition of the people.... 88

Commerce and war 81

PoUtteal equaUty 86

The new nobili^ 86

The popular assemblies 86

OonUtia cerUuriata 86

ComiOatributa 86

C&nciUum irUfUmn 86

Thocitixens.. 86

The members of the tribes 87

809. InnoTStlon of Jl Claudius 67

804. His arrangement reversed by

Fisbins and Dedus 97

The consniar power 87

How weakened 88

The senate 88

ItspowerB 86

Its members.... 88

Vacancies 86

Its place of meeting (note).... 86

How summoned (note) 86

How business was conducted

(note) 88

Its original powers 89

Its aristocratic character 88

Tlie general character of the

government «,.*..,,,,,. 89

AKALT8I8.

St of Xtaljr.

S4S.

sse.

•flM flamnites 98

Tbeir hifltoiy W

Tike Ver Saentm {noU) «

The SamnltM of the moantaliu
ftUack TeaxkUJSL, a dty of the

Sididnl *

The Camptnlans ut^Bt the

Sididnl *

Tbey an defeated by the Sam-

nltee *

The assiBtance of Borne Is solic-
ited

The Firgt SatnnUe War... 96

Sucows of the BomanB 06

141. CooclTiBlon of peace 86

S40. The TCTolt of the Lathi League, 96

Treftty with the Samnltes 96

The hattto at Mt. Yesnyias 96

8eif-«acriflce of Decins (note) ... 96

Ci^tnre of Antiam..... 96

SS8. Conclusion of the war 96

l^nns of peace 97

f%e Second SatnnUe War., 97

Itacause ^

Wardedared — W

The lint period >••• 96

9%1, The Candine Forks 96

Saeeesa of the Samnltes f»

811. War with the Btmscans 90

310. Battle at the Vadimonlan Lake, 90

Tlie Samnltes defeated 100

304. Peace condnded 100

TlM results of the war.. 100

MS. The TMrd Samnite War... 100

Itacaoae •• IW

An aniance of the Samnltes and

the Btruseane 101

The battle of Sentlnnm 101

The epit^h of Sdplo (note) ... 101

O. IVrntfns taken piifloner 108

The condnalon of peace 106

Colonies established 100

War with the Oanis and the

XtmsMns 108

Battle of theVadlmonianlAke, 108

War with tiie Lncanians 106

S83. Most of the Greek towns sab*

Bit 1«

Oonffition of the Italian Greeks, 100

Tuentnm IW

Romans assist the fninrlnians.. 104

Boman fleet attadeed by the
Tarentlnes 104

8»6.

S90.

883.
883.

881.
880.

879.

878.

876.
874.
866.

888.

It toTureft-

tiim(note) 106

Wardedared

The Taientines apply to Pyr-

rhns

The anival of Pyrriras in Italy, 106

Battle of Heradea 106

Bemarks of Fyrrlms on tiie bat-

tie 106

BmbassyofCineas to Borne.... 106

Battle of Asculum 106

Alliance of Bome and Carthage, ld7

Pyrrhos retiree to SIdly 107

His aiMtrary mle in Sicily 108

Betams to Italy 108

Battle of Benerentom 106

Conqnest of Italy ... 106

The manner in which Bome

mled her snbjects 106

Tiie population daesUled 106

L Boman dtiiens 100

1. Of the thirty-three tribes, 100

2. Of the Boman colonies ..

n. CIves Hm »Hfraff^ 100

m. The allies HO

Colonization -». HO

MlUtaryroads HI

ApplanWay HI

Flamlnian Way JH

iEmfllanWay HI

Aqnednets HI

Applan Aqnednct 119

AnioVetus H*

The military system 116

XVI.
First Pniile "W^r, B. C. 864-841.

Carthage H7

Its prosperity.. IW

Its trade 1"

Its goyemment H8

Bdative strength of Bome and

Carthage H8

Conquest of Messana by the

Mamertines H9

*rhe Mamertines appeal to Bome, 116

Siege of Hessana UO

864. Applns Claudius sent to Hes-
sana ^*

He defeats the Carthaginians

and Syracosans 190

363. Hlero makes peace with Bome, 190

868. Ckpture of Agrlgentum 190

360. The first Koman fleet ,. 181

rvi

AKALYBIS.

B.O.

360. KavalYietoiyoflllylA isi

The plan of the campaign 180

S66. loTasion of Afriea Ill

366. NaTalvtetory 188

366. Defeat of BeguloB 188

Destmotion of Boman fleet by a

storm 188

354* The capture of PaDonniiB 184

360. The battle at Panormiu 184

BmbaMj of the Carthaginians

toBome 185

Siege of Lilybmim 186

349. Defeat of Claadf as 186

Destroction of the Boman fleet

by a storm 186

347. HamilcarBarcas appointed gen-

eial , 186

Hie takes a position at Honnt

Eryx 186

341. Battie at the .figatian islands.. 186

Peace with Carthage 187

Terms of the peace 187

XVIL

Btveiftts between tite First and
n .^, 1 1 Second Panic 1Vars*^inie Pro-
l^ * ▼Inelal * Sfrstem.— Tlie Illjrrlan
Mfmrm UTars witl& tbe Gauls.

340-388 • War with the Mercenaries 187

The ProTinclal System 188

388. Sardinia and Corsica a province 188

Thepnetor 188

Taxes 188

HamilcarBarcas goes to Spain 188
339-338. Tfie Virst Illyrinn

War 188

Its cause.... 188

339. Qaeen Tenta compelled to sub*

mit 189

Demetrins of Pharos 188

333. The Agrarian law of O. Flamin-

ius 180

The senate resists the law 180

The Flaminian way 180

336-333. The QtUlU War 189

Its caase 181

Terror at Borne 181

335. The balUe of Telamon 181

318« Boman colonies 181

Cremona 181

Placentia 181

319. The Second Illyrian War 188
Demetrins of Pharos, t 188

Pharoa deet roy ed.
Demetrius flees to

xvnL

Seeond Panic War, B.C. 318-SO:i

Carthaginian policy

The popular party

336. Hamilcar in Spain

338. Hasdrubal in Spain

New Carthage founded

Borne forms an alliance with
Sagi^itum

331. Death of Hasdrubal

319. Hannibal chief commander

Siege of Saguntnm

Its capture Jjb

Roman embasey 138

War declared 188

Comparative strength of Borne

andCarthage 184

Preparations of Hannibal 184

318. He crosses the Ebro 184

His march to the Bhone 184

Arrival of Sdpio at Mase=ilia.... 185
Hannibal erossea the Bhone ... 186
Sclpio sends his Inrother to Spain

EUmnibal^s route

His arrival in Northern Italy. . . 185

Skirmish on the Ticinus 186

BatUe at the Trebia ]87

317. Hannibal crosses the Apennines 187
The Bomans defeated at Lake

Trasimenus ig/

Great consternation at Bome... igg
Fabtus Hazimus appointed dic-
tator 188

Flans of Hannibal 186

The policy of Fabins 188

The Bomans dissatisfled 180

Hie flnnness of the Bomans . 180

316* BaWe «f Cannw 140

■ Plan of the battle 141

Great defeat of the Bomans. ... 141

Heroic spirit of the people 148

SUlof C^Nia 148

New dlfllcnmes beset Hannibal 148

318. War in Spain 148

The Sdpios carry on the war

with energy 144

The battle at Ibeia 144

Preparations of the Bomans.... 144

Planof tbewar 144

314-310, WarinSieUp 140

AKALTBtd.

tit. Oai^mnidBTneam 146

tl»>t*«. Wmr im »pa*n 147

nawlintil fonna an •Ulanoe

withOida 147

Btf^BSt of tiM Bomans UOt

tl0> P. OoraeUas floipio aent to

^laio M7

SDeeeMofSe^io 148

t07. G^Mare of Mew Owtlu^ 148

Deputoreof Haadnibal 148

W9%- OonqnaHl. of SiMiin 148

fldpio and Sypliaz 148

tl4*S04L Warimltmlp 140

tl !• Tte war eeotna around Oapoa

aadTuenbim 14B

BoBBMia feoorer Ckpoa 14B

Boinnns reoovar Tuvntnm 148

Defeat and death of MarooQa*.. UO

jflovemenCa of Haadrabal IfiO

t«7. Heeroeaee the Alps IfiO

Marched Nero 161

nrntiie of Metaruru9 161

Defeat and death of Haadrabal 151
Haanihal retiree to Brattlnm... 161

Sclpio elected eonsn] 168

Wm plan to compel Hannibal to

eivacaate Italy 168

t04. WarinAfrica IS

Scipio^s Ant Buoceeaee 188

KSbrta Ibr peace 168

tot. nmitte of Znma 164

^"^ Defeat of Hannibal 164

tOl • Tenna of peace 164

Sdpio^ trivmph 164

BeealtBof thewar 165

Boanan pdliej 166

KewookmieB 166

inittaiy roada 166

Gaaaqneat of tl^e Baat— tl4k
146.

Theconditlottof theBMt 186

Macedonia 168

8yila ■• * 168

Unrpt 188

Free Greek eitlei 18B

BjaantlDin 168

QfBleaa 168

Bhodee 166

The AehMm Leafiiae 18B

The iBtoUan Leiipie 166

a. o. PASS

1 14-tOS* fhm rirH MueeOmMian

Nor 168

Itacaiiae 188

lu indeditfe diaiaeter 160

tOO-196.
1
Itacanae 180

197. Battle of OynocephabB 180

-"^ Terms of peace 160

191^190* Syro^ASflimn War. . 181

Antiochua , 181

Intrignee of the iBtoUane 181

Hannibal aipeUed from Car-
thage 181

Antiochua eroaaee over to Greece 188

191. HIb defeat at Thermopyte 188

Hb retreat to Asia Minor 188

190. The Romana follow and defleat

him at Magnesia 188

189. The .fitolian war 188

Battle at Amhracia 188

The Acluean League 188

171-168* T%ird Macedonian

War 188

Policy of Borne towards Mace-
donia 188

178. Deathof Philip 188

Oondition of Greece 184

Bome detennines to take the
government into her own
hands 184

188. Battieof Pydna 164

*"* How Macedonia was governed 184
Treatment of the other Greek

states 165

The Aehaan Leagae 188

147-146. Tktt Aeheean War 188

l4ft^Ckirinth captnred and destroyed 188

*^7- Oinse of its destrnctlon 186

Macedonia a Roman province. . 107

1 49-14 6. I%e 1%ird Pnnic War 187

icoman policy Iff?

Condition of Carthage 188

IffO. War with Masiniasa 180

Bome interferes 180

Determination to destroy Car-
thage ITO

Siege of Carthaee ..." 1?0

146* Its capture and destruction 170

Africa a Roman province 171

The Roman empire 171

Cause of Rome*e success 178

Situatlnn of Rome 178

Secondary causes 178

tOO-168. Spanish Wars 174

xvm

ANALYSIS.

B. O. TMBM

195. IfHCDs FordnB Gito mdI to

Spain 174

The Spanish governon 175

The Spanish serrioediaiigreeAble 175

1 64. War with the Celtiberians. ... 175

160. War in Lasitania ITS

Vlriathns 175

143-133. The Numaniine Hmr., 177

Iti caose 177

Its eharacter 177

134* Sdpio sent to Spain 177

Siege of Namantla 179

XA8. Destmotion of Nnmantia 179

l59. Province of Asia 179

Increase of slavery 179

1S4-188. aerttiU War 180

The SDCoess of the insarrection 180
BnpHiiis brings tiie war to a
dose 180

The latenuil GoTeriuBent.

The provinces 181

When acquired lan

How governed IK

The governors receive no salary, 182

Thdr exactions 181

Titles and insignia 188

The Italian alhes 184

TheLatins 184

The Italians 184

Theirbardens 184

Boman citizens 184

TheirrightB 184

Bight of appeal 184

Hie rwenoe 186

Bzemption from taxation 186

Formation of new parties 185

The new nobility 186

The people 186

Elections 186 '

Bribery at elections 185 |

The initiative of the senate . . 185

Comle magistracies 186

Bztenial insignU 186

Noble families 186

The aim of the nobility 186

Thesenate 186

The eqoltes 186

Theoensors 186

The public assemblies 187

The voters .. 197

Therabble 187

Conditioo of the people 187

B.O.

Hie condition of the ItaUana .
Inflnence of foreign conqncats, 188

Largesses of com

833. The Agrarian of Flaminlaa...

318. The daodian law 189

Reform in the order of voting

(note).:. 180

The number of centuries (note) 189

The ballot (note) 189

CSato's efforts for reform 189

Hisearlylife 189

Hishabits .. 189

His service in the army 189

He resists the appeal of the Op-

pianlaw 190

Prosecntlon of the two Scipios, 190

196. Censorship of CJato 191

His parsimony (n. 4) 191

The geoersl character of the

government 191

lUstabflity 198

The decline of the government

gradual 198

Hellenic influences 199

The character of the Greeks. . . . 199

Luxury : 193

Immorality 199

Indolence 198

literature 199

Cato^s opposition 199

Justness of Cato's opposition . . 199

Philosophy and religion 198

Kpicnrean philosophy 198

New Academy 198

Stoic philosophy 198

CkHnpromise between phlloso- 198

phy and religion 193

The new state religion 198

The " Sdplonic '' circle 198

Oriental forms of worship 198

•Ijtws of repression 198

They become domesticated io 198

Italy 198

Slave labor 193

Unarming on a large scale 194

The importation of com 194

Price of com (note) 194

The Importation of com com-
pelled farming on a large scale

to be abandoned .... • IM

The Claudian law IM

Ite effect !•*

Boman merchants IM

The tendency of legislation .... 194
Moneyed aristocracy 194

A3irALTStfi.

U, R €. 18S-1S1.

137.
183.

139.
13^.

135.
133.

133.

131

The condition of the sute 190

The neceMity for reform 900

The government controlled hy

thenobUity 3n

The aim of the nobility (note).. 901
The decrease in the population

(note) 901

Tiberias Giacchne 901

His connections

Qpnstor in Spain

His alienation ftom the oligar<

chy

His measores for reform

Opposition of the landowners.. 908

Deposition of OctaTins 908

The law enacted and oommie-

sioners appointed 901

Efforts to reelect G.Tiberins.. 906

Mnrderof Tlberins 906

Death of Sclpio 900

Expolsion of the allies from

Borne 907

Bevolt of FrsgellsB 908

O. Graechns elected tribune ... 9QB
His legislation 900

Largesses of com

CSian^ in the mode of taxa-
tion in the proTincee

Bztenalon of the Agrarian
law 910

fSk>ldiers equipped at public
expense 910

The Judicial power txanaf erred
toknigfats 910

Limitation of the power of the

senate 910

Gains re-elected tribune 911

He proposes to confer the f ran-

chise on tbe Latins 911

Beaction against bis laws 911

Dnisns outbids Gajus ftnr the

popular favor 911

QiO°e declines in popularity... 919
His death 918

. Kmle of tMe Ollfl^arehjr.

Tlie Agrarian law not enftneed, 914

dorruption gf the |;oTemment, 916

113. tmblesln AvmldJa.". 916

B.O.

117.
111.

110.
100.

108.

107.
100.

106.
104.
103.
101.

100.

91.
90.

90.
89.

JognrCha osvpa the gofan-

ment 917

The Eomaas deelare war 917

jngnithabribes the consul.... 918

Treaty «8

Indignation at Borne 918

Benewaiofthawar 918

MecaUas defeats Jognrtha 910

BiseofHarins 919 y

Elected eoosul 990 f

The peo|de give him the com- \/

mand in Africa 991 ^

He aniTCS in Africa

Jagnrtha defeated and taken

prisoner

Ihe eoodition of the provinces

atthenorth

Ineompetency of the Boman

government

The Cimbri and Tentones

Battle of Aiansio

Marios re-elected consal

The Tentones defeated

The Cimbri defeated 994

The condition at home

Social distress

SUiveiy

The people look to Marias to

remedy the evils 9S6

He is no politician

He falls nnder the oontrol of

demagogues

The laws of Satominus

Beaction against Marius

Sataminns put to death

Evidences of decline In the

state sm

Saperstition 980

How the oligarchy governed the

allies 981

The wrongs of the allies 981

The senate and equestrian order, 988

The tribonata of Dmsns 988

His measures for reftem 984

Hisdcath

The revolt of the aUies

They oiganiae a nenv govern*

ment

The first year of the war 987

The Bomans make oonceaslons, 987

IhBkxJyUa 987

The tee i%ni<to Aqrffia 987

The Varlan proeecotions 988

Tbe allies lay down their arms, 980
Tbe conditions of

A3<fALT8IS.

B.O. TAmrn

Tbe ftnttieial criaifl MO

Dispute between MeiiiiB and

Ball* for the comiiuuid in the

Beet Ml

88. Kariofl eomts the faTor of the

alllee Ml

The Snlpiciea lews

SoUagoes to Borne to prevent

the pearage of theae laws ....

Salpldiu pat to death

Marine flies from Bome M8

Ballads legislation M8

The wanderings of Xarfais .... M4

87. The Marian party regain power, M6

Marios returns to Borne M6

The proeoriptlon of the nobles, M6

8C The seventh oonsnlship of Ma-
rias MB

Hisdeath M6

Valerius Haocos oonsnl MB

The oondiUon of the Best ....'M7

ISO. Accession of Mithridatee M7

His ideas of conqneet M7

His disputes with the Romans. . M8

88. HeinvadBsAsia MS

Maasacre of Romans and Ital-
ians M0

87. Greece dedans in favor of Mith-

ridates MO

SnUa lands in Greece MO

Lays stage to Athens 900

88. Vietoiy. at Chsronea 900

8S. Victory at Orehmnenns 900

84. Tennsofpeace 960

Fimbria sent to SBperMde Sulla, 900

Death of Fimbria 901

88. Sulla returns to lUIy 901

Crushes the Marian party

88. Battle of Clusinm

88. Battle with the Samnites.

Sulla returns to Rome 994

Proscription 964

Hie rule of the senate restored, 906

81. SulUdlctator 900

EQs refonns in the oonstitatlon, 9B7
Tribnnea deprived of power.. 907

TIm far oniMilit enforced 907

The number of pnetors end

qusstors increased 967

Thesenate

The popular sswinMlee
The priestly coDeges. . .

The Judicial system 906

79. He resigns the dictatoTBhip.... 900
78. His

B.O. n

Tlie rule of the oligarchy grows
more scandaloas

Condition of Italy and the prov-
inces

Increase of loxoiy

The opposition

Insurrection of Lepldus

Condition in Spsin

79. The war with Sertorins

72. Death of Sertorius M4

71. Bnd of the war In Spain

78. War with the gladiators

Success of Spartacus

71. His defeat and death

Pompejus cuts to pieces a body
of gladiators

xxm.

Fall «r the Ollsarelftjr, B. C. 70.

The popular party

70. Pompejus and Crassus elected

ocmsuls

The powers of the tribunes re-
stored

The rule of the oligarchy in the

provinces

Theabuses

Verres

EQs scandalous exactions

His trial

The Anrelian law

The Jurymen to be selected
from tiie senators,- knights

and tribuni crarii

The popularity of Pompejus . . .
The condition of Roman alEsirs,

The pirates

<|7i__T!lfiQablnlanlaw

Pompejus' ends the war

Roman power in the Bast

83. Se^nd MUhHdatie War. .

88. Defeat of Murena

74. Xhird MUhrMatic War ...

PreparationB of Murena

74. Mithridatee besieges Cyzicus . . .
Hisdefeat

71. He retires to Armenia

Lncnllus settles the ailairs of

Asia

Unpoptalarity of LacaUas

69. Battle of Tigranocerta

67. mthrldates reiams to Featas. .

«10
870
970

971
971

979

9T9

973
975
975
976
97«
878

877
977
«7

978
978
fl8

AVMTflft.

t$.

nam
XvttnylBthearmyof Lneolliu, STB
The eonuBand glTen to Qlabilo, S80

The MMiilian law S80

It is oppoMd by the oligarchy, S80
Pompejaa appointed oomman-
— dsrintbeMithridaticwar.... S81

Defeat of idthrldatw KL

M Ithridatee retreats to the Clm-

merlaa Bosporus fgi

Pompejos puisocs him S81

He retnniB to PoDtus SBl

He mkkes Syria a Boman pror-

faee

Wa ^fl]^"B iJemsslem

Fhisnicia and Palestine rabdned 99

Death of Mithridates ,

Settlement of the Bast

Ttn&p^jns returns to Italy. .....

>« Aliaemee.

Condition of Italy

Contests of parties

History of Catiline 984

His career

•S. Ftrst conspiracy

Itsfidlnre

He lays his plans more carefolly,

S&cond {Conspiracy 986

Conralsh^ of Cicero 988

Hisblrtb 987

Hisedacation

81. HisspeechforP. Qnlntins....

79. He studies at Athens

Impeachment of Verres 990

Cl€ero*8 political consistency... 981

63. Cicero, consul 981

' His defence of Babirias

Catiline prepares for war

First Catilinian oration 984

tiatiline quits Rome 988

The conspirators arrested 996

The conspirators condemned... 986

Bflorts to implicate Crassus 986

The conspirators executed 987

St. Defeat and death of Catiline... 996

The position of Cicero

PompejuB returns to Italy .....
Position of parties

61. Triumph of Pompejus 80O

Rse of Cesar 801

16t. Hbbiith 809

68.
66.

61.
60.

58.

BOs early hlitoiy

Qpaator

He restores the trophias of Ma-
rius

Cesar, the greatest man of an-
tiquity

Casar propretor in Spain 808

JHe returns to Borne and effects
y a coalition vrithPompeJos and

\ Craasas 804

Fbrst consulship of Onsar 804

The Agrarian law

Fompe^' acts In the But rati-
ied 804

Tlw eqnitss gained over 804

OBsai uses P. dodlus to humble
the aristocracy 866

doditts'leglslatioa.. 866

Banishment of Cicero and Cato, 807

Oonqueat of the West, B. C.

58-51.

Condition oTbauT 808

lU civilisation 806

Its climate 806

Boman monchants 806

Hassilia, the centre of trade ... 806

58. nto First Catnpnign 809

"^ Defeat of the Helvetians 809

War with AriovistUB 808

6T. Sseot^ Catnpniffn 310

The Belgic war 810

The Nenrii defeated 810

56. Third Catnpaiffn 810

War with the Tenetl 810

Great naval victory 810

The Morini defeated 810

55. Fourth Campaign 810

Invasion of Gkrmany 810

Invasion of Britain 810

^e effect of these victories in
Bome 810

54. Fifth Campaign 811

Revolt in Gaul 811

53. Sixth Campaign 811

The Bburones subdued 811

52. Seventh Campaign 811

The Gauls revolt again 819

Yercingetorix 819

Siege of Aleeia 818

CKsar victorious 818

51. Bighih Campaign 818

XXll

ANALYSIS.

Hie GMk Bobmit SIS

The Gmal0 oondliAted SIS

OiginfiHition of Genl SIS

Provinoes S14

4t.

R«le of tifte Trltunirlre.

Anareby in Um MpiUU S15

67. Cioero*e recall fkom exile SM

68. The tiinniTliBte renewed S16

56. TompejuB and OraaBoa oooanls, S17

Pompejos leana toward the sen-
ate SIS

Oiaflsua proeonsol in Syria 818

68. His defeat and death 819

The aristocracy oppose Milo to

Olodins

6S. Death of Clodias

Pompejos sole consol SU

Trial ofMilo

Pompejos allies himself with the

aristocracy

His measures

CBsar's position

His action in Qaul

Pompejos precipitates a mp-

tnre 8M

60. The action of the senate 884

48. Cnsar ordered to gire op his

proTince

48. He crosses the Rubicon and com<
mencea dvil war

48* CSBsar

rrvn,

t CItU MTiur, B.C. 48-48.

Hie legality of Cesar's coarse. .

Cloen>*s efforts for peace

at Arimioam 837

CasaratOorflninm 887

Pompejas flees from Borne

Cesar has control of Italy

Casar's retnm to Rome

He goes to Spain

Battle of nerda

Onear dictator

Besonrces of the Pompelans. . . .

Onsar crosses to Greece 883

Battle of Dyrrhachiam 880

CKsar retreats 880

^Battle at Phnrsal fvt 880

Defeat of the Pompeianii 880

Pompejas flees to E^ypt 881

kO.

47.

46.

44.

43.

46.

46. Onear

HU death

The Alexandrian war

Ptolemy defeated —

Cesar goes to Pontes

Defeat of Phamaoes

Anarchy at Borne

Betomof Cesar ,

He sails to Africa

Battle of Thapens

Death of Cato

Cesar retoms to Borne. ,

Powers conferred upon Cesar.,

*s triumph ,

Cesar roles as imperator

His projects for reform

Hit aim

He reforms the calendar (note) . .

Insurrection in Spain ,

Cesar departs for Spain

BatUeoflpukda

Cesar's return to Borne 840

Hew asarks of Imior eoafiMnd

upon bin

Signs of discontent

Plotagainst Cesar's Ufa 841

His assassination 841

The conspirators have no plan. .

Their action

Lepldns

The intrignes of Antonios

The senate oonyened 844

Oeear's acts conjBrmed 844

Cesar's wDl 844

His funeral obsequies 844

The indignation of the people. . 844
The flight of the conspirators. . . 844

Socoess of Antonios 845

Octarius comes to Borne 846

Cesar's heir 816

He courts the favor of the senate 846

Cicero and Octavius 848

Antonius besieges MuUna ..... 847
Octavius unites with the consols

against Antonius 817

The activity of Cicero 847

The First Philippic 847

The opposition of the senate to

OrUvius 848

Octavios consul 818

He throws off all disguise 848

"fie fonns an alliance with An-

^s .tQnius and Lepidus 846

The proscription 848

Beign of terror 848

Murder of Cicero 848

AKALTSia.

XXlll

4S«

*1.

S6.
S4.

xxym.

TAQB

OetaTfns and Antonliu prepare

forwar 840

Bkntiu and Gaaatna 848

Tlieir proeeodioga in tlie BmI.. 848

nw action of Bnitoa 848

TbetrinmTlfsprooeed to Greece 800

JBaUUofM'hmppi 850

teat end deatii of Bnitas and

rioa 880

Tile lepubUeana take refuge

with Sertua FiOBipejiia 851

DfvirioB of the Boman world... 861

Antottiaa and CSeopatm 851

OetaTina inltalj

Oonfnaion in Italy

Treaty of Bknndialiim

New partition of the Boman

world

The trinmYiTB treat with 8. Pom-

pejBB -..

The treaty of Tarentnm

Bcztos Pompe^ns defeated

ThefaOofLepidiu 8M

OetaTlns in Italy 854

His prudent m e awu e e 864

Hiaminlfltera 864

AnUminfl and the Bast 866

Ha invades Farthla

He invades Armenia

Hfeinfatoation with Cleopatra.. 866

The popularity of Octavtns 866

He sabdoes tlie Dalmatians, Sa-

lassi, and Fannonians 867

He reboilds and beantfUes Bome 867
Bnptare between Octavtns and

Antonins 867

War declared against KKTPt 887

BfiMs 0f AeHufn 8B6

Flight of Antonins 866

Snieide of Antonins 860

Saleide of Cleopatra 800

Oetavins eole mler 880

Egjpt a Boman provinee 800

Triumph of Oetavins ,

Tttm Hilitmrjr Orpinlsatlon.

The military power.
The legion.........

B.O.

JPlraf Per4o«l

Hoitaii

Prindpet

TriorU

The equestrian order

Hie army in B. 0. 840

Tlie anny in the time of Poly-
bins

The tactic order

Offeneive and defensive weapons 870

The HeeonA f^riod 870

BedacUon of the census 871

The legion in the time of Harios 871
The l^on in the time of Onear 878

Order of battle 878

The pay of the army 874

The equipments 874

IMe tfysfem of Entmrnp^

msHl 875

First period 875

The Onaxd of the Camp 877.

The camp in the time of Ciesar 878

The tents 818

The camp hi the time of the

empire 819

Military Engines 878

The besieging tower 880

Tlie catapnlta 880

Theballista 880

Hanner of besieging a dty

Manner of defence

Btannere and Cwstoma, Edncatftottf
Private and Domestie Life*

The dty of Bome

Its streets

Its buildings 885

The forum 880

Boman houses 887

How constructed 887

Ttielr interior 887

Theatrinm 887

Changes

Fnmitnre

Wall-painting

Mirrors, dinner coaches, etc . 880
carpets 880

Plan of a Boman house 800

Method of warming 881

Furnaces 801

Cooking utensils 891

Method of Ughthig ,

AKALYSIB.

B.€t.

Food

Ooonat

DeUcacles

IVUileiiflige 894

The Bonuui temil J 304

Names

Harriage

Different forms....

Oeremonles

Tbe bride

ChUdien 8B7

M ed&eil men Wl

Tndes

Flilnting at Pompeii

Minegoilds

Implements of trade

Bducatlon

Schools

Teachers were slaTes 400

Greek iiteratnra 400

Ooorse of instmction 400

Methods of teaching; 401

Holldajs and ponlshments. . . 401

Implements of writing 401

Letter-writing 406

Stylos 406

Ink 40O

Fuchment, i^orj, etc 406

Address 404

Dress of men 404

OoTering for the feet 406

Ornaments 406

Dress for women 406

Baths 407

Baths of Garacalla 408

Games of the circas 406

Gladiatorial games 400

The origin 400

Schools of gladiators 411

How advertised 411

Amphitheatre 411

Origin of the word 411

How oonstmcted 411

The Flarian amphitheatre 41S

The theatre 418

Dramatic entertainments 418

Beginning of the theatre 418

First regnlar plays 413

First Boman theatre 418

The theatre of Pompejos 414

Fonerals 414

Fnneral procession 415

The funeral oration 415

Cremation 416

gumtu^t B. C. SI to A. D. 14.

B. a

Hie policy of AiigiutiiB 417

He proceeds oaatloiiBly 417

His system of administnitlon .. 418
He di s gqises his mla ander r»>

pohUean forms 418

TheseDSte: itsmeetiags 418

The emperor*s artfkil policy.... 419
%9, Aognstos made presideat of the

senate 419

TheproTincee 419

TItlas and powvs contend

apoB Angnatns

Imperator OwvaoMMlapvia^M-
riiim coniferred B. a 80)....

Angastas

SS. The trihonltlan power 481

Tbe aristocncy hvmbled

The pdiqr of Aagastos com-
pared with that of
Aagastos restorss order.

MiUtary roads

Commerce

The imperial city

The aristocracy 487

Hie equestrian order 488

Thepeople 4S8

Nunher of poor dtiaens

Largesses of com

Popoladonof Rome ......... 488

The provincial senate 480

The army, where stationed 489

The fleet 489

MUitnrp operations 480

87. MeasaresinGaal 480

Conquest of the Iberians and

Caatabri 460

84. iBlius Qallas in Arabia 488

Secular games celebrated 488

15. Campaign of Drnsas against the

Bhati 481

Campaigns of Tiberius against

tlieVlndelici 488

18. Campaign of Dmsos on the

Bhine 4S8

0. Death of Dmsus 488

The emperor^s popularity 488

He receives the title of'* Father

of his Country" 484

Tlie imperial family 484

1 8, 8. Death of Agrippaand MsBcenas, 484
8. Disgrace of Julia 485

ANALYSIS.

^ ^ PAoa

4. TSberios fa $d.0pM by Aniptttiu, 485
9. Defeat of Vanu in Qermany ... 488

14. Death of Angastns 487

Fneperitj of the emigre 487

Hie KbnunwafHrn ^wryrgmim, 488
Tbe emperor*B will (note) 488

d of

SI.

87.

xxzn.

oC TIbeviaa Ceeeary
GmSmm CaUnuIa.

14. !nbeiiii8 annines the imperial

power 440

Chaises in the oonedttitloii . . .
Berolt of the leglonB on the

Bhine and the Danube 441

14. Inyaaion of Oennany 441

16. The loet eagles of Vania reooT-

441

ofMigestaa 44S

Delators or infonnen 44S

Sejanas aapirea to the eopreme

power 448

His death

Death of Tiberiofl 448

His character 444

GajQs Cseear becomes emperor, 444

His prudent measores 444

He engages in the sports of the

amphitheatre 444

His extravaganee 446

His impiet J 446

His insolence towaids the no-
bles , _,

XXHITT,

at Clawdlna «ttd of Nero,
, €Hlio and VltoUias.

41. daodios made emperor by the

pTKtorians 440

Hispopolarity 448

His liberal policy 446

48. The harbarians cheeked on the

Bhine 446

Britain invaded

How he treats the Bastem

princes ; 447

l%e .dandian aquedacts con-

atmetod 447

Tbe infhmoos Meaeallna 448

Agrippina becomes tlie wife of

Chmdias 443

Her son adopted 448

S4. Kero becomes emperor 448

His poli^ towards the nobles.. 449
tt4. The ^n^eat Are in Borne 449

68.

PAoa
PersecatlonsoftheChrisiiaBs.. 449

Nero's golden house 460

Ck>nspiracy formed against

Nero... 460

Lncan and Seneca perish 460

Death ofNero 460

Qalba emperor 461

Piso associated with him 461

Otho proclaimed emperor 461

Battle at Bedriacam 461

Vitellins emperor 461

He is sncceeded by Yespaalan. . 4BB

68.

Flvvlan Emperors t VespasIaA,
Tltoa, Donaitlan, ▲. D. 69»86.

68. The revolt in Gaol and on the

Bhine 468

Vespasian builds the Colosseum, 468

70. G^ptue of Jerusalem

Inyaslon of Britain 464

ChaiBcter of Vespasian 464

78. Titos declared emperor 464

His character 454

Bmption of Mt. Vesuvius 486

Pompeji and Hercalaneom de-
stroyed 466

Deathof Pliny 466

81. Accession of Domltian 466

Hischaracter 466

Campaign in Britain 466

The triumphal arch of Domltian, 467
He is woiahipped with divine
honors 457

86. His death 4ff7

The last of the *' Twelve C«-

sars," 467

Tadtos and Suetonius 467

XXXV.

Reiffiia of Nerva, of Tmlmii, of
Hadrian, 86-138.

86. The senate i^pobits Nerva em-
peror 459

He adopto Ulpins Trajanns .... 458 «

88. Trajan emperor 466

Trajan crosses the Bhine 468

He obtains the surname of Op-

amut 460

He conquers Dada 460

Armenia and Mesopotamia an-
nexed 460

Trajan's forum and laws for the
poor 450

XXVI

AKlLtSltt.

A. D. PASB

Fkospetityof the empire 460

117. Aooeeelon of Hadrian 400

He glvee «p the oonqneets of

TraJan 400

HietntTels 483

His buildingB 4BB

Boman colony of jBHa GigfUo-

^na 468

Hadrian, emperor of the Roman

world 4S4

Affe €»f the A»tmUnea.~Proaperlt]r
«f Une Kmpire, ▲. D. 138-192.

188. Aoeearionof AntonfanaPtaa... 484
His long and peaoeAil reign .... 466
Jnstin Martyr 466

161. AoeessionofHareos Anrelios.. 406

Hischaracter 466

Tlie barbarians 466

Aarelins adopts Yeros 406

Theplagae 466

Thefrontier 407

Orphan schools founded 407

The prosperity of the empire. . . 407

180. Death of Anrettos 407

XXXVU .

latonMdl G*iiditioii vftMt^ Kinplre.
— Simtptoma mi DeeUne.

The proeperity of the empire... 40B

Its boundaries ...'. 468

The barbarians 40B

Bymptoms of decline 468

The invasion of the Maroo-

manni 468

General prosperity 40B

Caoaes of decline 409

Loxnry: meaning of the woid.. 460

Its meaning changes

Amount of wealth in the Boman

worid

Cheat fortunes compared with

those of modem times 400

The stories of Suetonius 490

They gire an exaggerated Idea of

the Inznry prevailing in Rome 470
Btdi families and their Incomes 470

Tlie standard of luxury 470

VaiTO and PHny 470

The standpoint from which they

view their own age 470

FUnyV Idea of luxury 470

A. P. PAO>

IHedlander^s c^inion 47D

Pliny depicts the proeperity of

the empire 471

Ganaea of decline 471

Lack of indnstiy 471

Idlenesa 471

Extent to which it can be safely

carried 4Ti

Gibbon*s estimate 478

Gap between the rich and poor.. 478
Decrease of population ........ 478

Decrease of population In Cs-

BBr*stime 478

Keasnres introduced by Augna-

tustocheckit 478

The cause of this decrease in

population 478

The long series of wars 478

The importation of grain causes

farming to be abandoned 478

Slavelabor 478

Disappearaaoeoffreehrixirers.. 474

JSxposition of children 474

Infanticide 474

The people practice no trades . . 474
The depression of the higher

classes 474

The baiharians 475

Settled within the emigre 425

The iniluence of dTUisation on

them 475

Theplague 475

Philosophy 475

Religion 475

Worship 475

OkritHanUw 475

All creeds and forms of wonhtp

allowedatRome 473

Persecution of the Christians... 478

Itscause 477

Infldelity 478

•

xxxvra.

Period of Tmnaltion, A. D. 180^

884.

180-884. The flrst period of Imperial-
ism 47B

Oharaeter of the government..- 4V

The revolutionary age 478

Tbesoldieiy 478

Reforms 478

180-198. Oommodus emperor 470

Hiscmelty 478

AKALTSA

xxni

A.fiL

TA0M I A. Sl

Is iwiw>n>t^ 419

193. Pertinax 419

Mordered by the pnetoriaiM 419

ADpfte told at avcHon 419

193. Jvlianna bajB it 419

Bsrolt of the armiea on the

ftontfen 419

19S-S11. 8. flerenis emperor 480

His seme rale 480

Vie pnetorians disbanded 480

His campaign against the Far-

thlans 480

He TlsltB Britain, dies at York. . 460

311-S12. Oeta 460

%l%-%n. Oaracalhi 460

Cnielties of CteacaDa 480

Hnrders his brother 480

Pots to death Faplnian 480

Citizenship eon/erred on all free

sobjects.. 480

317-ftlS. Macrfaias 481

318-S3S. Slagabalas, son priest. . . 481

Disappearance of literatoie 461

%%%-fl9B. Alexander SeTems 481

His eflorts to eontrol the legions 461

Death of Ulpian 481

Dio OanhBi the historian 481

Tte emperor killed in a mntiny 481

33S-938. Mazimin 481

338-238. Gordian I., emperor 481

OordhmllM emperor 481

338-338. Pnpienas Mazimas 4B1

BalbbkQs 481

338-344. Gordhm m 481

344-343. Fbilllp, emperor, eelebfates
fhe thovsandth analTeraary of

Bome 481

343-351. Deeios emperor 481

PereecQtes die Christians 481

361-354. Gallas emperor 481

3S3-3SS. iBmlHan emperor 488

363-380. Valerian emperor 468

363-S88. GalUenns 4BB

Berolt tn different pvoTlnees... 4BB
Age of the Thirty T>rTanU.... 488

Weakness of the empire 481

^•8-370. daodins n. emperor 488

Campaign against the Persians, 488

370-376. Anrellan emperor 488

SuRoonds Bome with a wan. . . 488
OlTesDadanp to the Goths.... 488

Hie barbariaiMi (note) 488

the tribes on the Bhlne and the

Damibe(note) 488

AtHdsemmmlm (note) 48i

In?asion of Italy (note) 481

The Franks ; theGoths (note). . 468
The rise of the Persian mon-
archy 4g|

G^Aiires and destroys Pslmyia. 484

Longinns, the eritle 484

376-376. Tadtns emperor 484

378-376. Florian emperor 464

376-383. Probas emperor 484

383^383. Ganis emperor 464

Garlnns emperor 484

383-384. Nunerianns emperor 484

ZZZDL
Secomd Period of laiperiallsM.

384-806. Diodetian emperor 464

386-306. Xaxhnian 464

306-306. Constantius 1 484

A new phase in imperialism. .. . 464

The military power 466

The army reeralted from the

barbarians 486

The tendency of the empire to

break into fhigments 486

Antagonism between the Bast

and West 486

Changes made by Diocletian ... 486
He divides the empire with

Marimian 486

Sabdi vided with two Cesars ... 486
Diocletian reigns over the Bast

(«»ote) 486

Maxim Ian reigns over Italy and

Africa 486

ConetantiosdefiBnds theBbcnlsh

frontier 480

Oalerins defends the Dannbian

frontier 466

Oppressive system of taxation.. 486
The prloe of articles of food

(note) 487

Diocletian abdicates 487

Contest for the empire 487

806-311. Qalerlos 467

306-337. Constantinel 467

307-333. Uefaiins 487

Series of bloody wars 487

334-387. Constantino sole emperor, 488
He completes the revolution l)o>

gnn by Diocletian 488

Separation of the civil and mili-
tary power .... . 468

Tlie people 688

The provinces ; how governed, 480

ziTiii

AKALTStS.

The military power 489

The new capital 489

Taxation.. 489

The armj 489

The oiganinrtion of the coert . . 489

Chri«tianltj 489

Biueblofl 489

The pratended viaiiGa of Oon-
Btantiiie 4M

813. The edict of miaa 400

Arian hereey 490

395. ThecoancUatNlcna 400

l%e character of ConBtantine . . 400
The leeult of hia ref onnB 490

Gradaal Dtaaolation of the Km-
|ils«.— Tbe Reunion of tlie Eaat
and CKe West.

88T'*340. Oonataiitlne IL 491

S8T-86] . ConstanthiB IL 49t

8S7-850. Oonstans 491

SerieB of bloody wars 401

CoiiBtantliis Bole emperor 491

361-363. Julian 401

HiB apoBtaey from Christianity, 491

HIb adminlBtntion...'. 491

HiB campaign in the Bast 401

888-364. JoTian 491

864-375. Yalentinianl 481

The HvnB appear in Borope. . . . 40S
The Goths croes the Danube ... 492

875-383. Oratlan emperor 493

888-S9!!. Yalentinianl! 4PS

898-395. TbeodoBios I appointed

tomletheBBBt 49S

895*483. HonorioB emperor of the

West 49«

Division of the empire 482

The Goths defeated by Stillcho, 408

IWl of Stillcho 488

410. Sack of Rome by Alarlc 488

418. Foundation of the West Gothic

kingdom 408

Britain eeparated from the em-
pire 498

488-485. Theodosins n emperor . . 488
485-455. Yalentlnian ni emperor, 468

TheYandaiB 488

458. The Hnns defeated at Chttons. . 404
455. flack of Bome by the Yandals . . 494

455-455. MaximuB 484

455-456. AvttoB emperor 484

He is dethroned by Bidmer ... 486
457-468 Majorlan made emperor

byBicimer 495

468-465. SeveroB 485

467-478. Anthemias 486

478-478. Olybrias 496

473-474. Glycerins 495

474-475. Kcpos 486

475-476. BomnloB AngnstnloB.... 496
478. Orestes succeeds Bicimer as pa-
trician 495

476. Odoaoer deposes Angostulns . . . 496
Zeno, the Eastern emperor, con-
fers the Italian proyinces on

Odoaoer 496

Beonion of the Bast and West.. 496
Besnlts that sprung from this
reunion 496

XLL

Internal Hlstorjr. — Fall of tKe
'Weatern Bmplre.— Cbrlattanltjr.

The Weetem empire 496

The imperial government 496

The barbariana 487

Dismemberment of the empire, 497

Tlie fkll of the empire 497

The canse 497

The barbarians overran and set-
tle Italy and the provinces. . . . 497
Character of the barbarians.... 486

Their oivUization 498

Chivalry 498

Bomance 489

TbeBomaocelangnages 488

Their origin 488

PhUoBophy and religion COO

Greek philosophy 500

Bsstem forms of wonhip 600

Process of elimination fiOO

The resnlt of the comparison of

religions 500

San-worship 500

Paganism 500

Its revival 500

Christianity 501

Fersecationof theChriBtians... 601

Its canse 501

Christianity triumphs 501

Bflorts to harmonixe Paganism

and Christianity 501

The dMitfaB (note) 601

The Christian charchea (note).. 601
Bnnday and Sabbath (not^ .... 508

LIST OF ROMAN PROVINCES IN A.D. 117. xxix

(AoooBsoro TO Mabquab]>t.)— FMf Map, pp. 40M.

4.
k

IL
%.

m.
u.
u.
la.

n. R<

ILPAjn
lt.PAni

lOlIUii

:::[

M.litarD

IL TtouoA

i)Mc^il«fM<fiMk

K.C.M1

■LdfT.

imiikrB.aflf

&C. 1»<

te B.C.
toPio-
A.DI.1T.
AJ>.1T.
A.D. IT.
A.D. U.
UadwNaM.
IbM

AJXtt.

B.aM.

B.C. ».

A.I>. 10} «vUad

BilwMB B.G. MT
•M1B.C. St.

B.C »; dlt1d«d
DoalliaB..

A.D. i«r
AJ>.4S..

B.ai4l.

B.C. m. (Atim

oltod witk Mm*-
)

Admim

!• B.C. fT iBf*-
rial}dM«B.a
M8«aloikL

B.C.

lllBpwkL

Iiap«tU.

Imparial.

IhMlotfal (from TV
beriMlo CImuUim
ImpMia).

(A.D.
1».|4 Imparlil).

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». Ftevtoi

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101. Libya i^triar.
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Introduotiom".

I. The Oeoobapht of Italy.

1. Italy in Early Times.— The history of Rome, like thai
of her great riyal, Carthage, is the history of a single city.
This city was at first small and insignificant, but in the course
of time it extended its dominion not only over Italy, but over
the chief countries around Ahe Mediterranean Sea. During all
this time, however. Borne remained the centre of the empire,
and refused to extend her constitution to the conquered peoples
until a terrible war ' compelled her to grant the rights of citi-
xenship to the whole of Italy.' Henceforth Italy, like Rome,
was under the authority of the ordinary Roman magistrates,
and the citiaens, on going to Rome, had a right to vote in the
popular assemblies and to take part in the government of the
state. It will be well, then, before beginning the history of the
city itself, briefly to describe Italy and the several districts into
which it was divided.

2. The Diidaions of Italy. — Italy, the central one of the
three peninsulas of Southern Europe, is bounded on the north
by the Alps, on the east by the Adriatic Sea, and on the south
and west by the Mediterranean and Tuscan seas. The country
may be conveniently divided into Northern, Central, and
Southern Italy.

3. Vorthem Italy.— Northern Italy is watered by the Po
(Pcuius) and its numerous tributaries, and embraces tne coun-
try between the Alp and the Apennines. The names of the
districts into which Northern Italy was in ancient times di-
vided may for the sake of convenience be enumerated, although
all of this great plain, which we now call Lombardy, was not
regarded, at the time Rome was founded,' as a part of Italy.'
The names of these countries were :

'Seep. as. "B.O. 7B8.

* Hie word HaRa embneed at lint only the soalbern put of the penlnfmla (nee col'
oied map No. 1). but after the conquest of Soathern Italy oy the Romans the name was
aisled to the whole peninsula south of the rlyers Amas and ^BhIs (see p. 108), It was
pof iintil a later time (see |>. 867) that the basin of tbp Po became incorpotat^d wHh Italy.

THE 6EOOBAFHY OF ITALY.

1. Liguria, which was situated in the western port of
Northern Italy. Its chief towns were Nic«a (Nice), Asia
{Asiijy Genna (^Oenoa), and Dertona {Tortana),

2. OaUia dsalpiruiy^ which was divided by the riyer Padns
iPo) into Gallia Cispadana and Transpadana, and contained in
^man times many flourishing cities, among which may be
mentioned Au^sta Taurinorum (Turin) , Augusta Pretoria
(Aosta), MedioTanum (Milan), Brixia (Brescia), Cremona, and
Verona.* ^ On the south side of the Padus were Placentia, Par-
ma, Mutina {Modena), Bononia (Bologna), and Bavenna.'

3. Venecia, which was situated in the eastern part of North-
em Italy. Ite chief cities were Patayium {Paatia), Altinum
{AUino), and Aquileja.

4. Central Italy. — Central Italy extended* as far south as
a line drawn from the river Silarus (Sele) to a point just above
the mouth of the river Frento (Foriore), and embraced the
following countries :

1. Btruria was bounded on the north by the Ai)ennines, on
the east by TTmbria and the territory of the Sabines, on the
south by the Tiber, which separated it from Latium, and on
the west by the Tyrrhenian Sea. The important rivers were
the Amus {Arno), the TTmbro, and the Clanis, a tributary of
the Tiber. The £truscan state consisted of a confederacy of
twelve great cities, the most important of which were Tarqumii,
Pernsia (Perugia), Clusium ((Tlnusi), Volaterrse, Cortona,
Arretium, Caere near Mt. Soracte, and Veji on the riyer
Cremera^ about twelve miles from Home.

2. Latium embraced at first only the narrow strip of land
between the Alban hills, the river Numicus, and the Tiber,* but
it was gradually extended to the south and west, until, after the
conquest of the JBquians, the Hemicans, the Volscians, and the
Aumncans, it comprised all the country as far as the river
Liris.* The Latins' were united in a le^ue of thirty cities, at
the head of which was Alba Longa. The chief towns were
Rome, Alba, Tibur (TivoK), Gabii, Tusculum, Praeneste, and
Corioli.

* It is oiled dnlpliia becanee on Uiis (the Italian) side of tbe Alps, in distinction
from Transalpine Gaol {FYance)\ Gailia Cispadana, i. «., Gaul on tliis (the Boman) side
of thePo.

* Interesting on aoconnt of the remains of an amphitheatre, which are in a good
state of preservation.

* These towns were mostly Boman colonies. While the oonntry remained in the
possession of the Ganls it was almost wholly without cities.

* See colored map Ko. 1.

* La^tum Veiutj or ancient Latium. See map, p. 4.

' Latium adftetum^ or Latium after the territory of these tribes was added to it.
' LatM JVM. For a lUt of the thirty Latin cities see map, p. 9L

THE OEOGBAPHT OF ITALY.

3. Oampania extended along the coast from the river Liris on
the north to the Silarus on the south, and was bounded on the
south and east by Samniam and Lucania. The soil was ex-
ceedingly fertile,^ the landscape beautiful^ the climate mild,
and the harbors excellent. The numerous thermal springs in
the neighborhood of Bajas * {Baja\ Puteoli ^ (PozzuoK)^ and
Neapolis (Naples), gaye it an additional attraction to the
wealthy classes^ who crowded its shores with their villaa.
Capua, the capital, was situated in the midst of a plain of great
fertility and beauty.^

4* Umbria extended along the Adriatic from the riyer Ru-
bicon to the riyer ^sis, and was separated from Etmria by the

* Henoe called OomptmiafBHx.

* Hoiaoe (Bp. !., 85) eays: "Nothing in the worid can be compared with the lovely
hay of BaJ«. Of the nameroas hatha and vIllaB, whose foundations were often thrown
far into the eea. nothing bat mere fragments remain.

* The pozzolana earth from which a cement is mannfadnred derives its name from
FozBuoli. Pnteoli was at one time the chief commercial city in Italy, and the principal
depot for the vast traffic with the East. As many as 10,000 slaves were sometimes
landed here in one day ; aee map. p. n.

* It was within the borders of Oampania that Fompeji and Hercnlanenm were situ-
ated. Tliese cities were boried in a. d. 79 ander a dense bed of ashes and cinders,
p. 466.

THE GBOGBAPHY OF ITALY.

l%er, and on the soath and east from the Sabines by the river
Nar. This fertile district had been in early times conquered
by the Oaols, and was therefore called by the Bomans the
Oallic territory.^ Among the namerous cities were AriTninnm
{Rimint)^ Sena Gallica {S%ntgaglia)y Sarsina» Sentinum, and
N^mia (JVamt).

5. Picenum extended along the Adriatic from the riyer
JBoA to the Matrinus {^La Piomba), which separated it from
the country of the Vestmi. In the interior the hills were cov-
ered with extensive forests, while the slopes alon^ the sea pro-
dnoed an abundance of apples, olives, com, and wine. The
towns were Ancona, Hatria, Asculum, and Firmnm.

6. The Sabini inhabited the country from the sources of the
Nar on the north, to the Tiber and Anio on the south. They
were one of the most ancient races in Italy, aud when fiist
known lived in the neighborhood of Amitemum, whence they
^read to the south and became the progenitors of the Mar-
sians, Marrucinians, PsBlignians, Vestinians, and Frentanians, all

of whom, including even the Sabines, are comprised under the
general name of Sabelliana At a later time' the Sabines
proper, under the name of Samnites, spread to the south, and
mixing with the Oscans, ^ave themselves also the name of
Sabellians, a name under which modem writers have compre-
hended the Sabines and all the various races descended from
them.* The Sabellians then may be regarded as the genuine
Italians, for they and the various tribes that sprang from them
spread over Italy aild caused their language and customs to
prevail over the others. The Sabines were a hardy and indus-
trious race, chiefly engaged in agriculture. Their country,
though densely ponulated, had but few cities, among which
were Amitemum, Keate, and Nursia.

7. Samnium was properly the name of the district bounded
on the north by the Marsians, Padlignians, and Frentanians,
on the east by Apulia, on the south by Lucania, and on the
west by Oampania and Latium. The capital was Bovianum.
The inhabitants were the most warlike people in Italy, and, as
the most powerful member of the Sabeltian races, carried on a
long war with Borne for the dominion of Italy.

5. Soutiiern Italy. — Southern Italy included Lucania and
Bruttinm on the west, and Apulia and Calabria on the east
1. Lucania ^ extended from Campania, Samnium, and Apu-

* Aaer CkMew. * Since b. o. 4D0. * Bee colored map No. 1.

* Tbi« ooontry ww called by the Qreeks Oenotria.

6 THE GEOGRAPHY OF ITALY.

lia on the north to the river Laus on the souths and on the
Gulf of Tarentum from Apulia to Thurii. The chief Greek
cities were Posidonia,^ Thurii^ and Heraclca.

2. TliB Land of the Bruttii^ was in the southern extremity
of Italy, and was bounded on the north by Lucania, and on the
other sides by the sea. The important cities were Petelia (Stron-
goK), Croton {Orotona), Locri, Rhegium (lieggio), Medma.

3. Apulia included the whole of the southwestern part of
Italy, or the three districts inhabited by the Dauni, Feucetii,
and MessapiL The Romans, however, generally confined the
name to the country bounded on the north by the Frentani,
on the west and east by the Apennines and the Adriatic Sea,
and on the south by a line drawn from a point a little north
of Tarentum to the eastern coast The important towns were
Lnceria^ Arpi, Asculum, Venusia> Ganusium, and GaunsB.

4. Oaldbria was called by the Greeks Messapia, lapygia, or
Salentina^ and was sometimes reckoned a part of Apulia ; but
the Romans confined the name to the southern extremity of
Apulia, or to what is sometimes called the ^^ heel '' of Italy. In
the middle ages the name was applied also to the land of the
Bruttii. The towns were Brundisium {BHndisi)^ Hydrun-
tum (Otranio), and Tarentum {Taranto). At a yery early
time the Greeks founded in Southern It^y numerous cities,
which became so powerful and wealthy that the whole coun-
try was called Magna Grsdcia, or Oreat itreece, Tarentum soon
became the most flourishing and powerful of these cities, and
carried on an extensive commerce and inland trade that brought
to it great wealth and prosperity. The situation was so delight-
ful and the soil so fertile that even after the decline of the pros-
perity of the city, and its conquest by the Romans,' Horace
called it 'Hhe most smiling comer of the world, where the
spring was long, and Jupiter youchsafed mild winters."^

6. Th6 Mountain System. — The mountains of Italy con-
sist of two chains, the Alps and the Apeunines. The Alps, which
separate Italy from the rest of Europe, were the natural bar-
riers a^nst the barbarous nations on the north and west. The
Apennines, extending from their junction with the maritime
Alps (Col di Tenda) m a southeasterly and southerly direction,
traverse the peninsula its entire lengtu. Oentral and Southern
Italy are thus divided into two parts. In the eastern part the

> The city of Neptane : in b. o. S78 the Bomans foanded the colony of Pnstnm here.

* The name Brnttinm ium been ^ven to thin country by modem geographeri}. The
BomanK called it BruUlMt Affer or BruUiorum Ager.

* See p. 149. « Oann. ii. 6.

! THE GEOOBAPHT OP ITALY.

mountaiiis approach nearer the shore, and lateral ranges branch
off with considerable regularity. Therefore, the rivers, as the
Atemus {Alerno), Frento (Ibrtore), and Aufidns (OfarUo),
' parsaing nearly parallel courses at right angles to the main
chain, are swift, small, and unimporuint. The valleys are
small, and separated as they are, sometimes by naiTow ridges
of moderate elevation, sometimes by rugged ranges of consid-
erable height, must have tended to isolate the inhabitants.
Qaite different is the case in the western pM*t. Here between the
, sea and the mountains is an extensive tract of country consist-
ing of large valleys and fertile plains, watered by the Anio and
Tiber, the two principal rivers of Gential Italy. Both taking
their rise in the highlands of the Abruzzi, where the Apen-
nines reach their greatest height, the one, winding westerly and
then northerly, turns to the west and empties into the Tyrrhe-
nian Sea; the other, breaking through the mountain chain at
Perugia (Perusia), pursues its course in a southerly direction,
bat after receiving the waters of the Nar, turns in a westerly
direction and falk into the Tyrrhenian Sea by two mouths
forming an island sacred to Venus and still callea Isola Sacra.

7. The Campagna. — Here, on the western side, were the
largest and most remarkable of the vallevs of Central and
Southern Italy, the present Campagna and the Campania of the
ancients. The Campagna extends along the coast for about
ninety miles, firom a line drawn from Mt Soracte {Monte 8.
Oresie) to Ostia on the north and to Tarracina in the south.
The northern part of the Campagna is watered by the Tiber,
on whose left bank about eighteen miles from its mouth is sit-
uated the city of Rome. Tne view of the Campagna from the
tower of the Capitol is unsurpassed. To the northwest across
the Tiber lies Mt. Janiculus, and in the distance flows the Ajo,
shut in by the Etruscan hills. To the north rises, like a blue
island in the ^gean Sea, the summit of Soracte, rendered
famous by the poet Horace, while to the eastward, just where
the Anio oreaks througjh the mountains, is Tivoli (Tibur), the
home of the poet, and in the background lie the Sabine Apen-
nines. Here was the home of the Latin race, with their sanc-
tuary on the Alban Mount, and their "Long White City,*'
Alba LongOy skirting its side. Far to the soutnward, over the
line of the Appian Way ^ and the ruins of aqueducts ^ as far as
the eye can reach, extends the bare, desolate plain, with no

^ See p. 119. >8eepp. 112andll&

8 THE GBOGBAPHY OF ITALY.

trees, no human habitation^ untU it sinks into the seai In
ancient times the country was exceedingly rich and densely
populated, and even the romptine marshes (^Pamptintis Ager)
were celebrated for their fertility^ and contained twenty-three
flourishing cities.

8. The River SyBtem.— The riyers of Italy all take their
rise in the Apennines, and all wash down from the mountains
a slime that raises their beds and would spread them over the
adjacent plains if they were not restrained by dikes.^ Most of
the rivers, with the exception of the Tiber and Amus, particu-
larly those on the east, having no great len^h of course, are swol-
len and violent in winter and spring, but in summer are nearly
dry. The Tiber retains at all seasons a considerable body of
water, and is navigable for large ships up to Borne, where it
is about three hunared feet wide, and from twelve to eighteen
feet deep.

9. The Islaiide. — ^The islands about Italy are numerous
and important. Sicily is triangular in shape, and therefore
often called Trinacria; it has no large rivers or lakes, but its
mountain system traverses the island from east to west, the
highest peak of which is i£tna (10,874 ft.). There were many
Carthaginian and Oreek settlements, of which may be men-
tioned Messana, Syracuse, Gela, Agri^entam, Egesta, Panormus,
brides Enna» a native town. Scuxlmia was traversed through
its whole length from north to south by mountains, and had
but few rivers or towns. The capital was Garalis {Cagliari).
The climate was unhealthy, but stul the country was noted for
its abundant harvest of wheat and its rich silver mines. Cor-
sica (Greek rj Kvpvo^) is much more mountainous than Sar-
dinia. The mountain districts afforded excellent pasturage for
sheep, goats, and cattle, and were covered almost throughout
the whole extent with dense forests of fir and pine. The two
Roman colonies were Aleria and Mariana. Of the smaller
islands majr be mentioned Ilva (Elba), Igilium {OigKo), Ca-
presa {Capri), Li{)ara (Lepari), and the ^gatian Islands.

10. The Position of Italy.— The position of Italy in the
Mediterranean, on whose borders most of the civilized nations
of antiquity lived, was peculiarly favorable. Italy possessed a

» Tho Bomans save great attention to aqaeducts (aee p. IIJS), oonstraction of dikes,
and the whole Bubject m irrigation. "It was next nropoeed.** aayn TaeituB, "whether
it wan not expedient, in order to restrain the overflowing of the Tiber, to give a new
course to the rivers and lakes by which it was fed. Upon this qaestion the depotlea
from the several cities were heard. The Flonni tines besoaght that the bed of tbie
Olania might not be tamed into the Amus, for that would prove their ruin."

TH£ EARLY IKHABITAIHS. 9

jEertile 8o3 and a delightful climate, tempered by the Apennines
and the sesy and ita rich allnyial plains on the west were well
salted to acriculture, while the grassy mountain-slopes and
highlandfl of the east afforded excellent pasturage for the rais-
ing of cattle. The long extent of sea-coast gave it a favorable
positioii for trade and intercourse with the peoples of the M^-
iterranean. Still it was not, like Oreece, Droken up by bays
and arms of the sea, nor had it so many islands around about
it» which made the Greeks a seafaring people. >, -

II. The Eablt iNHABrrAKTS.

L The Races in Italy.— Central and Southern Italy were
inhabited from the earliest times to which our knowledge ex-
tends by three races. These were the lapygians, the Italians,
and the Mruscans.

2. The lapygians. — The lapvgians were found in that
part of Southern Italy which the Greeks called Messapia and
which the Bomans called Calabria. Their language has been

E reserved in the Messapian inscriptions^* and has been found to
e more nearly related to the Greek than to the other languages
of It^. This suggests the probability that they emigrated
from Cfreece to Italy rather than that they were the first of the
various races to enter Italy from the norths and were after-
wards prised to the south by other tribes that entered later.

3. ThB Italians Proper.— The Italians > entered Italy
later than the lapygians, and occupied in historical times nearly
tiie whole of Central Italy. They were of the same common
stock as the Hellenes, both belonging to the Indo-European '
family. They both wandered westward from the highlands in

•Hie inacriptioiis were dlacovered in Che Terra di Otranto, and have been edited by

* The term Italian or ** Italic " is used to designate the raoes that chiefly peopled the
Italy of the Bomans.

■ Philologists bare designated the table-land where the Indos, Oxos, and Jaxartcs

livefs Cake their rise— the Bactrlan plateao— «s the place whence the different races

wete dispersed. The first which left the common centre settled in Phceiilcla, Egypt,

isd Biblopfa. This race has been called Turanian. The next settled in the country

extesdiiv fhHO the Mediterranean Sea beyond the Tigris ; to this race the name Semitic

bat been giTen. The last race that left the common centre emigrated to the sooth,

otMsed the Hlndo Koosh mountains, and entered India, subjugating the earlier Tura-

■te tribes, and advancing woKt over most of Europe, became the progenitors of the

Cheeks, Romans, Persians, and the Teutonic tribes. This race has been called IncUhEuro-

pem^ becaase different branches of it settled in India and Europe, or Indo-Oermanlc,

brcnse the Germans have been the foremost to Investigate its affinitieH. The name

Amn Is BOW, particalarly by German philologists, applied to one class of the great

lado-lofopean stock. The following diagram shows the order (according to Schleicher)

la wUeh taelttdo-Biiropeaii race branchw :

10 THE EARLY INHABITANTS.

the western part of Central Asia» the Hellenes passing from Asia
Minor ^ to Greece, while the Italians, pushing further west,
crossed the Apennines into Italy. The Italian race was divided
into two chief hranche^ the Latin and the Umbro-SabeUian, The
Latins occupied the central and southern parts of the peninsula
west of the Apennines, t. «., Latinm, Oampania, Lucania, and
Bruttium. The Latins came in contact nrst with the Greeks
in Campania, and received from them the name of Opici (Osci),
a name which the Bomans gave to those Samnites who after-
wai'ds overran Campania. The SictUi (early pressed to the
south, and finally crossing to the island of Sicily), as well as
the AusoiMs? sprang from the Latin race. These races came
in contact at an earfy time with the Greek colonies in Southern
Italy, and either completely yielded to their superior civiliza-
tion or were so &r weakened that they could offer hut little
resistance to the Samnites.

4. Umbro-SabaUiaiis. — The Umhrians entered Italy later
than the Latins, and settled at first in Etrnria. They were after-
wards pressed to the east hy later incomers, whence they spread
over the whole of the eastern part of the peninsula, under the
name of Sabinif Samnites, and Picentes, or SabellianSf a general
appellation for the Sabines and all the races or tribes that have
derived their origin from them. These SabeUian tribes de-
scended from the mountains like streams that flood and fertilize

FMtBtSpMdi

Theso moyementa took place before the dtwn of history. The earliest literary remaiiis
are found In the Indo-Persian or Aryan branch, not far from two thousand years before
Christ. It was formerly supposed that the Italic branch had a more Intimate relation
with the HeUenic than any otner, because their ancestors lived long together, in what is
called the Qneco-Italic time; but later researehos have proved thai the Italic and Celtic
branches were the last to begin an independent history.

1 Or the valley of the Danube. ■ See colored map No. 1.

THB BABLY IKHABITAirrS. 11

the TaUeyB. The Latins^ who settled near the Tiber, belonged
to the oldest of these successive migrations. Then came the
Sabines, the iEqnians, the Hemicans, the Volscians, who
pressed hard on the Latins, hemming them in on the east and
sonthy so that they were confined to the small district between
the Tiber and the ^nrs of the Apennines on the north and
east, and by the Alban hills on the south. This plain, the
home of the Latin race, was a district^ of about 700 square
miles, and was watered by the Tiber and the Anio.

5. The ZStruscaxui. — The Etruscans* entered Etruria from
the north and either pressed the Umbrians who were already
in possession of the country, and to whose further migration
southward the Latins of Latium set a limit, to the east or
subdued them. It was this conquered people probably that was
called Tusci, and to them the Rasennse owed their great ad-
vance in civilization. The EasennaB assumed the name of the
people whom they had enslaved and absorbed, and the whole
were known as Tusci or Etrusci. They were a powerful people,
extending from the Alps over the western part of Italy as far
south as the Tiber. They were driven from the plains of the
Po by the Gauls, and were finally subdued by the Romans.
At an early period they carried on navigation, trade, and
manufactures, which called cities into existence in Etruria ear-
Uer than elsewhere in Italy. These cities were united in a
league consisting of twelve communities, which recognized a
metropolis especially for purposes of worship ; yet these con-
fe derations, still more than the Italian leagues, were deficient
in a firm and powerful central authority.

6L Their Civilization. — The Etruscans were especially
noted for their numtime ascendency, and they succeeded in
founding towns on the Latin and Campanian coasts. Their
religion was a gloomy and tiresome mysticism, delighting in
wild and horrible rites. The Etruscans borrowed tneir arts
from the Greeks, and the remains which exist (particularly at
Perugia) of temples, roads, dikes, as well as the castings in
bronze* {Ttisca7ia dgna), figures in terra-cotta,* golden chains
and bracelets, and other ornaments that have been found in
the tombs, all attest that the Etruscans produced massive and

* See map, p. 04, for the extent of thin territory {ag«r Romanus).

* Tbej called tbeniMlyes Kasennse; ihej were named hj the Greeks Tyrrhenlf and by
the Latins, Tasei or Btnisci.

* The orator and eMmcera in the Stmscan Hasenm at Florence ; one found on Lake
TTanfmene, the other at Areszo.

* In the Mn^eo Gre^oriano in the Vatican are 8arcophagf of term-cotta, va^es and
brnnxets, mostly found at Ohiotii, at Volterra, and at Corneto near TarquiulL

13 THE EABLT IKHABITAlSnB.

rich workmanship; yet their works are inferior to those of the
Latins and Sabellians in appropriateness and utility, no less
than in spirit and beauty. The influence of Etruria on Latium,
and particularly on Borne, has been very much over-estimated ;
while, on the contrary, too little weight has been laid upon the
immediate contact with Bome of the original (Umbrians) Tus-
cans, produced by their bein^ pressed to the borders of Latium
b;^ the Basennse. The origm of the Etruscans (Basenns) is
«till a matter of controyersy, but they are by many of the best
authorities assigned to the Indo-European &mily.

7. The XTnity of the Races in Italy. — fVom this brief
sketch of the different races that inhabited Italy, we learn that^
in spite of many diversities, they all belonged to one and the
same great family whose home was in the western part of Cen-
tral .^ia. We are unable to fix definitely the time when they
left their home or when they entered Italy. There is no doubt,
however, that it took many years for them to wander from
Asia to Europe, and that their arrival in ^ Italy was very gradual
and extended over a long period of time.

RACES IN ITALY.
Indo-Bubopbah

Iaptgiah Grsek Italian Cbltio Btbubcam

LATIN Uubbo-Sabsluav

SlOUU A17SORX8

T TmnwAW PlOBHTBB SabMUAAK

Sabehss

BAMKma

(OSCAM)

HaB8I VouBd Mqpi Hbknici Rutuu Pjmjoin PsKflTATO

* |t may be assigned to about B.O. 9000.

History of Eome.

The Foundation of Bomb.

L The PrimitiTe CirTilisation of iha Latins.— With this
brief introductory sketch of the geography of Italy, and of the
different races that inhabited it, we now turn to the Latins as
historically the most important, and as the race with which onr
history has particularly to do. The degree of civilization and
the tecial condition that the Latins had attained on their en-
trance into Italy are questions of much importance, because, in
the absence of all written records,^ the answer gives us a starting
point for our history. This information, combined with what
we know of their social and political condition at a later time,
enables us to derive a tolerably correct idea of how their insti-
tutions were formed. A careful study of the worcls of their
language has given the starting point for these researches.'
Pursuing this investigation, we learn that the Latins be-
fore they entered Italy, had learned the elements of agri-
culture, how to manage the plow, sow the seed, cultivate the
vine, and press out the oil from the olive. With the knowl-
edge of agriculture arose the necessity, tot a time at least, for
a fixed habitation and the domestic hearth. Hence the basis
of the family was formed and the elements of religion devel-
oped. That the habitation was not permanently fixed was
owing to the pressure of later migrations and the contests with

* Hie wbole taistcfry from the foandlnffof Borne in b. o. 768 down to b. o. 800, when
■11 ttie written xecoids were barnt bj the Gkkols, Is not derived from contemporary wit-
MsKBybot was oompoeed at a later date. Some of the Boman hiBtorlann, therefore,
begaa their narrative at b. c. 800, instead of at the foundation of the city. What little
we do know of the eariy hintory lis mainly derived from inference.

* If these words are ementially the same in both Latin and Greek, it is pretty certain
that Uie Latins and Greeks, before their neparation in what is called the Gneco-Itallan
time, were acquainted with the objects tliat these words represent; e. ff., Gr. ao^of and
LaL domot, hm$M ; opdrpor, ora^rum, plow ; x<>ptoc, hortWy garden ; iypAt, offer, a JMd,
«to.*, beoice, tbo h<yOMy the plow, etc, were nearly the same among both peoples.

14 THE POUKDATIOK OP BOMK.

other tribes. Hence the knowledge of war^ and the use of the
fipear^ the bow^ and the war chariot.

2. The Latins in Italy. — The basis of the social constitu-
tion of the Latins was the households, which either by ties of
blood or nearness of locality were united to form clans, the
dwellings forming the clan-yiUages.^ These villages, although
each bad its own local government, were not regarded as inde-
pendent, but as forming parts of a larger community, the can-
ton.^ Each canton had a local centre,* which was situated on
some hill-top and was strongly fortified, where the markets were
held, games celebrated, justice administered, and religious rites
observed. The foundation of this clan-constitution was already
laid when the Latins entered Italy and settled on the slopes of
the Alban hills. Here, where the position was secure and the
springs fresh, the oldest Latin towns,^ such as Alba, Lanuvium,
Tibur, Prsdneste, Gabii, and Borne, were founded. How many
cantons there were originally in Latium, it is impossible to
tell ; tradition mentions thirty as forming the famous Latin
league, at the head of which was Alba Longa, ^ the long white
oity,^ the oldest and most eminent of the Latin cantons.

3. Roma a Latin Settlement. — Among the Latin cantons
the Roman, or at least its capital, Rome, was destined to be
the most eminent. On one of the isolated hills on the left
bank of the Tiber, about eighteen miles from its mouth, settled
a tribe of Latins called Rarnnes or Romans. The Romans had
their stronghold on the Palatine hill, and this was the founda-
tion of Rome. Its territory extended at that time little more
than five miles to the east and south, while it embraced the
suburbs of the hill Janiculus on the right bank, and the whole
course of the Tiber down to its mouth.* The right of trade,*
and the home which it offered to adventurers,^ combined with
its favorable situation, account in a measure for the rapid
growth of the city. Standing as it did on the Latin bank of
the Tiber, three miles below its confluence with the Anio, it
seemed admirably adapted to be the emporium of Latium. •

* VM or pagi. * CivUag, or popului, * Called eapUoUum, or " beight^^

* See map, p. 4. "See map, p. 94. •Jut commerm. * Jut exfiii.

THE FOUNDATtOK 07 &0M1S. 15

4. The Palatine City.— The original city occupied only
the Palatine hiU, from the shape of which it derived its
name of '^ Square Borne ^' or Bama Quadrata. From the very
first the dty, according to the custom of the Latins^ was en-
compassed by a ring-wall ^ and the sacred belt of the pomepum,^
which conld be extended only by those whose yictories had
enlarged the Roman territories. Under the protection of the
stronghold on the Palatine, suburbs grew up, forming almost
&om the first a city of seven hills,* within and distinct from the
more famous seven hills of historic Borne. The Palatine city,
even in its first beginning, was increased in power by its union
with a Sabine canton.

5. Sabine City. — On the Quirinal hill, which lay entirely
beyond the bounds assigned to the circuit of Borne, was an
independent city of Sabine origin. We have already learned
that the Latins and Sabines were nearly related, and that the
latter, issuing from their mountain home, had hemmed the
Latins in on the east and south. A body of these bold adven-
turers had settled on the Quirinal, and after coming in contact
with the Bomans, had finally gained possession of their strong-
hold on the Gapitoline. This compelled the Bomans to form an
alliance {/oedus) with the Sabine city, by which the two races
were united and both helped to form the Boman state. After
their union the people were divided into two divisions or tribes,
Bamnes and Tities, as they were called, and each tribe was
divided again into ten curim or wards; and as the curia formed
the basis of the union, the people were called Quirite8> Their
common place of meeting was in the comitium, between the
Palatine and Quirinal hills. Tradition relates that the rule
was to choose the king in turn from the Bomans of the Pala-
tine and the Sabines of the Quirinal

6. The Union of the Romans and Sabines.— By the
incorporation of the Sabine city, a conservative element was

* 'ntt recent excsvBtioDS taAve tm>iig1it to light portions of the ori^nal wall In Ave
diHerent ptaoes, enough to tnu» ite situation wlUi considerable precieion. Of the three
gatee which penetrated the wall, the aites of bat two have been found, B>rta Muffionis
and Borta Somana. ' See colored map No. S.

* Paladnns, Germalos, Velia, Faeatal, OppliiB, CeftpluB, Sabma.

* By pome the word Qalritee is derived from quirw^ a epear. Qalrltee and corla are
prob*hty from the eame root, $ku^ cover ; cf . xuptov mr^Ma, eungre with A. 8. Ad«, hooso.

THH roCKDATION OF BOKB. 17

seven hills now seemed inadeqaate for the defence of the capital
of Lattnm, and hence vas oonstrncted the fortifioation ascribed
to Serrine Tnllias, which enclosed not only the Palatine and
Qnirinal, bat also the heights of the Avendne, Oapitoline, Es-
qniline, Yiminal, and Ctelian hills, with a great ring-Tall.'
After the city had been protected from foreign foes, the neoes-
Eitr for internal improvement became more apparent. Hence
the daactt? or sewer, was constrncted for draininf^ the manhy
ralleyi between the Palatine and Gapitoline hills down to the
Tiber. Here in this valley was located the eomitium, the
aasembling place of the people, and in the oomitium were the
tribunal or jndgment-seat, and the rottra {vttera) from which
the {leople were addreseed. The prolongation of the eomitivm
towards the south
and east formed
the forum, which
afterwards became
the centre of the
civil and political
Ufe of Borne. The
forum was cat
by streets, the
most important of
which was the via
taara^ or Sacred
Way, ascending
the declivity' of the Capitoline hill to the capitol, and along its
Bidea were batchers' shops and traders' atalla* On the north

' ne w>U ta oompaMd to hare bMn aTicmt Kmn mlln In efmnnfervnee ; ramalna of
Uantoandon tbeAtcfiUneandBsqnUlDe; Me onlnred map Nn. S.

■TlwdOacanwdBuiiacnitobenen onder (he plitform nf the SotUfes ABa, and
empds Into Um liber MU the Umpla of V«etk. Sereral caiiaUcOba,ortrn>ot>rjdialiH,
b»Te been menUr dlwoTend.

• "Ote roram Telabnun and Tonun Boarlnni.

* Ite eoorae of the via aocro haa not rat been ■allrhetorllr detcnntiwd. It nroliablT
oOmA I^Jirmii at tiM temple of AntonlnOK and Fanxtina. and amtLnaeil on ih« north
Elda et IkB fonm to a pe^t a Utile befond tbe temple af Jnlloi demr, then turned
dliwilj aonth toward tbe temple of CaiLtor and Pollai, and then Innied u right idifIio
rvonlngaloDxtbe front of (baBvilluJuJii. When the a n:h or 19. SevvrTin hsk erncK-d,
ilK>ia«era wutHubafal/GonUnui-dilung the aonbeni side of Iho tonm; this, huw-
mr, canHM be detennined inlll the forum le ciavaied between the temple of Jnltiu
Cnar and ttie aich of fl. Serenu. ■ CUeui CapitoUmi:

18 THB POtTKDATtOK OF ROMS.

side of the forum was the senate bouse, called from the builder
curia JSostilia, On the south side, beneath the Palatine hill,
rose the temple of Vesta with its eternal fire, and the regia or
the official dwelling house of the king.^

9. Ghrowth of Rome. — In the valley between the Pala-
tine and Aventine hills ^ a space was set aside for the circus,*
where games, chariot-racing and boxing were celebrated once
every year in honor of the three gods to whom the capitol was
built. Temples and sanctuaries arose on the other summits, as
the temple of Diana, the representative of the Latin confed-
eracy on the Aventine, and above all, on the summit of the
Gapitoline, the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus,^ dedicated to the
three great gods of the Latin and Sabine races, Jupiter, Juno,
and Minerva, y

^ n ♦ ■■

The Eablt Government of Eohb.

1. The Form of Gtovemment. — The government of the
people of these three cantons at this early time was very simple.
It was modeled on that of the Roman household, in which the
father' ruled over all its members and descendants with absolute
authority.* As the union of several households formed the
clan^^ so the union of several clans formed the tribe.^ After
the admission of the Sabines * and the Albans ^ into the com-
munity on a footing of equality, the number of tribes or parts

1 The other bnlldlns attiibated to this period, remains of which etiU exist, is Caroer
Mofnerdntu^ or prison, roilt oTer the well, or Timanum,

* VaUisMurxia,

* This was the dreut tnaximuSf tnd the beginning of the great Boman gHues {huU
tnaximi Bontani),

* The exact location of this temple has been in modem times a matter of dispute ;
the Italian topographers placing it on the northern summit, which is now occapled by
the church and monastery of .Aracoeli, and the arz with the temple of Juno Honeta on
the southwestern point of the liill. German scholars have reversed this order. The
recent excavations for the new German Archeolocical building and inscriptions discov-
ered by Dr. Henaen have set this question at rest, fixing the site of the temple definitely
on the southwestom summit near where the CalEarelll palace i& See p. 87.

* PaUrfamUias. * Pairiapote$tas. ' &«n«, or house.

* That is, part {trVum) of the whole community. This division had reference prima-
rily to the people, but it was also applied to their lands so far as they were divided. As
the curies were made up of the gentu (theoretically ten in each cwid^^ there is not much
doubt that ihe curies had their own lands. This division into curies liad a relkrfous
as well as a political significance. The two peoples met and voted by curies for jnaidal
purposes, and the levies and valuations were made by curies. Bach curia was under the
charge of a special warden {curio), and had a priest of Its own {JUunen ettriaiU), See
p.81. "Seep.B. '"Seep^lfi.

TITB SARLT GOVBENTMBKr OF ROME. 19

of the commnnity, was increased to three, named respectiyely
RamneSf Tities, and Luceresyeeuoh of which was divided into ten
curuBy or wardships, and each curia into ten houses or gentes.

2. The King.— ^o rule this enlarged fiunily or household
of the Boman state, there was selected one from its own ranks,
caUed the king;^ who ruled for life and exercised the same
unlimited authority over the community that the father exer-
cised in the household. The king possessed the supreme civil'
and military * power ; that is, he commanded the army, admin-
istered justice, and presided whenever he summoned the whole
community^ or the heads of the different clans'' to consult
them concerning any measure of puhlic policy. He was also the
high-priest of the nation, for he alone could mediate between the
gods and the people, and perform the sacrifices for the state.

3. The Senate. — Just as the father of a household could
call the different members of the same clan together in case of
need for consultation, so the king, in matters pertaining to
the interest of all the clans collectively, or that of the whole
community, selected the clan-elders, or heads of the most
influential families* to form a state council, called the senate^
or " council of elders " The senate consisted of three hundred
members, because it was intended that each of the three
hundiied houses composing the community should be repre-
sented in the senate. The senators held their seats for lif«, and
in case of death the king filled the vacancy. The senate was
merely a consultative body, free to give advice, but with no
means to enforce its acceptance.

4. The Comitia Curiata.— The king could summons the
members" of the different families that formed the state to a
popular assembly called comitia ciiriata, to decide such matters
of general importance as he chose to lay before them, The king
f^resided, and the voting was done by curim^ that is, there were
thirty votes, as the members of each curia formed one vote. This

* Bob, leader, or dietatoTt eommander, or fnagieier popuH, mcuUr <tf the people.

* Beffia poleaUu. * Begivm imperi%an.

* Cbmitia curiatay I. «., tbe heads of the flimille» and their grown-ap sons.

* Begium concUlium,

■ The munber In the senate corresponded to the nnmber of clans. * Senahu.

* FiUreefon^fkas pairkiarum genaum et JUiifaimiUiaSt i. e.^ the chiefs of the fkmilies
and their sons.

iO TfiB tkSLLi <^6TEBKHEKT OF BOMlL

assembly confirmed the election of the king,^ the declaration of
war or peace, enacted laws, and, when the king allowed^ judged
all matters pertaining to the life or privileges of the people.

5. The Anny. — In case of war each tribe famished for the
common defence 1000 foot-soldiers and 100 horsemen or equites,
each under the command of an officer called the tribune. The
quota from the three tribes, the 3000 foot-soldiers and the 300
horsemen, formed the army or legion.

6. The Patricians. — ^The members of those families form-
ing the state, exercised exclu8i?ely all the political power and
enjoyed all the honors. They sdone rendered service in the
army and constituted the people or populus? They guarded
their privileges with great jealousy ; and that these might be
enjoyed by them and their descendants alone^ they denied to all
foreigners the right of intermarriage.' When any member ot
one of these clans concluded a marriage in the usual form, the
children received the same rights that their fiEither enjoyed^ and
hence they were called ^'fathers' children,'' or patricians.^ All
others were not regarded as members of the community, and
were entirely destitute of political rights.

7. Clients. — By the side of the patricians there existed an
inferior class, the clients, to whom the patricians stood in the
relation of patron.* They were probably prisoners of war,
subject not as the plebeians were to the state, but to the dif-
ferent heads* of the great patrician houses, whose lands they
cultivated, or under whose protection they carried on trade. It

^ It wu to the heads of all the families^ the patrea^ and not to the few reiiresented in
the Moate, to which the fall power {9umma pois$tiu) returned in cai«e the king died. Ail
the headn of ftimiKes (patrujamUku pattieiarum Qentkum) aM«mbIed on the death of the
king in a coandl {eoncUWm patrum) and choee from their nomber a temporary king im-
terrex) for five dayn, and be nominated hi8 Boocemor. To the neeond intirrfx or hirt sne-
oeworv bek)nged the da^ of nominating a king for life. Thie new king mni<>t. ho^verer,
before being installed in oflloe, receive "the authority from the fatherH'* {jxt/rum
auctoHtas) to oonroke the eomUia curiata, i. «., the body of patriciann before woich be
laid for their approral the lex curiala de ifnpeHo, by which the people «. €., the fiathere and
their grown-ap eonft) delegated to him the power to command the army, impone taza^
(tribtOum) or fines {muita dicOo), and decide abeolutely in regard to the life or death (Jum
vIUe nedsqw) of a member of the communltv. Bf some aothoritiefl the right of electing
the king Is assigned to the senators, i. «., to those heads of the families represented in the
senate, Instead of to the heads of all the families assembled in a council. Hommaen.
who thinks that plebeian famillA were represented in the senate, assigns the election or
the Idng to the patridan part of the senate. The yfew presented in the text accords with
the traaition, and seems more satisfactory, because tne full power ought to return, on
the death of the king, to tlie lieads of all the families, and not to those who happtted to
be remsented in the senate. See p. fiO, n. S.

■ Tiiey were called /Y^puft Somanl QuMUi, bat In their drll capacity simply Ovi-
rUst. > Jw cofintfMi. • FutridL * liitnmu, • Fa£hfs famiSas.

tHB SARLY CK)VfiRNlCEKt 09 KOMS. 31

was the duty of the patron to protect the public and private
interests of his clients, and they in turn were obliged to aid
and support in every way the patrician to whom they were
bound.

8. Slaves. — There were also the slaves,^ who had no per-
sonal and political rights^ but were the mere property of their
masters, and could be bought and sold at pleasure.

9. Plebeians. — ^In addition to these three classes, there
gradually grew up another class, the plebeians,' as they wer6
called, from not being, like the patricians, members of the
curim. This class was composed of the former inhabitants of
conquered towns,' — ^particularly the members of the Latin
communities and the Tusci in Etruria, who sought protection
m Bome from the victorious Rasennae,^ — ^and of others who had
fled to Bome for refuge.' They were personally free, could
acquire and bequeath property and engage in trade, but were
entirely without political rights.

10. The Refonn of Tax^niziias Friscns. — In consequence
of the rapid growth of territory and the removing of large
masses of population to Bome, the plebeians constantly in-
creased in numbers and soon demanded a share in the political
privileges of the state. This demand was met first by the
refonn which tradition attributes to Tarquinius Prisons.' The
reform was brought about by inserting into the existing tribes
and curuB the most important plebeian families,'^ not on a
footing of equality, but in the subordinate relation of the
second Banmes, Tities and Luceres. The king, by virtue of
his power to fill up the senate,' added a number of new mem-

> Arvi. • Mebf, muUUvde. * Peregrini d^ditieU. * Vlnu Tutiem. • Trantfugct.

* Tbe king widied to Inoorporate the plebeians with the state by addinc three new
tribes ; bat as erery cbaage In tbe oonstltation raofit receive the eanption oi the pcU^res
{putrum auttorUat) Intbeir assembly by curia {ooneUlum euriatum^ and this mast be
ntifled by the whole people (hunts pomtU) in tne oomUUi eurkUa, he was anable to
aooompltsh it. This opposidon tradiflon lias ezpreHsed in the story of the Sabine

diataly 41^ tbe stone in two. In oonseqaence of this miracle the king gave up hit* denfgn.
'neknilbSBd the stone were buried in the fonim, and a statae of Attos Navios was
eneted ttare to commemorate the miracle he had wrought.
' Ooapiatio, ' LecUo getuUrn.

22 TOE SAttLT QOVERimSNT OP &OHE.

' — - -- ' ■ —

bers^ Cd31ei pcUres mifiorum gerUium, to distinguish them from
the old senators who were termed patres majorum gentium*
The number of equites was increased to six hondred.

U. The Reform of Servins Tnllins. — The reform began
by Tarquinius is said to have been carried out by his successor,
Servius Tullius. His object was to incorporate the whole body
of plebeians with the state. This he did by a new division
of the people, in which he assigned to -property the influence
which formerly belonged to birth. The reform was based on
the principle that taxes ^ and military service should deyolve
upon the freeholders* or the wealthy,' whether they were
patricians or plebeians. He divided the whole Roman terri*
tory into four tribes, and the whole population subject to
military service and possessing two or more jugera^ of land,
into five classes, according to their property. The position of
every citizen in the classes was determined by a census, which
was a register of the citizens and their property. There were
170 centuries of infantry — 80 from the first class, 30 from the
fifth, and 20 from each of the other three — 18 of cavalry, and 5
of musicians, armorers and carpenters, in all 193 centuries.

12. The first class embraced those who possessed a normal
farm^ of about 20 jugera ;* the other classes possessed respec-
tively J, i, i, iV fts much. The first class was divided into
infantry^ and cavalry,' and all five classes into seniores and

* Trtbutum. * AsHduL * LoeupMea, * Jvfferwn, ftboatl of an

* The oenpofl— of the ftrot class 100,000 asses or more, and of the otbera 75,000, 60,0(n.
W,000, and 11,000 respectively— wan not until the time of Applns ClaodiiiF (b. c. S19>
ea^iressed in money. The following table will show the census of each class, ana namber
of centaries It contained :

I. HoiwnneN, or KNioirrs.

1. 6 old oentQTieH, sex suffragia. '. . . census flrst dan.

2. 12 new centuries, ^ "

n. Foot.
1st class, 80 centuries (40 of seniores, 40 jonioies), oeDsns 100,000 assea.
ad " 90 " (10 " 10 " ), " 75,000 "

8d *• 80 " • (10 " 10 •* ), " 60,000 "

4th " 90 " (10 " 10 " ), " 86,000 "

6th " 80 " (15 " 16 '• ), " 11,000 •♦

1 century of proletarii, census under 11,000 af«es.
4 centuries of musicians and workmen, census none.
Total, 19B oentnriee.
ntonysius gives the census of the 5th class 18 JMX) asses.

At the time (b. c. 886) silver coinage was introduced, 10 asses = 1 silver denarlw =a
about 80 cents. This is about the time that the census was ezpreesed in money : liOOO
asses = ii80.

* BaredUtm. ' FtdiUt. • BguUet.

THE SARLT OOYEBNMENT OF ROME. 23

juniares. The younger men, from seventeen to forty-five years
of age, were employed for service in the field ; the elder, from
forty-fiye to sixty, were retained at home for the defence of the
dty. All the classes had to provide their own arms and armor.

13. The Annor. — The first class appeared in fall armor,
with shield of hrass,^ helmet,^ cuirass,' greaves,^ spear '^ for
attack, and sword,* and fought in the front rank of the pha-
lanx. The second class ^ was placed behind the first They
wore no cuirassi but had instead a large wooden shield ' cov-
ered with leather. The third class had the same except the
greaves; and the fourth carried only the shield, spear and
sword. The fifth class did not serve in the phalanx, but
fought outside with darts and slings.*

Besides these classes, there were the non-freeholders,^ who
famished four centuries of workmen and musicians, and one
century of substitutes, who marched with the army unarmed,^
and, when vacancies occurred, took their places in the ranks.
These five classes formed the infantry and cavalry. The cav-
alry was taken from the first class, and twelve new centuries
were added, thus increasing the number to eighteen.

14. The Comitia Centoriata. — This was the military
order of the people. The same order was observed when the
king summoned them from time to time to meet outside of
tiie city, on the campus Martitis, to consult them concerning
war or peace, laws or elections, or other important matters.
This assembly was called t^e comitia centuriata, and each cen-
tury had one vote, which was decided by the majority of indi-
vidual voters. The tendency of this system was to place in the
hands of the wealthiest — ^who formed the eighty centuries of
the first class, and the eighteen centuries of equites — ^whether
patricians or plebeians, the chief power.

In case of war the levy,*' suflScient to form two legions of
i,250 men each, was made by tribes from the 85 centuries of
juniores. Of the 8,500 men, each tribe furnished 2,125.

" Cmfeus * Oerea. ♦ Frindpes. " ProletarU,

24 THB EA&LT OOTEBITIIENT OF ROUE.

15. This constitntion, while it gave the plebeians & share
in the defence of the state, and placed them aide by side with
the patriciaos in the fire clasaes of citizens, where nothing pre-
vented them from reaching the highest, left antonched all
the old privileges of the patricians — the right to elect the
interrex, take the auspices,' eligibility to the senate and
comitia curiaia, the power to authorize St not the chief
magistrate* to appear before the comitia curtata for them to
ratify* his election, or any chauge in the constitntion which he
might propose.

16. The LiiBtniia. — After completing hie arrangements,
SeiriuB Tullius performed a solemn purification of the city and

people. He summoned the
whole people to assemble in
full armor in the camput
Martins, ranked according
to classeB and centnriea The
sacrifice^,* consisting of a
pig, sheep and ox, were car>
ried three times around the
assembled multitude,* and
then ofibred to Mars. After
that the king prayed to the
gods to bless and presenre
the people. This ceremony
waa preserved nuder the re-
SUOYKAUUL.A.. pi'j'Jc as the closing act of

the census, and as the cen-
sus was regularly taken once in five years, the word luUrum
was frequently used to denote that space of time.

^ Jut mtpiatonan. • Patrum ttadalUa. ^ LacemtalailelaipiTta.

• SuatttmriUa ([ram rm, fig ; veil, tluip ; lavrut. ea}. ' Banc* e>U«d oniMhHMtggt.

* The eiplauiry ncrUcc wu perf onued u Uia dosing act of Uw omnuii, uhI ■!» aftor
thr trlnmptL Th« angniTlnir li from the vch of CouuntlDO, lad abQWii tlw aortfloe
performed by TMianfuoe p. «8| [n prtwuceof hisannj. TbeamperoreDrroDiided by big
rumj benini KfUTo (xluiairda BUkde bj fmenlngcloUi lo s Danerane plaK of wood) and
the itgna ((be e>ele-»t«nd*nU, one botag decorated n LCh ponralts and the other pUln ;
the veeUhim lo tha left hu a decoialed pole) la pouring ■ libation on the hnmlng aliaz.
The animal* are led forward by serranis; a cumlCiu ntten a bni ot Inoenne tn tbe
emperor, whilg the iTampetirHarr Inlonlni tbe fanfare. In the baa-rellef of the sacrilkH
at l>e furtrvn the cermor HUnd" It the left ln~ertlnE [he nameeof dtlirnii and dildleni in
thecomai'lliil; IwomiuldabBarepliylnslhBcitharaand Ante respccClTelj, while a priest
ponn the libation IntoaTaH prepeniedbj anvnUw.- tbeanimalg ara ctownM and led
lorward bj Barraula, while another aervaot catrlva a box ot Inccuc od hb alwaldar.

THB HISTOBY OF THE BEGAL PEBIOD. 25

OIXAXrrJBR III.

The Histoby op the Eeoal Pebiod — Its Credibility —
LivY'a Nabbativb — Otueb Soubges.

1. The chief authorities for the history of the regal period
are Livy and Dionysios of Halikamassus. They both wrote
their histories in the time of Augustus, and, so far as this period
is concerned, nearly one thousand years after the events they
relate. It is true they gained their information from the annal-
ists; but the oldest of these, Fabius Pictor and Cincius Alimen-
tos, did not live earlier than the time of the second Punic war.

2. Early Records.— For the time after the regal period
they no doubt made use of contemporary records, as the annales
maximiy chronological lists of events kept by the jjontifez mcuB*
imm; of the inscriptions* in the houses of the great families,
enumerating the magistracies they had held; or of other
archives, which were preserved with great care at Rome. But
for the regal period there were very few public documents of
any kiod. This is not surprising, for the art of writing was
not introduced into Bome until the time of Tarquinius Priscus,
and probably for many centuries after its use was confined to
the few; and further, most public and private records were
destroyed in the burning of the city by the Gauls (b. o. 389).

3. Oral TraditioD. — The only information, then, which the
historians and annalists had of the regal period was, in the main^
oral tradition, which in the lapse of time became so changed
that but little reliability could be placed in it as a groundwork
for history.* This unwritten tradition, however, which had

* Tbeee wei« inwrfptions under the wax portraits which stood In the Atrium, record-
bg the maidstracieo held by the distingaitshed membere of tho family.

• Utylri. 1) realized this, for he sayH : The history of this period Is obscnre, {tartly
from ffieat antiqatty, like objects rendered almost imnerccptiblo hv their distance^
pvtly Decuue In these Umes the nse of letters, the only faithful jcnardian of the mem-
ory of eTentM, wan Inconsiderable and rare, and beside** whatever was confai^rtl in the
eominentan<M of the pontiff:* or other public or private recordi«, perished for tlie moat
)«rt in the boming of the city.

26 THE HISXOBY OF THE BEOAL PEBIOD.

grown up in the course of so many centuries^ and which often
gave contradictory narratives of the same event, the early his-
torians accepted without hesitation. In this way it came to
pass that even in regard to the foundation of the city no less
than twenty-five different accounts were developed. The one
that was accepted with the most favor, attributing the origin
of Borne to a Trojan colony, was reduced to its present form
by Fabius Pictor, the first prose writer at Borne, and adopted
by Vergil and Livy.

4. Idvy's Account of fhe Origin of Rome.— According
to this legend, ^Eneas, the son of Anchises, having collected a
few friends, fled after the fall of Troy to seek a new home.
After various adventures he arrived on the coast of Italy, and
was hospitably received by the king Latinus, who made a
league with him and gave him his daughter Lavinia in mar-
riage, ^neas then built a town and called it in honor of his
wife Lavinium. After the death of ^neas, his son Ascanins
became king. He left Lavinium and built a new city on Mt
Albanus, which he called Alba Longci. The succession con-
jiinued in his &mily until the time of Numitor, the son of
Procas, who was deprived of his throne by his younger brother
Amulius. Amulius, that he might retain the government,
killed the son of Numitor, and made his daughter, Bbea Silvia,
a vestal virgin, in order that she might remain unmarried.
But when she bore the twins, Bomulus and Bemus, to the god
Mars, the king ordered her to be killed and the twins thrown
into the Tiber.

5. Romulus and Remus. — At this time it happened that
the Tiber had overflowed its banks, forming shallow pools. In
one of these the servant of the king placed the cradle with the
children, thinking that it would float down the stream and then
sink. The gods watched over the children, and the cradle was
wafted to the foot of the Palatine, where it was overturned by
the roots of a wild fig-tree, near the cave of the god Lupercus.
The water subsiding left the boys on dry land. Here they were
suckled by a she-wolf from the cave of Lupercus until they
were found by the shepherd Faustulus, who took them to his

THB HISTOBY OF THB REGAL PEBIOD. 27

wife, Acca Larentia, to be brought up with his own children,
and called them Somolus and fiemus. The two brothers dis-
covered the mystery of their birth by accident, and restored the
throne to their grandfather, Numitor.

6w The Foimdation of Rome. — They determined to leave
Alba, and foond a city on one of the hills by the Tiber, where
they had been brought np. But as neither of the brothers
wonld yield to the other, there arose a quarrel between them
and their followers, who should give a name to the new city and
govern it. It was agreed to let the gods decide the question
by a sign from the sacred birds. Bomnlus and his followers
took their station on the Palatine, and Bemus on the Aventine.
Bemns first saw six vultures, but Bomulus straightway after
saw twelve. Each claimed the augury in his own favor, one on
account of the priority of time, the other on account of the
number of birds. The shepherds, however, decided in favor of
Bomnlus, who built the town on the Palatine^ and called it
Borne, firom his own name. He then drew a furrow round it
with the sacred plow, and along by the furrow he built a wall
which marked the line or sacred belt of the pomerium, Bemus,
in derision, leaped over the new built waU, whereupon Bomulus
slew him, saying: ^'So shall every one die who dares to leap
over these walls."

7. The War witb the Latins^— In order to people his
new city, Bomulus opened an asylum ' or place of refuge on the
Capitoline hill, to which he invited the lawless and discontented
firom aU the country round. These he received, protected, and
made citizens of his new town. Women were wanting, and
he appUed to the neighboring cities to give their daughters
in marriage. This they scornfully refused. When Bomulus
heard this, he concealed his anger, but presently invited the
dwellers round about to come to Bome, with their wives and
children, to see the games which he was going to celebrate in

* Aeeoxding to the Ytfroiiiaii era, Rome was founded April SI, 78S, on the day of the
iUUia. Thiit 10 generally accepted. The other prlndpal eras are those of Cato, 761 b.o. ;
of PolyMoa, 7B0 B.O. : and of J^biiu Fictor, 747 B.o. In practice the era of Varro la
feckimed from Jan. l, 788.

*Fl«t.Bom.

2S THE HISTOBY OF THE BBOAL PBBIOD.

honor of the god Consus. The Sabines and Latins came in
great crowds, and when all were intent on the games> the
Bomans rushed on their guests and carried away the young
women. The parents returned home and prepared to taJke
vengeance on Bomulus and his people. First, the men of the
Latin towns, Gsenina, AntemnsB, and Crnstumerium, rushed to
arms, but these were defeated by Romulus, who slew with his
own hand Acron, king of Csanina^ and dedicated his armor, .
as spolia opima, to Jupiter.

8. War with the Sabinaft.— The Sabines, who lived
fiirther up the mountains, next raised an army and marched
to Home, and encamped on the Quirinal hill, directly oppo-
site the capitol. Now one day when Tarpeja» the daughter
of the warden of the capitol, went out to draw water, the
Sabines begged her to open the gate to the citadel. This
she promised to do if they would give her what they wore on
their left arms, meaning the gold bracelets and rings. When
they had penetrated into the citadel, they threw their heavy
shields, which they wore on their left arms, on Tarpeja^ and
crushed her to death. The Bomans attempted to recover
the hill, and the two armies met in the vaUey between the
Palatine and the Capitoline. The champion of the Bomans
was Hostus Hostilius, and that of the Sabines Mettus Curtins.
The Sabines prevailed and were pursuing the Bomans from the
Velia up the hill, when Bomulus vowed a temple to Jupiter
Stator,^ the Stayer of Flight The Bomans stopp^ and renewed
the battle, and drove the Sabines back towards the Capitoline
hill. Then it was that Mettus Curtius sank with his horse
into the marsh and nearly perished. The place where this
happened was called the Lake of Curtius. At length the Sabine
women rushed between the combatants and prayed their hus-
bands and fathers to be reconciled. The prayer was heard, and
the chiefs of the two peoples made peace.

9. The Union of the Romans and Sabines. — It was
agreed that the Sabines should remain in Borne and the two

> The temple of Japlter Stator was Bltnated near the Afffo Mugkmi*. Bemains of
tufa blocks belonging to an ancient restoration of the temple Imve been foantf.

THE HISTORY OF THE REGAL PERIOD. 29

peoples form one nation. The Romans still occupied the
Palatine, and the Sabines the Qnirinal under their king Titus
Tatins, who reigned jointly with Bomulus. The united people
were called Romans and Quirites,^ because Tatius came from
the city of Cures. The two peoples met to transact their affairs
in common in the valley between the two hills, which was called
comUium, or the place of meeting. Titus Tatius quarreled
with the men of Laurentnm, and while offering sacrifices at
Larinium was slain. From this time Romulus reigned alone
over the two peoples, and made laws to govern them in peace
and war. (Jr

10. The CoDStitation of Romaltis. — ^First of all he
diyided his people into patricians and clienta He then divided
the- patricians into three tribes, the Ramnes, Tities and Luceres^
and each of the three tribes into ten curies. The patricians,
when they assembled to vote or make laws, came each in his
curia, and each curia had one vote decided by the majority of
voters in it The curia was composed of the heads of the houses,
which also had their own laws, customs, and sanctuaries. The
clients were the dependents of the patricians, whom they were
to protect in eyery way against injustice. From the patricians
he chose a hundred of the oldest and wisest to be his council of
senators. Out of the young men he chose a legion of 3,000 foot-
soldiers and 300 horsemen, according to the number of the three
tribes and thirty curies, out of every curia 100 foot-soldiers and
ten horsemen.

The story goes on in the same mythical vein to tell how,
after a reign of thirty-seven years, Romulus was suddenly
removed from the world while reviewing his people on the
campus Martius. There arose suddenly a fearful storm, the
snn was darkened, but when daylight returned Romulus had
disappeared. His father, Mars, had carried him up to heaven
in a fiery chariot. His people mourned for him until Proculus,
a senator, said that on his way to Alba Romulus had met him and
promised to protect the Romans under the name of Quirinus.

^ For the derivation, see p. 15, note.

30 THE HISTOBT OF THE REQAL PKBIOD.

11. The L^^d attributes the introduction of the religious
iuBtitutionSi the reformation of the calendar, the formation of
the guilds,* and the erection of a temple to Janus, at the
entrance of the forum, the gates of which were opened during
war and closed in time of peace, to Numa Pompilius.* TuUus
Hostiiius broke the power of the Latins and destroyed Alba.
Ancus Maroius, the grandson of Numa, built the port of Ostia>
the fortress on the Janiculus, a bridge across the Tiber, and
laid the foundation of the plebeian order by the settlement he
gave to the conquered people on the Aveiitine.

12. The Etrcuican Dynasty. — ^After this, the state assumed
a new character from the accession of an Etruscan dynasty of
three kings. The first, Tarquinius Priscus, defeated the Sabines
5md took Collatia, subdued the Etruscans, doubled the number
of noble houses in each tribe by enrolling plebeians, commenced
the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, built the doaea maximay laid
out the circus in the valley of MurdUy and introduced games
from Etruria. The second, Servius TuUius, devised the new
constitution, concluded a treaty with the Latins, and erected a
temple of Diana on the Aventine as a federal sanctuary of the
Latin and Roman people. The third, Tarquinius Superbos,
formed an alliance with Octavius Mamilins of Tusculum, estab-
lished the Latin games on the Alban Mount to Jupiter Latiaris, -
waged war on the Volscians, took their most important town,
Stiessa Pometioy &om the spoils of which he finished the temple
of Jupiter Capitolinus, completed the sewers begun by Tar-
quinius Priscus, obtained the Sibylline books from Cums,
sent his two sons to consult the Delphian oracle, and finaUy
ruling with insolence, and endeavoring to build up his arbitrary
power on the destruction of the nobility, was driven from the
throne, and the monarchy which had endured two hundred and
forty-four years ended with his reign, and the era of the republic
began.^

13. The Value of this Harrative.— However much the
story of the expulsion of Tarquinius and all his house may hav0

* See p. aWf n. 8, ' Plat. I^nma. * See p. 46.

THE HISTORY OF THE BEGAL PERIOD. 31

been interwoyeii with anecdoteSy it cannot in its leading outlines
be called in question. There can be no doubt that the last
king was a cruel and arbitrary tyiunt ; that he neglected to
consult the senate and complete its numbers ; that he unjustly
pronounced sentence of death and confiscation against the lead-
ing members of the great houses, in order to weaken them in
influence and numbers, that he might the easier build up his
own arbitrary power; and that he finally exacted from the peo-
ple military labors and task-work beyond what was due. These
measures, which threatened to convert the government of the
state into an arbitrary despotism, united the two parties, patri-
ciau and plebeian, against him. The exasperation of the peo-
ple was attested by their vow never again to tolerate a king.
In regard to the other events, the acts of each king, how many
kings there were, how many years each reigned, and how
long the regal period lasted, the tradition, interwoven with
inconsistencies and improbabilities, at one time attributing
institutions to one person and then the same to another, is
utterly untrustworthy. The full extent of these inconsisten-
cies, and the vast number of traditional histories, entirely incon-
sistent with each other, are not generally known, because the
history of the regal period is usually learned from Livy. When
we, however, compare Livy's narrative of events with those of
other writers, we then become aware of the uncertainty which
prevailed even among the Romans themselves.

14. Other Sources.— Still, while rejecting the traditional
history in the main, we must remember that it is essentially of
Boman origin, and closely interwoven with Boman manners,
customs, and localities. This &ct» taken in connection with what
we learn from other sources in regard to the Boman people,
enables us in a measure to eliminate much that is uncertain, and
deduce a tolerably true and consistent history of the political
and civil institutions, and of the religious and social customs of
the Bomans, even in that early period of their history. These
other sources are : (1) the excavations which have recently been
made in the very locality where the events were transacted ;
(2) the study of comparative philology, which has discovered

32 THE niSTOBT OF THE BEGAL PERIOD.

that the different races in Italy belonged to the Indo-European
family, that the Bomans, when they first appeared on the stage
of history as a separate people, had already in the GrsBCo-Italian
time passed through a long period of development, and that the
groundwork of their religious, social, and legal life had already
been formed ; Qi) the physical geography of the country, which
teaches how far the development of peoples is influenced by
climate and the peculiar formation of their country; (4) the
later history, which enables us in some instances to draw infer-
ences in regard to the earlier history.

15. The Results. — From a study of these sources, certain
broad conclusions have been arrived at, the chief of which have
already been indicated. They may be summed up in the steady
growth of the city until it became the head of Latium, and
derived wealth and commercial importance from its favorable
position. A constitution based on a patriarchal aristocracy,
with an elective monarchy at its head, was modified by the
introduction of new elements, chiefly from the conquered states.

Soon the necessity arose for incorporating this new element
with the state. This was done by organizing a new military
systern, which made property instead of birth the principle of
division. From this time the plebeians could no longer be
kept separate as a distinct and inferior class, but under the new
constitution they won after long and weary contests a position
in the state. The last king, seeking to convert his government
into an arbitrary despotism, was expelled by both patricians
and plebeians, whom the common danger had for the moment
united, but who differed again as soon as the peril was over.
This change in the government, originating in the desire to
limit the power of the chief magistrate, at least in point of
time, was the result of the natural development of the consti-
tution. For not only at Rome, but in the other Latin states,
and even in Greece, at about the same time, the rulers for life
were superseded by annual magistrates.

THE BSU6I0N OF THE BOMAKS. 33

The Beuoion of the Bohanb.

1. It is necessary before passing to the history of the Bepub-
Ii(^ to glance at the religion of Borne, because it exercised a
decided influence on the government of the state^ We have
ali^eady learned that the groundwork of the religion of the
Greeks and Romans was laid' before their separation. The
Bomans brought their own gods and own form of worship with
them into the valley of the Tiber. The elements, then, of their
religion, like their clan-constitution, were older than the state;
the development was peculiar and characteristic of the Boman
mind.

2. The Worship of Nature. — The Boman was eminently
religions He saw the agency of the gods in everything. To
him all nature, the heavens, the earth, the mountains, the
rivers, swarmed with divine beings. Wherever he turned,
whatever he undertook, whether at home, on his farm, or in
the forum, he sought with scrupulous care to learn the will of
the gods by prayer and offerings. The Boman, on his entrance
into Italy, had the home and the dommic hearth, and had
learned how to till the soiL The gods, then, whose protection
he especially sought, were those of nature — of the forest, the
field, the grove, the mountain, and the home. Hence the honor
early paid to Jupiter and Juno, the god and goddess of the
clear sky; to Saturnus, the seed-sower; to Tellus, the nour-
ishing earth ; to Ceres, the goddess of germination and growth ;
to Census and Ops, the god and goddess of the harvest; to
Pales, the goddess of the flocks ; and to Jupiter,^ the god of the
vine. These were all worshiped with festivals,* each in his
own proper month.

^ It.

* Jupiter wts wordiiped under names according to the matter for which his aid was
_.Bded : as JvakUr Temdnm^ the god of bonndanes ; JupUer JSliciwf^ the god of light-
Dlog ; and in tne Capitol as Jupiter OpHmu^ MaHmfM.

* The Saiumaliaui Becomber, tlie TdUiia, CerkUia, PaUUa, and Vinalia in Apri;

34 THE BEUQIOK OF THB BOMANS.

3« The Lnpercalian Feast. — The Bomaos heard^ espe-
cially, the Yoices of their gods in the stillness of the forest.
Pliny calls the groves the first temples of the gods. Here
before the trees, as before the altars of their gods, the Bomans
offered their devotions. The oak was sacred to Jupiter; the
oUve to Minerva. The fig-tree was an object of especial wor-
ship, for it was near the fig-tree at the foot of the Palatine
that the twins Romulus and Semus were found. Near by was
the Lupercal, where the god Lupercus dwelt His festival,
called Lupercaliay was celebrated every year, on the 15th of
February. After sacrificing to the god in his cave, the priests
ran through the streets dressed in goats' skins, beating all whom
they met with strips of goats' leather. The year closed with
the festival to Terminus, called the Terminalia^ the god of
boundaries.

4. Other Fonns of Worship.— The Boman gods loved
to have their thrones erected on the lofty hills, as Jupiter
Latiaris on the Alban Mounts from the sacred summit of
which he could survey the whole plam of Latium, and as the
old Italian deity Apollo Soranus, the god of the sun, on Mount
Soracte. In addition to these there was the worship of Vul-
can, the god of fire and the forge ; of the Arval Brothers, who
invoked in May the creative goddess Dea Dia to bless the
growth of the seed ; that of Neptune, the god of the sea, by the
sailors, and of Voltumus, the god of the Tiber. In fact, every
person, house, curia, and tribe, had its own god, to whom
each offered sacrifices and prayers. Particularly dear to the
Boman was the worship of the goddess Vesta, vrith her eternal
fire burning on the household hearOi, the living symbol of the
goddess. Her worship was intimately connected with that of
the Penates, the protectors of the house, and of the Lares, the
departed spirits of ancestors who watched over the fjEtmily.

5. Jupiter and Mars. — Besides these deities who watched
over the fields, the flocks, and the house, the Bomans also
paid worship to Jupiter, the protector and preserver of the state^
whom the Latins worshiped on the Alban mount as Jupiter La-
tiaris, and the Bomans on the Capitohne as Jupiter Gapitolinue.

1!HE BSUOIOK OF THE BOHANS. 35

The Ides* of each month were sacred to him, and a great fes-
tival, the lirim LatifUB, waa celebrated once every year on the
Alban Monnt By his side stood Mars, the protector of the
cidzenSy the &ther of Bomnlns and the Boman people; to
whom March, the first month of their year, was consecrated,
and to whom a great war festival was celebrated at the begin-
ning and end of every campaign.

6u The Worahip of Qoiriniis. — After the union of the
Palatine Romans with the Sabines on the Quirinal, the Boman
religion, inflnenced by the addition of new and conservative
elements,^ entered npon a new period of development. Both
tribes before their nnion had worshiped Jupiter and Mars as
their supreme gods, and now in common they paid their devo-
tions to Quirinus, the god of the united Bamnes and Tities.
The point of union for the two tribes was found in the curi(hy
irhich had a religious as well as a political significance. Each
curia had its own place of worship, under the direction of the
curio and his priest, the flamen curialis, and out of the thirty
curia one was selected, called curio macdmus, who presided
over the whole.

7. The State ReUgion.— We have learned that the Boman
government was modeled on that of the family. The state reli-
gion also found its counterpart in that of the household. As
the family had its own domestic altar, so the state had a com-
mon altar ^ in the temple of Vesta, the goddess of the house.
Just as the family offered sacrifices on the domestic hearth, so
the state offered sacrifices to the gods either in this temple or
its rotunda, the so-called domus regia. In the regia were wor-
shipped the two gods of the Bamnes and Tities, Jupiter and
Mars, and that of the united people, Quirinus, and the old
Latin deity Janus, god of the beginning a^d end of everything,
and the one whom the Bomans invoked before any other god.
To Janus all gates and doors were sacred, and he therefore car-
ried a key in his hand to open and lock them. He is always
represent^ with two faces, one before and one behind, and

^ See p. 859, D. 8. 'Page 15. * Foeu8 pubUcus.

36 THE BELIGIOK OF THE BOKANS.

hence called Bifrons, or Biceps. As the god of beginning he
opened in the morning the gates of Olympus and closed diem,
at eyening. To him the month of January ^ was sacred, and
the first day of that month, when the labors of the husbandman
began anew, fiacrifioes of wine, incense and fruit were offered
to him. He was invoked particularly at the beginning and end
of every war. When the two cities on the Palatine and Quirinal
were united, a gate called the Janus was erected in the comi-
tium, through which their armies passed going to or returning
from war. This was always open in time of war and closed in
time of peace, to signify that in peace the two communities
were separate, but in war united for mutual protection.

8. The Worship of Vesta.— -In the temple of Vesta were
worshiped Vesta and the Penates and Lares. The house near by
was called the regia, because the worship due to the gods hon-
ored there belonged to the king as high-priest of the nation. In
order that it might never be neglected, on account of the other
duties of the king, three priests, called/?gaa^ agg|^ oro nominated
. for life to assist the king, viz. : the Jtcmen D ialiSy the priest of
j Jupiter, the god of the Ramnes, and his wiie jtaminica^ coTre»-
I ponding to the pater fapiiUasmd mater famtltaJTpt tJif fiimily ;
\flamen MaztialLur the. priest of Mars, the god of the TUdea^ and
\jhmen QuirinaliSy the priest of Quirintis, god of the united
{community. In the temple of Vesta were six virgins, virgines
yVesiaies, daughters of the household of the Boman state, to
Correspond with ih^filim familias, the daughters of the &mily.
They kept the fire always blazing on the common household
liearth. This was considered the most sacred worship in Rome,
'he king also had charge of the worship of the curiee (and
iuce flamines curiaJes), and also general oversight over the
allege of Salii and.Fratres Arvales. To the custody of the
Sbln was entrusted the care of the sacred shields, ancilia^ which
T«ere kept in the temple of Mars on the Palatine, and every
year, on the first of March, they made a solemn procession
through the city, chanting hymns and dancing. There WQrc

* When January became the fli^t monthf the opening of the year wan lUso ascribed
to him.

THB BSUOIOK OF THE ROMANS. 87

two sets of Salii, the S ^i of Palatine and ^^uiiTnal^jthich.CQm.-.
memorated the union of the Komans on the Palatine and ihe
Sabines on the QnirinaL The Salii were twelve in number^

and wftrp alwRja Rglftfi^Afj frfiffftibf^ pflfi'riniftnfl

The unity of the Boman state after the banishment of the
king was preserved by conferring those priestly duties which
the king alone performed, upon a rex sacrorum _Qr ff^^sac-
rijlculus and his wife rejftna ^(kTi2niia»i)oth of whom performed
their aacrifioes in the T'e^iOy h^e Jjqi^ Jupiter, she to Juno. He
was nominated by the jponiif ex maximusy and inaugurated in the
comttia curifUq ,caloJUi^ just as the king wnfi. He ranked higher
than all other priests, but in influence and power was inferior
to the pontifex maximus. He held his office for life like the
king, but was not allowed to hold any political or military
office, and was exempt from all civil and political duties. He
Hved on the via sacra in a damns publica.

9. Jnpifear Capttoliniw. — Soon Bome extended her power
over I^tium, and, as a common centre of worship for the
enlarged 8t%t;e, dedicated the temple of Jupiter Gapitolinus.
Here the unity of the new nation was symbolized by the com-
mon worship paid to Jupiter, Juno and Minerva In the
building of the temple tradition relates that it was necessary
to remove ancient shrines and altars erected there by the Sabines.
The gods to whom these had been raised were consulted by
auguries if they would give place to the new deities. All con-
sented except Terminus and Youth, who refused to retire from
the sacred spot This gave Rome the assurance that her bounda-
ries should never go back, and that her youth should ever be
renewed. Here in his temple the statue of Jupiter himself was
erected, with his face turned towards the forum, that he might
look down upon his people. Until then the Bomans had made
no ideal pictures or statues of their god. They had only sym-
bols, as a stone for Jupiter, the holy lance for Mars, the fire for
Vesta, the altars and the consecrated space,* but now they
learned from the Greeks how to represent their gods as men.

* Oataia from the manner inwbich it wai< called. * Templum,

88 TBTE BELIGIOK OF THE ROMANS.

10. Ghrecian Ihfliience. — Another evidence of Grecian
influence was the introduction of the Sibylline books, as tradi-
tion relateSyfrom Gumas. The story runs that a strange woman
came to Tarquin and offered nine books for sale. The king
refused to buy the books. The Sibyl departed and burnt three ;
then returned offering the remaining six at the same price.
The king again refused. The Sibyl then burnt three more, and
demanded the same price for the remaining three. The curi-
osity of the king was aroused ; he bought the books, and the
woman vanished. The books were kept in a stone chest under
the capitol in charge of two men, called duoviri sacromm.
They were consulted by the order of the senate in time of
great emergency or of public calamity. Through their influence
the worship of many Grecian deities was introduced, as that of
Apollo, Latona> Mater Idsea and others.

11. Divinatioii. — The Romans sought in many ways to
know the wills of the gods. Besides consulting the Sibylline
books, they had omens, prodigies, and divinations. That form
of divination which was peculiarly national and characteristic
of the Roman^ was the observation of the auspices. No trans-
action, public or private, took place without first consulting
the auspices. The auspices were the signs from Jupiter to his
people telling them what to do or not to do. For private acts
the auspices could be taken by any one who belonged to the
people ; but for the state they could only be taken by some one
who represented the state and who had been empowered to act
as mediator between the state and the gods. This was at first
the king, and in case of his death the patricians^ and the
interrex, and after the establishment of the republic the higher
magistrates. The gods of the Roman state then were the gods
of the patricians, and they alone could mediate between them
and the state.

12. The Aospicea^ — ^In the regal period the auspicia*
belonged to the king alone, and in the times of the republic to

* When the king died the aasplces retnrned to the patrtt (i. e.^ paires/amiUas ffen-
tium p(Uric{arum\ and they \n eonaiiwn curiatum nomuuited the tnterrex.

* /. «., ex calo and ex ambus^ the other forms {ex trlpudiiat <U ecsio eervarey ex gidtui-
typeditnu and ex iiM») being later.

THE &BLI6I0K OF THB BOMAK&

the magistTatea, by yirtae of election. The angur was only the
assistant of the magistrate ; the lightning and the birds were
not sent to him but to the magistrate ; he only interpreted
them. In taking the aaspioes considerable technical knowl-
edge was neoeasary, as the consecrated space * had to be marked
off with the sacred wand,' the tent to be pitched,* and certain
prayers and formate repeated. Then the person taking the
auspices waited for the &vorable signs. K an interruption of
any kind occurred, if the sacred chair rock^ed, if the wand fell,
the auspices were rendered invalid. Great importance was
attached to the phraseology of the prayer, for a mistake here,
even in a single word, might call down the veDgeance of Jupiter
npon the state. Hence it was necessary that men particularly
skilled in sacred lore should be appointed to assist the magis-
trate and dictate the proper form of prayer. This led to the
formation of three colleges of sacred lore, that of the auguresy
pontificea and fetiales,

TbB Coll^;e of Aognres^ was nominated firom the patri-
cians by the. king ; and the number, consisting at first of four,
was increased to six, then to nine, and then to sixteen. As no
public act of any kind could be performed, no election held, no
kw passed, no war waged, without first taking the auspices, the
augurs, as interpreters of the will of the gods, in whose hands the
exclusiTe right was to declare ^ whether the omens were favorable
or unfavorable, acquired great influence and soon exercised vir-
tual control over every act of the state. This power they natu-
rally used in the interest of their own order. In the great
contest of the plebeians for equal rights in the state, the augnrs
not unfrequently used their power unfeirly to render void the
elections of consuls, the acts of the comitia, or any measure
not in the interest of their own order, on the ground that the
auspices had been irregular.* As there was no appeal from
their decision, their veto was absolute.

J^t^phan. * LUwtg* * Tabemaeuhim eapere.

Or awpieet (from avis and mee-ere)^ in bo far as they made the observation ; or
avgvTtt ^(ma tnU* and a root wbiob means to announce), in so far as they announced

40 TfiE BEIIQIOK 09 TfiB EOMAKS.

13. The Ihflaence on the Gtovemment — One of th^

arguments most strenuously urged against the admission of thcj
plebeians to the consulship, was that the privilege of taking
the auspices belonged to the patricians alone. On the saiiLG
grounds the intermarriage of plebeians with the patrician orde^
was opposed because the auspices must ever remain in the
patrician families. The patricians alone knew the days ^ wher^
civil suits could be heard, or when it was lawful to transact
business with the pepple,^ that is, when the camitia could mcet.^
On the morning of the day when the camitia cefUuriata was to as^
semble, the magistrate who was to preside consulted the auspicea
For this purpose an augur ^ must be present^ and if he an-
nounced by the words die alio that they were unfavorable,^
the comitia must be postponed If, however, the auspices were
declared favorable* by the words gilentium esse videtur, the
people were, after certain preliminary forms,^ called together.
If, however, it lightened, or a storm arose, or night came on,
or the standard hoisted on the Janiculus was lowered, the
assembly must disperse. If, in the time of the republic, a
magistrate observed the heavens^ for any purpose, and falsely
declared that it thundered or lightened, the comiiia must break
up. In later times it was unlawful to hold the assembly if one
of the higher magistrates announced that he was engaged in
observing the heavens, or was going to observe the heavens on
the day fixed for the comitia. This put it in the power' of
every magistrate to adjourn the comitia and thus impede hasty
legislation.

14. The College of Pontifices' was the most illustrious
of all the religious institutions in the state. The pontiffs exer-
cised, under the kings, a general supervision over the whole
worship of the state, regulated the calendar on which the time

^pleifasa. • Own pomOo. • DUt eomlilalea.

*PubHeus. ■ OlmunlUUio. • NunOatio.

* These were three, tIx. : (1) voeare ad inUdum, when the henld {aeemsug) invited
them to the assembly ; (8) voeare converMonem. a meeting preparatory to the assembly *
(8) mUtere in m^ffragiumn the assembly in regular form for Toting.

* 8eroan de cotlo.

* The word ponii^fleeM Is probably from ponf^ not in the sense of brUUre, bat of wm,
road : they were called pontifioes because they must keep in order the roads, espociaify
the pont tvUMua for the priestly processions.

tHB BSIiIGIOH 09 THB BOMAlTd. 41

of the festdvals depended, and with them rested the exciusive
knowledge of the fonns of procedure in the civil and religions
oourts. They not only determined what gods should be wor-
shiped, and in what manner, but they exercised a general
superrisbn over priests, magistrates, and even private indi«
Tidaal& From their power to regulate the calendar, they added
to or shortened the year, so as to lengthen the term of a favorite
consul or to shorten that of one who displeased them. At their
head stood the poniifez maximus. who was at first elected by
the college itself, and in the time of the repnblic by the people.
It was his duty to record the most important events of the
year, to appoint the flamineSy veataleSj and rex sacrificulusy and
exercise a general supervision ^ over the worship of the state. \
His official residence was in the damus regia on the via 8acr<L

IS. The College of Fetiales* was the guardian of the
public faiih in all matters pertaining to foreign nations. It was
their duty in case of dispute with a foreign state, to demand*
satisfaction. This was done by electing one from their number
called pater patratus^ whose duty it was, first, at the confines I
of the enemy's territory ; secondly, of the first native of the I
country whom he might chance to meet ; thirdly, at the gate I
of the city, and finally in the market before the magistrate, to I
demand satisfaction. If this was not granted, then the king, |
first consulting the senate and then the people, again sent the |
pcUer pairaius to the hostile country,' who pronounced a decla- •
ration of war and hurled a spear tipped with blood across the |
boundary. ;

The FetidUe were the first of the three great colleges to
decline in influence, because the foreign relations of Borne
soon extended beyond the confines of Italy. In the war with
Pyrrhus, as the spear could not be hurled into the enemy's
territory, to preserve the form a subject of Pyrrhus, a prisoner
of war at Borne, was compelled to purchase a piece of land in
the draus Flaminitis. This was declared to be hostile terri-

^ JWkr M arWtr r^ntm dMnamm dt kumanarum.—Feat b. ▼. otdo, p. 18B.
* FixNn tiie old MibetltlTe /9Hf; cf. fori, /as.

42 THE RELIOIOir OP THE R0MAK8.

tory, and the pcUer pcUratus hurled here the hostile spear.
Later the preliminary arrangements were made by ambassadors '
sent by the senate, while the hostile spear was hurled over
the pillar in front of the temple of Bellona, for the area upon
which this temple stood was regarded as a symbolical repre-
sentation of the enemy^s country.

16. The Art of tlie Banuqpices was another peculiar
form of Roman worship. It was of Etruscan origin, and on
important occasions haruspices were often summoned from
Etruria. It consisted in interpreting the will of the gods
from inspection of the entrails of yictims o£Fered in sacrifice. It
was customary here to continue the sacrifice until the desired
result was obtained, and in a measure, as with the auspices, to
compel the gods to give favorable signs. The same was the
case with the so-caUed prodigies * by which the gods unsought
indicated the approach of evil by some strange incident, as
when it rained stones or blood, when the lightning struck,
when the holy lance of Mars trembled. In these cases it was
believed that the wrath of heaven might be appeased by cer-
tain forms and ceremonies, which would be announced, either
on the burial of the stones, the erection of an altar • where the
lightning struck, or on consulting the Sibylline books or even
the Delphic oracle. In all these cases they made no effort to
comply with the will of the gods, they changed none of their
plans or views, but simply sought by external ceremonies^ to
avert the anger of the gods.

17. Peculiar Ceremonies.— The state religion of the
Romans was connected with a dreary round of ceremonies
which none but the priests knew. As to the priests, they
formed no exclusive class, no qualifications of age or exx)e-
rienee being required. They were generally elected for life,
and often at the same time held sacred and civil offices. In
rank the rez sacrifienlus took the precedence, then came the
three flamines. The pontifex maximus occupied the fifth
place, but in power and authority stood over all the others.

> LegatL * AwUffUtm, * PuUaHa* * Procurart prodigkum.

THE BBLIGION OF THB B0MAK8. 49

The priests were sabject to some curious regulations which
existed down to later times, and which, in the case of the
fiamen DiaiiSy haye been accidentally preseryed.* It was un-
lawful for him to ride upon a horse, to look upon an army
equipped for battle, to take an oath, or to wear a nng unless
it was hollow and perforated with holes. A prisoner who
entered his house was free, and his chains mnst be hurled from
the house over the roof He could haye no knot in his whole
attire; he was forbidden to touch or name raw flesh, a she-goat,
ivy, or beans; he could not take off bis head-dress in the open
air, nor sleep three nights in succession out of his own bed, nor
could he be out of the city a single night If his wife, the
flaminica, died, he was obliged to resign.

1& Tbe General Character of the Roman Religion. —
A religion like that of the Romans, so severe, so anxious in the
fulfilment of dreary ceremonies, so narrow in its purposes and
aims, so intimately connected with the machinery of the state,
must necessarily have exercised a decided in19iuence on the ear-
nest, practical minds of the Romans. At the same time it is clear
that it was exposed to misuse for political purposes, and when
this once happened, when its narrow limits were once broken
through, its decline was sure and rapid. In the regal period,
however, the priests were regarded as the mere servants of the
king. TTia control was supreme, not only over the worship of
the state, but over that of the curia, of the gem, and even of the
fiunily. The signs came to him as the high-priest of the nation
and not to his servants. He alone could perform certain sacri-
fices for the state,' for which, after the banishment of the kings,
the rez sacrificulus was appointed. The priests acknowledged
that they were instituted by him, and that from him they
learned their sacred rites. Still the other duties of the king, y
as commander of the army and administrator of justice, com-
pelled him to transfer many of his religious functions to others.
He, too, was liable to change, while they were permanent and
handed down to their successors the various rules of their

t AdIos GeUiiu, z. ]&. * Sacra pubUca,

44 TBB fiELIOIOK Ot TSfi AOHAKS.

acienoe. They, too, as sole interpTeters of the auspices, pos-
sessed a virtaal veto on eyery pabUc act The result vaa that
their dignity in the state was constantly on the increase. By
this transference of religions dnties to the prieste, it vas not
intended to separate permanently the ciril and religions func-
tions of the king; bnt this tranafercnce contained the germ of
such a separation. Its development is really the internal his-
tory of Rome in the time of the republic The state incorpo-
rated new elements, and entered npon a career of progreBS, while
the religion, incapable of growth, remained stationary. For
the present, however, the priests acVnowledgod their depend-
ence npon the magistrates, and religion remained serviceable to
the state, and not the state to religion.

Tebfu or Vkti.— (In IM prasent oondltloD.)

nil temple (Mod In the fonm Boarium. tt Ib BOmeUmea called ■ Cample of Her-
cnlei, beeuue Li*T ti. Snspeilu of each > lample beiDg In this vlclnlQ. One of Um
original tweotf Cartnthlaa colamna l> gone. The roof Ii modern, Uie sncleiit eatable

THE ATTEMPTS OF TABQtTINITJS TO BSQAIK POWBB. 45

V. (}luU

Ths Athocftb OF Tabquinius TO Beoaik the Botal Power.

1. The Legendary Narrative. — Tradition relates that
when Tarqniiiius ' and all his hoase had been banished fh>m

> The \ofgBaSarf history of the last Ung is so interwoTOD with the litemt&re of
Borne, that every one ooght to be ftmillar with it. A brief sketch condensed fhnn Livy,
Is therefore annexed :

Lnciiis Tarqalntos, called Saperbos on acooant of his pride, was a gennine tyrant
It is related that Senrias Tullias liad two dani^hters ; the one quiet and gentle, the other
baogfaty and imperioos. In like manner the two eons, Amns and Lucius, of Tarquinlas
PrifiCQs,* the predecessor of Senrins, were of diflbrent disposition. These sons Servlns
Tniliiis married to his own daughters ; but they were ill-mated, for the cruel Tullla was
married to the senUe Aruns, while tbe wicked Luclns was the husband of the gentle
Tolha. The wicked ones longed for the society of each other, and it soon came to pass
that the wicicod Lucius murdered his wife and brother, and united himself with tbe one
who had a disposition like his own. This wicked pair desired to possess the roval
power and encroached on the authority of their Ikther-ln-law. Lucius entered the
market-i»lace clothed in the royal robes, attended with armed men, and summoned the
senate. Wlien Senrins heard the reports, and hurried to the senate-house, a quarrel arose
and hfts soa-in-law burled him down the steps of the senate-bouse, and dispatched men
who overtook him on bis way home and slew bim in tbe street. The ambitious TuUia
hastened to salute her husband as king. As she was driving her carriage home through
the street where her ftither*s body biy oleeding, she gave orters not to turn the carriage
out, bat to drive over the body of her Ibther. Prom Uiis action the street was called ever
after the street of crime ( Yitut Soeleratus). After Tarqutn gained the throne he ruled with
Insoience. His will was the sole law. He surrounded himself with a body^fuard,
refVised to consult tbe senate, and banished or punished with heavy lines all who were

Sinat him or wliose wealth provoked his avarice. The poor he compelled to work at
baUdlnga beyond what was lawfhl. He married bis daughter to MamiUus of Tnscu-
bun, and, strengthened by this alliance, be made the forty-seven Latin towns snblect to
himself (see p. 96, note o). The people of Qabii resisted bravely and be could not
prevail aednst theoL Then Tarquin pretended to banish bis son Seztus ; he fled to
Qabii as If fh>m his lkther*s wrath, and b^sged the people with tears to give him relhge

* The foliowtatg genealogical table will be convenient for reference :

DBXABATUS 01* COBIMTH.

LuouMo. afterwards
L. Targuinku Pri9eu$.

Abunb.

Tabquihia, m.
S. TuOku.

TABqUIKIA,

m. M. BnuTUB.

L. TarqiHiUtu

Abttks.

M. BBcmie,

pat to death by

Tarquinins.

L. Bbutus,
Consul.

Tmrs. Sbxtub. Ardicb.

BoBiinrs,

commander of

Collatla.

TABQUDnUB
CoLLATDrUS,

m. Lucretia.

46 THE ATTEMPTS 0^ TABQUINIUS TO BfiOAIN POWER.

Borne he did not give up all hope of recovering the throne.
He had still a strong party of patricians in the city. He
therefore sent messengers to Borne on the pretence of asking
for the restoration of his private property^ but really to consult
with his friends in the city how the king might be restored.

and receive him into their town. The Qablans were deceived, and befriended him and
made him a commander. The Romans fled when Sextos appeared, becaose it had been
ao a^eed upon between Sextas and his tether. At lenfftn Sexnts had so gained the
confidence of the people of Gabil that the whole power in the city was entmsted to him.
Then he sent secretly a meseen^r to his fiither to ask what he should do. The king
happened to be walking in his garden when the envoy came, and Instead of giving an
answer in words he cat off with his stick the beads of all the tallest popples, when
the messenger returned and reported what he had seen, Sextus understotia his Ikther^s
meaning, and on one pretext or another he fonnd means to pnt to death the leading men
of QablT. Then he delivered the town to his father.

In ^i'his schemes Tarqain was saccessfhl: but one day a prodigy happened that
fHghtened the tyrant. A serpent crawled oat from beneath the altar and devoured the
entrails of the victim. This alarmed the king and he determined to send his two sons
and his nephew, Jnuins Brutus, who had for some time pretended to be half-witted, to
Delphi to inquire the cause of so fearftd a portent. The king's sons brought costly
presents, but Brutus gave only a simple staff. The others lidtcoled him, bat th^ did
not know that the staff was hoUowed out and flUed with gold. After they had made
their inanities tbev asked who would reign in Rome after their Ihther. **• He " replied
the god, " who shall firnt kiss his mother.'* The princes agreed to draw lots which of them
shoukl first kiss his mother on their return. Brutus, however, better understood the
meaning of the oracle, and when he had left the temple, fell, as if by chance, and kiased
the ground ; for the earth he thought was the common mother of all.

About this time It happened that Tarquin was besi^ng Ardea, a town of tiie Rntull.
In Latium. The cl^ could not be taken by storm, ana the Roman army encamped
imder the walls. One evening, when the sons of Tarquin were supping with their
cousin, Tarc]uinlus Collatlnus of Collatia, a dispute arose as to which of their wives was
the moHt virtuous. They agreed to settle it py going and seeing which of the ladiea
deserved the hlghoKt praise. They mounted their horses and first rode to Rome, and
then to Collatia. They fonnd the princesses at a splendid feast, but Lncretia, the wife
of Collatlnus, busy among the maidens spinning, though it was late at night. The
prize was conceded to Lncretia.

The beanW and virtue of Lncretia excited the evil passions of Sextus, and be returned
8 few days after to Collatia, where he was kindly received. In the middle of the night
he rose and entered Lucretla's chamber and surprised her alone. When she refused
to yield herself to him he threatened to murder her and to put a murdered slave
beside her in the bed, and then declare to her husband that he had found them so
together. Then Lncretia resisted no longer. As soon as Sextus had returned to the
Mmp before Ardea. she sent to Rome and to Ardea for her father and husband. These
hastened to Collatia, accompanied by Junius Bmtns and Pnblius Valerius, and they
found Lncretia clad in deep mourning. When she had told her story she drew a dagger
and plunged it into her heart. Brutus snatched tlje dagger from the wound and swore
to avenge her death. They bore the corpse to the market-place of Collatia and told the
people what had happened ; messengers were also sent to the army at Ardea. Brutus
ha.«tcned to Rome, and a decree was passed to expel King Tarqulnins and all his house*
from Rome, and never again to suffer a king. When Tarquinius came to Rome he fonnd
the gates closed and he was compelled to take rcfhge in Caere, in Etruria. In the place
of th6 king, two men called consuls were chosen yearly to exercise the royal power.
Lucius Junius Brutus and Lucius Tarquinius Collatlnus were the first consuls (a. c
509). For the performance of the sacrifices which the king alone could offer, a priest
called the King of Sacrifices (rw. gacrijiculw) was chosen. Nothing else in the Liws or
ordioanoea was altered, but evenrthing remained as It had been under the king. Rome
endured the khagly rule for two hundred and forty-five years (b.c. 758^609). In memoiy
of the king's banishment an annual festival was celebrated on the 94th of I^braary.
called the JUg^ugium.

* gent; it is not qnit« correct to render gen* by house^ for this Implies Tvlationahip,
which was not essential in the gent^ neither is the term clan nor funily synonymoufl.

THB ATTEMPTS OF TABQUIKIUS TO BEGAIK POWBB. 47

The plot was diecoyered, and the property of the king was
diyided among the people. Among the conspirators were the
two sons of Brut as, the coneuL He would not ask the people
for mercy for his own sons, bat ordered the lictor * to bind them
to the stake before his own eyes and to put them to death like
the other traitors.

2. Tarquinius now endeayored to regain the throne by
arms- He prevailed upon the people of Tarquinii and Yeji to
espouse his eaase. The Bomans marched out to meet their
foes. The battle was fought near the wood Arsia, and was
fierce and bloody. Both parties claimed the victory, but in
the night the voice of the god Silvanus was heard from the
woods, saying that the Somans had conquered, because among
the Etruscans one man more had been slain than among the
Bomans. In the battle Brutus had been killed by Aruns, the
king's son. The Boman women mourned for him a whole year,
because he had avenged the death of Lucretia.

3. The War witih PorBezina. — Tarquinius now applied to
Lars Porsenna, of Glusium, who ruled over the whole of Etruria.
Porsenna collected a powerful army, marched to Borne, took
possession of the hill Janiculus, and would have entered the
city over the wooden bridge* if it had not been for one man.
This was Horatius Codes, who with two comrades kept the
whole Etruscan army at bay, while the Bomans broke down
the bridge. Horatius then sprang into the Tiber, armed as
he was, and swam safely to the opposite shore. The Etrus-
cans now laid siege to the city. The people were hard pressed
with fiEunine. Then Mucius, a noble Boman, went to the
Etruscan camp to kill the king. By a mistake he slew the
treasurer of the king, who was distributing pay to the soldiers.
He was seized and led to Porsenna^ who threatened him with
death. Mucins, to show that he feared neither pain nor death,
thrust his right hand into the flames that were burning on the

* The lictors were senranta of the mfulfltrateB. Each confml had twelve. They
eanfed ih»/<uee», or rods, bound in a bnn^e, from the middle of which an axe {seeuris)
protmded.

48 THE ATTEMPTS OF TAEQUIKIU8 TO REGAIN POWER.

altar until it was burnt to ashes. Astonished at the courage
of the youth, the king forgave him, and allowed him to depart
in peace. And Mucins, in gratitude, revealed to him that
three hundred Boman youths had sworn to take his life, and
that they would not rest until they had accomplished the deed.
Porsenna, alarmed for his life, made peace with the Bomans.
He took no land from them except the seven Vejcntine villages,
which the Bomans in former times had conquered. After
taking hostages, he withdrew his forces from the Janiculus.

Among the hostages was a noble maiden named Cloelia.
She escaped from the Etruscan camp, reached the Tiber, and
swam across the river to Bome. The Bomans, although they
honored her courage, sent her back to Porsenna, who so admired
the faith of the Bomans that he not only released Cloelia bat
as many of the other hostages as she selected.

4. When Porsenna made peace with the Bomans, he
returned to Clusium. He sent his son, however, with an
army against the Latin town Aricia. The Greeks of Gumae
helped the Latins, and the Etruscans were defeated in a great
battle, so that few escaped. These fled to Bome, where they
were hospitably received. The fathers gave them a dwelling
in a part of the city that was called, from them, the Etruscan
quarter {vicus Ihiseus), At this time Attus Clausus^ migrated
to Bome with his three thousand clients, and founded the
great patrician house of the Glaudii.

5. The Battle of Lake RegUlns. — The king made one
more attempt to regain his throne. This time he applied to
his son-in-law, Octavius Mamilius, of Tusculum. The Latins
espoused his cause. A great battle was fought near Lake
Begillus. The Bomans were commanded by a dictator, Aulus
Postumius, who was appointed for six months to rule over
Bome like the king, and to be the sole leader of the army, for it
was feared that the two consuls might not agree. Titus, the
son of the king, perished on the battle-field. The king him-
self fled to Cumae, where he soon after died. The tradition
relates that the battle was long and bloody. The Boman
army began to give way. The dictator vowed a temple to Cas^

> See p. w.

THE ATTEMPTS OF TABQUIKIVS TO BEOAIK POWEB. 49

tor aod PoUax^' if they would assist the Roman army. Then
two youths rode on white chargers at the dictator's right hand.
The liomans pressed again on the Latins and overthrew them.
The same evening the two youths appeared at Rome to an-
nounce the victory. After they had washed their horses at
the spring Jutuma^ in the forum, they disappeared and were
never seen again. Then the Romans knew that they had seen
Castor and PoUnx, and they built them a temple where they had
washed their horses. With the battle of Lake Regillns closed
the period of mythical Roman history. Although the vein of
poetical fable often reappears, even to the time of Gamillus,*
still in the main the narrative is reliable and trustworthy.

& The Credibility of this Narrative.— It is difficult to
determine from these legends what the actual course of events
was. There is little doubt that Rome was conquered by the
Etruscans and lost all her territory on the right bank of the
Tiber. This war, ho wever, can not be regarded as an inter-
Tention of Etruria in fayor of the Tarquins ; for the reason
that notwithstanding the complete success of the Etruscans^
they made no effort to restore the Roman monarchy. Neither
was the war with the Latins an effort to restore Tarquin, for
he had been their oppressor, and his banishment must have
been welcome to them ; but in this war probably was disguised
the fact that the neighboring tribes seized this opportunity to
throw off the hated yoke of Roman supremacy which Tarquin
had laid upon them. Another evidence that Rome was hard
pressed, is that in order to strengthen the unity and power of
the government, the kingly office was temporarily restored.
The consuls were superseded, and a dictator with supreme
power* was nominated. The first dictator is said to have
been Titus Larcius (b. c. 601), and his master of horse,' Sp.
Cassius.

^ TUb temikle vowed hr the dldator is said to have been erected by his m>n. It was
in the foram east of the boflillca Jnlla, and separated from it only by the view Tubcus.
It waa rebuilt dt Tiberius, and the three colamnn still standing are of his time. Part of
the foundation i» tufa and ia of the time of the kings. A little farther on, nearer the
rotira of Julian Caesar, are the remains of a fountain, which by some has been idcnttfled
as the Ibuntain JtUvma.

* Imperium plemim. * MoffisUr eguitum. See p. 91. * Sec p. 76.

60 THBESIABLISHMEHT OF THE BEPUBLIC.

7. Tlie result may be summed up by saying that Borne was
reduced abnost to her original limits. She became again a
Latin town. For nearly the next two hundred years she waa
engaged in conquering what had been lost by the reyolution.

■♦«-

Thb Establishment of the Bepublic. '(SOO b.#v)

1. After the banishment of the king, the power' that had
been delegated to him returned to the fathers.* The forms of
the constitution were strictly observed. Under the direction
of Brutus, or of the poni,\fex maximuBy an interregnum'* was
declared and Spurius Lucretius was nominated interrex. The
constitution was so amended^ that instead of a king two magis-
trates, called consuls, were placed at the head of the state.
They were not elected a^ the king had been, in the comitia
curicUa, an exclusive patrician assembly, but on account of the
rising influence of the plebeians, in the comitia centuriaia,
where they too had a vote.* The consuls, like the king, were
to rule the state," administer justice,* and lead the army.
Certain priestly functions which the king alone could perform
were transferred to an officer called the king of sacrifices,^
who was appointed for life.* It was not lawful for him
to hold any political office nor to address the people. He
must always perform his sacrifices in the comitium in the first
half of the day, during which all public business was sus-
pended. The power of the consuls was equal,* and neither

* Ih^mium. * I. «., Patrea fcankHat gentium peUridarwn.

* By the so-called lex curUUa a L. Bnito repetUa : a proposal to change the oon«tita-
tion mart be nanctloned in a ooneUium poouH^ i. «., In a meeting composed of the heads
of patrician families only ; then It ranxt oe Incorporated In the lex euriata de imperio^
which was laid before the contUkt euriata for ratification. In the time of the remiblfc
all the heads of patrician families, i. «., paired famiUae gerUitum natridarum^ were in the
aenato: hence the eoncU. pcmuH became oonftised with the patrician part of the senate.

* The oonsnla. Just as the king had done, laid the lex euriata de imperio before the
aaeembly of curies to ratify their election.

' Hence called prcE^orw. * Hence called ./iMttcev. * Hex focriUculut.

* See p. 86. * JPar poteiiae,

* See p. 90, n. 1.

THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE REPUBLIC. 51

coald take any step without the consent of the other.^ The
result was that either consul could veto the acts of the other.

2. The first, consuls were Lucius Junius Brutus and Tar-
qninins Gollatinus. The name of Tarquinius was, however, so
hateful to the people that he was obliged to rcjign his office^
and was banished, with the whole Tarquinian ges^ from Bome.
Publius Valerius' was elected in his place.

3. The Dictatorahip of Valerius.— Tradition relates that
Valerius remained alone in office ^ for some time after the death
of his colleague. This excited the suspicion of the people that
he was aiming at the royal power. This fear, however, was
groundless ; for he only remained in office in order to carry a
number of laws limiting the power ^ of the consuls. These
laws Valerius laid before the people assembled in the cmnitia
ceniuriatcu This assembly,' it will be remembered, was founded
on the classification of Servius Tullius, which was planned
purely for military purposes. Under the kings it had had the
right of deciding on the declaration of war. Now its jurisdic-
tion was so enlarged that it exercised nearly the same functions
which had formerly belonged to the comitia ciiriata. In it
was vested the right not only of electing all the higher magis-
trates, but that of legislation, in so far that it could adopt or
reject all proposals laid before it by the presiding magistrate.
These measures, however, before they became valid, as well as
the election of the higher magistrates, required the sanction
of the curies. For the comitia curiata^ alone could confer the

*■ From their conal authority they were called confinls.

• Plot. Poplicofa. • Corimi Hne atUeqa. * Imperium coMvlare.

• In order to andemtand the hi$>tory of thin a^ftcmbly In the time of the republic, It Is
iieccvwry to keep In mind that it was frequently reorganized on the barfH of the cenooB ;
that the nomber of men In a centuria wan not alwayn a hundred, but often thirty, nlxty,
oreren one hondred and twenty ; that the number of men between forty-nix and Bizty
waa equal in inflnenoe to thoee oetween seventeen and forty-six. thouRh \e»» nameroua;
that it was so arranged tliat in the lower cla^neH the nnnilvr of men In a century was far
greater than In the fimt. The result was that the find cla^K, inchiding thu knights, had
a majority of the centuries, although by no ineanu a majority of voters.

• It must be remembered that oeforc any meannre ))ertain{ng to the impfrium conid
be laid before the oomiUia curkUa, it muMt flrnt receive the ixifmtm aucforifatt, i. «., tlie
»nction of the palre9 famUian gentium pafriciarum, and that all Hmilar meaguren
ade^pted by the winitia eenluriata, before they became valid, reanired this sanction. In
renrd to the comitia cerUurkUa it is important to recollect tliat only tlione raeasnres
which limited the consular imperium required the sanction of the comitia curiata.
According to some authorities, particularly MomniMen, the plebeians voted In this
aMemblr. There Is evidence to show that they were admitted to the curies for pur-
ox worship. The weight of evidence is, however, decidedly against the supposi-

62 THE E8TABLISUMENT OF THB REPUBLIC.

imperiumy which empowered the magistrates to command the
army and to exercise judicial functions.^ The patricians then,
beside their great influence in the eofniiia cerUuriata, still
retained in the comitia curiata, in which they alone were enti-
tled to vote, a check on all legislation and the election of all
the higher magistrates.

4. The Valarian Laws. — ^Valerius first renewed the cen-
BUB, and rearranged the classification in the interest of the
rich, in the manner already described. In order to conciliate
the poor be remitted the poll-tax > imposed by Tarquinins
SuperbuSy and restored the tribtitum^ of Servius TuUius. At
the same time he lowered the port dues,^ made the salt-works
at the mouth of the Tiber a state monopoly, and bought up
corn for the state, that this necessity might be supplied to the
poor at a reasonable price. Valerius carried another measure
also highly acceptable to the plebeians. It will be remem-
bered that Tarquinius had failed to keep the senate up to its
full number. To these vacancies a number of noble plebeians
of equestrian rank* was admitted, and to distinguish them
from the patrician senators, they were called corhscriptu^ They
ranked only as equUeSy and had no right to the insignia of
senatorial dignity — the purple-bordered robe, the red shoe,
and the golden ring.

1. The first law* carried by Valerius prescribed that eyery
Roman citizen against whom sentence of capital or corporal
punishment had been pronounced should have the right of
appealing'' to the people in the comitia centuriaia. This

tlon that thej were entitled to vote wben the lex cttriaia was to be ratified. (QT. (He. ad
AU.^ i., 18L 4!) If the plebeians coald vote in the comiHa euriata^ there woald be no
propriety in Cioero^s writing that the adoption of Clodins was to be voted on in the
campus MartluB^ where the whole people {universwt populus) could vote.

^ BeeAde conferring the imperium, the oomiUa curiala (ealaia) exercised inrifidlction
over the internal aflairH of the cnrim*, iuaufiiirated certain prientM, and before It willn
were made and the ceremony of arrogatio^Dj which a man adopted any penon a8 hie
son who was tuihtrU^ that 1% who had been freed from the {patria) poUatat of his fMher.

" Ae$ eapUanum.

* This was at flrpt a land-tax. It was raised in the tribes by offloers called curatorm
fri&tmm, later tri^ni cerarii.

* Pyrtoria.

' The senate was henceforth addrewed as palres (ef) eoMcHpfi. There are said to have
been as many as 164 added, a clear majority of the whole number. These were by no
means all plebeians.

* Ne quit magMratut dvem Bomanum advermsprocoeaitUmem ntcaret neve ogrften u c ^ .
^ «/iM provooaOonii, ♦ See p. «0, n. C

TUB ESTABLISHMENT OF THE REPUBLIC. 53

was a direct limitation of tho power of the consul ; it was
the Habeas Corpus Act of the Romans. As an outward sign
of the limitation of the official power of the magistrate, Vale-
rias caused the fasces to be borne in the city without the
axes, and to be lowered before the peopl& Outside of the
city the consular authority was still supreme, and the axes
were bound up with the fasces.^

2. The second law^ placed a limit to the fines' which the
magistrate could impose.

3. The third law was also a limitation of the power of
the consul, in that it prescribed that two qtuBstors^ should be
appointed annually to manage the finances of the state. The
management of the finances wfus a question of less importance
at this time in Home, where no public officer received a salary,
and where military service was exacted from every citizen.
The consuls, as has already been said, were elected for one
year, yet they did not abdicate until their successors were
appointed, for they must nominate and preside at the election
of the latter.

4. The fourth law^ of Valerius compelled the presiding
magistrates to nominate and receive votes for all suitable
candidates proposed by the people.*

5. The fifth law'' threatened any one with outlawry who
should attempt to assume the highest magistracy without the
consent of the people.

5. These are the laws attributed to Valerius, henceforth
called Poplicola, " the people's friend." It is evident that they
helped to settle the new order of things, and by limiting the
power of the magistrate made the aristocratic rule of the
patricians less intolerable to the plebeians. They offered to
the plebeians, both in the senate and comitia centuriaia, a

* This led to the difltinetlon between itnperium domi mnd hnpertum mUUUB,

* At least It Is generally aijcribed to Valeriun.

* Muttoi dieUo: the limit was five cattle and two f»heep.

* The quoBtoret parrieklU were maglKtrates under the king. By the law of Valerius
Uiey became guagtoret parrieidii and cerarU,

■ Lex Valeria de candidaHe.

* The natridanH could render the election invalid bv refasing to empower (jMi<rtoii
auctoriUuo the candidate to la^ tl^o lex cnriata de imperio before the eotnlfia curuUa,

' Lex de sacrando cum borne cajAUi t;}iui, qui rtgni occupandi ccmtilia irdeeet.

54 THE RICH AND POOR. — ^THE TRIBUNES OF THE PEOPLE,

share in the goyemment, and thereby helped to strengthen the
unity of the state.

6. The Dictatorship. — The repeated re-election of Vale-
rius, and the popular tendency of his laws, created a reaction
and led to the establishment of the dictatorship. This was a
temporary restoration of the full power which the kings had
possessed. By a decree^ of the senate one of the consuls was
empowered to nominate a dictator for a period not exceeding
six months. All the other magistrates remained in office, and
continued to discharge their duties, but they were all subject
to the dictator. The guarantees by which Valerius had sought
to protect the liberties of the people were all in abeyance. The
dictator appointed as second in command a magister equitum^
or master of the horse. The first dictator was T. Larcius.'

7. Valerius, after he had secured the adoption of these laws,
convened the comitia for the election of a consul.' The people
chose Spurius Lucretius, but on his death, a few days after^
Marcus Horatiu^ was elected in his place.

ckcaptkr vii.
The High and Poor. — The Tribunes of the People.

1. Thus far both parties had co-operated in the restoration
of order. The chief motive, however, that had influenced the
patricians to consent to the amendments of the consjbitution
and to other popular measures, was the fear that the plebeians
might unite with the party of the king and thus bring about a
restoration of the monarchy. It was at this time that tlie con-
servative aristocratic party in Bome was strengthened by the

^ Ltx de diUatOT€ cretmdo.

* Or If \ Valeriufi. It is doabtfal whether the dictatorship originated a8 demrlhed in
the text, or In the disMnffions of the two orden*— 4. «., that the patricians m^ht thwart
the meamires of the people or of a popular consul— or arose from a necessity of unity of
command in military affairs ; see also p. 48.

* Con$tU wfftctut.

THB RICH AND POOR. — ^THB TRIBUNES OF THE PEOPLE. 55

GlandiaD gens, which migrated to Rome with three thousand
clients. About this time the population had so increased that
the Boman territory was divided at the next census (b. c. 498)
into twenty tribes,^ of which four were the ancient wards formed
by the Servian constitution. With the death of Tarquinius'
vanished all fear of the restoration of the monarchy, and at the
same time all regard for the welfare of the plebeians.

1. The Condition of the Plebeians. — ^In order to nnder-
Btand the condition of the plebeians, it is necessary to rememl)er
that the management of the government was almost exclusively
in the' hands of the patricians. They alone could be dictators,
oonBuls, qusBstors, or priests. The plebeians, it is true, had a vote
in the comiiia ceniuriaia, where they even formed a majority.
This assembly, however, had been remodelled in the interest
of the rich, so that here also the influence of the patricians was
predominant. Further, no measure could be laid before this
assembly until it bad first received their sanction. The comiiia
then could only decide with yes or no on the question laid
before them. All emendation, discussion, and debate were
excluded. The measures, after their adoption by the people,
must come once more before the patricians for confirmation
in the comitia curiata. In the popular assembly, then, the
plebeians could make no successful resistance to the well-
organized rule of the patricians. Marriage between the two
orders was unlawful. Neither wealth nor service to the state
opened to the plebeian the prospect of rising above his order
and sharing in the government.

3. The Iiaw of Debtor and Creditor. — Another circum-
stance aggravated his hardships. The wars that had followed
the banishment of the king had pressed hard upon the ple-
beians. They had to render military service without pay, and
to provide their own arms. Rome had to surrender her terri-
tory beyond the Tiber « to Porsenna. The ravages of war
ruined the crops. The enemy destroyed the farm buildings
and drove away the cattle. When the poor plebeian returned,

' Tb« twentjr-ilnt tribe was added at the next cenRiu, flye yeare after (b. o. 488).
• p. «. • Septem pagi.

66 THE EIOH AND POOR. — ^THE TRIBUNES OF THE PEOPLB.

either hm farm had been left untilled or his crops were de-
stroyed, and he was without means of subsistence or of pur-
chasing seed for the next year, lie was then obliged to incar
debts. If he failed in paying the large interest — ten or twelve
per cent — ^he was seized by the creditor and imprisoned^ or
sold as a slave and his family left to starve.^

These wars, while they were the ruin of the plebeians,
benefited the patricians ; for they alone could ^ occupy the land
acquired by conquest.. Under the kings the plebeians had
been admitted to a share in its use ; but now the patricians
divided the land among themselves and the wealthy plebeian
families represented in the senate, and paid to the state only a
nominal rent for its use; and as it was exempted from taxation
an unfair portion of the taxes' fell upon the poor, while their
means for bearing the burden were narrowed. This led to a
distinction between rich and poor, by no means identical with
that between patricians and plebeians.

4. The Right of Appeal — ^The Valerian law had guar-
anteed to the plebeians the right of appeal to the popular
assembly against the hard sentence of the patrician consuL
This right, however, the senate could at any moment render
void by authorizing one of the consuls to nominate a dictator,

* When a plebeian at Rome found himself inyolved in a debt which be oonld not pay,
his best renonrce was to pell hlmnelf to his creditor, on the condition tliat imlera the
debt were previously dlHchargcd, the creditor, at the expiration of a stated term, should
enter into possession of his purchase. This was called, in the lanfi;aage of the Roman
law, the entering into a nerum^ and (he person who had thus conditionally sold himself
was said to be nexw. When the day came, the creditor claimed possession, and the
mafi^lMtrate awarded It : and the debtor thus given over to his purchaser, addicius, passed,
witTi all that beloneed to him, into his power ; and as the sons were considered their
father's property, they also, unless previously emancipated, were Included in the wle,
and went into slavery with their fattier. Or if a man, resolved not by his own act to
sacrifice his own andtiis children's liberty, refused thus to sell himself, or, in the Roman
lan^^nage, to enter into a wanim, and determined to abide in his own iierson the conse-
qncnces of his own debt, then he risked a fate still more fearful. If, within thirty day«
after the justice of the claim had been allowed, he was unable to discliar^ it, his creditor
might arrest him and bring him before the court : and if no one then offered to be his
security, he was given over to his creditor, and kept by him in private custody, bound with
a diain of fifteen pounds weight, and fed with a pound of com dally. H he still could not,
or would not, come to any terms with his creditor, he was thus confined during sixty davfi,
and during this period was brought before the court in the oomUium on three successive
market-days, and the amount or his debt declared, in order to see if any person would
yet come forward in his behalf. On the third market-day, if no friend ai>i)eared, he was
either to be put to death or sold as a slave into a foreign land beyond the Twer.—Amold^t
Hist, Rome, p. 68 ; see also Livjf ii. S8.

* Tribuhim. This was a tax assessed by tribes only on landed property. The wealth
of the patricians consisted niontly In their occupation of the public land, which was
exempt from this tax. The burden then fell more heavily upon the plebeian.

THE RICH AND POOR, — ^THE TRIBUNES OF THE PEOPLE. 67

whose power was not limited by the Valerian laws, but was
supreme both in and out of the city. The only way for the
plebeians to gain a share in the management of the govern-
ment was to organize themselves as a separate political body.

& The FixBt Secession. — The first crisis, however, came
not from those who resented their political disabilities, but
from the poor. They saw in the frequent wars the real cause
of their poverty. When the levy of the state was called out
for a dangerous war against the Yolscians, the plebeians refused
to serve. Then the consul Servilius, who was friendly to the
people, suspended the severe law of debtor and creditor, and
liberated the imprisoned debtors on condition that they should
take their place in the ranks and help to secure the victory.
The enemy was driyen back, and the army returned victorious to
Borne. But the distress began again, for the law was enforced
by bis colleague, Appius Claudius, in its former rigor (b.c. 495).
The next year the enemy appeared again, and it was not until
the senate appointed M'. Valerius dictator that the farmers
yielded and took their place again in the ranks. On his return
as victor, the dictator tried to carry his measures for reform.
When these were rejected, the army, which stood in array be-
fore the gates of the city, abandoned its general, and headed
by the military tribunes, who were at least in part plebeians,
marched away to the district between the Tiber and Anio,
and there determined to build a new city ^ (b.c. 494).

The patricians were compelled to yield. They saw plainly
that they and their clients could not carry on the government
alone. They sent Valerius to make terms with the leaders. He
was accompanied by ten senators, at whose head was Agrippa
Menenius, who is said to have overcome their obstinacy by
relating the fable of the belly and members. Henceforth
Valerius was called MaximuSy and the mount beyond the Anio
the Sacred Mount,* and the law the lex sacrata^

* Hits was called the MoetHo pMAs in sacrum montem^ or secesHo Crustmnerina.
Vbe etotement on the anthority of Pieo (£4v. il. 33), that the Aventine was occupied,
relatesi to a later eeoetwion.

" li WW 8 SomAO miles, or 2^ Englleh milefl, distant from Rome.

* That is the covenant or tenuH upon which peace wa« made.

58 THE RICH AKD POOR. — THE TRIBUNES OF THE PEOPLE.

& The Tribtmes of the People. — The conditions of their
return were, (1) the cancelling of old debts, and (2) the election
of two plebeian tribunes. The tribunes of the people took their
names and were elected, not from the military tribunes, but
from the tribunes ^ who managed the local afEairs of the tribes.
Their office was purely civil, and was designed to protect the
plebeians from the severity of the consular power. They had
no* military force at their disposal, but their authority was
strengthened by placing the tribunes themselves under the
special protection of the gods. They were declared to be
sacrosancH, that is, consecrated and inviolable, and whoever
injured one, or hindered him in the exercise of his authority,
was threatened with the curse of the gods,' and might be killed
by any one without fear of punishment. The recognition of
these laws, wrung from the patricians, was the first plebiscitunu^
This was the beginning of a new form of legislation, which led
in the course of years to absolute democracy.

7. The Original Power of the Tribunes.— The preroga-
tives of the tribunes were at first simply to protect any plebeian
who appealed to them for protection against the consular
authority.^ In order that every injured person might place
himself under the protection of the tribunes, it was enacted
that they should not go more than a mile from the city,' and

* Owratores ttifmum. or triJtntni arariiy t^ they were called. Each trfbc had Hvo,
making in all one hunared and five. PlebcianH were eligible to thi8 office, and it was
from the plebeian members that the tribunes were electra. Their number was at first
two, but was immcdiateiv increased, by eoapfatio (i. e. the two who had already been
chosen selected their colleagues), to five, to correspond to the five classes. According
to Mommsen their number was increased to five by the PublUian law of Voloro (471 b. c);
Beepa«re68.

■ CoMeeraUo capUis et bonontm.

' KplebincUum was any mca«(ure adopted by the plebeians. In this ease the tiibunea
were elected and the lae taeraUi carrii-d in a meeting of plebeians held by tribes (trUm-
Um\ i. «., in a eoncUium tribulum. Henceforth the tribunes were elected in the comUia
cttriata. Aoooiding to Mommsen they were elected in a condHvm euriatum ; but this
is connected with another view of Mommsen, viz.: that the plebeians were admitted to
the curies. It is in any case mere supposition ; the ancients give no satisfactory informa-
tion on the subject ; see note 3, page 64.

* JuB intercedendi, or as it was at first called, ftu avxUU. In order to understand the
position of the tribunes, it is necessary to remember that their legal power comiisted
simply in suspending an act, not in annulling it^ and ttiat the coercion ezerdsed over the
consul was simply a nsun^ power. Eigenbroat has proved that their power {tridunida
po(€9tatt) was not, as Mommsen supposes, superior to that of the consul Onqfor poUgUu\
nor their veto like that of the dictator (ri nu0oris poUstaiU)^ but sprang simply from
their invIolabDity, i. e., from their saerosancta potestas.

■ That i^, that thev should not go outside of the jxmwHum, for eo fkr the light of ap^
peal and the power of the tribune extended.

DBYELOPMEKr OF THIS POWER OF THE TBIBUXEa 59

that the doors of their houses should be open night and day,
that any one might find refuge with them. From the right
of intercession was developed the power by which the tribune
could place his yeto upon the execution of any law or measure
of the consul injurious to the interests of the people^ and for
a time, at kast, prevent its execution. This was a direot limita.
tion of the consular power.^

& The Icilian Iiaw. — The tribunes also had the right of
sDmmoning' the plebeians' from time to time to consult them
on their affairs. In these meetings the tribunes addressed the
people and carried resolutions. These^ however, when they
pertained to the afiEairs of the state, were niere petitions, or had
bat little more effect than the resolutions of our modem public
meetings. Their validity, however, was asserted by the plebeians
from the first, and in this way the Icilian resolution,^ which
punished with death any one interrupting a tribune while ad-
dressing the people, was adopted and became a law (493 B. o.).

Two plebeian aediles were elected at the same time with
the tribunes,' whom they were to attend and to assist. • ^^

■• ♦ <■

chaitb3r viii.

Development op the Power op the Tribunes.

Agrarian Agftations.

L The powers of the tribunes developed rapidly. They

soon usurped the right to summon any patrician before their

assembly, and to punish him with fines or even with death.

The first instance of the kind is said to have been in the case of

Ck>riolanas7 (b. c. 491).

' J. «., bnperiwn donA. * OoncUia pleHa.

\ Ju» e*mi pUbe Off&ndi. * Pkbi^Htum Icilivm.

At the Mine time probably ten men for lawKuits Uudices decemviri) were elected,
*«»^«it3r vrw to investigate caaes which came under the juri»dict{on of the trihuiieH.
• The tiibunes entered each year uijon their office the 10th of December.
'PtatCor.

60 DEVELOPMENT OF THE POWER OP THE TBIBUNES.

2. The Story of Coiiolanns. — The legend runs that there
was a famine at Rome. The distress was great among the poor.
Com was bought in Etruria and distributed among them. This
was not sufficient, and the suffering continued, tUl Gelon, king
of Syracuse, sent ships of corn as presents to the Roman people.
Then Gajus Marcius Goriolanus, a brave patrician who had
fought at Lake Regillus and won the civic crown, proposed
that none be yielded to the plebeians until they consented to
give up their tribunes. Thereupon the tribunes impeached him
before the assembly of tribes^ of having broken the peace be-
tween the two orders, and of having violated the sacred laws.
The patricians could not protect him, and^li'^as compelled to
flee from Bome.^ He betook himself to Antium, the capital of
the Yolscians, and persuaded them to make war on Borne.
Commanded by their king and Goriolanus, they penetrated
within five miles of the city and laid waste the land of the
plebeians for miles around. The Romans sued for peace. Gori-
olanus demanded the restoration of all the towns that had
been taken from the Yolscians. These terms seemed hard, and
the ambassadors came again to ask for more favorable con-
ditions. Goriolanus would not even see them. But when a
procession of Roman matrons came, and Goriolanus recognized
his mother Veturia, his wife Volumnia, and his little children,
he was induced to yield. lie withdrew his army, and gave
back the conquered towns. Some say that he was put to
death by the Yolscians, others that he spent his life in exile.

3. The Position of the Tribunes. — The prerogatives of
the tribunes were now secure. The discord between the two
parties, rich and poor, or what at this time was nearly the same,
between the patricians and plebeians, was legally organized.
The struggle of the plebeians henceforth was for a further limi-
tation of the consular power, and for a legal position in the state.

4. The Management of the Public Land. — The meas-
ures thus far adopted afforded only temporary relief for the

* That Is. the aenembly of plcbcianB by trib^f*, eoncUium tributumpUbU.

* The loiiiclal power of the tribunes in capital offences was regulated and defined b|
the lex Atema Tctrp^a (b. o. 464).

DEYELOPMEKT OF THE POWEB OF THE TRIBUNES. 61

poor. Their condition could never be permanently bettered
until the injustice which lay at the root of the civil dissensions
was removed. This was the management of the public land.^
Tliis land had been acquired by conquest, and so long as the
patricians alone formed the people,' they jealously excluded
the plebeians from all share in it. But when the plebeians
were admitted to military service, and when new lands were
acquired, in part at least, by their blood and toil, they too
claimed a share in its use. This the patricians denied, and
claimed and exercised, for the most part, the exclusive right
of inclosing and occupying it For its use they were to pay ' to
the state either a small tax,^ or a tenth of the income' of the
soil After the banishment of the king, in order to con-
ciliate the favor of the plebeians, the patricians allowed them
also, on giving a tenth of the income,* to drive their cattle
upon the common pasture.^ When in course of time larger
tracts were conquered, portions were also parceled out to the
plebeians, in a manner, however, by no means satisfactory to
them. Small farms® were given to them in the newly acquired
territory, on condition that they should settle there and de-
fend it

S. Its Oc:<niptttion. — But as population increased and
agriculture was developed, the occupation of the land fell
more and more into the hands of the rich. For when the
senate authorized the consul to offer new tracts of land for
occupation • and possession,^^' only the rich who had herds of
cattle and households of slaves, could make its cultivation
profitable. Hence the public pastures were brought more and
more into cultivation, and the grazing land for the use of the
poor became smaller. The poor plebeian could not even obtain
work on this land as a day-laborer, for the patricians pre-
ferred slaves, because they were cheaper, and the slaves were
not liable, like the plebeians, to military service. By admitting
the rich plebeians to a share in the public lands, the senate

* ^jgtr nubUeus, * Populvs. * Thin wan not Btrictly enfoixod.

'iSlfftofrmi. • Vectlgal, • Vectigal.

^Jwua, * Binajugera, * OccupcUio, ^"^ Posgessio,

62 DEVELOPMENT OF THE POWEK OF THE TRIBUNES.

identified their interest with its own, and deprived the poor
plebeians of the aid of those who ought to have been their pro-
tectors. The patricians then claimed the exclusive right of oc-
cupying the public lands. This claim the plebeians resisted.

6. The Agrarian Law of Cassioa (b. c. 486).— To rec-
tify this injustice Spurius Cassius,^ a noble patrician, proposed
to the comitia centuriata the first Agrarian Law. He was the
most renowned of his order, and had formed a treaty with the
Latins in his second consulship (b.c. 493), and in his third with
the Hemicans. He now came forward as the protector of the
plebeians, and proposed that the newly-acquired public land
should not be offered for occupation, but be divided among the
plebeians and Latins,' and if this was not sufficient a part of
the public land already occupied shoald be taken. Against
this proposal the patricians rose as one man, and the rich plebe-
ians took part with them ; first, because the consul had laid
a matter relating to the civil administration, which properly
belonged to the senate, before the people ; and secondly, be-
cause the bill threatened to deprive those already in possession
of the public land of their rights. The plebeians themselves
were dissatisfied, because the Latins were to have a share in the
land. The patricians allowed the law to pass, but prevented its
execution. Sp. Gassius was accused the next year, at their insti-
gation, of aiming at kingly power, and condemned to death.

7. The Three Parties. — Thus far the struggle had been
chiefly between the rich and poor. Still all the rich plebeians
had not taken sides with the patricians, and there were many
rich patricians who favored the poor. It was these rich patri-
cians and plebeians who formed the third party, a party which
had the welfare of the state in view and counseled conciliation
and unity.

1 Bj a fttmnge compenratlon of fortune, the first Boman wbo«e peatneM Is really
historical, Ia the man whonc deedn no poet wing, and who^e memory the early annalititfl,
repeating the language of the party who destroyed him, have branded with the charge of
treason and attempted tyranny. Amid the nilence and the calumniei} of hi« enemies, he
l» known as the author of three works to which Rome owed all her future matnese : be
concluded the league with the Latins in bis second consulship ; in bis third ne concluded
the league with the Hemicans, and procured, although with the price of bis own life, ibe
enactment of the first agrarian law.— ^m(rf./V JluU^y p. 67.

• Accorduig to the treaty.

DEYELOPHSirr OP TH2 FOWE& OF THE T&IBUKES. 63

a The Fabii and Vejentines (b. g. 485-477).— The
death of Cassius, howeyer, so strengthened the patricians that
the Fabian gen$y contrary to the law of Valerius^ usurped the
consulship for nearly ten years. Oppression fell heavier than
ever on the poor plebeian. When he refused to serve in the
army the consul made the levy outside of the pomerium, where
the intercession of the tribune was of no avail The patricians
had also learned to make use of the veto of some tribune to
neutralize the acts of his colleagues. It seemed as if the
Fabian gens^ as the senate recommended from year to year
one of their number for the consulship, would gain supremo
control of the state. In order to win the favor of the ple-
beianSy Kaeso Fabius, the same who had impeached Cassius,
even proposed to carry into execution the agrarian law. The
government took the alarm, and the Fabian house, of three
hundred and six males of full age and four thousand clients,
were compelled to leave Rome. They marched to the river
Cremera near Veji, and established a fortified camp. For two
years they sustained the whole of the Vejentine war, but at
length were enticed into an ambuscade. AH were slain. One
boy only, who had remained at Home, preserved the name and
race of the Fabii (b. c. 477).

9. The Pablilias Law of Volero (b. c. 471 ).~ After the
banishment of the Fabii, the contest for the execution of the
agrarian law was waged more fiercely. The tribune Genucius
accused the consuls for the year b. c. 473 before the assembly
of tribes of not having made the promised assignments of land.
On the night before the trial, the tribune was murdered in his
own house. This so terrified his colleagues that they did not
even dare to make use of their power of intercession. Then
the plebeians became convinced that they must have men for
tribunes who were politically independent,' and ready, under
any circumstance, to lend their aid to the poor.

Their tribune Volero Publilius proposed to transfer the

* The patrician.9 exerted Indirectly an Influence on the election of the trthnnen by
peeliig th«t raitablie men were elected for etiratorM tribfwm, from which the iribnncf* of
the people were fielected. The euratoreg trilnmm were elected by members of the tribes ;
patiidaiis, plebeians, and clients voting on a footing of equality.

election of tribunes to the plebeians themselyes. The patri-
cianSy under the lead of Appius Claudius, resisted ; they
pressed into the assembly of the plebeians,^ and delayed the
adoption o!C the measure. Yolero rallied the people ; ho was
re-elected. Notwithstanding the disturbance of the patri-
cianSy ho carried the measure, and it became a law.' Hence-
forth the tribunes were elected in the special plebeian as-
sembly.'

10. This was a great gain for the plebeians. To their rights
of meeting together and discussing their own affairs and pass-
ing resolutions free from interruption, secured by the Icilian
plebiscitumj was now added that of electing their own officers
free and independent of patrician influence. \^

^ The patricians, like the plebeians, were included in the local trihefl, and both voted
together in eloctine the ofBcerx of the tribe and managine its local amdrs. When an
asHembly from all the tribes wam oammoned by the trlbnne, It was natural tiiat the patri-
cians should lay claim to admittance also. They may have pressed into the assemmy to
enforce thU right A few vcars afterwaids (b. c. 447) the comitia tri^ula was oiganixed,
in which both patrician and plel)eian voted on a footing of equality.

' This law was a ptebUcilttm^ but the patricians were compelled to recognize its validity.
Rome had now the lollowing public assemblies : the comUia eetUuriata^ presided over uf
the consul} in which both patricians and plebeians voted according to a classiflcation
that gave the greatest influence to wealth and age ; the spedal asseniblv of plebeians by
tribes (oondUum Mbutum pM>i4\ presided over by a tribune, where all voted on a foot-
ing of e<|nality ; the oomina euriata^ composed only of patricians, in which the peoide
voted in curke— each curia had one vote, determincSd by the majority of votes in that
curia \ when the lex curiata de imperio came before the assembly, a consul, pnetor, or
dictator presided ; when cases of adoption or religious matters, the pont^ex maa^mvt
nresided ; the coneUium curiatum^ composed of the patresfmnilias oendttm patrieiarufA^
lormerl V conferred the patrum auctontas^ but since all the patrician ffCfUsi were repre-
sented in the senate, this was said to have been conferred by the patrician part of the
senate ; the eomiHa trilnila^ generally presided over by the jrtnxtor. in which the whole
body of citizens, patricians, plebeians and clients, voted on a footing of equality, was
not organized till a later period (b. c. 447). It was employed to enact some laws, elect
the in^rior magistrates, and decide the less important Judicial processes. The word Zee,
by no means synonymous with our word " law/* was applicable to whatever the people
commanded iquocL populus Jybet atgtis conttihnt). whida did not consist in an election or
Judicial decisioD . The wora was particularly applicable to a roffotio (a bill) propoeed (iaia
ett) in a comUkij an aseemblv of the whole people. A wUum was a resolution carried in
a eoncUiwn pMns, and only Became a law after it had been recognized by the people.

* VoncUium trilnUum plebia ; this law Mommsen (vol. i., p. 807) calls one of the most
momentous in its consequences with which Roman history has to deal ; for two of the
most important arrangements — the introduction of the plebeian assemblvof tribes (p. 6B|
note 8) and the placing of the plehitcitwn on a level, although condltionallv, with the
formal law sanctioned by the whole community— are to be referred, the ronner cer>
tainly, the latter probably, to the proposal of Yolero Publllius, the tribune of the people, in
B. o. 471. The plebe had mtherto adopted their resolutions by curies ; here the voting had
t>cen by mere numbers, without distinction of estate or freehold propertv. and the cTientB
of the great patrician families had voted together in the assembly. Tnis had given the
nobility an opportunity of exercising influence on that assembly, and especially of man-
aging the election of tribunes aocoraing to their views. According to Mommsen, to the
twenty di*^tricts into which the Roman territory had already been divided, namely the
four Servian wards and the sixteen new wards added in b. c. 496 (see p. 6S and note 1),
was now added, in consequence of the Pubiillan law and with a view to bring about the
inequality which was desirable for voting purposes in the total divisions, the nprenty-first
tribe, the Cmstuminian, which derived its name from the place where the pleba haa oon-
Btituted itself as such and had established the tribunate (see p. 67 and n. 1>.

TttE DfiCfiMVlftS AlTD LAWS OP TttE TWELVB TABLES. 65

CHAJE^TER IX.

The Dbcemvibs and the Laws op the Twelve Tables,

1. Zifforts to obtain Equal Laws. — The contest now
assumed a new form. The aim of the plebeians was unmistaka-
ble. They were struggUng to limit the power of the consul,
and to secure for themselves a separate, clearly defined, and
legal position in the state. The first step was taken by the
tribune G. Terentilius Arsa, who, in the year B. c. 462, laid a
proposal ^ before the assembly of tribes that five men be ap-
pointed to draw up a code of laws by which the consuls should
be bound in the exercise of their judicial functions. It will
be remembered' that the patricians had exclusive knowledge
of the law and the forms of procedure in the civil courts. This
they guarded as a sacred mystery from the plebeians. By care-
fully preventing the laws from being written down and pub-
lished, they kept the plebeians in a state of dependence from
which even the tribunes could not deliver them. With the
advance in civilization, cases arose to which the common law
did not apply.' The decision of these cases depended wholly
on the will of the magistrate. Under these circumstances the
only course for the plebeians was to have the laws revised,
written down and published. The proposal of Terentilius was
adopted at once by the plebeians, but the patricians were de-
termined not to yield and consequently refused to ratify it.*

2. ConcossioDS. — The contest over the rogation* lasted for
ten years. The old party violence broke out anew.*^ Foreign

* See page 40. * «^u« ineertum.

* As tnu mopoftal Hmited the consular imperhtm, it required the sanctioix of the patri-
dMXM before it could become a law. * See page 64, n.ft. ^. , ^ .

■ The Tonnger patricians organized clubs for the peri>etration of every kind of vio-
lence. Among theM Kaeso QninctiuB, the son of the celebrated Cinclnnatus, brought
upon himself an impeachment by the tribune Anlus Yirginins (b. o. 461). K«8o flea to
Smiria before the day of his trial. A conspiracy was formed for effecting his return.
Li the foOowing year a band of exiles, led oy the Sabine Appins Herdonins, surprised
the fT«»j^i liy i^g^ and attempted to aaeaBstnat^) the tribunes and restore the constito-

66 THE DECEMVIRS AKD LAWS OF THE TWELVE TABLES.

enemies seized this opportunity to press hard on Rome. The
Volscians penetrated into the heart of Latium, and the
^quians even defeated a Boman army on Mount Algidus. The
patricians would not yield. In b. c. 457 they conceded, how*
ever, that the number of tribunes should be increased from
five to ten, two from each of the five classes. The result of
this was that a greater number of plebeians came within reach
of the tribune's protection.* In B. c. 454 the tribune Icilius
earned a law * that the public land on the Aventine should be

tion OR it was before the Recession to the Sacred Mount. The cry reRonndcd through the
city, '* To arms I the enemy are In the city/* Anns were given oat ; the yonog men were
enrolled. Attslifitance came from Tawulam. The connal led the allied forces up the
Capitoline hill. The citadel was recovered, bat the conral was stain. The pfttnclans
elected in his place Quinctiun Cincinnatus, the father of Kseso. The plebeians were 'dis-
mayed. CincinnatOH, however, was not more severe In restraining the plebeians than in
reproving the senate. A trace wai* concluded with the JSquians. The next year (b. c. 456)
the Mqmkntt brolce the trace, invaded the oountrv of Tuscalum, and pitched their camp on
Mount Algidus, the eastern spar of the Alban hills. The Roman consul was defeated, and
his camp Desieged in one or the defiles of the mountain. Five knights escaped and
brought the news to Rome. Terror prevailed in the city, for the other consul with his
anny was fighting with the Sabines. The senate decided to appoint Cincinnatus dictator.
Ho was llvuig on his little farm on the right bank of the Tiber, and, like the noble
Romans of the good old time, was cultivating it with his own hands. When tbe ambas-
sadors came, Cincinnatus quitted his plough, and put on his toga that he might receive
the message of the senate in a becoming manner. When he heard the errand he accepted
the office, and appointed Tarqainius Flaocus, a noble patrician, but frugal like hlmseli, as
his master of horse. He ordered all coarts of Justice to be closed, all business suspended,
and summoned every man of military age to meet him on the Campus Martins before
sunset, each bringing twelve stakes and rations for five days. Before midnight the dk*
tator had reached Mount Algidus and reconnoitred the enemy^s position. He ordered bis
soldiers to throw down their bageage and surround the camp of the iSqulans with a
ditch and drive in the stakes, witb a shout the Romans b^an their work and an-
nounced their presence to the ^quians and their countrymen at the same Ume. The con^^nl
and his army recognized the war-cry, seized their arms, and renewed the battle. The
iGquians, hemmed in between two armies, surrendered and prayed for mercy. Cincin-
natus Piwrcd their llvc<i, but made them all pass under the yoke. (The yoke was formed
with two s{)ear.H placed a[)right on the ground, and a third placed across the upper ends
of them.) CincinnaUiH divided the sfioits with his army and returned in triumph to Rome.
On the sixteenth dav he laid down nis ofllce and retired to his farm. — lAvyt ilL IK ff. In
Buch a warfare as that of the Romans with the^quians and Volscians, there were always
mfflcient alternations of success to furnish the annalists on either aide with matter of
triumph ; and by exaggerating every victory, and omitting or slightly noticing every
defeat, they fonned a picture such as national vanity most aelights In. But we neither
care, nor need we desire, to correct and snppiv the omissions of toe details of the Roman
historians : it is enough to say that at the close of the third century of Rome, the w^r
fare which the Romans had to maintain against the Opican nations was geiienii y
defensive ; and that the ^Equians and Vol>K:Tans had advanced from the line of the
Apenn!ne>i, and established tnemscIveM on the Alban hills in the heart of Latium : that
of the thirty Latin states which had formed the league with Rome (b. c. 496), thirteen
were either now destroyed or were in possession or the Opicans ; that on the Alban
hills themselves Tuscnlum alone remained independent ; and that there was no other
friendly city to obstrnct the irruptions of the enemy into the territoirof Rome. Accord-
ingly tnat territory was plundered year after year, and whatever defeats the plander^
ers may at times have sustained, yet they were never deterred from renewing a contest
which they fonnd in the main profitable and elorious. So greatly had the power and
dominion of Rome fallen since tne overthrow of the monarchy. — Afvold, toL L p. 78 f.

* This was the third plebUHtum recognized by the patricians.

* Lex IdUa de Avenano pubHcando : this plebigcifum did not require to be ratified by
the conUiia euriata, bat by the senate, because it relatoe to matters of civil admhiiBtii^
tton.

THE DECEMVIRS AND LAWS OF THE TWELVE TABLES. 67

giren up to the plebeians. The third concession was more
important. One of the consuls proposed a law which limited
the amount of fines which any magistrate^ consul as well as
tribune, could impose, to two sheep and thirty oxen.*

These concessions, however, did not satisfy the plebeians.
After a conflict of nearly ten years (b. o. 462-454)* a compromise
was effected. The patricians gave way and allowed the com-
mission to be appointed, but only from their own order.^ First
an embassy of three men^ (triumviri) was sent to Athens to
examine the laws of Solon and to southern Italy to study the
manners and customs of the Greeks there. On its return ten
men ^ were elected in the comitia centuriata for the year b. a
451, with full powers not only to draw up a code of laws, but
to act as supreme mi^trates until the new code should come
into force. They performed their task with diligence and
administered justice with impartiality.

3v The Code of Roman Law. — The result of their labor
was that they published on ten tables of brass the first code of
Boman law. This was sanctioned in the comitia centuriata and
then declared binding on all the people.^ These laws gave so
much satisfaction to the people that new decemvirs — this time
plebeians as well as patricians — were elected for another year
to complete the work. Appius Claudius was the only mem-
ber re-elected. Two more tables were added, thus completing
the celebrated Tiodve Tables of Laws, the foundation of
Boman jurisprudence. These were affixed to the rostra in front
of the Curia Hostilia, that all the people might read them. In
the time of Cicero they were committed to memory by the boys

* The iex Atenria Tairp^^ carried in b. c. 464 ; twenty-fonr years after theee fines
were expreaeed in money, the f^hcep at ten assw {csrU gravif»\ the oxen at one hnndred.
Hitherto the consals alone oooM impose fines ; this right became now a prerogative of
tbeiwMif of the maelatiate and not of the imperium,

' In B.C. 464 tbetrflmne propoeed tliat fhiB oommiasion ehookl be composed partly of \
plebeianfrwtd patricians.

' TIm patriclanH, from religions as well as political reasons, conld never admit tlie
plebeians to the eomnilssion, biecanse it must be invested with the imperium.

* The embacwy was accompanied by Hermodoros, from Ephe«ns, as interpreter.

' DecanHri ammlari imperio legUfus serUmndis. All the other magistrates were ras-
pended and the j)lel)clans gave up their tribunes. That this was only a temporary ar-
mn^ment is evident from tne fact that when the plebeians gave their consent to it In
the ermcjftum pletfU, they reserved the leges saerata and lex Jctlia.

' The laws, aiiioe they changed the lex curiata dt imperio, i. e. limited the consular
fmpfriiim, must, after being carried in the eonUHa centuriata, first receive the sanction
of the ju/rvm audorUae and thfon oome before the ogmUia curkUa for laiiiicatioii.

68 THE DECEHVIKS AlTD LAWS Of THE TWfiLVfi TABLES.

in the 8chool& These laws made no comprehensive change in
the existing laws. The law of debt — aside from fixing the rate
of interest at ten per cent — ^remained the same. The distinction
between the assidui and proletarii ^ and the invalidity of mar-*
riage between patrician and plebeian were confirmed anew.
The significance of the measure consisted in the fact^ that jus-
tice must now be administered according to the known and
prescribed form of law. The right of appeal, the laws relative
to fines, imprisonment, and capital offences, remained the sama'

4. The Decenwirs Re-elected.— The work of the decem-
virs gave great satisfaction. They ruled the first year with great
mildness and impartiality. They had not quite finished their
task. It was therefore necessary to choose decemvirs for the
next year to complete the laws. The nearer the time of elec-
tion approached (May 15), the more Appius Claudius sought
to win the favor of the people. The patricians saw through
his designs, and to prevent his re-election made him presiding
officer in the comitiay thinking that, according to custom^ he
would not receive votes for himself. This plan did not succeed ;
Appius not only allowed himself to be re-elected, but succeeded
in securing the election of such men on the commission as
pleased himself.

8. The TTFanny of the Decemvln.— The decemvirs
had scarcely entered upon their second year of office when they
threw off the disguise, and the reign of terror began. They ap-
peared in the forum, each with twelve lictors, and these carried
the axes in the fasces, a sign that every citizen must fear for hiB
life. Oppression fell the hardest on the moderate section of both
parties, patrician as well as plebeian, who would not join the
decemvirs. They neglected all the forms of the constitution ;
they consulted neither the senate nor the people. Wlien their
term of office expired they refused to resign. Relying on
the extreme sections of both parties they continued their
rule of undisguised tyranny until two acts of infamy unit.cd

* See pages dS and 23.

* The aitsenibly of plcboians lost their inrlRdictfon In criminal cases. All cases in voW-
ing the life of a Boman citisen (de eapUe civit Romani) mosl bo decided in the oonA^
ceiUufiata.

* The election was regarded as Illegal, for the fhthen would never grant the patmm
4mctorUa»^ which empowered the decemvirs to lay the tee euriala before (he oonUHu
eurUUa,

THE t^ECEMVtftS Al^D LAWS OP THE TWELVE TABLES. 69

patricians and plebeians to take np arms against them as they
had once done against Tarquinius Superbus.

6. The Mordar of Siciniiui DentatOB. — The news came
that the Sabines were plundering the Soman territory and
the ^qnians had encamped on Mount Algidus. The danger
was great The decemvirs now^ for the first time^ called the
senate together. The moderate section of the aristocracy,
headed by Valerius Potitus and Horatius Barbatus, sought to
carry energetic measures against them, but in vain. The patri-
cians wished to overthrow Appius Claudius and his colleagues,
but were opposed to the restoration of the tribunes, which was
unavoidable, if the decemvirs were compelled to resign. The
senate dechured war and the levy was called out The plebeians
could not resist, because there was no right of appeal nor were
there tribunes to protect them. While Appius and one of his
colleagues remained in the city to repress all signs of discontent,
the others led the armies against the enemy; bufc the soldiers
allowed themselves to be defeated; Bome i^lf was in danger.
In the army that fought against the Sabines was a brave sol-
dier, named L. Sicinius Dentatus, a former tribune of the
people, whom the decemvirs caused to be murdered because he
had spoken loudly against the usurpation of the tyrants.

7. The Deatb of Vixginia. — Meanwhile discontent had
already broken out on account of the outrages of Appius
Claudius. He had conceived a passion for Virginia, a beautiful
maiden, the daughter of Virginius, a plebeian hero. In order
to get possession of her he suborned one of his clients to de-
clare that she was the daughter of one of his slaves. As she
came one day into the forum to school the tyrant had her seized
and brought before his tribunal. Appius heard the claim of his
client and pronounced the decision that put Virginia in his own
power. Virginius, seeing that there was now no way of shield-
ing his daughter from dishonor, hastened to the spot, plunged
a knife into her breast before the eyes of the people, and, with
the bloody weapon in his hand, escaping from the lictors, he
rushed to the gates of the city and fled to the army. The
storm now broke forth. The army espoused his cause, and

70 THE DECEMVIBS AND LAWS OP THE TWELVE TABLEfiL

marched to the city and encamped on the Ayentine^ where it
was joined by the other army. Both armies withdrew to the
Sacred Mount. The decemvirs were compelled to resi/^.
An embassy, headed by Valerius and HoratiuSy who had ever
counseled measures of moderation, was sent to treat with the
army. It was agreed that amnesty should be declared, and the
tribunes of the people and the right of appeal should be
restored. The first step of the tribunes was to take measures
against the decemvirs. Appius Claudius and Oppins were im-
peached and thrown into prison, where they put an end to
their own lives. The other eight went into exile. 16

8. Valerian and Horatian Laws^ (b.g. 449).— Valerias
and Horatius were elected consuls,^ and their first act was to
carry a number of laws, called the Valerio-IIoratian Laws,*
which more clearly defined and farther limited the consular
imperiutru* These laws were :

1. The restoration of the kx sacrata, which guaranteed the
inviolability of the plebeian tribunes and a formal recognition
of the lex Icilia.^

2. That every Roman citizen should have the right of ap-
peal against the sentence of any magistrate.* And

3. That the pUbiscHoy or resolutions passed by the plebeians
in the coneilium tributum plebiSy should be binding on the
whole people.'^

9. The Tribonea Co-operate in Legislation.— The last
law was a great gain to the plebeians, for it gave them, al-
though with limited power, an opportunity to co-operate in

^ After the abdication of the deccmTfn, there was an inten-Gf^nm. An int^rrex
rammoncd the cotnitia eeniuriafa for the election of conpub. In due form they laid the
kxcuriata fie imperiOy (now modified by the lawn of the T^velvc Tables), afl«r the po-
trum aucUmtfut had been granted, for ratification before the comitia cmturiata.

• Hitherto the chief ma^tttrateti bad been styled Prceton.

• l^rje^t Vaieri(r Tlaratia.

* The^e lawD, it must be remembered, after being adopted in the romitia caUurlaia,
and ranctioncd by the patn/m auHorifas, mant come Defore tlie comitia curiata for
oonflnnation, before they wore binding on the people.

> Liv. iii. 63 ; sec al8o p. 60.

* ye quU uUrnn mapiHratwn Hne prwocatioM erwrety qui ereasfei, eum Jutfa^gm
eud occMi, Mw ea cade* eapiialis nora haberehtr. Tlilt< right, in cane of the ordinaiy
magifttratefi, was, it will be remembered, e8tabli(«hed by the valerian law in Uie lint year
of Uie republic ; it «va8 now extended to the dictator.

' Ut qund trilnUum jMbt Jumistet, popuban teneret (Liv. iii. 66). Theee reMlnUoiia
mu?<t, nice the lawH pa^mid in the eofnUia emtwUUa, if they nertained to tlie imverintm^
be firbt iHuictioned by the jDdUrum auctorOat, and then ratUiea by the comiUa eurtaku

THE DETELOPMENT OF PLEBEIAN BIGHTS. 71

legifilation. Of this privilege they eagerly availed themselves.
They soon claimed jarisdiction over matters of civil and inter-
nal administration^ matters that legally helonged to the senate,
and mnst come before it for confirmation. Hence the practice
arose for the tribunes first to snbmit their proposition to the
senate, and then bring it before the people. In this way
they gained admission to the discussions of the senate, at first
only aa listeners, sitting on benches before the doors of the
senate-house. They were soon, however, admitted to the hall,
and oonld not be prevented from placing their veto on any
measure that displeased them. The validity of the veto was
naturally denied by the patricians.

10. The resnlt was that when the senate apprehended the
op]x>sition of the tribnne to any measure, it was met in
advance and a compromise efFected^ or the measure was given
np. The power of the tribunes, now considerably enlarged,
was completely restored, and instead of being an instrument
for the protection of the plebeians, it aimed to secure equality
of civil and political rights between them and the patricians.

U. Q mp g torB Elected by the People.— In the following
year (b. c. 447), the election of quaestors,^ whom the consuls had
hitherto nominated, was committed to the comitia tributa, an
assembly in which all the people in the tribes voted ' on a foot-
ing of equality.

*•♦••■

CXIA.TrrB3R X.

The Development of Plebeian Eights — ^Wabs with
NraoHBOBiNG Nations — MiLrrABY Tbibunes wtth Consu-

LAB POWEB. (b. C. 445.)

1. The results gained by the decemvirate had fully or-
ganized the plebeian opposition. For once the claim of the

^ Hie qnestore now became magifltrates in the proper sense of the word, becanae
thqr reeeiTed their poUntat from the people. They were elected from the patrician
oroer only.

* Eftch tribe had one vote, the vote of the tribe beine decided by the majority of
voten in the tribe, and the majority of the tribes decided the question at issue.

72 THE DEVELOPMENT OF PLEBEIAN BIGHTa

plebeians had been admifcted, and they had sat in the corule
chairs by the side of the proud patricians^ and worn the in-
signia of the highest office. The agitation which sprang from
the social condition of the poor plebeians, the political tendency
which the agitation had assumed since the time of Volero Pub-
lilius, were only aimed to secure protection against the severity
of the consular power. The plebeian nobility, who were as
indifferent to the social condition of the poor plebeians as the
patricians were, had hitherto stood firmly by the side of the
patrician order. They now saw in the restoration of the tri-
bunate with increased powers, and in the decrease of the patri-
cian families, whose rule approached more and more that of an
oligarchy, the means of obtaining complete political equality.
The united strength of the plebeian order was directed against
two exclusive privileges of the patricians.

2. Military Tribunes with Consnlar Power (b.g.
445). — The tribune Ganulejus proposed two bills at the same
time, one legalizing intermarriage ^ between the two orders, and
providing that the children should follow the rank of the father,
the other opening the consulship to the plebeians. The first
became a law, but a compromise was effected in respect to the
consulship. It was provided that in the future the people should
be free to elect either consuls ^ or military tribunes '^ with consu-
lar power," to be selected promiscuously from the patricians and
plebeians.* In the first year (b.c. 444), the election of the three
military tribunes* was annulled on account of a defect in the
auspices, and their place was supplied by consuls. It was not
till B.C. 438 that three military tribunes ^ were elected, and such

* It will be remembered (p. 88) that tbe patricians claimed the ezclnrive po owced on of
the anctpiccfi, by meanH of which the divine protection was Kcured for the utate. The/
had reHiKtcd Intermarriage with the plebeians, not only becaaw they and thdr dcNsendf*
anti* alone could take the annpiceH (auspMa publica) for the f*tate, bat also on tbe ground
that the ausplced (afuipUia privata) employed at the marriage would be irregular. The
Unit bill became a law at once, without being ratified by the eomUia ewiatay because It
did not pertain to the imjmium.

* That Is, patricians : for they alone were eligible to the consuithip.

" Promiseue ex pattibut et pUbe.—H9. iv. 0. The senate was to decide whether con-
suls or military tribunes were to be elected.

' It was probibly designed that they should be six in number, to correspond to Um
six military tribunes in each legion.

* It is uncertain whether one was a plebeian or npt ; aocoidln^ to Schwegler twp
were plebeians.

DEVELOPMENT OP PLEBEIAK BIGH18. 73

were the inflnence of the patricians in the comitia centuriaia^
and the indifference of the poor plebeians, who felt little inter-
est in promoting the ambitions schemes of the rich plebeians^
that it was not till B.C. iOO that fiye plebeians were elected mil-
itary tribnnea^

3. The CensocBhip.— The plebeians then gained little from
this reform. The patricians even devised a scheme to deprive
the eonsnlar tribnnes of an important part of the functions
which had belonged to the consalship. Hitherto the census on
which the rank of eyery citizen in the state depended had been
taken by the consuls. This duty was now (b.€. 445) committed
to two new magistrates, styled censors.' They were chosen
from the patricians by the comitia centuriata, and held their
office until their duties were completed.' The censors ranked
in dignity next to the consuls. The importance of their office
consisted in the fact that the censors revised from time to time
the register of the tribes, which regulated not only the military
service of every citizen, but determined his position in the
comitia ceniuriata^ It was their duty to fill up vacancies in
the senate and eqnUeSy and, on the revision of the register of
the tribes, to remove individuals from the list of senators,
equiteg, and citizens. They subsequently exercised a general
control over the finances of the state — the management of the
public land and public works, the farming of the indirect taxes,
and a general supervision over the public and the private life

* It \» diJBealt to dlf>coyer In what the oonralar trihaneR differed from the oonpulH.
That they bad tbue right to mmmon the wnate and command the army Is certain. They
luertjfore poMeaeed the contularis polMtat and the imperium mUiticE. It 9eem» probahle
that ihe paUielaiupoeBeBaed the full hnperivrndomatiu^ mUUke ; the plehefane the full
imjufium miBMa but the imperium domL so trnt limited that they could not exercise Indi-
cia] fanctionH. They could not triumph, for thl^ pretnippoBed the full imperiftm dand; as
their iinperHoft wan different, so were the inM^r^ ana ONapkiti. They had the lictors
and the aeOa curuHf, for these were the inRijniia of the magiptrateV potet^w ; but not the
M Ifflosrlnton. In n^gatd to the auapida^ it had already come to paw) that the cmnieUi
orn^de of the pomerium were different from those Innide. The plebeians poHMe^Hed those
ontKide the jsomtfrium, the OMftiAdaex tripudiis in full bntinHido, the pomerium (theotM-
ptcio UF&ona) not in the same manner as the patricians. For Mommsen^s Yle%¥, see his
W^JT. voL I., p. 8ia

* This Is the view of Sehweffler : according to Mommsen, the oensorBhlp was estab-
liiihed in b.c. 488 ; according to Llyy (iv. 8), in B.O. 443. Schwegler has satisfactorily
pco^red that it wan a oart of the reform of b.o. 445.

' From the fact that when they had completed the census they held a solemn puri-
lication of the city and people, called /ustrum^ their term of office wa<« r>fy^cd a Ivtftrum^
which in later times wa<* live yeans. Their term of office was limited to eighteen months
I7 the lex (onUia, b.c. 438.

* See page 61, note ft.

74 THE DEVBLOPMEin: OP PLEBEIAN BIGHTS.

of every dtbeiL The plebeiaos were admitted to the oensorship >
B.a351. ^

4. lacrease in the Nmnber of QnaMtoiB.— In the year

B. 0. 421 another concession was made to the plebeians. The
number of qusBstors was increased from two to four. Two were
to remain in the city,» and the other two, who could be elected
either from patricians or plebeians, accompanied the army as
paymasters.*

& Spurtaui Mtelios.— During these struggles the patri-
cians did not scruple to resort to violence. In the year B.0. 440
there was a great famine in Bomc.^ Spurius MsBlins, one of
the wealthiest of the plebeian knights, in order to relieve the
distress, bought up com in Etmria through his friends and
clients, which he sold at a low price or distributed gratuitously
among the poor. In this way he acquired great popularity
among the people. The patricians were alarmed, and he was
accused of aiming at royal power. The danger was said to
be great, for in the house of MsbUus arms had been collected^
and the tribunes had been bribed to betray the liberty of the
republic. In this emergency the senate authorized one of the
consuls to nominate a dictator. The aged Gincinnatus, who
had saved the Roman army on Mount Algidus, was appointed.
On the foUowing morning he mounted his tribunal in the
forum^ and summoned Maelius to appear before him. Maelius
knew the &te in store for him, and implored the protection of
the people. Then 0. Servilius Ahala, the master of the horse,
drew his dagger, and killed Mselius on the spot The dictator
commanded his property to be confiscated, and his house lev-
elled to the ground. The patricians, as we know from Cicero
and others, always spoke of this deed in the highest terms, but
the people regarded it as an act of murder^ and threatened ven-

1 The ceawn did not possen the imperiwn, and therefore had no lictors, and ooald
not command an army nor snmmon the comUia oenturiata (except for mattere relatin*'
to the census), therefore their election wap not oonflrmed hy the ux ewiata de imperii
bat l^ the lex cerUuriata de eensoria poteetaU.

* Q^aeMore9 urbani,

* It was not nntil 409 that plebeians were actually elected.

* Liyy, Iv. 12.

WABS WITH liEIGHBOBINO NATIONS. 75

geanoe, becanfie Msalius had been pat to death without a trial.
Their anger was turned againBt SeryUius, who was compelled to
go into exile, and his property was confiscated.

■• ♦ >■

Wabs with Neighboring Nations — Sack of Bome by

THE Gauls.

1. IRTars with fhe Volscians and JElqtiians.— While
these struggles were going on in the city^ the Roman armies
fought with less vigor in the field, and even allowed themselves
to he defeated, in order that the consul might lose his triumph.
The ^quians and Volscians pressed hard on the Boman allies ^
and even entered tlie dominion of Bome. The -^quians* en-
camped again on Mount Algidus and laid waste the plains of
Latium. The Latin towns could look only to Bome for assist-
ance. The concessions granted hy the decemvirate and by the
Canuleian law seem to have pacified the people, so that they once
more made head against their old enemies. These were success-
fully driven back, and colonies were planted in the conquered dis-
tricts. These colonies were mainly military settlements, which
enabled Bome to secure her conquests, and from which, as from a
series of military posts, she could extend her dominion in Italy.

2. The Conqnest of Veji (b. c. 396).— The Bomans now
tnmed their arms against the Etruscans on the north. The
long feuds with FidensB were ended by the conquest and de-
struction of that city. Its territory* was added to that of the
Boman people. Next, Veji,* the most important town in

* Hw Hernieans and Latfiv. * Livj, ii and iif. * Ager publicus.

* AboQt all that Lb known of VejI is that it wan one of the most powcrf ul of the Etrus-
ttn dtiee ; that after a contest protracted for centimes, which at first centered roand
'WQAf the city wan at length taken hv Camillnn (Pint. Gam.). According to the
VUUklifltlQ ap^ountis the me^ of Veji, like that of Tro^, lasted ten ^ears. In the eighth

76 WARS WITH KEIOHBORING NATIONS.

southern Etruria was attacked^ and after a siege ol ten years,
taken. In order to conduct a siege of a well-fortified town like
Veji^ it was necessary for the Roman army to remain in the
field summer and winter^ year after year, until its object was
attained. To secure this it was necessary that the soldiers
should receive regular pay, a regulation that exerted a benefi-
cial influence on the organization of the army, but gave a new
turn to the struggle between the patricians and plebeians.^
The conquest of Veji added so considerably to the Boman
territory, that four new tribes were formed, and the wealth ac-
quired from the captured city must have given a new impulse
to industry and trade, and Rome seemed to have entered upon
a career of prosperity. This, however, was checked by the in-
yasion of the Gauls, who dealt Rome a blow that almost put an
end to her existence.

3. Rome taken by tbe Oanla (b. o. 390).— The Celtic or
Gallic nation had in early times spread over the western part of
Europe. Some had settled in France and Britain, while otheiB
crossing the Alps, had penetrated to the valley of the Po,and giveu
their name to the country.^ On their plundering excursions, the
Gauls laid waste with fire and sword the provinces of Central Italy.

year of the war, the waters of the Alban lake roee suddenly to sach a height as to
overflow the surroandiDg conntiy. The Bomans sent an ombaHsy to ooosnlt the
Delphian oracle. In the meanwhile a voice waa heard from the walls of Veji, say-
ing that the city could only be taken when the waters of the Alhati lake found an oot-
let. Wheu thiK reached the ears of the Romans, they cat a tnnnel through the side of
the mountain which bounded the lake, and thus let the water flow into the plain. Tfalti
sagecHted to the Romans the meann of taking the city. Meanwhile M. Farins Camillns
had Deen appointed dictator. He had a tnnnel cut from the Roman camp nnd^ the
walls to the citadel of Veji. When the mine was finished, Camilluii divertea the atten-
tion of the Vejentincs by a feigned attack on the walls, and entered the tunnel at the head
of a picked body of men. When he arrived at the end of the tnnnel under the temple of
Juno, ho heard the priest saying to the king that whoever should complete the sacrifioes
he was offering would be victor. At that moment the Romans burst tiirough and seijsed
the victim, which Camillus offered on the altar. TKe troops dispersed through the city
and opened the gates, and Veji fell into the hands of the Romans. The booty was im-
mense. Camillus, on his return, celebrated the most magnificent triumph Rome had
ever seen. In his chariot drawn by four white horses, he advanced along the sacred
street, followed by his army flushed with joy and singing songs of victory, to the temple
of Jupiter Capitolinns.

In the hour of victory Camillus had vowed a tenth of the sfmils to the Delphian
Apollo. He now demanded from each soldier a tenth part of all the booty he had taken.
This seemed unjust to the people. The tribune impeached him because he had not
fairly divided the spoils. Seeing tliat he was sure to be condemned by the people, he
left Rome, and retired to Ardea.

* For the pay was to come from the city treasury (the jSrariwn), LUi from the
on the public lands.

• OaUia Cisalpina.

WAB8 WITH HBiaHBOBINa KATlONa 77

The Boman army waa defeated by them, and Borne itself laid

io ashes. Ab the Ganla

were merely on a plnn-

dering expedition and

were not prepared to

make permanent con-

qnesta, after collecting

tiieir booty they retired,

according to Polybios,

namoleeFted.^

4. ThalMsaroMof
tha Poor. — After the
enemy bad departed the
Itonuuu returned to
their homes. Their
honaea and temples had
been homed, their farms

laid waste, tlieir cattle thi omltio *"-

driTen off, and their
fiirm-bnildingB destroyed. It is no wonder that the poor

■MjUwU.tt,(6; ■ecardlTiRtoLtTT(T.3Sir.),UieOiD)i wenlndncml tocroEB Ibe
Alp> br > cldxen orUDnlDiD.trtio wlihed to ■venue hlmulron blsereoiT. TheOaah,
under JMrlcadar, Bminni. laid Bleee to thecllr. The (.'iurlant applied to Rome tOrta-

j- ..... .jj^ envcijn, tbe kidi of M. Frtlne Ambn»[n«, lo w«ni Ibo

ends ind illlee of tbo Romtii people, from whom II
!■ In replT pcomlKd puce ir Ibe Ctnalins txnild (tru
■to loeAcl B ncondflBtloD wera In nlo, B battle <t** :
BODtnrj to tbe Ibwb of natloiiB, look pBrt,uid rli"

, ciilef uhI look blB armor. Tbe Oul* thea «

attack •glint tba CSoaluu and aent unbaiMdon to Rome to com plain of Inclr Inlarles,

11 Ihe

^r br ioBii,~mS~aia unnlTerHn (J11I7 18) of Ihn ixtlje was ecer revanled u i
naliiekj dajr. Tbe dir waa even denertad. The ftiirlllret Bed In crovrdu acroM II

Gwh Dol to attack Ibe friends and allies of Ibo R

recditd DD barm. TbeOi_" 1_ 1, ^. j, ---

'~~' to settle npoii. All efltirt* loeOecl a [econcltiBHon wera In nln, a battle wastDDEbt,

par. ma ao IncaDsad
"•mtoBoDe. On Ibe

aiirreiider of tbe tbreo Fabtl. ne unala wavered, bst tbe people no
u conenlar Irlbnnoi for Ifie noi
ilnm andmartl

m potTo'fliiihtind Iw'Wafrdlrectron
and Uh annlTer .■-■-•"■ -■ --

w^ reltaasd ntleflwtlon, but elecud tbe tbree envoys
— — -'- a locanead Iba Oanla that tbej left Clni

~ " 'it Allla, only eleven milea rroni
-" --' -id In alt - — " — "

It tbey left Clntlnm and marched «

Tttier. Ibe Hcmd olenalli were bnrled, and Ibe racred Ire catrled Id Cicre. Everr-
Uilnt else, tb« InHfcu of Ibe KOd*. tbe hionce tablets of ibe laws, Ibe old snnsls, aD
wrluen docnmsDt*, were abandoned to Ibe enemy. llMTonly bad time to defSnd the
capllol. Ibe temple of /nplMr, tbe fmardlan of the city. The ased senalors. and priests
■>< tte znd*, MMnr tbat tbelr ■ervkee were ira loneer ni«nil io Iba sUle, dladsrned to
^'nrretbalrllnabrlUgbt. They weresian^btered bytba aanta.eaeb as bculin Ibe
■way of bis hooa*. on bii enmla «tialr. Por semi monUu tbe Oenls laid siege 10 tba

cMt°l. bal Iheganlson. n rider Ibe commaDd ol
"enitti Ibe renuuDt at (be Boman anny reooran
be ciij from tbe barbnriana. This they Mt eo
^kailKu. Be wu still In banbhrnant at Ardi
Kcrae of tbe agnate. Therefore a bold yoatb, .....

B from Veil and commonleale «llb the eenate In tbe capltfll. He swam down tba
Iw, climbed np tbe side of the Cn|dIollae bill, and, after reeriTlng tbe decree of tbe

lenjtti Ibe renuuDt at (be Boman anny reoorared from llo terror, and wlohed lo deliv
tbe ciij tram tbe barbwlBna. This they Ibit could only be done Biidur ibelr old )eBde
Oaillos. Be wu still In baniahntant at Ardia. Ha cooM not be recaMed wlthont
A -.. _._ Therefore a boM yoatb, named Pontine r--'-' ..— — >- .

78 WAES WITH nbighboki:nt> nations.

shrank from the toil of rebailding, and the annalists in after
times related that they wished to emigrate to VejL The old
Boman courage and Roman perseyerance, however, trinmphed.
The senate was firm, the spirit of the people ^ was unbroken.
Only one thought animated them, to rebuild their city and
recover their position in Latium. The hard times pressed
heavily on the poor plebeians. They were compelled to borrow
from the patricians. The rates of interest were high, military
service and taxes oppressive; all their old distress returned.
As in former times it had sometimes happened, a noble patri-
cian espoused their cause — Manlius, the defender of the capitol,
the hero of many battles. One day when he saw a debtor, a
centurion x)f the army, carried away to prison, he paid his debts
and set him free. He sold his estate near Veji and advanced
money, free of interest, to more than four hundred poor plebeians
5. Iffanlins Condemiied. — This aroused the patricians.
The senate nominated a dictator who summoned Manlius be-
fore his. tribunal. The excitement in the city was great. The
senate was compelled to yield, and Manlius was liberated. At
length, like Sp. Gassius, he was accused of aiming at royid
power, and was brought to trial before the camilia centuriata.
In sight of the capitol which his valor had saved, the people
could not condemn him. Shortly afterwards he was again
brought to trial in the grove of PoBtelius, where the capitol was
not visible. He was condemned and hurled from the Tarpeian
rock 2 (b. c. 384).

wnate ncaJOtkng Camilliu and appointing him dictator, retnmed the same way. The
next morainfif the Oaoh* saw the marks of the ascent and determined to rarprlM the
citadel in the same way. A Oaul had almost reached the summit when the ffoese sacred
to Jaoo roused the sarrison, and Manilas hurled his shield agahnst the foremost Gaol,
who, in his fhll, overthrew the others behind him. The QaiuiB began to weary of the
long siege and wished to withdraw. Negotiations were opened and it was afeieed
that Borne shoold pay one thousand pounds of gold as a ransom. When the gold was
being weighed out, in the foruuL, Brennns. the leader of the Gauls, is said to haye ineraased
the amount bv throwing hli) sword Into the scale. At this moment CamlUus appeved in
the forum with a large army, and ordered the gold to be taken away, saying that Bome
must be ransomed by steel and not by gold. 'Die batUe was fought near Oabii and not a
Gaul escaped ; even Brennns himself was taken prisoner. The Gauls retnmed agali), in
B. o. 861, when Tituii Manlius kilted a gigantic Ganl in single combat, and obta'ned the
surnamepf Torquatns, from the golden necklace (torgtiM) which he stripped from the
neck of the barbanan ; and again in b. o. 840, when Marcun Valerius accepted a challenge
to single combat with a gl«nintic Gaul, and a raven perched on the helmet of the Roman
KoA flew in the face of the GanL Valerius slew the Ganl and received the name of Corvna.
The story about Oamillus was hiventod at a later time to celebnte the Parian house.

* See p. 81.

« It ie generally agreed funon^ modem historians that Manlius wss condemned by the

THE EQUALIZATION OP THE ORDEBS. 79

OSAX>TXIB XII.

The Equalization of the Orders.

1. The Political Condition of the Plebeians.— During

these straggles no action had been taken in regard to the public
lands, and no reform was made in the system of credit. The
acquisition of new territory after the conquest of Veji had re-
newed the agrarian agitation. The social condition of the ple-
beians, on account of their long service in the army, had been
by no means improved. The colonies planted in the conquered
territory had given only temporary relief. After the burning of
Borne by the Gauls, the plebeians sank deeper than ever into
distress and poverty. Individual tribunes attempted from time
to time to revive the law of Cassius, and some of the patricians,
like Manlius, attempted to remedy the social distress, but without
avaiL But few plebeians had been elected to any of the higher
magistracies open to them. If, under circumstances of great
excitement^ a plebeian was elected, the colleges of sacred lore
might be called in to see if there were not some informality in
the auspices which would annul the election. Besides, the poor
plebeians felt little interest in advancing the plebeian nobility
so long as their own distress was unrelieved.

2. The Idcinian Laws (b. c. 366). — Under these cir-
cumstances the plebeian nobles were convinced that the only
way to. wring from the patricians the recognition of their claim
to an equal share in the government, was to secure the co-
operation of the poor plebeians by first introducing measures to
relieye the social distress. For this purpose G. licinius Stolo *

eamiMa eeniuriata or eomMa curkUa ; Lfvv, however, calls the asaemhly a amcUium
popuA (LiT. tL 80, 11) ; was not this probahly the assembly of the paires gentium patri-
darwnf See p. SO, n. 8.

* lAry (▼!. 84), after relathig the apathy into which the plehefans had sunk, introdnces
tiie foUowiog Incident as the caoHe or the reform. The two danjErhters of M. Fabias Am-
bnstiiB had been married, the elder to the oatrician, Scrvias Sulpicius, the younger to
the plebeian, O. Lfcinlne Stolo. It happened that the two sisters, the Fabue, were one
day sitting io conyeraation in the honse of Solpiclus, who at that time was consolar
irionoe, and » li^r of Snlpicios, whoQ be returned m>n) the forum, rapped ae usaal

80 THE EQUALIZATION OF THE ORDERa

■ - ._. —

and Lucius Sextius, tribunes of the people, brought before the
plebeian assembly of tribes two measures for relieving the dis-
tress of the poor and one to advance the claims of the plebeian
nobility. These were the celebrated licinio-Sextian rogationa.
They enacted :

1. That the interest already paid on borrowed money should
be deducted from the principal, and the balance paid in three
yearly instalments. ^

2. That no person should possess more than five hundred
jugera of the public land.'

3. That in future, consuls and not military tribunes shouM
be elected, and one of the two consuls must be a plebeian^^ '^

3. The OflBce of Praetor Created. — ^The struggle for these
reforms lasted ten years.^ The senate impeded the measures
by making use of the veto of some one of the tribunes. Thea
Licinius and Sextius prevented the electioQ of all patrician
magistrates. In order to overcome the people the aged GamiUus
was appointed dictator. All, however, was in vain. The ple-
beians even increased their demands by asking admission into
the priestly coUeges, the sacred citadel of patrician exclusiveness.'

vrlth hiR/ffMor loudlr on tho door, to annoance the arrival of bifi master. Frlffhtened
at the DoiM, which itne wan anacciutomed to, the younger cister ntarted, and excited the
mirth and derision of tlie elder, who informed her of the caafic of the noiiie. Wounded
in her pride and bumbled that Hhe, the wife of a plebeian, was to forego the pomp and
honor of otBcial rank, she rented not till she had inntigatod her father, as well as her hm^
band, to change the order of things in Borne, and to oring about a reform by wliieb tvhe
would be able to nhow hernelf equal to the noblent matrons.— ThiH »torT does not stand
examination. How could the daughter of M. Fabins Ambnstns, who hlmBetf had been
consular tribune four years before, nave been frightened at the knocking of the lictor at
the house^oor, or have felt herMclf degraded oy marrying a man wnoee family had
already held tho chief magistracy in the state, and who could expect the same dietinction
for himself f The stocj is one of that class by which the vulgar attempt to discover the
cauMc of great events in trivial or accidental circumstances. It Is characteristic of the
ancient historians that this absurd story is repeated by Livy and his successors without
the least hesitation, as if it were perfectly authenticated.— /aa«*« IRU.^ vol. i., p. SIS.

* Ut dedueto eo de eajiUo, quod ugunt pemumeratum enet, id. quod wpertamt^ ft-i-
ennU> ceguU parttorMnu wrtoCveretur : it was probably intended that only the amount
of interest in excess of the l^^l interest shonki be deducted from the principal.

' Ne mtis phu quinoentaiugera agri posHderei. This article also contained provision
m regard to the number of cattle which each could feed upon the public pastures (100
head of large and 600 of small), and also that the number of free men which each em-
ployed upon his farm should be proportioned to the number of slaves.

* Ne (rUfunorvm miiUum comitiafiertnty coiutUumque vtique alter ex pUbe erea r etur .

* Only the itrst article fell within the jurisdiction of the plebeian assembly of tribcM •
the other, which pertained to the tmomum, belonged to the eomitia cerUuriata, and
before it could become a law required the sanction of the patrum attctorUae and then
the ratification of the oomitia curuita.

* That the care of Sibylline books should he taken from the two patricians and 6n>
trusted to ten men composed equally of patridans and plebeians.

THE EQUALIZATION OP THE ORDERS. 81

The bill was at last carried, and Lucius Sextius was elected the
first plebeian consuL The patricians attempted even then to
nullify the election. The plebeians threatened another secession.
Then the aged Camillus saw it was too late, and came forward
as a mediator and peace-maker. A compromise was effected.
The consular imperium was limited, under the pretext that the
nobility alone could declare the law and preside at the tribunal,
by conferring its judicial duties on a new patrician magistrate
called prsetor.^ Then the election was ratified and the plebe-
ians were admitted to the highest honors of the state. Hence-
forth the word pcpulus had a new import ; it embraced the
citizens of both orders. The long struggle between the orders
would have ended here, had there not been some among the
patricians who could not regard their defeat as decisive, and
hence sought to regain their privileges. For the present, how-
ever, there was peace, and Camillus commemorated tlie close of
the long era of civil strife by dedicating a temple to Concord
and by adding a fourth day to the great Boman games.

4. Furthar Progress of the Plebeians-^The patricians
still retained certain exclusive privileges, but the plebeians
were finally admitted to these — to the dictatorship in b. c. '
356, to the 'Censorship in b. c. 351, to the praetorship in
B. c. 337. By the Ognlnian law in b. c. 300 the number of
pontiffs was increased irom five to eight, and that of the
augurs from six to nine, and it was enacted that four pontiffs
and five augurs should be taken from the plebeians.^ The ad-
mission of the plebeians to the sacred colleges was necessary in
order that they might be free from patrician influence in taking
the auspices and performing the sacrifices for the state.^

*■ The pnelor wm attended by eixJictors ; the namber of pnetors wa^ fioon increttned
to two, TU.: the prcetor wifonug^ who adminiHtered the law between citizenti, and the
pr(Etor jmgrinus took charge of all canes In which foreigners were concerned.
Another conoemion to the patrldana wan that two new niagintratCH called ajrule
atfiUeM to dieitingaish tbem from the plebeian 8edilef« were apix>inted to BUijerintcnd the
public same ; bat the office wan roon o\v&n to pIcbeianH.

■ The religioiis privileges of the patricians that had no political importance were not
• interfered with, ouch as cxclatdve eligibility to the office of the three huprcnie Jfwninfs^
that of rex saerorum^ and the guildn of Salii ; nee pp. 86, 87.

* * Henceforth it was to no parpoee that a patrician augur detected secret flawK in the
ausipides, and that the patrician censor did not permit \n^ colleague to pre^^ent the nolemn
><acrifice with which the cenAun cloned. It became the custom also for the {Mttriclan preni-
dents of the senate {prin4xp<ii aenatus)^ not the patrician niembcr8, but those who had at'
tatned to the con«iab>hip,i>netorahip, and curule aedileship to give their oninlon In order
and without distinction or clas8, while the t<enators who had held none of Xhaee offlcen otUl
even now took part merely in the diviidon (iee also p. 88, n. 8).

82 CONTINUED AGITATION.

CHA^irrKR XIII.

CONTINTTED AoiTATION — ThE MumTT OF B. C. 342 TuE

PUBLILIAN AND H0BTEN8IAN LawS.

1. The Licinian laws had bronght abont political equaliiy.
A certain reaction set in. The patricians once more thwarted
the claims of the plebeians^ and elected both consuls from their
own order.* This produced violent discontent The patricians
sought to pacify it by concessions. The Jute of interest estab-
lished by the Twelve Tables was not only renewed, but in B. a
347 was reduced to five per cent. The dictatorship and censor-
ship were opened to the plebeians.

2. The Mntiny of B. C. 342.~Still the state of affwrs was
unsettled and discontent widespread. In the year B.c. 342, when
the army waa wintering in Campania, it broke forth.' The con-
suls perceived the danger and tried to avert it by granting fur-
loughs. The army mutinied and marched to Borne. The gov-
ernment had to jrield. The Licinian laws were re-established.

It was further agreed —

1. That both consuls might be plebeians.*

2. That no Roman soldier when in actual service should be
discharged from the army without his consent*

3. That no one should be re-elected to the same magistracy
within ten years.*

4. All interest on loans was abolished.*

3. The Publilian Laws (b.g. 339).— Still there was a
strong party among the nobility, which was constantly at-

1 The conmlAT FcuH for fonrteen yean (868-880), show ihe names of twenty-one
patridanK and onlv seven plebeians.

* UHque lioereteongules umbos pUbdoe creari.—lAv, tU. 4S.

* Ne cmjut miUU» »cripti nomen fdH ^>90 volente dtleretw.—lAv. tU. 41.

* Ne ovU eundem magUtratum i$Ura deeem cmnot caperet neu €hio$ magUinUtia amto
fferer€.—iAy. vil. 42.

* This is the 80-<»Uled pkbUteiium Oenueivntf and was carried during this vear.— Liv.
Til. 43. It is hardly to be snpuoped that the intontion of this law was to aboluth intere:*!
altogether. The Intention probably was to forbid an illc^ rate of interest ; tills Tlew is
rapported by the prooeedlnffs when the pnetor Asellto rerived the law (p. MO) ;
LORffe, 1, Q« yQ)i U. p. 38 ; torlbne^e yiew, see bis history, yol, i p. 84S,

COISTIKUVD AGITATIOli'. 83

tempting to regain its former power. The senate managed the
new acquisitions of land not according to the licinian laws, bat
according to its own interests. The patricians still possessed
the right to nullify the action of the people by refusing their
sanction to the resolutions carried in the camitiiu Under these
circumstances the dictator^ Q. Publilius Philo^ in the year B. c.
339, proposed three laws which stand in close connection with
the reTolt of b. g. 342, and which were intended to abridge still
further the privileges of the patricians.^ It was enacted :

1. That the resolutions carried in the plebeian assembly of
tribes should be binding on all the people.'

2. That all laws passed in the comitia centuriaia should re-
oeiye previously the sanction of the patrum auctoritas^

3. That one of the two censors must be a plebeian.^

4. ChangOB in the OomititalAon.— The first law is but a
re-enactment of the Valerio-Horatian laws of B. a 449. The
patricians had from time to time prevented the law from being
carried into effect, and succeeding in this, had finaUy ques-
tioned the validity of the law itself. Hence its re-enactment.
The second law, by requiring the previous sanction of patrum
ttuetaritas to the action of the assembly of centuries, effectually
abolished the veto power of the patricians over legislation.'
7%« third law secured to the plebeians a share in one of the
most important offices of the state.' This was an important
gain for the plebeians, for it gave them a voice in determining

^ Utrj (Till. IS) characterizes them as teevndissimas pleU, adtenag nodilUaH.

* Ul plMseUa omnss Qulriteg tenerent.^JAy. Tifl. 18. MommHen (ROm. Forch, p. 900)
thinks ttiat thi» claose, as well aa that in the Valerio-Horatian laws, applied to mcaHures
tarried in the eomUia trUmta : and the Hortensian law, to thorn carried In the ofmeUhiin
pUbi$. Tlifo Mippofnitlon involves a very material emendation of the text of Livy, with-
oat which it is onsupported.

* VtkgumqwB oomUUs oenturkOit ferrentur anU InUum m/jftagkum pairet auctorea
fkrmi.—JAv. vlil. 12.

« Z/l otter uiiqw ex plebe cum eo {venium tU)^ ut utrwngue pleb^um {consuiem) Jleri
Secret, eeneor enaretitr.—JAyj^ vill. 12.

* The rerailt of thiis law was to transfer the control over lefflslation from the patricians
to the nobility, i.tf., from the eoneiMum patrwnfamUias genuvm patrMantm^ which be-
■towed the patrum auctoritas opon the senate (to the tenatwi conmltvm which preceded
the rotations), which henceforth exercisod XhepcUrum avetoritm, A» this was an impor-
tant cSanice of the oonstitation, ft needed the sanction of the patrum auetorltae^ which it
could never have secared had it not been felt that the new nobility in the Initiative of the
senate and the magif<trate (the sanction of the patrum auctontM for the election of
mafcistrates wae not repealed) still held control over leglnlation.

* As thiM law only related to the een»9rla poteaUvt and not to the imperiwn^ it did not
leqaiie the oonllnuatton of the peUrum auaorUae or any change In the kr curiata de

84 CONTIKUED AGITATION.

who should be senators and equites, and prerented the patri-
cians from managing the proletarians and freedmen in the in-
terests of their own order.

5. The Hoztemdan IiawB. — ^After the sncoessful concln-
sion of the tliird Samnite war, the nobility attempted to draw
the reins of government a little firmer, as they felt secure in
their power. In consequence of the tribute of B.C. 293 and the
})estilence which continued for several years, the plebeians ^ fell
into debt again, and the conflict between the nobility and ple-
beians, between the rich and poor, was renewed with its old
fierceness. The tribune proposed a law* for the relief of the
poor debtor, which led to a violent contest between the senate,
as the organ of the nobility, and the people. This caused the
people to secede once more — this time to the Janiculus — and
they were not induced to return until the proposals of the dic-
tator, Q. Hortensius, were adopted (about B. c. 286). Besides
amnesty and relief from their present indebtedness, the dicta-
tor carried the following laws :

1. That the resolutions of the plebeians should be binding
on all the Quiritcs.

2. That all laws passed in the concilia plebts should receive
previously the sanction of the pcUrum auctoritas?

3. That the concilia plebis, like the comitia centuriatOf could
not meet on market days.^

6. Further Changes in the Conetitation.— The first law
seems to be only a re-enactment of a measure already twice
guaranteed. We must consider, however, that the senate was
in no way bound to execute the measures carried in the ple-
beian assembly, and that it had just failed to execute a law for
the relief of the debtor class.' The second provision defined

^ Mfna pUb$, * De mrt aHeno.

* TnlB law placed the reeolatlons of the people on the Hame level as tbone carried In
the oomitia eenturiata ; from th\» time the legisiaUve ])owert» of the eoncUimnj^ebis were
recognized ; floe note 9, page 83.

* Ut nundincB/agtcB e9»erU. With the BoroanH the dars on which thajpreetor conld ad-
minister iimtice or the pahlic awemblic^ meet, were called dietfasti. Tne wmUia conid
be held, nowever. only on a certain namber of thene day^, called fiiee oonUUalM ; thei«
were 1S4 in namoer. /Mm n«fwU were days when neither the court? of JOMtlce nor tlie
comUia were allowed to be held. By the to; BorieMUik the nundind^ became /octt fiom
oomUialen.

* D«<ereatUno,

THE PfiOPLE AND THE GOVEBNMENT. 85

more clearly the measures to which the veto of the senate was
applicable.^ The third clause gave the nobility an indirect
control over legislation in the plebeian assembly by making it
illegal to transact business on the nundinw or market-days. On
these days the plebeians came in large numbers to the city, and
the assembly was likely to be fully attended. Since the nobility
had control of the calendar, they could postpone action on
any measure proposed in this assembly injurious to their inter-
ests by declaring the day on which the concilium met to be a
holiday (Jeriai), and therefore illegal for transacting business.^

"»•♦•>

chapter xiv.

The People and the Government. — The Rise of tub

New Nobhjty.

1. The passage of these laws ended the long struggle between
the two orders.* The extension of Boman sovereignty over
Italy and the colonies which she planted to secure that power,
improved the condition of the middle class. The increase of
the indirect revenue rendered it seldom necessary to impose
direct taxes. The wealth which began to centre in Rome,
through war and commerce, reduced the rate of interest The old
disputes and political agitations gradually died out. A new era

^ Tha t tt did not entirely abolieh the veto power of the senate L«) known from the fact
tiiat Bemal decrees of the people, highly dlragreeable to the senate, were annnlled, where
no Mhire in the anspioen haa occarreo. The law relates especially to measareB that re-
vuredfor their ezecntion the co-oiieration of the senate, although carried in direct oppo-
ntion to it It can be raid, then, that the lex PiMiHa gave thepeojple a veto power over
toe decieee of the senate— a negative power over its action. The (ex HortenHa declared
uAt resolutions of the people in relation to administrative raeafinres. carried in direct op-
irantioii to the senate, nad the force of law and must he executed, tliat no law pawned in
^PP^[2S^^ to the t>enate wao carried into execution until the agrarian law of FlamiiiiuH,
'^i^^* «ii i» owing to the fact that the trlbnnes, without directly neglecting the Intero^ttf
V*Sf**P^«» were under the control of tlie nobility.
Upa nobility oonid also anunl a measiire by declaring that it was adopted on a day
^"^ it WM illegal frir the coneiHvm to meet, nine (1. c. vol. i. p. 448), Nicbnhr (Som.
j^-i vol. Hi., p. 4S0\ and Arnold (1. c. vol. II, p. 377), a^imme that the movement which
>^ to the ^ HortenHa was connected with the agrarian law of Mania!« Cnrlus, the con-
queror oT the Saranitea.

Abogt thifl time the pUbif>cUvm Manium wa«i carried, which compelled the natricians
to gire their sanction to the election of magistrates beforehand, as they already nad to do
TO wgiKlation, i. *. the eonciiium patrttm familias gentiwn pafric. must, before the eleo*
*i?^ Snrnt the jNtfrum auctoritmt which empowcrra the candidate, in case of election by
^^ P^le, to lay the tor cufUUa de imperto before the comitia curiata for their approval,

86 THB PEOPLE AND THE GOVERKMENT.

began. The eqnality it is true was only formal. A new no-
bility arose. The rich plebeians^ after the Ganuleian law legal-
ized intermarriage, raised themselyes above their feUow-plebeian&
It was no longer the plebeians, but the common people, that
were treated as an inferior class. The old nobility melted
away. A new nobility, founded on office and wealth, sprang
from it. The germs of a new aristocracy and a new democracy
were formed ; but for the present all contest was suspended.
The glorious victories and their grand results silenced faction.

2. The Popular Assemblies.— The result of the long
struggle had changed considerably the relation of the assemblies
to each other and to the senate. The cofnitia ceniuriata, with
their system of auspices and complicated classification, still re-
tained the right to vote on a declaration^- of war and to elect the
higher magistrates, but were superseded for legislative purposes
by the coniitia tributa. To the latter was assigned the election
of all the newly established magistrates except the censor and
praetor, and it even assumed functions legally belonging to the
comitia centuriatay and in course of time questions involving
peace and war came before it. The decisions in this assembly fell
more and more to the four city tribes because the vast extension
of Boman territory had so increased the number of tribes that
it WHS impossible for them to act in concert, especially since the
rights of initiation and of discussion were not allowed.^ The con-
cilium tfibutum plebis had been placed, in regard to legislation,
by the Hortensian law, on a footing of equality with the cami"
tin centuricUcu As only plebeians could vote in this assembly,
the patricians were excluded from taking a part in the enact-
ment of some of the most important laws.

3. The Composition of the Body of Citizens^ — Appius
Claudius attempted to introduce a radical reform not only in

* It most be remembered that thlft yot« of the people did not actnally declare war but
rimply empowered the senate to declare and wage war. The actual declaration of war
mast be made by the MiaiUt Ntnctloned by the patrum auctorUw.

' The eamUia ceruuriata wa« oi^nized originally for military parposes ^ee p. 23).
The annali8t8 represent the Roman army as comported mostly of plebeians. In tfie &«-
eembly of centnrieB, for political parpones, the patricians (or later the nobility) on the
contrary had a decided majority ; for they were Kufficicntly strong to carry the electioiifl.
This Bhnws tliat the oomttia centurkUa had l)ecome a mere political organintion and that
the army wa» fonncd on a different banis. When this cuange took place none of tlw
original aufchoritieD tell un ; uee pp. 83 and 51, note 5.

THB PEOPLE AKO THE OOVERNMEKT. 87

the plebeian afisembly of tribes, bnt in the other assemblies as
well. Hitherto only freeholders ^ could be members of the
ooantry tribes,^ while in the dty tribes' not only tradesmen and
artiaanSy but the clients and freedmen had been enrolled* For-
merly the freedmen had constitated an unimportant part of the
population, but after the conquest of Veji the number of slaves
had largely increased, and, as manumission was frequent, the
number of freedmen became very numerous. When Bome be-
came the capital of Latium it was a centre to which more and
more tradesmen, artisans, and adventurers flocked. Although
enrolled in the tribes, they were excluded from the classes and
from military service. They enjoyed all the private rights but
none of the political privileges of Soman citizens*

4. The Imiovation of Appius dandiiis.— This class
began to show symptoms of discontent, and Appius Claudius,
regarding them as a real danger to the state, or to increase his
own influence, as censor enrolled them in any tribe they wished.
The result was that not only the concilium trihitum plebis but
the comitia tributa and the comitia centuriaia, since the freed-
men who possessed landed property were admitted to the classes^
were rendered more democratic than ever. This arrangement,
however, was reversed by the censors, Fabius and Decius (b. o.
304), who confined this class to the four city tribes. Still great
powers had been committed to the assembly of tribes. How easy
was it for the demagogues to avail themselves of this favorable
state of things to carry laws for grants of land, for distribution
of money or reduction of debt No effort, however, was made
in this direction for the present. The danger was afar off. The
republican spirit and love of country were too strong. For the
present all parties united in bringing to a successful issue that
c*areer of conquest on which Bome had now embarked. During
this period the public assemblies were only the means which
the nobility used to govern the commonwealth.

5. The Weakening of the Consnlar Powers. — At
the beginning of the struggle the consul was the chief magis-

' AnktuL * TYUm rusUea. • Tiidw urbimau

88 THE PrOPLE AND THE GOVEBNMBNT.

^^ ■ ^__ • ^

trate in fche state. At the end of the contest his powers had
been so weakened that the most important functions — ^the ad-
ministration of justice, the election of senators and equitesy the
classification of citizens, the taking of the census, and the
management of the finances — ^were transferred to others. For-
merly the consuls, although everywhere co-ordinate, divided
between themselves their different spheres of duty.^ Now it
was usual for the senate to define annually the provinces, and,
in case of extremity, it could suspend the consuls by appointing
a dictator.

7. The Senate; its Composition. —The senate practi-
cally governed the Roman republic. It still consisted of three
hundred members who held oflBce for life unless deprived of it
by the censors. At first all vacancies were filled by the con-
sul; but by the Ovinian law (about B. c. 351) the power was
transfeired to the censors. This law enacted that every one
who had been consul, prastor, or curule-sedile,* was entitled to a
seat in the senate. These were not enough to keep the senate
up to its full number, and hence the censor could elect those
who had not held office. The senate, as the centre of the noble
houses, controlled the elections, and really took the reins of

» ProtfineUB,

* By the pMdscUum Aanum^ b. c. 904, thom who had been trihanos were entitled to
a seat in the fienate (qneHtors were not included until the time of Sulla). It muKt be
remembered that althou^ thene ez-roagistrates were admitted to the senate on the expi-
ration of their term of office, they were not actual nenatont. only having the Ju# 9ent/ntia
dieenda^ until the next Udio senatwt took place. The inngnia of the t*enatorB who had
held a cnrule office (sencUores moQifttraiibuf atrulibus funea) were the tunica kUidaria
and tmiUeut, The eenatore who had not held a curalo office were styled tenatoru pedarii
because they assented to the opinions of the connUare/t^ prcBtarUy ote., and when toe divi-
sion wat) taxen voted with their feet (pedUnu in fientmtiam ire). The order in which tbe
senatorR ranked was, oonauktretf. praUorii^ cedilldi^ tri^nieilj gvijestorii and adlicH (thn«e
who had never held any office which entitled them to admission to tbe senate). From the
oldest oonsularei the princeps senatm was selected by the censor. The senators had f>cat0
reserved for them in that part of the theatre called the an^Uftra^ also at the celebrations
of the publicgames. The senate could only meet in a place consecrated by the augnn: (or
Ump^um). The ordinary place of meeting for many centuries was the curia NoffiHa
(until B. c. 216), erected on the north side of tbe eomitium on a {tart of the Vnlconal.
Later the senate had many other places of meeting, a« the temple of Apollo, Jupiter Capi-
tolinns, Bellona, in the magniflcent Ouria Julia and others. The magistrates who had
a right to summon the senate were the coMuly int^rrex {prctfeHug vrftMK dictator, mo^-
ter equitum^ deeemviri, consular tribunes, picftxn vrlKtnug (after b. o. SOft), and ttie trib-
unes of the plebs (about b. c. 21(1). In the earliest times the senatx>rs assembled on tbe
area Vuicani and were summoned by a prctco^ or hendd ; in later times public notice was
posted up a few days before.hand. It depended wholly upon the presiding magistrate
what business he would lay before the senate ireferrt). The senators, in speaking, conid
express their opinion on other subjects ; Cato always added, at the conclusion of his
opinion, eeUnim cenwo Carthagififtn ejftie delendnm; when the final vote was taken the
senators separalcd and .* tood on different sides of the house {ditceesio).

THE PEOPLB AKD THE aOVEKKMENT. 89

public a£EairB into its own hands. Even the tribunes of the
people bowed to its authority. The noble houses in the senate
could control l^slation, since no measure adopted by the peo-
ple could become a law unless they sanctioned it. In fact, in
regard to war and peace, the management of the finances and
the control of the public land, all depended upon the senate.
The senate issued instructions to the consuls, assigned the
provinces,* fixed the number of troops, provided supplies, and
voted or withheld the triumph.

8. The Senate a Consiiltative Body.— Still it must be
remembered that the original and legal powers of the senate ^
were to advise and not to command; that it could exercise the
functions of government only so far as the magistrate volun-
tarily submitted to its authority. It had no means of enforcing
submission except by appointing a dictator, and this was only
possible when one of the consuls lent his aid. Still so long as
it governed with wisdom and moderation it kept its place at
the head of the state.

9. The Arlefeocratic Character of the Govermnent—
Bome was a complete aristocracy and wielded that concec trated
force which springs from an aristocracy. The upper classes
were reinforced and reinvigorated by the infusion of new
blood from rich plebeian families. The exclusive aristocracy
of birth had been broken down ; the aristocracy of wealth
took its place and wielded an overwhelming influence. A
stable centre for that influence was provided in the senate,'
whose great powers gave it a preponderating weight during the
long career of military conflicts on which Bome had now
embarked. The time came at last, however, when the senate
had to abdicate. The empire became too large even for that,
and the nobility, thoroughly corrupt and selfish, used its great
powers for their own advantage ; then the monarchy stepped
in and transformed the freedom of the few, which had become
a sham and nuisance, into an equal slavery for all.* '^—

' The pmmhieiioe of the senate at Bome Ifl indicated hy the official designation of the
Roman gnremmtmi, 8. P. Q, S,, i. e, SencUw popuiusque QuirUet SomanaSt thi tenaU
tmd Bomofi people.

* Uuu^ 1. e. vol. i., p. 451 * See p. ISS, n. 8.

Races In Italy.

Tl&e Itatlns.

Tlieir
CiTillaaUon.

Itatin Cantons.

lieagne ot tl&e

Tiarty-
liAtin Cities.

Foundation ot
Roinef

B.C 753.

Tl&e

Senate*

Comitia
Curiata.

Orlfrln of tlie
Plebeians.

SUMMAEY.

The SETTLEMEin' of the Latins.

In Italy proper (see p. io8» n. i) there were three races,
viz., Etruscan, lapygian, and Italian, all of which were
probably (certainly the last two) of the Indo-European
stock. Of the different branches of the Italian race, the
Latins were historically the most important. They set-
tled in the plain between the Alban hills and the sea;
they had before their entrance into Italy attained to a con-
siderable degree of civilization — had laid the foundation
of their social and civil constitution. The households
(zfici or pagi) were united by ties of blood or by nearness
of locality into clans, and the householders* dwellings
formed the clan-villages, which were united, and all
formed a canton. Each canton had a common centre,
where justice was administered and the markets were
held. Around this central town, which was always
situated on an elevated and easily defensible position,
suburbs grew up, which formed the nucleus of the early
Latin towns. The different Latin cantons ynited into a
league, with Alba Longa at their head, known as the
league of the thirty Latin cities.

One of these cantons, the Roman, with its capitsJ,
Rome, situated on one of the hills on the Tiber about
18 miles from its mouth, was destined to be the most
eminent. The Ramnians, or Romans, as they were
afterwards called, were not the only dwellers on these
hills, but two other cantons were here, that of the Titles
and that of the Luceres ; these three united for mutual
protection and formed the Roman commonwealth. The
government of these three cantons after the anion
was like that of all the other Latin cantons. All the
heads of families were citizens, and were politically on
a footing of equality. They chose the king, or leader
in war, who held his office for life, and he nominated a
council of elders, called the senate, and all the citizens
met at his bidding in a public assembly called comitia
curiata to enact laws or give their assent to war or peace.
The citizens or householders were divided into 3 tribes,
each tribe into 10 curiae, each curia into 10 gentes^ and
each gens in theory into 10 households ; therefore 300
gentes^ or 30 curix, or 3000 households formed the pop-
ulus, civitas, or community. Every household had to
furnish one foot-soldicr, and each gens a horseman and
senator. The army thus consisted of 3000 foot-soldiers
and 300 cavalry ; the senate of 300 members.

The union of these three cantons gave the people a
great superiority over the isolated cities of Latium, and
one after another was subdued, and in some cases de-

smotABt.

CoBstttaUon.

stzojed, and the people moved to Rome. These peo-
ple (plebeians, as they were called) were entirely without
political rights. Their efforts to obtain a share in the
government led first to the reform of Tarquinius Priscus
and then to that of S. TuUius, by which wealth and not
birth was made the basis for the taxes and military ser-
vice. This was a very important change. Hitherto the
king, as high priest, had been all-powerful ; now the
military and civil power, which gave Rome a superiority
over the Latin cities, became predominant. The terri-
tory was divided into four trib^ or wards, and the pop-
ulation that possessed land into five classes, and these
classes into 193 centuries, which formed the comitia cen-
turiata^ as the people were called when summoned in^
military order on the Campus MarHus by the king.

Tlte power of the king was carefully limited, and when,
therefore, one of the kings, called Tarquinius Superbus,
oppressed the members of the great houses and de-
manded more than was right from them, they rose in
rebellion and expelled him from the throne. Hence-
forth, instead of entrusting the supreme power to one
of their number for life, they determined to exercise it
themselves in turn. According to tradition there were
eight kings, but their history is almost feibulons. Regal
period ended B. c. 509.

Sad or «]&•

B.C. 509.

Ho. o# Kings.

Cnuurnetor of

RoUglott.

Hot

Supposed Chronology op the Kings.

Romulus and Titus Tatius, B..C. 753-716; one year
interregnum ; Numa Pompilius, 715-676 ; two years
interregnum ; Tullius Hostilius, 674-642 ; Ancus Mar-
tins, 6^h6i8 ; L. Tarquinius Priscus, 618-578 ; Servius
Tullius, 578-534 ; Tarquinius Superbus, 534-509.

Bkligion.

The groundwork of the religions of the Romans and the
Greeks was substantially the same. Both nations wor-
shipped the powers of nature — the sun and moon, the
earth and sky« water and air, light, darkness, health and
sickness, were all objects of special worship. Most other
nations invested their gods with human passions* and
worked out a system of genealogy, but the Romans
regarded their gods as spiritual beings. They told no
myths or stories about their gods before their contact \
with the Greeks. In fact, the Romans were little in-
clined to enter into speculations concerning their gods,
but they were very solicitous to perform the practical
part — the praj^rs, vows, offerings, and ceremonies —
this was their religion.^ It had little to do with a spir-

* Hie woid nUgfon oomet from tho same root as ofttfMtfon ; obligation denotes the
Kfriee dnc from one person to another; religion the servioe that man pwes the gods for
the protection they give.

BUHMAfiT.

M^flMgof the
Rell^oa*

R«llCto«s
01»a«rTaae«««

Tlk« Four
8«ier«d Colle^fes.

T1i« A«aplel««.

ni«lr Abase.

Vhe Anavrerto
tlie Annn a
Simple Yea or
"Bimy,

Vhe Roman

RelMon

Hatioaal.

State Relifftoit.

itual life, with morality, with right-doingp with the con-
science. It simply demanded the performance of certain
services to the gods, and this entitled the Roman to an
eoiiivalent-— general protection and assistance.

No enterprise was ever undertaken, either in public
or private life, without first consulting the will of the
gods. No battle could be fought, no war declared, no
act of any kind performed, until the assent of the gtxls
had been obtained. Unlucky omens did not, however,
deter the Roman from undertaking any enterprise ; he
simply repeated the process of divination until favora-
ble signs appeared. For these reasons the observances
of their religion became very numerous, and the least
oversight or mistake in one of these might draw down
the anger of the gods. Hence it was necessary to have
men thoroughly versed in the divine rites, that the cere-
monial might be performed with scrupulous accuracy.
For this purpose four sacred colleges were established ;

Sontiffs, augurs, fetiales, and later the keepers of the
ibylline books. The head of every family was a priest ;
every house, ^/mr, curia, tribe, and finally the state, had
its own sanctuaiT. The augurs assisted the magistrate
when he wished to consult the will of the gods, i.e.,
take the auspicies; the augur simply interpreted the
signs, and if he announced signs that he did not see,
the magistrate was justified in acting as if he really had
seen them. This gave the augurs great power, ana they
soon began to use it for political purposes, and an-
nounced favorable or unfavorable auspicies as the in-
terest of their party demanded. In this way elections
were annulled, laws rejected, and consuls recalled.
On this point the internal history of the republic for
many centuries turned, for the argument of the patricians
was that the plebeians could not take the auspicies,
and therefore could not hold the highest magistracy.

The gods declared to the augur their simple appro-
bation or disapprobation of the enterprise concerning
which they were consulted. When the gods signified
that the undertaking was acceptable to them they gave
no directions, neither did they guarantee success ; ail
was left to the discretion of men.

The authority of the Roman gods extended no fur-
ther than the slate. Their religion was strictly national,
and no god outside of the state could claim worship.
It was a duty to worship the national deities, and trea-
son of the worst kind to pay homage to foreign gods until
their worship had been permitted by a public resolution.

In the temple of Vesta was the symbolic hearth for
the whole state. The state worshipped Jupiter, Mars,
and Quirinus, and the enlarged state Jupiter, Juno, and
Minerva, in the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, while the
Romans and their allies united in worship in the tem-
ple of Diana on the Aventine«

6Ttlfl<ABY.

92a

^Oi

PoUtteal

mt WLm

The Establishment of the Republio.
The Internal History.

For several hundred years after the establishment of
the republic the history of the Roman state is little more
than (i) a struggle between the rich and poor ; (2) a con-
test of the plebeians for equality of rights with the pairi-
cians ; (3) an effort to limit the power of the patrician
consul, for the plebeians as jet had no share in the
government, and they were often badly treated by the
patricians.

Laws Carried to Alleviate the Condition

or THE Poor. b.c.

Old Debts were Oanoelled (p. 58) , 494

Tlie Agraiian Xiaw of Spurios OtmBixu (p. 62). . 486
The XJoinio-SezUan Xaw (p. 80, s. i and s. 2). . . . 366

The Bate of Intevest was limited in B. c. 351
to 10 per cent, and reduced in B. c. 344 to 5 per '
cent. In B. a 349 a commission was appointee! to
make advances from the state treasury to needy
persons who could give security.

ThB Xi^pbdation of B. O. 342 forbade illegal
rate of interest

Tlie yariooB Colonies planted to secure Ro-
man sovereignty in Italy improved the condition
of the middle class.

Laws Passed to Establish Political Equauty
between the patricians and plebeians.

Plebeian Tribunes appointed 494

The loiUan Iiaw (p. 59) 493

The Agrarian of d. Oassius (p. 62) 486

Tlie PubiUian Iiaw of Volero (p. 63) 471 -

The number of Tribunes increased to ten (p. 66). 457

The TerentUian Xiaw (p. 65). 454

The Icilian I<aw (p. 66) 454

The Valerio-Horatian Xawb (p. 70, s. 3) 449

Tlie Oanulean Lawn (p. 72) 445

Military Tribunes, "with consular powers" (p. 72) 44 5

Seztio-Lioinian Iaw (p. 80, s. 3) 366

Tlie Publilian Law (p. 83, s. i and s. 2) 339

Tlie Ogulnean Law (p. 81) 300

The Hortentian Law (p. 84, s. i and s. 2) 286

These laws established complete equality between the
two orders.

Laws Carried to Limtt the Power of the
Chief Magistrate.

Valerian Laws (p. 53, «• 3)- 509

Tlie Law of the Twelve Tables (p. 67) 450

QoflBStora appointed (p. 71) 447

Oenaon appointed (p. 73) 445

Pr«ton appob&ted (p. 80) 366

fiUMKABY.

Regal P«riodf

B.C. 753-509.

"Wam of the

Early

Repubile.

The Extirnal History.

The Romans carried on an incessant warfare with the
neighboring tribes — ^the Sabines, iGquians, Volscians,
Ruiulians. Before the close of the regal period Rome
had acquired the leadership in Latium, but after the
expulsion of the king, one tribe after another broke
away from their alliance or subjection to Rome (as the
neighboring tribes had made their treaties with the king,
they regarded themselves as released when the king
was expelled), and she lost most of her territory and
was reduced to her original limits. The annalists, how-
ever, made these wars originate in the efforts of Tarquin
to recover the throne — first the Etruscans of Veji and
Tarquinii aided him, then Lars Porsenna of Clusium,
and finally, the thirty Latin cities under the lead of
Octavius Mamilius of Tusculum. For the next two
hundred years Rome was engaged in recovering what
she had lost : in most of these wars she managed to
obtain the assistance of some other tribes — as the Latins
and Hernicans, with whom Spurius Cassius formed 9
league in b. c. 493.

The most important of these wars was (i) that with
the Vejentines (in which the Fabian house was destroyed)
until the capture of Veji by Camillus in B. c. 396 ;
(2) the Volscian war in which Coriolanus was the most
distinguished figure ; (3) and the frequent wars with (he
iEquians, celebrated for the legend of Cincinnatus.
Rome .was interrupted in this career of conquest by the
invasion of the Gauls ; they entered Italy on a plunder-
ing expedition, defeated tliie Roman army on the river
AUia, captured and plundered Rome.

After the Gauls retired, Rome soon recovered her po-
sition in Latium. The Tuscans who had assailed Veji
were punished, and all Southern Etruria became subject
to Rome ; four new tribes were formed from the terri.
tory, and the fortresses of Sutrium (B. c. 383) and Ne.
pete (B.C. 380) were established. The land of the Vol-
scians and the iEquians was subjugated, the inhabitants
were overawed, and Roman law and influence extended
by a series of fortresses.* The most important of these
were Satricum (b. c. 385) and Setia (b. c. 382). The
whole Volscian district (the Pomptine Marshes) was dis-
tributed in small farms (2 jugera) to the plebeian sol
diers, and organized in a few years into tribes. Rome
had now advanced as far as the Liris. Here she came in
contact with the Samnites, the only nation in Italy pow-
erful enough to contest with her for the mastery of Italy.

with
tbe Catlns aud
Hcmlcaiis,

B. C. 493.

Fabian House.

Coriolanus and
the AiqnlanSf

B.C. 488.

Cincinnatus

and
the iBqntanSy

B.C. 458.

Rouke Captured
by the Oauls,

B.C. 390.

Southern

JBtrurla Subject

to Aome*

Colonies
Founded*

The District as
far a« the I«l*
rle Subject to

* There were three clasoe** of coloniefl : I, those Latin coloDies foanded bv the Ronuuio-
Latln Leafi^Qe before B.C. 493 ; II, those (alM called Lstin colonies) foanded oy the Lea^ni?
of the Romans, the Latins, and the Hernlcans before b.o. 880 ; III, those founded br
Rome after the closing; of the Lcasae in b.c. 880, which were either (1) Roman colonics
with full riffhts, or (2) colonies wttn Latin rights (whether natfTO Romans or not). The
lAtin colonlus toji^ther with the original Latins formed the nomen La^wn and stood to
Borne as civUatst/oiUfxUaR. See p. 110 and n. 9, also i>. IIS and n. 7.

THE CONQUEST OF ITALY.

The F1B8T Samnttb Wab (b. 0. 343-341).— Thb Revolt
OF THE Latin League (b. c. 340-338).

1. After the Oanls* had departed, Borne soon recoyered her
former poeition in Latium. The Latin towns ^ which had ao-
qidred a partial independence were subdued and compelled to
submit The ^quians and Yolscians were driyen back, and
the Romans soon extended their dominion to the Liris. Here
they first came in contact with the Samnites^ who were then at
the height of their power.

2. The BainiiitaB, the principal branch of the Sabellian
race, inhabited the lofty ridges of the Apennines. Thence in
successive migrations they oyerran the plains at their feet
The chief towns of Campania,' eyen including Capua and
CumsB, fell into their hands. As no political tie bound them to
their own country, they soon broke off all intercourse with the
rude mountaineers of the Apennines. In the beautiful plains
of Campania, surrounded by the comforts and luxuries of a
refined life, they lost their old simplicity and brayery,' and finally
so far forgot that they were descended from the Samnites
of the mountains that the two races were sometimes engaged
in hostilities with each other. It was a contest of this kind
that gaye the Romans the pretext for crossing the Liris, and led
to the war with the Samnites of the Apennines.

*S«S**?*"'!2'**"^™^- , . • See colored map. No. 1.

TM mignttonswere eonMCtod with the legendary cnstom of the tferffacrum or
Mr/vtf fpKn^ In bad yean the Sabellians vowed fo Math {Mamen) the tenth of all that
TO i»rn\n the warm of one vprinff. This custom J» a\m found among the Romans —
u«r, xrii. 10. The migimtlonR to GaroDania took place In the regal period : those to the
plahw of Utlnm earlier. See d. 12. •fl*««w '

ri» of UUqiq earlier. Seep. 18. *Seep.'n.

THE FIRST SAMIOTE WAB.

Tm^Sm^g.r.

Tills list of Um Lfttln cittos ft taken fhnn IHojBinB (t. (U). 8ehimri«r (BOm. Gesli.
tt. WQ thinks with NIebahr that be obtained the list from the treaqr (3 b. c. 4M (we p.
tt) ; others as Mommsen (ten. 882): and Ihne (Bom. Forsch. p. 88) think that It was
made ap from a list of those places that were afterwards regarded as members of the
Latin oonfederacr ; or by some annalist, from Tarioos sooroes. Tiiat the rerolt had
nothing to do wltli the reatoiatUm of Tarqniniiie is tolerably certain ; see p. dl.

B. C. 340.] THE FIBST 8 AMKITE W AB. 95

3. The Cause of the War.— It happened that another
Samnite migratioii issued from the mountains to the plains of
Campania and threatened Teanam, a city of the Sidioini. Being
nnablo to withstand the attack of the Samnites, the Sidicini ap-
plied to the Campanians for assistance. This was readily granted,
but even then the Samnites were victorioas, and having occupied
Mt Tifata^ from which they issned as their stronghold, they
defeated the Campanians as often as they appeared in the field.^
The latter^ in their distress, turned to the Bomans for assist-
ance. The Romans had a few years before formed a treaty
with the Samnites (b. o. 354), and therefore had no excuse for
meddling in their a£Eair& This, howeyer, was of little conse-
quence to Borne when she had an opportunity to extend her
territory. War was declared and the Bomans seemed in a &ir
way to gain possession of Campania, when an insurrection' in
their own army and the threatening attitude of the Latins
compelled them to pause ' and form a hasty treaty with the
Samnites.

4. The Oreat Latin War^ (b.o. 840-338).— During the
regal period Rome attained her position as head of the Latin
league. Thus &r the Latins had fought on the side of Borne,
and helped secure the victory. The conquered territory, how*
ever, was not incorporated with the Latin league but with the
Boman state." The manner in which Bome had subdued the

' It fa not pTobftble that the Capiuiiie, as lAvj relates, offered to place Capua In tha
hands of the Romans, becaiue it remained after the war an independent town.
' SeepaseSa

* Little b known of the details of this war, and still less of the terms of peace. Hm
aceoant of the war hj lAwj (Tii. S9 IT.) Is filled with descr^tions of bloodj battles and
haod-to-hand onnfllcttf, and all kinds of improbabilities.

* LivT (vlU. S ff.) relates as a canse of tne war that the LaUns sent two pnetors, who
were tticar chief magistrates, to Rome to demand a share in the government— Uiat one of
the consols and hall of the senate shoold be Latins. The reauevt excited great indigna-
tif>n at Bome. Hie senate met in the temple of Japiter Capitolinas. In Qie discuKf ion
whi<A folionrad, the Latin pretor scorned the power of Jnplter CapItoHnns ; then an
awfol peal of thander shook the temple, and as the praetor was leaving the temple he fell
down ue steps and died.

* The threatened revolt of the league in b.o. 884 cani«ed the Bomans to prevent any
more dties from joining the league. Hitherto every city founded by Rome and Latium
had enjoyed this right, out according to Latin usage the number of citicw havlnff the right
to vote oould never exceed thirty ; the others were without this right. In Uiis way it
happened that thirty cities bad the right to vote, but seventeen others had the prlvilese
of participating in the Latin festival without the riirht of voting. The commnnitiea
fonnded later, as Satrinm, Gales, dtc.. were not allowed to vote. Thiifi fixed the limits of
Latium. So lone as the Latin confederacy had continued open, the boundH of Latiuiq
advanced with tne founding of new cities. The later colonies not being entitled to vote
ill the leagne were not regarded as belonging to Latitwi. See map No. 1. "

96 THE FIB8T 6AMKITE WAR. [b. 0. 338.

Latin towns after the Gallic inyasion had filled the liatins with
discontent. The Creqaent acts of injastioe on the part of Rome
increased, from year to year, this discontent The reyolt of the
league might be expected at no distant day. The war with the
Samnites was in progres& Borne seemed in a favorable way to
acquire new territory. This she had no intention of sharing
with her allies. Then the ferment broke out into open insur-
rection.^

The peoples, too, south of the Liris, had discovered the in-
tention of Borne, and were prepared to fight for their inde-
pendence.

S. ni6 Battle of Mt VmuvIiib.— The danger was great
The Latins alone were equal to the Bomans in courage and
military experience. Against such a combination the Bomans
looked about for aid, and even formed an alliance with their
old' enemies, the Samnites. The Boman army, joined by the
Samnites, entered Campania by a circuitous march through
Samnium. The battle was fought near the foot of Mt Vesu-
vius.' The Bomans and Samnites were victorious. The Latins
could no longer keep the field, but, shut up in their fortified
towns, they protracted the contest for nearly two years. Town
after town, however, fell into the hands of the Bomans, and
finally, on the capture of Antium (b.o. 338), the Latins laid
down their arms. The Latin confederacy was dissolved, and all

^ Bveiy Lftthi town 9XO&pt Lurnntimi Joined ttao IniiiiTeetton.

■ It was in this war that the annaliotft told the etonr that the corun^. T. ManHna Tor-
qnatos, ordered his own eon to he heheaded for engaging in sinfle combiU with Mettioi*,
tne leader of the Tnscalan catalry, contrary to the orders of blB father. It is also re-
lived Uiat the battle was Aeroe and lone undecided. The two connnls, who had been
warned by a dream that rictory should oe with the army whoipe general would devote
himitelf to death, had agreed that he wlioee legions first wavered in the battle should
sacrifice liis life for hii« country. At length on the wing where the plebeten oonral
Decius M us commanded, the Roman line ftD Into disofder. The moment had come, and
the consol, cslling the pontiff, veiled his head with tiis gown, and repeated after tlie
l>riet(t the sacred prayer : ** O Janus, Jupiter, father Mars, Qnirinm*, Bellona, ye Lare^s
ye god^ Novensiles, ve gods Indisetes, ye divinities under whose power we and our ene-
mies are, and ye spirits of the departed dead, to ve I pray, ye I worship. I ask your
favor, that ye will grant strength and victory to tne Roman people, the Quirites ; and
that ye may strike we enemies of the Roman people with terror, dlsmaT. and deaUi. As
I have pronounced in words, so do I now, in belialf of the commonwealth of the Bonuui
people, the Quirites, of the army, of the legions, of the allies of the Roman people, so do
1 devote, with mvself, the legions and allies of tlie enemy to the spirits of the departed,
and to the earth. * when be nad uttered this* prayer and ordered the licton to annomnoe
to his coUeasnes that he had devoted himself for the army, he girded himself with his
toga, and, fully armed, plunged into the thickest of the battle, to seek death for himself
aim victory for the army.

B. C. 326-304.] THB SEOOND 8AMNITE WAB. 97

general afisemblies were forbidden. Rome henoeforih was the
common centre. Here the Latins could settle, buy and sell,
and marry; but all intercourse and intermarriage between
the different Latin cities were prohibited. Large tracts of
their land were incorporated with the Boman stated and two
new tribes • were formed.^

>• ♦ •■

The Seoond Samnftb Wae (b. o. 326-304).

1. The P6UC7 of Rome. — Borne busied herself in secux
ing the territory she had conquered by planting colonies alon^
the frontier. Gales was conquered and a Roman colony estab-
lished there (b. a 334). A colony was planted at Fragellas
(b. c. 328), the most important locality on the Liris. With un-
deviating energy Borne pursued her policy, until her territory
reached even to the Samnite border. A contest between the
two nations was inevitable.

2. Tha Canse of the War.— The city of Palaeopolis was
the immediate cause of the war. The senate complained that the
Palaeopolitans had committed outrages upon Boman citizens
settled in the vicinity of OumsB. In Palaeopolis, as everywhere in
Italy^ there was an aristocratic and a democratic party ; one party
was favorable to the Bomans, the other sought aid from the
Samnitesy who at once dispatched a strong garrison to the city.
When this force entered Palaeopolis the war was really begun, not
between Palaeopolis and Bome, but between the two great rival
nations. The Bomans without hesitation resolved on war, and sent
Q. PubliliuB Philo, the same who had carried the important laws

*■ Tilmr and Pnenette renewed their old alliance with Bome on a footing of eqaality.
The eltizenB of the other towns did not have the fhmchii»e ; the/ receiyed the right of
iniennarrlage with the Bomans (eonmidHim\ and the right to hay and sell in Borne
(eommgrcimn) : the towns were called munidpia (bound to $ervice») ; thej were suhjeet
to the JnriedictHm of the Boman pnetor, who appointed a prefect {pnmctwjvri diatndo)
to OKtvise the jnriadictiaii. * Making ».

98 THE SECOND SAHNITE WA.B. [B.a336. |

which bore bis name, into Campania with an anny. Aa be
wag not able to rednce the city before his year of office expired,
the Benate prolonged bis command under tbe title otpreconsiU.
In the following year the city sabmitted, although tbe garrison
still held ont, and tbe Bomans succeeded in winning over the
other Greek cities by granting them favorable terms of peace.

3. Declaration of War. — In the mean time the Samnites
were called upon in regular form to withdraw their garrison '
from Falaeopolis. This they refused to do, and the Boman
fstialia declared war in due form.i During the first five years

of the war the Roman arms were generally snccesafnL Rome
placed three armies in the field ; one continued the siege of tbe
garrison in Palaeopolis and the other two invaded Samninra,
fighting and pilling as far as Apulia. Once more discontent
broke ont among the Latins. A truce was concluded with the
Samnitcs. Two Latin towns* revolted and the rebellion threat-
ened to spread, but Rome, by wise concesmona, appeased the
discontent. The next year the Samnites sued for peace. The
Romans would hear of nothing bat sabmiaslon ; so the war was
renewed.

4. The Candlne Paw. — In b. c. 331 the two consnls,
Vetnrins and Pustnmius, advanced from Campania with the

B. C. 321.] TU£ SECOND SAMNITE WAR. 99

purpose of relieTing Laceria, whicb, it was reported, the enemy
had besi^ed. Their roate led^ through the defiles of the
moaatains near Caudium into the enemy^s territory. The
army entered the pass, the celebrated Caudtne Farks,^ but
foaud to its surprise that the Samnites awaited it here
and not at Luceria. The Bomans attempted to force their
way, but in vain ; meanwhile the enemy had taken possession
of the pass by which the Bomans entered, and nothing remained
but to capitulate. A treaty was signed by which the Soman con-
suls and all the superior officers bound themselves by a solenm
oath to give up ail conquests and colonies in the territory of
Samnium. Then the brave Samnite general, Qavius Pontius,
set the Roman army free, after each soldier had given up his
arms and passed under the yoke.^ When the news reached
Rome the senate very naturally * refused to ratify the treaty.
Pontius demanded that either the terms of the treaty should be
carried out or the Roman army should be returned to the Gau-
dine Forks.*

5. War with the Etrnscans.— The war was renewed
and the experienced Papirins Cursor was placed at the head of
the army. The army entered Samnium and appeared before
the walls of Luceria. The town surrendered, and on account
of the importance of its position was strongly garrisoned. The
Samnites now looked about for allies. The Etruscans, whose
forty years' truce with Rome had expired, came to theb assist-
ance, and, in order to create a diversion, attacked the fortress
of Sutrium. Fabius Maximus RuUianus boldly entered the
country through the Giminian forest and defeated the Etrus-
cans at the Yadimonian lake'^ (b.g. 310).

* Between the present Arpftja and Montenrchio. * /lifvute OaudimB,

* That is, tubjngwn ; benoe the Bnglieh word mifiugaU : see p. 66, note.

* Uty (Ix. sic.) relates that when the qnestion of the ratification of this treaty came
before tab senate, Po^tamiiiB declared at once that it onght not to be kept, bat that
heUimiielf and bis colleagne. with the other ofBoerp, ought to be delivered to the enemy,
becanw tbey bad promim what they conid not perform. This proposal the senate ac-
cepted, and all tbe oiBcers who had bonnd themselves to the Samnites were delivered to
them. No sooner was the surrender made than Postumin^ stmck tbe Roman /s/iolijr who
had condncted him and cried ont : " I am now a Samnite citizen, and as I have done
violence to tbe sacred envoy of tbe Roman people ye will rightfully, Romans, wage war
with ns to avenge this oatrage." Pontins refused to accept Postumius and his compan-
ions, and ttiey returned on&rt to their own army ; see /An«, vol. i., p. 607 ff.; Amoldt
p. »6 and note CB. • See map No. 1. *Seep. 66J7.

'^^.7:117

100 THE THIRD SAMKITE WAR. [B. C. 304.

6. The Sanmites Subdued. — In the sonth the Samnites
weie repeatedly defeated. Finally, after the capture of their
capital, Bovianam, they were compelled to sue for peace.
They were obliged to give up their conquests beyond Sam-
nium. They formed, on an equal footing with Bome, an
alliance which secured them their independence.*

7. Tha Reralts of the War were great. Four new tribes
wore formed,' eight colonies were planted, and the large num-
ber of citisens who settled in Campania spread Roman influence
throughout Central and Southern Italy. The country to the
north, between Samnium and Etruria, was secured by fortresses,
while Samnium on the east and west was hemmed in by a
whole line of fortifications. Some was unmistakably the first
power in Italy.

♦• »•»

The Third Samnftb War (b. c. 298-290). — Suooess in

Etruria akd Southern Italy.

1. Cause of fha War. — In the last war the Lucanians
had sided with Rome. The garrisons which the Samnites had
to keep in Lucania had been a serious drawback to their suc-
cess. They therefore determined to seize the first oppoiiunity
to supplant the influence of Rome in that country. It hap-
pened that in internal dissensions among the Lucanians one
party applied to Rome for assistance, the other to the Samnites.
The Samnites immediately dispatched an army into Lucam'a
in order to bring their party to the head of the government.
Rome renewed her alliance with the Lucanians and ordered the
Samnites to desist. This they refused to do. Rome imme-

' LiTj, ix. 4S. F(Bdu» antiquum SamnUUnu reddUum.

' Two formed in b. c. S16; two Id b. o. SOO-maklng thirty In ail.

B.C. 298-290.] THE THIRD SAMIHTE WAB. 101

diately declared war. Since the year b. c. 301 the Romans had
been at war with the Etruscans, who just at this time entered
into negotiations for peace. This enabled the Bomans to send
both armies into Samnium.« The Samnites were defeated and
Roman influence was re-established in Lucania.

2. War with the Xitniscaiis. — In order to induce the
Etruscans to continue the war, the Samnite general, Gellius
Egnatiusy promised to render them assistance in their own
country. The Sanmites placed three armies in the field, one
to protect Samnium, one to invade Campania, and the other
Egnatins himself led through the Marsian and Umbrian terri-
tories to help his allies in Etruria. The Romans saw their
efforts to sever northern and southern Italy frustrated. Nearly
all Etruria^ was in arms, and an invasion of the Gauls, whom
the Etni;9cans had taken into their pay, was threatened. The
Bomans made great efforts and placed larger armies in the
field than ever before, with the two most eminent generals at
their head, the aged Q. Fabius Maximus RuUianus and Pub-
lius Decius Mus. They met the enemy at Sentinum, near

1 Tbe fliBt jear of the Samnite war is of great interest, because the epitaph of L. Cor-
Delias SdpAo "Barbatui*, who was consul a. c. 296, has l>een preserved. It Is orobably
tbe oldest document that has come down to as in the original. It was found at
Bome in 1780 (see Hiai. qf Literature, p ). According to Llvy (x. 12) Scipio fonght

coMnicrw-Fgirio^

jJUULmUUJJUUUUUUUUUUUUUUUUUUUUUUUU ' JUU ' JUUUJ

rppjifTiF^f If iiiipi

Cim^MIW i\rr/$..Wf»BARMT»t-CN^IVf.U-'^ATi»B

* — -\

SABCOPHAOnB OP SCIPIO.

fai Vtmrla • be makes no mention of the towns of Tanrasia and Ciwauna which Scfplo is
itaid to bave t*ken, nor of a defeat of the Lucanians. Rlu<chl (Rhcin. Mnnenm, 1884, p.
1 ff 1 thinks that the epiUph was not compot«d immediately after SciploV death ; is m
fact not older than the flrst Punic war. Ihne (1. c. vol, I, p. 46) thinks tliat the whole
EtTUKCsn campaign was a fiction, that the Samnite arm/ was pent to Btmria to join the
Qanl« in a war against Rome. AeaJnst WiU coalition A. ClaadiuH wan nent in b. c. S96,
bat the campaign was un»*ucccHKfal, and I he danger became ko serious that In B.C. S96
Knllhuma and Decios were dit<patched with two cooralar armies of four legions.

102 THE THIRD SAMNITE WAR. [b.G. 290.

the pass whei*e the Vta Flaniinia afterwards crossed the moan-
tains. The battle was long undecided until the consul^ Decius
Mus, like his father in the battle near Mt. Vesavius, devoted
himself and the hostile army to the infernal gods. The victory
was complete, the coalition was broken ; the Gaols dispersed,
and all Umbria snbmitted.

3. Ezhanstion of tbe Sanmites. — The Samnites re-
treated, to continue the war in their own country. There
with the oourage of despair they fought and even defeated the
consul, Fabius Maximus Gurgcs, the son of Rullianus. The
aged SuUianus consented once more to take the field, as legate,
under his son. Then the Samnites were defeated, and their
general, the brave Gavius Pontius, who had commanded at
Caudium, fell mto the hands of the Bomans and was killed m
prison.^ Still the spirit of the Samnites was not broken. In
their mountains they protracted the struggle until both parties
were weary of war. They concluded an honorable peace which
secured them independence and the entire possession of Sam-
nium, though they were compelled to give up their foreign

conquests.

4. Colonies Establislied.— Bome now bent all her ener-
gies to secure the territory she had gained. The Gampanian
coast was strengthened by two fortresses, Mintumae and
Sinuessa, and the colony of Venusia was planted on the bor-
ders of Samnium, Apulia and Lucania to command the south.
About this time the Sabines were finally conquered and became
subjects of Some.* The fortress of Hatria was established on
the Adriatic to secure the territory there.*

5. War with the Oanls and Etruscans.— After the
conquest of the Samnites the only peoples left unsubdued were
the Lucanians and Greeks of the south. Ten years elapsed

« The followfnff description of the conmiPis triamph ie from Dr. Arnold's RUtcrp<lf
Borne, ii., p. 866.—Whne ho ww borne along in hJs chariot, accomlng to cnstpm, bisold
fattier roie on horseback behind him as one of hie lieutenants, delighting himself with
the honors of his son. But at the moment when the consul and hit* father, haTinc ar-
rived at the end of the Sacred Way, turned to the left to ascend the hill of the capltol,
G PonthiH, the Samnitc general, who, with the other prisoners of rank, had thus fu*
foUowed the procession, was led aside to the right hand to the prison benoith the Capf-
tollne hill, and was there thnwt dowu Into the underground dungeon of the priaon and

""' wJSlt^ t^^ragio. • See colored map No. 1.

B. 0. 283.] THE GBEEK SETTLEMENTS. 103

between tbe cloae of the third Samnite war and the commence-
ment of the next great struggle in which Rome was engaged.
In the meantime the Senonian and Bojan Oaals were defeated
at the Vadimonian Lake (b. a 283) and the fortress of Sena
Crallica {Serugaglia) was established. In Etruria the fortune of
war was tried again^ but Yolsinii was taken and destroyed,
Falerii subjugated and the £truscan power completely crushed.
& Wiar with tlie Lncanians. — In the third Samnite
war the Lucanians had rendered Some important aid. They
no doubt thought that Rome in return for this would look
quietly on while they plundered the Greek cities. They had
already laid siege to Thurii, which being hard pressed applied
to Borne for assistance. The Romans did not hesitate to es-
pouse the cause of the Thurinians and to declare war against
the Lucanians. The latter^ however, effected a union of the
Samnites and Bruttians,^ but Gajus Fabricius defeated their
united armies, relieyedThurii, received the submission of most
of the Greek towns ^ except Tarentum, and after having gar-
risoned them, returned to Rome laden with spoils (b. c. 282).
Tarentum was now the sole obstacle to Rome's entire mastery
of Italy. ^

«■ ♦ •>

chapter xviil

The Gbeek Settlements. — The Wab wfth Pyrrhus.

1. The Condition of the Italian areeks.-~In early
times the Greeks had founded colonies on the coasts of Sicily,
Spain and France, and particularly in southern Italy where the
Greek cities were so numerous and powerful that the country

was called Ormcia Magna. Many of these cities, such as Agri-

■ i I' III ■ ■■■■.11 ■ III -

*■ Aeoordinff to Mommseo the Lacanlans effected a anion of not only the BnittianB
and SAinnftes imt also of tbe BtniKcanp, UmbrlanH and Oanls, and this* led to the battle
of tbe Vadimonian Lake. Depriyed of the narrative of Llvy for this period (the narrative
ends B.C. 90S) the raoceraion of evenU< i^ exceedingly dpahtful.

* Loerl, Rbegiam, and Croton were garriiraned.

104

THB OBBEK SETTLB1CB19X8. [B. G. 280-272.

gentaniy Syracuse, Oroton, Sybaris and Tarentam attained
great prosperity, and extended their power from the coast
inland and ruled over the native races. The Greek dtiee in
Italy, howeyer, owing to civil dissensionSy jealousieB, and hostil-
ities with each other, had very much declined in power and
prosperity. At the time when Bome came in contact with
these cities Tarentum was by far the most powerfuL

2. War with Taxwitiim (b. a 280-272> — Favorably

situated on a splendid harbor,
Tarentum grew rich by com-
merce and industry. Una-
ble to defend their indepen-
dence against the Lucanians,
the Tarentines had summoned
Archidamus, the Spartan king,
to help them. In the interviJ
between the first and second
Samnite wars Alexander of
Epirus had been invited to assist them against the Lucanians
and Samnites. The second Samnite war gave the Tarentines
an opportunity to form a league to check the ambitious schemes
of Bome. But with their usual indolence they left the Samnites
to struggle alone, and assuming to act as umpires, they sum-
moned both parties after the battle of Gandium. to lay down
their arms ; the Bomans replied by an immediate declaration of
war. Even then the Tarentines took no decisive step. At the
close of the war the Tarentines and Bomans concluded a peaoe,^
the terms of which were that the Bomans should not eaSl
beyond the Lacinian promontory.

This was the condition of affairs when Thurii fell into the
hands of the Bomans, and a fleet of ten vessels was sent to
protect Thurii and at the same time to watch the Tarentines.
When the fleet appeared off Tarentum in open violation of the
treaty, the Tarentines quickly manned their ships, sailed out,
attacked the Bomans, and gained an easy victory.' After this,

» Probably about b. c. 804 : accordiDg to Nlebubr, b. c. 801.

* Mommaen and Niebnhr condemn the attack of the Tarentines. Dine tblnkB ttiftt a
Soman partj in Tarentum had agreed to deliver the dty to the Bomana.

B. C. 280.] THE GRBBK SBTTLBMBKTS. 105

•*.r*

Thtirii was attacked, the Bomaa garrison expelled, and the
town plundered.

3. The Axxlval of Pyrrhns in Italy.— War was de-
clared,^ and the Tarentines, accastomed to lean on Greece for
sapport, inyited Pyrrhus, king of Epims, to conduct the war
against their enemies. Pyrrhus eagerly seized the opportunity,
and in the winter of B. c. 280 landed ^ at Tarentum, and took
the reins of the goTernment into his own hands. The Taren-
tines were effeminate, and cared little for war. They soon
found, howeyer, that they had a master The clubs and thea-
tres were closed, and the young men were pressed into military
service.

4. The Battle near Heraclea (b. c. 280).— The Roman
army under the command of Valerius LsByinus soon appeared
and commenced hostilities. The two armies met at Heraclea."
Seven times the Bomans attempted to break through the
Grecian phalanx; then Pyrrhus brought forward his cavalry
and his elephants against the exhausted Romans. This decided
the contest ; tlie Romans fled, and their camp fell into the hands
of the enemy. Discontent was now silenced in Tarentum, and all
southern Italy rose against Rome. The victory was great, but
it had been dearly purchased. Nearly four thousand of Pyr-
rhns's best soldiers strewed the field of battle. This battle
taught the king the difficulty of the task he had undertaken,
for he knew well that the contest was only decided by the sur*
prise produced by the attack of the elephants. Before the
battle, when he saw the Romans forming in line as they crossed

^ It Is related that before declaring war, the nenate fient an eniba«ny to Tarentnm to
eomplaln of the attack on the fleet and demand 8atii*faction. L. Poptuminft, who was at
the Dead of the emhasRj, wan beset by the rabble. Hiifi pun)1e-b()rdered toga was jeered
at, and when he hecan to address the people in Greek « his miittakes and accent were
laughed at He still oontUined stating his demands— release of the captives, the restora-
tion of lliviii, and the enrrender of The authors of the outrageH— when a drunken bnf*
f oon beeuattered his white toga with dirt. The whole af<«ienibly applauded, but PoBtu-
mio:*, holding up his sallied toga, said : " Laugh while ^e may, bat this robe Khali be
washed In torrents of vonr blood/^ ValerluH Maximum (ii. 2, 5) makes the innnlt to Pos-
tnrohis take place before the assembly is called ; Bionysius (zviil. 7) after, LIvy (epit.
ziL) sars the a mb assad o rs were beaten bv the Taren tines.

* With an army of S1,000 heavy^armed soldiers, 3,000 arehers, 600 slingers, and 8,000
horsemen.

* For the first time on the field of Heraclea the Koman legion and Grecian phalanx
were broog^ht In collision. The order of the Roman army untu the time of Cam ill us was
similar to the phalanx. The legion was now drawn up in three lines, called the haHati^
pHnapai, and triarii ; the last line was triple (triarii proper, rorarU^ and aecefui)^ so
that there weie really five linen, see p. :^.

103 THE GBBEK SEITLEMBKTB. [B.G. 280.

the river, he said : ^' In war at least these are not barbarians."
Afterwards, when he saw the Boman soldiers lying upon the
field with the woonds all in {ront, he exclaimed: ^^If these
were my soldiers, or if I were their general, we should conquer
the world ! '' In view of the fact that his veteran soldiers
were more difficult to be replaced than the Boman militia^
and that the surprise produced by the attack of the elephants
could not be often repeated, it may be that the king described
his victory as a def eat^ or as the Boman poets afterwards ex-
pressed it : '^ Another such victory and I must return to Epi^
rus alone."

5. Embassy of Cineas to Rome. — Pyrrhus resolved,
therefore, to avail himself of the impression produced by this
victory to make overtures of peace to the Bomans. He sent
his minister Cineas to Bome, with the proposal that the Bo-
mans should recognize the independence of the Greek cities.^
Cineas, whose eloquence is said to have won more cities for
Pyrrhus than his arms, left no means untried to induce the
Bomans to accept the terms. When the question came up for
debate, and the decision of the senate seemed doubtful, the
aged Appius Claudius^ appeared once more in the senate and
denounced the idea of peace with a victorious foe with such
effect, that the overtures of tlie king were rejected, and Cineas
was warned to leave Bome. When Pyrrhus, who had been
waiting in Campania, heard this, he immediately advanced
toward Bome, hoping to secure the aid of the Etruscans, to
shake the adhesion of the allies of Bome, and to threaten the
city itself. He nowhere met with a friendly reception. The
Bomans placed new legions in the field, and Pyrrhus fell back
to Tarentum loaded with spoils and captives.

6. The Battte of Asculmn (b. c. 279).— Both sides made
preparations for the next campaign. Pyrrhus had not yet
given up all hope of concluding peace, and when Bome sent
an embassy to treat for an exchange of prisoners he determined

* And ftccordinj; to Platarch (PyrrboA, IR) he would help them rabdoe lUIr.

* Sornamed Crcuk ; a descendant of AppiuH Claadine. the decemvir. Tne story of
hlfl blindnetM originated probably from hU suraame. Se^ Mommo^o RQm. Fonch,
p. 801, or 1. c. vol. 1, apiiendiX'

^C. 274.J THB QBBBK SBTTLBXENTS. 10?

^ renew his proposals. His negotiations with 6. Fabricius,
^he head of the embassy, furnished the annalists with material
to eulogize their own countrymen. Fabricius was poor and
'^ras proud of his poverty. His integrity was incorruptible, and
he rejected the large sums of n^oney offered by the king. At
last Pyrrhns attempted to work upon his fears by concealing an
elephant behind a curtain, and then causing the curtain to be
withdrawn so that Fabricius was directly under the monster's
trunk. Fabricius remained unmoved, and only smiled when
the elepbant roared. The object of the embassy failed.^ The
king refused to exchange the prisoners. The next spring hos-
tilities were renewed. In the battle at Asculum {Ascoli di Ptt-
gUa) in Apulia, the Romans were again defeated.

7. Tl&e iklUance of Rome with Carthage.— An event
now occurred ^which induced Pyrrhns to conclude a hasty
peace with the Bomans and retire from Italy. The Bomans
conclnded an ofienaive and defensive alliance with Carthage.^
The object of this was to oppose the plans of Pyrrhus both in
Italy and Sicily. Carthage had already subdued the western
part of Sicily, and now an opportunity was oflEered for her to
get poBsession of the whole island. After the death of Agath-
ocles, the power of Syracuse rapidly declined. The Cartha-
ginians made rapid progress in the island. Agrigentum was
taken and Syracuse threatened. At this juncture the Syracu-
sans applied to Pyrrhus for aid. Hence his desire to bring the
war in Italy to a conclusion in order to help Syracuse before it
was too late, and hence the interest of the Carthaginians to de-
tain him in Italy that they might complete the conquest of Sicily.
XieaTing Milo with a garrison in Tarentum, Pyrrhus sailed for
Sicily. Syracuse was relieved, the Greek cities united under
liis leadership, and the Carthaginians were almost entirely
driTen from the island. The arbitrary rule of Pyrrhus soon

> Aeoordhiff to AppUui(!ii- 10, 5), the king allowed all the prisoners to go to Rome to
edebnte the reast of the Satnmaiia on condition that they should letixrn if the senate
would not accept the terms of peace already offered. The senate remained firm and
Uurcatened with death anr who ahould break his oath; according to Jnstin (xviii. 1), he
retoaned only 900, while Li?y makes him release all the prisoners without ransom.

* This was about b. o. S79. A commercial treaty had been concluded with Carthage,
Aeending to Polybfau, in the first vear of the republic (b. c. 609). According to Momm-
•en iBOm. Chropol., p. fgfi U.\ Polybius dates this treaty 161 years too early. See p. 117,

108 BOMAK 8UPBEMACT IK ITALY. [B. 0. 260.

caused discontent to break ont among the Oreeks, and the sit*
nation of a&irs in Italy demanded his presence.

8. The BatUai of Beneventmn (b. c. 274). — In the antamn
of B. c. 276 Pjrrhns set sail from the port of Syraense^ and
appeared again in Tarentum. His troops were almost the same
in number as when he first landed in Italy, but their quality
was far different. His best officers had fallen in battle. The
Romans prepared for the campaign. One consular army under
Cornelius Lentulus entered Lucania, and the other under
Manius Curins, Samnium. The king fell in with the army of
Gurius at Beneventum and determined to engage it before the
other army could come up. He stormed the Boman position,
but was completely repulsed. Gurius now led his army into
the plain^ and gained a complete victory. The camp of Pyrrhus
fell into his hands. The king was obliged to giye up his idea
of Italian conquest, and leaving Milo with a strong garrison
in Tarentum, he sailed to Greece to engage in new adventures.

9. Union of Italy (b. o. 266). — The departure of Pyrrhus
virtually ended the war. Tarentum fell into the hands of the
Bomans (b.c. 272). The guerrilla warfare of the Samnite8''8oon
ceased and every people south of the rivers^ Amus and JEeis
submitted to the power of Borne. V

■> ♦ ••

EOMAN SUPBEMAOY IN ItALY Cl ASSES OF BoMAN Cm-

ZKN8 — ^The System of Colonization — ^MiLrrABY Boads.

1. Roman Etovereignty. — ^Bome ruled leniently over the
conquered states. They paid no tribute besides equipping and
paying their army when Borne called for contingents. They
still retained their own local laws and internal administration,
when these did not conflict with those of Home. The general
management of the affairs of the allied states was centered in

* Acctirdlng to MommMn (1. c. toI. Hi., p. 8S7) It wtg Salla who fixed tbe rfyere Ralii-
con and Arnui* as the northern boandarx of Italy ; rae p. 2S7, n. 4.

KOXAir SnPBBMACY IH ITALY. 109

Borne. Borne was the head and her magistrates collected the
revenue, superintended the census^ and apportioned the military
service.

2. Smmnaxy of Rome's Policy.— A brief summary of
Bome'a policy in dealing with conquered .states will help us to
understand the manner in which she.goyemed the different
peoples in central and southeni Italy. In the regal period, it
will be remembered that the state was governed by the patri-
cians ; that when conquests were made the territory was an-
nexed to the Boman state and the inhabitants were moved to
Borne and the surrounding territory, and became subjects of
the king, i.^., plebeians; that after the destruction of Alba
Longa, Borne became the leading power in the Latin league.
In the conise of time the plebeians were admitted to equal social
and political privileges with the patricians, and ceased to form a
separate class. Boman supremacy had meanwhile been extended
not only over Latium, but over all central and southern Italy.

3. ClaBBOs of Roman Citizens. — The state, however,
still consisted of three classes: Roman citizens^ suhfects, and
allies. The first class, the members of thirty-three tribes, con-
stituted the governing people. These were the citizens of Borne
and of the country tribes into which the Roman territory^ was
now divided. The second class, or those ^ who possessed only
the private rights • but not the public franchise,* consisted of

' TIm territory extended on the north nearly to Cere, on the east to the Apenninee^
and on the soath to Fonnte, though there were some towna even in Latium, as Tibnr
and Pnene«te, which did not poeeeas the ftill flranchiee.

■ LaHidyOir diMt tine if^ffatio,

* Bveiy Roman citizen poraessed pablic ipubOea) and private (pHvata) rights (Jura).
The poblic rights were : (1) the right of voting, i. e. , of enactlDg ana repealing laws {Uge9
9eridtn\ ofdedaring war ( M m w vMUcere\ and concluding peace {paoemfacere)y(j^u ^-
fragii) ; (S) tlie right of holding poblic offloeft {hta honorvm) ; (3) the right of appeal
{Jmm mweatkmU). The priTate right8 were : (1) }u9 conntibii, ana (2) Jus commereii.

* The flrvt city on which private rights were conferred was Cnre, in consequence of
Its hftTing received tiie vestal virgins at the time when Borne was taken by the GaulK.
Although this was a great priyilege for the Cerltes, it wat*, of course, a d^adation for
the citizens with foil rights (cl9i« optimojure) to be ulaced on the same lootinf^ ; this
was one of the modes in which the censors expressed tneir displeasure towards a citizen;
Ids name was omitted from the roll of the tril>e and he was deiirived of the Jvs si^ffiragii.
Henoe the phrase, in CairUum IoMob r^erre attguem^ to deprive one or his right of
votfatg.

Any one in fall enjoyment of all these rights was a eivU cptimo jure. These rights
taken collectively were callediM dviiaiis or dimply civif^Wy and might be acquired (1) b^
birth, (3) by gift. A child bom of parents who could contract a regular marriage, i.^.,
both of whom had the Jim cnnnulni^ was by birth a Roman citizen, when a marriage took
place between parties who did not mutually possess the Jim amnuUi, the children belonged

110 MuxiK BXtPnmikat list rf aly.

the towns in a part of Latiam,^ and some of the communities
among the Hernicans,' iSquians,^ and Sabines.^ These assumed
the position in the state which the plebeians had formerly
occupied. They were compelled to serve in the Boman armies,
and were subject to all the burdens of Roman citizens, although
not admitted to full political rights. These communities ^ were
divided into two classes, one retaining more of local self-goy-
emment than the other. Boman law was introduced and ad-
ministered by a prefect* sent from Rome. The third clasSy or
the allies,^ consisted of some old Latin towns," such as Prseneste
and Tibur, of three towns among the Hemicans, of the Latin
colonies, and of all the communities in central and southern Italy
after their conquest. The Latin and Hemican towns retained
their old privileges to a great extent, and their condition was
so favorable that they were unwilling to change it for that of
full Roman citizen& The condition of the allied communities
in central and southern Italy was determined by special treaties.
They enjoyed local self-government, but they were deprived of
all political intercourse with other nations, and were bound to
famish ships of war and contingents for the army.

4. Colonisation. — ^For the purpose of securing the new
conquests, colonies • were founded far and wide in Italy. , In
this way Roman manners and customs were spread over Italy,

to the rnnk (ftoAur) of the Inferior partr. Foreigners might receive the cMta$ as a gift
(dare HvUalem). In early times this gift was very freely Destowed, and foreigners were
admitted into tne rank of the patricians (per OHfpiatkmem in patree): six years after the
expolsion of the kings the whole (fens OUxudia was admitted. Later it became more val-
uable, and was bestowed for faithfal services, sometimes on individaals, sometimes on
whole oommnnities. Sometimes It was bestowed, as already mentioned, with a limita-
tion, excluding thejw ei^froffU vadjut homnvm,

* After B. 0. 838.

* After B.C. 800, of all hot three cities, viz.: AJatrfaim, Forentiniim, and Vernle,
which had not taken a part in the war against Some. . ^ . _^

* After B. c. 801 * After b. o. 9B0. * MwdeMa-^iOttDA to services.

* Hence called prefectnree (iVYQr<Kftir0). * OMiaUtfmdtraia.

* That is, Nomen LaHwmn ; the way to fttll citiaenshlp was opeiied to the dtiaena of
any of these towns, on emigrating to Rome, if they left children in their native d^ or
had held office there : to the others the privilege of citiaenshlp was not granted.

* In the north, Arlmlnnm. Firmnm, and castram Novum were founded : In 8am-
ninm, Beneventum and iBsemia ; in Lucania, Piestnm ( PoHdonlka) and Oosa. The col-
onies founded at PyT]Bl, the seaport of Ossre, Ostia, Antinm (b.o. 88B), Tarracina ^.o.
8S8). Mintnmfle, and SinnesM (b. c. 986), Sena Oallica, and Castmm Novum (b.o. 168),
retained tiieir fall Boman citizenship, and had the right, probably, oH managing their
own local affairs. The others were Latin ooloniei*, i. «., Latins who settled on the lands
taken from the conquered population. They could acquire full citizenship, by emigiat>
ing to Rome (see note 8), but after the founding of Aiiminnm (b. o. 988), this right was
limited to those who had lield office in their own city.

fi. a SIS.] ftOKAN eo?KBMACTf fS WALT. Ill

and the local dialects began to give way to the Latin language
wben bU the snbjecta looked to Rome as the common centre.
The contact with the Greek cities made the Bomana acquainted
with the Greek langnogo and literature, the influence of which
was 80on Tisible in their religion, castoms, saA Uterstore.

5. Military Roads. — Intimately connected with the colo-
nial system was that of the military roads,^ which in time were
so extended that they intersected all parte of Italy and bound
the outpoets to Rome as the common centre. This great
system was begun by Appius Claudius, who, ^ter the conquest
of Campania, constructed a paved road* to Capua, called from
him the Appian Way (b. o. 312). This was soon extended to
Bmndisium by the way of Venada and Tarentnm. This project
of Appius was carried ont by others, each of whom gave his
name to the work he bad executed. The Flaminian Way
(b. c. 230) was constructed to Ariminum by the way of Namis
and Fanum ; the .i£milian Way (b. c. 187) continned the line
to Flacentia by the way of fiononia, Mntina, and Parma ; while
another of the same name (b- c. 171) extended the Cassian
Way from Arretium to Bononia. The Valerian led through
the country of the Sabines, jSquians and Mareiong, and the
Idtin led through the valley of the Liria to ^semia. All issu-
ing from the capital they bound the different cities and colo-
nies not only together but to Rome, and were the great high-
ways by which intelligence was speedily carried and the Roman
armies marched.

6. The Aqnednots. — At about the same time (b. c. 313)
Appius commenced the system of aqueducte which was to sup-
ply the capital with pure water from the Sabine hills.' No

B the PorUCipen«, of the tti

Vwmxlan, foand In 1084, ie In (be Plu» del Cun-

*Water bad hllherto been obUJned fram tb*

~" •■ Bcily; but It now

g In popnlatlon) to

uAiTiA, l«»n(™K<»iintoftlielnB
mow. w IntnfflciDDt, uid wu uto

112 EOMAN SUPREMACY IN ITALY. [b. C. 406.

audertaking of the Bomans presents more striking evidence
of their energy, skill and nntiring perseverance, than the
military roads and aqueducts. The latter were constructed at
an expense of a vast amount of toil and money, over hills,
valleys and plains, sometimes in subterranean channels,^ some-
times on long ranges of lofty arches,^ the remains of which,
stretching for miles over the barren and desolate Campagna,
present one of the most imposing and picturesque spectacles
around modem Bome. The Appian aqueduct' started about
eleven miles ^ from Bome, and was constructed under-ground
except about three hundred feet at its termination. M'.
Gurius Dentatus commenced the^ Anio Vetus^ in b. c. 272,
and the expenses were defrayed from the spoils taken in the
war against Pyrrhus. The water was conveyed in a vnnding
channel under-ground, from above Tibur, for a distance of
forty-three miles, until where it entered the city it was raised
on arches. Two others^ were constructed during the time of
the republic, but the number was increased under the empire
to nineteen. They were the most wonderful structures of
ancient Bome and well might excite the admiration expressed
by PUny : ^ "If any one will carefully calculate the quantity of
the public supply of water, for baths, reservoirs, houses, trenches,
gardens, and suburban villas ; and, along the distance which
it traverses, the arches built, the mountains perforated, the

* These were formed of rtone or brick mud were arched in order to keep the water
free from imparities ; aperturet) Ctumina) (nee p. 447) were made for yentllmtlon. Tlie
chmnnel deecended with m gradQaf elope and the bottom of it was coated with oemenL
When the aqaedact was carried through tK)]id rock8 the rock itc>elf Mrved as a channel.
That the water might deposit the impnnties with which it wafi contaminated lam recep-
tacles, or pond)*, were made at convenient places for the water to enter : in the city it
was received into a reservoir and from thence conducted in lead or eartlien pipes into
smaller reservoirs in the different districts which it was to snpply.

* It has sometimes been asserted tliat the Romans wwe nnacqnainted with the princi-
ple that water flnds its own level, becaose they built aqueducts instead of laying pipes.
This has arisen from the assumption that the large pipes are better adapted to carnr water
than the aqueduct. The. Bomans did nuke use of pipes, but they pcoveived the advan-
tage of the aqueduct over pipes. Although at first more expensive, yet when onoe con-
structed they were permanent and durabra. Four of the old Roman aquedacts are still
in use. The lax?^ pipes are liable to get obstructed or to yield at the Joints, and require
constant attention and repairs, and are really in the long run more expensive. Bngineem
are now returning to the aqueduct. The Kew River in Xondon and the Oroton aqiiediicts
in Hew York are constructed on the plan of the Roman aqueducts.

' Aqua Appia. * A Roman mile = 4860 ft.

* Remains of these are found at TivoH and near the Porta MuQgion,

* The aqva Marcia^ b. o. 144, and agua l^qmla^ b. c. 135.
' Nat. Hitit., zxzvi., 16.

BOUAN SUFBEHACY IK ITALY. 113

valleys leveled, he will coofesB that there never was anything
more wonderful in the whole world."

7. The Military System. — The new military system,
introdaced probably by Camillus, has already been mentioned.^
This neceseitated a far longer military training than that of the
old phalanx, in which the solidity of the masa kept the inex-
perienced in the ranks. This end was now attained by aban-
doning the former mode of ranking the soldiers according
to property, and arranging them according to lengtli of ser-
vice. The reemit entered first among the light-armed skir-
mishers (rorarit) and advanced step by step to the first, then
to the second line, wid finally to the third, where all soldiero
of long service and experience were associated in the corps of
the iriarii,* which imparted tone and vigor to the whole army.

In pmaring lo make » rq*d. iwo irencbeB were
trtt dag 5™ll'l we«d^ oiher lo nark the br««dOi
oftbennri. Tb« brewlUi In tto ™« "«• "J«
UieVi*Alwawu*liaut israot. ThelooHMitli
between Omm twnche* ™ then remond ud Ihs
enxTUkm wnetrntSnued nniil ksolld fcrandatlan
niMMlMd: iomBUn^ln ■w»inral»iid«h«i«
ITU fonned arlUksiaUr. Ab™ tba foandallaa
gmAU stonea wen flrat Iiid ; then ■ in»»s « bn^-
ken atflnai about fl Inches Uikk, crtnented with
Ume. uid »boTB Ibla won ftMmantB of brlcka and
Doltan, abml V locbM In deplb, *]hi cemonlcd.

I ona] btocka of [be bard-

' eot atone, fllted and

joined wltb gnat nlMlr,

were placedT The csa-

tra of the road waa a

^ little eleraled to pennll

Chanmel or ut brick, andcovered
AqtmnOT, T one caw vlth n]a

1, In the other wUh

TaiVu A

Hn«dwltb«waler.tl«hK!OWhwofc«nentmade (PaadnB Uirough the gmUo of
oTcbalk and Dagmena of InTcka. The water PoaUipo near NapIeB.)

tliher ran dlrectlv throiurii tbia chumcl, or It wag
carried IhrOBgh plpei lafl along the channel. The plpea
and •ometlmea <M lealber. Tbe pipea were made iu leiift

_ ]e iu lenMhB not less than ten foel, and of

widlba. "Tile)' were cemented together at the joiute. which fn«ariheo pluesuBrv
made lo OTcrlap, and when llie water waa flrst lol in. ashea were mlied with 11, In order
thai Iber might aettle In the jolnis and stop Ihcm moretompleLelT- Bj the use of pipes
ibe water »i aomedmee carried round a hill, and in very wide t»IIojb the cosilj sinic-
tnreorarcbeBCOoklbedispcnBed with, the pipe being broogbl down the one bIuuc on a
(■nbHroclorc, and up (he opiKwIie >lope, to nearly the belghl of that of the opposite side.
See alao pp. 114, nolea 1 aud », and «V. n. I, and K«, n. 1,

SUMMARY.

Conquest of Italy — b, c. 384-266.

Tbe Revolt of
tlie

B.C. 384.

Condition*

After the destruction of Rome by the Gauls in b. c.
390, the Latins and Hernicans, who had hitherto bc^n
united in a league with the Romans, took the opportu-
nity to declare the league dissolved. Rome, however,
recovered with remarkable rapidity and succeeded in
maintaining her position in Latium. The malcontents
were subdued and the league restored under the leader-
ship of Rome. After the conquest of the Volscians in
B. c. 383 no people of importance opposed the advance
of the Romans to the river Litis.

As the internal condition of the state gradually im«
proved * and political equality between the two orders
was established,' Rome felt that she could safely con-
tend with the peoples of Central Italy. Accordingly,
when the Campanians offered to enter into an alliance
with and to place their chief city in the hands of the Ro-
mans, if the Romans would protect them against the
Samniteswho were making forays into their territory,
the offer was too tempting to be rejected. Those
Samnites who had descended from the mountains
and settled in the plains of Campania became in
the course of time detached from the parent stock,
the Samnites of the mountains, and the two nations
were sometimes engaged in hostilities with each other.
The Samnites of the mountains made forays into the rich
and highly civilized lowlands of Campania. To save
themselves from these forays the Campanians offered to
place themselves under the protection of Rome. To
accept the offer was to double the territory of Rome ; to
reject it was to strengthen the Samnites, who were al-
ready the chief nation in Southern Italy. The offer was
accepted, the Campanians were received into alliance,
and the First Samnite War followed. A Roman army
was sent to Campania, gained some successes, and pre-
pared to winter there. The mutiny of the soldiers ' and
the threatened revolt of the Latins compelled the Ro-
mans to make a hasty treaty.

The land ^ that had been acquired in Campania,
Rome had no intention of sharing with the Latins, al-
though it had been won by their help. The spirit of
the Latins began to rise. They demanded a share in
the spoils of war and in the government of Rome.

* See p. 85. * Sec p. 81. * See p. 88.

* It is important to remember that Borne, when Rhe eonqoered a state, enooeeded to
the riffhts or the prevloiis government As all of the Italian states possesecd a public
domain of some kind, Borne acqnlred, as her conquests advanced, laiige tracts of public
land and various other kinds or property, snch as mines, qnarries, nlt-works, etc. In
addition to all this Borne reqnired, at the close of the war, the surrender of a tract of
arable or pasture land, which was added to the public domain (dpvr Somomu). In this
waj the territory of Borne was always increasing.

Peae* PoUejr

of Rome
Abiandoned.

The Ronana
and Balanites*

TIfte First
Samnite IVar,

B.C. 343-341-

BUKKABT.

115

Tike liAtim ^ITart

B.C. 340-338.

flanuata IVar,
8.C. 326-304.

This was not an unjust demand. The two peoples had
the same political, religious, and social institutions.
Rome, however, rejected these demands, and war was
declared. The Romans, aided by the Sammtes, with
whom they had just formed an alliance, defeated the
Latins near Mt. Vesuvius. The Latin league was dis-
solved, and the leadership of Rome in Latium was con-
verted into a supremacy. Henceforth the Latin cities '
furnished soldiers and contribiitions, not according to a
fixed rule, but according to the pleasure of Rome.
From this duty of the subject towns arose the name
" municipal/' f . ^., bound to services.

The Romans now had time to secure their conquests
in Campania. Colonies were established at Cales
(b. c. 334X and at Fregellae (b. c. 328) on land conquered
by the Samnites — a. direct challenge to the Samnites.
Tliis was followed by an attack on Palseopolis, an inde-
pendent Greek city, which had long been under the
protection of the Samnites. It was alleged that the
Palasopolilans had maltreated Roman citisens settled
near Cumae. The aristocratic party in Paiaoopolis was
favorable to Rome, but the popular party sought aid
from the Samnites. The Samnites dispatched a strong
garrison to the citv, and Rome declared war. It was
felt in Rome that the time had already come when the
contest must be decided whether the Romans or
Samnites were to rule in Southern Italy. During
the first part of the war the Romans were successful ;
but in B. a 321 the Roman army was defeated at the
Caudine Forks bv G. Pontius. The Romans, however,
recovered, and Papirius Cursor was in a fair way to
bring the war to a favorable conclusion when the Etrus-
cans revolted. Fabius Maximus defeated the Etruscans
at Lake Vadimo (b. c. 310), and in a few years after
Bovianum, the capital of Samnium, was captured, and
the Samnites were compelled to sue for peace (B. c 304).

The Lucanians furnished the cause for the third war
with the Samnites. During the last war Lucania had
sided with Rome, but the popular party among the Lu-
canians was averse to this alliance, and sought support
from the Samnites. As it was Rome's interest to keep
the Lucanians as their allies in a sort of dependency,
she ordered the Samnites not to interfere in Lucania.
The Samnites refused to obey the command, and Rome
declared war. Although the Samnites were assisted by
the Etruscans and Umbrians, and almost all Italy was
united in a league against Rome, still their united armies
were defeated by Rullianus and Publius Decimus Mus
at Sentinum (a. c. 295), and the Samnites were compelled
to acknowledge the supremacy of Rome.

BatU* at tlte
Cavdlse Forks,

&C. 321.

B.a 998-290.

Battle
jf S««tin«

B.C. 295.

■ There were three daaBes : (1) the towns with which the old alliance was renewed ;
(2)thoee that became monidpla \ (8) and those that were absorbed into the Boman state,
from whoee territory two new tnhes were formed.

116

BUMMABY.

B.C. 280-272.

Rome's

Relations to tbe

Snbjeet States

Classes
' Gitlse

The only obstacle to Rome's entire mastery of the
peninsula was Tarentum. A rash attack of the Taren-
tines on the Roman fleet led to war. The Tarentines in-
vited Pyrrhus, King of Epirus, to their assistance. He
defeated the Roman army under Laevinus at Heraclea
(B. c 280), and the next year at Asculum (b. c. 279).
Events now occurred that called Pjrrrhus to Sicily, but
on his return three years afterwards he was defeated by
Manius Curius at Beneventum ' (b. c. 274), and Pyrrhus
was* compelled to evacuate Italy, and soon after (b.c.
272) Tarentum surrendered, and all Italy south of the
rivers Amus and iEsis acknowledged the supremacy
of Rome. Military colonies were established in South-
em Italy at Paestum, Cosa^ (b.c. 273), and Beneventum,
and the great Appian Way was soon extended to Brun-
disium ; in the north, as an outpost against the Gauls,
colonies were planted at Ariminum (b. c. 268), Firmum,
and Castrum Novum.'

All the different states^ in Italy were now united un-
der the general management of Rome. Self-government
was granted to the different states. Rome reserved to
herself the sole right (i) to make war or to conclude
peace ; (2) to coin money ; (3) Rome also had the right
to demand ships-of-war and troops in case of war, and
these troops must be anned and equipped by the com-
munity which furnished them. The citizens within this
great confederacy were divided into three classes : First,
the body of Roman citizens ^ inhabiting Rome and the
country tribes into which the Roman territory ' was di-
vided. Second, those who possessed the private rights
of a Roman citizen, but not the public franchise {cives
sine suffragio). Third, the allies, consisting of the
Latins in a few old Latin towns, and of the so-called
Latin colonies,"* and of all the Sabellian and Greek
towns in Italy.

> The name of the place where the battle was fooght was changed for a good
omen ftom ICaleventam to Beneventam, and a colony e»tablished there, b. o. MB.

* The situation of Ck>iUi is doubtful. According to Livy, xzvii., 10, it seemed to be
on the west coast.

* To some of these places 4000, and to one a« many as 90,000, colonists were sent.

* Bmbracing the tenritorv sooth of the riven Amos and JBoaa.

* The territory inhabited by Roman citizens extended from CflBre on the north to
Formia on Uie sonth, and eastward at* f atr as the Apennines. There were some cities
within this limit that did notpossefts the full Roman franchise, and a few beyond itit
bounds that did possess it. TOc number of eltiaens (inclndinK citizens of the first and
the second class) = about 380,000 ; of old men, women, children, slaves (about 60,000%
and foreigners, total = about 3,800,000 : the population of the city = 800,000 souls.

* T%ose citizens who had emigrated into Roman colonies {cotomm eivhtm Bomancrum)
retained all their civil rights, but could not exercise them on account of their absence
from Borne.

' OokmicB LaUtKB^ or Latin colonlcH. consisted of Roman citizens who, bj becoming
colonists, lost their right to vote in the oomitia at Rome. The Latin colonies were

Slanted in the conquered territory, and were compei)<9d, as the rulers of the surrounding
istricts, to lean on Rome for support. To some jf these places 4000 and to some as
many as 20«000 colonists were sent. It was these Latin colonists, who belonged origi-
nally to the body of Roman citizens, and who felt themselves every way equal 10 Bommn
citizens, that felt so keenly, at a later time, their subordinate position.

CARTHAGE AND ROUE.

116J LIST OF MAGI8TEATE8.

List of Magistrates.

ConsnlB (originally called Tprndon^ sometimes Justices) werct tbe highest ordi-
nary magistrates at Borne. They exercised at first the full civil and military authoilty.
They were always two in number and were elected annually by the Comitia Centuriata.
It was their duty to command the army, convoke tbe €k>mitia Centuriata, to preside in
the Mme and to carry into effect the decrees of the senate and the people. Th^ entered
upon their duties after b. c. 154 on the first of January.

Tribunes of the People were elected (first in b. o. 494) to protect the plebeians.
They could be chosen from the plebeians only, and their person was sacred. Th^
were elected by the plebeians In the special plebeian assembly by tribes (after b. o. 4T1).
The number of tribunes was increased in b. c. 457 to ten.

Praetor was first elected in b. o. 867. Originally there was only one ; but as the
territory of the state was extended, the number was increased in b. c. 888 to two, In
B. c. 2ia7 to four, in b. o. 107 to six, by Sulla to eight, and by Cesar to sixteen. One of
the pretors {prcBtor urbantu) administered justice in the city, while the other ipere-
grinus) attended to lawsuits between foreigners or citizens and foreigners. After
B. 0. 149 all the prsBtors remained in the dty during their year of office (two* presiding,
as formerly, in the civil courts, the other two having charge of criminal cases), and the
next -year as proprietors governed provinces.

iEdlles were elected in the Comitia Tributa. There were two sets of sediles, two
plebeian sediles and two curule sediles (elected first in b. o. 807). The ediles bad charge
of the public buildings, the care of cleanlug and draining the city, and a general eapet-
intendence of the police and the public games. ^^

QiuM^rs took chaige of all the iHiOney»bdonglng to the state. Theyreceived all
Uie taxes and made all the payments for the civil and military service. At first there
were two qunstors, but in b. o. 427, the number was Increased to four, in b. c. 207 to
eight, by Sulla to twenty and by Caesar to forty. ^^ ...-^^

VQfiMjprs wer^ M|(^iP number, and were elected everj^j^years, ffB^aej hdd
theiromce only imli^thrir duties were discharged. Their ^g||^Rre to take the mq^
on which the posiiiuuiuf i!\ery one in the state dependedTth^ also exercis ed cont rol
over the conduct an djnon ^" *^^ *^^h** ^<*^^*"^"«i and had a- general superintendence ^th e
fln^^es of the state, under the direction of the senate (such as leasing the taxes, filirg
th^^onnt of the trlbutnm for each individual, etc.). They had no concern, however,
with payments into the treasury, nor with the expenditure of the public money. When-
ever the senate resolved to have public works of any kind, as bridges, roads, aqueducts,
etc., constructed, the censors made the oon^jdis and superintended their erectio n.

The magistrates above-mentioned were elected annually. It became the enstinn
(l^all; ft-om the time of Sulla, b. c. SS) for them to remain the first year of office in. tbe
city, and then as proconsuls, propraetors, etc., to command In the provinces. It \ms
legnlly enacted in b. o. i jy. hv thft T^^ ^j^RHg j|fat-MMg citiseirwho desired to attain the
consulship must commence with the qucestorship and pass through a regular gradation of
public offices. The earliest age for the qnsstorshlp was 97 years ; for the aedilebhip, St;
for the pnetorship, 40 ; and for the consulship, 48.

Dictator must be nominated by one of the consuls in obedience to a decree of tbe
senate. He exercised for six months only the whole civil and military authority, all the
other magistrates being subject to his control. He was usually nominated in case of
some extraordinary danger, as for the prosecution of a war (rH gerundoi causa) or the
suppression of sedition (sedMonis sedandas caiisa.) At a later time dictators were ap-
pointed when the consuls were absent from the city to perform some special act, and
they resigned when the duty was done. As soon as he was nominated he appointed a
lieutenant, called Magister EquUum^ to lead the cavalry, while he led the legions. After
the second Punic war, the office fell into disuse, the senate conferring upon the consols
iictatorial powers in the formula, vidfant consules ns quid respuUioa detrimenU capiat

FOREIGN CONQUESTS,

Cabthagb and Home. — The First Punio Wab

(B. C. 264-241).

1. Ifatnro of the Carthaginian Empire. — On the shores
of the Mediterranean, opposite to Italy, lived from the earliest
times the Libyans,^ a branch of the Semitic race. Their
conntry was early visited by the Phcenicians, whose enterprise
led them to plant colonies not only on the coast of Africa and
the islands of the Mediterranean, but even in Spain. Con-
nected by no particular tie with the mother country these
colonies soon became independent. One of the most important
on the coast of Africa was Carthage,^ which, from her favorable
situation, attained a rapid growth, and succeeded in not only
uniting the other colonies under her sway but in subjecting a
considerable tract of the surrounding territory. The city grew
rich by industry, agriculture and commercial enterprise. In
order to extend their commerce, and make the products of the
countries of the Mediterranean pass through their hands, the
Carthaginians established trading-posts on the northern coast of
Africa, in Sardinia, Corsica, Spain, and Sicily. Their vessels
distributed the products of the East — ^glass from Sidon, em-
broideries and purple from Tyre, frankincense from Arabia,
slaves and ivory from Africa, linen from Egypt — over the
shores of the Mediterranean, and brought back in return iron
from Elba, silver from the Balearic islands, gold from Spain,
tin from Britain, and copper from Cyprus. Carthage became

* Tlie Namidlane, Msnrltanlans mnd Gtetnlimns belonscd to the Llbjan

* CartbafTe wan founded probably in the ninth oenniry ; according to JUt, zrlli. %
in B. c. 881 ; according to others, in b. c. 801, or 806, or 8t9.

118 CAMHAGE AND ROME. [b. C. 270.

the mart for these countries, and the immense gain resulting
from this commerce made her one of the richest cities in the
world.

2. Tho ConatitatioB of Cfotiiage. — ^The government was
yerj similar to that of Rome. Two magistrates, elected by the
people from the best families, were at the head of the state.
The command of the army was committed to a dictator whose
authority in the field was unlimited. The families were repre-
sented in the senate, which, like the Roman senate, really man-
aged all matters of foreign and domestic policy. From the
senators was elected a board of one hundred and four, in whose
hands the judicial power was invested, and through which the
senate exercised control over the magistrates and the general
administi'ation of public affairs. How wisely this goveniment
was planned and administered is attested by the fact that for
more than six centuries there was no revolution in Carthage.^

3. The Relative Strength of Rome and Carthage. —
It was in Sicily that the Romans and Oarthaginians first came
in contact Their relations had hitherto been peaceful, and
the treaty concluded in b. c. 348 had been renewed in b. a 279.
The resources of the two nations were nearly equal. Carthage
relied on mercenaries for conquest and defence, while Rome
formed her armies from her own citizens. The Roman empire
was consolidated and the different peoples in Italy looked to
Rome as the centre. The dependencies of Carthage were widely
scattered, and too loosely connected to be serviceable in a long
war. The efforts of the Carthaginians to gain possession of
Sicily and the expedition of Pyrrhus to relieve Syracuse have
been related.' Both Rome and Carthage were eagerly watching
the course of events in Sicily, and it was evident that a struggle
for the possession of the island was not far distant. Pyrrhus,
when he quitted Sicily, exclaimed, " How fine a battle-field
are we leaving to the Romans and Carthaginians! "

4. The Mamertines. — It happened while the war was going

on between Pyrrhus and the Romans, that bands of mercenaries

* Arittotie, PoUt it 8, 1 9. • See p. 107.

ft. a 264.] CABT&AOK AlTD BOUB. 119

seised the towna of Rbegium and Messaoa. After the con-
closion of the war Bheginm was taken by the RomanB and the
revolterB were pnt to death.
Id Hesana* the merceDa-
riea who called themselTes
MamertmeB, that is, bodb of
Han, maiBtaiiied their po-
rition, preyed npoa the
BarronQdicg territory, and
made the whole island un-
safe^ After the capture of
Bh^nm the day of pirn-
ishmeDt seemed near for
the HamertineB. Hiero,
tbe king of Syracuse, was
sent against them. They
were defeated in battle and
abut up in Messana. After
the siege had laated fire
years, and the Mamertines

were reduced to the last extremity, they looked about for aid.
Their only choice was between Rome and Carthage. Tbe
party in favor of Rome finally prevailed, and an embassy was
sent to the senate to offer the surrender of the city. The
temptadon was strong, for the refus^ to grant protection
would surely throw the town into the hands of the Carthagin-
ians.' Only six years before Hiero had assisted tbe Romans
in subduing Rbegium, and it seemed now impossible that the
Romans eould lend their aid against their old ally to those who
were guilty of the same crime which they had just punished
BO severely. If the assistance were granted it would lead to a
war with Carthage and take the Romans beyond Italy. The
Roman senate hesitated ; but when the question came before
the people all considerations were laid aside, and, animated by

■ AccotdlnE Id Itanc, i, Carthaglnlu gurSaoD HM flnt kdmillad lo tlM Uwn, and tban

120 OABTHAOE AND fiOHfi. [b. C. 262.

the hope of spoils and gain, they voted for the undertakiiig.
The consul, Appius Claudius, was entrusted with the task of
carrying out the decree.

5. The Siege of Messaxut— In the meantime the Car-
thaginians had appeared before Messana and concluded a
peace between Hiero and the Mamertines ; and Hanno, the
Carthaginian general, had been admitted into the city, so that
there was no longer any pretext for the interference of the Bo-
mans. Still the consul would not abandon the enterprise. His
legate crossed to Messana, ostensibly for the object of settling
the difficulty, and persuaded the Mamertines to expel the Car-
thaginians. Hiero and the Carthaginians made common
cause, and laid siege to Messana.^ Appius, although the Car-
thaginians ruled the sea, managed to elude their fleets landed
with his army, relieved Messana, and advancing even to the
walls of Syracuse, defeated Hiero and the Carthaginians.

6. The Capture of Agrigentum (b. g. 262).— The next
year the Romans carried on the war with two consular armies.
On their advance the Sicilian cities one after the other deserted
Hiero and the Carthaginians and joined the Romans, so that
the latter were in a fair way to gain possession of the whole
island. Hiero became alarmed and saw that he had made a
great mistake in forming an alliance with the Carthaginians.
He soon concluded a peace with the Romans, and ever after
remained their faithful ally (b. c. 263). The Romans now laid
siege to Agrigentum, which the Carthaginians had selected as
the base of their operations. After a siege of seven months,
the city fell into their hands. The capture of this fortified
town had not been attained without great loss,^ but the success
waa correspondingly great All Sicily, except the fortresses of
Eryx and Panormus, was entirely subdued. The Romans began
now to look higher than merely keeping the Carthaginians out
of Messana. The prospect of acquiring all Sicily was opened
to them.

* There was no formal declaration of war by the Roman fetioHs (see page 41 f.) the
action of the people had practically be^n the war.

' According to niodonxs (xxiil. 9), the Romans lost 80,000 men.

B.C. 260.] CA&THAGE AKD BOME. 121

7. The First Roman Fleet. — The Bomans prosecuted
the war with vigor, but they saw from year to year that it was
impossible to defend Sicily and bring the war to a successful
conclusion without a navy. In Sicily the towns on the sea-
coast were continually exposed to the attacks of the Cartha-
ginian fleet, and even the coast of Italy was ravaged. There
siras a good deal of truth in the declaration of the Carthaginian
liplomatists before the war/ that no Boman against their will
could wash even his hands in the sea. The Bomans deter-
mined to construct a fleet and meet the Carthaginians on their
own element The navy of the Greek and Etruscan towns
must have been considerable, yet the Bomans determined to
defend Italy with a fleet of their own. Hitherto Bome had
built triremes only, that is, galleys with three tiers of benches
for rowers, which were entirely unable to cope with the quin-
queremes of the Carthaginians — ships with five tiers of benches
for rowers. A Carthaginian quinquereme, wrecked on the coast
of Bruttium, served as a model The forests of Italy furnished
pitch and timber. The sailors* were levied from the Greek
and Etruscan towns. In the short space of sixty days one
hundred and twenty ships were built*

8. The Battle off MyUe (b. o. 260).~One of the consuls,
Cn.* Cornelius Scipio, put to sea with seventeen ships, but was
surprised in the harbor of Lipara and taken prisoner with all his
crews. This loss was, however, soon repaired. Gajus Duillius,
his colleague, took command of the rest of the fleet and im-
mediately led it against the enemy. The battle was fought off
MylsB. The Carthaginians were far superior to the Bomans in
maritime tactics. In order to supply their lack of skill in
manoeuvring the vessels, the Bomans invented the boarding-
bridges.^ Each ship was provided with one, which was pulled

* Hie name ttodi nttvaUs shows that Uiey were raised chiefly from the allies (soeil).

■ UiDe thinks that a great part of the fleet came from the allies and was manned by
fb«m (Tol. iL, p. M); see map No. 1.

* AJtboogh the letter g had been in use for some time, still the abbreviation On. was
leUdned for the name Otueut. See Hisl. qf LUeroture.

* It was thirty-six feet long and was palled np twelve feet above the deck and fks-
toned to the mast twenty-f onr feet high in rach a way that it conld be moved up and
down an weU as sideways, by means of a rope, which passed from the end of the bridge
through a rli^ in the top of the mast, down to the deck. The bridge was broad eaougb

128 CAETHAQE AND BOMB. [B-C. 267.

Dp and fastened to the mast ia the fore part of the ehip If
the enemy's ship approached
near enough, the rope was
loosened, the bridge fell on
the deck of the hostile ship,
and the spikes on the onder
side penetrated the timbers
and fastened the two ships
together. The soldiers then
ran along the hridge to board,
and the sea-fight became a
hand-to-hand engagement.
When the Carthaginians saw
the Bomau fleet, confident of
an easy victory, they bore
down upon it The bowrd-
ing-bridges worked admira-
bly. Their ships were seized
\ by the boarding-bridges, and
when it came to a hand-to-
hand fight the Carthaginian
crews were no match for the
Boman soldiers. The victoiy
was complete, and Dnillins
was awarded the honor of a
triumph' on his return to
Borne, and a column, deco-
ooi.r„*ito^.^ rated with the beaks of the

conquered ships and an inscription* celebrating the rictory,

was erected in the forum.

9. The Battles of Tyndaric and BcnomnB. — After

the battle of Mylie, two plans were open to the Bomans, either

for two soldiers to wilk tbroMt, and t, nlllLE on «aeh •tda protoWrf thMD bon tli» M

• It i? relsWd that otter honora wete conterrerl upon ""-."^.^iJ^^*" •""
DSnlBl home in the ereolnB from banqneM by • flntn-ptoTer and loreh-bMnr.

■ Thefrwrnenloftheftwriplionon ihi? colomn, renews by ■nbwtM. I» lii"""
at ROBie, in its P«i»c« of [bo QoaternXvA {fluUiOi anuol adBomm Pbko* m teirita
etc BetBUt.if LU.,v- }■

B. 0.256.] CARTHAGB AND HOME. 123

to inyade Africa or to attack and subdue the islands of the
Mediterranean. The latter course was adopted. Expeditions
were sent to Cosica and Sardinia, and Hamilcar^ who at this
time was placed in command of the Carthaginian forces in
Sicily, was driven to the western end of the island. The sea
battle at Tyndaris (b. o. 257), although not a decisive victory,
encouraged the Romans to enlarge their fleet, and to transfer the
war to Africa. The task was entrusted to the two consuls, M.
Atilius Begnlus and L. Manlius Vulso. They sailed along the
southern coast of Sicily, and near Ecnomus met the Oartha-
ginian fleets under command of Hamilcar and Hanno, pre-
pared to obstruct their way to Africa. In the battle which
followed,^ the boarding-bridges did good service as at Mylse.
The Soman fleet was victorious and the way to Africa was
opened.

10. HegohiB in AMca. (b. a 256).— The Romans landed
near the town of Glypea,'" and established there their camp.
The country all about was covered with flourishing villages,
towns, and the villas of the nobility. The spoils were great
Town after town fell into the hands of the Romans, till at last
the capita] itself was in danger. The Oarthaginians sued for
peace, but the conditions were too humiliating, and they deter-
mined to continue the war with energy. They increased their
forces. Among their mercenaries was Xanthippus, a Spartan
general, a man of great military ability. He pointed out to
them that their defeat was due to the fact that they did not
select the proper field of battle where their elephants and cav-
alry could be useful, and not to the superiority of the Romans.
By his advice the Oarthaginians left the hills and offered bat-
tle on the level ground. This Regulus readily accepted. His
army was almost annihilated (b. o. 255). A Roman fleet ^ was
sent to carry off the remains of the army, but on its return
home, it was overtaken by a fearful hurricane on the southern

* Tba Bomans, aooordlnff to Polrbias, had 880 Bhipe and 140,000 men ; and the 0»>
th«c!*'*f"* had a rtlll larser lorce, 1S0,000 men and 8S0 yemela,

■ On Its way to sain a rlctotr at the Hermcan j>iomontory, near Alexandria.

• See map, p. 817.

124 CABTHAOE AND ROME. [B. G. 254^

coast of Sicily. Nearly the entire fleet was destroyed, and the
coast was strewed for miles with wrecks and corpses.

11. Panormiis (b. c. 254).— The Eomans, after these re»
verseSy set about with undiminished energy rebuilding their
fleet, and in less than three months they had 220 yessels ready
for sea. This fleet surprised and captured Panormus (Pal-
ermo), one of the most important Carthaginian strongholds in
Sicily. This success so encouraged the Romans that they made
a second descent on the African coast, but nowhere obtained
a firm footing. On its return the fleet was overtaken by a
terrible storm near the Palinurian promontory on the coast of
Lucani% in which one hundred and fifty ships were lost For
the next few years the war languished. The Carthaginian
dominion was confined to the western part of Sicily, with the
two important fortresses of Lilybsenm and Drepana.

12. Panonniui (b. c. 250). — ^In the year b. c. 251 Ham-
ilcar arrived in Sicily with a large army and one hundred and
forty elephants. He laid waste the country and approached
the walls of Panormus. The consul, L. Metellus,^ at a favor-
able time accepted battle and gained a complete victory. This
was the most important battle that had yet been fought in
Sicily,' and the result encouraged the Romans.

> OBNBALOGICAL TABLB.

L. Cmchaub Mbtbxxub,
COS. B.C. 951,M7.

CM. B. o. U6. tr. pi. B. o. 816. pr. b. o. S06^

Q. IffVTBL. MACBiMincuB, L. MBmj.u8 Caltub,

COB. B. O. 148. COB. B. O. Itt.

1 Mat. Balbab* L. Mbt. Diadbh- M. Mbtbllus, Q. Mst. Cjmiua, m. Cjkili a. m.

lOUB, ATI78, COB. B.C. lift. CaPBABIDB, O. BKBTIUUS, SCIPIO Na-

«M. B. 0. U6k OM. B. 0. 117. CO*. B.a US. VaTIA. tlCA.

* Bftmllcar, on his retain to Cartluuref was crocliled. UO elephantB were taken and
led In Um tiinmplMd proceBBlon of Metellna.

B. C. 249.] CASTHAOE AND BOM£. 125

X3. IiilybfBiiin and Drepanad — The battle of Panonniis

was a taming point in the war. The Carthaginians were dis-

coaraged and sent an embassy ^ to Borne to negotiate a peace.

Nothing, however^ was accomplished, and the Romans renewed

the war with yigor. They concentrated all their force against

LdlybflBaniy' situated in the western extremity of the island on a

promontory of the same name. This siege> like that of Veji,

lasted almost ten years. All kinds of attacks were resorted to,

but without avail In the second year (b. c. 249), the consul,

P. Clandius Pulcher,' was sent to Sicily with a new army. He

^ Oonneeted with this embawy is the celebrated story of Begnlas. It is related that
be was sent to Rome with the aoiDaesadorB to negotiate a peace or at least to procure an
exdbMBgt of prisoDero, bound by his oath to return if not successful. The poets relate
how BekoluB at first refnaed to enter the city as a slave of a Cartha^nian ; how he would
not give hia oplnioo in the senate, as he had ceased by his captivity to be a member
of that bodr ; bow at length he dissuaded his countrymen not only from peace bat
ftom an ezchanire of prisoners, because he thoqirtit it would resnlt to the advanta^ of
Oothage ; how ne resisted all the persuasions ofhis ftimlly and fk-lends who urged him
to reondn at Borne ; how, when the senate wavered and seemed disposed to make the ex-
chanse, he told them that he could no longer be of any service to his country, because
the Carthaginians had given liiro a slow poison, which would soon terminate in his
death. He refused to see his wife and children, and, true to his oath, returned to Car-
tilage, where he was put to death with cruel tortures. When the news of his death
reached Home, the senate gave up two noble Carthaginians. Hamilcar and Bostar, to
bis family, on whom to revenge themselves for the cruel death of Regnlus. This stoiy,
inherently improbable, is not mentioned by Polybius. It is scarcely credible that the
Bomans refused to exchange prisoners, for we know ftom Zonaraa (vUi. 16)- that they
agreed to an exchange willingly two yeara afterwards.

* Hie modem Mamala : lor the manner of besieging a town see p. 881.

• QENXALOOICAL TABIX

Afftus Claudius Cocub,
cens. B.O. 81&

Af, Glauh. Ciuesua, P. Cl. Pulohvb, G. Ol. Cbhto, Ite. Cu Naso, Claudu^
COS. B. o. 20B. COS. s. c. 948. cos. b. c. 240. Quinqus.

Jkr. Cl. Pduchbb, cob. b.o. SIS. Claudia Quimta.

Claudia m. At. Cl. Pulohkb, P. Cl. PuLomB, Q. Ol. Pulobbb,

PBUU VIUB CaLAVIUS. I COS. B. O. 184. COS. B. c. 177.

A. Cl. Pulohbb, m. Amtibtia.

A. Ol. Pulcbbb.

Claudia, Claudia, m.

Vbbtal. Tib. Obaocbub.

126 GABTHAGE AKD ROME. [B.a ^7.

_U 1^1 ■ M ■ IIMl ■ ^1 ■■ ■ ■■ ■■■■! ■■■ ^ m ^t - — I ■■- ^^—

formed the design of surprising the Carthaginians at Drepana.
The attack miscarried, and he was defeated with great loss.^
This defeat caused great terror at Borne, such as the city had
not experienced since the day of the Allia.^

14. Destraction of the Roman Transport Ships. — ^The
other consul, L. Junius Pullus, was almost equally nnsnocess-
fnl. He was sailing along the coast of Sicily with a part of
the eight hundred transports, loaded with provisions for the
soldiers in LdlybsBum, which he had collected in Sicily and
Italy, when he was overtaken by a storm, which waa so severe
that not one of the transport ships was saved.

15. Romans Discouraged. — These were great misfortunes
for the Bomans. The war had continued fifteen years. They
had lost four large fleets and more than one-sixth of their fight-
ing population. Lilybseum and Drepana defied all their efforta
Their trade and industry were ruined. It was no wonder that
they were discouraged. They became inactive or carried on hos-
tilities on a small scale. For the next six years their efforts
were chiefly confined to blockading LilybeBum and Drepana.

16. Etamilcar Barcas.— In the year b. g. 247 the chief
command of the Oarthaginians was entrusted to Hamilcar, sur-
named Barcas (that is. Lightning), the &ther of the celebrated
Hannibal. He was truly a great man. With slender means
he carried on the war for six years^ until the faults, of others
compelled him to counsel peace.

17. Batde at the JBgatian Islands (b.o. 241).~He took
possession of Mount Hercte (Monte Pellegrino), from which he
could threaten Panormns, now the most important possession
of the Bomans in Sicily. For three years Hamilcar attacked
the Bomans by land and sea, carried his raids even as far as
Mount jEtna, and laid waste the coast of Italy. All efforts on
the part of the Bomans to dislodge him were in vain. At length
he left Mount Hercte for a position on Mount Eryx, near Dre-

* He lost 8,000 men in battle, 80,000 prisoners, and 180 ships.

* The Romann attributed his defeat to his impletr. When the angoilas frere eon-
snlted, and Claodlns wa«> informed that the pacred chickens wonld not eat, ** At anv
rate," said he, ** let them drink ;" and ordered them to be cast into the sea.

B.a241.] THB WAB WITH THB MSRCBN ABIES. 127

pana, which he held for two years longer ; at length the
Romans determined to build another fleet and attack the Car-
thaginians again on the sea, the only means by which the war
<!ou}d be bronght to a successful conclusion. In b. g. 242 a
fleet of two hundred ships under the consul G. Lutatius Ca-
tulns was fitted out and sent to Sicily. As the Carthaginian
fleet was away plundering the coast of Italy and Sicily, the
consul had time to exercise his men and to become acquainted
with the coast The next year (b. c. 241 ^^ he gained a com-
plete victory oyer the Carthaginian fleet off the iSgatian
islanda

18. Ttams of Peace. — ^The Carthaginians were exhausted
and weary of the war. The discontent of their mercenaries
warned them to make peace. Carthage therefore empowered
Hamikar to treat with Catulus. At first the Romans de-
manded dishonorable conditions, but Hamilcar refusing these,
and the consul being anxious to complete the negotiation before
his term of ofBce expired, preliminaries were agreed upon.
Carthage was to eyacuate Sicily, to give up the Eoman prison-
ers without ransom, and pay the cost of the war.^

■•♦•

cec^^jpttkr xxi.

The Bbginnino of thb Provincial System — The Illy-
BiAN Wars — Wars wtth the Gauls.

1. D7ar with the Meroenaiiae (b.o. 241-238).— During
the interval between the the first and second Punic wars, a
period of twenty-three years, both Borne and Carthage exerted

* The engmment was with the fleet of the Carthaginians, whieh had tnst airlred
with eappUcMfor the troops in Slelly. The commander attempted to land the provirions
and take cm boaid the soldiers of Hamilcar, then to ensage the Romans. Catallusi
although woonded, promptly prevented this. In the battle which follotved, Valerius
Falto took the command.

* Tliat is, the snm of 8,S00 talents =-- 94,000,000 ; one-third down and the remainder in
ten annual payments.

128 THE BBGINKING OP THE PROVINCIAL SYSTEM. [b.C, 22a

themselyes to the utmost to consolidate and extend their
power.

The resources of Oarthage were yeiy much weakened by the
rerolt of her subjects in Africa ; so much so, that when the
mercenaries returned from Sicily, being unable to obtain their
overdue pay, they rose in open mutiny. The mercenaries
and African allies made common cause. They laid waste the
country fisur and wide, and all the towns in Libya except Car-
thage were in their hands. The genius of Hamilcar organized
an army, and after a war of nearly three years, exterminated
the mutineers.

2. Provincial System. — Rome took adrantage of the ex-
hausted condition of Carthage, to interfere in a reTolt in Sar-
dinia. When Carthage made preparations to subdue the
reYolting island, Rome pretended to regard it as a menace of
war. Carthage being too much exhausted to engage in war
with Rome, had to purchase peace by resigning Sardinia and
paying twelve hundred talents.^ Sai^inia' became a Roman
province.' At this time (b.c. 227) Sicily^ was also organized
as a province. This was the beginning of the provincial «y^
tern. Each province was governed by a praetor and paid taxes °
to the Roman people.

3. Hamilcar Baxcas. — The manner in which Carthage
had been treated inspired in Hamilcar an implacable hatred of
Rome. He departed for Spain, where he strove to restore the re-
sources of his government and to renew her exhausted energies.

4. The First niyrian War (b. c. 229-228).— The Romans,
in securing their frontier, first came in contact with the Dly-

' About 1«600,000 dollars.

• Ooraica, which bad never been In tte hnda of Otftbage, was added to SanllnJa, and
formed one province.

* The word province (protkickt) denoted primarilj tbe field to which the imfwrftmi
of the consol or other maffiatrate wan limited. When foreign territory wa9 acnnired, the
Boyemment of it was amgned to a consul or a pnetor and^the tn^taium was eztended
iprorogalum) for this purpose. Tbif* foreign territory was called provinda, a special nee
or the word« which is more familiar than tne original meaning.

* According to Applan (Sic. S), Sicily was organized as a province in b. o. 941 ; Urj
(Bp. XX.) says that the namber of prstors was increased from two to four in b. c. SSf.
and one nent to Sidl/ ; this Is the earlicAt notice that the Romans took the government
into their hands. Trie province of Sicily conmsted, until b. c. 310, of only the western
part of the island: after that, of the whole inland. Tne territory of Syracuse consisted of
tbe seven cities. Syracuse, Acm, Leontlni, Mogara, Blomm, Netnm, and I^Miromenlmn.

• Either veeUffol or tributum ; see p. 181.

K a 226.] THE WAR WITH THE ILLYEIANS. 129

xians, who lived on the eastern Bide of the Adriatic. They were
a nation of pirates and made the whole Adriatic and Ionian seas
unsafe for commerce/ and even the Italian towns began to suf-
fer. An embassy was sent to Scodra (Scutari), to Queen Teuta,
to complain of iiiese injuries. She not only refused all redress,
but caused one of the ambassadors to be murdered on his way
home. War^ was declared (b. c. 229). A Roman fleet appeared
in the Adriatic, the corsair vessels were scattered and Queen
Teuta was compelled to give up her conquests and to make peace.
Coicyra was surrendered and Demetrius of Pharos (Lestna)
taken under the protection of Borne. The Greek towns which
were liberated from the Illyrians were taken under the protec-
tion of Bome. The action of Borne in suppressing the piracy
caused great joy among the Greek states.

5. The Agrarian Law of O. Flaniiiiiiis (b.o. 232).— The
Bomans began now to look to their border in northern Italy,
with a view of extending it to the Alps. After the defeat of the
Gauls at the Vadimonian Lake comparative quiet had prevailed,
and the colonies at Sena and Ariminum had been founded to se-
cure their dominion in that quarter. There were still large tracts
of unoccupied land which had been taken from the Gauls, and
which had thus far i*emained as pablic land. In B. c. 232 the
tribune, G. Flaminius, carried an agrarian law to the effect that
this land should be divided among the Ycterans and poorer classes
in order to people those districts. The senate, although since
the Hortensian law the resolutions of the assembly of tribes did
not need the confirmation of the patrum aucloritaSf resisted
the measure. In spite of this resistance the law was executed,
colonies were planted, and the Plaminian Way* was constructed
to Ariminum, at that time the extreme oatpost of Boman
civilization.

6. VTbx with the Gauls (b. c. 225-222).— This activity of
the Bomans alarmed the Boji. They looked forward to the day
when their country would be seized by Boman settlers. To pre-

* The town« laea. Pharos, Apollonla, and Bptdamnns were In danger. OorcTra wm
taken and giren to an aniirindpied Greek from PharoA called Demetrias.

• An army of SO,Q00 men and 8,000 horne went to Bnudtoiiim to embark.
■ Via FUwHnia ; see maps, pp. 8 and 114.

130

Tttfe WAR WifH tttE ILLtRlAirS.

Oeph&i

The ooontrj on the eutern oowt of the Adriatic, comptMnc what was aftenraidi the
prorinoefl Dalmatia, Pannonia, Moexia, and, aocordiiur to Appian (Uljr. 6), Rhaetia, and
Noricain. waa known to the ancients by the name of lllyricani (f«e map, p. 180). At one
time Dacia and the district between the Dalmatians and Bplrna, with the cities Apollonia,
Dyrrtiaciam, and Li^sad, were inclnded nnder the name of n/ricnm, although later this
district was mostly joined to Macedonia and known an lUyria. The last Idng of Dlyrli
was Gentian ; he was t»abdaed b. o. 167, his capital, 8codra, taken, and bis kingdom was
divided into three parts and taken under the protection of Rome. When the Diunatianek
lapydian, and Libnmians were snbdned their country was formed into a province which
tiie Romans called Illyricnm. It extended on the sonth to the river Drllo, on the north to
the northern boundary of Pannonia, and to the eastward as fttr as the Donan (after a.d. 9).
In ▲. D. 10 Pannonia was made a separate province, and at the same time the territory be-

niyrieum.

B.a222.] TSfi WAR WITH THE axULfi. 181

Tent this they organized an alliance of all the Cisalpine Ganls^*
and summoned nnmerous adyentnrers across the Alps for a com-
bined attack on Borne. When the news of this invasion reached
Borne terror pervaded aU Italy. The day of the Allia * was re-
caQed and the Sibylline books' were consulted. To avert the
impending evil two Grauls and two Grecians, one of each sex,
were burned alive in the public market-place.^ A large army^
Tras raised and stationed at Ariminum^ on which side the attack
was expected. In the common danger the alUes eagerly offered
men and supplies. The consul, Atilins Begulus, who was
engaged in a war with the natives in Sardinia^ was hastily
summoned home. The Oauls, deceiving the calculations of
the Bomans, took the most westerly of the great highways to
Bome and thus avoided the consular army at Ariminum. They
fell in with the reserve corps, and completely defeated it.' In-
stead of continuing their advance to Bome they decided to 611
back and first place their plunder in safety, and after collecting
new forces, to renew their raids. By this time the consulararmy
had arrived from Ariminum and followed closely on their heels.
The other consul had brought back his army from Sardinia,
and landing at Pisa, marched southward on the same road on
which the Gauls were retreating. The d^sive battle was
fought near Telamon (TeJemone), The Gauls, hemmed in
between the two consular armies, were annihilated.*^

7. Roman Colonies. — During the next two years the Bo-
mans defeated the Insubres, captured their capital, Mediolanum
(b. c. 222), compelled them to submit, and reduced the whole
country between the Alps and Apennines. Two more colonies,
Flacentia and Cremona, were founded to secure the newly ac-
quired territoiy.''

* IBxtaat the Cebomanlans. * See p. 77, note.

* Pin. ifaroell. 8 : aeeording to Ume tlie Hbri faialetj of Stnisean origin, were oon-
Nilted. The SibjUtne bookft, which were of Oredan ongln, wonid hardly demand the
M Ci M c e <rf a Greek.

* Wbrtun Boot^uMm

* Ibe army numbered in ali 8S,000 men and wae commanded by the oonnil. L. iEmllliu
Pnaa, with a leeerve corps of about 60,000 Umbrians and Sahmee to protect Btnuia*
staoDned near Anetlom.

* Fkobably near Clnsiam.

* Thia wai b.o. SB ; 40,000 were killed ; 10,000 taken priraners ; only the hornemeo

' According lo MommMn the Via Flaminia was extended, after the enhjeetlon of
GSaalpine Gaiu, from Spoletiom through the Fnrlo Fus to Ariminum (b. c. 280).

132 THE SECOND PUKIC WAR. [B.a219.

8. The Second nijriian War (b. c. 219).— While the
Romans were engaged on the northern frontier in subduing the
Gauls, Demetrius of Pharos had taken the opportunity to free
himself from his subjection to Eome, and entered into an
alliance with Antigonus of Macedonia. Thinking that Borne
would soon be engaged in a war with Carthage, he had collected
a fleet, attacked the Eoman allies, and committed various acts
of piracy along the coast as far as the Mgeaji SesL The Ro-
mans prepared with all speed to settle affairs in Illyricum, that
their hands might be free for the war with Hannibal which was
now inevitable. The consul, L. iEmilius PauUns,^ crossed the
Adriatic, destroyed Pharos, and restored the Roman supremacy
in that quarter. Demetrius fled to Macedonia and sought to
prevail on the king to declare war against Rome ; but Philip,
the new king,' was too young to resent the attack upon his
ally.

-♦•-

c:haptkr XXII.

The Skoond Punio War (B. C. 218-201).— Thk Fimt

Period (B. O. 2ia-216).

1. Cartbagiiiian Policy. — ^While Rome was busy enlaig-
ing and strengthening her power, Carthage was not idle.
After the loss of Sardinia the determination to renew the
struggle with Rom^ became a fixed national sentiments The
aristocratic and peace party lost its control of the govern-
ment. The popular party with true instinct saw its only
hope in war, and a fitting leader in Hamilcar. He found a
rich compensation for the loss of Sicily and Sardinia in Spain.
ELere, during nine (b. c. 236-228) years he extended the Car-
thaginian power over the southern part of the peninsula. When

■ This spelling Is better than Paulns; sec Brambach, p. 963.
* Antigonna med b. c. S31.

B.a219.] THE SSCOS^D FUNIC WAR. 133

he fell in battle his plans were ably carried ont by his son-
in-law, Haadnibal, whom the voice of the soldiers raised to the
chief command. New Carthage was founded and destined to
be the capital of the new empire. The steady advance of the
Carthaginian power to the northward awakened the jealousy of
Kome ; she entered into an alliance with Saguntum and £m-
porise and assumed to be the protectress of the Greek cities on
the Iberian, as she already was of those on the Adriatic Sea.
She formed an alliance with several of the native tribes and
compelled Hasdrabal to declare that Carthage would not ex-
tend her power beyond the Ebro (Iberus).

2. Sieg0 of Sagontiim^ (b.g.219).— In b.o. 221 Hasdrubal
was assassinated. The universal voice of the army and the Car-
thaginian people called Hannibal, the son of Hamilcar Barcas,
to the chief command. He was at that time in his twenty-ninth
year, and was already trained to the knowledge of war. Sworn
from boyhood to eternal hatred of Home, he had accompanied
his father to Spain, and was there trained to that personal
courage and endurance that made him the idol of the army.
He wished to make war at once on Rome before the Illyrians
and Gauls were subdued; but he had first to complete his
preparations for the security of Spain and Africa, and to try
his army. In the spring of b.o. 219 he proceeded to attack
Saguntum, which claimed to be of Greek origin and which had
already entered into an alliance with Rome. The Soman senate
warned him to desist, and felt that a warning would be suffi-
cient. Hannibal pushed on the siege, and after a stubborn
resistauce of eight months the town surrendered.

3. Homan Embassy to Carthage. — A second embassy
was sent to Carthage, after the fall of Saguntum, to demand
the surrender of Hannibal as a sign that the Carthaginians
took no i)art in this violence done to the allies of Rome.
After a long discussion, Quintus Fabius, the chief of the em-
bassy, gathering up the folds of his toga, said, ^^ Here I carry
peace and war; say, ye men of Carthage, which you choose ?''
** Give us which ye will," was the reply. " Then we give you
war,'* said Fabius, spreading out his toga. "We accept it,

> See map, p. 175.

134 TOE SEOOND PUNIC WAR. [B. G. 218.

and will maiutaiii it with the same epirit with which we have
accepted it.^ ^ Thus war was declared, a war the most memora-
ble of all in the annals of the ancient world;' memorable not
alone for its length, the numbers engaged, and the ability of
the generals, bat because it decided the future destiny of
Europe. It decided whether the civilization of Greece or of
Bome was to prevail in the west, or to be superseded by the
Semitic civilization of the east

After the fall of Saguntum, Hannibal returned to New Car-
thage, where he spent the winter in preparation for the inyaaion
of Italy.

4. The Growth of Roman Powar. — The power of Bome
had been much increased since the last war with Carthage.*
All Italy was now united, old animosities had died out and all
looked to Bome as the centre. Her armies were composed of
her own citizens and faithful allies. Her supremacy was ac-
knowledged in the western Mediterranean. With Carthage it
was very different Her armies were composed of mercenaries^
her subjects and allies were not trustworthy, and her finances,
although considerably improved by the resources of Spain,
were far from what they had been. Hannibal saw this, and
the necessity of securing allies. Negotiations were opened with
the king of Macedonia and with the Gauls in northern Italy.
The colonies which the Bomans had founded in their country
had awakened anew their hostility. If he could unite these
Oauls with his own disciplined army, and make their country
the base of his attack on Bome, his success seemed certain.
He hoped also to secure the alliance of the Italians, and that
his victories would finally shake the adhesion of the Latins.

5. Hannihal'B Bfarch ikom New Cartilage.— In the
spring of n. c. 218 all his preparations were complete, and he
crossed the Ebro with an army of ninety thousand foot, twelve
thousand horse, and thirty-seven elephants. After a severe
contest, and the sacrifice of nearly one-fourth of his army, he

' Hvv, xxl 18. • Lifff, xiA. 1.

* The popalation of luly proper was about 9,000,000^ with TTO^OOO men capable of
beaiiiu< arms,

B.C. 218.] THE BBCOKD PUNIC WAB. 135

forced bifi way through the country between the Ebro and the
Pyrenees. At the Pyrenees he left his brother, Hasdmbal,
with ten thousand men to defend the newly conquered territory.
An equal number of Spanish soldiers he discharged, finding
that they accompanied him unwillingly. With a picked force
of fifty thousand men and nine thousand horse and the ele-
phant^ he reached the Bhone without serious opposition. The
Gauls had assembled a force on the eastern bank of the river.
These he outflanked by sending a detachment, under Hanno,
across on rafts two days' march higher up, and thus easily put
the (xauls to rout and forced a passage.

6. The Preparatioiis of the Ronume. — The Romans
acted with remissness. They had no conception of Hannibal's
plan. The two consular armies were levied as usual ; the one
under Tiberius Sempronius Longus was to be sent to Sicily and
thence it was to cross over into Africa to attack Carthage itself;
the other, under Publius Cornelius Scipio, to act against Han-
nibal in Spain. Scipio, late in the summer, proceeded to Mas-
silia on his way to Spain. Here he learned that Hannibal had
crossed the Ebro and the Pyrenees. On advancing up the Bhone
to the spot where Hannibal had crossed, he learned that the
Carthaginian army was three days in advance of him on its
way to Borne. When he heard this, he sent the main part of
his force under his brother Gnseus into Spain, and he himself
set sail with a few men for Genoa and hastened to Cisalpine
Gaul to take command of the troops there and to attack Han-
nibal immediately on his arrival

7. Hannibal's Route. — Hannibal advanced up the river
Isere almost to the foot of the Little St Bernard. Here he
commenced the passage of the Alps. In contests with the
native tribes and in struggling through the difficult places he
lost more than half of his army ; when he at length emerged
into the valley of the Duria and descended into the plains of
the Po his first care was to recruit his exhausted troops. After
a few days' rest he turned against the Taurinians, who had re-
jected bis offers of alliance, and in three days took their capital
(Turin) and annihilated their army. The other tribes submitted.

186

THE SBCOS^D PUNIC WAB.

[b. a 218.

Route of Hannibal

»**^

& SkirmiBh on the TiciniiB. — The Romans had no snit-
able army in northern Italy * to oppose the progress of Hanni-
bal. The recent insurrection of the Gauls, on account of the
founding of Placentia and Cremona, had caused the Romans
to leave some troops there. The consul Scipio took command of
this force, and, utterly ignorant of the quality of Hannibal's
army and of his genius as a commander, hastened to meet him.
He advanced along the left bank of the Po, across the Ticinus,
where he fell in with a part of Hannibal's cavalry. The Roman
cavalry was repulsed and Scipio himself severely wounded.
Unwilling to come to a regular engagement, on account of the
superiority of the Numidian cavalry, Scipio hastened across the
Po to Placentia. Having occupied a strong position on the left
bank of the Trebia, he waited until his colleague arrived from
Sicily.

9. The Battle of the Trebia (b. c. 218). — Sempronius

> See map, p. 2.

B.C. 217.] THE SEOOKD PUKIO WAR. 137

had already sent his troops to Ariminum,^ and thence he
marched to the Trebia where he effected a junction with Scipia
The oombined armies' were snperior to Hannibal's^ and Sem-
pronins was eager for battle. Hannibal succeeded in drawing
the Roman army across the riyer^ already swollen by the recent
rains, and in delivering battle on a field chosen by himself. It
was towards midwinter (December), and the day was cold, and
sleet and snow filled the air. The battle was decisive. The Ro-
mans were completely defeated and thousands perished on the
retreat^ in the river and by the cold. The remains of the army
took refuge within the walls of Placentia. The wavering Gauls
joiBod the Carthaginian standard and were eager for the plan*
der of Italy.

10. Batae of Lake Tnurimenns (b. g. 217).— The Ro-
mans made great preparations for the next campaign. Four
new legions were raised, and provisions and supplies were sent
to the north. One of the new consuls Gn. Servilius, proceeded
to Ariminum with two legions^ and the other^ O. Flaminius,
the leader of the popular party and a man of great energy^ to
Arretium. It was the same Flaminius who was the author of
the Agrarian law that occasioned the Gallic war. Of no great
military ability, he had been raised to the consulship by -popu-
lar tAYOT, in opposition to the aristocratic party. After his
election he hurried from Rome, lest under pretext of some bad
omen his election should be annulled.^ As soon as the season
permitted, Hannibal crossed the Apennines,^ and after great
difficulty and tremendous loss in the low ground along the
Amo, reached the Upper Amo, and then proceeded southward
past the camp of the consul at Arretium towards Perusia.
Flaminius followed the Carthaginian army beyond Cortona.alb
far as Lake Trasimenus/ where Hannibal awaited the consul's i
approach in a narrow defile,* his army occupying the heights.

' Aecordlng to Zivy, r?i. 51. ' Nambered 40.000.

* Xiry, xxl. 68w It was cnstoniary for the newly elected con»ai, before departing for
hii proTfoce, dad in his purple-bordered toga, to offer prayer ta Jnpiter Capitotinn», oer-
form certain sacrifices, and iniperintend the celebration of the Latin festival on the Aloan
Monnt These formaHMes Flaminias disregarded and left Borne at onoe.

* By the Pootremoli pass from Parma to Laoca.

* iam^di ArfMte ; eee colored map, p. 4.

* Acooiding to Mlnen, near the village of Taoro.

Idd tnt sAc6ift> pvmc waa. [b. o. 2if.

The Boman column advanced without hesitation into the defile,
the thick mist concealing the position of the enemy. The rear-
guard had juit entered when HauDibal gave the signal tor
battlot The Bomans, attacked by invisible enemies, enenm-
bered by their baggage, with no time to form their line of
battle, were cut down on every side.^

XL Hannibal's Traatment of his PriMnon.— Hannibal
treated the prisoners the same as after the battle of Trebi&
The Boman allies were dismissed without ransom, with the
assurance that Hannibal waged war against Borne only. By
this means he hoped to shake the adhesion of the Italians, and
to represent himself, not as an invader, but as one come to free
them from the Boman yoke. All Etruria was lost to the Bo-
mans, and the road to Borne was open. The senate, however,
did not despair. Measures were taken for the defence of the
capital ; the bridges over the Tiber were broken down ; arms
were distributed, Servilius was summoned to Bome, and Qnin-
tus Fabius Mazimus was appointed dictator.'

12. Plans of WomiiWai — Hannibal did not march to
Bome as was expected, but turned aside across the Apenninea
through Umbria and Picenum to the Adriatic, and then con-
tinued his march to the southward, hoping that the Italians
would join his standard. Their fidelity to Bome remained
unshaken ; not a town opened its gates.

13. The Policy of Fabnw. — Four new legions were
raised, and Fabius determined not to risk a battle, but revive
the courage of his army and accustom his soldiers to war. He
marched through Samnium into Apulia and encamped near
HannibaL The latter tried to force him to an engagement,
but nothing could induce him to change his cautious strategy.
Hannibal marched past him, crossed the Apennines into the
Gampanian plain, the garden of Italy, and then to Gapoa.
After the battle at Lake Trasimenus he had released three
Gapuan knights who promised him their assistance. Gapna,

^ Fifteen thoiuand were killed and an equal number taken pKiaonan. HanwUial loat
onlr JIfteen hundred. The battle was f onghl the last of April.

' Ocmttitationally one of the consuls maat nominate a dictator ; in this caae it
BO the people elected a pro'dictator.

a 0. 217.] THE SECOND PUNIC WAR. 139

however, remained faithful, and Hannibal continued to lay
the country waste far and wide, and, after collecting his plun-
der, set out to retrace his steps to Apulia. Fabius had all
this time foUowed on his track, and from a secure position
on the mountains had watched the ravages of HannibaL Fa-
bins attempted to occupy a pass and thus obstruct the retreat
of Hannibal, loaded as he was with prisoners and plunder, to
Apulia. Hannibal, instead of retracing his steps and taking
another road, eluded the vigilance of Fabius by a stratagem.
He ordered his light-armed troops to drive, in the night, a
number of oxen with fagots tied to their horns, to the summit
of the hilL The Romans in the pass, thinking that the Car-
thaginians were crossing the hills in that direction, left the
pass and hastened to fche same heights. This left the defile ^
open for Hannibal and he continued his march with all his
plunder, unmolested, to Geronium, where he encamped, dis-
patching a part of his army to collect supplies, while the re-
mainder watched Fabius.

14. Dissatis&ctioii with FabinB.^The inactivity of the
dictator occasioned great dissatisfaction at Rome. A temporary
success of Minucius, the master of the horse, caused the storm
of indignation to break forth. In the assembly of tribes it was
proposed to divide the command between Fabius and Minu-
cius. The latter, eager for battle, soon engaged the enemy.
The army of Minucius would have been annihilated had not
Fabius come to his assistance. Minucius acknowledged his
error and resumed his former position. Hannibal took up his
winter quarters at Geronium.

The cautious firmness of Fabius the OundatOTy or the De-
layer, had saved the state, and the crown of grass,' the highest
military distinction, was awarded him by the senafce.

15. Roman Fimmess. — During the winter the Romans
made great preparations. As yet all the allies remained faith-
ful. The Greek cities sent presents and Hiero sent supplies

* The location of tlib defile Ins not been BaUfifftetoiilyaBoertained; forLivy'saoooai^
nebookxadUja

140

THE SBCOND VXHSTLC WAR.

[B.a2ie.

and troops. The senate remained calm and flrm^ and eyen re*
minded the lUyrians lo pay their tribute, and ambassadors were
sent to the king of Macedonia to demand the surrender of De-
metrius of Pharos, who had taken refuge with him. The peo-
ple, however, were impatient The burdens of war pressed
heavily. By the defeat of Flaminius, the nobility had gained
the upper hand, and Fabius, as dictator, was to restore their
ascendency. The popular party made violent opposition. As the
elections approached, party spirit ran high. The popular candi-
date, O. Terentius Varro, was elected, with Lucius j^milius Paul-
Ins,^ a man of experience and military ability, as his colleague.
16. Battto of Cannae (b.c. 216).— Hannibal had re-
mained at Geronium until late in the spring, and then taken
up a position at CannsB, on the south of the river Aufidus.'
The Roman army * arrived at CannsB about the middle of June
{b. c. 216), and pitched two camps, the larger on the right and
the smaller on the left bank of the Aufidus. In the bend of

' GSNSALOGICAL TABLB.

H. MMorna Paullub,
COS. B. c. SQ9.

M. uBhiuvb Paollub,
COS. B. c. 265.

L. Mmilvjb Paullub,

COS. B.C. 219, 216.

Fell at Caniue.

L. JBxiuvB Paullus Macxdokicub,

COB. B. c. 182. 168 ; died b c. 160.

m. Papxbia, daughter of Pafxbiub Mabo,

cot), b. 0. 281.

uBmuA, m. P. OoBHBJUB
Africanub mt^ifr.

Eider son, adopted
by Q. Fabius Max-

IMDS iBMILIAMtTS.

AtmasA Prdia

m. Q. iBuus Tu-
bbbo.

Tonnger mn, adopt-
ed by P. CORBEUUB

Scipra, the son of

SoiFio Afrtcamub

rn^or^ became P. Oob^

HBuns SciFio Afbi-

OANUS minor (see p.

170).
■ His army nambered 40,000 foot and 10,000 horse,
s The anny nmnbeied nearly 90,000 ; 80,000 foot and 6,000 horaa.

.AxiUA Sbcitivda
m. H. PoBcxus
Cato, the mm of

M. PoBCIUa C ATO^

the censor.

a a 216.]

THB SECOND PUKIC WAR.

141

the liTer on the left bank Yarro selected the battle-field. Lieay-
ing ten thousand men in the larger camp, he drew np his army,
the legions in the middle in files of twice their usual depth, and
the cavalry on the wings,
with the right resting on
the riyer. The Boman
cavalry on the right, com-
poaed of the sons of the
noblest fiimilies, was com-
manded by Panllns, and
the cavalry of the allies on
the left by Yarro. Cn.
Servilins, the consul of the
preceding year, and Minu-
cina led the legions in the
centre. Hannibal drew up
his infantry in the centre
in a semicircle and placed

on the left wing the Spanish and Qallic cavalry under Hasdru-
bal, and the light Numidian horse on the right under Hanno.
The battle commenced almost simultaneously along the whole
lineu The onset of the Carthaginian cavalry was irresistible.

The order of battles

The Proconsul

Varro

AemniDi __._.

qmmi

HaadrutMl Hannibal Hanno ^

A A, the right and left wing ; i and it, the caTalrjr ; ^ A, the light anned troope hef ore
ttm Hue ; abe^ the colvmns of faifantrj ; on the side of the Ovthaginians, 7 7, the posi-
tion of the Balearic eUngera, archers, ic,; p m and n v, the cavalry on the wlnga; / /,
the infantry ; o, tlie centre, the colnmna of infantry.

The battle all along the line was terrible. The legions^ eo-
gaged in iront and attacked by the cavalry of Hasdrubal in
the rear, were crowded upon each other and snrrounded on all
sides. Flight was impossible. Ko quarter was given. Seventy

> Ufy (zxll. Iff) makes Maharhal ooramand the right ; eee Folyhins ilL 114, |7.

142 THB SECOND PUNIC WAB. [b. C. 2ia

thousand Bomans strewed the field of battle.^ Hannibal loet
only six thousand in all. Paullas, the two consuls of the pre-
ceding year, Minucins, about eighty senators, and many of the
knights were among the slain. Yarro escaped with a few
horsemen to Venusia.

17. The Spirit of tba Peopla — When the news of this
battle leached Some, the people thought that the last day of
the republic had come. The remnant of the senate met and
sought with calmness to restore the public confidence. Party
strife was hushed before the common danger. The old Boman
pride and stubbornness saved the commonwealth. Hannibal
has been censured because he did not march after the victory,
as Maharbaly the commander of the Numidian cavalry, urged,
directly upon Bome. " If," said this officer, " you will let me
lead the cavalry, within five days you shall dine in the capitoL"

la Poflition of Hamiibal in Italy.— Hannibal knew
the Boman people better. He sent a commission to Bome to
treat for exchange of prisoners and to open negotiations of
peace. No one in Bome thought of peace. The messengers
were not allowed to enter the city. Hannibal proceeded to
Gampania and sought to obtain in the conquest of some forti-
fied town a new base of operation. He also hoped that now,
at last, the Boman allies would join hint In this he was disap-
pointed. The Boman and Latin colonies, the Greek cities, and
the vast majority of Italian subjects remained faithful In
southern Italy a few tribes showed a willingness to revolt from
Bome.' Capua and a few other walled towns fell into his hands.
Hannibal sent Mago to Carthage with the report of his last
great victory, while he himself took up his winter quarters in
Capua. It has been said that his brave warriors became effemi-
nate in this luxurious city, and lost their love of war ; in reality,
however, Hannibal's superiority in the field remained as decided
as ever. Henceforth Uie war was spread over a greater space.

^ Aooording to liyjr (zxli. 49), the RomanB lost 46,000 infantry, 2,700 Cftv»lnr killed ;
8.000 Inftmtry, and 1,000 cavalry taken In battle : 9.000 taken at Oannn and 10,400 taken In
the camp», a total loes of 71,100. Polybins <!li. 117) places the loss higgler, or about 90,501
In all ; tne battle took place Angafft m, or, according to the corrected caieMar, in 4uoa,

* The Locanlans, Apnlians, Brattians, Oandlniane, and HirpfQiane.

a G. 21SJ]

THE SECOND PUNIC WAK.

143

Difficulties began to multiply aroiind his path. The series of
great viotories had culminated in Oannse, and it became yearly
more evident that the resouioes of Borne were superior to those
of Oarthage.

19. The War in Spain (b. a 218).— Publius Scipio^^ when
he returned from Massilia* to northern Italy, sent his brother
Gnaens to Spain with a large part of the consular army. He
acted with energy, and def^ted Hanno both by sea and land,
and acquired possession of most of the country from the
Pyrenees to the Ebro. Meanwhile Publius himself had been
sent to Spain with an army of eight thousand men and with
thirty ships (b. g. 218). Even after the battle at Lake Trasi-
menusy reinforcements were sent to Spain, the senate regarding
it as important that the war should be waged there in order
tiiat no considerable force could be sent to Hannibal in Italy.
The two brothers carried on the war with vigor. They availed
themselves of the discontent among the different tribes to in«

* GENEALOGICAL TABLE.
L. Scmo, COS. B. o. SS9.

P. Scmo,

eo«. B.a m.

KUled In Spain, B. c. ill.

P. Scmo AwBMjjKxn mttfcTt
eofl. B. c. SOS, 194, m. .Am ilia.

Cif . Somo Caltub, L. Somo.

eo«. B. o. m. I

KlUed in Spain, b. o. Sll. Cir. Somo HnPAU.ua,

000. B. c. 171.

On. Somo BuFAUiVa,
_^__^^__ prst B. c. 189.

* Cm. Somo HurAUAii

L. Somo AfiiATicus,
COB. B. c. 190.

P. Scmo
AnucAiius.

L. Scmo
AjnycAXus.

COBRBXXA,

m. P. Scipfo

COSKBLIA,

m. Tm. Qbao-

Nasica

OULUX.

Cob- chub.

P. Scmo ibnuAKus AvBioAinTB
mbior (son of L. .SaoLnn Pauixub and
adofpted bj P. Scafio AnucAinTe), oob.
B.0. 147. 184, mftnied Sbxpsohia, the
ristar of the QsAOcm (aee pu 9QEI).

L. SCIPIO AfilATICITB,

qiues. b. o. 107.

L. Scmo ABXATicua.

L. Somo ASIATTCITB,
QOS. B. c. 88.

* 9^ Map 1^0, 5,

144 :raB sbookd punio wab. [b. a 215.

duoe them to throw off the dominion of Carthage. When
Mago laid the news of Hannibal'B great yictories before the
Carthaginian senators, they resolved to raise^ for his assistanoe,
twenty thousand infiEUitry and four thousand cavalry in Spain.
This the Scipios determined to prevent; they crossed the Ebro
and inflicted so severe a blow on Hasdmbal in the battle of
Ibera ^ that he was obliged to delay his plan of sending rein-
forcements to Hannibal. The results of this victory probably
saved the Soman government ; it decided the wavering Sjuinish
tribes in &vor of Rome and prevented the Carthaginians from
sending another army to reinforce Hannibal when he was in
the full tide of success. , ^

H • •!

CTHAFTKR XXIII.

The Sboond Punio Wab. — ^Second Pebiod (B. C. 216-207).
SiBGB OF Sybacusb (B. C. 214r-212). — ^Wab in Spain
(B. C. 215-206).

1. Measures for Carrying on fhe ^7ar. — During the
winter, while Hannibal was carrying on negotiations with the
king of Macedonia and waiting for the co-operation of the
Italians, Rome strained every nerve to raise a new army. All
men of military age were called out. Prisoners and slaves were
enrolled, and the whole city resounded with the preparations
of war. Twenty-one legions were placed in the field* and a
fleet of one hundred and fifty vessels was huilt. The year
(b.c. 215) passed away without any decisive events. As no
great accession of force came, Hannibal, having to protect
Gapua and southern Italy, acted on the defensive. Hasdru-
bal was detained in Spain ; Philip, the king of Macedonia,

» Hie location of this town Is anknown. ^ , ^

' Bight to keep Hannibal in check, three in the north against the Gfanls, one at Bran-
ditdnm to act against the king of Macedonia, two to guard Rome, two in Sardinia, (wo
in Sicily, and three in Spain, amoatitlng in all to nearly 200,000 men.

B. a 214] THB SBOOKD FUNIC WAB. 145

did not make the expected attack. Hannibal was also foiled
in his attempt to get poasession of Neapolis, Tarentum; and
PateolL

2. War in CUciiy (b.o. 214-210). — Meanwhile events were
occurring in Sicily that reyiyed the hopes of HannibaL Hiero^
the faithful ally of Borne for nearly fifty years, died and his
grandson, Hieronymus, a boy of fifteen, succeeded him. The
new king immediately opened negotiations with Carthage.
Hannibal, in order to encourage him, sent two of his own
officers, Hippocrates and Epicydes, to Syracuse, to act as nego-
tiators. The king, however, was assassinated after a reign
of a few months, and the Roman party in Syracuse gained
the ascendency. Hannibal's envoys had to leave the city.
They took refnge with the people of Leontmi and urged them
to assert their independence of Syracuse, and finaUy incited
them to attack a military post of the Bomans. Marcellus, the
Boman praetor, without waiting for the co-operation of Syra-
cuse, marched against Leontini, took the city by storm, and
although he spared the inhabitants, inflicted severe punishment
on the Boman deserters that he found in the garrison. This
act of brutality alienated the Syracusan soldiers and they joined
Hippocrates and Epicydes. The gates of Syracuse were oi)ened
and the Carthaginian party had undisputed possession of the
city. Marcellus appeared before Syracuse with a large army,
and, failing to take it by storm, proceeded to lay siege to the
city. On the land side the usual modes of attack^ were
directed against tie walls, while sixty Boman vessels, carrying
wooden towers uid battering-rams, attacked from the sea.
These were driven back, and all efforts to capture the city
were rendered ui^availing by the skill of Archimedes.' Marcel
Ins was compelled to turn the siege into a blockade.

a The Fall and Sack of Syraoqse.*— This delay

* See pege 88011.

* ManT BtortoB ere told of the wonderfal and cnrions engtnes of war oonstnicted by
Aichimedea. It Is said that the ahipn of the Bomaos were neized by iron hooks, partly
laieed from the water, and then dashed back to the dismay of the crews. The sto^
that ArehJinedee llred the Ronuui vessels by wonderful reflecting minors Is probably
a fletl<Mi, aliice neither Polybios nor Livr mention it.

* Hie tiiegB of Syraciise b^gao probably near the end of the yearn, 0.814, and Ui9 town

146

THE SEGOKD PUNIC WAB. [8,0.212.

gave the Oarthaginians time to send reinforoements to Syracuse.
Landing at Heraclea^ they soon made themselves masters of
Agrigentnm. The position of Marcellns was becoming critical
when an unexpected attack on a part of the walls^ left unguard-
ed during a festival, made him master of the £pipola9 with the
quarteis of Keapolis and Tycha. This was the condition of af-
fairs when the Car-
thaginian army ad-,
yanced to the relief
of the city. The
Boman army man-
aged to keep its posi-
tion. As summer
approached a deadly
disease broke out
among the Carthagi-
nian army which was
encamped on the low
ground by the river
Anapus. After a
great part of the
men and officers
had died the remain-
der dispersed. In
the meantime another reyolution took place in Syracuse ; still
Marcellus did not attempt to take the city by storm until a
Spanish officer, commanding on the side of Ortygia^ opened the
gate. The next day the army, after a siege of two years, entered.
Marcellus promised to spare the lives of the inhabitants, although
the city itself was giyen up to plunder. Archimedes was slain,
because he was too intent upon a mathematical problem to an-
swer the question of a plundering soldier.^ The numerous
works of art which during so many centuries had been collected

was stormed In b. o. 91S. Llvr, howerer, assigns the storming of the town to the yeai
B. o. 814 ; see Weissenbom^s (Llvy zxiv. 8B) note. The text of Polyblas is probably oor>
mpt ; he says (vtii. 9, 16) that the siege lasted only eight months. The town was taken
in the fall of B.C. 818.

* Archimedes caUed to the soldier in the weUlmown words, nattttffbcwvdfViitoflMea

B.C, 213.] THE SSOOKB PUKIO WAE. 147

were sent to Bome.^ The fall of Syracuse gare the Bomans the
upper-hand in Sicily; still HannilMd's cavaky general, Matines,
prolonged the war for two years. After Agrigentum fell, and
the leaders were beheaded, the inhabitants sold as slaves, and
the town sacked, the other towns submitted, and all resistance
in Sicily to Boman rule was at an end.

4. "Vtrar in Spain (b. o. 215-206).— After the successful
campaign of the two Scipios in Spain, in b. o. 215, the Bomans
continued the war, and overran the Carthaginian possessions.
The Ebro was crossed, Saguutum was taken, and preparations
were made for an attack on Africa. Syphax, a Numidian
chief, was won over to their side. The Libyans began to
desert Carthage in such numbers that Hasdrubal was recalled
from Spain. He secured the alliance of another Numidian
prince, Gula>* whose son, Masinissa, only seventeen years old,
began his long career, which was destined in the end to be so
fifttal to the Carthaginians. Syphax was defeated and Hasdrubal
was able to return to Spain with large reinforcements (b.c. 212).
Finding that the Bomans bad divided their forces, Hasdrub^
attacked each army in succession, and iip thoroughly routed
them that but few escaped, and the two Scipios were slain.
Nearly all Spain was lost to the Bomans. The efforts of Bome
to prevent the invasion of Italy from Spain had ended dis-
astrously, and nothing seemed able to check the Carthaginian
general if he intended to attack Italy from this quarter. The
senate, however, resolved to make one more effort* and to
entrust the command to Publius Cornelius Scipio,^ then only
twenty-seven years of age, who had only been SBdile, and there-
fore never invested '^ with any office to which the imperium
was attached. In the autumn of b. o. 210 be set out on his
hazardous mission.

* Tbia was not the ilrst instanee of a piactioe that afterwards became so geDeral.
T^urentom and VolsinU, on their capture, had been plandered. These works of art from
firraciiBe were so mach more nnmeroos and valnable than any before taken that tradition
(UY. zxv. 40) asrigns the beginning of the cnstom to llarcelins.

* King of the Sassylians. * They sent 11,000 men.

* lAry (zztI. 18) ruates that when no one came forward to take the command in
Spain, Seipio dedaied his willingness to assume the dangerons post, and inspired th^
people with oonildence and conrsge,

^»eep.eo.

148 THE SECOND PUNIC WAR. [b. C. 214.

& Tha SncceBB of Scipio. — ^Landing at Emporisd* he
took up his winter quarters in Tarraco^ where^ with the atmoet
secresyy^ he prepared for the coming campaign. Fortune favored
him from the first Learning that the three Carthaginian ar-
mies' were a long distance from New Carthage, in the early
spring of 207 B. c. he appeared unexpectedly before this city,
which, after a short siege, fell into his hands, with all its
stores, engines, and materials for war. Scipio, following up this
success, attacked Hasdrubal at Bsecula in Andalusia. The re-
sults,* however, were so far favorable to Hasdrubal that he was
able to carry into execution his long-delayed plan of reinforcing
his brother in Italy. His departure left Spain an easy conquest for
Scipio. In the year b. c. 206, Scipio, marcliing southward, met
a second time the Carthaginian army under another Hasdrubal,
the son of Qisgo, at Bsscula^^ and totally defeated it The Span-
ish levies fell ofE, and Hasdrubal escaped almost alone to Gades,
the only place in Spain left in the hands of the Carthaginians.

& Scipio's Interview with Syphaz. — This decided
victory not only caused the spirit of disaffection to spread
among the Spanish tribes, but even among the African troops.
Masinissa, the brave Numidian prince who had rendered im-
portant services againsf Syphax, thinking that the cause of
Carthage was lost, and fascinated by the influence of Scipio^
secretly promised aid to the Bomans. According to livy,
Scipio crossed to Afiica with only two quinqueremes and spent
some days at the court of Syphax, where he accidentally met
Hasdrubal, the son of Gisgo.'^ During his absence some of the
Spanish tribes revolted, and a body of eight thousand Bomaii
soldiers, who complained that their pay had been withheld,
mutinied. This rebellion was quickly subdued, and before the

* He commnnicatcd his plans to his friend O. Laelias only, the father of Hie Laeliai^
whose friendship for the younafer Afrfcanus, Cicero has rcndeit>d so ceicbrated.

■ Hasdmbai Barca was in C^tile ; Mago was at the Straits of Gibraltar, and Handra-
bal, the son of Oiseo. on the Taffu« with an army of 26,000 infantry and 9,S»0 cavalrv.

* LIvy (xxvll. 18 f.) asserts that Hasdmbal was defeated with loss of 80,000 men.'

* Livy (xzYiii. 12) calls the place also Silpla, which is probably the same place that
PoWbins (zi. 20) calls nipa (in the MS. Etinga). * See map. p. 178.

* Tbe voyage of Sdplo to Africa and the sacoeselon of events for the year b. c. 206
have been exposed to serious donbts. Weissenbom (note to lAvv, zxviii. 16, 14) aMsicns
a part of the events to the year b. c. 907. The mutiny of the anny probably took placa
during the illness of ^pio.

B. a ;dll.] THE SECOND PUNIC WAR. 149

dose of the year (b.c. 206) Oades fell into the hands of the
BomttQA, and Spain was lost to the Carthaginians.

7. The War in Italy (b.c. 214-203).— While these evento
were going on in Spain and Sicily, Hannibal made no real
progress in Italy. Two years of indecisive warfare passed, in
which Hannibal tried to capture Tarentam, and the Romans
to recover Capua. In the year b. c. 212 Hannibal's efforts were
crowned with success, and Tarentum was betrayed into his
handsL This enabled him to turn his attention to Capua. By
a brilliant campaign he relieved Oapua, and scattered the Bo-
man armies in southern Italy. Still Soman perseverance held
out There was no thought of peace.

8. The Siege of Oapna.— The next year (b. c. 211), the
Roman armies marched toward the doomed town. When the
news reached Hannibal, he appeared once more on the ridge of
Mount Tifata and made an attack upon the Boman line. This
time the Romans were too numerous. Compelled to give up
the attempt to raise the blockade of Capua by a direct attack
on the Roman lines, he changed his plan, and marched directly
upon Rome. Plundering the country as lie advanced, he spread
terror and dismay erery where on his path. At his approach, the
city, although well garrisoned, was filled with alarm. A part of
the army was recalled from Capua, and marching directly by
the Appian road reached Rome as soon as Hannibal. His plan,
however, did not succeed ; the siege of Capua was not raised,
and the Romans, acting strictly on the defensive, gave no op-
portunity for battle. In the meantime the fate of Capua was
sealed. All the leading men in the town were beheaded ; the
people were sold as slaves. Capua could no longer hope to rival
Rome ; she was blotted from the list of Italian towns. The
right of local self-government was withdrawn, and a prefect
was annually sent from Rome to govern the district

9. MowementB of Hannihal. — The conquest of Capua
was the turning point in the war. Hannibal lost his strong-
hold in Campania and was obliged to retire to the southern
part of Italy. Rome was gaining everywhere. The Italians
who had joined Hannibal began to lose confidence. Silapia and

150 THE SECOND PUNIC WAR. [b. C. 209.

many towns in Samnium were betrayed to the Bomans. But
when FulviuB^ the proconsul who commanded in Apulia^ ap-
peared before Herdonea^ which he hoped to gain possession of
by treachery, Hannibal marched from Bruttium, attacked the
Boman army, and gained a brilliant victory. In the following
year ^ the Bomans recovered several places in Lncania and Bmt-
tium, and Fabias Maximus crowned his long military career
with the recapture of Tarentum (b. g. 209). The inhabitants
were sold as slaves ; the town was plundered and the works of
art were sent to Bome. The next year Marcellus^ for the fifth
time elected to the consulship, was surprised near Yenusia and
killed. Hannibal paid suitable honors to the remains of his
great opponent. This defeat taught the Bomans to adhere to
their old plan of avoiding pitched battles, and to limit their
operations to the capture of the places that had been lost In
this way Hannibal, although unconquered, was pushed back
into narrower and narrower limits.

10. M ovementB of Hasdrubal.— The war had lasted ten
years, yet its favorable conclusion seemed &r off. There were
increasing symptoms of discontent among the allies, while the
news from Spain left little doubt that the long prepared expe-
dition of Hasdrubal over the Alps to join his brother in
Italy was at last to be realized. Bome strained every nerve to
meet the impending danger. The number of legions was in-
creased from twenty-one to twenty-three. The preparations
were incomplete, when the news came that Hasdrubal was
crossing the Alps by the same route which his brother had
taken eleven years before. The consuls for the new year were
M. Livius Salinator and 6. Claudius Nero. Hannibal, at the
beginning of spring, after organizing his force in Bruttium,
advanced northward, encountered the consul Nero at Grumen-

* In this Tear an erent happened that ehoirod in how e»haaBted a eondltion tiie peo-

8Ie were, ana how near Hanniiial was to the attainment of his expectation—the disaffec-
ion of the Latin towns. When the oonrale in b. o. 900 called upon the Latins to famish
more men and money, twelve of the thirty Latin colonies declared that their resources
were exhansted. Tnns far Some had heen saved by the Arm adhesion of the I^tin
tovms, but now the fabric seemed on the point of cmmblinff to pieces. All depended on
the action of the other eighteen colonies. Fortunately their decision was raTorabie:
they declared that they were willing to furnish not only their contingent of troope, bat
even more.

B. C. 'Z07.] THE SECOND PUKIC WAR. 151

tam^ whence, after a bloody but indecisive battle, he continaed
his march to Ganusium. Here he waited for news from his
brother. The expected despatch was intercepted by Nero, who
formed the bold resolution of joining his colleague in the north,
and with their united armies crushing Hasdrubal while Hanni-
bal was waiting for the expected despatch.

Haadrnbal had appointed a rendezvous with his brother in
IJmbria, whence with their united armies they were both to
adyanoe on Namia and Bome.

11. The Battle of MetanniB (b. c. 207).— Nero, selecting
from his army seven thousand of the best soldiers and one
thousand cavidry, left his camp so quietly that Hannibal knew
nothing of his departure. Near Sena he found his colleague
LiyiuB, and in the night entered his camp that his arrival
might not be known to the Carthaginians. Hasdrubal, when
he heard the trumpet sound twice from the Boman camp and
saw the increased numbers, was no longer ignorant that both
oonsnls were in front of him. Thinking that his brother had
been defeated, he resolved to retire across the Metaurus and
wait for accurate information. Missing his way, wandering up
and down the river to find a ford, pursued and attacked by the
Bomans, he was compelled to accept battle. Although in an
unfavorable position, a deep river in his rear, his troops ex-
hausted by marching all night, still the victory long hung in
suspense. Hasdrubal displayed all the qualities of a great
general, and when he saw that all was lost, he plunged into the
thickest of the battle and was slain. ^ The consul returned to
Apulia with the same rapidity with which he had come. He
announced to Ebnnibal the defeat and death of his brother by
casting Hasdrubal's head within the outposts and by sending
two Carthaginian captives to give him an account of the dis-
astrous battle. ^ I foresee the doom of Carthage,'^ ^ said Han-
nibal sadly, when he recognized the bloody head of his brother.

12. Bannibal Retreats to Bmttiimi. — This battle de-

> Aooordlng to JAfj (zzvli 40) the Carthudnians lost 66,000 killed and 5,400 pr1«>nen,
and tlie Ronuuis only &000 ; the eetlmate of Folyblos (xi. 8) seems more reesoiiable, i. «.
that the Osrthagliiians lost 10,000, and the Romans 8,000.

152 THS 8E00KD PUNIG WAR. [B.a 206.

cided the war in Italy. Hannibal withdrew his garrisons from
the towns in southern Italy, retired to the peninsula of Bmt-
tiam, where for four long years, in that wild and mountainous
country, with unabated courage and astounding tenacity, the
dying lion clung to the land that had been so long the tbeatie
of his glory.

♦•♦•>

CHAPTER XXrV.

Sboond Punic Wab— The Third Period (B. C. 206-201).

1. Scipio'8 Expedition to Africa.— A favorable termi-
nation of the war seemed near at band. The time had oome
to carry into execution that expedition to Africa which Sem-
pronius had attempted in the beginning of the war. Publins
Scipio, on his return from Spain, offered himself for the con-
sulship and was unanimously elected. His design was to cany
the war into Africa and in this way compel Carthage to recall
Hannibal. The senate, headed by the aged Fabius Maximns,
was not favorable to his plan. The people, however, were
unanimous that the conduct of the war must be entrusted to
Scipio, and that it must be finished in Africa. The senate
finally consented that he should cross from his province of
Sicily to Africa, but they voted no adequate means for such an
expedition. Scipio called for volunteers. The whole of the
year b. o. 205 passed away before he completed his preparations.

2. Efforts to Help Hannibal. — Meanwhile the Cartha-
ginians made one last effort to help Hannibal. Mago, Hanni-
bal's youngest brother, was sent to Liguria with fourteen thou-
sand men to rouse the Idgurians and Oauls to renew the war
on Rome ; but having met a Roman army under Quintilius
Varus, and being wounded in the engagement which followed,
his movements were so crippled that nothing of importance
was accomplished.

B.C.^02.] THB 3S00KD PUNIC WAR. 153

3. War in Africa — In the spring of b. a 204 Scipio had
completed his prepaiations. He embarked his army^ from
Lilybseam, and after three days landed at the Fair Promontory*
near Utica. After laying siege to Utica all summer, he was
compelled to fiill back and entrench himself on the promontory.
Hasinissa bad joined him immediately on his arrival By his
adyice Scipio planned a night attack on Hasdrnbal, the son of
Gisgo, and Syphax, who were encamped near Utica. This
enterprise was completely successful A short time afterwards
Haadrubal and Syphax were again defeated. Syphax fled to
Namidia„ where he was followed by Laelius and Masinissa and
compelled to surrender.^

4. ZSSTortB for Peace. — These successes convinced the
Carthaginians that with the existing forces the Boman invasion
could not long be resisted. Therefore they opened negotiations
for peace with Scipio, in order probably to gain time to recall
their generals from Italy. The desire of Scipio to bring the
war to a conclusion induced him to agree upon preliminaries of
peace, subject to the approval of the Boman senate and people.
Carthage was to give up all prisoners and deserters, resign all
claim to Spain and the islands between Africa and Italy, recall
Hannibal and Mago from Italy, acknowledge Masinissa as king
of Kumidia, deliver up her ships-of-war except twenty, and
pay five thousand talents to defray the expenses of the war.
According to the conditions of the armistice, Hannibal and
Mago were recalled from Italy, and the Roman prisoners were
released in expectation that the conditions of peace would be
accepted. When the Carthaginian ambassadors appeared before
the senate they were dismissed almost without an answer, be-
cause the capture of Syphax had convinced this body that Car-
thage, deprived of her most powerful ally, would not be able to
continue the war. Meanwhile the arrival of Hannibal at
Hadrumetum had so encouraged the Carthaginians that the
armistice had been broken before the return of the ambassadors

• The strength of the armr te Tarfouely eRtlmatcd from 19,000 to 86,000. The Cartha-
glnlan force I0 estimftted at 88,000 ; the Nuinidlan at 00,0(10 ; see map, p. 817.

■ TbH waH a great gain, as now Mamidia united with Borne agalnet Carlliagc.

* flee map, p. 217.

154 THE SECOND PUNIC WAR. [b. O. 201.

from Borne. ^ All hopes of peace by negotiation vanished^ and
Scipio prepared to renew the war, which, since the arriTal of
Hannibal, had assumed a more serious character.

5. The Battle of Zama. — The details of the operations
which ended in the battle of Zama are but imperfectly known.
The decisive battle was fought on the river Bagradas, near
Zama,' on the 19th of October, b. a 202. Hannibal managed
the battle with his usual skill. His veterans fought like the
men who had so often conquered in Italy, but his army was an-
nihilated. The elephants were rendered unavailing by Scipio's
skillful management Instead of the three lines of battle, with
the usual intervals,* Scipio arranged his companies behind
each other like the rounds of a ladder.^ Through these open-
ings the elephants could pass without breaking the line. This
battle terminated the long struggle. Carthage had for a long
time been exhausted and overcome, but witii the madness of
despair had fought on. The superior perseverance and stub-
bornness of the Roman people had won the victory before the
battle of Zama. Hannibal himself advised peace. The terms
were not so favorable as before. Besides the conditions abeady
prescribed, and the increase of the war-contribution to an an-
nual payment of two hundred talents for fifty years, Carthage
was bound not to wage war either in Africa or elsewhere with-
out the consent of Bome.

6. Triumph of Scipio. — ^Scipio returned to Rome, where a
splendid triumph awaited him. All that witnessed the tri-
umphal procession winding along the via sacra, up the divus
capitoKnus to the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, joined the
youthful hero, henceforth called Publius Cornelius Scipio Afri-
canuSy in returning thanks to the gods that the Hannibdian
ipflrr* was ended.

* Aoeoidlng to nine (vol. ii., p. 445) the action of the Mnate in rcnrd to the treaty
reached Carthage before Uie return oi the emhasey, and thns restored the aaoaKlaacy
of the war Pftrtj in Carthase, and dispelled all hopes of peace.

' Aocorduig to Applan (viii. 41) Hannibal had 60,000 men and 80 elephants ; Sctpio,
84,600 in adduion to the Nnmidians ; Poljbina (xr. 1^ §6) eajB both armies were equal
in infantry. The place and time of the battle are both mcertain. The date is nsnany
fixed by means 6t m solar eclipse, mentioned by Zonoras (ix. 14) as taking place on the
day of the battle ; according to Mommsen (yol. 11., p. 180, note) the battle took place In
the spring.

* gee paffe 886 f. ' Ihne, yoI. li., p. 461. * Polybins, ix «(.

B. C. 914.] THB SBCOKD PUNIC WAR. 155

~ - m

7. Tha Results of the War. — The resnlts of the war were
that Carthage became a dependent state ; the native tribes of
Africa were admitted to an alliance with Borne. The Roman
dominion was increased by the accession of Spain, which was
formed into two provincesy and by the territory of Syracuse,
which was added to the province of Sicily. The supremacy of
the sea was transferred to Borne, and the way opened by the
hostilities with Macedonia for the great conflict with the East.

8. Tha Romanliing of Italy. — In the meantime Borne,
true to her policy of first securing what had been gained,
turned her attention to the subjugation of the revolted tribes
in Italy. The Cisalpine Gauls were subdued and the fetters
were riveted more firmly over the states in southern Italy
that had joined HannibaL Large tracts of land were confis-
cated, the old colonies strengthened and new ones founded,^
and an effort was made to extend the dominion and infiuence of
Bome, the Latin language and Latin customs, throughout all
Italy, and to weld the different peoples into one nationality.
The great Flaminian way' was extended to Placentia, and the
Gassian from Bome to Arretium was reconstructed and ex-
tended * to Bononia. The whole country was in process of being
Romanized. The colony of Aquileja was founded to protect
the eastern border (b.c. 183), the Istrians were subdued (b.g.
177), and the wandering Gauls who had crossed the Alps were
driven back and compelled henceforth to keep within proper
bounds. The contest with the Ligurians was severer, and it was
not untU B. 0. 143 that the Bomans gained a firm hold of the
country. The work of subjugation was carried on by extend-
ing (b. c. 109) the great highway along the coast from Luna
to Yada Sabbata {Vado) and thence over the Apennines to Der-
tona {Tortondy Gallia Cisalpina, however, was probably not
formed into a province until the time of Sulla. .

^ Vemisla (b. o. 900) and NarnU (b. c. 199) strengthened ; Bipontam, Croton, Baler*
pun, TlkiiriL, henceforth called Copla, Pnteoli (b. a 194) and Aqoileja (b. o. 188) founded
10 secnre the command of the Onlf .

* Under the name of JSmilian waj, B. c. 197. *B.c.l7t

156 THE CONQUEST OF THE EAST. [B. C. 219.

/ The Conquest of the East (B. C. 214r-146).

3. Condition of the East.— The diffnsion of Hellenic
civiliasation and culture in the East which Alexander, the
king of Macedonia^ had begun, was carried out by means of
colonies and trading-posts which were scattered over the vast
empire which he had conquered. After his death this empire
was rent to pieces by his generals, and finally, after a long
struggle and yarious vicissitudes, resolved itself into the fol-
lowing kingdoms :

1. Macedoniay governed by Philip V., whose dominion ex-
tended over a great part of Greece.

2. Syriaj ruled by Antiochus III., extended from the coast
of the Mediterranean to the Indus, although many provinces
within this limit were in a state of practical independenoe.
In Asia Minor, Galatia and Pontus^were governed by native
princes, while the kings of Pergamus ruled over most of the
western part.

3. Egypt, embracing the valley of the Nile, the provinces
of Palestine, Phoenicia and Coele-Syria, together with the Greek
city of Gyrene, the island of Cyprus, and many islands in the
^gean sea and towns on the coast of Thrace, was governed by
the Ptolemies, and formed a compact and united state. The
kings, instead of trying to extend their territory, had sought to
attract the traffic between India and the Mediterranean to the
port of Alexandria. By this means they hoped to make Egypt
a leading commercial state, and the mistress of the eastern
Mediterranean. They had, as early as B. o. 273, entered into
fHendly relations with Borne. In b. c. 205 the throne descended
to Ptolemy V., Epiphanes, then a child only four years old.
His minister, dreading the designs of the Macedonian and Sy-*
rian kings, had sought the protection of the Boman senate.

* Sec map, p. 248-0.

158 THE CONQTTEST OF THE EAST. [B. C. 214.

2. The Free Ghreek Cities. — The most important posi-
tion among the minor states was held by the free Greek cities
on the shore of the Propontis, along the coast of Asia Minor,
and on the islands of the ^gean sea. Among these may be
mentioned :

1. Byzantium, the mistress of the Bosporus, which had grown
rich from her favorable position and tirade with the towns on
the Black Sea.

2. Cyzicus, on the Propontis, was one of the marts for the
yast trade of the interior, and soon attained an independent
and important position.

3. Rhodes, This republic was the chief maritime power in
the jEgean. Sea. Prom its favorable position it had secured
much of the carrying-trade of the eastern Mediterranean. Its
vessels entered, without port-dues, the Bosporus and the Black
Sea. Bhodes took an active part in defending the Greek cities,
and as a protection against Macedonia had formed a commer-*
cial treaty with Bome.

3. The Achaean and 2ltoUan Leagnes. — In Greece
proper two new powers had arisen since the death of Alexander,
which sensed as a counterpoise to Macedonia^ and might have
been of great service to the Greek nation had they not, by in-
ternal dissensions, inflicted more injury than good. The more
important was the Achaean League which embraced Corinth,
Arcadia, and a greater part of the Peloponnesus, and which
sought to unite the best elements of the Greek nation in a
league for self-defence. The -^tolian League included a great
part of Central Greece. The Romans, during the second Punic
war, had availed themselves of the hostility of the ^tolian
League to Macedonia, and entered into an alliance with it
(b. c. 212), and by this means occupied Philip at home while they
crushed Carthage. Athens and Sparta still retained their inde-
pendence, but only a shadow of their former power.

4. First Macedonian War (b.c. 214-205).— It will be
recollected that Demetrius of Pharos* took refuge with Philip

» See page 188.

B. C. 200.] THB COKQUSST OP THE EAST. 159

and urged him to make war on Bome. After the battk of
Cannae the king sent an embassy to Hannibal, offering assist-
ance, but the ambassadors being captured by the Bomans the
alliance was not concluded until B.G. 215. Philip's fleet ap-
peared in the Adriatic, captured Oricum^ and laid siege to Apol-
lonian which, since the Illyrian war, had been in possession of
the Bomans. The Bomans sent M. Valerias LeBvinus with a
small force to the Adriatic ; he recaptured Oricum, raised the
siege of Apollonia, stormed the Macedonian camp at night, and
compelled Philip to bum his ships to prevent them firom falling
into the hands of the Bomans. This overthrew his scheme of
invasion and so frightened him that for three years he sus-
pended active operations. Id b. c. 211 Lsevinus appeared at
the assembly of the iBtolians and promised them aid in a war
against Philip. This gave the war a new aspect, and so occu-
pied Philip that he was compelled to seek assistance from Car-
thage instead of co-operating with HannibaL The attention
of the Romans, however, was so occupied with affairs in Spain
that the ^tolians were left almost alone to cope with Philip,
and, being hard-pressed, they made a separate treaty (b. c. 206).
The Romans, who wished to have their hands free for the inva-
Bion of Africa, soon after also consented to peace (b. o. 205).

5. Second Macedonian War (b.o. 200-196).--Philip
now had an opportunity to consolidate his power in Greece, to
restore the prosperity of his kingdom and to prepare for the
struggle with Rome, which both sides regarded as inevitable.
Instead of doing this, he entered into an alliance with Antio-
chus, king of Syria,' for the dismemberment of the territories
of the king of ^ypt, who at once applied to Bome for assist-
ance. Soon after he plnnged into a war with Attains, king
of Pergamus, and with the Rhodians.* He even sent a force of
fonr thousand soldiers to Africa who fought at the battle of
Zama under the command of Hannibal. Philip was still pur-
Bning his policy in the east when the peace with Oarthage left
Bome at liber^ to succor her eastern allies. An embassy was

* See map, p. lao. * b.c. 206. * B.a 90S.

160 THB CONQUEST OP tHE EAST. [b, C. Id7.

sent to mediate between Antiochus and Ptolemy^ and Philip
was warned to give up the Egyptian dependencies that had
fallen into his hands, and not to attack the Greek cities. He
was still engaged in these ambitions schemes,^ when an event
growing out of the hostility of Macedonia to Athens furnished
the Bomans the pretext for a declaration of war.

6. The Causa off the War.— It happened that two Acar-
nanian youths had been put to death in Attica for intruding upoo
the Eleusinian mysteries. The Acamanians, exasperated by
this outrage, laid their complaints before the king of Mace-
donia^ their ally and protector. He encouraged them to make
war upon Attica and lay waste the country vrith fire and
sword. The Athenians immediately sent an embasqr to Borne *
asking assistance against the Acamanians and the king of
Macedonia. The senate sent an embassy ' to Philip to declare
war unless he desisted from hostilities against the Greek cities
and gave up the possessions of Ptolemy whicli he had seized.
When Philip replied that the Romans diould observe the terms
of the treaty, but if they were bent on war, they should have it,
the declaration was determined upon.^

7. The Battle of Cynoacephate (b. o. 197).— After two
unsuccessful and indecisive campaigns, T. Quinctius Flamini-
nus was sent to Greece. He was an able general and a skillfal
diplomatist, and, by proclaiming himself the champion of Greek
freedom, succeeded in uniting almost the whole of Greece
against Macedonia. He carried on the war with energy and
vigor and in b. o. 197 met Philip at Oynoscephalas and com-
pletely defeated him. Philip was now glad to make peace on
any terms. He was compelled, in addition to the demands
already made,'^ to surrender all his navy except five ships, re-
duce his army to fire thousand men, and pay a war indemnity
ot one thousand talents.' After the conclusion of peace the

» Against VKTpt, BhodeA, and AtUlns.

* Ifie Athenums had entered Into friendly relations with Borne aa eariy aa b. o. M^
and in the peace of b. o. 906 were mentioned a« Soman alliee.

' The erobaMT visited Athens and Egypt, and remonstrated with Fhil^ who was stiH
ansaaed in the siefte of Abydos.

*lArjTTx\.lS: •See 16.

* Aboat M4,000 pounds sterlinic.

B. C 192.] tHB COKiiUBBT OP THE EAST- 161

^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^__^^_^^^^^^^__^^^^^^__^^_^^^_ .^-^-^ .

Boman garrifloiis were withdrawn from the Greek towns, and at
the ensuing Isthmian games Flamininus ordered the herald to
proclaim the independence of all Greece.^

8. Tho Syro-2ltolian War (b. c. 192-189).— While the
Romans were engaged in Greece, Antiochns, instead of co-op-
erating with Philip, thought it best to take this opportunity
to extend his own territoriea He conquered Coele-Syria,
Phoenicia^ and Palestine, adranced even into Asia Minor, took
Ephesns, and proceeded to conquer Thrace. Here a Boman
embassy met him, and declared that he must surrender all his
conqu^ts in Asia Minor, recognize the independence of the
Greek cities, and not send any more troops into Europe. An-
tiochns asserted his claim to Thrace,' and denied the right of
Bome to interfere in his affairs. The negotiations were broken
off by the return of the king to Syria on account of a rumor of
the death of Ptolemy, the young king of Egypt (b. c. 196).

9. The Plana of Hannibal.— The next year Hannibal
found refuge at the court of the Syrian king at Ephesus. Prom
that time forth Antiochus made actiye preparations for war.
After the defeat at Zama, Hannibal counseled peace and do-
Toted all his energies to promoting the welfare of his country.
He introduced changes into the constitution, depriving the
oligarchy of their power, and reformed the financial adminis*
tration. The Bomans sent an embassy to Carthage to inquire
into these changes and assist the aristocratic party in their
opposition to these reforms. Hannibal, seeing that it was
useless to resist the threatening storm, escaped from his natiye
town and visited Antiochus at Ephesus. Here he was received
with great honors (b.c. 195), and urged the king to a war
against Bome, and to raise an army for the invasion of Italy.

10. The Intrigaea of the JBtoUana.— Meanwhile the in-
ternal dissensions in Greece increased. The ^tolians, dissat-
isfied with the terms of the last peace, and believing that the

' That Uie Bonum ienata and lltos Qialnctliu Flamlnlnos, the geneiml and prcHx>im].
hftTing Tanqnished Idxiff Philip and the Haoedonians, restore liber^, their own liTes and
priTlJ%ee, without foreign sarrlBons or tribute, to the Corinthiana^Locriana, Fhodaoe,
BahoBm, Achgiane, Fhthlotlans, Xagneifiana, ThewaUana, and BBrrhMbeaoa.— iVnl,
Hamin. 10.

* nuaee had belonged to Seleocaa, his anceator.

162 THE CONQUEST OP THE EAST. [b. C. 190.

success of the Romans was chiefly due to their own efforts, Ix?-
gan now to intrigue against them^ and to encourage N'abiB tlie
tyrant of Sparta to make war on the AchsBans, and finally invited
Antioohus over from Asi% representing to him that all Greece
was ready to join his standard. When the news re.ached Bome
that Antioohus had landed in Greece, war was inunediatelv

declared (b. c. 192), and the following year an army crossed tc
Greece under command of Marcus AciUus Glabrio. The king
had entrenched himself at Thermopylse, but when a detach-
ment under Marcus Porcius Cato surprised the uStolians and
put them to flight, the king fled in all haste to Chalcis and then
to Ephesus. The ^Etolians were now left to bear the brunt of
the war. They attempted further resistance at NaupactoSy but
by the influence of Flamininus they were admitted to capitala*
tion.

11. The Battle of MaBnania (b. o. 190).— The next year
the Boman army under Scipio, after the fleet had gained the
mastery of the sea,^ proceeded to follow Antioohus across the
Hellespont The two armies met at Magnesia, and the Bomans
gained an easy victory, which ended the war. The king had
to cede all of Asia west of the Taurus range, to give up his
elephants, to reduce his fleet to ten ships, and to promise not
to sail west of the mouth of the river Galycadnus in Cilicia.
Uo had also to pay the sum of fifteen thousand talents,' and
to surrender Hannibal. Most of this vast territory was added
to the kingdom of Pergamus. Scipio returned .to Some, where
a splendid triumph awaited him, and in imitation of his brother
he assumed the surname of Asiaticus.

12. Death of Hannibal. — Hannibal, after the conclu-
sion of peace, fled to Crete, and thence to Prusias, king of
Bithynia. When this king could no longer protect him, he
drank poison to escape falling into the hands of the Romans
(B.C. 183).

13. The 2itolian War (b. o. 189). — ^The Bomans now
had leisure to punish the ^tolians. The consul Marcus

> At Corycas. * About pOfiflO^W^

B. C. 179.] THE THIBD MAGEDONIAK WAB. 163

Folyhis Nobilior landed at ApoUonia (b. c. 189) and began the
third war against them, ^toliawas ravaged on every side;
bat when Ambraeia the chief town was taken, and the works of'
art transported to Borne, the ^Etolian confederacy gave up the
contest and sued for peace. Henceforth ^Etolia^ like Mace-
doni% became tributary to Borne, renounced all conquests re-
cently made, and gave up the right to make war or peace with-
out tbe consent of Boma

14. The Achgan Loagne.— The degradation of ^toUa was
fiftvorable to the growth of the Achaean league. Under the able
management of Philoposmen, the Greek states so far forgot their
petty jealoQsieB that all Peloponnesus united with this league.

• 9 » •■

The Third ifAOEDOKiAN Wab — The Achmas Exiles — Cap^

TUBE OF COEINTH — MACEDONIA BeDUOED TO A PeOVINOE.

1. Vngmiaroiui Policy towards BCkcedonia — Philip
had been induced to co-o|)erate in the war against Antiochus
with the prospect of being able to extend his dominions. When
his assistance was no longer needed and he proceeded to take
possession of theiBtolian towns, complaints, directly encouraged
by Bome herself were sent in on all sides, and he was com-
pelled to give up all his conquests and confine himself to the
limits of ancient Macedonia. In the negotiations which fol-
lowed, Philip was treated with great harshness and contempt.
Still there was no course open to him but war or submission. (
He chose the latter, but with the firm determination to pre-
pare for the day of revenge.

a The Batde of Pydna (b.c. 168).— In B.a 179 Philip
died, and was succeeded by his son Perseus, who prosecuted
with great energy and skill the aim which his father so long
had kept in view. From new sources of revenue open to him

164 TfiB OOKQU^ST OF TOR EAST. [b. a 16S.

in mines, customs, and tenths, and from the floimshing con-
dition of agriculture and commerce, Perseus was enabled to
raise and discipline his army. A change had taken place eyen
among the Greeks, who no longer regarded the Bomans as the
liberators of their country, but as its enemies. Perseus was be-
coming daily more popular. The economic degradation of
Greece was frightful, and the class which lived by spoil and
plunder was growing daily lai'ger. The result was that Perseus
was soon at the head of a lai^ army, but now his good
genius seemed to forsake him, and by his parsimony and ill-
timed measures he disgusted his allies, and instead of prompt
and Tigorous action pursued a policy of procrastination. The
time had come, however, for Eome to put an end to the partial
state of independence in which the Greek nation still exist^ed^
A Roman army landed in Epims in B.c. 171 and first succeeded
in detaching the allies of Perseus. A battle followed, in which
Perseus was victorious, but still with unaccountable inactivity,
he made no use of his victory. In b. c. 168 L. .^hnilius
Paullus defeated Perseus at Pydna,^ and soon afterwards took
him prisoner. This was the end of the war.

3. Macedonia in Nominal Independence. — Macedonia
was not at once reduced to a province like Sicily, but was di-
vided into four parts, each of which governed itself and was
independent from the other three.^ An annual tribute ^ was

> Bainene«, the king of Pergamns, preferred the formal charge? agidivt Perpen*
which lod to the declaration of war. On niB return from Rome, Bomenes was attacked
by fonr aHsasaina hired by Penieae, and badly woanded.

' Polvblas (zxxli. 11, 0) dates from this battle the establinltment of the xuitTCTBal cm*

f>ire of Kome. It was in fact the la^t battle in which a civilized vtate confronted Rome
n the field on a footing of equality with her a« a great uower : all ifubmqnent atrogvlcK
wore rebellions or wars with peoples beyond the pale of the Romano-Greek cirUizAnon
—the barbarians, as they were called. The whole civilized world ttienoeforth recognSiied
in the Roman ftcnate tne tiupreme tribnnal, whose commissioners decided in the last
rewrt between kings and nationtt ; and, to acquire its language and manners, foreign
iirinoes and noble yonth» resided in Rome. A iialpable and earnest attempt to get rid of
tier dominion was in reality made only once — ^by the great Mithridates of Pontas. The
battle of Pydna, moreover, makes the last occasion on which the senate still adhered to
the state maxim, that they shoald, if possible, hold no possessions and maintain no car-
risons beyond the Italian tieas, but phould keep the numerous states dependent on them
by a mere political snpremacv. Indicatione^ of a change of svi«tem, and of an Increasing
dtsinclinatiou on the part of Rome to tolerate by its Bide mtemediate states, even in
such independence as was possible for them, were clearly given in the def>traotioii of the
Macedonian monarchy after the battle of Pydna.— ifommMn, vol. iUiP. 880.

' The form of government was settled by the proconsul Emilias Paallns and a com-
mission of ten. The four divisions were deprived of the Jw conntiMi and Jug eommeirU
among one another. AmphipoUs, Thessalonica, Pella, and Belagonia were maide tiie
capitals of the fonr divisions.

* One-lialf of the amount which the kings had exacted.

B.C. 151.] TBB OTHER GREEK 8TATE& 165

laid upon the Macedonians, in return for which Borne ander-
took to defend the country and to relieve the people from
military aervioe.^ In order to secure the permanency of this
form of goyemment, all the most prominent men of the coun-
try, all who had served the king in any capacity, were tnms-
ported with their grown up sons to Italy. Paullus on his return
xlebrated the most magnificent triumph ' Bome had ever seen.
4. Treatment of the Other States.— The other states
of Greece were treated in the same manner,^ being obliged to
pay as tribute one-half the sum hitherto paid in taxes, and the
most noted men were sent to Italy. Home now had time to
look to the states of the East Shodes, which had offered its
mediation during the war, was stripped of its most valuable
dependencies, and compelled to seek . an alUance with Borne ;
Eumenes of Pergamus was humbled, and Antiochus of Syria,
who had commenced war with Egypt for the possession of Coele-
Syria^ was commanded to leave Egypt and to make peace.^

* niTrto was trmted Uke Macedonia, the ooontiy was divided into time iwrts, eadi
of which retained an Independent government ; rae p. 190.

* We most paiv« for one moment to contemplate die spectacle of the triumph whi<sh
ended this mcraonUble war. Bome liad long been accustomed to magnificent Bights of
thip kind. Hie conquerors of Tarentnm and Carthage, of Philip and A'litiochnn, had ex-
hibited before the Roman people the greatness of their exploits in brilliant Hhow8. But
the past was entirely eclipsed dv the magnificence of the procession which brought home
tn toe Romans the fact tliat tfie empire of Alexander the Great was comuletely over-
thmwn. The fe?<tival lasted three days. On the first day two hundred and fifty wagons,
containing the paintings and statues talcen in the war, were driven through the streets
and exliihited to the people. On the second day were i*een wagons with trophies con-
sisting of piles of tlie finest and most precious arms. Then followed the procension of
three thousand men carrying the captured nilver ; after thene the venmjlH of silver, drink-
ing ttorns, bowls, and goblets. The third day was the moot magnificent of the whole
fentival. A strlnk of animals decorated for ftacrifice was followed bv the bearers of the
captured gold muL golden vessels, the heirlooms of the dynasty of Macedonia. Then
came the royal chartot of Perseus with hln anns uid his diadems ; behind it walked his
children, led by their attendants and tutors. Next came Perseus titmself In nnklngly
Svb. 1>owed down and completely broken in spirits. His friends and higher fiervants,
who had been taken prisoners in war, and now walked behind their master, had tears
and nrayers only for nim, and almost forgot their own fate in contemplation of hid over-
whelming misfortune. Four hundred gcHden crowns, the offerings of Greek communi-
tteit, were carried behind the prisoners ; then came the general himi*elf on his chariot,
drcMed in the garb and decked with the insienia of Jupiter Capitolinus, with a laurel
branch in his muid. The whole army was also adomod with lanrcl^, and marched in
warlike order behind their chief, singing M)ngs of victory, mingled with occasional f<al-
Hck of satire directed againHt him. A solemn sacrifice in the Capitol concluded the fes-
tiTal.~llbi€, vol. m., p. 187 f .

' In iBtolia the league wm dissolved ; Acamania was allowed to continue an Inde*
pendent form of government ; Bpirus was punished and ravaged for deserting the Boman
side : Bceotia was divided Into four districts.

* roplUus Lenas was the ambassador who carried the message of the senate. He met
the king near Alexandria and handed him the letter ordering him to leave Egypt. The
^ing replying that he would consider the matter, Popillus draw with his staff a circle on
te ground aroand Um khsg, saying : ** Before you step out of tliis circle tell me what

166 THE DE8TBUCTI0K OP COftlNTH. [b.C. 146.

5. The Achman Leagae. — The punishment of the
AchseanBy who had taken no part in the war, was peculiarly
severe. In parsnance of the policy hitherto adopted in the other
states, of removing all suspicious persons to Italy, the decree was
issued that aU accused Achseans should be sent to Italy and an-
swer the charges against them there. More tlian one thousand
of the noblest Achseans were transported to Italy, and were
kept in prison in the towns in Etruria for seventeen years with-
out a trial Among the exiles was Polybius, the great historian
whose long residence at Home and intimate friendship with
Scipio Africanus and other leading statesmen gave him that
accurate information and extended knowledge of Boman policy
which admirably fitted him for the task he undertook^ viz.: to
write the history of the union of the Mediterranean states
under the hegemony of Bome.* The control of the Achaaan
league fell into the hands of Callicrates, a strong pardsan of
Rome who had been chiefly instrumental in procuring the pun-
ishment of the Achaeans. After languishing in prison for seven-
teen years, the exiles, by the influence of Africanus and Cato,
were allowed to return to their native land (b.c. 151). The
number was reduced to three hundred, and returning to their
country bitterly exasperated at their long confinement, they
were ready to engage in any enterprise against Rome.

6. The Destmction of Corinth (b.c. 146). — ^The oppor-
tunity was offered by Andriscus, a pretended son of Perseus,
who raised the standard of rebellion. Andriscus met at first
with some success, but was soon conquered and taken prisoner.
The Achseans were defeated in two engagements by Metellus.*

aiif«wer I ghall hear to the senate " (Ltv. xlv. IS). The king mw that resistance was u£«-
■ess. and yielded to the demand?* of Rome.

* Tlie nlKtory of PolybluH consisted of forty hooks (the first five of which only are ex-
Ant), and embraced the period from the acoeflidon of Philip to the extinciion of Grecian
independence (B. c. ^280-146). Ak he lived from abont b. c. 906 to b.c. 127, ai>d hii> inti-
macy with the leading statesmen gave him an opportunity of learning the earlier eTent«,
the work is almost a contemporaneoas history.

• The detnih of the iror. —Athene, which liad suffered greatly during the war, in order
to indemnify hernelf. sent a pinndering expedition against Oropus. Tlie Oropiane ap-
pea1<'d to Rome, which referred the question to the Slcyonians, and Athens wa* con-
demned to t)ay 500 talent^. An embassy, at the head of which stood tlie academician Car-
neadex. the st^iic Dinrrenes. and the peripatetic Ciitolans was sent to Rome- to deprecate
the severity of the sentence. The appearance of these three eminent men in the nenate
pn>dncod snch an effect amonir the admirers of the Greek language and literature (the
tpeecheb were traiiKtared by Qajutf AcUiutf for ihoise who did not uudentiUMl Greeks Uiai

B. C. 146.] THE THIBD PUITIC WAB. 167

His suocessor Mnmmius soon broaght the stmggle to a close.
Crorintb; where the remnant of the Achaean army had taken
refuge, was stormed and burnt to the gronnd (b. c. 146). The
inhabitants were either slain or rednced to slavery, the works
of art were sent to Borne, and the richest city of Greece, which
Cicero called the ^ eye of Hellas/' ^ was blott^ from the face of
the earth.*

7. Macedonia a Roman Province (b.g. 146).— Mace-
donia, enlar^d so as to include Apolloiiia and Dyrrhachiam on
the Adriatic, became a Roman province. The old divisions were
abolished, each community was allowed local self-government,
and the general administration was, like that of Sicily, under the
control of a governor sent annually from Borne. The super-
vision of the different communities in Greece was entrusted to
the governor of Macedonia, but it was not until the time of
Augustus that Greece, under the name of Achaja^ was regu-
larly organized as a Roman province. ,y^

CHAirrKR XXVII.

Thb Thibd Pumo Wab (P>. C. 149-146).

L Roman Policy. — During this period of conquest in the
East, Rome kept up a system of surveillance by sending to

the floe VM rednoed to 100 talents. ThfB snm the Athenians were anable to pajr, and a
compromise was effected with the Oropians, and a garrison was placed in their town.
When thej wished to get rid of this garrison, thev applied to the Achcean league, and
bribed the Spartan, Menalcidas, who was chief of toe leagae, to help them. He promitted
batf of the bribe to Calilcrates for his inflaenoe, a promise which he failed to keep, and Cal-
llentes broaght an action for the money. Menalcidas applied to Dlseasand bribed him,
and from thS dispute about moner, Uie quarrel between Sparta and the AchsBan league
aroeewliieh caosed Borne to interfere. The league under Critolani wan defeated first bj
Metelhis at 8aui>hea, and then under the lead of Dlnus by Mnmmius at Leucopetra, on
the Ooir of Corinth, which ia not mentioned on any other oocaaton.

* iiwnm toff iM QnxiifB,

* (The destmetion of Oorinthi by no means proceeded from the brutality of any single
iodiridoal, least of all of Mummins, but was a measure deliberated and renolved on ny
tlie Roman senate. We shall not err if we rec(^;nize it as the worlc of the mercantile
psrty, which even thus early began to interfere in politics by the side of the aristocracy
proper, and whidi. in destroying Corinth, got rid of a commercial rival. If the great
merchants of Borne had anything to say in the regulation of Greece, we can understand
vby Corinth was dngled out for punishment, and why the Bomans not only detttroved the
dcy as it stood, bat also prohibited any future settlements on a site so pre-eminently
fAvoiable tor commerce. The Peloponnesian Aigos henceforth became the rendezTOua
for the Boman merchants, who were very numerous even in Greece. For the Boman
wholesale tnflic, however, Delos was of greater importanoe.~-ifomfii«m, vol. iii., p. 51

1^8 THE THIBD PUNIO WAB. [b. C, 157.

the difPereut states ambassadors ^ who interfered with the gov-
eminent, acted as arbiters in disputes between states, and
fermented qnarrels on all sides. The object was to scatter
seeds of discord and encourage internal disputes. These con-
troversies were received with open ears at Borne, and prolonged
by negotiation, until Bome found a pretext for interference,
and in the end humbled allies and enemies alike. In Greece,
particularly, Rome's perfidious policy^ tormented the different
states, until decay and ruin and desolation spread over the land
which had once raised itself to the pinnacle of prosperity and
happiness by its wonderful achievements in art and literature.
It is true that the battle of Pydna had put an end to the
detestable policy which left the conquered countries to rule
themselves, weakened them by separation, and still sought to
entangle them in disputes until a pretext was finally found to
crush them. It was this intriguing, insidious policy which
Bome pursued with Bhodes, with Pergamus, and particularly
with Carthage ; this constant encouragement of disputes that
finally drove the people to despair and made them prefer any
form of slavery rather than be longer exposed to this cruel
system."

2. The Condition of Carthage. — After the conclusion
of peace in B.C. 201 Carthage began, by a strict neutrality
during the wars in Macedonia, Asia and Spain, to recover the
carrying-trade of the Mediterranean, which soon restored the
old prosperity of the city. This could hot fail to awaken the
jealousy of Bome. Masinissa* was encouraged in his attack on
Carthaginian territory, and being prevented by the terms of the
treaty from waging war with any ally of Bome, Carthage was
compelled to refer the dispute to Bome. Embassies commenced
their work ; tlie land in dispute was assigned to Masinissa. In
this way Carthage was annoyed, harassed, and stripped of her
territory, her towns and her castles, while by the terms of the

^ Legati. ' For Mommsen^s view, see I. c toI. il., p. 266.

* *ut wonid be better," said the Carthaginiang, '* to live as plavee of the Romans thaa
to poseeee a liberty exposed to the insolence of Masinbua." Nay, ntter mln was prefer-
able to a condition in which they were dei)endent uxxin the grace ot bo cruel a tonnentor.
^Uvff xlii. 2S ; see lAne, vol. ill., page 819 note, and p. 885. * See p. VSL

B. C. 150.] THE THIRD PUNIC WAE. 169

peace she ivas preyented from defending her just claimB by wan
In B. G. 157 an embassy was sent, of which Marcus Pordus
Cato was chiefs to arbitrate on some new claim of MjminjfMfi^,
The Carthaginians appealed to the terms of the treaty, while
MaainiaHa professed his willingness to abide by the decision of
Borne, whatever it might be. The deputies were astonished
when they beheld the increasing prosperity of the city, the
h^bor thronged with ships, the country highly cultivated, and
on every side signs of prosperity and wealth. Prom this time
the decision was fixed to destroy Carthage and remove the only
commercial rival that Borne had in the western world. So
firmly fixed was this determination, tliat Cato is said to have
ended each of his many speeches with the words, ^^ Carthage
most be destroyed." ^

3. War with Masinissa. — The opportunity that Bome
was seeking for soon occurred. The popular party ' having
obtained the power in Carthage, about forty partisans of Msr
sinissa were banished. When the people refused to receive the
exiles, at the request of Masinissa, he marched upon the city,
and the Carthaginians, instead of appealing to Bome, took up
arms. A battle followed in which the Carthaginians were de-
feated, and their army, after passing under the yoke, was
treacherously cut to pieces (b.o. 150). These events took place
while P. Sdpio iEmilianus happened to be at the camp of
Masinissa to ask for elephants for the Spanish war.

4. Roman Interference. — Carthage had now offered the
wished-for pretext, by taking up arms against an ally of Bome.
An embassy was sent to Bome to appease the anger of the
senate, but it was coldly received. The Carthaginians were
ordered to send three hundred hostages within thirty days and
to obey the further commands of the consuls. The hostages
were sent, but still fearful forebodings tilled the minds of the
Carthaginians when the Boman fleet landed at Utica. Here
the Carthaginians were informed that all their miuiitions of

* Ddmtdaett CarQuiQO.

• There were three
the democratic or popal
fnom their dependency

\ 170 THE THIRD PUNIC WAB. [B.a 147.

war moBt be snrrenderedy as they could no longer haye any
occasion for arms, sinoe they would henceforth be under the
protection of Borne. When this demand was complied with,
the consuls, thinking that the state was now defenceless, threw
off the mask and announced the final irreyocable decree of
the senate : ** That Carthage must be destroyed and the inhabi-
tants must settle ten miles from the sea.^' Then the Cartha-
ginians realized to its full extent the revolting perfidy, the
perfidious policy of the Roman state.

5. Siege of Carthage. — When this news reached Car-
thage the spirit of resistance burst all bounds. One thought,

^ne feeling animated the people, to fight to the death. Their
temples were turned into workshops, supplies were collected,
and arms were manufactured day and night ; the women sacri-
ficed their long hair to make strings for the catapults, the
whole town resounded with preparations for war. Hasdrubal,
who had been expelled to please the Bomans, was recalled and
entrusted with the chief command ; without aUies, without
ships, almost without arms, the Carthaginians maintained the
unequal struggle for nearly four years. When the consuls, after
a short respite, advanced from XJtica to Carthage, they found
I that matters were changed, and that» after an unsuccessful at«

tack, the town could only be taken by the slow process of a siege.
For this they were utterly incompetent, and the army is said to
have been saved from destruction on one occasion by Scipio
iBmilianus,^ who was serving as military tribune.

6. Capture and Pe Bti acti on of Carthage.— As no per-
manent success was gained, the people determined to confer
the consulship on Scipio, and give him the command in Africa,*
although he was only thirty-seven years of age and therefore
legally disqualified for the office.* In B. c. 147 he landed in
Africa, forced his way into Carthage, took it almost house by
house, firing it as he advanced, until finally only the citadel

* It was In an expedition Into the interior that, according to Amdan (who borrowed
from PolyUns). Sciino saved the Roman army. It Ib not Bnr^sing ihat PolyUna eelxed
every opportunity to praise his friend and pupil.

* WTtnont the senate^s resorting to the nsnal deeiidon by casting lots.
' E^ the 2m; atmaUi of b.o. 180; see p. 185, n. 4.

B. a 146.] THE THIBD PUKIC WAB. 171

remaiAed. When this snrrendered, fifty thoofland men, women,
and children were carried away as captiTes, and the town, after
being plundered, was consigned to the flames, which raged for
seTenteen days. As Scipio beheld the desolation of the once
flourishing city, he is said to have shed tears, and to have
giren vent to his sad presentiment in the words of Homer :

** The day shall surely oome when sacred Troy will fall,
And Priam, and the people of the ash-speared Priam, all I " '

When Polybius, who had accompanied him to Africa, asked
what he meant by these words, Scipio replied that he was
thinking of Bome and foresaw the ruin of his own country.

A splendid triumph awaited Scipio on his return to Bome,
and the surname Africanus, already his by adoption, he had
now acquired by his own exploits.*

7. Africa a Roman Province. — The territory of Car-
thage was joined to TJtica, which became the capital of the new
province of Africa." The towns which had sided with Bome
became free cities, while those that had adhered to Carthage
were punished with loss of land, which was partly added to the
public domain,^ and leased to occupants,^ and partly restored to
the former communities on condition that they should pay a
fixed tribute* to Bome. The Boman merchants flocked to
Utica, and henceforth conducted the inland and foreign trade
that had formerly belonged to Carthage from that port. In
this way fioman customs and manners, the Latin language and
lit^titure, were carried to Africa. The rich Libyan ^ plains even
surpassed Sicily in their production of com. The site of Car-
thage was plowed, and a curse pronounced against any one who
should undertake to rebuild the city.

^ ' He was the eon of Amilim FAnlliu, the hero of Pydns, and had been adopted hy
PnbUitt OomellOB BdpIo» the elder son of the elder Africanus ; according to custom he
'Stained the name of Ms own gent, and aseomed that of his new father: his fall name
was Pabllns Cbmetliis Sdplo iBmiUanns Africanus, to which that of Komantinus was
^'t^rwardB added.

' The proTince of Africa Incloded only the teiritonr that Carthage possessed last, i. «.,
toe territoiy along the coasts of Zengitana and Byzacinm. See map, p. SIT.

^^piOHeus, *BMtet9oret, * StipendOium.

' Tbe name of Africa, which the Romans saTe to the proyinoe, was unknown to the
^'"^ I they applied the name of JMya to t&e whole Qontlnent.

172 THE CAUSES OF BOME's GREATNESS.

8. Tbe Fonnation of the Roman Zimpixe. — Rome had

now extended her dominion over the chief countries that
skirted the shores of the Mediterranean. Before turning to
study the manner in which the senate managed these depend-
encies, let us attempt to determine, if possible, how a great city
could have grown up on such a site as that of Borne, and at-
tained such superiority over the other towns in Latium and in
Italy, and then over the countries around the Mediterranean.
In fertility of soil and healthf ulness of chmate the situation of
Borne was far inferior to that of most of the old Latin towns.
Neither is Bomc's supremacy sufficiently explained by saying
that the people were warlike and fond of conquest, for so
was nearly every nation in antiquity ; and besides, the Bomans
and Sabii\es, that united to form ihe predominant element of
the Boman people, were offshoots of the Sabellian stock to
which nearly all the races in Italy belonged. We have already
learned that the career of conquest on which the Bomans en-
tered with 80 much energy and perseverance was far from
being a contrived plan carried out from generation to genera-
tion by men of genius. Bome was singularly barren of great
men, and during this whole period of conquest the Boman
aristocracy confined its ideas to Italy, and desired nothing but
its sovereignty. What then were the causes that raised this
city on the Tiber first to the position as ruler over the sur-
rounding country, then over Italy, and finally over the Medi-
terranean states ?

9. The Causes of Rome's Supe ri ority. — The chief
causes that contributed to this end were first the site of the
city itself. The other Latin towns were built on isolated hills,
but Bome was situated on a group of hills which were easily
defensible, and at the same time so near to each other that the
political isolation of each was impossible, and that some kind
of federation ^ was necessary for the maintenance of internal
peace. The people were compelled therefore to agree upon
some terms of amicable life or to submit to the miseries of

' JSynoUAtmut.

THE CAUSES OF ROME'S GREATNESS. 173

internecine warfare. Community of interest then compelled
the Tarioas settlements on the different hills to unite for mu-
tual protection, and the ties that bound these political commu-
nities together were riveted by those of the gentes, curim^ and
tribes. The site, too, was admirably adapted to make Home
the emporium of Latium ; and the ready access to it up the
river, while it was at the same time remote enough to be pro-
tected from the pirates that infested the Tyrrhenian sea, invited
adventurers wandering over the Mediterranean to make it their
home. This accounts in a measure for the rapid growth of the
population. Even the sterility of the soil may have encouraged
the warlike spirit of the early Romans, and have induced them
to undertake their frequent wars for the sake of booty ; while
the malaria that infested the lower parts of the city, particu-
larly when the valleys between the hills were swamps, may
haye served as a barrier to ward off attacks when other re-
sources failed. The principle of association then based on cal-
culations of interest lay at the root of the early vigor of Borne,
and gave the people the first predominance over the isolated
cities of LatiuuL^

10. Secondary Causes. — This principle, however, did
not stop here, but city after city and tribe after tribe were in-
vited or compelled to join the leading power, until all of Italy
formed one vast confederacy, around which Borne wove a net-
work of colonies and military roads. After the conquest of
Italy, the geographical position of Borne, in the centre of the
Italian peninsula, by which she was enabled to divide like a
wedge the northern from the southern half and thus subdue
her enemies separately, greatly facilitated the career of foreign
conquest. This position prevented her enemies from combin-
ing* and attacking the city simultaneously on all sides.
Thirdly, the similarity of race which bound the Bomans
by ties of blood and customs to the Latins, Samnites, and

* Ume, Batiif Some^p. 7.

■ Tlie ancient worid knewnoUiing of a balance of poiver among nations, and therefore
erevT nation which had attaint internal unity strove to eubdne Its neighbon).~Jf9fnin*
tm, lii., p. 883.

174 SPAKISH WAB8. [B.C. 200.

the other indigeneous races in Italy, enabled them to ap-
pear as the protectors and champions of Italy, and to unite all
the other races nnder their lead in repelling the invasion of
foreign enemies.^ Finally the admirable pohtical system and
military organization, based upon the character of a people Uke
the Romans, with so much inherent energy and perseverance,
were important elements that contributed largely to their suc-
cess. When they had once entered upon a war, no obstacle
discouraged them, no power could arrest their progress. Their
defeats were but incentiyes for greater efForts, and, urged on by
an uncontrollable instinct, they gained the sovereignty of three
continents.

<•♦ t>

Spaotsh Wars (B. C. 200-133) — ^Extbl sign of the Peo-
vmciAL System — The Condition of 'he Slaveb.

1. The Oppression in Spain.--^ ^n tht. year b. g. 205

Spain had been formed into two prc\lnces,' although the

Boman dominion was established in only a small part of the

country. The country was easy of defence and the people

brave and fond of war. Although efforts had been made to

colonize it,^ and in this way bring it under the influence of

Home, yet little had been accomplished, and the natire tribes

were in a continual state of revolt Marcus Porcius Cato was

'. sent to the country in b.c. 195 ; he an'il^'Bd tliu QUhuuuli ^ibis

; against each other, gained several decisive victories, and on hi£

iretum to Bome, boasted that he had destroyed more towns

' nme, HUi. qfEome^ toI. ill., p. 4S7.

* The two provinoM wen eallM Htopmla Cltsrior ftnd mgpaniA Ulterior, and wen
divided hr the nienu.

* Sdpio had 0et^^ his wldlen in Spain and fonnded Italica (• i. 206).

B. c. 154,]

SPANISH WAB8.

176

than he had spent days m Spain (b. g. 194). The senate under-
took to control the rapacity of the Spanish governors^ and the
first of those judicial commissions,^ which afterwards became
so numerous, and which were designed to protect the provin-
cials, was appointed. Spain enjoyed comparatiye quiet for a
few years, and treaties' were formed with a number of towns,
stipulating that in return for war contributions or auziliarieSy
Rome guaranteed them protection. Still there was but little

real gain ; the Boman dominion was recognized only on the
eastern border, the tribes in the interior and to the north were
but little known, and had never come under the Boman yoke.
The military service in Spain, which offered but little plunder
and no easy, bloodless victories, was becoming daily more dis-
tasteful to the Boman soldier.

2. TUTar with the Celtiberians. — In the year b. c. 154

* ^it€utkmf$t rtpetvHdarufn.

* By T. Sempronltu Qnecbns.

176 SPANISH WARS. [b.C. 150.

it happened that the people of Segeda were occupied in en-
larging their town^ when the order came from Borne bidding
them to desist, and to furnish tribute and auxiliaries. The
order they refused to obey, because according to the treaty
they were only forbidden to build a new town, and not to en-
large one already existing, and because they had hitherto neither
paid tribute nor supplied soldiers. War broke out, and the con-
sul, Fulvius Nobilior, was defeated with great loss. The peo*
pie of Segeda took refuge in Numantia and defeated the
fiomans again under the walls of that city. In the same year
(b. g. 153), the Lusitanians revolted and defeated a Boman army.
The next year the consul M. Claudius Marcellus concluded
a treaty with the Arevacians and otlier tribes, on condition
that they should pay tribute and give hostages. When LucuUus,
the next consul, arrived in Spain the following year, finding
the v^ar had been ended and his hopes of bringing home honor
and especially plunder frustrated, he turned his arms against
the tribes ^ at peace with Rome.

3. War in Lnsitanla. — Meanwhile Sulpicius Galba was
vieing in Lusitania with LucuUus in treachery and deceit
When the Lusitanians sent ambassadors to him to ask for
peace, he received them kindly, lamented the condition of their
country, and promised to settle their people on fertile lands.
After having collected them to the number of many thousands
and disarmed them, they were surrounded by his own troops
and murdered (b. c. 150). This outrage was too much even for
the Boman people, accustomed as they were to so many acta of
cruelty and treachery. Cato preferred charges against Galba,
but his wealth and great gifts as an orator (he was one of the
most famous orators of his time) procured his aoquittal in the
^ ( \ assembly of tribes.

: ' I 4. yirjathns. — ^Among the few who escaped the massacre
j 1 1 was Viriathus, wli o, as the avenger of his people, carried on
the Hery war ^ in Spain against the vast power of Borne for

* He attacked the Vaccseans, gained poeeesslon of Ganca by treacbery, elew tbe inhib
mtsj and plundered the town.

* Polybios, xxzY. 1.

B. a 143.] SPANISH WAB8. 177

■ - - I - ■— - . ~ ^^ III !■■!-■ ■-■ 1 M-fTI TW^M- - M T m ~

more than ten years. Army after army was defeated^ year after
year the incompetent Roman commanders fell into the same
traps. Euih Q Fn1ii||H Mwillhliii ' Hiiii nnable to break the power
of the Lusiianians and defeat the wily Viriathus. In the year
B. G. 141 Viriathus fonned a treaty with Home which recog-
nized him as the friend of the Boman nation, but the consul
for the next year, in open violation of the treaty, renewed the
war. Viriathus was defeated and compelled to sue for peace, j
When the Lusitanians were ordered to give up their arms, Viri- ^
athus, convinced that the treachery of Galba was to be re- /
peated, was meditating a last desperate resistance, when he was
murdered by his own envoys (b. c. 139), who had been bribed
by the Boman consul Sen^ilius GsBpio to do the deed. So low
had Boman honor and valor descended that the proconsul did /
not hesitate to employ the hand of the assassin to rid himself
of an enemy whom he conld not defeat in the field.

5. The Nuinantiiie war (b.g. 143-133). — In the mean-
while the Celtiberians had revolted and renewed the war, which
centred round Numantia, and which defied the Boman arms
for ten years. During the first two years the war was con-
ducted by Metellus Macedonicus^ with considerable degree
of success, but his successors experienced repeated defeats
and disasters. Finally Gajus Hostilius Mancinus was brought
to such straits by his own incapacity and the cowardice of
his soldiers, that he was compelled to sign a treaty in which
ho acknowledged the independence of the enemy. The senate
repudiated the treaty, and the commander was surrendered by
the Boman fetialis. Naked and with chained hands he stood
bound before the town, but the Numantines, like Pontius,
refused to accept the sacrifice, and Mancinus returned to the ^
camp and then to Bome. The war continued in the same I
disastrous manner until ^.c^J^^yfhQn Scipio Africanus^ took i
the command. Throy mfi n^ OajuR Mafius, who was aff^yi'^ftrds J

^ * Tlds w»i the eldest son of JZmiHiiA Panlus, who had been adopted into the Fiabian )

* Tlds vnm the eldest son of JSmilioA Panlns, who had been adopted into the FSabian
his full name wan Qnintiu Fabins Maxlmos ^mlHanns.
Seepi«eU4.

the

* Scipio was re-elected consnl, notwithstanding the law passed in b. o. Ifil prohibiting
n-^setion ot a consul ; see Momrasen, BOm Staatr. i., p. 485^

B. C. 13^] THB COITDITION OP THE SLAVES. 179

seyesi times oonsnl, Jugortha, the g randson of Masinissa^ and

JTM OT«/w>|pa^ w ho wftft dtwljnii|] Ui [lUw an tmportATit. part

in iComan Listory, served under Scipio. Scipio's first efforts
were devoted to the restoration of the discipline of the army.
He drove the vast rabble of camp-followers^ traders and trsi-
fickers who snpphed the soldiers with articles of luxury, from
the camp. He reduced the amount of baggage to what was
aetualiy necessary for the wants of each soldier, and by con-
stant drill and exercise succeeded in bringing his soldiers back
to a saitable condition for war.

6. Siege of Numantia.— Scipio now advanced to the
AegQ of Numantia. The inhabitants defended themselves with
wonderful heroism and courage, and it was not until they had
suffered the most dreadful extremities of famine, eating even
the bodies of the dead, that they surrendered. Fifty of the
principal citizens were selected to adorn Scipio's triumph, the
rest were sold as slaves and the town was razed to the ground.
Scipio now assumed the surname of Numantinus in addition to \
his title of Africanus. All serious resistance in Spain was at an
end ; and the country, by the great influx of Soman traders,
speculators, merchants, and settlers, became rapidly Romanized.
Great towns sprang up as centres for the vast inland commerce
in com, wool, wine, and mineral products, and Latin soon /
became the o£Scial language of both the Spanish provinces.

7. The Provinoe of Asia (b.c. 129)— The same year in \
whidi Spain was subdued the first province beyond the Helles- j
pont was acquired. AttelusTIIjt.hf sixth king of P ergam us^died
in B»al33, leaving no children. He bequeathed his kingdom
afldlffaumres to the Roman people. Aristonicus, a natural son
of Bomenes the father of Attalus, laid claim to the throne, but
he was soon defeated and taken prisoner. The rnnntry^^as I
formed into a R oman province under the name of Asia.

flr-Vlldr'fiorease in Blaveiy. — ^TBe' stave peculation, ,.

daiHig the wars in the East, had increased enormously. On the |
large estates the labor was almost entirely performed by gangs \
of daves ; the immense herds of cattle on the pasture-lands t
were tended by slaves who were made responsible for their flocks '

180 THS BEBVIIiS WAR. [b. C 134

and were left to find Bubsistenoe as they could. Almost all had
once been freemen^ and no marked difference of color or race
or civilization placed the master aboye the slaye. The Roman
nobles, as occupiers of the public lands, found it profitable to
cultivate them by slave-labor. The free population in Italy,
particularly the possessors of small farms, had so decreased that
large tracts were parcelled into sheep-walks.

9. The Servile War (b.c. 134-132).— The condition in
Sicily was even worse.* There a wealthy land-owner, named
Damophilus, maltreated his slaves to such a degree that ihey
resolved to have revenge. They found a leader in Eunus, a
pretended Syrian prophet They attacked Enna and plimdered
the town. The insurrection spread far and wide ; four Ko-
man armies were defeated, and the rebels so increased that
they numbered two hundred thousand. For three successive
years (b.c. 134-132) Boman consuls were sent to the island, but
nothing was accomplished towards subduing the insurgents
until B. c. 132, when Publius Bupilius brought the war to a
close by the capture of their strongholds, Tauromenium (Taar-
mind) and Enna, and as pro-consul, with the aid of ten com-

' When the slaves landed in Sicily they were kept by the dealers in elaye-pene wmitlng
for iMircba»ora. The wealthy capitalists would boy whole batches at once, brand or
mark the elaves like cattle, and nend them off to the country to work. The young and
robost were employed as shepherdM, the othcnt in af^coltaral and other labor. Some
worked in fetterA, to prevent them fn>m running away. All of them bad hard service,
and their roasters supplied them Hstntily with food and clothins. They cared little about
their slaves. Thev worked them while they were able to work, and the losses by death
were replaced by fresh purchases. This want uf humanity and prudence in the marten^
soon produced intolerable mischief. The slaves who were employed in looking after
sheep and cattle of necessity had more freedom than those who were cultivatrag the
ground. Their masters saw little of them, and left them unprovided with food, snj>pof>-
uig that they would be able to look after themselves and cost nothing. They soon founfl
ways of helping themselves. They l)egan by robbing and murdering, even in frequented
places, travellers who were alone or tmly In small comiMinies. It became unsafe for
travellers to move about by night, nor cniild people any longer safely live on their land:*
in the country. The shepherds got poKsesnion of huts whicb the oocupantji abandonvd.
and of arms of various kinds also, and thus they became bolder and more oonfidciiL
They went about with clubs and spears and the staves which were uned by herdsmen,
dressed in wolfskins or hogskins, and already be$ran to make a formidable appearance.
They had a great number of fierce dot^s with them, and an abundance (»f food from the
milk and flesh of their beasts. The island was filled with roaming bands of plnndnvrs.
Slaves were bought cheap, and coald be made nrofitablo by working them hard ; and thus
the greediness of gain, tne total want of any human feeling in the masters, the neglect
of proper discipline among the slaves, and the careless feeling of security prodnoea by
many years of prosperity, l)rought things gradually to such a suite that repretnAoii of the
disorder was beyond the power of the masters or governors ; for the masters could not
reduce such sturdy fellows to obedience on c<*tatefl far removed from towns, and a Ko-
man governor of Sicily had no army at his Qontmftnd.— /<o/t^'« I>eciin/$ qf the J7om. Ren^
Tol. i., p. IH f.

aC. 241.] THE INTERNAL OOVERSTMBNT. 181

missioiien, settled the affairs of the island.^ On his return to
Rome he celebrated a sort of lesser triumph, called ovation.* y

■»•♦ >■»■

The I:nt£rnal Goveknmekt. — Fabming the Ketenue. —
The Italian Allies. — The New Nobiuty.^ — The Con-
DmoN OF the People. — ^Hellenic Influences. — Okien-
TAL SuPEBsirnoNS. — Slaveby.

1. The Provincial System. — ^During the preceding cen-
tnij the chief countries that skirted the borders of the Medi-
terranean had become provinces of Borne: (1) Sicily' was
acquired in B. c. 241 ; (2) Sardinia and Corsica, B.c. 238 ; (3)
Hispania Citerior and (4) Ulterior/ B. c. 206 ; * (5) Macedonia/

* Of Uw 100 Buailia ; lee map No. 1.

' In order to enjoy a triumph the impeH^tm muet haye been conferred npon the com-
nmder in the reffiuar way Qienoe Pabiimt Scipio, after the oonc^nest of New Carthage in
Spain, was not allowed to tniunph Itecaase he had commanded gtne uUo tfiaaistrcUu.-^Z4v,
zxriiL 88) ; tbe war ended, the dominion of the Btate cictended (Liv. zzzix. 89), at leant
GjOOO of toe enemy slain in battle, tlie war mutst have been a legitimate one, waged under
the aiwpieefi, in the province, and with the troopn of the commander seeking the triumph ;
for a raagictrate as a pnMX>n8al to triumph after the expiration of hlB term of ofSce, a
fietdseUvm wait neoeeaary to allow him to enter the city, while for the conral whone im^
perium included the city it waf> only necet<Kary to confer the fall itnverivm {regitim <«»•
cerium). To settle thetfeprelimjnanefl, and to fix the day for the trfumphaJ proce}<f<ion,
oploo|ed to the oenate. The procefeion, headed by the i^ienate and followed b^ the victo-
rioos troopt$ with trains of wagonu loaded with spoils from the captured citietf, entered
tbe porte triumpKa&s and advanced along the via »aera to the temple of Jupiter Capito-
linoi*. The triumpher rat npon a golden chariot drawn by four white horeen, clad in the
p>reenn9 triumpluil robe embroiaered with gold (toaa picta) and tlie flowered tunic
ifutHea palmata) crowned with a wreath of m vrtle, and holding a weptre (gcipio edftmeus)
in his r^i^t hand. He wa* accompanied in his chariot by him children, while his cliontn
and relaUvcK, clotlied in white ti^ias, surrounded it ; behmd him stood a slave holding
nvor his head a golden crown, and whispering in his ear, re»fHce poat te, hominem
WMiftUo U, The soldiers were in the rear, ttieir spears adorned with lanrcl ; some sang
nyrons to the gods, some shouted lo triumphe^ while others sang songs in praise of th<'ir
leader, or indulged in sallies of satire, or coarse ribaldry, for the soldiers were releotted
uoni military discipline and Ihll license of spct'ch was granted on this day.

In the ovation tne imperator entered the city on foot, or in later times on hors<*back,
cad In the purple-bordeied robe (toffa purjjur8a)t his head being crowned with lanrcl.
Instead of a bull he sacrificed a sheep {ovi»)y hence the name oratio (Sor\-. ad Vcrg. A.

' That is, the western part of the island ; the whole itdand was acquired after the cap-
tore of SyracoHc in b. c. 210.

* The first enlarged by Celtiberia ; the second by Lusitanla, in b. c. 179 ; according to
Jbrqnardt {StaaUver, p. 99) Spain was organized in b. c. 197.

* l^ceotding to Appun, Hup. 88.

* Aehaja became piacticaliy a province at the s^ime time, although not formally o^
guiized until the time of Augustus,

182 THE HjTTERKAL QOVEBKICBNT. [b. O. 149.

B. 0. 146 ; lUyricnm,! about b. c. 167 ; Africa, B. c. 146 ; Asia,
B. c. 1^3. Each province was governed generally by a prsBtor,'
^ the number of whom was increased in b. o. 227 to four and in
B.O. 197 to six. These provincial governors received no salary,
but they were entitled to exact certain contributions from the
provincials for the support of themselves and suite.' They pos-
sessed the supreme military and civil authority, and no matter
how serious the complaints were against their management,
they were irremovable during their term of oflSce. At its expi-
ration, it is true, they could be brought to trial either before
the people or before the senatorial judges,* but there was little
prospect of conviction in a suit brought by a poor man or by a
foreigner against a powerful member of the ruling aristocracy,
especially since it was tried before jurymen far removed from
the scene, and if not involved in like guUt, at least belonging
to the same order as the accused. '

2. Roman Governors. — After b. o. 149 it became the
general practice for the praetors * to spend their first year of office
in Bome, and the second year aa pro-prggtora to undertake the
management of a province.^ For many years these governors
ruled the provincials with honesty and protected them from the
oppression of the revenue-farmers.' But gradually they relaxed

> Livy (xIt. 88, 11) desrignates nijrlcam aa a provinoe ; see 838, a. 1.

* A conHOl wan nent only in ctu*e of a danseroiu war.

* Cohan: contdMting oi queiitors, secretaries, notaries, lletors, aqgnn, and public
criers.

* A criminal prosecution was made before the people, a civil suit before a Juiy selected
from the senators.

' The provinces found some protection from the rapacity of Roman officials by be-
coming clients of distinguished men who brought the plundering officials to trial on
their return to Rome.

' According to Mommsen this arrangement, by which the governor spent the first year
at Rome and the second in Uie province, became tiie estabi&hed pracaoe from the time
of Snlla ; see p. 2G7.

' The poDulation in the provinces conslnted of two classes : those to which a certain
degree of inaependence was granted, and tiiose complotely Kubject to the civil and iudi-
cfal administration of the governor. In the first class were the (1) free cities (€icUaU$
li/m-ce) ; (2) the citiei that were free and exempt from tazcH {eiritcUes Obera et imimme*);
and (3) the allied cities {dvikUet fxderaUE) ; the second class paid not only tribute, but
a land tax.

* Pubtioani : thes^e were the persons who farmed the pnbllc revenues (pttMlea

;

Ha\ i. e. direct {decftnuBj tributum. scriptura^ mstaUa^ talituK^ and Indirect ( aorioHo).
taxes ; about the tfTRp of fhe occniHi Punic war the putileant (prln dMUly ftt)m toe eoue s-
trianAirdfr} formed themselves into corporations which enanled niWl i W ^fffa n\be
buniiesson a large scale. The land lil the provinces was partly ghen 16 UoMiR tettiers
iagri priv(Ul\ or to the free communities {cititate* fotderata and dfUfiliS WHtOt H im-
munes)^ or, as was generally the ca^e, became public domain {c^er pv^ ^ut\ and w** 0)
partly sold bv the q """"*"- (afl fi f yiT Vtivf"*"^ t^ 4 At i fa U t u mni\ ^ bol4aiXLxsOiMDiSu§^»»-Ht the
property of the state that it payeoa nominal tax (vectiffol)^ or, as was the case with mo«t

TH£ UTTBRKAL GOYEBlinCBKT. 183

in their honesty, and it became a rare case for a governor to
retom from his province with clean hands. The governor had
the right to free quarters and free conveyance when travelling
on the business of the state, and to obtain, at a fair price, sup-
plies for himself and retinue, and in case of war for the army.
As the senate exercised no strict control over the provincial
magistrates, these privileges opened the way to so many abuses
that in time the condition of the provincials, under such gov-
ernors as^^gg^licame intolerable.^ The man who had ruled
a provindSmamanner substantially independent of the senate,
found it hard on his return home to descend to the common level.
In this way the equality within the aristocracy was broken down,
the oversight by the senate of the provincial magistrates, always
lax, began to give way, and hence the aversion of the govern-
ment to the acquisition of new provinces, as in the case of
Macedonia after the battle of Pydna. Further, the immense
wealth of the governing families was used to influence the votes
ol the proletarians in the capital, either directly or by expending
vast sums on the public games or gladiatorial shows. This ren-
dered it more and more difficult for a man who was not wealthy
to rise to office.

3. Titles and Tnfllgnia. — We have already noticed that
the desire for titles and insignia was so great, and that every
inmgnificant combat was so magnified by false bulletins, that
the senate had to enact a law that a triumph could be granted
only when a pitched battle had taken place in which five
thousand of the enemy fell. At first the thanks of the senate
satisfied the successful commander, but soon he demanded some
permanent distinction. Statues and monuments had become so

of the land, (S) was restored to the old ovmera, rabject to taxation, or (8) wa8 retained
by the state and was lea5>ed by the cenBors {ager Ramanus poputt^ quia cen^oribvs locari
»W). Tlie provinces paid either tenth? {decumcE), a** in Sicily, or a fixed Bum (sfipendium)
84 in the other province^). The collection of the tentht* wae larmed out, or leased, to the
paMcmi, who paid a fixed ^um into the public treasury and collected what they coald ;
^^7 ahtiaed their power and oppressed tbe defencele«B provincials to Bnch a degree that
even Utv (xlv. IS) rays vbi puiiieaniis est, ihi avi jus p*tblicuin vanum^ out Hb^tw POciU
nulia— wherever a tws-coUfctor wa» employed^ either the rights ftf the people were disre-
\9^xrded or the freedmn of the allies des/royed.

^ When complaints of ench extortion (in year b. c. 173) b^an to be made, they came
before the pcnate ; in b. c. l^ifegj^ Cnlpvmia de i-fivehma is wa** enacted by which a
P'TSlftLFa" appoin ted to try TOChcorrvf.TnTTir* : thy t n^iiallT \\'ti>< iwcnniary. pnt it was con-
tmi3iiy lliJlUB wavil!! flj dit lailUUM iUWsT^a-^^^ed ftTter the lex (Jalpu^^ ~ '

Id4 fBX iKTBftKAt QOVERKMBKT.

oommon that they were no longer congidered an honor, and the
ouBtom mainly established by Scipio, the oonqneror of Hannibal,
of acquiring a permanent surname for himself and his descend-
ants from the victories he had won, came into general practice.
4. The Italian Allies. — In consequence of the long wars,
the position of the Latins, and particularly of the pities in Italy,
had undergone a change greatly to their disadvantage. The
/ burdens imposed upon them had been unjustly increased, and
the military service — particularly garrison duty and the odious
service in Spain — was transferred more and more to the Italian
allies. After the subjugation of Italy, the admission of indi-
viduals as well as communities to the Soman franchise was
almost completely stopped, and the Italian allies, although by
their blood and toil the Roman dominion had been extended
over the states of the Mediterranean, remained substantially
in the same condition as the provincials. Just as the ruling
f class at Bome separated itself from the people, so the Roman
f citi28ens in their turn asserted their superiority over the Latins,
' and excluded them more and more from their rights — such
as an equal assignment of land, the right of free migration,
and of free settlement in Rome, unless the emigrants left chil-
dren behind them in their native city — ^while transferring to
'. them an increased share in the common burdens.
^ 5. Roman Citizenship. — This injustice was the more
; keenly felt by them, from the fact that the rights of a Bo-
( man citizen had been enlarged, and more clearly defined by
laws that threatened the severest punishment ip a magistrate
who put to death or scourged a Roman citizen.^ To this was
added the right to one on trial for life before the comitia ceniu-
riata of going into voluntary exile, before the decision of the
1 assembly was announced. The great increase of the revenue ^

* TTi^aof i-^aFo »Ki> x"^^*^ <»^ioK>ft»«u^ P^"?<i" ^'^p (Cic. de BoD. il. 81, 54) carried prolsa-
biy by (l) M. PorcloB Cato (prntor b. c. 198), which »*»^a»^»^ "T'^i ^^ V"'' 'rfni^f "ffir

^ g pni to

rea-fWpa,^,

_ OB) L. PorcfnB LwinaA (oonral

B. o. 18S), to {he Roman citizens Hefvliig iii tbfi arin^so far as was ^wafatjwir iy|^^[^wmi-
tjtfy dlHcipHne.— ^n^e, Ji9m. Atterth. vol. fl.. pp. iTO", 21B,'*W.

* Of the vaHt revenue of the Boman state, (the spoils in the war with Peneos amoanting
to £3,100,000). \ in time of peace, tV in dme of war was expended in roads, bridges, aonc'
dnctfl, and pahlic Imildings. The great system of sewena was constrmoted about b. o. liBO ;

tfl£ IirTEftKAL GOVEttKMEl^. 185

from the transmarine proyinoes had rendered it unnecessary to{|
impose the tribute on Boman citizens since the battle of H
Pydna. These privileges rendered citizenship from year to year
more desirable, and made the allies feel that they were Bubjects
of Borne. When they saw the chasm growing greater, and that
it was spanned by no bridge, a profound dissatisfaction preyailed
throughout the whole Italian confederacy.

& Formation of New Parties. — ^In Borne itself the
condition of th ings was not much better. The old opposition be-
tween the plebeians and the patricians had been removed by the
Hortensian and MsBuian laws,^ only to be renewed under another
form. The common people rose in revolt against the new! '^
nobility , composed pf_the jaembeip of those families that had! ' '.
held a cumle magistracy,^ and were members of the senate, and!
thus yirtually renewed the old contest. The increasing power
of wealth to influence elections, the initiative of the senate in
legislation, the exclusion of all ''new men''^ from the higher
magistracies, threw the government * more and more into the

In Bxi. 171 Che etreeta of Borne were paved ; in b.o. 160 the Fomptine marshes were drained,
and tbe magnificent aanednctSf wnich even in their rainn are the admiration of modem
timiea, were Mcon by toe prstor Q. Marcioi^ (b. c. 144). In b. o. 160 the flret clepsydra
wan t^et up by Scipio Na8ica.. The KomanH for nearly 6U0 yearn pos«iesHed no cloclui. At
flmt tliej gn oooed at the time from the position of the ran, not even dividing the day into
hoars. Afterwards twenty-four houn were reckoned from midnight to midnight, bat
the day, from the rlafng to Uie setting sun, was divided into twelve hoars. After son-
diaiit {wlarii^n) (aboat b. g. 204) were intn)dnced, the day was divided into twelve eqaal
parl», and the night into twelve hoars. Henoe the hoars of night and day were of variable
^gth, and only equal at the eqainoxes. In order to compare the Boman hoars with oars
we most always know the nataral lenfi:th of the day at Borne. For a fall comparison see
IdeUr'B Lehrma^ d. CTkronologie, It is well to remember that on the sandials {soktrivm)
the hoora were divided by means of eleven lines. If the shadow of the finger (ffnoman)
fell iqion the first line, the first hoar was already passed. Hence prima hora denotes the
begtnnii^ of the second boor. On dall days there was no means of determining the time
ontil the depsydraB were known. They were similar to oar sand-glasses, the water being
allowed to escape gradaally Ifice the sand. In order to know the time without any troable,
ficaves wen kept at the wlarium and clepsydra to report when each hoar e9q>lrecL
*■ See pp. 84 and 86, note 8.

* Tbe corale nutfistrates had the right of pitting on the seila cwvUt^ or chair of state.
Thl? r^t belonsedL in the time of the republic, to the consuls, praetors, corale eediles,
cenaon, Ihunen Slaus, dictator, and his master of horse {nUigister equUwn).

* It wOl be recollected that the nobility had no legal privilege)^ as a class (see p. 86),
out the nobles were bound t<q;ether by common interest, partteularly in confining the
election to all the higher magistracies to the members of their own order. The especial

attained to a cnmle office, and was thas the founder of his

___ _ ibility, he oould have no imagines of his ancestors nor of hlM own, for the im-
agktis at a man were not made until be was dead. Such a person, then, was not noMa
in the foil aenae of the word nor yet was he ignobUU, He was called nomu homo, or a

vV^

* A law was carried in b. o. 848 (see p. 62) to prevent re-election to the same office until V * '
afisr ten vcara. and in B. c. IflO (hy the is g^ffjfitf^i^hfl tfrff*' *"i T^Wl *^*^ mayriHtrncfftit nywt
be Boofiht was defined^ ana loe Agenerore wtiicn tncy coula not be hejd was fixed ; thp i /

•^^^■* 1 '~- ' * ■<. ... / ' - . ' .

186 THE IHTEBNAL GOVERNMENT, [b, C. 194.

/ 1 hands of a few great houses.^ In this way the old republican
aristocracy was transformed into a fiEunily oligarchy.

7. Separation of the Orders. —Upon those whose ances-
tors had attained to any of the curale magistracies there were
bestowed certain privileges — ^the most ancient of which was the
permission to place the wax images of such ancestors* in the
family hall — ^and external in^gnia, of which the stripe of pur-
p le ' on the tunic, the golden fi nf^er ring/ the silver fflOUUii^
housings* or fhV youthsTlmdrthe golden amntetnauu * of the
boys were the most important. These served' to dlstio^^sV
the noUrffimilies, and combiiitiS'with the innovation introduced
by Scipi o (b.o. 194) , of assigning fhe front seats of the theatre '
to thd tonaional order, and the fact that the senators wlio' ]bad
been consuls, plSetors, or curule sediles were Jbonorgd with cer-
tain speciaTprivilegeSy^ drew a sharp line between thexidios
class and tHe people.

8. The Aim of the NoUUty.— During this period the
nobility sought to gain sole and exclusive control of the gOT-
emment by means of the senate and equites.* Formerly the
censpr. had placed the names of MTOCthy men on thp Ji^ of

I senators who had not held a curale office, and sometimes ex-
I pelled unworthy members from, tbat-body althQugh they did
belong to the nobility. Now the aim of the goyeming aristoc-
racy was to grant to the senate the power of filling up its own
ranks by legally entitling every one who had held a cumle

magistracy to a seat in that body, and by makingJt thcLdiity

I
1

\ j of the censor,^® on erasing fr om its list any name, to give the

I reasons in writing. As the nolSility succeeded in confining the

; ; higher offices to their own clique, the senate joined control over

'ij both mode^ of. a dmisRinn ^taLits rankfl~p.Wi.ion f^ a, ^t^^Ia

jj office and nomination by the censorrTThe government man-

■ >

, earliest age for the quMtonhip was S7 ; for the aedileehip, 87 ; for the pmtor«lilp, 40 ; for
' ■ the consiUHhip, 48. ^

' ^ According to Mommeen (BOm. For^ch. p. 71, fl.) annw^ ^^'Ml flf rilttWI ilWIIMM lili'M
\ troUeA thg ipavennnant ,ta thfe end of tha-rgpnhHc. ^ Jiw tmagitnmit, J

" Latits davtu. * An nvlns au reus, * JPhalera. " Btdktmtrea.

' Til the 3fCIRSstra. *■ ■ SM p."?8. n. 2. • Om p. 88 anflprSlu, note 6.

^*' One censor had the right to veto his colleagne's decision, and his floocesnor could
eritirelT cancel it. Farther, the list was not liable to revision at any time, as foroMrij,
bnt only onee in five years.

THE INTERNAL OOVEBNMENT. 187

aged in the same way with the equites. Senators,* although
past the age when they could serve in the cavalry, and young
men of the nobility were allowed to vote in the equestrian cen-
turies, and thus to exert undue influence in the comitia. And
farther, in order to bring the public assemblies more and more
under the control of the ruling aristocracy, large numbers of
freedmen, the political retainers* of the noble houses, were
admitted to the franchise either by legal enactment' or by the
carelessness and collusion of the censor. Tlie lower classes of
voters, the city rabble, were also systematically corrupted by
larg^ses of com and by the public games which the rich cele-
brated with great expense and splendor in order to curry favor
with the voters. These assemblies were also brought more and
more under the influence of the governing aristocracy as the .-
body of citizens increased, because the elements which composed ;
them grew more numerous and varied and widely separated, and r
therefore more easily managed by the presiding officer. The /l

maggtaptft a.l9Tifl had thfl rigVif. nf w/li^TyflffiT^gr fli^i QaQi>TnK1ipa» and/i

the people sto od and assented, taJua-propQaalfl^^ The Toters were
too widely scattered to be instructed beforehand and to agree
upon any unity of action. Therefore it is not to be wondered
at that it had long been the custom for the more important
affairs of state, the entire foreign policy, to be settled in the
senate.

9. The Condition of tba People. — OriginaUy the Bo-
mans had been a hardy and industrious race and had lived on
their amall fflfnifl **"^ /»«UiN>Qfp/| them with their own..baQd8t^
During the war with T Tftnuih^] the devastation^of ItaljLhad
been so great that the small farms had almost entirely disajK
peared-. The armies destined for foreign service were com- /
posed chiefly of veterans, many of whom served for fourteen. \

years. They became estranged from civil life, adopted the
habits of soldiers, and relied chiefly on plunder. The condiJ
tion of Italy, particularly after the Hannibalic war, was favor-^^
able for indulging such propensities. A great number of the

' See It. S8 and p. 210, n. 6. * (MenU9. 'AsinBO.MO. I

188 TETE iNtERKAL GOTfiEKMENT. [b. C. 232.

Italians had joined Hannibal, their towns were given up to
plunder, and large tracts of land were confiscated. The aol-
diers could seldom make use of the spoils that fell into their
hands, and therefore had recourse to the retinue of traders
that followed in the wake of the armies, converted their
plunder into ready money, which was soon squandered^ and
returned home to swell the impoverished crowd that was daily
increasing in the capital. The result was that during the long
wars the rich grew richer, and the poor poorer ; productive
labor declined when a vast amount of wealth poured into Rome
from the conquered states. The proletarians increased to an
alarming extent, and by the largesses of com and the enormous
sums spent in public festivals ^ fell more and more under the
power of the few reigning families.

10. The Agrarian Law of FTaminina.— AH over Italy
large tracts of land were deserted, thousands of people were
impoverished, and what was worse, disinclined to earn an honest
living by toil in the field or in the workshop. There were some
who saw the evils that threatened the state and sought to avert
j them by wise measures of reform, but they were thwarted by
the calculating avarice and selfishness of the nobility, and the
state continued on the downward road and approached nearer
and nearer the fatal catastrophe. G. Flaminius saw clearly the
danger that threatened the state, and strove against the entire
opposition of the Roman aristocracy to remove it The people
however sided with him, and he was able to carry his measures
for reform in the plebeian assembly of tribes in direct opposition
to the senate.' The law pas sedJnriTlC lli» tirib""*^^ (b. a 232),
assigning the territory of the Senoman Qmk to.JBnman aet-
tlers, has been mentioned.' He was elected consul in B. c. 222,
and conducted the war against the Insubrians. When the trib-
une G. Claudius proposed the law to prevent the nobility from

* Tl:e pabllc festiyals were religioan oeremonies inRtltated to padfy tlie gods. To tbe

KAt Boman eame« institated in the regal period were added the plebeian games in b. c.
, the ApoUraarian in b. c. 612, and the Megalipian in b. c. 804.

* So important was this that Polybius (if. 81), a stanch defender of (he aristocracy,
datef* the mcline of the Boman state from this time.

* See page 180.

B. C. 234] THE IKTEBXAL 60VEBXKEKT. 189

speculating in goYemment contracts by forbidding senators and
their sons to engage in foreign trade or to own any vessel be-
yond a certain size^ Flaminius was the only man in the senate
who was outspoken in &Tor of the measure.^ The disastrous
defeat which Varro^ the popular leader, suffered in the Hanni-
balic war, threw the entire control of the goyemment again
into the hands of the senate.

U. Cato's Efforts for Reform. — There were also other
men who saw with regret the deelme of the old national vigor
and the spread of corruption, and strove to resist it. Such was
Marcus Porcius Cato,^ who was bom at Tusculum in b. c. 234.
He was brought up on his father's Sabine farm, where his at-
tachment to the hardy habits of his ancestors was encouraged
by his neighbor Gurius Dentatus, the conqueror of Pyrrhus.

* The refonn in Uie order of Toting, efllBcted soon after the flnt Punic war, was dae to
the opposition, and wa» a change in fkvor of the people. Hitherto the tguUa and the flnt
dan bad conetitoted a muority ^f the 198 centariea ; as it was now arraiufed each of the
thhtY-Hre tribes was divided into Ave classes, each class was subdivided into two oen-
tazies, thns giving 850 centuries, which with the eighteen centuries of equites and the
Ave eenturles of smiths, carpenters, &c., made the sum of 878. The right of priority in
voting was withdrawn from the equites^ and transferred to a division chosen from the
flret oaes by iot. Aboat this time began the agitation in regard to the manner of voting
for elections of magistrates and in public trials. Hitherto each citizen declared the can-
didate for whom he voted : now the opposition demanded the ballot {taibeUa)y hence the
laws were called leff« tabdUtria ; the first law {Ux Oabinia) for the election of magistrateL
by ballot was not carried until b. o. 189, and in b. c. 137 the voting by ballot was extendeo
to state trials ; in a trial, C {condemno) for guilty. A {absolvo) for not guilty, and N.
L. (JMm Htruet, I. «., it is not clear) for a neutral verdict, were inscribed upon the ticket.
In an eleenon, the name of the candidate ; for the enactment of a law, 27. JS. {uU roges)
tot ttM affirmative, and A. {arUiquo) for the negative.

led I

N. I
et. I

* OBNEALOOICAL TABLE.

1. M. PoBOiua Cato CsusoBirs, cos. b. o. 196, cens. b.c. 184.
m. 1. Lioibia, 2. Salonia.

2. M. PoBciUB C4T0 LioiviAinTB, 8. M. PoBcnrs Cato Salobiahub,
pr. design, b. c. U0, m. iBwiJA. pnetor.

4. M. PoBcnjB Cato, 6. O. PoBcnrs Cato, 6. M. Porcits Cato, 7. L. Poroius Catc
cos. B. c. lis. COB. B. c. Hi. Tr. pi. m. LnriA. cos. b. c. 89.

8. H. PoBoiUB Cato,
pnetor.

M. Pobcius Cato Uticbkoib, Poroia, m.

pr. B. G. 64. L. Doxrrius

m. 1. AtIUA, 3. MaBOIA. AHXNOBABBUa

IdO TBfi iKTEltKAL OOTEJElKMSKT. [b. O. 195.

Gato entered public life under the patronage of Valerius Flaocus^a
loyer of the olden times in which the farmer was called from his
plow to lead the armies of the commonwealth. He was seven-
teen when he served his first campaign. He fought with honor
through the whole Hannibalic war. He rose from one ofSce to
another until in B.c. 195 he became consul^ crossed the line,
and entered that well-fenced circle from which the efforts of
the aristocracy were to exclude all "new men." He distin-
guished himself by opposing all corruption. He resisted the
repeal of the Oppian law, which forbade a woman to possess
more than oue ounce of gold, or to wear a garment of diverse
colors, or to ride in the city in a carriage. Cato was the same in
the forum as on the battle-field. He battled manfully against
the prevailing corruption. His prompt and ready wit, his
knowledge of Boman law and Roman affairs, made him a
dreaded opponent, as he laid before his colleagues the list of
their shortcomings.

12. Prosecution of the two Scipios. — ^After the battle

of Zama, Gato took an active part in the measures which led to

the accusation of Scipio. When the tribune, at his instigation,

preferred a charge against Lucius Scipio of being bribed

\ by Antiochus, and Lucius was about to produce his accounts,

1 his brother Africanus snatched them from his hand and tore

I them up, saying that it was unworthy for a man to be caUed

tto account for a few thousands, who had paid millions into

ithe treasury. This haughty conduct contributed to the con-

jviction of Lucius, and he was sentenced to pay a heavy fine.

As he was being led away to prison, Africanus attempted to

1 liberate him, and a violent conflict was averted only by the

:interference of the tribune Tiberius Gracchus. In b. c. 185 the

'tribune brought charges against Africanus himself; but the

i trial happened to come on the anniversary of the battle of

Zama, and Scipio invited the people to follow him to the capi-

tol and to give thanks for the victory. After this he retired

from Bome to his country-seat at Litemum, where, after two

years, he died and had this inscription placed on his tomb:

"Ungrateful country ! you do not even possess my bones."

.CI

I
I

B. a 184] THE INTEBKAL GOVEBKMENT. 191

13b Censoraliip of Cato. — Gato himself did not escape ;
he was accused forty-four times, bat the people always stood by
him. In B.a l84 he was elected censor with Lucius Flaccus,
and dcToted^himself with honesty and impartiality to the
duties of his o£Sce. He restrained the farmers of the revenue, j
levied a heavy tax on articles of luxury,^ forbade the celebration '
i of the festival to Bacchus, and was chiefly influential in expel-
I ling the three Greek philosophers from Rome who had come to
' procure an abatement in the sum which the Athenians had been
I ordered to pay the Oropians.' In his old age Gato began to
■waver in his opposition to every thing foreign. He even applied
'himself to the study of Greek literature, and the love of gain
caused him to invest his money in commercial speculations.*
ato was honest but flhoroughly narrow-minded ; he restricted
is ideas to Italy and was averse to the career of conquest which
brought the states of the Mediterranean under the dominion
of Some. His measures, however, produced but little lasting
effect, and the increase of wealth and the decay of the old re-
publican virtues continued.*

14. The Character of the Roman GtoTemment — Not-
withstanding the evidences of, disorder and decline that were
visible in the government at home, in the administration of
the provinces, and in the army, we must remember that the
downward step was gradual ; that it took many ages of corrup-

* The <mpo«itioii curled the lex Orehia (b. c. 18B), which limited the nnmher of guests
it hsnqueCs, the tex Faunia (b. c. lO), the ezpeose, and the lex Didia (b. c. 144), which
made these restrictions appilcahle to the allies. Cato himself never allowed more than
thirty tueee (60c.) for any meal ; no dress cost him more than 100 denarii ($21.60) ; no
riave more than 1000 detunH (t885) ; he had no carpets in his hoase, often no wine on his
table, and he partook oidinaiuy of the same fare with his servants. It was at this time
that the booths {tadema veteree el tHnm) and markeu were removed fh>m the f6mm, and
the BaeiHea Borda erected near the Cttria JSoeOUa.

■ See p. 16A, n. S.

' Gato never speeolated in state leases nor practised usury.

* To the later generations who survived the ptorms of the revolution, the period after
ue Eannihalic war Mipeared the solden age of Bome, and Cato seemed the model of the
noman statesman. It was in reality the cium before the storm and an epoch of political
inediocrities, an age like that of the government of Walpole in Bngland ; and no Chat-
ham was found in Bome to infuse fresh energy into the stagnant life of the nation.
Wherever we cast our eyes, chinks and rents are yawning in the old building ; we see
workmen busy sometimes in fllling them up, sometimes In enlaiglng them, but we no-
where perceive any trace of preparations for thoroughly rebuilding or renewing it, and
tlie Question is no longer whether, but simply when, the structure will fall. During no
epoch did the Roman constitution remain formally as stable as in the period from the
Sicilian to the tliird Macedonian war, and for a generation beyond it ; out the stability
nf the constitution was here, as everywhere, not a sign of the nealth of the state, but a
token of incipient sieknees and tlie harbinger of revolution.— JfommMn, vol. U., p. 894.

' i

192 THE INTERNAL GOVERNMENT.

tiou and mismanagement to break down the system of goyem-
meut based upon the character of a people with so mnch
inherent energy as the Boman nation possessed. It was the
hardy habits, the civic virtues, the willing submission to the
power of the government, the sacrifice of the individual will to
the national, that made the Romans a nation of warriors and
then the rulers of the world. These qualities laid the elements
of their political constitution, which at home remained for
ages unchanged, and when carried to the provincials was felt
by the subjects to be a blessing ; for it introduced a "govern-
ment of laws, and not of men,'*^ and the subjects clung to
that constitution until abuses began to undermine its very
foundations and converted it into an intolerable tyranny.*

15. Hellenic Xnflneiices. — If we turn to study the inner
life of the nation, we shall find the old Boman frugality and
integrity disappearing, and signs of Hellenic and Oriental
influences visible on every hand. We have already learned that
Bome, even in the regal period, was subject to the influence of
Greece, and that the Oreek language and literature and par-
ticularly the laws of the Greek states had been studied by the
leading statesmen at Bome. We have already seen to what
moral and social degradation Greece had been reduced when the
people came most intimately in contact with Bome. The luxury
and levity of manners, the vice and infidelity that came from
Greece, did much to subvert the old Boman frugality and piety.
Cato opposed with energy and honesty the inroads that
Greek indolence and Greek immorality were making on the
Boman character, but in vain. Greek literature and Greek ideas
grew more and more attractive, and it became the &shion
to laugh at Cato for his old-fashioned notions. There was,
however, much truth in his denunciations. The literature of
Greece had in some measure kept pace with the degeneracy of
the country. Plato and Aristotle had been succeeded by Chry-
sippus and Cameades ; Euripides and Menander had taken the
place of -^schylus and Aristophanes.*

^ Livj li. 1, 1 : imperia Isgwn potentinra qitam hominum.

■ See nine, vol. Ui., {x 403. ' Max MAlIer, Lect, an Scknee qf

Lcoig,t voL 1., p. in

THE INTERNAL GOTERXMENT. IHil

16. Philosophy and Religion.— It was particularly in
the religions life that the influences from Oreeoe were most
deleterious. It was openly avowed by the enlightened classes
that philosophy must take tlie place of religion, and that a
belief in miracles and oracles was necessary to keep the masses
in order. There were three schools of philosophy : the Stoic,
the Epicurean, and the New Academy. The last two were
always considered dangerous, but with the Stoic philosophy
and the native religion a kind of compromise was effected.
The Stoics professed to believe the popular faith, but with
them Jupiter was the soul of the universe, and the statues of
the gods were mere works of art, not representations of divin-
ity.^ Many Greek philosophers ' lived in the house of the Scipios,
which was the rendezvous of the select literary circle in Bome.
Here the problems of Greek philosophy were discussed, and the
standard of good taste for classical Latin was established. The
influences that emanated from this ^ Scipionic circle " reacted
powerfully and beneficially on the national literature.

17. Oriantal Snpentitions. — The conquest of the East
brought the Bomans in contact with various forms of super-
stition, some of which were introduced into Italy. The wor-
ship of Cybele, the Phrygian mother of the gods, was very popu-
lar. A crowd of Chaldean horoscope-casters and Marsian bird-
seers found their way to Italy and made a great impression on
all classes, and even the leading men of the state had recourse
to their omens. Measures of repression were adopted, but they
were temporary in their effect, and whoUy inadequate to root
out the eviL Gradually these forms of superstition spread into
every grade of society and into every comer of Italy, and men
began to be perplexed in their old faith.

18. Slave Labor. — We have already alluded to the injuri-
ous results of slavery, how the chief part of the labor on the
large estates and the vast tracts of pasture-land was performed by
slaves. This system gave the rich a great advantage, from the
fact that they could, with their retinue of slaves, prodace at a

* Max Mllller, I. c. p. 115 ; Mommsen U., p. 416 If.

' llie philo««opher Pftnetliui, the hiBtoriin Polybiiu, and the poetj> Lucilias and Ter-
ence were welcome gneets.

194 THE IlsrrEEKAL aOVEEN^MBNT. [b. C. 218.

cheaper rate than the small farmer^ who^ uDable to compete
with the system of farming on a large scale, gave up the con-
test, sold his lot of land, and swelled the impoverished crowd
that was swarming over Italy. His land was absorbed in the
large estate of the rich landlord, and this evil, instead of being
restrained, was ever on the increase. This inequality was indi-
rectly encouraged by the government. Oom^ was admitted
from the provinces to the Roman market free of duty, and the
Eoman farmers were compelled to give up the raising of grain
and confine their attention to the production of oil, wine, and
wool.

19. TTn&vorable Ii^;i8lation. — The Glaudian law (about
B.C 218), by excluding senators from commercial speculations,
indirectly compelled them to invest their enormous capital in
land. This helped to swallow up the little plot of the ^rmers,
and add it to the great estates of the rich. Already the Boman
bankers ' and money-lenders,** the crowd of brokers and specu-
lators, had got control of the varied mercantile and moneyed
transactions at home and in the provinces, and managed all of
their different branches of business by means of slaves and freed-
men. The corporations that leased the custom dues, farmed
the public revenues, contracted for furnishing supplies, or
erecting public buildings, had these duties performed chiefly
by slaves and f reedmen. The various means of investing capital,
combined with the unfavorable legislation, created a moneyed
aristocracy, discouraged the growth of a prosperous middle
class, caused the small farmers to disappear and the absorption
of their farms in the large estates, where the labor was per-
formed by slaves under the supervision of a steward. 4^

* In the Moond Ponic war. a fMdUnntu (1 } bnebele) of wbeat had ooet fifteen dnduiug
($2.50), while grain afterwards bo flowed into Italy irom Africa, Sicily, Saidinla, that a
msdimmu of wheat cont four oboH (about 19 cents), and of barley two oboU. In a. c. liM
more than 840,000 bnshels of Sicilian grain were dietribnted, at 13 a«w (90 oente) per
bnehel. In Oaio^s time Sicilian and Sardinian com was eometimee sold in the Itauaa
ports for the freight. The average price in the flret and i*eoond oentaries before Christ
was one denaritts for a modltts, or abont seventy cents per bushel (the avovse price now
is abont eighty-five cents (in the provlncet* of Brandenburg and Pomerania mm 1816-41);
this difference is probably owing to the fall in the value or silver). In the time of Poly-
bins victuals ana lodgings at an inn in northern Italy cost on an average half an a$
(two-thirds of a cent)jper day; a bushel of wheat was there worth one-third of a dOMriit*,
or about six cents. The result was that wheat-producing land was aJmost valueless.
» ArffeiUarius, * Fenerator,

GOT«l

Ralattoms
ot Roofte and

oftke
"War.

B.C. 263.

Captttre of Aif-

B.C. 262.

Roi

Creates

B.C. 260.

SUMMARY.

F1E8T PuNio Wab— B. c. 264-241.

Carthage was the most flourishing commercial city on
the Mediterxanean Sea. Its form of government was very-
similar to that of Rome ; there were two chief magis-
trates, a senate, and a council of 104. The army was
commanded by a dictator. At the time Carthage came
in collision with Rome she was the first maritime power
in the world. The Carthaginians and Romans for many
years had maintained friendly relations, and had, as early
as B. c. 348, formed a treaty with each other, which had
been renewed in B. c. 270. This alliance, however, had
never possessed any real significance, and after the con-
quest of Italy by the Romans the two nations began to
regard each other with jealousy. The Carthaginians
were aiming to secure possession of Sicily, and the Ro-
mans wished, if they could not obtain the island for
themselves, to have at least friendly and not too power-
ful neighbors there. When it happened, therefore, that
the Mamertines, who had seized Messana and were
plundering the surrounding country, were on the point of
being subdued by Hiero, King of Syracuse, and applied
to Rome for assistance, she thought that this was a good
opportunity to get a footing in Sicily, and without much
hesitation dispatched an army to relieve the Mamer-
tines. Before this army could arrive in Sicily, the Car-
thaginians had effected a reconciliation between the
Mamertines and Hiero. This made no difference to the
Roman commander ; he crossed to Messana, persuaded
the Mamertines to expel the Carthaginians from the
town, and finally attacked and defeated Hiero and the
Carthaginians near Syracuse. This energy on the part
of the Romans alarmed Hiero, and he made a treaty
with Rome, and ever afterwards remained a faithful ally.
The next year the Romans captured Agrigentum. Nearly
all of Sicily was now in the hands of the Romans.

The necessity for a navy began now to be felt by the
Romans. It was difficult to transport troops to Sicily,
and the shores of Italy even were ravaged by the Car-
thaginian fleet. The senate set about the work with
such energy that in 60 days 120 ships * were launched,
and soon after Gajus Duillius gained a great victory
over the Carthaginians off Mylae.'

* Borne had not .been hitUiTto a mere anlenltunl state, sb I0 proved by many cfr-
comstanceB: the port^nee on exports and Imports at Ostia, the oommereial treaties
with Oulhage, ana the antiquity or the galley on the city arms. The Boman fleet how-
ever, was ineijiniflcant in comparison with that of Carthage. The Bomans had only
triremee, and these were not fitted to contend with the larger and better nuuAied qain-
qneremes of the Carthacinians.

* See aoeoont of the hoarding-bridges, p. 131 and note 4.

196

SUMltCABT.

Battle of
TyndariS)

B.C. 257.

Invasion of
AAricat

B.C. 256.

Battle of
Panorinnsy

B.C. 250.

The Battle at
the .S<f^atlan
IfllandSf

B.C. 241.

Peace,

B.a 241.

The Romans were now prepared either to invade
Africa or to subdue the islands in the Mediterranean
Sea. They adopted the latter course. Corsica and Sar-
dinia were attacked, and the Carthaginian army was
driven to the western end of Sicily. A victory at Tim-
daris encouraged the Romans to invade Africa. Regu-
lus set sail with a fleet of 330 vessels and a large army,
and after defeating the Carthaginians at Ecnomus landed
at Clypea, but was defeated, and the fleet that was sent
to bring back the remnant of his army was destroyed
by a storm. The Romans, however, rebuilt their fleet
and captured Panormus.

A few years after Metellus gained a great victory at
Panormus (B.C. 254). This was the turning point in the
war; henceforth it centres round Lilybaeum and Dre-
pana, which the Romans found impossible to take on
account of the brilliant strategy of Hamilcar, the father
of Hannibal. At last, however, the great sea fig^t at
the iEgatian Islands, where the Roman fleet was com-
manded by Lutatius Catulus, decided the contest. The
Carthaginians were exhausted ; their treasury ' was
empty, and they were glad to conclude a peace.

All of Sicily except the territory of Hiero, who had
been the firm ally of the Romans, passed into the bands
of Rome ; it was organized as a province,' and governed
by a prastor. The Carthaginians paid the cost of the
war. The Romans had created a navy and wrested
from the Carthaginians the sovereignty of the sea.

Garthace

IVeahenea bjr

the IVar with

the Mereena*

lies,

B.C. 241-236.

MTar with the
Ganls In N.

B.C. 231*222.

Battle of
Telamon,

B.C. 222.

niyrian "Wars,

B.C. 229-219.

Interval between the First and Seoond
Punic Wars— b. c. 241-218.

During the interval between the First and Second
Punic Wars both Rome and Carthage exerted them-
selves to the utmost to consolidate and extend their
power. Carthage was weakened by the revolt of her
mercenaries, whom she was unable to pay. Rome took
this opportunity to wrest from Carthage Corsica and
Sardinia. In addition to this the Romans subdued the
Gauls in Northern Italy, defeating them at Telamon. and
founded colonies to secure the possession of the country.
On the eastern coast of the Adriatic the Romans sup-
pressed the Illyrian piracy. In the meanwhile Carthage
had found a compensation in Spain for the loss of Sicily.
Hamilcar had really established a new empire in the
west, and had made good the loss of Sicily, so that Car-
thage was able to renew the war.

Second Punic War— b. c. 218-202.

When his preparations were completed, Hannibal,
who had just come to the command of the Carthaginian

> TUej tried in vaIq u> mis^ ft l9ftQ in B^ypt. ' 9oe p. 1298 ftnd n. 3, also p. 181*

SUMMARY.

197

B.C. 219.

Battle aft tlie
TictoiM,

B.C. 218.

Battto at ttf
Trebia*

B.C. 218.
Battle or I««lce

B.C. 217.
S*a1ilas Policy.

BatUe of
CaABco^

B.C. 216.

anny, laid sicffe to Saffuntum, a town in alliance with
Rome. This led, as Hannibal expected, to a declara-
tion of war. The next spring Hannibal set out with a
well equipped army for the invasion of Italy. Crossing
the Alps, he descended into the plains of the Po ; here
he defeated the Romans under Scipio, first near the river
Ticinus, and then at the Trebia. The next spring Hanni-
bal crossed the Apennines, reached the upper Arno, and
advanced past Arretium towards Perusia. In a narrow
defile near Lake Trasimenus he defeated the consul
Flaminius with terrible slaughter. After this battle
Hannibal proceeded through Umbria and Piccnum to
the Adriatic, and sent news to Carthage of his great
victories. The Romans appointed Fabius to the com-
mand of their army, and he sought to avoid an engage-
ment ; but the dissatisfaction became so great that the
command was transferred to Paulus and Varro. A
murderous battle was fought at Cannae, in which the
Roman army was almost annihilated. Many of the na-
tions in Southern Italy joined Hannibal, and particularly
the Capuans, with whom Hannibal took up his winter
quarters. The Romans, however, made greater efforts,
and placed 21 legions in the field, but the next year
passed without any decisive battle.

War in Spain— b. c. 218-206.

The two Scipios had been sent to Spain to prevent if
possible Hasdrubal. whom Hannibal had left there in
command, from sending reinforcements to Italy. They
carried on the war at first with vigor, and defeated Has-
drubal at Ibera. Many of the Spanish tribes joined the
Romans. This enabled the Romans to cross the Ebro,
take Saguntum, and to prepare even for the invasion
of Africa. Hasdrubal, however, received large rein-
forcements, and soon after defeated the Romans. Nearly
all Spain was now lost to the Romans, and Hasdrubal
was prepared to send reinforcements to his brother in
Italy. The Romans, however, displayed that energy that
had so often saved them in the crises of their fortune. A
new army was raised and the command was entrusted
to Publius Cornelius Scipio. Landing at Emporiae, he
passed the winter in preparing for the campaign. He
surprised and captured New Carthage, and soon after
engaged Hasdrubal at Baecula ; the results were so far
favorable to Hasdrubal that he was able to carry out his
plan to reinforce his brother in Italy. The departure of
Hasdrubal left Spain an easy conquest for Scipio.

War in Sicily— b.c. 214-210.

While the war was going on in Italy Hannibal sent
envoys to Sicily, and after the death of Hiero, the faith-
ful friend of the Romans, the Carthaginian party gained
possession of Syracuse. Marcellus, the Roman praetor,

Battle of Ibera«

B.C. 215.

Ca]

B.a 207.

BatUe at

B.C. 207.
Comqvest of

B.C. 206.

198

SUMMARY.

Slcffe of Sjrra-

B.C. 214-212.

Capture of Ta-
ramtuniy

B.C 212.

fteoaptiire of
Capua,

B.C. 211.

Tbe Battle of
the Metanrasj

B.C. 207.

Africa.

Hanulbal R»«
ealled from

B.C. 203.

Battle of Zama*

B.C. 202.

Terms of Peaee*

Resttiu of tl&e
lITar.

Coadltlott of

Italjr.

soon appeared before the city, which after a stubborn
siege fell into his hands. The other towns soon sub*
mitted, and Roman rule was restored in Sicily.

Wae in Italy— B.C. 214-203.

While these events were going on in Spain and Sicily,
Hannibal made but little progress in Italy. The war
centred round Capua, which the Romans tried to re-
cover, and round Tarentum, which Hannibal wished to
capture. The next year the Romans recovered Capua,
and two years later rabius Maximus recaptured Taren-
tum. Hannibal's only hope of successfully continuing
the war rested in procuring aid from his brother Has-
drubal. In the year b. c. 207 Hasdrubal crossed the
Alps and reached Northern Italy, where he waited for
news from his brother. The consul Nero, who was
watching Hannibal, managed to intercept HasdrubaPs
despatch, and, without the knowledge of Hannibal, to
leave his camp, join his colleague Livius Silinator near
Sena, and with their united forces completely defeat
Hasdrubal. This ended the war in Italy. Hannibal
withdrew to Southern Italy. The time had now come for
the invasion of Africa. Scipio was elected consul (for
B.C. 205), and in b.c. 204 completed his preparations and
landed near Utica. Hannibal was recalled from Italy,
and the decisive battle was fought near Zama. The Car-
thaginian army was annihilated and Carthage was com-
pelled to make peace. The terms of the peace were : (i)
Carthage gave up all of her territory beyond Africa ;
(2^ she could engage in no war, either in Africa or out
o! Africa, without the consent of Rome ; (3) she must
give up all prisoners and deserters ; (4) the payment of
an annual war-contribution of 200 talents for 50 vears ;
(5) the surrender of all her fleet except 20 vessels ; (6)
the recognition of Massinissa as King of Numidia.

The results of the war were great for Rome, (i.)
Carthage was removed from the position of a rival to
that of a small dependent state. (2.) The Roman do-
minion was increased by the acquisition of Spain, which
was divided into two provinces, and by the territory of
Syracuse, which was added to the province of Sicily.
(3.) The Roman protectorate was extended to the native
tribes in Africa. (4.) The complete supremacy of the
sea was transferred to Rome, and the way was opened
for the great conflict with the East. (5.) The war tended
further to consolidate the Roman power in Italy. The
nations in Italy— as the Bruttii, Apulians, Samnites, and
the Greek cities — that had joined Hannibal were deprived
of a part of their land, and colonies were established
there. The fetters were riveted more firmly on the Urn-
brians and Etruscans, and everywhere except in Latium
the Roman dominion pressed more heavily. It is reck-
oned that during the war 400 flourishing towns were

8UMHART.

198a

B.C. 214-205.

destroyed in Italy; slaves and robber-bands haunted
eveiy comer of Italy. As manv as 7,000 men were con-
demned for robbery in Apulia alone in one year (b.c. 185).

Wab8 with the East — b. o. 214-146.

The nations around the western part of the Mediter-
ranean acknowledged the supremacy of Rome. The
treaty which Philip had made with Hannibal after the
battle of Cannae had opened the way for Rome to inter-
fere in the affairs of the East. In b. c. 273 Rome had
entered into friendly relations with Egypt, and her wars
with the Illyrian pirates' had brought her in contact
with the iEtolians. Finally, the alliance of Philip with
Hannibal had compelled her to send a fleet to the Adri-
atic* Rome had then been drawn on without any design
on her part to interfere in the affairs of the East.

The First Macedonian War was barren of results.
After the conclusion of peace with Carthage the Ro-
mans prepared to renew the war with Macedonia, for
which Philip had given sufficient cause. He had sent
troops to fight at the battle of Zama ; he had commenced
war against Egypt, the ally of Rome, and also against
Attains and the Rhodians, both friendly to Rome, and
one was protected by a treaty. War was declared and
a Roman army sent to Macedonia. After two unsuc-
cessful campaigns, Flamininus was appointed to the
command. He defeated Philip at Cynoscephalao. This
battle was decisive. Philip was compelled to withdraw
his garrisons from the Greek cities, to surrender his
fleet, and to pay 1000 talents.

The iEtolians had formed a treaty with Rome, but
feeling that they had been unjustly treated, and that the
success of the Romans was mainly due to their efforts,
they began to intrigue against Rome, and invited An-
tiochus of Syria to their assistance. The king crossed
to Greece, but the Romans defeated him at Thermopylae.
Antiochus returned to Asia, but the Romans followed
and defeated him again at Magnesia. This battle ended
the war. Antiochus had to give up all of his possessions
west of the Taurus range, to surrender his fleet, and to
pay 1500 talents (= $20,000,000). The Romans now had
time to punish the ^tolians. Thev were defeated and
Ambracia, their chief town, was taken. The ^tolians
now sued for peace. Their confederacy was dissolved,
and ^tolia, like Macedonia, became tributary to Rome.

In B. c. 179 Philip died, and was succeeded by his son
Perseus. Perseus was popular, and the Greeks them-
selves began to see through the designs of Rome, that
independence was impossible, and that the choice really
lay between subjection to Rome or to Macedonia. Rome
watched the preparations made by Perseus, and when

B.C. 200-196.

BAttte of
•e«pha

B,C. 197.

B.C. 192-189.

Bottle of
lOpyim,

B.C. 191.
BotUo of

B.C. 190.

War wItH the
JBtoUons,

B.C. 189.

TlieTbIrd
Maeedoalam

'Wor,

B.C. 171-168.

*8eep. IBO.

' Bee p. 160.

198}

SUMMABT.

BAttle of

B.C. 1 68.

Universal

Dominion of

Konie.

Roane's Polloy

in Deallni;

with the De-

peudcni SUttes.

she felt that longer delay would be fatal to her interests
war was declared. A Roman army landed in Epirus,
and defeated Perseus at Pydna. Macedonia was broken
up into four separate states, which paid an annual trib-
ute to Rome. Illyria was divided into three states.
From this battle the universal dominion of Rome is
dated. All subsequent wars were mere rebellions.

Rome left the countries to govern themselves. Still
she interfered. She sent commissioners, who visited
the different states, acted as referees in disputes, and
fomented quarrels on every hand. R6me's policy was
to maintain and strengthen her friends as counterpoise
to her foes. When the foes were subjugated the friends
were no longer needed, and she quarreled with them.
Hence, when Macedonia was subjugated a coolness
arose between Rome and her eastern allies, Pergamus
and Rhodes, and they were both punished.

The Achaeans gave Rome the pretext for converting
Greece into a province.^ They joined the standard of
revolt raised by Andriscus, a pretended son of Per-
seus. They were, however, quickly defeated, and the
consul Mummius gave orders to destroy Corinth, where
the remnant of the Achxan army had taken refuge.
This removed one of Rome's commercial rivals; one
still remained, and to this the Romans now directed
their attention. Cato simply expressed the general sen-
timent when he said that Carthage must be destroyed.
Rome therefore determined to destroy Carthage and to
form Africa into a province. After a siege of three
years, Carthage was stormed by Scipio and blotted from
the face of the earth.

Achaean "Wmr,

B.C. 147-146.

Destruction of
Corinihy

B.C. 146.

Third Pnnle
IVar,

B.C. 149-146.

Destruction of
CarthaffCf

B.C. 146.

Coitiberton

B.C. 154.

Capture of
Human tla*

B.C, 133.

The Wars in the West.

While Rome was extending her empire in the East,
her authority was fiercely disputed by the wild tribes in
the West. Spain was far from being subdued, and con-
stant wars were carried on with the natives. When the
Romans ordered the Celtioerians to desist from enlarg-
ing their town, they refused and prepared for war. The
same year the Lusitanians revolted, and the different
Spanish tribes were united under the leadership of Viri-
athus. When he fell by treachery (b. c. 140), the Cdri-
berians took refuge in Numantia, and prolonged the war
for ten years. When Numantia surrendered all serious
resistance in Spain was at an end.

^ The change in Rome's policv must be noted. When Macedonia was flrst oonqnerpd
Jtome was unwillinf to anaertakc the government of more dependencies. Her expcri-
nient in Spain had been far from saccessful. Accordingly she left the conqaered conn-
tries to rule themselves, while she watched over them, and weakened them by repara-
tion. Eighteen years of trial had proved how injurious this plan was. Borne tfaereforr
determined to end this and reduce the conquered countries to provinces, and at the
same time, as the best mean<) of advancing her Interests, to destroy Corinth and Gir
thii^, her Qoninierpi^l rivf^s in the western world*

PERIOD OF CIVIL DISSENSIONS.

C^AP-A-E^B XXX.

The AoHABiAN Law of Tibebiub Geacchtts (B. C. 133).

1. The Causes of the Civil Troubles.— We have now
reached & period in the history of the Roman state when foreign
wars became few and unimportant. The Roman dominion was
nndispnt«d, and Roman law and Roman customs had found
their way to three continents and inspired the people with rev-

' TiM ■talroHS l««da la tb« Pluzi dalORmpIdoKllo. orSqun of IheCapi'ol 1

foot UB tbe two Scjptlcii Hods uidal the top tbetaDrne-uimlDf! Dtoiicarl |C4»IoTuidPoL-
hu, oDoe In tbs tbeun of Pomper; ne p. 4m). At the Me ot the Dkwcnri an tba bo-

nllcd Uoph

In the eontre i tiie mkirnllcenl equeitri^ ,^. . .,

oilTlnallT piued tn (he tornm near the colnmn of PhocRi. In lim U wu Inpxn
neu theulenn, and to \U prwnit povltlon In ISffi. It* eir«llenl >(iil8 of preiurvi
lgda«i0lbetwU<'U«>'lt""'t>O*H>^'*'C0u«tut<De, the OntCbiiitUa emperor,

itnee of the Binperor CoDsUadni! and his •on Con»tang (taken flrom Ih. .

Oo Qnliiiul)^ To the right Ib the anclent^niU^ptaDe <ir tbe^ .^;^j<a.

200 THES^BARIAH LAW. [3. C. 133.

erence and admiration. For m^ny generations the Bomans
had been so intent on bringing to a successful issue the career
of conquest on which they had entered, that they had given
but little attention to the condition of affairs at home. The
pressure of poverty had been alleviated by the long wars that
thinned the population and thus relieved the labor market, by
the distribution of plunder^ and by the colonies ^ planted in
various parts of Italy. But now there were no more lands in
Italy to be confiscated and no more nations to be conquered
The labor market was overcrowded, and it became more difficult
from year to year for a poor man to earn a living. Besides, a
genuine Roman was too proud to. carry on any useful craft, and
regarded all kinds of business as a mild sort of slavery, only
fit for slaves, freedmen, and foreigners.*

2. Tlie Necessity for RefDrm. — ^The provisions of the
licinian law had been disregarded for so many generations
that the land in Italy ^ was all in the possession of a few noble
houses. Instead of having this land cultivated partly by free
laborers, as the Licinian law prescribed, which would have
relieved the labor market and averted the evils that threat-
ened the state, the possessors found it more profitable to em-
ploy slaves, whom the wars in the East had made cheap. The
result was that the large body of poor Roman freemen, cut
off from every means of obtaining wealth — the occupation
of the public land, the farming of the revenue, and the gov-
ernment of the provinces — and now unable to obtain work on
the very land that they had won by their blood and toil, was
left without means of support, and flocked to the capital to
swell the impoverished crowd that fed on the bounty of the
rich.*

yond this statae in the Pakaswo M Senaton, erected in IM on the site of the ancient
Tabularium by Mictiael Angelo. The top of the tower U embellished by a standing
flgare of Roma. The palace on the right Is the ConMrvatori, or Town Hall ; on the
opposite Bide \» the CapUoiUie Mrueum.

* The laMt Italian colony was sent to Lona in b. o. 177.

* It was reserved for O. Oracchos to propose a system of transmarine odofiizatioo.
See p 310.

* As the Latins had long been waiting to be admitted to the privil^pes of Boman citi-
zens, they tlironged to Rome, and the Italians to Latlum.

B. a 133.] THE AGBAEIAK LAW. 201

3. The Oovenunent Unable to Afford RelieC — ^The
goTeniment, controlled by a few noble honses which found
their centre in the senate, was both unable and unwilling to
afford relief. The leading aim of the new nobility was to
maintain its usurped^ privileges and exclude all ^^new men''
from a share in the goyemment If some one could restore
the lands and love of labor to the people, limit the vast power
of the senate, restrain the cupidity of the capitalists, and arrest
the flood of slaves that was pouring in from all parts of the
world to spread over Italy and destroy its free population,' such
a statesman could restore the wasted energies of the Eoman
&tate.* Lselius and Scipio ^milianus ^ had recognized the peril
that threatened the state, and had proposed agrarian meafiures
of reform (b. c. 148) ; but when these met with determined op-
position from the nobles, they gave them up as impracticable.
It must be remembered that the nobles, from long possession,
regarded the public land as their own. Many had acquired their
vast estates by purchase, inheritance, or marriage, and against
one who interfered with their interests the whole body of the
nobility rose as one man. If anything could have opened the
eyes of the nobility, the woeful condition of Sicily must have
been sufficient; for the servile war was then at its height and
was sweeping all before it Matters, however, went on in their
old way, and the government drifted, like a shattered ship be-
fore the storm, with no statesman at the helm. The old contest
between government and governed, the old conflict between
labor and capital was renewed, and it was only a question of
time who should deal the first blow.

4. Tiberius Sempronins Ghracchns. — Two brothers, Ti-
berius Sempronius and Gajus Gracchus, came forward to remedy
the evils in the state. They were the sons of that Tiberius Sem-

* That is, to ratrict re^l«etloii to the conralship In order that Ita honors miffbt be
njoyed bj a laiger number. In b. c. 217 the law prohf biting re-election (fiee p. 8S) was
■appended, nnder the preesnre of the war with Hannibal, down to b. c. 908. From b. c.
Vn to B. 0. 153 not one wa» re-elected in violation of the ten vearH' Interval. The repeated
election of Marcni* Marcellaip led to a law (about b.c.161) pronibitlnK re-election altogether.

* The eenoQfi retnms show a regular falling off in the number of citiTsenit from b. c.
ISB. when the number capable of bearing arms was 828,U0U ; b. o. 154, 894,000 ; b. o. 147,
1^000; B. O. 181, 819,000.

*■ See Michelet. p. 900.

* See nut. L^e qf 7U. Oraochm,

202 THE AGRARIAN LAW. [b. C. 133.

pronius Oracchns,^ whose prudent measnreshad given tranqaillity
to Spain for so many years. Tiberius sought to relieve the social
condition of the poor, and to restore the small farmers in Italy ;
Gajus placed the axe at the root of the evil, and attempted
to break down the power of the senate. At an early age they lost
their father, but their education was carefully attended to by
their mother, the highly cultivated Cornelia, the daughter of P.
Scipio Africanus the elder. Tiberius was nine years older than
his brother, and had been military tribune in the army of his
brother-in-law, P. Cornelius Scipio ^milianus, where he was
the first to scale the walls of Carthage. As augur he came into
intimate relations with Appius Claudius Pulcher,^ the chief of
the senate, and a man decidedly favorable to reform.' He
established his popularity^ as quaestor in Spain, where, by his
influence, the army of Mancinus was saved from great peril
The rejection by the senate of the treaty which Mancinus had
concluded with the Numantines and which Tiberius had signed
and guaranteed, caused his alienation from the party of the
optimates.^

4. His Measures for Reform. — On his return from Spain
Tiberius was elected tribune of the plebs, and entered upon his
office December 10, b. o. 1 34. After consulting with his &ther-in-

* GENEALOGICAL TABLE.

Tanmius Gracchus
m. OoBRBUA, daughter of P. Scipio Afucahub rnqfor.

Tm. Qraoohub. G. Obaoohitb. Sehpbonia m.

P. Scmo Afbicaxus ptinar.

* See page 195.

* Tiberias, in the fol lowing word», recounted from the rostra his own Yivid imprei«iciii«
of the evils that beset Italy and the people : "For, among sach numbers, perhaps there
is not a Roman who lias an altar that belonged to his ancestors, or a sepulchre In whiHt
their a.'«he8 rest. The private soldiers light and die to advance the wealth and inxnrr of
the great ; and thev are called masters of the world, while Uiey have not a foot of Jaod
in their possession/*— JRfi*^. 7\. Or.

* Plutarch records as a stiiking proof of the esteem in which Tiberias was held the offer
which A. Claudius made him of his daughter In marriage at an augural banqnct, and the
answer which Appius received from bin wife when he returned home and informed her
of what he had done : " Antistia, I have promised our daughter Claudia in marrfaire : "*
" Why in such haste," said the mother, ** unless you have promised her to TEberioi?
GracctiUB : '' see Genealogical Table, p. 185.

* That IB, the senatorial partv, consi(»ting[ of both patricians and plebeians. Altboo^
not recognized by law an a distinct clans, still the optimates endeavored by all meauii m
their power to secure exclusive possession of its curule office;* and the public land ; the
popular party began at thi« time to receive the name of poputarei.

B. C. 133.] THE AGRARIAN LAW. 203

law Appius Claudius, with PubliosCrassas Macianus the ponti/ex
mttximusy and with P. Macius Scaevola the great lawyer, he
brought forward his measures ^ for reform,^ planned with great
care and with all possible regard to the interests of those in pos-
session of the public land.^ He proposed a re-enactment of the
Licinian law, which in fact had never been repealed, but with
certain additions suitable to the exigencies of the times. ^ Tibe-
rius discussed his proposals before the people ; ^ he pictured
the deserted condition of Italy, the distress of the poor classes,
as worse eyen than that of the beasts of the fields,^ and appealed
to the patriotism of the rich. The propositions met, however,
with intense opposition. The nobility prevailed upon the
tribune Octayius, one of his owA colleagues, to interpose his
veto. Tiberius, however, pushed his measures with zeaJ, in-
duced the people to depose Octavius,*^ and finally succeeded in
carrying his proposals. A commission^ was appointed and

' Gnechns relied chiefly upon the popular party, the ponulantf for rapport. There
WW alro a »mall party In the senate, headed by the dlstingmsned namee mentioned in the
text, which favored him ; this party waB deserted by Scipio in the be^ning of the con-
tert ; deprived of his influence, a peaceful settlement of the troubles oecame more diffl-
ealt. TUft nmkes the statement of Cicero ide Baa, 1. 19) clear, that the death of Qraochns
divided the senate into two parties, and that P. Craosus, A. dandins, and P. Mnciiu
Seevola, were tlie opponents of Scipio.

* Vderet potseMores.

* The iex Semrnvnia allowed each father, (1) beside the five hundred Jugera for him-
i^, two hundred and flf tv for each of tiis sons who were under the patria potesUu^ pro*
▼ided the whole quantity did not ezoeed one thousand iv0r#ra ; (2) the rest of the public
domain was to be divided into lots of thirtyiugr^ro, ana was to be leased in perpetuity to
Boman rttlwaM at a moderate rent (veetiffat) ; (8) the appointment of a standi ng com-
ml^on of three (tretHH aarit dandit asfignandis elected In the concUivm pleUf) to
cany the provisions of the law into ftnee ; (4) the indemnification was to be made for
improvements, buildinflM, etc., to the former nolders. According to Mommsen Q. c. vol.
ju-vP- M) the Italian allies were to be admitted to a share in the land, but this seems
bardly probable if we consider the feeling of the Boman citizens againf^t the Latins and
ItsUan allies (see lanae, 1. c. vol. iii., p. 10). It must be kept in ^ew that the agrarian
5*7 *d not meddle with private property, nor with the lands that were let on lease as
u teCun panian lands (ager Oampanw). It simply proposed to divide the state lands (the
{j^wcsBora had almost wholly neglected to pay the rent due the state for its use) among
^wpoor Roman citizens, and to prevent the rich from buying up the allotments by pre-
"cribtng that tbey should l>e inalienable.

' In eontltmeg.

* Tiberius had observed the deserted condition of Italy in his journey through Etmrla
wjom the army in the Numantine war (b. c. im\ In the following words he recounted
{2"* ^be TOHtra his own vivid impression of the evils that beset Italy : " The n-Ild
wests have thefar dens and eave^ while the men who fonght and died in defence of Italy
enjny indeed the Hght and air, but nothing else : houseless, and without a spot of
•*nd to rest upon, tbey wander about with their wives and children, while their com-
jwnders do but mock them wlien thev exhort the soldlerH in battle to fight for their
vmm and the temples of their gods. Por among so many Romans not one has a family

T" ^®' »n anceKtra] tomb ; they flsrht to maintain the luxury and wealth of the flrwif,
*na they are called masters of the world without possessing a clod of earth that theV
ow enn their own."--«irf. 71b. Or. 8. •- «

This was a violation of the Ifx KOfrata .• see n. B8.

* ODUffisting of Tib. Gracchus, his brother Oajus, and A. CHaudius his father-in-law.

204 THE AGRARIAN LAW. [B. a 133.

commenced its work. Now the difficulties began to maltiplj.
The lands had remained undisturbed so many years in the
hands of the possessors that it was impossible to decide which
was public * or which was private * property. The question ought
to have been referred to the consuls or to the senate ; but in-
stead of this Tiberius carried a law that empowered the com-
missioners to decide * which was private and which was public
land. The senate refused to make the necessary appropriation
for the expenses of the commissioners.^ Still the work went on.
Tiberius^ when his popularity began to wane^ proposed new
laws'^ which embittered the senatorial party more and more.
Scipio Nasica* and Q. Pompejus openly declared that they
would impeach him as soon as his year of office expired.

5. Efforts to Re-elect Ghracchus.-'Tiberius saw that
his only safety lay in the sanctity of the tribune's office^ and
thereupon determined to become a candidate for re-election.
In order to gain new allies he promised the people to carry
a law^ limiting the term of military service, to confer upon the
equestrian order ^ the right to furnish one-half of the jurors'
who had hitherto been taken wholly from the senate, and it is
said to extend the right of appeal even to civil cases, and to
admit the Italian allies to Boman citizenship. The time of
election occurred in June, when the country people were en-
gaged in field labor and but few of them could come to the
election. When the day of voting came the nobles inter-
rupted the election by declaring that no votes could be received

' Ager pubOeus. * Affer privatus. * LIt. Bp. aS.

• Only 24 OMet (abont S6 cento) were allowed dally. ^_ . ^ ^ ^^ m^, ^ ^

• About this time Attains, king of Perffamna (see p. 179, % 7), bequeathed Kfekiiig^
and treaearefl to the Boman people. Tiberius proposed that the treasures should be diTMed
amonff the people to enable them to stock their raiTOs.

• F. Cornelius Scipio Nasica Seraplon. ' Lex miHtari$. •See p. »10,n. «.

• It was not customary for a Roman magistrate to investigate the facte in dienite m
such matters as were brought before him. For this puroose he appoint^ a indce ijwier*:
the whole civil procedure waa expressed byji«, comprehend tng wlwiat took place before
the magistrate, and Judicium, all that took place before the Jvdex. The Judicki wtnMxs
to settle disputes between Individuals (privaia) or to punish crimes (jbmWiob). Before
the lex Valeria tU proweoHone (p. 68) the king or consul presided In all eases ihar
aifected the caput or rights of a Roman citizen (see p. 1€») ; after that, perwrns calltd
QuceHtores were appointed, and later permanent magistrates were appointed, called gna*-
liones perpetwB : later still a special body of Judiees was chosen for trying these eases ;
these were selected from the senators, and as many of those who were tried in the 9Vff»-
tionee perpdwB (p. 188, n.) belonged to the optimates, it often hanpened that they vere
acquitted when fmnartial judge«» wonid have convicted them. Hence the popular party
strove either to exclude the optimates, or at least to be admitted themselves to the offlce
of Judex.

S.C. 133.] THS AOftAtLlAK LAW. 205

for Tiberius because it was illegal to re-elect a tribune.^ A vio-
lent debate ensued, and tbe assembly adjourned till the follow-
ing day. The next day the assembly met on the Gapitoline hill,*
in front of the temple of Jupiter Gapitolinus. An immense con-
conrBe of friends and foes assembled, and it was evident that a
conflict was imminent. The rumor spread that the senators in-
tended to murder Tiberius. In the disturbance that followed,
as Tiberius raised his hand to his head, some cried that he was
asking for the diadem, others that he only wished to indicate
that his life was in danger.

6w Murder of Tiberitui. — In the sitting of the senate
which was held close by in the temple of Fides,* Scipio Nasica
required the consul, P. Mucins ScsBvola^ to put down the ty-
rant ; the consul replied, 'Hhat he would not begin to use
violence, nor would he put any citizen to death who was not
legally condemned; but, if Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus,
either by force or by fraud, should obtain a plehiscitum con-
trary to the constitution, he would not ratify if Then Scipio
Nasica started up and exclaimed: ^' The first ^ consul betrays the
republic ; let those who wish to save it follow me." * He then
mshed from the senate-chamber, followed by a crowd of sen-
ators. The people timidly gave way as they saw the nobles rush-
ing to the Capitol. Arming themselves with staves and broken
benches, they fell upon Tiberius and his attendants. The
tribune fled for refuge to the temple of Jupiter, but the priests
had closed the doors. He was at length overtaken and killed
by one of his pursuers.* Three hundred of his friends fell with
him, and their bodies were cast into the Tiber. This was the
first time that blood had been shed in civil strife at Bome since
the days of the kings.

7- The ResiiltB. — The nobles, in order to reconcile the peo-
ple, allowed the agrarian law to stand,'' and as the part^ favor-

* The re-«lectlon of a mAcitntratc within the space of ten yeare waH forbidden in b. o.
812. See p. 82. ' la the Area CapUolina. " Also on the Gapitoline Hill.

* Tbe elder eonral {comuI mcfjor) usually presided at the meetings of the senate; the
first coDsal {consul prior) was the one first declared elected.

* Pint Tl. Gr. 1«. • Br P. Sataiejus or L. Rnftis.

' New difficulties arose because the ** possessors ** neglected to make returns of the
public land in their possession. The commissioners gave notice that they would talce the
evidence <>f any perf^on who would give them iuforniation. A great crop of difficult suits
•oou f prang up. Laud which bordered on the imblic laodi ana had been sold or distiib-

306 THE LAWS OF OAJUS GRACCHUS. [B. C. 132.

able to reform gained the ascendancy for a time in the senate^
the law was carried into execution. The popular feeling was
80 strong against Scipio Nasica^^ that, fearing for his life, the
senate, in order to remove him from Italy, commissioned him
to go, on pretended business,* to Asia, where after a few years
he died of vexation and despair.

t ■ ^ ♦♦■

The Laws of Qajits Gkaochtts.

1. Death of Scipio 2hnilianii8. — While the commis-
sioners were engaged in their work, removing the old land-
marks, confiscating land that had been secured to the Latins
and the Italian allies by treaties, Scipio iGmilianus returned from
Numantia. The senate was very sharply divided into two par-
ties, and Scipio seemed disinclined to join either. He found
little favor with the people, because when Carbo ^ asked him in
the popular assembly what he thought of the death of Tiberius,
he replied that " he was justly slain." * When the multitude ex-
pressed its displeasure, he boldly said : ^' Cease your noise^ ye step-
sons of Italy ; do ye think by your clamor to frighten me, who
am used unterrified to hear the shouts of embattled hosts?*'
The Latins and the allies, and all who had been deprived of their

nted among tlie alliM. was all nabjected to loTestigatloii for the uorpoee of atcertatntaf
the Umitfl of the pablic land, and the owners were reqnlred to enow how this land had
heen Bold and how it had been aw*ifpied. All pernong could not produce the ln»tnmimt»
of Bale nor the evidence of the assignments : and when the titles were found there was
matter for dispute in them. Xow, when tlie land was surveyed anew, some were re-
moved from land planted (with vines, olives, and the like) and with buildings on it, to
land which was lying waste ; and others from land nnder cultivation to uncultivated
lands, or marshes or swamps ; for neither had they originally, as we might expect in the
case of land acquired by war, made any exact measurement or it, and the public notice,
that any man might cultivate the land which was not assigned or dlsLribated, had led
many to till the parts (of the public land) which bordered on their own, and so to cnn-
fonud them together. Time also as it went on made many changes. Thus the wrong that
the rich had done, though jpreat, was dlflScult to ascertain exactly ; and there was a gen-
eral disturbance of eveiythmg, men being removed from one place and transferred to
another.— J.f»pian, 1. c 1. 18, quoted by Long, 1. c. p. 238.

' As he took one day the hardened band of a laborer whoee vote he was wdicitlag, he
asked him '* if he walked on his hands."— Fa/. Max. vii. &.

' LegaOo libera.

* Elected with Fulvlns Flaccus to the two vacancies on the commission.

* When the death of Tiberius was announced to him at Nnmantla. he simpty ex-
claimed in the words of Athena at the fate of iSgisthus (0d« L 47) : " So periiili ha, wlio>
e'er he be, that doth such deeds agsdn."— i^wrn. Or. 91.

B.C. 129.] THS LAWS OF GAJU8 GRACCHUS. 207

land, crowded to the capital.^ Scipio took up their canse and
indnoed the senate to transfer all cases of disputed boundary to
the consuls for decision. The consuls^ alarmed at the difficulties,
left Italy, and as no one appeared before the commissioners, the
distribution of the public land ceased* The hatred of the pop-
ular party burst forth against Scipio. One night after a stormy
daj in the senate and the forum that rang with the cry, " Down
with the tyrant," he retired to his home. The next morning he
was found dead in his bed. The belief was general that one of
the popular party' had assassinated him; but according to
Cicero he died a natural death.* Gajus Lselius, his devoted
friend, composed the funeral oration, and his old opponent,
Metellus Macedonicus, then censor, bade his sons pay reverence
to the conqueror of Africa, Asia, and Spain.^

2. Party Strife. — After the death of Scipio the agita-
tion of parties raged still more fiercely. To the old conflict
between the impoverished Boman citizen on the one side, and
the capitalist and senatorial classes on the other, were added now
the claims of the Latins and the Italian allies to the franchise.
The latter crowded more and more into the capital, introduced
themselves into the tribes, and helped to add disorder to the pub-
lic assemblies. The popular leaders, perceiving the mistake they
had made in alienating the Latins and the Italians, now took
up their cause, hoping to find in them the means of crush-
ing the power of the senate. The nobility adopted measures

' Wben the arbitrary acts of the oommiflsionerB were nnendnrahle, the Italians deter-
mined to adopt Sdplo, the defltroyer of Carthage, an their protector against the manifold
•cti> of injnstiee indicted upon them. He did not refuse his aid. He proceeded to the
•enate, gave a long review of the difflcnlties, and concluded hy proposing that the cog-
Dizance of tlie disputes should he transferred to the consul Tuditanus. The latter had
"caroely entered upon his duties when, alarmed at the difficulties, he departed for Illyrla.
No one, however, appeared before the commissioners for settlement of claims. The
otate of things excited great indignation against Scipio. His enemies said that he In-
tended to abrogate the agrarian law altogether.— ^Kpion (1- c.).

' 0. Puirlns Garbo or Fulvins Flaccus.

' Cfe. LaH. 8, IS. Appian (1- c.) says that Scipio had retired with his tablets to pre-
pare a speech for the following day. In the morning he was found dead, but without
%ny wonnd on his person. According to some, he was murdered hy the instigation of
Cornelia, the mother of the Gracchi, who feared the repeal of the agrarian laws, and of
her daushter, Sempronia, 8cipio> wife, who, ugl v and disagreeable, was disliked by her
Bo-^banC Some sav that he destroyed himself oecause unable to accomplish what he
Bad undertaken. His slaves, on being put to torture, confessed that durinff the night
^ome strangers had entered through the private door and strangled their master.

* ^Jm, edtbraU exequku^ fvunquam dvU fnaioHt fumua vkMUU^Flln. n. h. vii,,

208 THfi LAWd 09 6AJU6 O&ACCHUS. [b. C. 1^.

of repression. A law was carried banishing all aliens^ from
Rome (B. c. 126).

3. Revolt of Fragellee (b. c. 125). — ^The next year the
popular party snoceeded in electing Falvius Flaccus to the
consulship. He proposed a law for granting the right of citi-
zenship to the allies^ and therefore a vote in the popular assem-
blies. The senate removed him from Bome by sending him on a
foreign mission. G. Gracchus had already departed (b. c. 126) as
proqusestor to Sardinia^ so that the senate was now freed from
its most troublesome opponents, and the Italians had lost
their two most powerful patrons. The Italians were bitterly
disappointed when Flaccus's bill was rejected. The old Latin
colony, FragellsB (Ceprano), rashly raised the standard of revolt
The town was taken and razed to the ground, and the inhab-
itants dispersed throughout Italy.* The vigorous policy of
Bome alarmed the allies, and the revolt spread no farther. /^

4. Gh. Ghracchns Elected Tribune. — Gajus Gracchus
meanwhile suddenly appeared in Rome * and presented himself
to the people as a candidate for the tribunate.' He was elected
for the year b. o. 123 in an unusually large assembly of the peo-
ple, who crowded from the colonies and municipal towns in
Italy to Rome to vote for him. Still, such was the influence of
the aristocracy, that Gajus was returned fourth on the list of
tribunes, but his impassioned eloquence and his extraordinary
abilities soon made him first in influence and power. ^

« Ferifpini,

« The right of citisenehlp was probably sranted to part of the allies ; this would as^
count for the great increase in the oenras from 816,828 in b. o. 18St, to 894,786 in b. o. 185.
Mommsen (1. c. iil^j p. 107) attribnteft this IncreaM to i^lotnienta made by the commid-
sloners ; see Li v. Bp., 00 ; al80 Lanse, 1. c. vol. til., p. 9B.

* He proved to the cen»or that me retnm was conformable to law, as be had wrred
twelve years thooeh required to serve bat ten, and two yeans as questor. He also freed
himseli from all uiplication in the revolt of Fragellc— ilnf. (M. Ixii., c. 15; Pint. C
Gr.Z.

* Cicero relates that when Oajus avoided all offices and had resolved to live retired
from public life, his mother appeared to him in a dream and thus addressed him :
" Why dost thou linger, Oajus? There if« no alternative. The fatee have decreed ns ooe
life and one death in defence of the people.**— /Yvl. C. Or. S.

* Plutarch (in lift. G. Gr.) gives a vivid description of his wonderful powers as an ora*
tor. In the character and expresmon of hif> countenance, in his movements, Tfberiv
was mild and sedate. Gajus was animated aud carried all by the impetnons torent of
his words. When Tiberius harangued the people, he stood still ; but Gajus was the flnc
Roman that moved about on the ro$tra^ and pulled his tc^ ttom his shoulder while he
was i«peaking, as Oleon the Athenian is said to have been the flrst popnlar oiator who
threw hitf cloak from him. The numuer of GaJun was awe-Btriking ana vehemently im*

B.C. 123.] THE LA.W8 OF 6AJUS QKACCHU& 209

5. Tlw Semprooian Laws (b. g. 123-2). — Oajus came for-
ward with measures of reform which, were more general and
more sweeping than those of his brother. His first proposal,
intended to deter any tribune from repeating the opposition
of Octavins, forbade a magistrate who had been deposed by
the people from holding any office again.^ He then aimed a
blow against Popillius LaBnas, who had procured the sentence of
banishment and death against the adherents of Tiberius^by ex-
tending the Porcian law ' so that capital punishment in case of
Boman citizens was entirely abolished. After this Gajus carried
a series of measuresy which are known as the Sempronian laws,
that were intended to destroy the power of the senate, to alie-
nate the condition of the poor, to extend the colonial system,
and to elevate the rich capitalists to a distinct order.

1. The first 2ai9 * directed that the tithes of grain which ac-
crued to the state from the provinces should be distributed
among the people at a low price. The object of this was to
attract the proletarians to Bome, and render them independent
of the aristocracy.^

2. The second law^ was intended to procure the requisite
means of carrjring out the provisions of the first enactment The
law by which the province of Asia paid a fixed sum * into the
Boman treasury, and thus escaped the exactions of the tax-gath-
erers/ was repealed. The province was burdened with a systenv
of heavy taxation,^ which was leased at Borne instead of in the
province, as in Sicily and Sardinia; thus substantially excluding
the provincials who often bid in and farmed the taxes them-
selves, and thus kept away the Boman tax-gatherers.

pfrvioned. The manner of TIberiiu was more pleaidng and calcolated to moT« the eym*
patldw. The language of Tiberius wan pore and nicely chooen ; that of Qajas wan per-
iFiiaidTe and of heut^tliTlng power. Hln poweifa] voice fllled the whole foram, and he
wa« obliged to hare a flute player behind tilni, the sound of whose Instrument Drought 1
Ida roice back to its tone and moderated its force.

' This he withdrew at the reqnef^t of hie mother. * See p. 184, n. 1.

■ The lexfntmeniaria: ut popuhit pro /i^iinenio, quodMipubnee daretur, In«in<7fifo9
modHot 8eno§ ctri» H tfienteg prmi nomine exmdvertt.—Uy. ep. 00 : that flye modii (\\
bn»hels) were distributed monthly at 6); asiiefl (about Mz centn) each, rents upon Momm-
fenV conjectural emendation of LivyV text. Peter {Gesch. Romt. vol. li., p. 8S, note)
shows that the price cannot be fixed with cerUinty.

* No attempt is made to dintingniiih between the laws carried this or the next year,
as it is f mpoeeible to determine with any certainty the exact order in which the laws
were enacted*

' Lex d€ nrovhtda Asia a ceMoribut loeanda. * SOpendhtm.

* FitbUeani. * Deeuma^ eeriptura, and vteOffaUa,

210 TEE LAWS OF GAJUS OEACOHUa [B.a 123.

3. The third law^ extended the agrarian law of hia l»other by
planting colonies not only in Italy but in the provinces, restored
the judicial power of the commissioners^' and authorized tbem
to lay out streets along the new allotments.*

4. The fourth law ' renewed the old rule that a soldier should
not be enlisted before his seventeenth year,^ and enacted that
his outfit should be furnished by the state, without deducting
the cost as hitherto from his pay.

5. Thejifth to«;^enacted thskt the judices should be taken from
the equites instead of as heretofore from the senators. This at^
tacked directly the prerogatives of the senate, and brought the
equestrian order in sharp collision with the senate, to serve as a
check on its powerJ

6. The sixth law^ touched the power of the senate still
more vitally. Hitherto the custom had been for the senate

\
I

* Jj8X aQraria. * O. Oracchiu, Falvlai) FlaocuH, and P&piiTiii« Carbo.

* The Ux viarto ; he first had brldf^ oonstracted oyer manheB, erected niilesUmes
in regular order from the mUiarium in the foram ; at regnlar intervals ^uare »toDe»
were erected on the side of the road for moaoting and dltouoanting.

* Lex mUitaria.

* lliia prevented the younff nohleti from Mrvlnff in the camp {eonhAemio) of the gen-
eral as a kind of body-goard before the eeventeeutn year, and thus entlUing them to ap-
ply earlier for the qoKotorohip.

* Lexjudidaria. In the year b. c. 149, offences against the state which had originally
been tried by the whole people were tran^f erred to special ooorts, the Jurors (JudUitfi
of which were selected from the senate. The first of these laws was the lex Ca^mmia
de rtpetundU, which punished magistrates for extortion in the provinces. The name
of equites applied originally only to the members of the eighteen centuries ; tbe»e
were called equiUs equo ptMioo because their horses were assigned them by the state
and they had the census of the first dass (400,000 sesterces, about $ 16.000). Since then
the equftes had ceased to serve in the field, and the cavalry was t-npplicd by the allies.
In the meantime another cl^ (equU&t equo private) had ariisen, conHi»tinff of men of
wealth who did not belong to the governing senatorial families. Before the time of GtLiw-
Oraoohus, a law had been carried, compeUTng the eguUee, when they entered the c«i.ate,
to give up their hor^. This drew a line between the senators and eqvifeg. The law
of Oracchne prescribed that thejudtcea should be taken ftom the second class, I. e.. from
those who posnesfied the eanestrian census (400,000 sesterces^ but were not members of
the senate. Since the Clandian law had excluded the senatorial families from a bur me*"
life, and the nobles exeinded the rich men who did not belong to the governing senato-
rial ftimllies, from a political career, there were two powerful aristocracies in the htaie
~the senatorial govenilne order, composed of a few aristocratic families, and the eqne^
trian order (ordo eqiieMrG), the men of wealth. The aim of Gracchus was to create ao
antagonism between these two orders. They had often come in collision in the prov-
inces, for th^ provincial ma^tratas came from the senatorial order, and the jmUkwi
from the equestrian order.

' His colleague Acillns Olabrio carried a law (iex repetundarum) by which the inmneo
in civil cases ranst1)e taken from the equestrian order. The lex Awia repealed the lex
Jvnia r^)etundarumt by which all aliens were banished from Rome, and directed that
these civil processes of repetundarum should come before the pnetor periqriMtfi, and a
Jury of 450 J^fdicee^ from which senators and senators* sons were excluded. The com-
plainant in such a case, if he was an alien, was to be rewarded with citizenship, or in
ease that was not desired, with the right of appeal.

* Lex de provineiU ameularUnie.

B.d. l^J BEACTtOK AGllltS* OAJUS GRACCMUS. fell

to assign the consuls and prsetors their provinces after
the election. The result was that a lucrative government
or the conduct of an important war was bestowed upon a
favorite, while to the " new man '* a disagreeable or unimpor-
tant field of action was assigned. Gajus wished to make the
magistrate independent of the senate, and therefore proposed
that the provinces should be determined before the election.^
Gajus was now substantially the ruler of Bome. He carried
his measures in the popular assembly without troubling himself
about the prerogatives of the senate. He saw to it himself that
colonies' were founded, roads constructed, and jurymen select-
ed, and really exercised absolute authority in Bome.

6. Reaction against Gkgoa. — He was now at the height
of his prosperity, and seemed to have succeeded in his object
— the breaking down of the jurisdiction and administrative
powers of the senate. He was re-elected for the next year,*
and came before the people with still more radical measures of
reform. He made a proposal to grant to the Latins full citi-
zenship and to the ItaUan allies the rights which the Latins
had hitherto enjoyed.^ This proposal met with intense oppo-
sition, not only from the senate^ but from the people, who
could not endure the idea that the Latins should be admitted
to full citizenship. The senate now saw that the means was
given it of depriving the tribune of his popularity. A law was
carried ejecting all Latins from the city, and the tribune
M. Livius Drusus was won over to outbid Oajus himself for
popular favor. Drusus proposed that the Latins should be
exempt from capital and corporal punishment in the camp,
that instead of the three or four colonies which Gajus
had promised, twelve Italian colonies should be founded,
and that the rent which Gajus had imposed upon the land

'■ This meamiTe waa exempt from the veto of a trflmne.

■ One wu fonnded on the site of Carthaif^ in b. o. 1S8 ; one at Aqtue Sextia (Aix in
ProTenoe) J;^ b. c. ISS.

' F9r.B. o. ISS ; the law had probably been repealed prohibiting the re-election of a
tribime.

* Lex de toeH»: at tlie Kame time the lex AdUa Rubria proposed to confer upon the
Latins a share in the worship of Jnpiter CapitoUnns. A law was alno carried abrogating
the old arrangement in the order of voting in the eomiiia centurkUa^ and it was settled
that the order in which the Ave claHses were to vote should be determined by lot.

212 THE DEATH OP QAJUS GEAOCHtTS. [B.a 121.

should be remitted. The people ratified the LiTian laws with
the same alacrity with which they had sanctioned the Sempro-
nian. From this time it was evident that Oajus was a doomed
man. He failed to be elected to the tribunate for the third
time, and saw his most bitter opponent Lucius Opimius raised
to the consulship. Gajus courted the favor of the people, left
his house on the Palatine and lived with the poor citizens near
the forum. As soon as Opimius entered on his office he had a
proposal^ brought before the people to repeal the Sempronian
law for the colonizing of Carthage, because the site had been
accursed by Scipio.

7. Efforts for Peace. — Gajus sought in every way to
avoid a conflict, and was not present when the tribes met. He
could not, however, prevent his adherents from remembering
the fate of Tiberius, and they appeared armed. When the
tribes had assembled at the capitol to vote on the proposal of
Opimius, it happened as the consul was offering sacrifices
in the porch of the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, that his
herald, a certain Antyllus, a partisan of Oajus, was struck
down by mistake.^ In the midst of the confusion that followed,
the assembly dissolved, and Gajus went to the forum to address
the people. The nobility declared that he was calling the peo-
ple from the popular assembly, and interrupting the tribune
while addressing the peoplo.*^ Gajus and Fulvius Flaccus the
consul of B. 0. 125 returned home accompanied by an aimed
retinue. The consul occupied the capitol with armed soldiers
and assembled the senate the next morning, in the temple
of Castor and Pollux. Martial law was declared by empowering
the consul to see that the republic suffered no harm.^

8. Death of Ghracchoe. — Gajus and his adherents occu-
pied the Aventine, the ancient Vesta of the plebeians, and their
stronghold during the struggles between the orders. Civil war

*■ By the tribune Minnclnfl Rnfa?.

' Lange, 1. o. vol. lit, p. 47. For a different acooimt of the cause of the ooUiaion. vee
Mommflen^ I. c. vol. ill., p. 184.
pe e p. Ov.

* The dictatoivhip had fallen Into disuse after b. o. 816. The formula inveoUng thi
coneal with fall power was : viderei nt qtOd nqniMica deMmtnti'etg^ertL

B.C. 121.] THE DKA.TH OF OAJVS ORACCHUB. 213

Tu declared. After some fruitless uttempts at negotiation,
the coQsal stormed the AveatiQe. He met with little resist-
ance. Qajofi escaped across the Subliciaa Bridge, where two
of his friends checked the pursuers at the cost of their lives.
He continaed his flight to the grove of the Furies, where his

Thb Tbhtu or GoNoomp RanoxwD.

faithful slave flret put him to death, and then slew MmseM on
liie corpse of his master. The head of Q&jas was carried
'o the consul, who had promised for it ita weight in gold,
t'laccos was killed with three thousand of his adherents, their
houses were demolished, their property confiscated, and their
M'idowB were forbidden to wear mourning. After this the city
wii8 purified by a lustration. And from the confiscated property

214 THE RULE OF THE OLIGARCHY. [B.C. 121.

a temple of Concord ^ was erected' in memory of the great vic-
tory.* The nobles all tried to brand the Oracchi as seditious
demagogaes, but the people revered their memory, and at a
later time their statues were erected in the public places^ and
the spots where they fell were called holy ground.

••♦•»

The Rule op the Oligarchy. — ^The War with Jugubtha.

— The Rise of Gajus Marius.

1. The Role of the Oligarchy. — The death of Gracchus
left the popular party without a leader. The nobility proceeded
with caution. First the proviso that the allotments of land
should be inalienable was abrogated. Then a law' was passed
declaring that the assignments should cease, and that the
public land should remain in the hands of the '^possessors,"

* The remains of this tempie (rebDilt by Tiberius) are directly bdiind the arch of
S. Sevenifi. Behind the raised snper9tnictare was the senate hoose in which the senate
met in the time of Cicero. There were four temples of Concord : the first was dedicated
by Camillas b. o. 86S (see p. 61), near Juno Moneta^s temple ; the second by FlaTla<«
B. o. 806 (see Livy iz. 4H), in the area of Valcan near the Oneoostasis (see p. 896) ; the
third was erected by Manlius b. o. S16 in the citadel (Livy zxii 28) ; the fourth by
Opimins. Nothing remains of the first three ; of the fourth, the foandation and the
Inscription have bien preserved.

* The Bai<Ilica Opimia was boilt at the same time, bnt its location Ik not known with
certainty. Apptan and Feotus describe it as in the fomm and near Uie temple of Satnrn.
As the temples of Ooncord and the Basilica were both boilt by Opimios, he i»obab)y
placed them near tc^ther. (See map, p. 416.)

* Plutarch (Uie of O. Qraochns, 18^ aescrlbes the manner In which Cornelim paned her
life in cherishing the honor of her sons. Cornelia is said to have borne her mief ortnneit
with a noble magnanimity, and to have said of the consecrated places where her eons lo(4
their lives " that tliey had tombs worthy of them." She took up her residence at W*^
num, and made no alteration in her manner of life. She liad many friends, and her hot^
pi cable table was always crowded with sueste. Learned Greeks and the most noble men at
Bnme visited her, and all the kings in lUlianoe with Home sent and reoeiTed pments fh>in
her. She made herself very agreeable to her guests by talking to them or the Hfe and
habits of her father Africanus, and what was most suiprising, slie spoke of her sons with-
out a sigh or toar^lating their actions and suiTerings aa If «ie were speaking of heroes of
the olden time. This maide some think her understanding had been Impaired by age and
the sreatness of her misfortunes, and that her sensibilities had grown dull and bfnnted
by the terrible catastrophes that had swept away her children. Stat those who were of
tnls opinion seemed rather themselves to be wanting In understanding, since they could
not comprehend how a noble mind by liberal education could support itself against mif^
fortune ; and that in the pursuit of rectitude fortune may often biumnh over Tlitne, yet
she can never take away from virtue the power of enduring evils with fortitude.

* The lex Thoria In b. c. 118 : at this time provisions were made for foandinc colo-
nies in Spain at Aquae Sextlte (Aix in Provence) ; a part of Oanl was organiaS as a
nrovinoe, and a colony in honor of the god Mars, called Naibn Martins (Naibonne) inu>
founded. (The colony Junonia at Cartilage was given up ; Neptunia at Taimtnm wa«
alone allowed to remain.)

B. C. ] 18.] THE RULE OF THE OUQABCH Y. 215

but that the rent ^ of it should be distributed among the poor
people. The other laws remained in force and the com lavs
became the basis for all subsequent legislation on this subject.
How the oligarchy, after their restoration, governed at home
was witnessed by the fact that there were not more than two
thousand wealthy &milies among the citizens. Farms were
again swallowed up in sheep-walks, and social ruin and decay
spread over Italy. Servile insurrections broke out on every
hand. The Mediterranean swarmed with pirates. The wealth
wrung from the poor provincials was employed in bribery at
home. The vices and corruptions of all classes were hurrying
the state on to ruin. Wherever the eye turned throughout
the vast domain of the Boman empire, corruption, mismanage-
ment, and impotency were visible on every side. How the
wretched oligarchy managed the foreign relations, the condition
of the dependent states showed. Foreign princes bought their
crowns of the Boman nobles, and judges and senators sold their
decisions. Wealth flowed into Rome from the plunder of the
provincials. The shameless and incompetent rule of the oli-
garchy seemed likely to endure for many yeafs,' had not the
revolt of Jugurtha in Africa furnished the crowning proofs of
their wretched and corrupt government, and brought into
prominent notice the two men who were destined to usurp des-
potic power ; Marius in the name of the people, and Sulla in
that of the oligarchy.

2. Nnmidia and Jngnrtha. — It will be remembered that
the resistance which the Carthaginians had made to the en-
croachments of Masinissa on their territory gave the Romans
the pretext for war.* After the destruction of Carthage,
much of the territory that had formerly belonged to the
Carthaginians was bestowed upon Masinissa.^ When Masi-
nissa died he left three sons, Micipsa, Oulussa, and Mas-
tanabal, among whom Scipio divided the Numidian king-

' VeeUffid,

* Tbe only work of improTement at borne wortby of notice at this time, was the com-
pletion of tbe eia jBmilia from Pliia and Lnna to Sabata and Datona, and the pom Mul-
Hv« daring the oeneorahfp of ^mlltns ScanroB (b. o. 10)). . The fornix FtManvti imn
erected at the entrance of the ria (tacra Into the foram by Q. Fabtns Maxlmns .Acobr»-
Ciais« * 9ee p. IdS^ * See p. m, n. S.

216 WAB WITH JUOUBTHA. [B.C. 118.

dom according to the directionfi of the last king. The death
of the two last left Micipsa^ sole king. Jugortha was the
bastard son of Mastanabal ; Micipsa, however^ brought him up
with his own sons, Hiempsal and AdherbaL Jngurtha, when
he grew up, displayed such remarkable qualities of mind and
body, and his popularity among the people was so great, that
the old king Micipsa^ fearing that he would snatch the inherit-
ance from his own sons, resolved to expose him to the risks of
war. He placed him, therefore, in command of the Nnmidian
contingent in the Numantine war. Here he met the young no-
bles who were serving in the camp' of the general, and lived on
intimate terms with them. They encouraged him to kill Micip^
and to usurp the throne, assuring him that it would be easy to
buy a pardon at Rome, where everything had its price.' After
his return to Nnmidia, relying on the support of the powerful
friends he had made at Numantia, he caused Hiempsal to be
murdered, and procured by bribery a division of the kingdom
between himself and Adherbal. Commissioners, at the head of
whom was Opimius, the opponent of Oracchus, wero sent to
carry out the provisions of the senate, but they, sold themselves
to Jugurtha immediately on their amval in Africa. The western
and most fertile division was assigned to Jugurtha ; the eastern,
which was arid, fell to AdherbaL This, however, did not satisfy

> GENEALOOICAL TABLE.

Masikisiia (iS»-149).

MioipaA, B. o. lis. OuLussA. Mastaxabal.

B. o. tlL

\dhsbbal, HnnpsAL L, Hioipsa. Gauda, JusraiBA,

B.0.11S. B.0.U7. I B.C.KM.

OzniTAB.

JUBA L

JUBA IL

* In etmiytentkf imperataris. * Boma omnia venaiia eMf.— Snll. Jog., 0, IOl

B. C. 111.]

WAR WITH JCGUBTHA.

217

Jngnrtha. He made war upon Adherbal, defeated him in battle,
and finally besieged him in Girta. When the town surrendered,
Adherbal was put to death with tortures, as were also all the men
in the garrison, not excepting even the Italians.^ This roused the
indignation of the mercantile class at Borne, and the tribune G.
Memmius compelled the senate to declare war against Jugurtha.

MBDITERRANEAN SSA

^j^fjM.

N U M I D I A

•nd the old

PROVINCE

A F k'i C a

3. Jagarthlne "War (b. o. 111-104).— The consul, L. Cal-
pnmius Bestia, landed in Africa, ostensibly to carry on the war
in Numidia, but really with the purpose of being bribed by Ju-
gurtha. In order to protect himself he took with him as legates
a number of influential nobles, among whom was M. u£milius
Scaurus, the president of the senate.^ After Jugurtha had
paid enough to satisfy Bestia and Scaurus, a treaty was made
I

*■ Tboae were mercha&ts dolDg biudnese In AMca.

* Prinoqtt wnatus.

218 WAB WITH JUGURTHA. [b. C, 110.

without the interposition of the senate or the people, granting
the kingdom of Numidia to Jugurtha.

4. nie Treaty with Nmnidia Cancelled. — When the

news of this disgraceful treaty reached Borne, a storm of indig-
nation hurst forth. The tribune Memmius recounted^ the
offences of the oligarchy, and, in spite of the influence of
Scaurus, carried a bill that Jugurtha^ under a safe condact,
should be invited to come to Rome and give information in re-
gard to the manner in which peace had been made. When Ju-
gurtha appeared before the assembly of the people, and Mem-
mius had stilled the murmurs of indignation from the multi-
tude for him to declare who his accomplices were, the tribune,
G. BsBbius, already bribed for this purpose, interposed his veto
on the king's speaking. Shortly after this, Jugurtha procured,
under the very eyes of the senate and people, the assassination
of Massiva, the son of Gulussa, who was instigated by Albinus,
the consul elQct, to lay his claim before the senate for the
throne. The murderer escaped, and since vengeance could not
be taken on Jugurtha, he was ordered by the senate to leave
Rome. When beyond the walls, he is said to have looked back
in silence on the city, and at last to have exclaimed : " venal
city, about to perish if it can but find a purchaser.*' *

5. The Renewal of the V7bx (b. c. 110). — The war was
renewed by Albinus, who, however, accomplished nothing.
His brother Aulus succeeded him, and penetrated into the
heart of Numidia, where he was surprised and defeated, and

^ " It grievee me to relate how, during the last fifteen yeare, jroa have been the $poH
of the arrogance of the oll^rchy, and how utterly unaTenged yoar defenders hate per-
ished. After the murder or Tiberia^i Gracchus, whom they accnaed of aspiring to Idnclr
S>wer, pernecutlons were instituted aeainst the people. After the slaughter of G«Jv
racchus and Marcus Fulvia<4, many or your order were put to death in prLran. Let a<
pass oyer this ; let us admit that to restore the rights of the people was to asirfre to royal
power. You have seen how in past years the treasury has been pUlaged ; you hare teen
kinss and free people paying tribute to a small party of aristocrats, ia whose handu are
all the honors of the state and wealth of Italy* • • . This is not a case of pecolstioii
of the treasury, nor a forcible extortion of money from the allies. These indeed ai*
grave offences, but we are so used to them that wo consider them nothing. Now Uie ab-
tnorityof the senate and your own power have been surrendered to your greatest enemr.
The public interest has been betrayed for mooev. If we do not inveet^ate their mk-
deeds, if we do not inflict punishment on the guilty, what will remain for us except to
live and obey those who have committed these crimes f For when men can do with im*
punity what they like, th«t Is really kjngly power."-iito0, /wr. 81.
' Jug.f 8&,

B. C. 109.] THE BISE OF GAJU3 MARIU8. 219

bis army sent under the yoke. This disgrace roased the
people. The condact of the war was committed to Q. GsBciliiiB
Metellus^^ a capable and experienced officer. In b. c. 109
he departed for Nnmidia with O. Marios and P. Bectilins
Rnfus as legates. The discipline of the army was restored,
Cirta and other towns were captured, and Jugurtha was de-
feated near the river Muthul, and compelled to flee for protec-
tion to Bocchns, king of Mauretania.' l/^"^

6w Rise of G^JQS Maritui.— The glory of finishing the
war was, however, not reserved for Metellus, but for his legate,
Oajus Marins. Bom (b. a 157) in the environs * of Aipinum
among the Latin hiUs, Marius was reared in the country, and
his rustic manners and illiteracy clung to him through hf e. He
had a taste for war, and his bravery at Numantia attracted the
notioe of Scipio JBmilianus, who, being asked one day where
the Bomans should find such another general when he was
gone, touched Marins on the shoulder and said, '^ Perhaps
here."^ This raised the hopes of Marius. On his return
to Borne he was elevated to the tribunate ^ (b. c. 119) and four
years after to the prsdtorship. He was a man of iron nerve and

inflexible resolution. When he accompanied Metellus to Africa

■

* OBNBALOOICAL TABLE.
L. Mbtxllub Calyits,

C08. B. o. 148.

L. MsnixuB DALXATioirs, Q. Cjkhltub Mbtbllus Nuxidiovs, CiBoiUA, m.

COS. B. C. 119. 0O8. B. C. 100. L. IiUCULLVB.

• Cjwuja, m. Q. Mbtillub Pros,

1. SOAUBVB. 9. SUIUL. COS. B. 0. 80l

Q. Mbtslutb PnrB Soxfio,
COB. B. o. SB. m. Lvpn>A.

Ck>Bl(BLIA« m.

1. p. CBAB8178. 2. PoMPEJve, trlimiTlr.

• See msp, p. Hi: 'At Oercata. * Flat Mar. 8,

• He carried a law (tap Mwia de tviffragHs ferundis) to restrain the inflaence of the
aristocracy at elections. The law enacted that the yoting-brldgea (pontes ; thcM were the
narrow pasBages that led to the different compartments into which the enclosed space
[feptd] where the assembhr met was divided) nhonld be m^de n(trrow^, so t)iat the nobl^
could not so easily st«nd Oj find inil^encelpeir clients,

220 THE RISE OF QAJU3 MARIU8. [B.C. 108.

a new field was open to his ambition. He neither declined the
most difficult tasks, nor thought the most servile labor beneath
him. He shared the hardships of the common soldier, ate of
the same dry bread, and slept on the same hard conch. He so
endeared himself to all, that his name was in every one's
mouth, and the letters of the soldiers carried his fame to Bome.
This encouraged him to hope for the consulship.

7. Marina Elected ConsiiL — One day while sacrificing
\in the camp before Utica, the hamspex, on inspecting the
victims, bade him trust in the gods, and execute whatever
purpose he had in mind. He applied to Metellus for leave of
absence to go to Bome and apply for the consulship. The con-
'sul tried to dissuade him from bis purpose, but he repeated his
'request from time to time. Metellus gave vent to his scorn by
dsaying, '^ You need not be in such a hurry ; it will be time
Senough for you to apply for the consulship with my son." The
Ison of Metellus was then only twenty, and could not therefore
become a candidate for the consulship for twenty years. Marius
^ever forgot the insult. From this time he courted the favor
hi the common soldiers more assiduously than ever, intrigued
against the general, and boasted that if he had but one-half the
2frmy, he would soon end the war. The letters of the soldiers
and of the merchants carried these sayings to Bome, and the
pbople began to think that the only way of ending the war was
t(^ elect Marius consul. Only twelve days before the election,
ho obtained leave of absence and sailed to Bome. He was
elated not only consul,* but general for the war against Jugur-
tha, notwithstanding the senate had designed to prorogue
the command of Metellus. This was a great victory for the
lobular party ; for it had for a long time been an unheard of
^hiig for a '' new man " to be nosed to the consplship. Fur-
ther, he was designated to the command,' not by the senate,
Uul; by the people.

^ For the year b. c. lOT.

' The senate had already assigned the provinces, bat Manlins Mandnns laid it before
the oeople, who should conduct the war against Jognrtha ; they decided In faror of
lianas. For the changes in the military oi^anlzation introdxiced oy Kaiiae, Bee p. 321.

C. 113.] THE CIMBBI AND TEUT0NE8. 221

8. The War Renewed by Mariiis. — ^After Marias had
oompleted his preparations in Bome, he departed for A&ica.^
Here he fulfilled the popular expectation. Advancing into
Xumidia ravaging and plundering, he defeated Jugurth%
and BoochuSy king of Mauretania, in two bloody battles. This
defeat discouraged Bocchus, and Snlla» Marius's quaestor, entered
into negotiations with him, which resulted in the surrender of
Jugurtha (b. c. 106). This ended the war. After remaining two
years in the country, Marius returned to Rome to celebrate his
triumph (b.o. 104), in which Jugurtha walked in chains.
While the procession was winding up the cUvu8 CapitoUnus,
the king turned to the right to be cast into the Mamertine
prison. As he touched the cold, damp dungeon,' he exclaimed:
" By Hercules ! what a cold bath is this,'' and after six days
died of hunger.* Numidia was not immediately made a Roman
province, but the western part, Mauretania Caasariensis,^ was
annexed to the kingdom of Bocchus, and the rest was bestowed
upon Oauda, a descendant of Masinissa.

•• ♦ ••

OHAirrER xxxiiz

Thb Wab wrra the Cimbri and Tetjtones (B. C. llS-101).

1. The Relations of Rome to tiie North. — Before
the war with Jugurtha was ended, a new danger threatened
the empire from the north. It will be remembered that
Home had subdued the Gauls in the north of Italy and
had founded Eporedia^ (Ivrea) to command the passes of the
western Alps, as Aquileja did of the eastern. The province of
Narbo had been organized and communication was opened
with Spain by means of the Domitian way, which extended

> Aeeordlng to SftUnst (e. 78), in the snmmer of b. a 107 ; Mommfen (I. c. vol. ttl., p* 170)
tbinkB In b.o. 106 or late in tbe Muon of b. o. 107. See Peter (Btudtm mir Bom, U€$eh.,
p. 06, note) f t a thoroiub dii$cn««1on nf the subject.

* Tim Tultiamm. ^PluuO.Mw. * Algien. 'B.0. 190.

222 THE CIMBRl AND TEUT0XE3. [B.C. 105,

from the Khone to the Pyrenees. The colonies which the
Gracchan party founded to alleviate the condition of the pro-
letarians in the capital, and. which soon became centres for
Boman traders and settlers, have already been mentioned.^ In
most of the country beyond the Alps, however — ^in Spain and
in Gaul, except the small tract along the coast — ^the native
tribes still roamed in freedom and defied the incompetent gov-
ernment at Rome.

2. The Battle of Axaiudo (b. g. 105).— About this time
it happened that a Germanic tribe, the Gimbri, in its wander-
ings from home,* reached Noricum,* and approached the passes
of the Alps near Aquileja. The consul Paperins Carbo was de-
feated,* but instead of directing their march to Italy, the Cim-
bri turned to the west, crossed the Jura, and threatened the
Roman territory in that quarter. Here they stimulated other
tribes ^ to attack the Romans, and the consul Junius Silanus
was defeated in b. c. 109, and two years after, L. Cassius Lod -
ginus su ffered a t ft"^^1p r^ofonitj nun >^^g ftrmy ^^pnnpftrf nnly hj
giving up its baggage and passi ng under the yoke. This en-
couraged Tolosa (Toulouse) to revolt, but the consul the next
year retook the city, and plundered the rich temple there of its
vast amount of treasures. The next year the Gimbri returned
with the intention of invading Italy. Three powerful armies
opposed their passage of the Rhone.* The battle of Aransio
(Orange) followed, and the three armies were cut to pieces in
detaiL The loss was tremendous." The terror of another inva-
sion from the north spread throughout Italy, and the storm of
popular indignation burst forth with terrible fury against the
oligarchy.* The Gimbri fortunately turned towards Spain and
gave the Romans a two years respite.

3. MariaB Re-elected Coiunil (b. o. 104). — ^AIl eyes were
now turned towards Marius, as the only man who could save Italy.
During his absence he had been elected to the consulship,

* See p. S14f n. 4 ; also p. ua * Chirwnuiu OMbfiea, * Ketr Koreja. tn b. c. \\t

* Tlgwini^ Tmt^ni, Ac. * 60,000 noldlers and #>,000 camp fonowen.

* Ccplo, one of the commanders, was deposed f^m offloe, lUs propei^ oonllMstsdi
and be, in direct rlolation of law, was COQdemiM tQ ^eftth. * See Map Ko. 7,

B. G 102.] THE CIHBBI AND TEUTONES. 223

although the law prescribed that the candidate should apply in
person, and prohibited reflection until after the elapse of ten
years. On the same day that he celebrated his triumph^ he
entered his second consulship.' He set out immediately for
6anl at the head of an army ardently attached to him, and com-
manded by the best officers, among whom was his old quaestor
Satla. The departure of the Cimbri gave him time to harden his
soldiers by toil, and to complete the important canal ' from the
left bank of the Rhone to the coast, which opened communica-
tion between the sea and his camp, thus avoiding the difficult
navigation of the delta of the Rhone.

4. The Battte of Aqa» SerdsB (b.o. 102). — In the
meantime the Cimbri had returned firom Spain, re-united
with the Teutones,' and, reinforced by other tribes, prepared
for the invasion of Italy. The immense host, however, divided
again ; the Cimbri and the Tigurini crossed the Rhone, in
order to enter Italy by their old route, the eastern Alps, while
the Teutones and Ambrones marched toward the Rhone, where
Marina was encamped, to enter Italy by the Maritime Alps, and
join the Cimbri on the Po. The camp of Marius at the junction
of the Rhone and Isara (Is^re) commanded both of the western
routes to Italy, the one along the coast, and the other over the
Little Si Bernard. The barbarians stormed the camp, but ;
when they found the intrenchments too strong for them, they
pursued their way to Italy. For six days the vast host filed
past the camp, and defied the Romans by asking if they had
anything to send to their wives at home, for they should soon
be in Italy. When they had advanced a short distance, Marius
broke up and followed until they reached Aquse SextisB * {Aix).
Here Marius offered battle, and the enemy were eager for
the encounter. The Teutones fought with all the energy and
courage of their race, but the Roman legions stood like a wall.
At length, attacked in the front and rear, for Marius had placed

* Jan. 1, B. c. 104. * Fo$gcB Mariana,

* Mommaen, foUowing; Liry, thinks that the Cimbri first anited with the Teutonee
after their return from Spain. Vellejus Petercnlas (li., 8), Appian {CeU. 18), and many
othem malte the Tentone? appear with the Cimbri much earlier.

* That Us, 0«th8 of Sextins j eee map, p. 814.

224 THE CIMBBI AND TEUTONES. [B.a 101.

a band of Roman soldiers there in ambascade, the mighty host
of the barbarians was annihilated.^ Just as Marins was in the
act of setting fire to the vast pile of arms ooUected from the
field of battle, it was announced to him that he bad been elect-
ed to the consulship for the fifth time (b. o. 101).

5. Battle of Vercell0B (b. a 101). — Meanwhile Q. Lu-
tatius Catulus had engaged^ the Cimbri as they attempted
to enter Italy by the Brenner pass,^ but being unable to hold his
position, had retreated over the Adige,* thus leaving the whole
valley of the Po exposed to the ravages of the barbarians. Ha-
rius, on his return to Borne, refused the triumph oflfered him
by the senate, until the Cimbri were subdued.^ After a brief
stay in the capital, he joined Catulus. Their united armies
crossed the Po and offered battle, but the barbarians declined
lit and sent envoys to Marius to demand lands for themselves
land the Teutones. *' The Teutones,'' replied Marius, ^ have got
lall the land they need on the other side of the Alps." The
(battle could no longer be delayed, and near VerceUsB, just
Jvrhere Hannibal had fought his first battle in Italy, the hostile
furmies met As at Aqusd SextisB, so here, the barbarians were
tmnihilated. Those who survived the battle were either killed
^r sold in the slave market at Bome.'

* 800,000 wero killed and 90.000 taken prisoners.

* Aooordinff to Livy {Bp. Izriii.). Plat. (Jfor. SB) eajs that Catnhis gave np the paaees
without a contest, and posted himself on the Adige. See MommseQ (1. c vol. UL, p. 801).

* From Innsbruck to Trent.

* He was consul for b. c. 108, and tiis knperium had been prolonged ; he was now act*
fng as proconsul.

^ The human ayalanche which for thirteen years had alanned the nations fh>ni the
Danube to the Ebro, from the Seine to the Po, rested beneath the sod, or toHed under
the yoke of slavery ; the forlorn hope of the German migration had performed Its duty ;
the homeless oeopJe of the Cimbri and their comrades were no more.— Jtfi>mi7U«A, i. c.
vol. iii., p. 806. The hypothesis that the CimbrL as well as the similar horde of the Ten*
tones which afterwards joined them, belonged, in the main, not to the Celtic nation, to
which the Bomans at first assigued them, but to the Germanic, Is supported by the moK
definite facts : viz., by the existence of two small tribes of the same name— remnants
left behind to all appearances in their primitive seats— the Cimbri in modem Denmark,
the Teutones in the northeast of Germany, in the neighborhood of the Baltic, where
Pytheas; a contemporary of Alexander the Great, miUces mention of them thus earlj Id
connection with the amber trade ; by the insertion of the Cimbri and Teutones hi tlw.
list of the Germanic peoples amunx the Ingnvones, alongside of the Cfaand ; by th*
judgment of Csesar, who first made the Romans acquainted with the distinction between
the Germans and the Celts, and who includes the Cimbri, many of whom he must hioh
self have seen, among the Germans ; and lastly, by the names of the peoples and the
statements as to tbehr physical appearance and babits in other respects, which, white ap-
pljing to the men of the north generally, are especially applicable to the Gennana.-
Jfonun&erit 1. c. p. 187. ♦ The Aihesie: see map, p. 8;^

B. a 101.] SOCIAL DISTRESS. 22&

Social Dibtbess — Befobms op Mabius — The Apfulel^n
Laws — The Kule of the Senate Kestobed.

1. Necessity for RefoniL— The triumph which Marius
had refused was now celebrated with doable splendor. The
people called him the third founder of Bome/ and rewarded
him with new honors. Manus was now the first man in the
state. His services had placed him far above Metellus or
Catalus or any member of the aristocracy. He had delivered
the state from her foreign foes, but a severer task was before
him : to core the social and agrarian evils, to arrest the pre-
vailing decay, and to infuse a new spirit into civil and political
life. At home the allotments of land had ceased, and poverty
and decay were spreading again over Italy. While the labor
on the great estates was performed by vast gangs of slaves,
Roman citizens wandered houseless and homeless. Repeated
insurrections broke out in Italy and in Sicily. In the provinces
the capitalists and the magistrates made common cause in plun-
dering the provincials.

2. The Slave PopolatioiL — The farmers of the revenue in
collecting the custom-dues and the tenths, had also prosecuted a
profitable business in the provinces in kidnapping the free
population and selling them to the slave dealers. This practice
had been carried on to such an extent, that when Marius
asked Nicomedes, king of Bithynia, for auxiliaries in the
war against the Teutones, this prince replied that owing
to the jEumers of the revenue and slave merchants, he no
longer had any subjects left in his kingdom except women,
chUdren, and old men.' The senate issued a decree that no

* The flni two were Bomuhia end Camillns.

* Tbe BomftD rate.hed nndoiisone ererywhere a material alteration. Partly through
the oooetent srowth of opuesaion natorally incident to every tyrannic government,
partly thronm the indirect operation of the Roman revolution— in the eeiznie, for
m«itance, of the iiroperty of the soil in the provinces of Asia by Gajufl OracchoB, in the
B^raan tenthf« and cnntonut, and in the human huntA which the ooUectors of the revenue

226 SLAVE POPULATIOK. [B. C. 101.

freeman, a native of an allied country, shonld be detained in
slavery, and directed the praetor in Sicily to announce to those
who believed that they were unjustly held in captivity to ap-
pear before him. Immediately innumerable multitudes came
to claim their freedom; but as most of them belonged to
influential capitalists^ who openly expressed their disaatis-
faction, the magistrate was obliged to let the measure drop.
The slaves deceived in their hopes for freedom and rendered
furious, flew to arms in all directions. They found two able
leaders, Salvius and Athenion, one of whom conducted the
war in the eastern part of the island, and the other, in the
western part. The insurrection soon assumed such a formid-
able aspect that, when the war with the Cimbri was ended,
Manius Aquillius (b. c. 101), the colleague of Marius in his fifth
consulship, was sent to Sicily. After two years he succeeded
in subduing the insurrection (b. c. 99) ; the prisoners were sent
to Bome to flght with wild beasts for the amusement of the
people, but they disappointed the spectators by skying each
other with their own hands in the amphitheatre.

3. Marins as a Politician. — ^Under such circumstances,
the people looked to Marius as the only man who could save
the state and overthrow the rule of the oligarchy. The army
which he had formed and led to victory was ardently devoted
to him, and furnished the means of striking the blow against
the government. The times, however, were not ripe for a
military despotism, and Marius sought to accomplish his reforms
in a constitutional manner. He disbanded his army after the
I triumph, and relying on the support of the popular party, came

* ( forward in the regular way as a candidate for the consulship.
>. I Marius, although a great warrior, was no politician. As he

• * had no clear and definite views of his own position nor of the
^ manner in which reform was to be accomplished, he became a

added to their other avocation ther&^the Roman rale, barelj tolerable even from tlw
flTDt, premed so heavily on Ania, that neither the crown at the Idnir nor Uie hat of the
pearant there wat* any longer uie from oontlMatlon, that every iwk of corn eeemed lo
grow for the Roman deevmanuf (I. «., the tithe-gatherer), and everv child of free pareat9
seemed to be bom for the Roman 8lave-driver.— itfSommMn, 1. c. vol. ill., p. SB8.

* The capitaliHt belonged to the equestrian order who, ai jadget, could punish th9
ma^Htrates on their retom to Bome.

B. a 100.] MABIUS AND THE DEMAGOOUSS. 221

mere noyice in the hands of the political intriguers of the
capitaL

4. Mariiui and the Demagogues. — The leaders of the »
popular party were no longer what they had been in the days of .•
the OraochL They were now mere adTentnrers animated with .
intense hatred and contempt for the nobility. Marias allied
himself with two of the worst of these demagogues, L. Appu-
lejos Sainminus and 6. Servilius Olaucia. The former was a ;
candidate for the tribunate and the latter for the prsstorship ; i
by their efforts and by open violence and bribery, Marius was '»
elected consul for the sixth time. Olaucia obtained the praetor- *
ship, but when A. Nonius was declared elected tribune in the ^
place of Satnminus, he was set upon by a band of Marius's vet-
erans who, for such purposes, had come to Bome in great num- [
bers, driven from the forum, and finally killed. These were the
men to whom was entrusted the task of carrying out the reforms
of the Gracchi.

5. The Appoleian La ws (b. c. 100). — Saturninus, in order /
to conciliate the favor of the people, proposed two rogations :

1. 77ie first ^ prescribed that the state should sell com at a
nominal price ^ to Boman citizens.

2. The second^ directed that the land in Cisalpine Gaul *
which the Cimbri had obtained possession of, should be
divided among the Italians and the Roman citizens, thus pro-
viding relief not only for Rome but for all Italy .*^

A provision was also made for founding in Sicily, Achaja .
and Macedonia colonies of veterans who had served in the army /
of Marius. In order to prevent amendments and delay on the '
part of the senate, a clause was added threatening a heavy
punishment against those senators who refused to swear obedi-
ence to the laws within five days after they were enacted by the
people. The laws, however, were carried only after the mostl
^

■ Lfx/himentaHa.

' Instead of Ok aeaes (2( Mses = 5 cente) m formerly, the price was redaoed to
I of an M {MmU»eg et trienUt) per moditu (peck).

* The aurttm Tobmmum^ " the sold of Toloea '' (see p. SSS), which C»pio had stolen
fn>m the temple in Toloea, and which fell to the iDtate treasury after his condemnation,
wad to be di»Uibatod among the tiettlers to enable them to stock their farms.

228

MARIUS AND THE DEMAGOGUES. [B. a 100.

diBgracefnl riots and intense opposition. The partisans of the
nobility dispersed the comitia by violence ;^ but the old soldiers
of Marius, who had flocked to the dty in great crowds to
vote, retaliated, and the voting was finally completed and the
nieasnres were adopted.

(6. Re-election of tiie Demagogaes.— Sataminns now
called up the senators to take the oath to observe the laws fiuth-
fully. The course of Marins was marked by indecision and
deceit After declaring in the senate that he would never com-
ply with the clause, he immediately took the oath to obey
the laws so far as they were valid. The other senators followed
his example. M eiellos alone refr "^, ar^ "'^ r* ^■'' frii^^f
promised to take np arms in Lis defence, he declined their
assistance and went into exile. Thus far Marius had enconr-
ageii Appui^JUU uud Olauulii. For some unaccountable reason,
he kept aloof from the scenes of violence attendant on the next
election and let matters take their own course. Satuminus was
again elected tribune, and Glaucia was a candidate for the con-
sulship, although, according to the leges annalee^ not legally
eligible to this office until after the elapse of two years ; the
other two candidates were M. Antonius ' and 6. Memmius. As

' At flret the nobllitj broa^tat the veto of the tribnne to bear, bat Satnnihiiis took do
notice of that ; next the magMtrate who presided at the election was informed that a
peal of thnnder had been beard, a portent bj which, aocording to ancient belief, the
|N)dB commanded the public avecmbly to break ap (eee p. 40); Sataminag remarked to
the roeseenffere that the ^nate would do well to keep quiet, otherwise the thunder m|^ .
be followea by hail.

* See p. 185. n. 4. ' GENEALOGICAL TABLE.

H. AiVTONius, Orator, «m. b. c. 99.

M. AMTOHirs CnncuB,

pr. B. c. 76 ; m. 1. Numttoria ;

8. JUUA.

G. AMTomuB, co^ 68b

M. AHTomrB, trhimTlr.

m. 1. FaKXA. 4. OCTAYIA.

9. Amtonia. 6. Clbopatba.

8. PULTIA.

G. AifTOinus.
pr. B. o. 44.

L. Amonus.
coe. B. c. 4L

Aktonia. M. Akto- J. Anto- Amtonia Antonia
NiuB. Niud. major minor.

Alex- Olbo-

axdbb. patra. prfladvlpht*.

B. C. 99.] BBACnON AGAINST IfARIUS. 229

the election of Antonius, the celebratsd orator^ was certain,
the straggle lay between Memmius and Olaucia. As Memmios
seemed likely to be elected, Satnrninns hired bands of rations
to assail and irill him on the public street. This outrage
alarmed all who cared for the safety of the state.

7. Reaction against Marins. — The senate saw that the
time had come to act. The consul was invested with full
powers,^ the state was declared to be in danger, and Marl us, as
consul, was charged with its defence. At the head of bands of
armed men, Marius attacked Satuminus and his followers.
Glancia was killed in a private house, and the young nobles
stripx)ed the tiles from the senate house, where Marius had
confined Satumi nus and the oth er jriflnn^rftj and stoned them
to deathi""TEe "violent course of Satuminus had alarmed all
pfcu liiBi anything to lose. His laws were repealed, and the
equestrian party joined in unsparing persecutions against his
followers.' From this time the popularity of Marius declined.
Odious to the senate, and hated by the people because he had
deserted Satuminus, despised by all for his duplicity and inde-
cision, he had lost the confidence of all parties. Bather than
witness the return of his hated rival Metellus, he left Borne
under the pretext of performing vows in Asia Minor, but really
to brood over his hopes of revenge and to recover his popularity
by gaining fresh victories in the East, where the daily increasing
complications threatened war with Mithridates. The predic-
tion of the Utican seer had thus far been realized, but the
promise of the seventh consulship still remained unfulfilled.

8. The IncreaBe of Snperstitioa— For the third time
the power of the senate had been restored, ^ot only the char-
acter of the internal government, but even religion began to

* See p. 91S, n. 4.

* An impoitant law was carried enforcing the observance of certain formalities at
elections, m., (1) The lex CacUkt DicUa, In reference to the trinvndintim, i «., that snb-
iects to be brongnt before the eoneUium pieUs most be announced three mmdifUB be-
Torehand (erery elsht davB, reckoning from the flrvt of January, was a nundincB ; the
Romans counted Both the day from which and to which they reckoned ; a lunfemdifUB
therefore occurred erenr ninth day. A similar mode of reckoning is still cn^tomary in
Germany, where eight oays in nm for a week). (2) A legal prohibition against lamping
several laws containing distinct r^nlations together, ana carrying all at one time (per
mturamferre). Thl« save the nobility a better opportunity to discuss a law and to main-
tain ccmtrol over legislation (b. c. 8S).

230 Il^CREASE Of SUPEflSTlTlOlf. [b. a 99.

feel the injnriouB effects of a revolationary straggle that had
now lasted for nearly fifty years. The social evils pressed
heavier and heavier upon the people, while the luxnry and wealth
of the upper classes increased. What was still worse, the
old forms of faith were dying out, and men turned from their
ancestral gods and sank more and more into strange supersti-
tions. The slaves from the east hrought their forms of worship
with them. During the war with the Teutones, the senate
welcomed the Phrygian Battaces, the high priests of PessLmus,
who promised victory, and a temple was erected to the Good
Goddess. Marius took with him everywhere the Syrian pro-
phetess Martha, consulting her before every battle. Sulla be-
lieved in omens and miracles and obeyed the Chaldean pro-
phets. The wild orgies of the Gappadocian Ma^ to whom the
priests shed their own blood in sacrifice, the glowing Egyptian
mysticism, and various forms of unallowed and secret worship,
crept into Italy and took possession of the minds and hearts of
the people.^ In b.g. 97, the senate was obliged to forbid human
sacrifices. Strange priests, religious impostors, and crowds of
Boothsayers swarmed in the streets and preyed upon the igno-
rance and fears of the superstitious mass that thronged the cap-
ital from all parts of Italy. The native gods seemed to have
forsaken the people, who in utter despair turned towards
strange gods and sought with religious frenzy after strange
worships. As every nation in antiquity had its own special
gods, who, in consideration of constant worship, granted pro-
tection to every citizen, it was therefore a sign of national
decay when the people forsook their own gods and turned to
foreign deities. )/^

* Men had become perplexed, not merely a^ to their old faith, bat t» to their wen
eelvee ; the fearfal crisis of a fifty years' revolution, the instinctive feelinff i^ nt the cini
war was ntill far from beingat an end, increased the anxious suspense, the sfoony per
plexity of the multitude. Ke^tless and wanderin? imagination climbed every he&tit
and fathomed every abyss, where It fancied that it might discover new prospects or new
light amidst the fatalities Impendinff, might gain fresh trophies in the despeimte stniggle
againrt destiny, or perhaps might find merely fresh alarms. A portentous mystiewra
found in the general distraction— political, economic, moral, rdigious—the soil which wv
adapted for it, and grew with alarming rapidity ; it was a« if glpinUc trees had grown bv
niirht ont of the earth, none knew whence or whither, and tlus very marvelloas rapidity
of growth worked new wonders and seized like an epidemic on all minds not tlioroasfalT
fortified.— lfofwin*«n, 1. c vol. ill., p. 481. m-w™i««v

B. a 99.] THB STBUOOLB MB THlB FEANCfilSB. ^1

chai*ticr xxxv.

The Stbuqgle of the Italians fob the Fbanchise.

1. The Condition of the Subjects.— It will be recol-
leoted that Scipio was able to pnt an end to the execution of
the agrarian law when the commissioners interfered with the
knd secnred to the Latins and the Italian allies by treaties.^
The state had, no doubt, legally the right to resume possession
of the public land, whether occupied by Roman citizens, Latins,
or allies ; but while the complaints of Roman citizens could be
disregarded, it became a question whether it was politic to give
fresh offence to the Latins and the Italian allies, among whom
already a profound dissatisfaction prevailed.* The leaders of I
the popular party proposed to remove the obstacle which the |
allies interposed by granting them the rights of citizenship ; j
and from this time the agitation for land and the Italian
agitation for the franchise moved along side by side in close
alliance. For nearly thirty years the hope of obtaining full
citizenship had been held out to the Latins, but during all of
that time no measure had been carried to better their condition.
On the contrary, however, their condition had changed greatly
to their disadvantage. The burdens imposed' upon them had \
been unjustly increased, and Rome managed the whole admin-
istration of affairs in such a way as to make the allies feel that
they were subjects without rights. The result was that the
Italians, almost like the provincials, were handed over to the
caprice of the Roman magistrates.

2. The IKTrongs of the Sntgects.— It was no uncommon
thing for a Roman consul to order the magistrate of an allied
town to be flogged for some trifling offence.* A mere citizen

' See p. 907. * See p. 184. * See p. 184.

* Tlie oonsnl came to Teannm Sidicinum ; he said his wife wished to bathe In the men^s
bath, liarcoe Marios confided it to the care of the qusstor of Sidiclnnm to see tliat
those who were halhing shoold be sent away. The wife told her husband that the baths
werv not given np to her soon enough, nor were they snfBciently clean. Immediately a

232

THE STRUGGLE FOB THE FRANCHISE. [b.C. 99.

passing through Venusia ordered a free peasant to be seized
and whipped to death on account of a jest which he made on
the Boman's litter.^ During the Jugurthine war Latin ofScers ^
were scourged and beheaded, while the poorest Roman soldier
had the right of appeal All this produced profound discon-
tent, and that discontent grew from year to year, as the bond-
age became more oppressive and the prospect of obtaining full
citizenship disappeared.^ Formerly the Latins had looked to
Rome as the centre, and the full liberty of settling there and
acquiring partial citizenship ^ had been accorded to them. Now
this right ^ was attacked, and in the few years of tranquillity
that followed the departure of Marius to Asia (in B. c. 99),
the two consuls of b. c. 95, L. Licinius Crassus* and Q. Mucins
ScsBYola, hoping to put an end to the agitation of the allies,
carried a law ' which forbade any who were not citizens from
claiming the franchise under severe penalty. This law, framed
no doubt with the best of intentions, by two of the most

poet was fixed down hi the market-place, and the qtuwtor, the moat tilaatrioas man of
his city, was led to It; his garments were stripped off, and he was beaten with rods. —
Aul. GeU. Nod. AUie, x, 8.

* The peasani, when be saw the Roman carried in a litter on the shoolders of alavee,
asked, ** Are yon carrying a dead bodT V^ The expression cost hlnti his Hfe.

* Sail. Jug. 60 ; the roqaHo Livia (p. 811) had never bec<mie a law.

* There are no official figures that give the nomber of the Italian alHes. Mommsen
(1. c. vol. iii.,p. Ml) estimates it at 600,000 or 600,000; the nnmber of cidxena was prob-
ably about 400,000.

* dvitat Hue nffffagio.

* To escape from tne tyranny of the Boman magistrates, each man tried to approach
Kome and to establish himself there if possible. Thus Rome exercised upon Ita^ a sort
of absorption, tending in a short time to make a desert of the conntrv and overburden rbe
city with an enormous population. (The same tendency is observed in modem times ; the
population flocks ttom the rural districts to the cities.) Such was the condition of Italy.
The extremities of the body became cold and void : all was carried to the heart, wliich
became oppressed. The senatcirs refected from the senate and public offices the " new
men," the knights, the rich men, and gave np to them in compensation the invasion of
the laud of the poor. The Romans repulsed the colonists from the suffrage, the Latins
ttom the city ; the Latins in turn expelled the Italians from Latium and from the riefats
of the Latins. Rome had ruined f ndei>endent Italy by her colonies, in which she ci
the poor; then she ruined colonised Italy by the Invasion of the rich, who evei
liought, claimed, and usurped the lands, and had them cultivated by slaves.-
I.C., pp. 964,966.

• GSNEALOGICAL TAHLB.

L. LioiKnTs Cbassus. Orator.
COS. B. c. 96. m. MuciA.

LicmA, m.
Soipio Nasioa.

LiciHiA, m.
G. Maiuub.

ORAniTB

' The lex lAdnia Mucki d« civitw rediffundie.

L. LiuuiuB Obaisitb Soipio,
son of LiciNiA, adopted by
L. L. CaAaava, Orator.

B.C. d8.] THE 8TBUGGLE FOR THE FBAKGHISS. 233

eminent statesmen of the times, so exasperated the Italians^
that it became the proximate cause of the Social war.

3. The Eqiiestrian Order. — During the prosecutions that
followed under 6his law, events occurred that gave the senate
new strength, and caused it to believe that the time had come
to depriye the equestrian order of its judicial power. How
unfit the knights were to exercise this right the unjust con-
demnation of P. Rutilius Rufus, one of the most eminent
jurists and historians of his day, showed. He had accompanied
M. ScsBTola as l^ate to Asia, and when ScsBYola returned to
Borne, he was entrusted with the management of the proyince.
With great impartiality he granted the provincials protection
against the extortions of the tax-gatherers, the merchants, and
the contractors. This so enraged the equestrian order that, on
his return to Borne, a charge was trumped up against him, and
being convicted, he was sentenced to pay a fine. His property
was confiscated, and Bufus withdrew from Bome, and retired
to the province which it was alleged he had plundered. After
this prosecutions fell thick upon the senators, while every capi-
talist tried before members of his own order was sure to escape.*

4. The Laws of Dnuraa — The senatorial party entrustedy
the tribune, M. Livius Drusus, the son of that Drusus wh<
had rendered the oligarchy such assistance in the contest wit]
G. Gracchus, with the attack on the jury courts. He came foi
ward with measures of reform which he believed would satisi
all XMurties. He proposed that colonies should be founded ii
Italy and Sicily, that the senate should be increased b]
the addition of three hundred new senators chosen from th(

* So long as the demands of the Italians were mixed np with, those of the revolution-
ary party at Bome. and had, in the hands of the latter, been rejected bv the folly of the
inm»fe», they might still resign themselves to the belief that the oligarchy had been hos- .
tile merelv to the proposers, not to the proposal itself, and that there was still a possi-
bility that the more mtellisent senate would accept a measure which was compatible
with the nature of the oligarchy and salutary to the state. But the recent years, in
which the senate once more rulra almost absolutely, had shed, only too disagreeable a
light on the designs of the Roman oligarehv atleo.—Mommsen, 1. c. vol. iii., p. sSlS.

* Svery one in the eovemment party who was still alive to the fact that governing
implied not merely rights but duties, every one in fact who still felt anv nobler or prouder
ainbitioD within him, could not but rise In revolt against this oppressive and disgraceful
potitiea] control, which precluded any possibility or upright administration. The scan-
oaioQ^ condemnation of Rutilius Rufns seemed a summons to Ix^n the attack at once,
and Marens Livius Dnmis. who was tribune of the people b. c. 01, regarded the tuinmons
•e spedally addressed to himeelf.— Jfamffwen, 1. c. vol. lii., p. 881.

THE STfeUOGLE FOB THE FRANCHISE. [b. C. 9L

equestrian order, and that the jurymen ^ should be taken from
the senate,* thus increased in numbers. There was neither
in Italy nor in Sicily sufficient public land for this purpose,
and the senators were indignant that the equifes were to
be admitted to the senate, while the equites had no desire
to transfer to a few of their own order the share in the
administration of justice which they all enjoyed Still the
most eminent men in the state &vored the proposals, many of
those whom Cicero in his history of Boman eloquence men-
tioned as the most renowned orators of their times.* The agi-
tation began anew, and party spirit ran high. It soon became
evident to Livius that the people did not favor his proposals.
He sought to conciliate them by another agrarian law, by fresh
distributions of corn, and in order to defray the expense, issued
copper denarii, plated to resemble those of silver.^ He even held
out to the Italian allies the promise of the Boman franchise.

5. The Proposals Carried. — When Idvius found that
these new measures were far from being welcome to the aris-
tocracy, and were violently opposed by the capitalists, he em-
braced all his proposals in one law ; and as those interested in
the distribution of com and land had at the same time to vote
for the clause in regard to the jurymen, the proposals were
carried, although amid scenes of violence. The consul Phi-
lippus, a furious opponent of Drusus,* summoned the senate to

i Tlie punishment of corrapt JiUTmen wms to be entrusted to a special commiMioo,
^wutio ptrpttua.

* Lex Jvdiearia ; Llyins hoped that these proposals would he aooeptable to both
parties, hot they reallj satialled none.

* L. Liclnln)< Ctasiqifl, M. Antonins, Q. Mndns ScsTola, Q. Latatins Catalns, O. Avrt-
Has Cotta, and P. Snlpicios Rnfas. Cioero was hi this year (b. c. 91) alreadj AAeeii
years of age. He knew them pen«onally, and ha I heard them with admiration.

* Lexnummaria

• GENEALOGICAL TABLE.

M. Lmcs Dbusus, trib. pi.,
Killed B. G. 91. m. Sbbtiua.

L. Dbusus Claubiahus.
Adopted.

M. Lit. nBcrsus Lebo (adopted),

cos. B. C. 1&. m. POMFB/A.

LrriA Dbubilla, afterwards nauMdJnu
Augusta, m. 1. Tdbrius. 2. Auer^r*

& a 91.] THE sa^RUGGLB fOJBL THfi FRAKCHlSfi. 236

declare the livian laws null because they were' carried in
Tiolation of a recent law.^ After a stormy session^ the senate
decreed the abrogatioQ of the laws. Drusus disdained to make
use of his veto ; he contented himself with remarking that it
was the senate that had riveted the equestrian yoke upon its
own neck.

6. The Death of Dnunw. — Only about two months more
remained for Drusus to perform his promise to the allien'
The opposition was formidable. The aJlies looked to him as
their leader, and were ready to take up arms for their rights.
The ferment soon became so great that ciyil war was threatened.
The opposite party looked upon Drusus as a conspirator, and
the yery day before the assembly was to meet to vote od his
proposal to grant citizenship to allies, he was assassinated in
his own house. Turning to those around him, well might he
ask as he was dying, '^ Friends and neighbors, when will the
republic have another citizen Uke me?"^ for he had lost his
life in attempting to overthrow the power of the capitalists, to
restore the state by a systematic colonization, and to avert the
impending civil war. Suspicion fell upon the tribune elect, Q.
Varius, and particularly upon the consul Fhilippus.

7. Rupture witii the Allies. — Notwithstanding the death
of Drusus, his colleagues in the tribunate favorable to the
measure, hoped still to succeed, and the allies were summoned
to Some to assist in carrying it Q. Pompffidius Silo was
already on the way with ten thousand Marsians. when one of the
ambassadors who had been sent to pacify the Italians, met him
and induced him to return by saying that the senate had already
decided to give the allies the franchise.^ The Italians had long
been making preparations for revolt, and had secretly collected
arms and made treaties. The Roman praetor, Oajus Servilius,
hearing that the town of Asculum in Kcenum was preparing

'Tbeter CcBCiHa DUOa, p. 9S9, notes.

■ Lex de elvUaU soeUs (kmda ; that the action of the senate had so embittered Dnvtoii
and caused him in the last two months of his ttibnnate to propose this law, is testified to
in the most poetttre maimer bj Vellejns Patercnlns (ii. 14). See A^, 1. c. voL it, p. SO,
note.

* Soqwtndtme 9bnUmnmH Hvem AabMt rettpubitea.'-Y^ \ly \A.

* See DIodoniB 97, 19 f. ; also Lange, 1. c. ill., p. 10&

236 THE dTfiUaOLS F0& THE PRAKCHISS. [b. C. 90.

for reyolt, proceeded there and threatened the inhabitants in the
most vehement language. The sight of the fasces and the threats
of the prsBtor aroused the people ; Servilius was seized and pot
to death, together with his legate and all the Bomans in the
\ ' place. This was the signal for a general insurrection. The
^fiPiF^fi VestinianSy Marsians^ Pelignians, Mar mcinianSy Sani-
nites, and Lucanians, were .soon in ann& The communities
witli Latin rights, that were scattered throughout Itai^-thi^
Etruscans and the TJmbrians^ as well as most of th e Gree k
cities, adhered to the fortunes of Bome.

8. The Gk)vermnent of the AIIii66.-^In the meantime,
the allies had prepared for war, and, with bitter hatred againfit
their former rulers, they determined to destroy Bome. They
fixed upon Corfinium in the beautiful valley of the Atemus*
(Pescara) as the new capital of Italy. Its name was changed
to Italica,^ and citizenship was to be conferred upon all who
joined the insurrection. The form of government was borrowed
from that of Bome. It was to have a senate of five hundred
members, which elected two consuls — the Marsian Q. Pompffidias
Silo, the chief instigator of the war, and the Sanmite O. P^ias
Mutilus — ^who were to conduct the war, and twelve praetors.
The Latin and Samnite languages were equally recognized,
though the Latin was used in ofiicial intercourse. The soul of
the insurrection were the brave Marsians, and from the promi-
nent part they took in the struggle, it has frequently been
called the Marsic war. They had served in the Boman armies,
and were armed and disciplined like the Bomans. The Bomans
themselves said of them, *^ Who could triumph over the Mar-
sians, or without them ? "*
^ 9. Commencement of Hostilities.— The best officers of
j / all parties, Qajus Marius, the democrat, a well-known sympa-
I I thizer with thetlalians ; Luc ius Su lla, the hero of the war ;
; I Publius-Sulpicius Bufus, the friend of Drusus, and Pompejns
/ I Strabs, all oBered their services to the consuls. • An army of

. - * In Oacan, Vitellia, a name found upon th» coins that the confederacy inoed.

* * Appian, 1. c. il., 68S.

* There were ten lieatenant-commanders : tiie two ooneuls were Lndns OBoar, i^
gained a victorj at Acerne, and PubUo^ Etatilius Lapos.

B. C. 90.] THE STBUGGLE FOB THE FBANCHISB. 287

one handred thousand men was placed in the field. The
linsorgentfl, however, had an army equally large, and were
jbetter .prepared^ Of the details of the war but little is known ;
it is clear, however, that the military operations were mostly
confined to two districts — the northern, extending from Pice-
nnm to the borders of Campania, where the Latin language
vi'as spoken ; and the southern, embracing Campania, Sam-
kium, and the states where the Sabellian language was spoken.^
ITbese two districts formed throughout the war two distinct
^ttle-fields.

10. CoDcessioiifl. — ^The Bomans fought with alternate
victories and defeats until near the close of b. c. 90, when it
became known that the Etruscans and the Umbrians were about
to join the insurrection. The majority of the senate saw that
the time had come for concessions, and the Bomans were com-
pelled to concede the very privileges that they had so long
withheld :

1. TheJuUjjj^ffv? carried by the consul Julius Csssar,
grantelRRS^n^^e to all the Latins, and to the other Italians
who had remained faithful to Bome or had laid down their
arms. The new citizens were to be confined to eight tribes,
AB the freedroen were to four.

2. The lex Platitia Payi ria • prescribed that every citizen
of an Italian ^ tuwu tiliOlilff^ceive the franchise, provided that
he was at that time a resident of Italy, and appeared before
the Boman prsstor within sixty days to register his name.

The effect of these concessions was immediately apparent.
The insurrection became disorganized. Many fell away from
the confederacy and hastened to avail themselves of the pardon

* Id tlie northern district. Silo commanded aealnst the consal Pabllus Lapna ; in the
■onthem, Cieur commanded ac^ainet the Samnite Oajas Paplas Matilns.

* Lex JvHa, JDe HvUaie aodis danda : carried near the close of b. o. 90.

* Piopoead by the tribunes PUratios Silvanns and Fapirios Carbo either in December,
B. c. (N>, or Janoaiy, 60.

* The Po was reckoned as the northern bonndary of Italy. According to Hommsen
(▼ol. iii., p. 260 f.), Latin rights were conferred upon the commnnities between the Po
and the iQps, in consequence of a law carried by the consul Strabo. Zumpt (De OaiHa
Bom. pftWMCto), however, seems to have conclut^ively proved that the/tM taai was not
beBiowed np<m the oommnnlties between the Po and the Alps, but that citijcenshlp was
only granted to the Latin colonies, and the J<m Latii to some communities which seemed
to deserve it See Lange, 1. c. vol. iii., p. lIS.

238 THE STRUGGLE FOB THE FBAKGHISB. [B. a 89.

offered by the goverDment The second and third campaigns '
were decidedly favorable to the Romans^ and the war Beemed
near its close, although Nola was still in the possession of the
Samnites, and the army of the Lucanians and Samnites in
southern Italy, under Pontius Telesinus, was still in arms,
when extraordinary events occurred at Bome, which caused
Sulla to raise the siege of Nola, march to Borne, and com-
mence the Civil war. In order to understand these events, it is
necessary to revert to the internal history during the Social war.
11. The Vaxian ProBecntions. — Even before hostilities
had broken out, the most radical of the optimates and the
capitalists mercilessly pursued the partisans of Dmsus, whom
they regarded as the cause of the war. At the instigation of
Q. Varius, a low demagogue, an investigation was ordered
against all who had directly or indirectly favored the demands
of the Italians for citizenship.' The most eminent senators
were dragged before the equestrian courts and compelled to go
into exile. Even ^milius Scaurus, the president of the
senate, was compelled to appear before this tribunaL He
deigned only to reply : ^^ Varius, the Iberian, accuses ^milius
Scaurus, the prince of the senate, of exciting the Italians to
revolt. Scaurus denies it. Quirites I* which of them do yoa
believe ?^^ The people acquitted him with acclamation. As
the war progressed, party spirit began to cool amid the disasters
that befell the Romans on all aides* A reaction set in that
was soon visible in Rome's policy at home and abroad. Besides
measures of compromise,^ the tribune Plautius Silvanus carried
a law which deprived the knights of their control of the
judicial power, and entrusted it to jurymen chosen by the
tribes.^ The convictions under the law of Varius had been the
work of the knights encouraged by the extreme senatorial

' B. C. 89 and 88.

* This law, lex de nufitftaU ; vt qwerereiur de Ut <r»on>'n ope eotuUUMie eoeli ecmtra
paoutum Bcmanum arma eumpmeent^ wm propoeed Mwn after Vaiins entered the
trfbunate, i. e.. either in December, b. o. 91, or in Jannary, b. o. 90.

* Tbat is, citizen!*. See p. 16, n. 4.

* L. Calpomtns Pi8o carried a law {lex Oatoumia de dMtate) wlilch e m po w ed a gea*
eral to confer citlKen^hin on the Itelfan!* penrtn^ in his army.

' The lex PtauitaJudieaHa ; each tribe was to choose lA Jniymen tfom the eenaton,
eqttitea, or people.

B. a 89.] THE STBUGOLE FOB THE FRAl^CHISE. 239

party. The passage of this law shows that the moderate party
had obtained the upper hand. The ultras were in turn con-
demned and compelled to go into exile, among whom was
Yarius himsell This prosecution arrayed party against party
and sowed the bitterest discord among the people.

12. The Conditioii of tbe Allies. — The results of the
war had completely justified the concessions of the moderate
party ; but the manner in which the concessions ^ had been
made produced deep discontent among the allies. The new
citizens had been crowded into ?ighti ^"^h^**, which were tQ«£gte
last^ and in case twenty-two out of the thirty-five old tribes
agreed, the matter was already decided, and the new tribes did
not come to a vote at all. Besides, the increase in the num-
ber of citizens' was so great that no public place in Bome was
large enough to contain them. Scattered as they were all over
Italy south of the Po, it was impossible for the vast multitude
to come to Bome on the days when the public assemblies were '
held.' The restrictions under which they voted might have |
been necessary and beneficiail, had the Boman citizens been *

^ Inwt<fd of gnnting equality of rUhts to all Italian commanities, the Bomans had
onlj ezpreised the Inferiority in anotner form. They had received a great namber of
It^oan commanities into Boman citixenahip, but had attached to what they thus con-
ferred an injuriouB stigma, by placing the new eitisens alongside of the old oir nearlr
the same footing as the freedmen occupied alongside of the free bom. They had irri-
tated rattier than padfled the communities between the Po and the Alps hr the oonoea-
sion of Latin rights. Ijwtly, ther had withheld the franchise from a comadenble, and
that not the worst, portion of too Italians— the whole of the insurgent communities
which had again submitted: and not only so, but, instead of restoring in a legal shape
the former treaties annulled by the insurrection, they had at the utmost renewed them
as a matter of favor and rendered them revocable at pleasure. The disability as regarded
the right of voting gave the deeper offence, that it was—as the eomUia were then con-
stitntnl — politically absurd, and the hypocritical care of the government for the un-
stained parity of the electors i^peared to every nnpreindiced person ridiculous; but all
these restrictions were dangerous, inasmuch as they luvited every demagogue to canr
his ulterior objects bv taking up the more or less Just demands of the new citizens and
of the Italians excluded from the franchise. . . . But still deeper Indignation swelled
the heart of the old man (i. «., Marlus) who had gone forth to the Itelian war with
revived hopes and had come back from it relnctantly, with the consciousness of having
rendered new services, and of having received in return new and moiit severe mortifica-
tions, with the bitter feeling of being no longer dreaded, but despised by his enemies,
with that gnawinff spirit or vengeance in his heart which feeds on its own poison.—
Jfomiiwfli, 1. c. Tof. ill, p. 988 ff.

* According to Liyj (epit. bczxviii), the number of dtiaens for b. o. 70 was 900,000 ;
while the last censas before the war showed 894.886; see p. 989, n. 8.

' This Marsic war, which introduced the Italians into Bome, permanently destroyed
the unity of the city (see p. 911), which had so long been maintained by the patricians.
Before the old temple of Qnirinos, says Pliny (zv. 80), there grew two myrtles, the
one patrician, the other plebeian. The first which bad been green and vigorous up to
the Music war. thereafter languished and withered^ while the other flourished and grew
strong.— FoJ. Max.^ Iz. 6.

240 THE 8TBUGGLE FOB THE 7BA17GHI8E. [B. C. 88.

what they onoe were ; but the people long ago had lost all power,
and the voters in the public assemblies were for the most part
an ignoble rabble^ composed of the fieedmen of all nations.
They took^ however, the spirit of ancient Borne, believed them-
selves Romans, asserted their superiority over the new citizens,
and defended the unity of the city. Finally, the franchise had
been entirely withheld from the Samnites, who had remained
in arms^ and had not complied with the provisions of the
Plautian law.

13. The Financial CMsis. — ^Meanwhile events had oc-
curred in the East which rendered it imperatively necessary to
declare war against Mithridates, king of Pontus, and to assign
one of the consuls^ with a new army to conduct the war there
(b. G. 88). The state treasury, however, after a war of two
years, was completely exhausted, and in order to equip a new
army, the Romans had to raise money by selling for building
lots the land in front of the capitol, which had been left vacant
for the use of the pontiffs, augurs, and flamens. The dis-
tress produced by the Social war, followed by the breaking oat
of hostilities with Mithridates, ruined thousands. The capi-
talists and all who had their property invested in Asia Minor,
no longer receiving returns, were compelled to suspend pay-
ments Terrible financial distress set in at Rome, and interest
rose to enormous rates. The debtors in their distress sought
relief from the prsBtor A. Sempronius Asellio, who revived the
Oenucian law which authorized the debtors to sue for fourfold
the amount of interest paid above the legal rate.' This so
enraged the creditors that they assembled in the forum and

attacked and killed the praetor before the eyes of the people.' "^

* See p. 388. * Salla was elected consol for B. o. 88. ' See p. 81

' Hattore fitood again exactly as thev bad stood during tlie strife of the orders ; ooee

more the capitalists in league with the prejudioed aristocmcr made war agalnfi. si»

prosecated. toe oppresced mnltltnde and the middle party which adTised a modUcstioo

of the rigid letter of the law : once more Rome Bto<>d on the verge of that ahfss into

the prince and the beggar meet ; now eveiTthing had come to be on a broader, more
abrupt, and fearfully grander scale. When the Social war brought all the pottdcal vn
social elementfl fermentins among the citizens into collision witn each other, it laid fi^
foundation for a new revolution.— IfommMA, 1. c. vol. iii., p. 871 f.

B.a 88.] THB FIB8T CIVIL WAB. 241

The Fibot Civil Wab (B. C. 88-86).— The Peosobiptiow
OF THE Senatorial Pabty (B. C. 87).

1. The Rise of Sulla. — Meanwhile the war in the East
grew more threatening every day^ and the senate was compelled
to assign the management of it to one of the consuls. The lot
fell a(K>n Sulla, who was still engaged in the siege of the Sam-
nites and the Lncanians in Nola. The selection of Sulla deeply
offended Marius, who had long regarded the conduct of that
war as his due. Sulla^ howe?er, during the Social war^ had
greatly increased his popularity. In the campaign against
Jugurtha as Marius's legate, he had first displayed that bravery
and audacity to which he owed his reputation. He took part
in the Cimbric wars, where he displayed his remarkable talent in
a still more striking manner. In b. c. 93 he was elected pr»tor,
and, at the Apollinarian games, he exhibited for the amusement
of the people a hundred African lions which were put to death
in the circus by archers sent from Africa. A few years later
when Bocchus had gilded figures erected in the capitol repre-
senting the surrender of Jugurtha to Sulla, the exasperation of
Marina knew no bounds. In the Social war private quarrels
had been hushed, and Marius and Sulla both offered their
services. But Mariu? was so far advanced in age that he lost
his renown as a soldier, and saw the laurels which he hoped to
gather reaped by his opponent Sulla's brilliant exploits estab-
lished his reputation as a soldier, and raised him to the consul-
ship ; and now, entrusted by the senate with the command in
the East, new fields of conquest were open to his ambition.

2. The Snlpician Laws (b. c. 88). — Marius, however, had
long coveted this distinction, and determined not to yield to
his rival without a struggle. He left his beautiful villa at
Misenum, and appeared daily in the Oampus Martins, and ex-
ercised with the young men. His enemies asked him what had
become of the nervousness which had paralyzed his movements

242 THE FIBST CIVIL WAB. [B. C. 88.

in the Social war. In order to regain his popularity, he under-
took the cause of the Italians, and induced the tribune P. Sul-
picius, who had renounced his nobility ^ in order to become a
candidate for the tribunate, to propose measures to conciliate
the Italians and the knights, and finally to procure for him
the conduct of the Asiatic war. These proposals were :

1. That the new citizens and freedmen should be distrib-
uted among all the tribes.^

2. That those citizens condemned under the Yarian law
should be recalled from exile.'

3. That every senator who owed more than two thousand
denarii ^ should forfeit his seat in the senate."

3. Civil War (b. o. 88). — ^SuUa returned to Borne to pie-
vent the tribune from carrying these rogations, and declared
all the remaining days of the year holidays;* during which
no business could be legally transacted. This, however,
made no difference to Sulpicius. With a body-guard of six
hundred knights whom he called his anti-senate, and three
thousand freedmen, he compelled Sulla, amid scenes of tumult
and bloodshed^ to withdraw the juatitium.^ After Sulla had
left the city, Sulpicius came forward with his principal pro-
posal : that the command in the Mithridatic war should be
transferred to Marius.' Two military tribunes sent to the

* As none tmt plebeianB could hold this office, patricians often renonnoed the priti-
leges of their rank in order to be qnallfied ; this was called iratuU^ ad pUbem,

* Vt nofoi dves fibertinique in omnea trVma diatrUntermtur.—IAyr. Bp. 77 ; If the allies
were admitted to all the tribes, they wonld oatnnmber the old ettixens, and could ea^y
confer the command on Marios.

* UIH ^ecti rtwKorentur.—lAy. Bp. 77 : i. «., those eqoites who were oondemned iftar
the change in the popular feeling. See p. 9SS.

* About HOO.

■ This was also in the Interest of the eqnites, as the senate, thus purified, was to be
filled up from their order {Plul, 8uUa^ 6). For a different Interpretation of these lawn,
see Mommsen, I. c. vol. ill., p. 274 f.

* FerUB impertUiwE ; all da/s with the Romans were either eUeffatH, when bo»loe»
could be transacted, or diet n^attiy when business was suspended,. All d]ftys oonsecnted
to the worship of the gods, to feasts or eames, were />«M. and were either y^frt^ /wMof
or privakB. Ferim piMicct were : (l)/«rMB Uativat^ nolidays observed eveiy year od »
lUod day ; (2) f«ria ooncqMvcB were observed every year on dnys fixed by the prisstf ;
(^ ferUB impiraiivm were extraordinary holidays for supplication or thankqfpriitg
appointed by the magistrates.

' A time in which all public business was suspended. It was proclaimed by the woati
and magistrates in times of public danger, and wnen tranquillity had been restored It wii
removeid.

* Ut Sulla imperium abroaaretur. O. Metric primto proamwleprovinda JMa 4 Mtaa
d^otmfntur Mithrid<Uieum.-Uy, Bp. 77 ; also Plut Mar. 84, Soli. 8.

B. C 88.] THE fXBST CIVIL WAB. 243

oonsurs camp before Kola to take command of the army for
Marias were killed by the soldiers, who, correctly interpreting
the wish of their beloyed leader, demanded to be led to Borne.
At the head of six legions Snlla set out for the city. The
resistance of Marias and Salpicios was soon overcome, and for
the first time in the annals of the city a Roman army encamped
within the walls ; for the first time party questions were solved
by the sword. On the next day Sulla summoned the senate,
which declared Marias and Sulpicins and ten others public
enemies. Sulpicius was overtaken and put to death, but
Marius succeeded in making his escape.

4. LegiBlatioa of Sulla. — ^The Sulpician laws were an-
nulled, and such new provisions as seemed necessary for the
secnrity of the oligarchy were carried :

1. The power of the tribune was limited as it was before
the Hortensian law, that is, every proposal must first be sab-
mitted to the senate and could only come before the people in
case the senate approved.^

2. The old Servian arrangement for voting in the comitia
centurvUa was restored.'

3. The senate was filled up by the admission of three hun-
dred new members selected from the party of the optimates.

To relieve the condition of the poor and of the hard-
pressed debtors, colonics were founded and the old law in re-
gard to the maximum rate of interest was restored.' After
holding the consular elections for b.c. 87, in which Gn. Octavius^
a strict optimate, and Cornelius Cinna, a member of the Map
rian party, were elected, Sulla, first making Cinna promise
that he would not disturb the existing order of things, left
Italy to commence the campaign against Mithridates.

5. The WandeiingB of Marina. —Meanwhile Marius had
met with the most remarkable adventures. The victor of Ver-
cells had still a strong hold on the affections of the people,
and all Italy was interested in his fate. He embarked from

* The l€X OonuUa I\fmp^a de trilwnieki poUstais.

* The Ux OffmMa Fofn^a de camUUe cm^uriaUt / eee p. SI ■ See p. 68.

244 THE FIBST OIVIL WAR. [B. C. 88.

1 ■ r ——Mil 1^—— ■ ■ ■ I ^^-TM— I ■ —I 1 1 - I ■! I ■ ■ ^m^m^^^^m^^^^ ^^ ■ f

Ostia^ in a ?es8el bound for Africa, but a storm compelled bim
to land at the Gircejan promontory. Being deserted bj the
sailors, he took refuge at first in the hut of a poor fisherman,
and then in the marsh near Minturnas, where, in order to con-
ceal himself he sank in the mud up to his throat Here he was
discoYored and dragged before the magistrates of Mintamse,
for a proclamation had already been made in all these towns
that a general searx^h should be made for Marius, and that be
should be put to death wherever he was found. The magis-
trates sent a slave — one of the Cimbri whom Marius had sent
to Italy— to put him to death. The prison in which he lay was
dark, and, to the frightened barbarian the eyes of the old gen-
eral seemed to flash fire, and from the darkness a haughty Toioe
demanded : ^^ Durst thou kill Oajus Marius.'' ^

6. Marina's Escape to Afiica.~The sword fell from
the hand of the barbarian, and he fled exclaiming : ^* I cannot
kill Oajus Marius.'' When the magistrates heard this, they
were struck with remorse at their conduct towards the pre-
server of Italy. " Let him go," said they ; 'Het the exile go
nnd await his destiny in some other land. It is time that we
who have refused the poor, the naked wanderer the rights of
hospitality, should deprecate the anger of the gods.** They
got a vessel ready, and sent him to the island of j£naria
(hcMa), where he was joined by many of his proscribed
friends. From here he sailed for Africa ; but hearing on the
way that his son had taken refuge with Hiempsal, king of
Numidi% he landed at the site of Carthage. He had scarcely
set foot on shore when the praetor Sextilius sent an officer who
said : ** Marius, I come from the praetor to tell you that he.
forbids you to set foot in Africa. If you do not obey, he will
execute the decree of the senate and treat you as a pnbUc
enemy." On hearing this Marius was struck dumb with grief
and astonishment. At length he said with a sigh, ^^ Go tell
the praetor that you have seen Oajus Marius a fugitive sitting
amidst the ruins of Carthage." At length, being joined by his

* Se^ map, p. W»-7. » Pint. Mat.

B. C. 87.] THE FIBST CIVIL WA£. 245

son, he cioeaed to the island of Gercina,* where he waited for
the falfillment of the propheey of the Utican seer, for he had
not yet heen consul for the seventh time.

7. The Marian Party. — Scarcely had Sulla departed,
when Ginna, supported by the majority of the tribunes, pro-
posed that the new citizens and freedmen should be enrolled
in the thirty-five tribes,^ and that the exiles should be recalled.'
The senate, headed by Octavius, determined not to yield. Both
parties appeared armed on the day of voting. Octavius, after
a dreadful conflict, in which as many ss ten thousand were slain,
gained the victory. Ginna, being deprived of his office and
driven from the city, fled to the army of Claudius, whom Sulla
had left in command in Gampania. Having obtained its
support, and being joined by a vast number of the Italians,* he
marched to Bome. The senate recalled the army of Pompejus
Strabo from Gisalpine Gaul, and directed Metellus Pius, who
had charge of the war against the Samnites, to conclude peace,
and return to Rome. When Marius heard of these events, he
set sail from Africa, landed at Telamon with a few followers, and
occupied one place after another on the coast until Ostia fell
into his hands. This cut Rome off from communication with
the sea, and Maiins moved rapidly up the Tiber, captured Mons
Janicolus and united his forces with those of Ginna. Strabo
and Octavius succeeded in retaking the.Janiculus, and the
senate, in order to increase the army, conferred citizenship
on all the allies w4io had been subdued in the Social ^r and
had not complied with the lex PlauHa Papiria,* A few of the
government troops arrived, not more than sixteen cohorte, not
enough to supply the places of those who had fallen.

& The Proscription of the Senatorial Party. — The
government, however, did not despair. On the arrival of
Metellus, it prepared to offer battle to the insurgents on the
Alban Mount, but the untrustworthiness of the army compelled

the senate to capitulate. Ginna was recognized as consul, and

— — — ~^ — I ■ ' ■ - ■ , ■ .

* Tlw lex C&metkt ds fuyoomm dMum et HbefUnortun tuffiragilU^ probably a re-enact*
ment of the X» SulMa; see p. MS. * The lex Oomena de easm^ue revoeatuHe,

* An many as thirty lonons.

* The lex OorneUa de C. Morio et cettrit exuWme revocandie. * See map, p. S17.

246 PBOSCRIPTION OF THE SENATORIAL PARTY. [B.0. 86.

with the sole condition to refrain from bloodshed, was admitted
into the city. Bat Marias refased to enter the gates until

^ the sentence of oatlawry against him was recalled. The armies

then marched in, and the soldiers were let loose for a massacre,
which lasted five days. The most distinguished men of the

I state were put to death and their property was confiscated. The

consul Octavius was slain while sitting in his carule chair and
arrayed in his consular robes. Among the slain were L. Julias
GsBsar, the hero of Acerrse,* and his brother Gajus, M. Anto-
niusi the celebrated orator, Q. Lutatius Catulus, who had tri-
umphed with Marius over the Gimbri, and P. Licinius Grassus
Dives. Ginna was soon tired of the slaughter, but Marius
required new victims every day. The bodies were refused
burial, the heads of the senatoi^ were fixed to the rostra in the
forum. Marius revelled in the scenes of blood, and his body-
guard of Vardsejans, as he called the band of Dlyrian slaves
who had escaped from the ergastula ^ in Etruria and fled to
him, struck down every one who displeased him. Sulla was
proscribed and his property confiscated.

9. The Seventh CoiunilBhip of BCaximi.— Without the
forms of an election Ginna declared himself and Marius con-
suls for the next year (b.c. 86). The Utican seer was right
The gods granted Marius the seventh consulship, but fear of
Sulla and pangs of conscience haunted him day and night
Hated by all parties, he sought forgetfulness in the wine<up,
and, wearied with life, he died on the thirteenth day of his
consulship, in the seventy-first year of his age. Order was in
some measure restored, though for two years longer Ginna
disregarded all constitutional forms and exercised dictatorial
powers. L. Valerius Flaccus was appointed consul in the place
of Marius, and suitable laws' were carried by the two consuls

* Those were dave pene. * See map No. <L

* The Ux PUnUiaJutiicaria (p. S88) wm repealed and Uie Jorymen were to be takto
exclarivejj from the eqtdUi ; tho laws of Salla {UneM OomdUi) were repealed : the proT-
Ince« redbtrlbnted : a oenras was taken (b. o. S6) for the pnrpow or distributing tlie
Italiane io all the tribeB according to the lex Oomdia ds nowrum dvhnn tMgiragH^ hot
the retums save only 468,000 (In b. c. 115, 894,886), Bhowing that only a few of the new
dtizons had compiled with the Plantlan law ; and Flaocm) carried a law Uat VaUria dt
aire alieno) to necnre the favor of the people, which cancelled all debts by tne payment of
onefoarth of the amount due— -a mea<4are that had become necewair* becacue (<Qch a ]ugt
number of Roman citizens had lost thehr property invested iu Asia Ifinor. In coiue:.iieoo»
of Uie Mithridatte war. ^^

B. C. 88.] THE FIB8T MITHRIDATIG WAB. 247

which they hoped would render their anthority secure. The
goTemment of Cinna was a real tyranny. In utter disregard
of the people to whom he owed his power^ he had himself and
Cn. Papirius Carbo declared consuls for the two following years.
Meanwhile L. Valerius Flaccus had been appointed to super-
sede SuUa, and had departed on his perilous mission.

•• ♦•>

Thb Fiest Mftheidatic War (B. C. 88-84).

1. Mithrldat^Wi and the East — The arrangements which
the Bomans had made in Asia Minor after the subjugation of
Aristonicus^ remained unchanged, except that Phrygia had
been added to the Boman province.' The other countries, al-
though nominally free and governed by independent princes,
had been treated more and more by Rome as dependent states.
Pontus, the most remote of these kingdoms in the northeast,
extending along the Euxine sea from the river Halys to the
frontiers of Colchis, had, like the others, originally been a
satrapy of the Persian kings. The country had, however, for
many centuries been independent, and the throne had de-
scended through eight generations to Mithridates YI., sumamed
Eupator, and the Great He was only twelve years old when
his father was cut off by the dagger of an assassin (b.c. 120).

2. Bis Plans of Conquest — Mithridates became a man
of remarkable powers of mind and body.' As soon as he came

* See pi 179. * The province embraced at first M^rida, Lydla, and Carta.

* The armor which fitted the gigantic frame of king Mithridates excited the wonder
of the Axdatics, and still more that of the Italians. As a ranner, he overtook the swif tent
deer ; ae a rider, he broke in the wild steed, and was able by changing horses to accom-
plish 1JM> miles in a day ; as a cbarioteer, he drove sixteen in hand, and gained in oompe-

of dreams and the Qreek mysteries occnpied not a few of the king^s hours— and by a
rode adoption of Hellenic civilization. He was fond of Greek art and music, that is to
say, he collected precious articles, rich furniture, old Persian and Greek objects of lux*
nry— hia cabinet of rings was famous : he liad constantlv Greek historians, philosophers,
and poets in his train, and proposed prizes at his court festivals, not onJy for the great-
est eaten aud drinkers, but alao for the merriest Jester and the best singer. He proae*

248 THE FIRST HITHBIDATIG WAB. [B. C. 92.

of age (b. g. 113), he endeavored to extend his dominions as far
as he could without coming in contact with the Romans. Col-
chiSy Lesser Armenia, and the Tanric Chersonese with its capital
Ponticapaeum (Kertch), were annexed to his kingdom. He
formed treaties with other tribes on the Black sea, and eyen as
far as the Danube, and in the East allied himself with Ti-
granes, king of Armenia, by giving him his daughter in mar-
riage. After making these preparations, he felt himself strong
enough to contend with Bome herself. In order to bring Cap-
padocia^ under his sway, he attempted to place upon the
throne one of his nephews. The Romans interposed, and
Sulla, who was then propraetor in Gilicia, received orders to
interfere. Mithridates was still anxious to avoid a collision
with Rome, and therefore left the management of affiuis to
Tigranes. Sulla, with a small force, drove the king's auxiliaries
out of the country, and permitted the people of Cappadocia to
choose Ariobarzanes as their king. Sulla, however, had scarcely
left the country when Tigranes fell upon Ariobarzanes and
expelled him from Cappadocia (b. c. 92).

3. Mithridates' Invasion of Asia — ^In the following year
Mithridates interfered in Bithynia, and set up a rival claimant
to the throne, although the Romans had recognized Nicomedes
as king. Ariobarzanes and Nicomedes both appealed to Rome
for aid. The consul Manius Aquillius was sent to Asia as

CDted the ezperlmental stadj of poisons and antidotes as an Important branch of tbe
Inifiiness of government, and tried to inure hla body to particalar poisons.

Wbat reulT di«tinfi[aiKhe8 Mithridates among the mnltitude of similar sultans was Us
boondless activity. He dinappeuvd one morning from liis palace and remained nnbeard
of for months, so that he was given np for lost. When he retnmed, be had wandered
incognito throogh all Asia Minor, and reconnoitred everywhere the country and people.
He was not only flaent in (speech, but administered justice to each of the twenty-two
nations over which be ruled, in its own lancpage, without needing an interpreter.

Notwithstanding his Hellenic culture, which sat on him not much better than the
Roman armor on ms Cappadocians, he was throughout an Oriental of the ordinary stamp,
coarse, full of the most sensual appetites, superstitious, cruel, perfidious, and unscrupa-
lous ; out so vigorous in organieation, so powerful In physical endowments, that his de*
iiant laying about him and his unshaken courage in resistance looked like genius. Tbe
Mithridatic war formed at once the last movement of the political opposiition offered Iff
Hellas to Rome, and the beginning of a revolt against the Roman supremacy resting on
very different and far deeper grounds of antagonism— the natlomU reaction of the
Asiatics against the Occidentals.— i/bmmMn.l. c. vol. ill., p. 875 f.

* Cappadocia had formerly belonged to Pontus, but when the Romans gave Mitliri-
dates* father Great Fhrygia (about the same as the present Pbrysria, except that a por-
tion of its territory on the west had been added to the province of Asia) as a reward for
his services in the wars against Carthage and against ArlBtonicns, they deprived him of
Cappadocia.

B. C. 87.] THE FIBST If ITHBIDATIC WAR. !M9

enToy to settle the difScalties. Mithridates yielded again, and
the two kings ascended their thrones. At the instigation of
Aqnillins, Nicomedes declared war against Mithridates, closed
the Bosporus to his vessels, and made predatory incursions into
his territory. The king of Pontus, however, remained un-
shaken in his policy of peace, until he had applied to the
Soman envoy either to restrain Nicomedes or to allow him to
defend himsel£ AquiUius, who had instigated the war for his
own profit, informed the king that he must refrain from war
with Nicomedes. This was the old policy of Rome acted oyer
again. Mithridates, with the courage of despair, prepared for
war,^ and ordered his generals, Neoptolemns and Archelaus to
invade Bithynia. They defeated Nicomedes and drove him
from his kingdom, captured Aquillius and put him. to death
with torture, and even invaded the Boman province. Here the
extortions of the tax-gatherers, the rapacity of the Boman mer-
chants, and the oppression of the slave speculators, had pro-
duced such deep discontent that the people everywhere hailed
Mithridates as their deliverer. Civil war had broken out at
Bome, and Sulla was detained at home. No sufficient force
opposed the king. From Ephesus, he issued orders to put to
death on the same day all the Italians with their wives and
children residing in Asia Minor. ^ Taking up his winter-
quarters at Pergamus, he sent Archelaus with a fleet to extend
his'^mpire to the west, while another army advanced along the
Thracian coast as far as Macedonia. The most of the islands
of the Grecian archipelago submitted, and even Athens and
nearly all Greece declared in favor of Mithridates.

4. Sulla Lands in Epima (b. c. 87). — In the beginning of
the next year Sulla landed in Epirus with five legions.' Ad-
vancing directly to Athens, where Archelaus had intrenched
himself, he captured the city after a stubborn resistance,^ and
gave it up to plunder and massacre. Meanwhile the second
army of Mithridates under Taxiles had arrived in Greece, and

> His Army numbered 960,000 infantiy, 40,000 cavaliy, and 400 nhips.

* AccoTdlng to nome aoconnta 80,000 were murdered ; aad to otheni, as many as 150,000.

■ Aboat a(MDO mm- * March 1, 80 b. o.

250 THE FIBST MITHBIDATIC WAB. [B. C. 86.

ArcfaelaQB joined it in Bceotia. Sulla defeated both armies,
first at Ghaeronea* (b. g. 86), and then at Orchomenus (b.c. 85).
Meanwhile Flaccus,^ who had been appointed to supersede
Sulla» had arrired in Greece with two legions; but finding
Sulla's soldiers deaf to all his solicitations to desert their com-
mander, he retired to Macedonia and marched through Thrace
to Asia Minor. Soon after Flaocus fell a victim to an insurrec-
tion headed by O. Flayius Fimbria, a Roman demagogue who
was serving in the army as a legate. He had acquired such
popularity with the soldiers that on the death of Flaccus he
was raised by them to the chief command. Sulla took up his
winter^quarters in Thessaly. ^

5. CondoBion of Peace (b. c. 84). —In the meantime
affairs had changed in Asia Minor. Mithridates had shown
himself in his true colors of a savage Asiatic despot At first
he had come forward as a liberator of the Hellenes, but his
tyranny had alienated these, and all the provincials were ready
to receive the Romans back. L. Licinius Lucullus, Sulla's
legate, who afterwards commanded in the second Mithridatic
war, collected a fleet, and gained two victories off the coast of
Asia Minor. Just at this time Fimbria had defeated the
younger Mithridates, captured Pergamus, the capital of the
Pontic king, and compelled Mithridates himself to take refuge
in Mitylene. These repeated disasters made Mithridates anx-
ious for peace. The preliminaries, however, which were settled
with Archelaus in Greece during the winter, were rejected by
the king, who asserted that Fimbria would grant more fisivorable
terms. Sulla broke off negotiations and crossed the Helles-
pont (b. c. 84). This brought Mithridates to his senses. In a
personal interview with the king at Dardanus, the terms were
definitely settled. Mithridates abandoned all his conquests in
Asia Minor, confined himself to the dominions which he had
held before the war, paid three thousand talents,' and surren-
dered eighty ships-of-war fully equipped.

6. Death of Fimbria.— ^nlla was now at liberty to pro-

' See p. S47. • Nearly KOOO^OOQ. * See map, p. W.

B. C. 83.] SULLA CBU8HE8 THE MASIAN PARTY. 251

ceed against Fimbria, who was at Tbyatira. After yainly
attempting to induce his soldiers to fight. Fimbria fled to Per-
gamos and pat an end to his own life.^ Sulla imposed upon
the inhabitants of the province of Asia an enormous contribu*
tion of twenty thousand talents,' which delivered them com-
pletely into the hands of the Boman bankers and speculators,
from whom they were compelled to borrow the money at an
exoilHtant rate of interest

•• ♦ •»

SiTLLA ObITBHES THE MabTAN PaBTT.

1. SoUa's Retain to Italy (b.c. 83). — During Sulla's
absence, the Marian government, under Cinna, had been a real
despotism* It was evident, from the time that Ginna had de-
clared him a public enemy and sent Flaccus to relieve him in
command, that Salla intended to overthrow this government by
force of arms. Tidings had arrived from time to time of his
success, and finally in b. c. 84 a letter came from Sulla himself
to the senate, announcing the end of the war and his return to
Italy. The first general of the age and at the head of a de-
voted army, he had little to fear from his adversaries ; yet,
knowing that their strength lay in the city mob and the Ital-
ians, he attempted to conciliate both of these by declaring that
he would respect the rights of the new citizens, and that pun-
ishment should fall on the authors of the trouble and not on
the people.

2. Civil War (b. c. 83).— The senate in alarm sent an
embassy to Sulla expressing a desire for peace, and at the same
time ordered the consuls Cinna and Carbo to suspend their

* His sokHem wure not allowed to return to Rome, Imt were condemned to miUtazy
ttrrlee fn AtH* Mfnor.

* Neviy $K,000,000, the amoont of tbe tribute tor Sye jmn.

252 STTLLA CBUSHES THE MARIAN PABTT. [b. C. SS.

preparations for war. This order, however, made no difference
with the consuls, who knew that a reconciliation was impossible.
Cinna hastened to Ancona,* with the intention of crossing over
to Greece to meet Sulla, but the soldiers mutinied and pat him
to death.^ Still the Marian party continued its preparatiom
and raised an army of nearly two hundred thousand men.
There was tremendous excitement in Rome when Sulla landed,
in the spring of b. c. 83, at Brundisium, with an army of forty
thousand men. The senate declared the republic in danger
and bestowed upon the consuls unlimited powers. Snila,
in his advance through Calabria and Apulia to Campania,
was joined by Metellus Pius and M. Licinius Crassns, and
many members of the optimate party. Cn. Pompejus,' the
son of Pompejus Strabo, rendered important aid by levying
three legions in Picenum at his own expense, and reinforced
Sulla in Apulia.' In Campania, at Mount Tifata, Sulla de-
feated the consul Norbanus, who took refuge in Capua. An
event now happened, the origin of which was never discov-
ered, that threw the city into consternation. On the night of
July 6th (b. g. 83), the temple of Jupiter, on the Capitoline
hill, was burnt ; even the volumes of the SibyUine oracles were
destroyed. The destruction of this sanctuary, and of the
sacred books that had been preserved there since the days
of the kings, taken in connection with the events that were
going on in Italy, produced a profound impression on the
Boman people, and contributed not a little to the belief
that the downfall of the state was near at hand. Sulla

* Lncins Sciplo and Gajas Norbanns were elected consolfi for b. o. 88.

* OENSALOGICAL TABLE.
Cn. Pompbjub Stbabo, cos. b.o. 88l

Ck. Poxpbjtts Maghub, triamvirf m.
1. Antxstia,
8. Mmiula^
8. MuciA,

4. JULU,

5. COBNELIA.

{

Cn. Pokpbjub Magnub, m. Skz. Pompzjvb Maqnub, m. Poxpbja, m. Paubtob
Claudia ; died, b. o. 46. Scbibonia; died« b.o. 85. Sdula.

* Sulla saluted bim as imperator, i. «., one coramandinjir with an independent
Hum ; for the meaning of imperium see pp. 60 and 63, n. 1,

B.C. 82.] SULLA CBUSHSS THE HABIAK PARTY. 253

now turned agaizist Scipio, and opened communications with
him for peace, and concluded an armistice. By means of
Sulla's emissaries^ Scipio soon found himself deserted by his
troops, and as no terms of peace were agreed upon^ was com-
pelled to resign his office and retire from the war. Sulla and
Metellus took up their winter-quarters in Campania and main-
tained the blockade of Capua.

3. The Battle of Clnsiiim (b. g. 82).— In the meantime
Cn. Papirius Carbo hastened from the camp of Norbanus to
Borne, had Sulla and the leaders of his party declared pub-
lic enemies, and the consulship conferred upon himself and
Gajus Marius, the younger, although the latter had not yet
attained the legal age for that office (b. c. 82). Carbo under-
took the conduct of the war in the north against Metellus,
while Marius was charged with the task of holding Sulla in
check in the south. At Sacriportus, between Signia and Prad-
neste, Marius was utterly defeated and shut up in PrsBueste.
This left the road to Bome open to Sulla/ but before he could
arrive there, Marius found time to send orders to the prsetor
G. Damasippus to evacuate the city after putting to death his
leading opponents. The most distinguished senators were
struck down in the senate-chamber ; among the distinguished
men who fell were the SBdiles Publius Antistius and Gajus
Carbo, the two best judicial orators of the age, and the ponHfes>
inaximus Q- Mucins Scsdvola. Sulla entered the city in a few
days, and after a brief stay there, marched to Etruria to join
Metellus and Pompejus in the campaign against Carbo. After
several trifling engagements, he so thoroughly defeated Carbo
at Clusium, that the latter gave up the war and fled to Africa.

4. The Battle at the CoUine Gate (b. c. 82). — Mean-
while the army of the Samnites and Lucanians under Pontius
Telesinus came to the relief of ProBneste, but finding his
advance to that city cut ofiF by Sulla, who had hastily come
from Etruria, he advanced directly upon Bome, "For," said
Pontius, " there will be no peace for Italy until the forest is

~- - - ■ _ _ _ - .^

* He left Q. Locretias Qfella to continue the siege of Pneneete.

Jtfir SULLA CRUSHES THB HARU.K PAKTT. [ft. C. 81

rooted up in which the Soman wolves have their dens."^ Had
not Sulla appeared in time^ Borne would haye been lost The
battle was fought before the Colline gate and was long and
furious. The victory hung so long in the balance that Sulla
in despair invoked the Pythian Apollo to lend his aid.* The
Samnites fought with the courage of despair. The flower of
their army was cut to pieces, and the prisoners to the number
of three or four thousand were slaughtered in the Campos
Martins. Their cries reached the temple of Bellona^* where
Sulla was haranguing the senate. " It is nothing," said he ;
** I have only ordered some malefactors to be chastised.'' * This
ended the resistance of the Marian party in Italy, and the last
hope of the Samnites perished at the Colline gate.*^ In Sicily
and Africa Pompejus gained an easy victory over Perpenna and
Domitius Ahenobarbus, but in Spain Sertorius defied the power
of Home until b. c. 72.

5. StiUa Proscribes His Opponents. — Sulla entered the
city as the head of the optimate party, and alter declaring to
the people * that he would give them a better constitution, and
that he should punish the leaders of the opposite party, who
had taken part in the contest since the armistice with Scipio,'
he drew up a list ' of those on whom he wished to take ven-
* geance. It contained the names not only of the leaders in the
late war, but of the wealthy citizens and disaffected Italians.
A reward* was set upon the heads of the proscribed, their prop-
erty was confiscated, and punishment threatened against all
who sheltered or concealed them. New lists constantly ap-
peared, and terror reigned not only at Rome but throughout
Italy. The senate made no objection, and only ventured to
assign the first of June, b.g. 81, as the limit for the blood r

» Ven. 87. • Pint. Soil. 89.

> The temple of Bellona was in the Campus MarHuSj near the dreoe Plamlnfaiii. In
this the senate recetved foreign ambassadora who were not admitted to the d^, and vte^
torioa» generals who claimea the honor of a triomph. It was here (after the &>man'< ex-
tended Uieir dominioni*, m> that it wvt not practicaole to go to tiie enemy^ci ftontiert that
,^ t^/etUUis made the declaration of war, for the area of the temple was regarded aa fo^
Mgh territory, and the pillar in from (oHumna beiUca) of the temple as the frontier, and
^ the !/Vtott« hurled the spear over this pillar.

2 Pint. Sail. 80. • The hattle was fong^ Not. 1, b. o. 88. • In a amflo.

f See p. 868. • Tabvia progeHp^mifi. * lS,00O<lmartt ^ about tMOa

B. C. 82.] SULLA OBUSHES THB HABIAK PABTT. 255

work. Lost after list appeared, and as many as forty-seven
thousand are said to have perished. The confiscated property,
which Snila himself sold at public auction, was bid in by his
friends and dependents at a nominal price, as no one dared to
bid against them.^ Sometimes the purchase money was not
paid at all, and sometimes Sulla bestowed estates upon his
favorites without the formality of a public sale. The wealth
that had been wrung for many generations from the toil and
blood of the slaves, from the plunder of the provinces, and
from the mined cities and people of Italy, became the spoil of the
soldiers, the generals, and the nobles, so that it was a common
sapng : ^ His fine house was the death of such a one, his gar-
dens of another, his hot-baths of a third/' One day a stranger
came into the forum, and reading the list out of curiosity, saw
his own name among the proscribed. ^' Ah I unfortunate that
I am," cried he, '^ my Alban villa has killed me." He had not
gone far before he was overtaken and killed.' It was a fearful
time; bands of soldiers traversed Italy to hunt down the pro-
scribed.' Men of wealth were sometimes murdered first and
then proscribed.^ After this, Sulla celebrated his triumph, had
the senate legalize all his acts while consul and proconsul, and
ordered the erection of a gilded equestrian statue of himself
in front of the rostr% with the inscription, " Z. Cornelio Sulla
impenUori Felici!^

« Ole. Rose. Am. 8. 81 ; Pint Clc. 8. Such creatOTM as P. OorneliiiB ChiyBOgoBOs, G.
Verres, and P. Goradliu Sulla seized this opportODitj to enrich tbemselyes.

^ Flat. Soil, aa

" The Tictoiy of SaOa was the triamph of Borne over Italy ; in Borne Iteelf, that of
the noblee orer the rich, particularly over the knighte ; w for the common people, they
eriflted only in name ; 1,600 knlgbto vrere proecribed, with 80 senatore belonging to
rheir party. The terrible vystem of confiscation was applied to all Italy. In every place
the men belonging to the opposite party were pot to death, banished, or plundered ; and
not only themselves, but their parents, their friends, those who knew ihem, those who
bad spoken to them, and even those who had accidentallv traveled with them. Whole
cities were proscribed, as well as men, and were plnnderea and depopulated to give place
to the legions. Above all, the unfortunate Btruria, the only country which had still
escaped tlie colonies and the agrarian laws, the onlv counttr in which the laborers were
IpeneraBy free, became the prey of the soldiers. Sulla founded a new town in the valley
of the Amo, not flir from Fiesole, and called it Florentia.— iijagoton. 1. c ; JtfieAaM, 1. c.

* Whoever killed one of these outlaws was not only exempt from punishment like
tn executioner duly fnlfllling his office, but also obtained for tne execution a compensa-
tion of li.000 tienarU (ISBOO) : any one, on the contrary, who befriended an outlaw, even
the nearest relative, was liable to the severest punishment. The property of the pro-
f>cribed was forfeited to the state like the spoils of the enemy ; their children and grand-
children were excluded rrom a political career, and yet, so far as they were of senatorial
rank, wore bound to undertake senatorial burd«nt».

266 THB 8TTLLAK CONSTITUTIOK. [b. C. 82-80.

csi^prrsi^ XXXIX.
The Sttllan CoNSTrrunoN (B.C. 83-80).

1. The Rule of the Senate Restored.— Sulla now had
time to turn his attention to the reorganization of the govern-
ment^ in the interest of the nobility. This party, since the
time of the second Punic war, blind and obstinate, had more
and more proved its unworthiness to govern the Roman state.
Sulla, in this restoration of the rule of the senate, restored what
was already dead, and, blind to the influence of the popular
party, attempted to push the great revolution back to the point
at which, in his opinion, it ought to have stopped. It was
therefore only a temporary arrangement, because the nobility,
thoroughly corrupt and selfish, exercised the privileges entrusted
to them, not for the good of the state, but for their own
aggrandizement. The people soon regained their power, and
misgovemment and anarchy prepared the way for the rule of
one man who restored good government and peace to the
exhausted Boman world.

2. Sulla Dictator with Fnll Powers.— On the motion
of L. Valerius Flaccus, the chief of the senate, Sulla was ap-
pointed dictator with full ^ powers to regulate the state by new
laws, to confiscate property, to pronounce sentence of death, to
dissolve or to establish communities in Italy, to fix its bound-
ary, to found colonies, to confer the imperium, and to dispose of
the provinces. Hitherto no one had held the office of dictator
for more than six months ; Sulla was to hold it as long as he
pleased.

* Dictator legViw icribendU et reipuMcee comtUuenda, i.e., ettetatorfor tike maUM
of laws and the regvkMnq qT the commonuMoUk, Sulla in eome mcMiire obcencd tte
lormH of the constitution In belne Appointed dictator. As a conral only could nomlnaff
a dictator and both oonrals were acsd, Snlla retired fh>m Rome and the senate deeded an
interreXn who appointed SuUa dictator. The dictator was formerly apiiointed for a par-
ticniar piirpoc>e and for a definite time : Solla's dictatorship was nnllmited in both tli^
respects. Legally the flrft interrex conld not appoint a dictator, and oonstltationaliy tb«
dictator was appointed nnder the lex de didatore ereando: bnt Salla wa« appotntcd
under the lex Valeria. He appeared with twice as many lictorv (twenty-four) u tbt
dicutor in former times. The Valerian law was carried November, b. o. A

B. C. 82-80.] THE SUIiLAUr C0N8TITUTI0N. 367

3. Changes in tiie Constitution.^ — He immediatelj set
about carrying a series of ]aws to reconstruct the govemment
in the interest of his own order :

1. The tribunes were depriyed of all their prerogatiyes
except that of intercession* In order to make the office
dependent on the senate, it was enacted that only senators
could became tribunes, and whoeyer had been elected to the
tribunate was ineligible to any curule office.

2. In regard to other magistrates, the regulation of the lex
annalis was enforced, that no one should be prsBtor before he
had been qusestor, nor consul before he had been prsBtor. Can-
didates for the qusBstorship must be at least thirty years of age;
the law of b. o. 151, which forbade re-election to the consulship,
was repealed, and that of b. g. 342 re-enacted, by which ten
years must elapse before the same office could be held a second
time.

3. The number of prsBtors was increased from six to eight
and the quaestors from tweWe to twenty. It was definitely ' set-
tled that the consuls and praetors during the first year of office
should deyote themselyes to ciyil duties in the city, but dur-
ing the second year, as proconsuls and propraetors, undertake
the goyemment of one of the proyinces.* There were at this
time nine proyinces: Sicilia,* Sardinia, Hispania citerior, HiS"
pania uUertor, Macedonia (with Achaja), Africa, Aeia, OaUia
NarhonensiSy Cilida, and Sulla probably organized OaUia
Cisalpina as the tenth. ^ Sulla undertook the rebuilding of the
Capitoline temple^ which had been burnt during Oarbo's
absence from Rome, July 6, b. c. 83, and the reconstruction of
the senate house. It was at this time that the pamerium, the

« Lex ComeUa <U Mdunida poiettaU. The right to impeftch befon the people wm ^
made dependent on the will of the senate. Aecoraing to M ommeen (!• c. vol. til., p. 880)
the tiflrasee still had the right, on the provioua pennlwlon of the eeiiAte, to cany laws
In the aaeembly of tribes. This ylew is contradicted in the moet positive manner by
the authorities, especially by Cesar (b. c. i., 7), who expressly say* that all the praroff-
ative9 of the tribunes except that of interce«i«ion were taken away.

' See p. 188 : this, as many other proTidona of the oonstitntion, had long been the
cofltom ; now it became a \tgiBl enactment.

' Breiy magiatcate was to leave his province within thirty days after the arrival of
his stuooeeeor. * Sec map, p. 485-7.

* See Mommeen, I. c. voL iii., p. 987 and note. The northern boundary of Italy
changed from the M^^M to the Sabicon, and abont b. c. 49, to the Alps.

258 THE fiULLAK COKSTITUTlOlif. [b. C. 82-80.

dividing line between the civil and the military authority, was
extended to embrace all Italy, which was henceforth to be
exempt from military authority,^ the aim being to bring about
a complete separation between the civil aathority which go?-
emed in districts inhabited by Roman citizens, and the mili-
tary aathority which governed in other districts.

4. The senate, which had been greatly reduced during the
Civil war, was filled np with three hundred new members, elected
by the cotniiia tributa^ from the equestrian order. The
revision of the roll of the senate by the censor was abolished,
and all who had been quaestors were eligible to a seat in the
senate. The office of jurymen was restored to the senate, and
the revival of the old regulation by which the senate had the
initiative in legislation, kept the public assemblies under its
control.

5. The foundation of the power of the nobility had been in
the priestly colleges. Sufla repealed the Domitian law of
B. c. 104, which bestowed upon the people the right of electing
the members of these colleges, and restored that of txhoptatio
or self -election. The number of pontiffs and augurs was
increased to fifteen respectively.*

6. The judicial system was reorganized, and permanent
courts ' were established for the trial of criminal cases. Al-
ready as early as b. c. 149, by the Oalpumian law, a criminal
court ^ had been organized for the trial of provincial governors
in cases of extortion. Sulla established several new ones, and
henceforth there were separate courts for exactions,' for mur-
der, for high treason,* for adultery,^ for forging of wills,' for

' hmperivin mMtioi.

* "Die kx Oometta de preicripiione has already been mentioned. For ezecntiiig tfet
pro'viiions of the law more than 10,000 ulaves were freed and enrolled aa a bodr-cnard.
The work of oonfiMation was intermpted Jan. 97« b. c. 81, by the celebration or Salta'^
magniHeent tHamph over M ithridateft. Hifi soldiers were then provided for. Tliey were
fiettled in all parts of Italy, whole diptricts were depopulated to give place for them. Tbe
towns, sooh as Nola and Volaterrfe, that refased to receive the new settlers, were reduced
and compelled to submit, and in place of citizenship received the jut LaHL

* Quattkmet perpetwe, * Quoutio rerum repdumdamm.

* Lex Comma de peeukUu.

* Lex OofneUadenu^tate (i. a, treason against the greatneu [fiu^^Mtoa] of the rtate)
took the place of the lex Ajmulefa of b. c. 100.

* IM advUerUe.

■ Lex Oometta defafeie.

ft. C. 8S-80. TAt SUtLAl^ COKSTltOTlOK. 269

injuries* to persons^ and for the disturbance of the public
peace,

7. One of the eight praetors presided in each of these courts,
while the civil jurisdiction was left as before to the prcBtor
peregrinus and the prator urhanus, Sulla first established the
distinction between the trial of civil cases before a single judge,
and of criminal cases before a bench of jur}Tnen. The jurymen
were to be taken exclusively from the senators. As only the
people could pronounce sentence of death or imprisonment,
and as Sulla had transferred the trial of all cases of treason
from the popular assembly to the courts, it followed that such
cases could no longer be capitally punished. This arrangement
took from the hands of the popular leaders one weapon which
they had for many years wielded effectively.

The Sumptuary laws,* probably issued this year, were
intended in place of the censors to restrain luxury by limiting
the amount that could be expended at banquets.^ A special
law restrained the extravagance at funerals.

These laws were submitted to the people in due form and
carried.*

4. Effects of Bis Legislation. — Sulla's work had been
thorough, and he hoped that his constitution would be per-
manent. It was a great mistake, however, to suppose that the
old soldiers whom he settled on the confiscated lands of the
Italians could become industrious and sober-minded citizens.
It was a still greater one, to expect that the political ferment of

> Zk inktrUi. It was ander this last law that Cicero in b. c 80 defended Sex. Boecins.
(See p. aS0.)

' Zex ComtUa sumptuaria.

* These laws enaeted that on the Kalenda, N<me», IdeSy and on the days of the games
ilidt) and of certain holidavs {Feri(X\ three hundred sest^ces could be expended upon
entertainments, bat upon other da/s only thirty. The month was diTided by the Romans
by the Idet into two portions : the Ides in March, May, July, and October fell on the
fifteenth, and in the other months on the thirteenth. The eighth day before the Ide$
w&< termed the Nonm (the Romans included the day from wuch they counted). The
first of each month was called Kalenda.

« It is impossible to fix the date accurately for the legislation of Sulla. The first five
laws were probably issued before Jan. 87, b.o. 81, perhaps in Kovember, b. c. 82 ; the
triumph was celebrated Jan. 87, B. o. 81 ; from that time until June 1, b. o. 81, was the
time of the proscription and the settlement of the soldiers in various parts of Italy.
The other laws were iasned before the end of b. c. 81, and the constitution went into
effect at the beginning of b. o. 80. See Appian, b. c. 1. 90 ff.: Uvy, ep. 89 ; Clc. Rose.
Am. 8, SS, 46 ; this case was tried in the summer of b. o. 60 (tieU. 35, 98), and was the
first that ctfme before the new jurymen.— Zaii^«, 1. c. 157.

260 THE fiULLAN COKSTITOTIOK. [B. C. 6A-90.

■ —

the capital, for the moment bashed, would remain forever
qaiet When agitation began again, party leaders found no-
where stronger adherents than in these military colonies of

SuUa.

5. He Refidgna the Dictatorship (b.c. 79).— For the

space of nearly three years, Sulla, as dictator, had ruled the

Boman world, when, to the astonishment of all, he resigned

the regency and declared himself ready to render account to

any one for his conduct. He retired to Puteoli that he might

give himself up to that pleasure and rest which had ever been

the chief aim of his life. Still he could not wholly withdraw

his attention from public affairs. Only ten days before his

death he reconciled the contending parties in Puteoli, and

regulated their police laws. The very day before he died he

had the quaestor Granius strangled by his bedside because he

attempted, to withhold the money due the state, hoping that

Sulla's death would relieve him altogether of regulating his

accounts. After a brief illness— he finished the twenty-second

book of his autobiography two days before his death — he died

in the sixtieth year of his age. Many of his enemies combined

to prevent his having the usual honors of burial, but his name

was too powerful, and the senate decreed him a public funeral,

the most magnificent Bome had ever seen. His soldiers came

from all parts of Italy to do honor to the old -hero who had led

them so often to victory. The magnificent procession, headed

by the senate and the magistrates, the priests and the vestal

virgins, and followed by the army, legion by legion, reached the

Campus Martius, where the funeral pile was erected.* Here,

according to the wish of Sulla himself, the body was burned

and the ashes were deposited beside the tomb of the kings. Hi^

monument was erected in the Campus Martius, bearing an

inscription composed by himself: **No friend ever did. me a

kindness, no enemy a wrong, without receiving full requital"*

> Snlla, although crael, ieems to have been a neat favorite with the Boman ladiea.
At hii< faneral they attended in great nnrobere, orlnglng sodi a qnantitj of aromatics.
that besides tho«e which were contained in SIO baslcetsTthere was enough ciniiaioon and
other precious spicen to form a statne of SaUa cf the on of Itf e, uid another of a UeHV
bearing the faeces before him.

* Phit. Sou. 40.

KC 79.] BGAJTDALOUS BULE OV IHB OUGABCHT. 261

The SoAin>ALous Kule of the Oligabcht.

1. The Oppositioii. — When Sulla delivered the Roman
state oyer to the consuls, it was under the absolute sway of the
oligarchy. Still there were many discordant elements — the
jurists who resented the violation of constitutional law, the
moderate aristocracy who were inclined to compromise, the
offended capitalists, the relatives and friends of the proscribed,
the large class of men who had been ruined by the civil war,
and finally the remnant of the popular party, the popularesy
who only waited for an opportunity and a leader to overthrow
the &bric which Sulla had reared.^

2. The Conditioii of Italy and the Provinces.— The
coudition of Italy since the Social and the Civil wars was inde-
Bcribably wretched. The soldiers, too indolent to cultivate the
land Sulla had given them, had squandered their fortunes and
either returned to the capital or re-entered the military service.
The lands were once more swallowed up in great estates, and
devouring slavery made the free population disappear. Half of
Italy wafi a desert, and in Samnium there was scarcely a town
that was not in ruins. The soldiers had expelled ^Tfbrmer
population, which wandered in beggary cr labored on tBfeir for'
mer forms as servants. In the provinces, all the old abuses had
returned — violence, outrage, plunder, robberies, the seizing of
free men as slaves — and were practiced to such a degree as
no man could have conceived of, had not the prosecution of
Verres unveiled the merciless rule of the oligarchy in Sicily.*

3. The Xncrease of Lnznry. — The great aim of the
Romans was the acquisition of vast wealth ; and by systematic
plunder and rapine, immense riches were accumulated and
squandered on brutal pleasures. At the public festivals, animal

> Mommaen, vol. iv., p. 8. ■ See pi 909.

362 SCANDALOUS BITLE OF THB OLIGARCHY, [b. C. t8.

hunts and gladiatorial combats met with enthusiastic favor.
Immense sums were squandered on funeral games.^ At this
time every man of the ruling oligarchy, the principeSy or
optimatesy or boni viri^ as they called themselves, thought it
necessary to have a beautiful city house, adorned with fine gar-
dens, ornamented within with statues, paintings, and a library,
and a number of villas scattered over the most beautiful part of
Italy. It was particularly at Baj® and the district around the
bay of Naples, the Baden-Baden of the ancients, that this
fashionable rural life found its centre. To give some idea of
the extravagance and luxury of this period among the higher
classes,^ it is only necessary to mention that Lucullns had
mountains and rock cut through for the purpose of conducting
salt water to the tanks at his villa near Naples and Bajae, that
he might be provided with marine fish at any time fresh for the
table. When, therefore, Cicero and Atticus at one time came
\o supper with him, they found a meal prepared that cost one
hundred and seventy thousand sfisterces^^ although Lucullns
only had time to designate the room in which the meal should
be served.'

4. The Insurrection of Lepidus. — The oligarchy,
sunk m indolence and luxury, was powerless to maintain its
position. Accordingly Sulla was scarcely dead before the con-

^ JSmiliOB Lepidus ordered that not more than 1,000,000 omw (I»,000) ahonld be ex-
pended on his funeral.

* That is, ths ehi^t ; the best mm ; ths good mm.

* The houHe of CraHenR, with \t» line garden and treee, was valned (b. o. 91) at ft.000,000
iesieroet ($800,000). an ordinary houMe was worth abont one-tenth as moch. Tbe XiMn-
ian villa of Cornelia, the mother of the Gracchi, cost 75,000 aesUret* ($9,760), but L. Lo-
callns at this time paid thirty-three times as mnch for it. * |7,600.

* A villa with its land was sold for 40,000,000 segUreet ($8,000,000), on acooant of \xa
flsh-ponds. The plunder of Verres in Sicily is estimated at tf, 000,000 satercm ($ILO0O,O00t.
Caesar, when he departed for Spain as prstor, needed 81,000,000 tetttroeB to pay his debt? :
in B. o. SO he bribed the conHai Paullnp with 80,000,000 Mfttercet ($1,600,000) and Corio tbe
tribune with 60,000,000 testerces. A moderate senatorial fortune was 8,000,000«eiiferorA an
equestrian, 3,000,000. The property of P. Crasons, consul In B.C. 131. was estimated st
100,000,000 suUrcea ($5,000,000), and that of M. Oassus at 170,000.000 seatereet (^,B0O,OWi.
although he had expended enormous sums in providing free com for the people. We
must, however, remember that the^te are exceptional casee, that the laige mass of tbe
people were far from being rich ; that many men, as Rothschild, Stewart, and otberv in
modem times, have left at their deaths many times as mnch, after making due aUowmnce
for the diflerence of value in gold. The expenses of the banquets consisted also largely
in the decorations, presents to the guests, oc.

Men like Lucnllus, Oasar, Pompejus, Craasus and others were compelled to expend
enormone sums for political purposes. It is said that Scanrus exhausted bis fortane ro
this way. Crassus, although the richest man in the time of the republic, was not so rich
as many freedmen under the empire— Pallas Cali^tufl and Narcissus, for instance.— iVM,
H. N. xxxili., 184.

B. C. 79.] SGAKBALOUS BULE OF THB OUGABCHY. 268

8ul Lepidus attempted to reBcind his laws; but the other
consul, Gataliis, was a firm friend of the oligarchy, and urged
decisive measures. The senate adopted a temporizing policy,
and in order to quiet the agitation in the capital, bribed the
people with new distributions of com, asxd. when this did not
satisfy, it thought that the disturbance would cease if the two
consuls left Home. The consuls were accordingly sent to
their proTinoes,^ bound by an oa£h not to turn their arms
against each other. Lepidus, however, interpreting the oath
as binding only for his year of office, collected an army in
Etnuia and marched upon Borne. The senate recalled Oatulus,
placed the city under his protection, and directed Pompejus
to proceed against Lepidus' legate, Marcus Brutus in Cis*
alpine QauL Brutus was overpowered and killed at Mutina^^
and Oatulus defeated L^dus near the Campus Martins, in.
his retreat Lepidus was met by Pompejus at Oosa in Etroria,
and being unable to maintain his position, sailed with his army
to Sardinia^ where he soon after died, l^

5. The War with Sg rtoiins (b.o. 79-72).— In Spain 'V
the Marian party was more fflSBBHRIl under Sertorius, who had f

'the address to unite his cause with that of the national inde- '*
[^)endence. He obtained such influence over the natives that
I he found no difficulty in raising a powerful army. He defeated
several Boman armies, and even Me tellus Pi us was unable to
make head against him. In b. o. 78 he was reinforced by Per-
pema with a large army. This made his power so formidable
that the senate feared an invasion of Italy.

6. Tha Rise of Pompcdiis. — Pompejus took advantage a
of the situation to compel the senate to send him to Spain, J
at the head of the army with which he had defeated Lepi- jl
dus, to conduct the war against Sertorius. Pompejus was J
bom in b. c. 106, in the same year as Oicero. As a young n
man he, like other noble Romans, took his first lessons in )
war in the tent of his father, Cn. Pompejus Strabo in the i

' ^u

* Mommeen 0* c. vol. !▼., p. 85, note), relyinff on a fra^ipment of Granins Licinfanne, ^
njn that both consald were eent to Btnrla. This contradlctfi Appian (1. e. toI. i., 107)
and Philippiifi {StUL MUl. i., 48 ; !▼., 5 D).— See Ikter, 1. c. toI. IL, p. 140, and Lange, 1. o.
▼ol. m,, p. 174. * See map Na 0,

1^64 60AKDAL0US RULE OF THE OLIGABOHT. [b. a 73.

Social war. When Salla returned from Asia^ he raLaed^ as we
haye already seen, an army at his own ezpenBe, was present at
the battle of the Oolline gate^ and afterwards drove the rem-
nants of the Marian party oat of Sicily and Africa. On his
return the dictator greeted him with the surname of Magnns,
and carried a law ^ allowing him to triumph^ although he had
been neither, consul nor praetor (b. c. 80). In b. o. 79 Pompe jus
exerted his influence to secnre the election of Lepidus to the
consulship, in opposition to the wishes of Sulla. Sulla, in his
retirement, contented himself with this warning : ** Young man,
it is time for you not to slumber, for you have sbreng^ttiened
your rival against yourself."^ In the war that followed, Pom-
pejus did not deliberate which side he should take, but declared
immediately against Lepidus. After the war was ended, as he
was anxious for the command against Sertorius, he found
various excuses for disobeying the order of the senate to dis-
band his army. At length the senate was compelled to yield,
and appointed Pompejus and Metellus Pius to the command
. ' in Spain.

^' I 7. Tha Bud of the WWiff^paiiL— At the doee of the

^ year b. o. 77, Pompejus set out for his province, marching over

A the Alps' and Pyrenees. At first he was defeated at Lanro and

^ liras afterward near being annihilated on the river Sucre {JTuear),

I when Metellus, i^r winning the battle of Italioa (S^trilU),

I came to his assistance. The war continued without any decided

I success on either side until b. o. 72, when Sertorius was assas-

I sinated by Paperna, who hoped to succeed him in command.

In the first collision with Pompejus, bis incompetency to suc-

. ceed a soldier and general like Sertorius was evident. Hifl

army was scattered to the winds and Paperna himself was taken

prisoner.

a Tha War with tha aiadiaton (b. a 73-^71).— While

the war was going on in Spain, the enemies of Borne roee

Everywhere. The proletarians could hardly be kept from insnr-

« rection, brigands haunted every comer of Italy, and pirates

* Lex O&msna de re^iu On. Bomp^ * Flat. Pomp^ 1&

* Oyer Mt. tienevre; Me map*, p. UW ; p. 176.

B. C. 72.] SCANDALOUS BULE OF THB OUOABOHY. 265

-- — -*

swarmed on all the seas. The war in Macedonia against the
moantain tribes in the north was far from beisig ended either
by C. Olaadins or Scribonios Curio.* The pirates became so
troublesome that it was found necessary to send P. Servilius
Vatia to carry on the war against the Isanrians. In the East
LncnUns had been sent to conduct the war against Mithridates^
who had long and eagerly been watching the coarse of the reyo-
lation, had promised S^rtorins ships and money to wage war
against Home if in case of victory Asia should be restored to
him, and now^ that the fietvorable moment had come, had invaded
the 1Rat"»" province; The contest of parties in the capital,
however, was hashed for a time by the bursting out of the war
with the gladiators. There was no army at liand. The war in
Spain was not yet ended, and LucuUus had already departed to
conduct the war against Mithridates (b.c. 74). The gladia-
torial shows had for a long time held the first place at the pub-
lic games. -During late years, whole bands had been bought
by speculators from the vast supply of prisoners, and trained by
proper persons ^ in the gladiatorial schools ' for the arena. Bich
men kept some of these to fight on public occasions to please
the ]>eople, hired some on speculation to the aediles to fight at
the pnblic games, and sometimes to the party leaders, who
let them loose like furious bloodhounds against the opposiug
faction.

9. Victories of Spartacns. — ^In one of these schools
at Capua* there was a number of gladiators, most of whom
were Oelts and Tbracians who, under Spartacns as a leader,
escaped firom the town and fled to the crater of Mount Vesu-
vius. The slaves flocked to him fh)m the slave-pens^ in
Campania, and he was soon at the head of an army of one
hundred thousand men. A successful battle furnished the
insurgents arm& The consuls of b. c. 72 were defeated, and
the power of Spartacns grew daily more formidable. He, how-
ever, never overrated his own power nor hoped to conquer the
Romans. He wished to cross the Alps and dismiss his troops,
and let them return to their Celtic or Thracian homes. He

*Xanl#M9. *Lii4i, * ^aHula, * 8^ map, pp. M&-7.

266 SCANDA^LOUS BULE OF THE OLIOABCHT. [B. C. 71.

would hare attained his object after defeating both consuls
again, had not his followers, elated by success, refused to
listen to his proposal. They preferred to trayerse and plunder
Italy.

10. Crassiis Defeats the aiadiatora.— In b. o. 71 the
praetor Crassus took the command. After restoring discipline
in the army by decimating the soldiers, he posted himself in
Picenum, and droTC the insurgents to the southern part of Italy.
Here Spartacus happened to find a number of vessels belonging
to the Cilician pirates. With these he resolved to escape to
Sicily and rekindle the servile war there. Accordingly he entered
into an agreement^with the pirates, but they had no sooner
taken his money than they broke their engagements and sailed
away. All hope of escape in this quarter was taken away, and
Spartacus intrenched himself at Bhegium. When Grassus came
up, and attempted to hem him in by building an intrenched wall
across the isthmus, Spartacus, in a dark, stormy night in win-
ter, broke through the line and encamped in Lucania. Crassus
overtook him on the Silarus, and after a desperate battle in
which Spartacus fonght with the courage of a lion, and twelve
thousand of his followers fell all with their wounds in front,
gained the victory.* Before the battle, when they brought
Spartacus his ho' and as many soldiers as he might require.^
I Pompejus' name was not mentioned in the bill, but in the
scarcity of great men all eyes were turned to him. When the
tribune in due form brought the proposal before the senate for
discussion, the indignation was so great that he was near being
killed in the senate-chamber. When it came before the people
it was received with great delight.

4. The Law Carried (b. g. 67).— Gajns Julius CsBsar, who
was now the leader of the democratic party and had ju^lT re-
turned from Spain as qusBstor, warmly supported the measure.
It was exactly in accordance with his ambitions plans'to alien-
ate Pompejus, whose relative he had married, from the senato-
rial party and to weaken the republican organization. Gatulns,
and Hortensius the celebrated orator, spoke against the bill
with great power and effect When Gatulus rose to speak the
murmurs of the multitude, in reverence for the man, ceased.
After bestowing due praise upon Pompejus, he advised the
people not to expose him to so manydang^^^^fM where will
you find another," said he, ^*if jouTosemD^'^ Hey an-
swered with one voice, " Yourself." When one of the consols,
Calpumius Piso,. attacked Pompejus and chaiged him with
aiming at royal power, ^^ If you emulate Bomulas you wiU
not escape the end of Bomulus,"^ he was in danger of \jmng
torn to pieces by the populace. The law was passed, and on the
same day the price of com fell so much that the people said,
**The very name of Pompejus has terminated the war."*

^ Z4X 0<U4nia de ttno imperatore amtra pradoMt ooMlUumdo,—Cie. Mor^ zviL, SL

* As amended in the nenate after it^ adoption by the peok>le. * |7,OOO»O00.

* He rained 190,000 infantry and 7000 cavalry.

* According to a legend Bomalus wa8 torn to pieces by the seniitofi.

* Plut. pomp. 26-87,

B. C. 66.] F0MPSJU8 CONQUBBS THE EAST. 275

5. War with the Pirates (b. g. 66).— In the execution of
his task Pompejus more than falfiUed the popular expectation.
He diyided the whole Mediterranean Sea into thirteen parts^
each under a legate who had charge of hunting the pirates out
of their chief haunts, while he swept the western part of the
Mediterranean with the main fleet. In forty days he cleared the
sea west of Italy, opened communication with Sicily, Africa, and
Sardinia, and re-established the supply of com. He then pro-
ceeded with sixty of bis vessels from Brundisium to the original
seat of piracy, the Gioilian waters. He destroyed the fleet
of the pirates in a great battle,^ hunted them in creeks,
captured their castles, and took more than twenty thousand of
them prisoners, many of whom he settled in the depopulated
cities of Oilicia, on the deserted lands in Achaja, and especially
at Soli,^ which henceforth was called Pompejopolis. This part
of the campaign was finished in forty-nine days, but Pompejus
remained during the rest of the year in the East, settling the
afhirs of OUioia and Pamphylia.' So rapid bad been the sub-
jugation of the pirates, that Cicero summed up the campaign
by saying ^Hhat Pompejus had made his preparations for the
war at the end of winter, began it at the commencement.of
springs and finished it in the middle of summer."* /^^

■• ♦ ■ »

Pompejus Conquers the East (B. C. 74-61). / , ^

1. Roman Power in the East^The war with Mithri-
dates had been renewed by Murena^' whom Sulla had left as
propraetor in Asia with the two legions of Fimbria. On the

> Off CofBoenlnxn. * Oar word Bolecism comes from Soli.

" Crete, which next to CUida was the neatest resort of the pirates, had been assigned
to Metellos as his province. Metellas hM nearlv sabdned tlic island, when the Greums.
>referrinff to surrender to Pompejns, addressed themselves to him as suppliants, and
nvited bm, since Crete lay within the limits of his command, to take possession of the
Hiand. Pompejns sent letters ordering Metellns to desist from the siege, and when he
'ail^ to obey, even sent troops to light against him. Metellus, however, persevered,
look the pirates, and pat them to death. See map Na 4.

« Cie. Man. IS, as. * See pp. 890 and 361,

276 POMPEJirS COKQITEBS THE EAST. [E. G. 73.

pretext that Mithridates was tardy in eTacnating OappadociAy
Murena crossed the Halys and ravaged Gappadocia» where
Mithridates met him with a large army and routed his foroes
in battle. Salla interfered^ renewed the peace, and ended what
is sometimes called the Second Mifhridaiie War (b. c. 83-82).

2. Preparatioiis of Mithxidatea— After this the Bomans
took Tarions measures to strengthen their power in the East.
An expedition was sent against the pirates^ and when Nioo-
medes (b.c. 75), who had bequeathed his kingdom, consistiDg
of Bithynia and Paphlagonia, to the Romans, died, they imme-
diately took possession of it and made it a Roman province.
About the same time Gyrene* was converted into a province
and a governor sent there. These measures excited the appre-
hension of MithridateSy who had all the time been aware that
the peace was only a suspension of hostUities, that the fire was
not extinguished, it only slept in embers,^ and hence had
directed his efforts to strengthen his army and to prepare in
every way for the final conflict. Aided by the Roman refugees
and the ofiGicers whom Sertorius sent him,' he introduced the
Roman arms and discipline. When the Romans converted
Bithynia into a province it seemed a &vorable moment to
strike. His army^ W9S powerful and well disciplined. The
pirates, who had created an empire on the sea, sent assistance,
and Sertorius, with whom he had formed a treaty, seemed on
the point of invading Italy from Spain. The king therefore
took the initiative, and advanced, in B. c. 74, into Paphlagonia
and Bithynia with his army, supported by a powerful fleet.

3. Defeat of Mithridatea (b. c. 73).— Of the two Roman
i consuls L. Licinius Lucullus and M. Aurelius Gotta who were

selected for the conduct of the war, the latter was already in
Asia, but on the approach of Mithridates retreated to Ghalce-
don, where he was defeated both by land and sea. Mithridates
now proceeded to invest Oyzicusf with his army and fleet, and,
as in B. c. 88, hoped to make himself master of all Asia, wfa^e
the outrage, violence, and extortion of the tax-gatherers and

' Flat. LacaU. * See map No. 7. * Laeias Magias and Lndos Fuinlas.
* Hie army oonsisted of 1»),000 foot and 16,000 hone, and a fleet of 40O anil,
t See map No. 4.

B. C. 73.] »>HPEJtTS OOKQtTBBS TSB BAST. 277

the Boman merchants had produced the deepest discontent, b^
fore the Bomans cotild send sufficient force to oppose him. This
place offered a stubborn resiBtance, and while Mithridates was
detained here Lucnllus adyanced from Phrygia with only five
legions to its relief. Early in £. c. 73 Mithridates was com-
pelled to raise the siege, on account of the ^fficulty of supply-
ing his army. In the retreat he was attacked by the Bomans
between the .^!sepus and Oranicus, and defeated, while his fleet
was destroyed, partly by the Bomans at Tenedos, and partly by
a storm which overtook it on its return. The king arrived
almost alone at his capital, Sinope, his army of nearly 200,000
men having been annihilated. While Mithridates was collect-
ing a fresh army, Lucullus sent his legate through Bithynia
and Paphlagonia to Heraclea, to which Cotta had already laid
siege with the fleet.

4. MithiiclataB Ratfres to Annenia. — Lucullus himself
entered Pontus, followed Mithridates, who had collected an
army of over forty thousand men, from Sinope to Amisus,
and thence to Gabira on the Lycus. Mithridates drew Lu-
cullus on farther and farther, until finally a superstitious
dread came over his soldiers, and they murmured at their long
and tedious marches. " You leave," said they, " the rich and
flourishing city of Amii^us, which might be easily taken, to
drag us away to Chaldffia/' ^ At Gabira the army of the king
was again defeated, and the king hiniself would have been
captured had the Boman soldiers been able to restrain their
eagerness for spoiL Despairing of successfully opposing the
Romans, Mithridates fled with a few attendants to Armenia to
take refuge with Tigranes, his son-in-law. Lucullus sent Appius
Claudius to Tigranes to demand the surrender of Mithridates,
while he returned himself to besiege Amisus. Tigranes was
at this time one of the most powerful monarchs in the East,^
but still he seemed inclined to avoid a cont^t ^Wr^ ^me.
He granted his father-in-law a refuge, but refused ta, receive
him at court until the arrogance of Lucullus' e&yoj^ drove

« Hut. LucqD.

* HiB empire embraced Armenia, Mesopotamia, Syria, apart of CUicIa, and Cappadoeia.

him to adopt a difierent policy. He not only refused to snr-
lender Mithridates, but prepared for war.-

5. The Unpopularity of Lncnlliis.— LucuUus in the mean-
time had returned to the province of Asia/Wt^erehe devoted him-
self to restoring order and dispensing justice. ^£)e8olated and
enslaved by the tax-gatherers and usurers^ unspeakable misfor-
tunes had overwhelmed the unhappy country. To satisfy their
creditors, the inhabitants were forced to sell their children, their
ornaments and offerings in the temples, their fine paintings aud
statues of the gods, and finally, when these failed, to serve their
creditors as slaves. Lucullus relieved the people by regulating
the rate of interest, by abolishing that which exceeded the
principal,^ and by compelling the creditors to leave a small
proportion of the debtor's income for his support The popu-
lar orators and friends of the tax-collectors and merchants at
Bome raised a storm of indignation against Lucullus, and their
influence was felt in the action of the government When the
time came to open the next campaign, Lucullus' army of thirty
thousand men was far from sufficient to conduct the war against
the Armenian and Pontic kings. The government at Bome left
Lucullus to manage the war as he could, without troubling itself
about sending reinforcements. Lucullus was a strict disciplina-
rian, and far from popular with his soldiers, whom he restrained
from pillage, while appropriating a liberal share of the spoils
for himself.

6. The Battle of Tigranocerta (b. a 69).— To undertake
a war in a distant and unknown land with an army of only
twelve thousand men — ^for this was all he could muster after
protecting his communications with Pontus — and almost in di-
rect opposition to the government at Bome, was fieur ftom wise.
Still Lucullus, in the hopes of anticipating Tigranes, set out
in B. c. 69 from Sinope, crossed the Euphrates at Melite, and
advanced directly towards the capital, Tigranocerta, where he
defeated the vast host of the Armenian king.'

7. BCithridatea Retoms to Pontile. — ^During the win-

' The fine which Snlla had imposed had been twice paid in interest, and yet by iBia»
eat on Interest still amoanted to four times the original prindpal.
* Tigranes had an army of 150,000 foot and 65,000 horse.

B.C. 6S.] MMPEJtfS COKQdEllS TttE EA8t. 37&

ter Tigranes collected another formidable army, and as the last '
defeat had been exactly in accordance with what Mithridates had
predicted, Tigranes committed the entire management of the war
to him. The next spring (b. a 68) LucuUus, in hopes of end- \
ing the war, crossed the Taurus and, pressing forward to
the high lauds of Armenia, gained a victory over the enemjr's i
cavalry on the Arsanias. But long before he could reach
Artaxata, the capital, the mutiny of his soldiers compelled him
to retareai. He turned aside to Nisibis, the Mesopotamian capi-
tal, captured the city by storm and took up his winter quarters
there. In the meantime Mithridafap^had collected a large force,
and x^enetrated into his own kingdom, defeated LucuUus' two i
lieutenants, Fannius and Triarius, one at Gabira^ and the other
at Zela. When this news reached LucuUus, he hastened back (
to Pontus, but Mithridates avoided a battle and withdrew to )
Lesser Armenia to await the approach of Tigranes. LucuUus,
hoping to engage the Armenian king before he united his
lorees with Mithridates, hastened to seek him, but the soldiers
rose i^ mutiny, /md checked his farther advance. The Romans
were now exactly where they were in b. c. 75, Pontus and
Cappadocia were overrun by Mithridates, and the results of
eight years' warfare were lost.

8. Xnsuboidiiiatioa in the Army.— The opposition to
LucuUns in the capital had reached the soldiers, fie was
accused of protracting the war from the love of command and
the wealth it procured him. The opposition in his camp was
led by P. Glodius Pulcher,^ whose sister LucuUus had married.
He insinuated himself into favor with the Fimbrian troops,^
who had been in Asia ten years and had continually demanded
their discharge.' **Were they to wear out their lives in
wandering over the world in wars and toils? Was there no
other reward for them than to guard the wagons and camels of
LucuUus, loaded with the spoils of war? If they must forever
wage war, let them reserve their swords for a general who
thinks that the enriching of his soldiers is his greatest pleasure."

* Tbe brother of A. CUodins, the envoy to Tignuiee.

• See page S60. * TiMir twenty years military eerrloe had nearly expired.

260 POHPfiJUS COKQITEftS THE EAST. [b. C. 6^

With such oomplaints ClodiuB stirred up the soldiers against
Lacullus^ and as, just at this time, news arrived that the people
at Borne had granted a dischai^ to the soldiers whose term of
service had expired, and that M' Acilins Olabrio,^ Lacnllns'
gnccessor, had arrived in Asia, the Fimbrians rose in mutiny
and deserted the standard. This was the situation of affairs
when ten commissioners arrived to settle the condition of Asia
and rednce Pontns to a Roman province. Qlabrio was utterly
incompetent for the di£5cult and hazardous task before him,
and therefore never attempted to assume command.

9. T he ^^i>«*< "*** ^'Vtd^ ^* ^^)' — ^^ ^^ P^^ ^^^ ^^

war must be undertaken again from the banning, under a capa*
ble leader. Who else could this be but Pompejus, who had just
at this time won new laurels by quickly and successftdly end-
ing the war with the pirates? The tribune, G. Manilius, had
lost favor with both parties by proposing to allow the freedmen
to vote in all the tribes. He sought to regain it by moving a
rogation to entrust Pompejus with the provinces of Asia^ Bithy-
nia^ and Gilicia, with the sole charge oi the war \n the East, and
with full authority to conclude peace and alliance. The opti*
mates objected to this, as to the Qabinian law, becaofle it
had not first received the approval of the senate. Gatnlos
and Hortentius opposed it vehemently, declaring it unconstitn-
tional, and aptly characterizing the situation by saying
that it was time for the optimates to secede to the Sacred
Mount It was supported by the moderate party of the
optimates, by Csdsar and particularly by Cicero, who^ by
his successful prosecution of Verres, by the manner in which he
had discharged his duties while curule sedile, and by the fre-
quency with which his voice had been heard in defence of the
oppressed, had raised his popularity to equal that of GrasBiis or
of Pompejus. In a masterly oration' which has been presenred
to us, he now brought all the foroe of his eloquence to the
support of Pompejus. The law was carried, and Pompejv
was invested with powers such as no one before him ever br

HythelezCtabiiiia. • Jklaierto Onai Bmf^

B. G. 66.] P0HFEJU8 0OKQUBB8 THB EAST. 281

IjO. PooiDoiiis takes Cosuxuuicl acaiiist BCitliridtttas.

— When PompejuB received the letters notifying him of his a;
pointment, he is said to have expressed bis displeasure to
friends, and to have said that he was wearied by the weigh
of power. ''Is there no end of my conflicts?'' exclAimed{
be. ''How mnch better would it be to live and die as a
quiet citizen in the enjoyment of domestic happiness!''
Even his friends were unable to bear the dissimulation of tbia
speech, for they knew his unbounded ambition and love of
power. ^ Immediately on receiving the news of his appoint-
ment) Pompejus crossed from Cilicia and assumed command ot
Lucullus' army.^ On his way he annulled the acts of Luoullus, .
and thus re-established the financial tyranny of the capitalists 1
and tax-gatherers. One of his first acts was to form a treaty of 1
friendship and alliance with Phraates, the Parthian king, \
whom he encouraged to make incursions into the teiritory of ,
Tigranes. This compelled Tigranes to look to the safety of his '»
own firontier.

11. Battle at Nicopolie (b. c. 66).^ When Pompejus had
completed his preparations, he set out to seek Mithridates in his
own kingdom. Deserted by his ally Tigranes, Mithridates at
first attempted to procure peace, but as Pompejus would hear of
nothing but unqualified submission, he broke off the negotia-
tions. The Pontic king retired slowly, followed by the Romans,
until he was overtaken in a narrow pass on the Lycus, where
the city of Nicopolis was afterward built, and most of his army
cut to pieces. Mithridates himself escaped with a few horsemen ;
hut as Tigranes refdsed to receive him, there was no alternative
left but to take refnge in his kingdom on the Cimmerian Bos-
poms.' Pompejus gave up the pursuit and turned against
Tigranes, whose son had already revolted and had entered
into communication with the Romans. As Pompejus ap-
proached Artaxata, the king rode out to meet him and threw
hiniself before him as a suppliant Pompejus received him

■ Plat. Pomp., 80.

■ He met Lacalliie in QalAtU and allowed him to retain 1000 men for his triamph.
* See colored map Na 7.

28S POXPBJUS OOKQUfiBS THE EAfiT. [b. G. 6&

kindly, restored to him his kingdom, except Syria, Phoenicia^
Galatia, Gappadocia, and a part of GiUcia, which Lncnllns had
taken from him, on condition that he should pay six thonsuid
talenta.1 His son was made king of Sophene.

12. Pomp€|]ii8 PoiBiies Mithridates. — After settling
the affairs of Armenia, Pompejus advanced in pursuit of Mith-
ridates northward as far as the river Cyrus {Kour)y where he
took up his winter quarters. Early the next spring (b. a 65)
he resumed his march through the momntains of Iberia and
Albania, fighting his way at every step with the native tribes, as
far as the river Fhasis, which he followed down to its mouth,
to meet the fleet which he had ordered to await him there. The
difficulties of the pursuit, the constant contests with the native
tribes, and the impossibility of crossing the Caucasus^ which,
in former times, had set an impassable bound to the Persian
and Hellenic conquests, caused him to turn back to Pontns,
where he passed the. winter in organizing it as a Boman province.
13. He Subdues Syria, Phoenicia and Palestine. — In
the summer of B. o. 64, he departed for Syria, and without
recognizing the claim of Antiochus, the former king, to the
country, he took possession of it and constituted it as a Boman
province. After settling the condition of the country and
regulating the relation of the princes who were to remain inde-
pendent, he pursued his march southward (b. c. 63), and
annexed FhoBnicia and Coele-Syria to the new Syrian province.
In Palestine he met with a desperate resistance on account of
i the ciyil war that was raging between the two princes, Hyrcanus

I and Aristobulus. Both appealed to Pompejus, but he refused
I to decide between them until he reached Jerusalem. Aristobu-
lus seemed at one time inclined to submit to Pompejus ; at
another, he seemed on the point of taking arms and opposing the
advance of the Bomans. He succeeded in capturing Jerusalem,
but when Pompejus came up, the city, after a siege of three
months, was compelled to surrender. Hyrcanus was restored
without the royal title to the high-priesthood, under condition
« of paying an annual tribute to Bome.

' $7,000,000.

B. C. 61.] POlCnJUS COlCQlTfiRS tHE EA8t. i6A

1& Death of Mlthriflates (b. c. 63).— In the meantime ^
Mithridates had been making great preparations to renew the I
war with Borne. He even thought of invading Italy with an j
army of Scythians; but before he could carry this plan into /
execution his fate had been sealed by the reyolt of his son/
Phamaoes, who had been proclaimed king at Paiiticap8Bum.j;
The only escape of the old king from being delivered up to the '
Romans was suicide. He tried poison, but according to the
popular account his frame was so inured to this, that he was '
obliged to call in the sword of one of his Gallic mercenaries.;
Thus perished in the year b. c. 63, after a reign of fifty-seveni
years^ the giant monarch of the East, over whose death the Bo-
mans rejoiced as if ten thousand of their enemies had been slain.^

1^ Settlement of the East. — Pompejus entrusted ^mil-
ius Scaums, the son of the president of the senate, with the
government of Syria, recognized Phamaces as king of Bosporus,
and then returned from Palestine to Pontus. After regulating
the relations of the kings ^ and tetrarchs' on the west of the!
Euphrates and rewarding his army, he set out on his return byl
the way of Lesbus, Ephesus, Rhodes and Athens, to Rome,]
where he arrived January 1, b. c. 61. \

•• ♦ •»

Thb Internal History During Pompejus' Absence.

1. Condition of Italy. — After the departure of Pompejns
to assume command of the army in the East, great confusion
reigned at Rome. Every one expected a general insurrection.
Liberty had perished long ago ; property was now thought to

^ Flat. Pomp., 4SL * He foandod or peopled 89 cities.

* The new provinces were that of Cilida, wtiich, enlarged by Pamphrlia and Isaaria,
was reorganized ; that of Pontus to which Bithynia was united ; that ot Syria, and that
of Crete. Dejotanw still occupied as a vassal the throne of Galatia ; Ariobarzanes
ruled in Cappadociaf which was enlarged by Lesser Armenia; and Attains ruled in
Paphlagonia.

284 COKSPXRAOY 0^ ATtLlXK [b. C. 6^

be in danger. The old soldiers of Sulla had squandered their
possessions and only waited the signal for ciyil war. The lands
in Italy had once more been converted into pasturage; Etruria,
which had long escaped the scourge of the Boman speculator,
had in late years suffered this cruel transformation. In eveiy
part of Italy wandered bands of proletarians— the dispossessed
land-holders, the soldiers of Sulla, the impoverished Italians,
the ambitious and ruined Boman nobles — all waiting for an
opportunity to restore their own fortunes, eyen if it cost the
ruin of the state. The equestrian party, disarmed by the
absence of their general, had nothing to oppose to the storm
that menaced the state. The senate, weak and powerless,
carried on a desultory warfare against the varied elements of
opposition.

2. The Contest of Parties.— The tribunes renewed their
attacks with all their old fierceness. The nobility replied with
all the means at their disposal. They impeached tribunes after
the expiration of their term of office ; the consuls, as presiding
officers in the comitia, prevented the election of dangerous
candidates by refusing to announce the election ; the senate
even ventured to annul certain laws. There were, as Catiline
said, two states in Borne, the nobility, weak and powerless, yet
proud and arrogant as ever, and the people, rising into power,
but destitute of a leader, without plan or purpose and swayed by
the most diverse impulses. Laws were carried to check the
corruption of the senate by forbidding loans from foreign
ambassadors ; the penalties were strengthened against bribery
at elections; and finally the right of the senate to grant dis-
pensation in certain cases from the laws ^ v^as restricted.' This
was merely an aimless agitation. Parties at Home were watching
the movements of Pompejus, and waiting with anxiety or dread
the return of the victorious general. The democrats hoped before

* Rogaiio^ ne guU fdH nerpopuhem legihus solvereiur : the law wm amended and
passed. N4&uii in tentUu Ugim$ wlveretur, nM O CaffuitHnt; neve qttis^ eum eohttui
eeeet, inUreederet, eum de ea re ad populum/erreiur.

* The fnflnenoe of the equestrian order was manifested In the law earned by Um
tribane Roscins Otho, whidi gave to the equUee tbe fourteen rows of seato in dw
orchestra next to the senators.

B. C. 65.] 0ON8PIBACT OF CATILINB. 286

the decisiye day came, to Btrengthen tbeir power, and perhaps
gain control of the government. In that case they conld
entrofit one of their leaders with an extraordinary command,
and find in him a counterpoise to the power of Pompejns. It
was for this object that they unveiled the scandalous rule of
the senate, and proposed laws to ovMhrow its power.

3. The History of Catiline. — ^In the meantime an insur-'
rection, instigated by one of the most daring profligates, had
nearly subverted- the government. The condition of society
furnished ample materials for such an effort. There were too
many who sighed for the times of Cinna, with its proscriptions
and cancelling of debtors' claims. They waited only for a
leader to fall upon society like a gang of robbers. That leader
was • found in L. Sergius Oatilina, who possessed all the
qualities necessary to make him a great man in such a time.
He was descended from a patrician family,^ and was a man of
great courage and gigantic strength of mind and body. He
had proved his courage in the wars of Marius and Sulla. His
ferocity was displayed in hunting down and killing the pro-
scribed. He is said to have killed his brother-in-law with his
own hands. These crimes, however, did not prevent his pro-
motion. He was elected pr»tor for b. c. 68, and obtained Africa
the following year as his province. Hera he spent two years
in the practice, it is said, of every crime imputed to the pro-
vincial governors of that period He returned in b. c. 66, to
sue for the consulship. A charge of extortion was raised
against him which disquaUfied him to appear as a candidate.'

4. FiiBt Conepiraey of Catiline (b. c. 65).— Stung by \
disappointment^ he determined to get possession of the gov-
ernment by force. All the needy Romans, the dispossessed
Italians, all who were lost in misery and crime, flocked to
Catiline. He entered into a conspiracy with Autronius Pastus,

» Ballast Cat. c. 6.

« *nie oooBol Volcatiai Tallos, who presided at the comUia, refused to reoeire votes
for him.

* P. Aatronlns Fntns and P. Cornelias SoUa were declared elected, bat they were set
aside on aocoont of bribery, and L. Anrelias Cotta and L. Manllns Torqaatas were
elected in their place. A law was carried at this time Qex Faihia d« numm> teeUOorwn)
to limit the nnmber in the retinue of the candidates.

286 CONSPIRACY OF CATILIKB. [b. C 63.

the late rejected consul, and Gn. Calpumins Piso, a profligate
young noble, to murder the new consuls on the first day of
their office, and seize the government The plot, however,
became known and its execution was postponed nntil the ides
of February; on this day it failed also, because Catiline gave
the signal before a sufficiint number of the conspirators had
assembled. Catiline plunged still deeper into crime. His
guilty mind, at peace with neither gods nor men, found no rest
by night nor day. His countenance was pale and disqnieted,
his eyes were haggard, his step was sometimes quick, sometimes
slow ; and distraction was written in every feature and look, so
effectually did conscience desolate his tortured mind.

5. CatlUne Ibtores His Plot — The government took
no active measures to crush the conspiracy. When the trial for
extortion came on, Catiline was acquitted through the influence
of the consul, L. Manlius Torquatus,^ and by means of the most
shameless bribery of the judges. From this time he arranged
his plans more systematically, and enlisted a numerous body of
adherents, among whom were the senators G. Lentnlus Snra
and 6. Cornelius Cethegus. In the summer of B. c. 64 he sum-
moned his followers, all who were ruined in fortune or lost in
misery and crime, all the depraved and audacious, to a noc-
turnal meeting. After comparing their own degraded and
infamous life with that of the favored few who were in poeses-
sion of the government and of all the wealth, he promised his
confederates, as consul, abolition of debts,' new proecriptions,
and, finally, all the license and gratification which war and
plunder bring. Some say that at this meeting the conspirators
confirmed their oaths by drinking blood mixed with wine.*

6. The Second Conspiracy. — When the time for the
consular elections of B. c. 63 approached, the conspirators Bet np
as candidates Catiline and G. Antonius, a plebeian noble, a man
without character and ruined in fortune. Meanwhile rumors
concerning the conspiracy got abroad among the people, while
more accurate and definite information was obtained from

'dcSiULW. •Tiibulanowi * 8«]I. Oftt. » ft

B. C. 106.] dCEBO'S EABLT LIFB. 28?

Falvia^ the mistress of Q. OarinSy one of Catiline's intimate \
associates. Catiline, it was said, intended to murder the sena* i
tors^ and to set fire to the four comers of the city. The pablic \
terror compelled the senators to overcome their scrnples against I
'*neir men''^ and cast their votes and influence for Marcus I
Tallios Cicero, who, supported by the nobility, the friends of I
Pompejus, and the large number of persons in the capital and 1
coantry towns to whom he was favorably known, on account of ]
his services as an advocate, was elected instead of Catiline, with 1
G. Antonins as his colleague. Cicero detached Antonius from |
the conspiracy by voluntarily resigning to him the lucrative ■
proTince of Macedonia^ which had fallen to himself by lot *
While the intrigues of Catiline are ripening, we must turn to
trace the career of Cicero, because it is so intimately connected
with this period of our history, y ^^^^'^ ' I

■> # ■■

The Consulship of M. Tuluus Ciobbo (B. 0. 63) •

1. His Birth and EdncatioiL — Cicero' had now attained I
the summit of his ambition ; he was consul at Rome. Through |
him the senate had triumphed once more, and this was wholly I
due to Cicero's great popularity and splendid oratorical powers. {
As Cicero now steps on the stage on which he is to act a promi* *

* Sfnoe the time of O. Marias only two new men Qiomines ikwl), T. Didlmi, s. o. 09
■nd O. Onlios, M, bad attained to the coneolship.

* GENEALOGICAL TABLE.

MaBOUI TdUUUS ClOXBO.

M* T. Gie«ro m. 0) TnmiTiA. I

C3) PUBULIA. i^UniTUB CiCBBO m. POMFQIIIA.

TDU24 m. (1) Piso Fnuot. |

CD Cramipbs. Mabovb. *

(B) DOI.ABKLI.A.. Q. T. CiocBa

LBVTuuja,

288 OIOEBO'S EARLY LIFE. [B. a 106.

nentpart^ it is neoessary to preface the history of his consulship
with a short account of his life. He was bom among the Vol-
scian hills at Arpinunii from a plebeian family^ on the third of
January in the year b. a 106. Quintus, his brother^ was four years
younger. Both brothers gave such early promise of great ability
that their father sent them to Borne, that they might hare all
the opportunities for an education which the capital could afford.
Grassus, the great orator, superintended their education ; and
their first and chief instructor was the poet Archias, in whose

ICiBOVB TuLuut Gionto.*

defence Cicero afterwards pronounced that oration which so
nobly defends the liberal studies. From the time he had
assumed the toga virilis^ he lost no opportunity of hearing
the most famous orators in the forum, and he was in constant
attendance on the greatest master of jurisprudence^ Mucius
Scaevola, the celebrated lawyer and president of the senate, and
also he watched eagerly the gestures of iEsopus and Boscins,

* From a 1>roDxe medal etrnck by the town of MagneRia, in Lydia.

* It was castomary for a Roman youth, when abont 16 veara of asB, to appear bafon
the pnetor In the f oram and lay adide the tOQa prcet^xta, the dres* of boys, and aMume
the toqa pura or vlrlHt. which Indicated that lie had reached the age when he might
engage in the active basmeas of life ; eee pi 401

B. C. 81.] CICERO'S APPEARANCE AT THE BAR. 289

the great actors. At the age of nineteen he served his first .
canapaigTi ^ in the Social war, under Pompejus Strabo. .

3. Bis First Appearance at fhe Bar. — In the troubled I
times that followed, during the coalition between Marius and .
Cinna, Cicero not only devoted himself with energy and zeal to |
the study of law^ but also became acquainted with the principles 1
of the three great schools of Grecian philosophy, from their most I
eminent leaders who were then at Borne: Phaedrus the Epicu- I
rean, Diodorus the Stoic, and Philo the chief of the New \
Academy. By constant practice in declamation, by thorough \
study of Roman jurisprudence, added to his love for Greek
literature and philosophy, he sought, with indefatigable zeal,
to lay the foundation for his future success as a lawyer and
orator. When quieter times returned he undertook, at the
age of twenty-six (b. c. 81), his first case, a civil suit for P.
Quintius. His first appearance at a criminal trial was the
next year, in defence of Sextius Boscius of Ameria, accused
of parricide by Chrysogonus, one of Sulla's freedmen, who was
himself implicated in the murder.' Cicero's courage in under-
taking this case against the favorite freedman of Sulla was
applauded by the whole city, and secured him the reputation of
a fearless and zealous advocate.

4. Student at Athena — ^After this he took a journey to
Greece, not, as Plutarch ^asserts, from fear of Sulla, for his
defence of Boscius is proof against that, but in order to perfect
himself in his art and to strengthen his constitution. He
devoted himself with renewed zeal and energy at Athens, then
the great university of the world, to the study of philosophy
under the most eminent teachers, in company with his brother
and cousin Titus Pomponius, whom the civil discords at Bome
had caused to retire to his estate'^ in Epirus, that he might,
unhindered, devote himself there and at Athens to those

^ Tirodninm.

* Omua privata: these were tried cither hefore the prstor or before the centuniTiral

* It was a OansanubHea to be tried in the conrt fbr murder (gnatHo iniers«ear§o»\
before the prator M. Fannine, established by the Ux OomtUa ae meciHU it vm^/leU-
Tb0 JwTinen wen eetoctcd from the senators. See p* va

* mt. Oic., & • Near Butbrotum.

290 CICERO IMPEACHSS YEBBES. [B. C. 75.

Uterary pursuits in which his proficiency gained for him the
: surname of Atticus. It was to this intimacy that we owe those
I letters^ so charming and interesting in style, which Cicero ad-
dressed to his friend Atticus, and of which, in regard to their
record of contemporary events, Nepos says that he who reads
them will hardly require a regular history of these times.' After
studying for six months at Athens under Antiochus, the most
f eminent teacher of the old Academy, and at the same time prac-
ticing oratory under Syrius, he repaired to Asia Minor, to hear
the &mous rhetoricians' in the chief Greek citie& After two
years of study and travel he returned to Bome, completely
changed, physically as well as mentally,- and prepared to devote
himself to the duties of an advocate, for which the state of
society furnished ample opportunity. At this time Cotta and
Hortensius were the great orators and undisputed leaders of
the bar at Bome. Cicero delivered several orations, one of
which — ^his defence of Roscius the comedian, from whom he
had taken lessons — is still extant.

& Impeachment of Verres. — In the year b. c. 75 Cioero

was elected qusestor. Lot assigned to him Ldlybseum {Marsala),

one of the two provinces into which Sicily was divided. His

equable administration, his upright and honorable conduct —

qualities in those days very rare in a Boman official — won for

him the favor of the Sicilians, and kid the foundation for that

great forensic success which he achieved five years after, when

his popularity had raised him to the curule asdileship. Shortly

after his return an opportunity occurred for him to undertake

a case which attracted the eyes of all classes to hiuL Sulla bad

! restored to the senate the judicial power which assured the

nobility impunity in their provincial administration. The

I plunder, robbery and desolation of the provinces would hardly

\ be believed, had notthe prosecution of Verres brought them to

\ light During his administration of three years Verres had

• There were only eleven letten written before Cloero^s consolship. The first one wm
wiltten B. c. 6B.

• Nepoe Att., 16.

• Mentppos of Strstonloe, DionyBins «t Mj»sneirf>, iBechyiae at Gnidiu, Jloio «ad INmI*

B. C 63.] CICERO'S POLITICAL CONBISTENOY* 291

desolated the island of Sicily more than both Servile wars. As \
scon as he left the island the provincials determined to bring
him to justice/ and applied to Cicero to conduct the prosecu-
tioiu Verres had noble friends at Borne — ^the Metelli, the Sdpios,
and HortensiuSy the master of the forum^ who undertook his
defence. Bribes, threats, devices for delay* were devised, but
all were of no avail. The jurors condemned Verres, and the *
eloquent invectives which Cicero had prepared, although not
delivered, were publi^ed and circulated, and read with great
avidity.

6. Cicero's Political Coiudstoncy.— Cicero was now the
undisputed leader in his profession. In b. o. 66 he was elected
prsetor,' and earnestly co-operated in the popular movement that
inre«ted Pompejus with the extraordinary command in the East.
The action which Cicero had taken in the condemnation of
Verres, which was really that of the nobility, and his ardent
support of the Manilian law, have generally been considered
suflBcient evidence that he had deserted the senatorial and
joined the popular party. It must be remembered that Cicero
had grown up under the instructions of such great statesmen
as Crassus and the Scaevolas, whose aim had been to conciliate
the people and to restore the good old time when unity prevailed
in the state. There was still a strong conservative party in the
senate that wished to restore that time; with this party Cicero
acted, and hence his sympathy with Pompejus, who still counted
himself a member of the conservative party, and hence the sup-
port of the senate, which raised him to the consulship.

7. Cicero as OonanL — On the 1st of January, b. g. 63,
Cicero entered upon his duties as consul, and one of his first

* The trial was In the permanent Jnry coart for exactions (gwuth ptrpdua de '
npeiundit^ before the pmtor M^Aclltns Qlalnrlo. See p. 968.

■ An attempt was made to take the case ont of C^ro*8 handa bv aetting np a eham
pr ooectt tor In Q. OecUinB Niger, Vcrrea^e qnoetor. A prelLminarr uial (diH^aHtii was
neeeeearr to deeide whether he or Cicero shonld be the accneer. Tie oration that Cicero
delivered on this occasion is also called ditinaUo. Cicero was allowed 116 daya to col-
lect eyidence In Sicily; he returned in 60, contenting himself with a brief outline of the
case. Cioero called the witnesses at once ; their testimony was overwhelming. Hor-
tentias gave np the case, and Verres went into exile. The following is a list of the
oradonB: I. (1) DMnatkf in CaxiHum * (S) aeUo prima in Varrtm ; u. Actio teevnda;
(8) ds pratura wbana ; (4) d€ JudOa riv4 de prtUura atieUienH ; (5) oroMo fhtmaUaria ;
(8) de Hffnis ; (7) d« mppHcUs.

* Clrjero presided in (bis court (gututiop^rpttua rtpetundarvm),

292 THE CONSULSHIP OF M. TULLIUS CICEBO. [B. G. 63.

acts was to oppose and defeat the agrarian law of the tribune
Servilius RuUus^ which was the most sweeping measnre that
had yet been proposed for dividing the public land, and which
was intended^ no doubt, to give one of the popular leaders an
extraordinary command, like that of Pompejus.^

8. Defence of Rabixitus.—The next opportunity that
Cicero had to display his abilities was when Caesar induced the
tribune Labienus to accuse an aged senator, Rabirius, of the
murder^ of Satuminus, a popular leader in the tumult in the year
& c. 100.' This was an attack upon the prerogatives of the sen-
ate — ^their right to invest the consul with supreme power. If
Babirius was condemned, the people then had the right to nul-
lify the action of the senate, and no tribune need in future fear
the fate of Satuminus. Cicero no doubt looked forward to the
day when he should need a similar decree against Catiline, and
therefore defended Babirius with all his energy and power.* In
the meantime Cicero had defeated another scheme^the repeal
of the law of Eoscius Otho, which gave to the equites and all those
who possessed the equestrian census the fourteen rows of seats
in the orchestra, behind the senators — ^proposed by Cassar, to
still further widen the broach between the senatorial and eques-
trian parties. When Otho entered the theatre he was received
with a storm of hisses from the people; the knights applauded ; a
fearful riot ensued, and Cicero was summoned. He invited the
people to meet in the temple of Bellona, and addressed them in
such a manner that he completely restored their good humor.s
When Ceesar, shortly after, proposed that civil rights should
be restored to those who had been proscribed by Snlla — a
measure eminently just in itself, but not considered at this
time expedient, the eloquence of Cicero persuaded^ the tribunes

* (1) OnOio \n mnaitu Kal. Jan. de lege agroria ; (8) ad QnMUe Oomira P. BuUum.

* See p. 2S0. •

* Beue perduelUonU (i. «., aocneed of higfa-treaMii).

« The trial came flnt before the Duumviri, O. CiBear and the oonsalar 1$. Otmt.
BabirtoB was conyicted and appealed to the people. It is ancertaln what the reealt vw^
Dio CasBins rdatea that RabirfuB would have been condemned had not Metelliia Oelcr.
dnring the Totins. lowered the flag which always waved upon the Janioaliii. TUa broke
up the eomUia. See p. 40.

■ Pro Roecio Othone haA been lost.

* J)e proeaiptomm JUHe tiiimkMi,

B. C. 63.] THB CONSULSHIP OF M. TtJLLIUS CICEfiO. 293

to abandon the measure before it came before the senate. Otesar
saw that the reyolution was not ripe, and waited in silence.

'9. CatUine Prepares for War.— These skirmishes were,
howeTcr, merely preliminary to the great contest with Catiline
which was approaching. Catiline, while waiting for the consular
elections for the next year, at which he himself was to be a
candidate, was secretly laying his plans for civil war, and had
selected FsBsuln as his headquarters. Cicero contented himself
witti keeping a constant watch on the progress of the conspiracy,
as he received accurate information from Fulvia and Curins.
The time for holding the comitia was postponed, on account of
fear of Catiline, and the laws against bribery at elections were
strengthened.^ In the meantime Cicero received definite infer*
mation in regard to the plans of the conspirators,' and assem-
bled the senators on the 21st of September and laid before them
an account of the conspiracy, how imminent the danger was, that
arms were collected, preparations completed, and the day fixed
for the rising. Catiline himself was present and engaged in the
debate ; and believing that there were many in the senate who
wanted a change, he boldly avowed his design, and added to
his expression in regard to the senate without power and the
people without a head,' that he would be the head that was
wanting. A few days before he had said to Cato,^ who threat-
ened him with a prosecution, that if a fire were kindled against
him he would extinguish it, not with water, but by the general
ruin. The election was held soon after,' and Cicero, in a breast-
plate of glittering steel under his toga and with a body of armed
attendants, went to the Campus Martins. Junius Silvanus and
Tacinius Murena were elected consuls.

10. The CooaiiUi Invested with Diotatorial Powera.—
This repulse made Catiline furious. He planned the destruc-
tion of the city, the murder of the consuls, and as the
preparations of G. Manlius at Fsesulsa were completed, the

*■ Z4X ThdHa d$ ambltu threatened paDi<>bment agafnot the divUoref (the ward-dls-
trlbntoK of bribes to voters) ; forbade a candidate to give gladiatorial shown for two yean

before election, Ae.
■ See Saet. Aiig^
• Cifr, p^ Miiiri& ' " * AttbebegiimingofOct

> See Saet. Aii£. 94; Laoge I C vol. UL, p. M7. * Bee p. «84. .

^4 THJB GOKSULSUIP OF M. TULLIUS CICERO, [b. C. 63.

88th* of October was set for the insurrection. Cicero, in-
formed of all his plans, summoned the senate October 2l6t,
which now, thoroughly alarmed, inyested the consols with
dictatorial power.' In the meantime, letters from Fassnls
said that Manlius had collected a formidable army, and that an
insurrection was threatened in Capua and Apulia. By good
fortune the two proconsuls, Marcius Bex and Metellus Creticus,
were waiting at the gates for the triumph which they de-
manded. The senate sent the former to FsBsnlsB, and Metel-
lus was ordered to proceed against the insurgents in Apulia.
The gladiators were removed from Capua and rewards were
proclaimed for information concerning the conspiracy. In
Bome, citizens were enrolled, guards posted at the gates, and
watches patrolled the streets.

11. The First CatUinian Oration.— At this juncture,
Catiline called a meeting' of the conspirators at the house of
M. Porcius LsBca, and told them that he was ready to depart
to the army if Cicero was first disposed o£ A knight, 0.
Cornelius, and a senator, L. Varguntejus, undertook to assas^
sinate the consul in his own house the next morning. A
timely warning caused Cicero to close his. doors to yisitors,
and on the same day he summoned the senate in the
temple of Jupiter Stator.* Catiline was present, but his
fellow-senators shrank from him, and left the benches vacant
where he sat Then Cicero arose and poured forth the first of
the four celebrated Catilinian orations, which begins with the
well-known words : " How long, Catiline, will you abuse our
patience ? " He showed him that he knew what he had done,
what he intended, that he was informed of all his plans, and
called upon him to relieve the city of his hated presence, and
to take his companions in crime with him. Catiline, with

« The pecond day of the ludi rieiorUB SuUana^ a d«r on which th« comilia oooM not
be held ; it could not, therefore, have been poetponed until this d«y, w isnsoaUy rajh
posed to have been the case. ^ _. *

* VldeantetmiuletneguUir^fpuUUadeMmt^

* The con8pliat4)rB aeeembled on the iden of November, and the murder of Cieero
xvB» to take place on the next day. the 6th of November ; but aa the aaeembly broke ap
too late for that. It was deferred until the momio|r of the 7th.

* For poeltioo of thitf temple »ee colored map No. 8..

B. C. 63.] THB CONSULSHIP OF M. TULLICS CIOEBO. 296

downcast eyes and faltering voice, begged the senate not to^
JDcLge him harshly, nor to think that he, a patrician, would
attempt to ruin tiie republic that a man like Cicero, sprung
from the dregs of the people, might save it Here his voice
was drowned with the cry, " Traitor I '* " Parricide 1 " He
mshed from the senate chamber, and after conferring with
the leaders of the conspiracy and assuring them that he
would soon return with an army, he left the city at nightfall,
accompanied by a few associates, and hastened to the camp of
Manilas. He left instructions for Lentulus and Gethegus and
others in the city not to quit their posts, but to take measures
to assassinate the consul and to prepare for an outbreak as
Boon as he should appear with an army.

12. The OoaapiratorB Betrayed and Arrested.— On
the next day. No?. 8, Cicero addressed the second Catilinian
oration to the people in the forum. He defended himself from
the chaige of acting harshly against Catiline, denied that he had
driren him into banishment, prophesied that Catiline would put
himself at the head of the army in Etruria, and finally
declared that the consul and senate were prepared to crush his
nefiuious schemes. The senate declared Catiline and Manlius
public enemies, and ordered Antonius to proceed against them
with an army, while Cicero remained to guard the city. No
steps were taken against the conspirators who remained in the
city, from lack of suflScient legal proof to oonyict thenu This,
however, their own imprudence furnished. They ventured to
tamper with the envoys of the AUobroges, who had come
from Qaxxl to petition the senate against the tyranny of the
Roman governors. The envoys had met with no success, and
were returning home in ill-humor at their reception. The
adherents of Catiline thought it a favorable time to kindle the
flames of civil war in Gaul and to create a diversion there in
their favor. The Allobroges, however, revealed the plot to
their patron,^ Q. Fabius Sanga, who communicated it to Cicero.
At Cicero^s directions the envoys feigned great zeal in the

' Wbole commonitlwi wepe often clients of tome distingokhed num.

296 THE CONSULSHIP OF M. TULLIUS CICEBO. [B. C. 63.

nndertaking and obtained letters from the chief conspirators
as credentials to their nation. As the envoys were learing
Borne by the Milvian bridge ^ they were arrested by pereons
who had been stationed there in ambush for that purpose and
taken to Cicero's house. The next morning Cioero sent for the
chief conspirators. Ignorant of what had happened, they came
and were immediately arrested and led before the senate. The
letters were opened; the conspirators acknowledged their guilt
Lentulus was compelled to resign the prsdtorshipy and was
delivered with four of his associates to the custody of certain
senators, who were made answerable for their appearance.

13. Effort to Implicate Crassns. — Cicero related these
events co the people the same evening, December 3d, in the
third Catilinian oration. He urged them to return thanks with
the senate to Jupiter Capitolinus, whose statue by a singular
coincidence had been erected in the capitol that morning, and
looking down upon his people in the forum, had granted
them &vor and protection. An effort was made to implicate
Crassus as well as CsBsar in the conspiracy, in the hope that
either their great influence with the senate would screen the
culprits from justice or if they defended the conspirators they
would criminate themselves. The senators refused unani-
mously to believe the insinuations, and decreed that the
informer should be imprisoned until he disclosed the name
of the person who had instigated him to give such evidence.

14. The Conspirators Condemned by the Senate.—
On the 5th day of December, Cicero convened the senate to
decide on the fate of the conspirators. The question was one
of great difficulty. The senate had invested the consuls with
dictatorial power, but this the people maintained did not give
them authority to inflict capital punishment. So far Cicero
had proceeded strictly according to the forme of law. The
conspirators had been declared public enemies in order that
they might be deprived of citizenship. He now brought the
matter before the senate, and, according to the usual custom,

* J\mi6$ MolUy see nutp, p. 4.

B. C. 63.] THB OOKSULBHIP OF M. TULLIUS GICEBa 297

called on Silanusy the consul-elect, for his opinion first Sila- *
nus declared that the conspirators should suffer the extreme
penalty of the law, and all the oonsulars agreed with him.
When the turn came to Gsssar, who was prsBtor-elect, he recom-
mended that their goods be confiscated and that they be
imprisoned for life in different Italian cities. With this opin-
ion, Qointus, Cicero's brother, agreed, and a large number of
senators, from fear of the people, inclined to the same opinion.
Even Silanus retracted and explained his opinion by declaring
that imprisonment was the extreme penalty that a citizen could
suffer at Borne. When the turn came to Marcus Fortius Cato,
he rose and in tones of deep conviction and unflinching courage
demanded the execution of the criminals ; he attacked Caesar and
charged him with attempting to rescue from justice the enemies
of the state. This decided the question. Cicero in the fourth
Catilinian oration^ summed up the arguments on both sides,
and called upon the senators to have no regard for his personal
safety ; that whateyer happened to himself he cared not, he
would execute the decree of the senate whatever it might be.
15. The EzecQtion of the Conspiratore. —The senate
voted for the death of the conspirators. The charge raised
against Cansar by Piso and Catulus had been industriously
circulated, and the knights who guarded the doors of the
temple of Concord, where the senate sat, and were impa-
tiently awaiting the result, threatened Caesar with their swords
as he came out Cicero took care to have the sentence exe- '
' en ted at once. Lentulus with four others' was strangled •
in the vault of the Tullianum. The people thronged round I
Cicero as he descended to the forum, and hailed him the
savior and second founder of Rome. The streets were illu-
minated, and each in the train of citizens that accompanied

* Flat. Cat. Mio., 88 ; this speech was reported br the stenograpfaers and published.
Tlie foUowing are the nsaal date^ of the roar Catilinian orations with the corrections,
on aocomit ofthe disorder of the calendar :

I. Ad Senatum, a. d. VI., Id. Nor. = Nov. 8. b. c. 69 = Jan. 18, b. c. 08.
n. .Itf ftfni/um. a.d. V., Id. Nov. = Nov. 9, " " = Jan. 18, «• "
ni. ilrf-P)ptt/um,a.d.in.,Nou.DPC. = Dec. 8, " " = Feb. S, " ••
nn. Afi Senatum, Nonis Dec. = Dec. 6, " " = Feb. 7, " ••

• Xbe other four bad et^caped.

298 THB 0ON8ULSHIP OF H. TULLIUQ GICBBO. [B. C 63.

Cicero home, acknowledged that Borne owed its safety to
Cicero alone.^

16. Defeat and Death of CatiUne.^^While these events
were going on in the city^ Catiline and Manlius had collected
two legions^ mostly from the veterans of Sulla. When news
reached them that the plot had &iled at Bome^ many of the
soldiers deserted, and Catiline endeavored to retreat into Cis-
alpine OauL But Metellus Celer occDpied the passes of the
Apennines, while Catiline was closely followed by Antonios.
Catiline, hemmed in between the two armies, turned upon
Antonius, who, ashamed to fight against his old friend, feigned
sickness. The command fell into the hands of Petrejus, an
old and skillf al soldier. The armies met near Pistoria (Ksto ja) ;
the struggle was desperate and bloody. Catiline fell in the
thick of the Boman army, to which he had cut his way, sword
in hand. His two lieutenants were killed. Not a single free-
man was taken prisoner ; they covered with their bodies the
places where they fought.'

17. The Position of Cicero. — ^The conspiracy had been
crushed and the republic saved from great danger, yet there
was a deep undercurrent of discontent, and Caesar's warning
against trifling with the constitutional sacredness of a Roman
citizen's life, began to be felt At the head of this faction
were the magistrates of the following year, L. Cs^sar, and the
tribunes Metellus and Bestia. When Cicero, according to
custom, ascended the rostra on the last day of the year, to give
an account to the people of the events of his consulship,
Metellus forbade him to speak. " The man,*^ said he, " who

& Mommeen (I. e. rol. lii., p. 186 f.) consltters the exeentloii as tmeonstitiitfoiMl.
There can, however, be no doabt, that from the patrician standpoint, the law of the
republic invested the consuls with the power of lire and death as soon as the senate
had issued irs final d^ree. In support of this view we have the opinion of Caesar (a. c. 7)
and of Sallust (Cat. 89), both of the popular party, who recognise it as an existin;
right of the senate. Ea poUsUu^ says Sal Inst, pw tenatum more Bomano magMnn
maxima permittihtr. eaxreUvm parari, bellum oerere, ecBeretre omnl^iM mocttis tode^
atque eM» domi milUaufue imperittm atgue Judicium eummum habere ; aUter tin€ popuS
husu nuttiiu earum rerum eonwlijus eat. Ciewr admits it ; with certain limiratioo». it
Is true, but still he rcc<^;nize8 the right as belonging to the senate. The people had
often questioned this prerogative, and>^i«dm had declared it null aiid void ; but th«
nobility by no means recognized the vaJiditv of these enactments,

" The battle took plaC4* in March b. c. 02.

B. a62.] BBTUSK.OV FOMPEJUB FBOM THE EAST. 299

condemned our fellow-citizenB unheard, shall not himself be'
listened to." Then Cicero raised his voice and said, '^I
swear that I hare saved the republic; and the city from ruin."
The people applauded, and with one voice responded that he
had sfpoken the truth.

•• ♦ •»

Betubn of Pompejus from the East — C^bsab PBOPBjBroB

IN Spain.

1. The Position of Parties. — The attempt of the insur-
gents to get control of the government had &iled. The efforts
to incriminate the leaders of the democratic party in the con-
spiracy, although they may have watched its progress with ^
satisfaction, were futile. Even the people had been alarmed '
and alienated by the incendiary schemes of the conspirators,
and the optimates were able to resume in a measure their old
position at the head of the government. Their recent suc-
cess encouraged them in their opposition to Pompejus, and
in the belief that the old powers of the senate could be
restored. The day, however, was drawing near when Pompe-
jus would return. He had already sent his legate Metellus
Nepos to be elected tribune for the purpose of procuring for
him the consulship and the, conduct of the war against
Catiline.^ To combat these proposals, Cato, the leader of
the radical senatorial party, declared himself a candidate for .
the tribunate. There was also an influential party in the
senate headed by LucuUus, Metellus Criticus, and M. Grassus,
who were opposed to Pompejus, from personal motives.' The
consequence was that when Nepos found the whole strength

* Wtien Nepos proposed these rogations, a terrible tnmnlt ensaed. Nepos fled to
Fompcjns ; the senate saspended Cassar from his prsetorship ; his flrmness compelled
the senate to recall the peitalty ; the senate declared all who qoestioncd the Justice of
the execotions of the conspirators, public enemies. * See pp. 875, n. 8 ; SCd,

800 TBIUHFH OP POUPBJUft. [B.C. 61

of the Benatorial partj arrayed againet him, he made ad-
vances to the democrats, who, jieldiag to necessitr, conceded
the demands of Fompejna. Nepoa in retain accepted tbe
democratic view of the execation of the conspirators. Cteeai
eooght in various ways to conciliate the &Tor of Pompejtu

and to bring him iD collision with the aristocracy. He pro-
posed to have the superintendence of rebuilding the Capitoline
temple transferred from Catulus to Pompejue.

2. Tiiamph of Fompegus.— In B. c 62, Pompejns reached
Italy, and instead of marching with his army to Borne bb
Crassus had expected,* immediately dismissed bis soldiers until

' The temple of Jiipiler CBnltolinm wms built bj T»rqn[niiiii Saperbua Is a. 0. 5S,
Itwk«a<'*rlr MDIR. b<-lnesaa ItfimBD fi¥[ Inlenstb. ind UB iD Hldth (Vltr. It.. T.I).
The flgnre at JapIIer nan Ihp nuwl pmminent object ullhln tb< temple. In blstiAl
> — .. ... — a„i..i. — J I- ^t. .... q^ gue» «ert -' -"■ ' ~' '"-

hand in* a thunderbolt, aoil In tola Itrt a spAar. Tm gue» were
paveme- — '- ' ■- " ' ~" '— ■-

r Pentelic marble taten from (he temple of Jupller Olymi

Tbe temple vu, rebulll by Vrspaslaa in exact tUtrneu of Iti predeceuor, onlr hMm,
bccauH ttie harusplcFS said the gods voulr] not allow tbeplan to be altered (Tw:. HM.,
Iv.. !U). It vn" iTnally, U a. D. US. plundered bf the Vandals and Um notke ot ul

a. C. 100.] THB BIBf! 0¥ C.S8AS. 801

it was time for them to attend Ma triumph. He Bet oat him-
self for Rome, and tuked permisBion of the eenate to enter the
city witboat forfeiting bis claim to a triumph. C,f\c> opposed the
"?^nni*'i in'' '* ••"° ~*'lflP(^ He remftined outeide the walU
until his triamph took place. It lasted two days and was the
most splendid that Rome had ever seen. He had conqaered
fifteen Dations, and three hundred and twenty-fonr princes
walked before hie triumphal car. Pompejus acted with great
modetation ; he simply demanded of the senate allotments of

^rtl

land for hie soldiers, and confirmation of his acts in the East
Th e senate, influenced b y T^i/miind jjifi n^^^ n^ifinl fh"--
reaii flsts. and rompeju^ hat ho^altemative bu t toJiilL.baclt pn
the popular party

3. The Rise of Cnsar. — Just at this time Cesar returned
from Spain, where he had achieved brilliant success and laid
the foundation of his military career. From this time the
power fell more and more into the hands of prominent men.
Fortane bad given Pompejus power which he did not know how

SOS tB£ ttisB ot CJESXt^ [b. a 70.

to use. It was snatched from him hy a man who was worthj
of it GajuB Julias Cadsar was bom July 12, B. c. 100,^ and
therefore was six years younger than Pompejus or Cioero. He
sprang from an old patrician ^mily, but the circumstanoeB of
his early life brought him in close connection with the Marian
party. His aunt had married Marius, and he himself, when
serenteen years old, had taken the daughter of Cinna, one of
the Marian leaders, for his wife. He refused, at the bidding
of Sulla when dictator, to divorce his wife, as Pompejus had
done. His name was placed on the list of the proscribed ; but he
concealed himself among the Sabine hills until the intercession
of the vestal virgins and nobility obtained his pardon. ** You
wish it," said Sulla ; ''I grant it; but in this boy there
are more than one Marius.'' Osesar, however, would not
accept pardon, but so long as Sulla lived he avoided the capital
He went to Asia Minor, and in the siege of Mitylene he won the
civic crown for saving the life of a citizen. On his return to
Bome he took advantage of the popular dissatisfaction with
Sulla's arrangements to win the favor of the people. He
impeached Cn. Dolabella and 0. Antoniusfor extortion in their
provinces. Although they were acquitted by the senatorial
judges, still his success was such as to stimulate his ambition.
To render himself still more proficient he determined to retire
to Rhodes, then celebrated for its rhetoricians. At this time
Servilius Isauricus was conducting the war against the pirates,
and Gsdsar, while on his way to Rhodesi, was taken prisoner by
the pirates. They demanded twenty talents for his ransom.
**It is too little," said he; "you shall have fifty; but once
free, I will crucify you." And he kept his word-

4. Eto Restores the Trophies of lEariiis.— In b. c. 70 he
supported the claims of Pompejus for the consulship and the
laws he proposed, because they admirably accorded with his own
plans. In B. c. 69 GsBsar was quaestor. In this year his aunt

1 Mommflen «et the date a. o. lOB. becanne be obtained tbe edne<tblpln b. c. 65. jfoetot-
■hip B. o. 02. and confmlnhip 58, while accordint; to the leges annalee the^ offloes cooM
not be held before the 37-88th« 40-41 xt and 4)-44th yean of age. Ce«ar was no doubt
exempt, by a special law, like Pompejos and many others, from the law, though thJe li
Dowhiere mentumed in our anthorities.

0. a 60.] THE FIfiST TBIUKVIfiATS. SOS

JnhA, and wife Cornelia^ died. In pronoimciiig^ according to
custom, their eulogy, he said: '^My aunt Julia deriyed her
descent by her mother from a race of kings, and by her father
from the immortal gods. In onr family are the sacred majesty
of kings, who are masters of the world, and the divine majesty
of godfly who are the masters of kings." ^ Three years later he
dared to restore the trophies of Marias. When these glittered
once more in gold and marble in their old place, the veterans
crowded round the statue of their beloved leader, with tears in
their eyea. As sdile he not only embellished the comitium and
the rest of the forum, and exhibited three hundred and twenty
pairs of gladiators equipped in silver, but in the diversions of
the theatre, in the processions and public tables, he far outshone
the most ambitious of his predecessors.^ His prodigality was
frightfal ; his debts enormous. He owed twenty-five million
sesterces.* His liberality, his magnanimity, made him the
favorite of the people. Even his vices endeared him to them.
Cicero * says that genius, method, memory, literature, prudence,
deliberation and industry were combined in him. When Gatu-
lus, the chief pontiff, died, the most illustrious men solicited
the office. Gsosor, however, did not give place to them. On
the morning of the election he said : '^ I shall this day be either
chief pontiff or an exile."

5. CsBoar the Ghaatost Man of AatiqtdXj. — Until
OaBsar was forty years of age his military experience was of the
most limited kind. Then he became the greatest general of his
age. It must have been a strange sight to see that profligate
spendthrift, that elegant debauchee, his couotenance pale and
white, withered before its time by the excesses of the capital, that
delicate and epileptic man, walking at the head of his legions
under the rains of Gaul, swimming its rivers, climbing its mount«
ains on foot, and making his bed among rains and snows in its
loreBts and morasses.' When carried in his litter he read and
wrote, and dictated to four and sometimes to seven amanuen-
ses at once. He could be reading, writing, dictating and listen-

• 2 PbllL, 4ft. ' Michelet, p. 886 ; Saetoniiu Osm.; Pint. Ont.

804 flBST COKBULSHIP OF CJE&A^ [b. C. 59.

ing all at the same time. At the most perilous moments he knew
how to seize a shield and fight iu the ranks of his soldiers. ''He
was/' says Dmmann, ''great in everything he ondertook; as a
captain, a statesman, a lawgiver, a jurist, an orator, a poet, an
historian, a grammarian, a mathematician, and an architect*"

6. The First Trinmirirate (b. c. 60).~A8 propraetor he'
received the province of Spain. JBven before his departure his
old friend Crassus had to relieve him of a portion of his debt
He returned to Rome before the consular elections of B. c. 60^

ll and found Pompejus at variance with the senate. Cassar mada .
overtures to him, and promised to secure the ratification of hii
acts in the East and the assignment of lands for his soldiers, ij
1 return Pompejus was to support Caesar for the consulship. Thfc
success of the coalition^ was secured by Gaesar's gaining otv
Crassus, whose great wealth gave him prominent influence vk
the senate. This was the master stroke of Caesar's policy; to
overcome the bitter jealousy between Pompejus and Crassus,
and effect a reconciliation.

7. The First Consnlship of CsMsar (b. c. 5g^Gs8ar
was elected consul with M. Bibulus, a narrow minded optimate,
as his colleague. He immediately brought forward his proposala
— the agrarian law,' the ratification of Pompejus' acts^ in the
East, and a bill for granting the petition of the knights' to be
relieved from the terms on which they had agreed to farm the
taxes in Asia. After the most obstinate resistance on the part
of the optimates the laws were carried. Twenty commissaoners,
with Pompejus and Crassus at their head, were appointed to

t . superintend the distribution of the land. At the close of his
^ \ consulship Caesar was invested • with the government of Ciaal-

> GeschicfOe Somt, vol. iii., p. 746.

* This private league wa» afterwards known as the Flnt TriwMikvU.

* The lex Julia of/raria propoBed the division of the offer pubUcus in Italr. The ««e-
ond kx agraria included the ager Ccunpaniur and the campw SteUatU^ which wpre to
he divided amons the poor citizenR. * The lex JvUa de am I Sjm i MJ L

* The iex Jwia de pubHeanin, to ooneUlate Crawns. Cato's eeverity in refn;Anf to
releai^e the leasees of the tazet* in A"ia Minor from the terms on which they bad agrtred to
farm the revenne there, alienated the eqnectrian order, and made thpm eager to tno^fer
their allegiaace to the triamvin). who promised to procure for them the remisaion of ooe-
third of the ram they had promif>ed to pay.

* The lex VaHnia de procinda Caseans ; in connection with this was the lex VaSnU
de ooUmia Latina Oomum deduoenda. Csear had ah«ady advocated the granting of dti-
aenship to the Transpadane Qanls. This was a step in that direction, and the MOO osA>
iklsts assured him of their lldeUty. Oomum from this time was called NoYum Ooaun.

B. C. 58.] PIBBT COlirSni^HIP OF GiE8AR. 305

pine and Transalpine Gaul and Illyricum, with eight legions,
for the space of Hyo years.^ The main object of hi^ consulship
had been attained. He had bound Pompejus and Grassus to
himself and to the popular party more clcraely, and as proconsul
of Gisalpine Gaul, he could watch the progress of affairs in the
capital The threatening moYcments of the tribes in Transal-
pine Ganl opened to him a wide field for the exercise of his
military genius, and gare him time to form a powerful army
devoted to his interests. Pompejus undertook^ in the mean-
time, to watch OYer Italy and carry into execution the agrarian
law.

8. Pnbliiis Olodins. — ^The success of the triumyirs seemed i
complete, and the power of the senate completely brokeou Still *
the people were fickle, and there were symptoms of discontent
Some of the optimates were rash enough to propose the annuly \
ling of the Julian laws. It was evident that the senate bore wit
inward rage the yoke which Caesar had laid upon it Ev
Pompejus felt that his present position hardly accorded with faiis
aristocratic notions, and he repented of the step he had takeiL'
There was danger then that during Caesar's absence a recouc !•
iation would take place between him and the senate, and th it
he would succeed once more in winning the support of tae
popular party. To prevent this, Caesar made use of Publics
Clodius Puleher, who had for a long time been attempting t|p
procure his adoption into a plebeian house, that he might b^
elected to the tribunate. Clodius procured his adoption ' with the /
aid of Caesar, who henceforth found in him an apt instrument /
for humbling the power of the senate, and, in case of need, to .
act against Pompejus. Clodius was exasperated against the sen- >
atonal party, and particularly against Cicero. The consuls for !
the following year were L. Calpurnius Piso, Caesar's father-in- ,!

* OaUa TYansabiina wu 9dded by tbe senate and no time mentioned. The OaBUi CImI' \
Vina wan eonferred nntil March Ut, b. o. 54, instead of January Ut, on which day, accord- j
fng to the lex OormUa de provineHi^ the oonBols and prnton were aooostomed to eater I
on their provinces. '

* Ci& ad Atticnm ii., 9QS, (written Anfir., b. o. 60): " In the first place, then, I would
hare yon know that onr friend Samp*«iceramn8 (I. «.,Pompeja<9) is heartily nick of his sit-
uation, and wishes he could be restored to that place from which he has fallen."

■ The tee euHaia 4b arrogatkmt: Cmaai,tmpo9U^ez tnaxUnue^ managed the aftair for
Clodina.

806 I.EOISLATIOK OF CLODirs. [b. C. 55

law, and A. Gktbinins, an adherent of Pompejns, while P. Clo-
dins ^ was elected tribune of the people. The personal bonds
between CsBsar and Pompejus were drawn still more doselj bj
the marriage of Pompejas with Juli% Osraar's only dangfateri
then twenty years of age.

9. Clodiiis' Legislation.— Gsesar still lay with his legions
before the walls of Borne, ready to support his party, if neces-
sary. Clodins, agreeable to his instructions, immediately on
entering the tribunate proposed and carried four rogadons
at the same time.

The firsts was intended to secure the favor of the peo-
ple by providing that they should be supplied with com
gratuitously.

The second^ ma directed against the very citadel of the sena-
torial power ; it forbade the consuls to hinder legislation under
pretence of observing the heavens.^

> mils irifl the came Clodins who had attempted to Incite an fararrectlmi In the amy
of LocttUoii, in B. 0. fl7. In B. o. 01, wliile the Boman matrons were met in Gnsar^s bonw
to celebrate, according to cnstora, the mvsteries of the Good Goddfese (Bona DeaK Ib
which it was considered the greatest proranation fbr any male creature to be picMT.t,
Clodins enteiedjdi!^;aised atn a female musician. He was detected and the mysteries ba9>
tily veiled, but Clowus made his escape. The scandal created great excltemcBt. Cwev
was compromised. He divorced his wife Pompeja. The case wai, brought beforv* tbe
senate. The trial hif>ted through b. o. 68 and 61. Clodins bribed tne judges and proenrel
his acquittal. He was deeply embittered against the senate, and particnlarir a^nrf
Cloero, who h<id appeared agunst him as a witness. He vo / e^, vecgeance. ana for thie
purpose procured his adoption Into a plebeian family, and biecame a candidate lor the
tifbunate. C»sar found in him a suitable instrument f ir aooompUaUog hia daalfiii
against Cicero and the senatorial party.

OENEALOOIOAL TABLE.
Atfius Claudius* Pulohsr

AP.CL.PuiiCHBB. C.OL.PULOBBB. P. CLOUfm PCLCHSB.

ooa.64. I pr0tB.o.66. ttlb. pleb. b. o. 0&

Claudia m. Claudia m. . .

Cm. PoKPBTua. M. Bbutub. | I

P.Glodiub. Clodia dl {MsHk

* Sometimes caned Claudius and sometimes Clodius (c f . eavdex and apctcr, dauttrw
and ciodrum); it became the custom, in later times of the repubUc, for aereial of tb»
daudii to call themselves ClodiL

* The lex fnxmentaria.

* The Ux Clodia dejure et tempore lequm roaandamm^ I. «., that It sfaoMd be fcnl <?
propose rogations to the people on all di«/am, that is, on all dUefadimam oomitukt.

See page dO.

&.G.58.] BAKISHMBNT OF CICERO. 30?

The third re-established the ancient guilds^^ which the sen-
ate-had recently suppressed.

The fourth^ annulled the most despotic prerogative of the
censors, by forbidding them to deny admittance to any magis-
trate to th^ senate who was legally entitled to a seat there.

10. The Banlfthmant of Glcero.— The next and most
important service which Glodius performed for the triumvirs
was to deprive the senate of its two ablest and most influen-
tial members. Although Clodius was a bitter enemy of Cicero,
and would gladly have driven him from the state, yet he could
do nothing without the consent of the triumvirs. Agreeably
to his instructions, he proposed a bill to entrust Gato with the
government of Cyprus, which was to be converted into a prov-
ince, and to interdict from fire and water any magistrate who
had put Soman citizens to death without a trial. Cicero's name
was not mentioned. He, however, saw his peril, dressed him-
self in mourning, and went round the forum soliciting the com-
passion of the people. The senators and knights assembled on
the capitol to consult concerning the threatened danger. A
deputation, headed by Hortentius and Scribonius Curio, was
sent to implore the assistance of the consuls.^ Deputations
from the Italian towns flocked to Home to ofEer their sympathy.
Cicero appealed personally to Pompejus, and prostrated himself
before him as a suppliant Pompejus repelled him coldly, with
the answer that he could do nothing without Caesar's consent
As for CsBsar, he expressed his opinion plainly in an assembly^ of
the people convened by Clodius' in the circus of Flaminius, be-
yond the walls. Here Caesar could be present, for as proconsul at
the head of the legions it was not lawful for him to enter the city.
The two consuls spoke against Cicero, and Caesar repeated the
opinion which he had maintained from the first in the senate —
that the execution of the conspirators was illegal, but that, in a

Tbcfle asfloclatioos iodUgUi eompUaO^iM) were orfglnallT oij^nised to eonduot the

Bscred rites of the eomoUa {ertm-roads). Although nomiDallv religions, they had been
turned into " street-cmbe/* controlled by ward poTltlcIaos.and on that account had been
pnppreesed by the senate in b.o. 84 ; they were now revived by Clodias {lex Clodia d€
coUeffHs}, • The Ux Clodia de eensoria notUme.

* TMmj dared not offend Clodins, for ae trlbone he could procure for them a rich
province. * Oontio.

* ClodluK openly boaated that he acted in understanding with Cmar, Pompejus and
Crassns. Cie. Seat. 17, » f. ; Bar. Beep. 23, 47.

808 tB£ C6isc<iu^s/t CV tfitE WEdT. [b. g. 58-5L

matter bo long passed, he deprecated severe measares. All
availed nothing. The armed bands of Glodins kept poasession
of the fomm. Oioero thought it best to yield to the storm, and
after dedicating in the capitol a small statue of Minerra, the
tutelary deity of Rome as well as of Athens, withdrew fipom the
dty.^ Glodius then carried a bill interdicting Cicero by name
from fire and water within 400 miles of Borne. His property
was confiscated, and his house on the Palatine was bnmt
Csesar's measures in the capital had been satisfactorily accom-
plished, and he was now ready to set out for his province.* It
was time, for the threatening movements of the Celtic tribes
demanded his presence.

•• ♦ f»

The Conquest of the West (B. C. 58-61).

1. The Conditioii of Gkiul. — ^The Romans had already
come in contact with the Celts in Gaul, and had converted the
strip of land on the seaboard between the Alps and Pyrenees
into a Soman province (b. c. 118). The Bomans had for a long
time regarded the Celtic province as very important, still they
had made no systematic effort to extend their dominion in that
quarter. The climate was healthy, the soil rich and fertile, and
the intercourse with Italy, by land and sea, easy. Boman mer-
chants afld farmers had already resorted in great numbers to
Oaul, and had disseminated there Boman civilization. The
centre of this civilization was the old Oreek city, Massilia,
from which articles of luxury found their way up the Bhone and
Soane, and thence, by land, to the Seine and Loire, in exchange
for the products of GauL

^ Cato left Borne abont the eame time. * Towards the end of Harcli, b. o. 9B.

B. a 58-5L] THB CONQUEST OF THB WEST.

809

2. Defeat of the Btolvetiaiui (b.g. 58). — Abont this time
the Helyetiaiis, a Celtic tribe, becoming restless in their narrow
territories, hemmed in as they were between the Jura, the
Rhine and the Alps, on account of their scanty means of sub-
sistence, determined to abandon their territories and seek larger
and more fertile abodes to the west of the Jura mountains. As
Caesar was waiting before the gates of Rome, in the beginning
of B. c. 58, he heard that the Helvetians had already assembled
on the Bhone for the purpose of crossing and settling in the
West. Thinking that this would endanger the safety of the
province he hastened to Qanl, reached the Shone in eight
days, and by skillful negotiations delayed the advance of the
Helvetians until he had constructed a line of intrenchments
from the lake of GleneTa to the Jura

mountains. This defeated the attempt
of the Helvetiaos to cross the river in
this direction, and they were com-
pelled to take their way along its right
bank, and thus make their journey
westward by a more northerly route.^
Cnsar hastily collected his forces,^ fol-
lowed up the left bank of the Soane,
cut to pieces a part of the Helvetian
army and pursued the remainder to
Bibracte,'' where he defeated them ^ in
a terrible battle and compelled them to
return to their own country.

3. War with Ariovietiie (b. g. 58). — Ifext, GsBsar advanced
northward to Vesontio (Besan^on), drove' back the Suevi, who
had crossed the Shine in great numbers^ under their chief Ario-
vistufl, for the purpose of reconciling the contending factions

THE FORTIFICATIONS

FBOMLAXX OBNKTA
TO THS JVBA MT.

* Through the pass de I^Eclnse.

' He went to his other province and hrooght up the three Iwions there, as well as
the two of newly enrolled recniit«. He had In all 6 leglonR and 4000 Gallic horsemen.

' Bibraete was, aooording to QOler, on the nte of the modem Autnn ; according to
NapoIeonjM>me distance from Aatnn, on Mt. Benrray.

* The Helvetians had set oat with 808,000, their whole popnlatioii, of which 88,000
were aimed ; only 110,000 retamed.

' The battle was fooght near Czcmay and Lower Asnach.
' U0,000 had alreadj crossed.

310 THE GONQITEST OF TUB WBST. [b. C. 58-51.

and forming alliances in Gaul. The next year (b. c. 57) Caesar
conquered the Belgic tribes, one of the three great nations that
occnpied Oanl. It was in this campaign that, the Romans
being surprised by the Nervii, while pitching their camp, the
line was restored by Gaasar's seizing a shield and fighting in the
ranks. During this year, Csosar's lieutenant, P. Crassus, subju-
gated the tribes in Brittany and Normandy, so that at the end of
the second year two of the three great divisions of Gaul were in
the power of the Romans. In the third year Csasar advanced
against the Yeneti, who had revolted, and succeeded in captur-
ing their towns and defeating their fleet in the first great naval
battle fought in the Atlantic ocean. The Morini and Menapii
submitted, and G»sar seemed to have fully attained one of the
great objects which he seikput to accomplish — ^the subjugation
of Gaul.

4. The liiTaBion of Oermany and Britain (b. o. 55).—
The other half of his work — to compel the Germans to recog-
nize the Rhine as their boundary on the west — still remain^
before him. Two tribes had already been driven oyer the Rhine
in the pressure of the Germanic Mbes towaids the West* but
Gffisar resolved to prevent them from settling in GauL They
were defeated with tremendous slaughter, and Csdsar determined
to bridge the Rhino ^ and cross himself, in order to iiispire the
other German tribes with terror. In the autumn of tl^e same
year he crossed for a reconnaissance to Britain,' but his fleet was
disabled by a storm, and he was content to withdraw, softer a
fortnight, to Gaul, for the vrinter. The next year he cio«f9ed
again* with a large fleet, defeated the Britains under the^T
leader Cassivellaunus, and compelled them to pay tribute and
furnish hostages.

5. CstMofs ▼ictoriaa Honored in Roma.— When the
news of these prodigious marches and wonderful victories

* This was B. c. 88. The biidfn was efected, aceording to Napoleon, at Bomi; aoeord-
Ing to CKHer, between Bonn andCoblenoe.

* Aooordftng to Napoleon, he sailed from the harbor of the modem BoidofDa, both this ,
and the next /ear; according to GOler, he embarked this year fkt>m Wlasant, and the aeit !
year from Caiaifi.

■ He embarked from Portns Itiiu (probably Wltsaad, between Oalali and Boolocne). \

B. a 58-51.] THE CONQUEST OF THE WEST. 811

reached Bome^ a cry of admiration arose from all gides. The
senate Toted thanksgivings, in spite of the opposition of Gato.
'^Compared to the exploits of Cffisar," said Cicero, ''what has
Marias done? He arrested the deluge of Gauls into Italy; hut
he never penetrated into their abodes, he never subdued their
cities. Csesar has not only repulsed the Gauls, but he has sub-
dued them. The Alps were once the barriers between Italy
and the barbarians. The gods had placed the mountains
there to shelter Bome in her weakness. Now let them sink
and welcome. From the Alps to the ocean she has no enemy
to fear.'' Daring the winter Oaesar held his court, as usual,
at Lacca^ the most convenient point within his province,
where he could watch the political complications in the
capital and receive his numerous partisans and consult with
them. Here consulars, senators and of&cials of all ranks
crowded to his receptions, and all returned delighted with
the courtesy and generosity of the conqueror.

6. Revolt in QmL — Hitherto the Gauls had offered no
united resistance, but in the winter of b. c. 54 they thought a
favorable opportunity was offered for them to combine their
forces, destroy their conqueror, and recover their independence,
as Caesar was compelled to disperse his troops, on account of the
scarcity of provisions. The corps among the Eburones, near
Aduatica, was attacked, and on its retreat totally annihilated.
The insurrection spread among the other tribes, and soon the
insurgents, to the number of sixty thousand, laid siege to the
camp of Q. Cicero, in the territory of the Nervii. Caesar, for-
tunately, was still in Gaul. He hastened, with great speed, im
Cicero's relief, raised the siege, and the insurgents dispersed,
Caesar exacted terrible vengeance^ from the revolted tribes, and
in order to strike terror to the Germans, whom the Gauls had
once more invited to their assistance, he crossed the Rhine
again. In the following year (b. c. 53) he advanced to the
north and exacted bloody vengeance on the Eburones, the lead-
ers of the insurrection. The next year (b. c. 52) Caesar found

* For this campali^ he raffled three le^onn (two were borrowed from Pompejos). He
had previoaalj 8| 1<^om ; U was loet In the attack ; he now had 10.

812 THE CONQUEST OF THE WEST. [B. C. 58--51.

all Oaal again arrayed against him in a general insurrection.
The last attempt had failed because the proconsul had appeared
unexpectedly on the scene of action. Now he waa at a distance^
detained on the Po by the imminence of civil war. This, then,
was the time to strike. The Roman army could be annihilated
and the province overrun before Gsesar could reappear. The
Camutes offered to take the lead. Oenabum^ was attacked and
the Boman settlers were put to death. The cry of war, repeated
by men through the fields and villages, reached the Arveroi the
same evening, a distance of one hundred and fifty miles.'

7. Gkdlant Defence of Vercingetorix. — ^Vercingetorix,
the chief of the Arvemi, joined the insurrection and called upon
all to fight for the lil)erty of their country. Just at this time
G»sar crossed the Alps, took measures to protect the province,
forced his way across the Cevennes through the deep snow, and
appeared unexpectedly to all in the land of the Arvemi. After
collecting his legions he marched directly upon Grenabum,
which had given the signal for revolt. It was pillaged and laid
in ashes. Yercingetorix urged his countrymen to change the
plan of the war, and instead of resisting the Romans in the
open field or in their fortified towns, to bum their towns, cut
off the supplies and lay the country waste far and wida The
plan worked admirably. GsBsar's foraging parties found it difiS-
cult to obtain supplies, and the army began to be pinched by
hunger. In the general destruction Avaricum (Baurges) had
been spared. Hither Csesar hastened with all speed, and preesed
the siege with energy. The town surrendered and its abundant
stores relieved the wants of the army. Caesar was enabled once
more to show a bold front to the enemy, and he entered the
territories of the Averai and laid siege to their capital, Qergo-
via.* Here he met with his first defeat in Gaul, and was com*
pelled to retreat. This was a critical moment for GsBsar. His
enemies in Rome were eagerly scanning the news, hoping that
some disaster would befall him, while his position in Oaul
depended on the halo of victory that surrounded him. His

* Aooordins to N^wleon, the modern GSen. ■ C»8. bel. GaL tIL, S. * Near dermont

B. C. 58-51.] THB GOITQUEST OF THIS WB8I. 313

retreat was the signal for the iEdai to revolt, and the whole
Celtic nation, with the single exception of the Bemi, were in
arms, and the warriors swore not to revisit their homes until
they had crossed at least twice the ranks of the enemy.^
CsBsar, however, was nndismayed« He called ont the levy to
protect the province, and advanced himself towards Agedin-
cam to join Labienns. After the junction of the two armies
Caesar turned to the south, in order to protect the province
from invasion. *

8. Si^;e of Aleaia (b. a 52).— On his way was Alesia,*
where Vercingetorix bad intrenched himself with 80,000 men.
The city was situated upon a hill, in what was supposed to be
an impregnable position. Here the Celts had taken final ref-
uge, and Vercingetorix had dispatched his cavalry to summon,
all Oanl to his relief. The Romans had hardly invested the
place when they were surrounded by a tremendous army* which
had assembled to relieve it. G»sar was in great peril, still he
would not raise the siege, but by a masterly disposition of his
forces he prevented Yercingetorix from breaking through the
lines, defeated the Celtic army without, and compelled Alesia
to surrender. The people were reduced to slavery, and the
number was so great that each soldier had one slave. Ver-
cingetorix, the noble representative of all that was brave and
generous in his. nation, was reserved to grace his captor's
triumph and to perish in the dungeons of the capitol. The
fall of Alesia ended the war. What followed ^ was only like the
swell of the ocean after a mighty storm. A general insurrec-
tion was impossible. The other tribes soon submitted, and
after eight years the subjugation of the region between the
Alps, the Bhine and the ocean was complete.

9. CsMUur's Organintioa of GkraL— During the winter
Csesar travelled through Ghml, settled the condition of the
country, and conciliated the &vor of the people. Honors and
privileges were bestowed upon the chiefs and the cities, and even
the franchise was granted to a number of noble Celts, several of

* Ben. G«l.. tU., 15. * Situated between ChatlUon and Dijon, on If t. Anxois.

■ SBO^OOO iniantiy and SOOO cavalzy. * Xn 9. a U.

814

THE CONQUEST OF THE WEST. [B. O. 58-5L

whom were admitted to the senate. The territory was united to
the province of Narbo nntil b. c. 44^ when two proTinces^ were
formed from it — Oallia and Belgica. The taxes' imposed were
lights and the levying of them was intrusted to each oomma-
nity. Caesar left the Oauls their land, their laws and their

religion ; and in a great measure their self-government was undis-
turbed. In fact, he spared everything that did not interfere
with his fundamental idea — the Romanizing of Gaul. In order
to turn their eyes toward Bome, the Boman monetary system
was introduced, and the Latin language was made the language

^ Tn ▲. D. 17, Logdnneneifl and ▲qnltonU were formed fkom OalUa.
* Forty million tetUrea (abont ft3,000,000) were levied aonoally-. The gold eol-
leeied in the temples and bj the nobler wm oonflecated, and this hrongfat eo moch islo

the market that gold fdl, M compared wltE silver, 85 per oenr

B. G. 58-51.] ANABCHY IN THS CAPITAIi. 815

— ■ ■ ■ ^\

of official intercourse. By these wise and jndicioas measures the
country became thoronghly Bomanized, and the laws and insti-
tutions of Borne formed the basis of its sodal and political
life.1 . ^

*% ■ ■■

Anabcht in the Capital — Kuftube between Cjssab and

THE Senate.

X Political Agitation in the Capital.— During GsBsar's
absence Pompejus had been appointed by the triumvirs to rule
the capitaL In this he had undertaken a task far beyond his
ability. To rule the waves of political agitation in the capital
that sweUed with past and future revolutionSy required a
greater magician than he. After GsBsar's departure to Gaul,
Clodins gave free reins to his audacity. Bands of gladiators
roamed the streets and dispersed the rabble that represented the
Boman people. It soon began to be felt that the throne was
yacanty and that the master was in Gaul. Glodius was embold-
ened to commence a violent attack even on Pompejus. The
restoration of the clubs had given Clodius an opportunity to
organize the whole free and slave proletariate of the capitaL
Utterly helpless to quell .the disorder, and intimidated into the
belief that a plot was formed against his life, Pompejus retired
from the contest and shut himself up in his house. Caesar came
to his rescue, and the next election freed him from his petty

* In tbMc eight campaigns Cesar bad taken more than 800 cities, defeated 800 tribes
or nearly three million of men, one million of whom he had slain, and made an eoaal
namber prisoners. When CsBsar took command in Gaul, he had fbnr l(«ions^b, Btb,
(Kb, and lOtb ; the 11th and 19th, Caesar enrolled for the campaign against the Helvetli ;
the tSth and 14th for the Belgian campaign. The 14th was cnt to pieces by the Kborones,
bat another 14th and also 15th were ^terwards levied in Gaul. Casar enlisted Ganls and
one legion, the Alauda (so-called because thf helmets of the soldiers were distinffuished
by a lark) was composed wholly of Gauls. The results that sprang tnm CiBsars wtts
in Gani^ had a momentous influence on the destinies of the world ; for Cesar flrst taught
the Bomans to protect the frontiers of their empire by meant, of rivers or artiilelal ram>
parts, to coIoniM the nearest tribes along the frontier, and to recruit the Koman anny
from the enemy's country. Bv these means tlie migrations of the Germanic tribes wero
checked, and the necessary interval for Italian civilization to become establishedii)
Gaol, on the Danube, in Africa, and in Spain was gained. -See Mommten, vol. iv., p. 801

816 OIGERO'S BECALL FROM EXILK [B. C. 57.

persecution. The new consals^ were favorable to Cicero, and
on the first day of their office, proposed a bill to recall bim
from exile. One of the tribunes imposed his veto, and preyented
the bill from being carried in the senate. Pompejus proposed to
bring it before the people, but a terrible fray ensued in which,
according to Cicero, the Tiber and sewers were filled with
bodies, and the forum swam in blood.^

2. Cicero's Recall from Bzile (b. c. 57).— Finallj, in
July, the nobles anned a party of swordsmen under T. Annius
Milo to enconnter Olodius. Desperate fights occurred in the
streets, and at last the senate, in concert with Pompejus, deter-
mined to invite the voters from all Italy to repair to Rome
and assist in carrying a law for Cicero's recall. On the 4th of
August the bill was carried, and on the next day Cicero landed
in Brundisium, where he expected to meet his family. All
Italy came out to meet him, and so great was the public joy
that he declared that all Italy carried him back to Some on
her shoulder.' On the 4th day of September he re-entered
the city. All the streets and temples were filled with the vast
multitude, so . that no triumph had ever been equal to his
return from exile. ^ Clodius in the meantime continued
his agitation. He drove off the workmen who were rebuilding
Cicero's house, and even attacked Cicero himself in the open
streets. As the drilled bands of Clodius filed through the pub-
lic squares, no one dared attack him. He was a victim reserved
for the sword of Milo.

3. The Renewal of the Triumvirate (b. c. 56). — Pom-
pejus yielded in various ways to the wishes of the senate and
hoped to effect a reconciliation with the senatorial party.
Cicero co-operated with Pompejus, and proposed that he
should be invested with extraordinary powers for the purpose
of supplying Rome with provisions. The senate, however,

> P CorneUns LentnliiB Spinther and MeteUns Nepo«.

• Pro Best, 86, 89. * Pint. CIc, 88.

« The fez Cornelia granted him Indemniflcation— 8,000,000 eesterees (166,000) forhi«
..^nse on the Palatine ; he had honght the hoive of Crawns for Z\ mulion w«tiroe«
(|1SO,000); thirt left 1\ million for the land ; h!f> \\]]m at Tnf<ciilnm (^,000) and Fonni»
($10,000). After hiii return he delivered fonr orations : ^ott redUum: (1) OraGo ntm
»imatui gratiM egU; (S) cum populo gnUUu egU;(^) de demo mia ad pon&Jk**;
(4) a/d MtrwgMCtt.

house

B. a56.] THB TEIUKVIBATE BEKRWED. 817

wa0 not yet quite ready to receive Pompejufl as dictator,
and CrassaSy who was ardently attached to Caesar, openly
opposed the bilL The discord between Pompejus and Grassus
fomented daily. The senate refused Pompejus the commis-
sion to restoie the expelled king of Egypt;, and finally dared to
attack the law carried by Cnsar in regard to the Oampanian
land. The senate began to feel that the hour had come to
begin the struggle against the triumvirs. When the consular
elections came the senate put forward L. Domitius Ahenobar-
baSy who threatened fco propose a law for Gassar's recall. The
nobility had thrown down' the gauntlet to Gsesar. It was
time for him to act In April B. c. 56, he invited Pompejus and
Crassus to an interview at Luea ^ {Lucca\ reconciled them to
each other, and arranged a plan for the following year. Pom-
pejus and Crassus were to be elected consuls, and to obtain pro-
consular commands, the one in Spain, the other in Syria
Caesar's province was to be granted to him for another term
of five years. Crassus promised to keep P. Clodius and his
gang quiet, while Cicero was to be reminded of the promise be
had made, before his return from exile,^ through his brother,
in regard to his conduct towards Caesar.

4. The Second Conaolahip of Pomperjua and Craasns
(b. a 55). — It was impossible to carry the election of PoQipejus
and Crassus in opposition to the two consuls. Two tribunes
were therefore employed to adjourn the comitia during the
year, to prevent at least the election of others. A great num-
ber of soldiers were dismissed on furloughs from Caesar's army
to take part in voting. Even P. Crassus, the son of the triumvir,
appeared with a detachment of troops. In the beginning of b. a
55 the elections were held ; the armed bands of the triumvirs
having driven their opponents from the Campus Martins.

1 There were, according to AppUtn (b. c. li., 17), 800 nenaton and so many magistrates
preaent at Lpica that there were 190 Hctors ; see also Pint. Cas., 81.

" Clc. ad. fam. I., 0, 9 f.; and Q. fr. 8, 0. 8. From the 11th of April to May 6, Cicero
reeeived no letto- from his brother. On the 15th of May when the qnestion came np in
the ♦^nate in reference to the Campanian land, Cicero nad received the warning from
hl9 brother Cad fam. i., 9, 10). and wa?* not pre<<ent. Cicero gave evidence of hlfl res^nmed
allegiance to Cieiar by impporting the bill to dve him ten legaten, and to pay his soldiers
from the public treasury (Cic. Pro v. Cons., 11, 1^); see Mommsen, 1. c. vol. Iv., p. 880, n.

318 CRAS8US DEPABTS F9B SYBTA. [B.C.5&

The arrangements made at Laca were carried oat Gsbsu^s
command was prolonged ^ for another fire years; the two Spains
were assigned to Pompejas, and Syria to Grassus.

5. TampejiuB and the Senate.— -Pompe jus rejoiced to find
himself once more at the head of an army ; hut contrary to
the •expectations of all, he remained at the capital nnder the
pretext of supplying it with provisions, while bis lieutenants,
Afranius and Petrejus, were entrusted with the command in
Spain. Once more he adopted his old policy, and encouraged
secretly the disorder in Rome, hoping that the senate would
be compelled to nominate him dictator. The turbulence of
the mob was worse than ever. Many began to foresee the ap-
proaching end of the republic. Pompejus sought to ingratiate
himself with the people. He built a magnificent stone theatre*
on the Campus Martins, the first of its kind in Rome, capable
of holding forty thousand spectators. At the dedication, plays*
of Attius and of Livius Andronicus were presented, and
five hundred lions and eighteen elephants were hunted in the
arena by trained bands of gladiators.

6. Crassus Departs for Ssrrla (b. c. 55).— Grassus, id^
though he was already sixty and had not entered a camp
for sixteen years, was impatient to depart to his province
and seize the riches of the East. From his province of
Syria, he could conduct the war against the Parthiana and
penetrate into the distant regions of the East. The P^hians,
however, had long been at peace with Rome, and the treaty of
Sulla had been renewed by Pompejus. The senate refused to
declare war, and the nobles sought by means of the tribune
Atejus, to excite the religious scruples of the people against an
invasion into the territory of a people at peace with Rome.
As Grassus was making the usual sacrifices in the capitol for the
successful result of his expedition, the tribune announced the
appearance of unfavorable omens. The senate refused, to
declare war. When Grassus was hastening from the city to

* Cm^ar^n eommand wm extended nntfl March 1, b. o. 4B, which was eqniTalenl to
extendini; it nntfl January 1, b. o. 48, as the senate generally took action on the pronncei
at the beginning of the year

* See p. 418. * dj-tsBmnestra and Trojan Horsa

B.G. 53.] CRASSUS PB000N8UL IN SYBIA. 819

take command of the army, the tribtme met him at the gate
and kindled a fire in a censer, and with incense and libations
deyoted Crassns with terrible imprecations to the infernal
gods.^ Other strange omens followed him and dispirited his
Boldiers. His mind, howeyer, was filled with glorious visions
of oonqnest He hoped to surpass the &me and exploits of
Caesar and Pompejus, and to penetrate into the unknown
regions of the East.' He passed the winter in Syria» where,
instead of exercising his soldiers and preparing for war,
he plundered the temples and confiscated the revenues of t]^e
cities.

7. Crassiis CroBses the Enphrates. — In the spring of
B. c. 53, he prepared to set out on his expedition.* He crossed
the Euphrates at Zeugma, but instead of following the course
of this river, as his quaestor 0. Cassius advised him to do,
BO that his ships could reach him with supplies, and so that the
advance to Ctesiphon and Seleucia would be comparatively easy,
he trusted to the guidance of an Arabian chief who promised to
lead him by the nearest way to the enemy. This man had
already served under Pompejus and was supposed to be friendly
to the Bomans. When he had led the Bomans from the river
into the sandy desert, he rode off under a frivolous pretext and
left them. The rolling columns of sand soon announced the
approach of the enemy. The air was filled with a horrid din,
the deep and dismal sound of the kettle-drums struck terror to
the Soman soldiers. When the Parthian line appeared, it
gleamed like battalions of fire, for their polished breastplates
and helmets were of Margian steeL The cavalry poured in
their long arrows with fearful effect, and the Roman line was
crowded together. The soldiers fell thickly on every side. Cras-
sns ordered his son — the same who had served under Caesar in
Oaul, and led the Gallic cavalry — to charge on the assailants.
The youth pushed eagerly forward, but was soon surrounded,
overpowered and slain. The soldiers, worn out with the

> Plot Cnwt., SI. « Ibid.

• He bad seven legionl: 4000 caxfhy and WOO Gallic cavalqr ;.map No. 7.

1 i

I ;

820 DEATH OF CBASSUS. [B.a5d.

heat and the dnst, and blinded by the sand^ were cut to
pieces. Night put an end to the slaughter.

8. Battle of Oarrlue (b. c. 53).—rThe enemy galloped away,
jeeringly shouting to the Romans that they would giro the
general a night to bewail his son. Crassus, prostrated with
fatigue and disap}x>inted in his hopes for fame and gold, prored
utterly helpless. Octavius and Gassius withdrew the army to
CarrhsB, abandoning the camp as well as the dead and wounded.
The Parthian cavalry followed in pursuit, but the garrison of
C/irrhsB came out to assist Orassns, and. the army took refuge
within its walls. Deeming the place indefensible, the Romans
set out the next day on their retreat ; but Surenas, the vizier of
the Parthian king, fearing that they would escape, proposed
an interview and invited Grassus to capitulate on finvorable
terms. The mutinous soldiers clamored for submission, and
Grassus was compelled to yield to the outcry. The proconsul
and his officers were treacherously seized and slain. A small
remnant of the army, under Gassius, escaped to the hills and
made their way back to Syria. Twenty thousand Romans had
been slain and ten thousand taken prisoners.^

9. Clodins and Milo. — Meanwhile at Rome matters had
been daily growing worse. The disaster at Garrhse produced
but a faint impression upon the politicians of the capital
Disorder and confusion had made such rapid strides that the
best men began to contemplate the necessity of a dictatorship.
It was evident that the rupture between the triumvirs was
approaching. In b. o. 54, Julia died, to whom Pompejus was
ardently attached. This broke one link that bound the trium-
virs together. Gadsar attempted to re-establish the ties of affinity,
but Pompejus drew back and finally married « the daughter of
Q. Metellns Scipio. The death of Grassus, however, was the
severest blow, for Gsesar always felt that whatever else might
happen, he could rely on Grassus. Pompejus made use of the
tribunes to prevent the consular elections, and the year b. c. 53

* Acoordlxur to Appian, 90,000 were slain and taken priaonen ; the priaonen wen
kindly treated and allowed to settle in the oonntiy.

B. C. 52.] POMPEJUS APPOINTED SOLE CONBUL. 331

opened with an interregnnm. The city was a prey to the
riotous hands of Clodius and Milo, and in b. c. 54 tbey were J
hoth candidates for office, the former for the pr»torship, and j
the latter for the consulship. Their hired hands of gladiators '
fonght in the pnhlic streets, and postponed the elections. Riots
were of frequent occurrence and blood flowed in the forum
and public squares.

XO. Deatii of Clodius. — It happened that Milo was travel-
ing on the Appian way in a carriage, accompanied by his wife,
and attended by a retinue of senrants, and, as usual, a band of
armed gladiators. Near Bovillae,* Olodins met him, and as the
story goes, an affray ensued between their gladiators, in which
Clodius was wounded. He took refuge in a tavern near by,
bnt Milo gave way to his fury, attacked the bouse, and caused
Clodins to be dragged forth and slain. When the body of Olo-
diuB, which was left in the street, was found by a senator, Sex. '
TedinSy and carried to Bome,a tremendous excitement ensued, i
The multitude streamed towards the Palatine hill, where the i
body was exposed to public gaze. On the following morning,
excited by the harangues of the tribunes, the people bore the
corpse to the curia Hosiilia, and having made a funeral pile of
the benches, tables, books and papers, set fire to it so that not
only the senate-house but many of the adjoining buildings were
bnmed. The only refuge from this state of anarchy was in
Pompejus and his army. A few honest statesmen wer3 left,
bat the great parties had degenerated into factions and cabals.
Even Cato said ''that it was better to choose a master, than
to wait for the tyrant that anarchy will impose upon us.'' On
the 25th of February, B. o. 52, Pompejus was elected ' consul
without a colleague,'^ — a title that sounded a Uttle less harsh
than dictator.

11. Pompcgns' Third Consnlship (b. g. 52).— From this
time Pompejus threw off all pretence of an alliance with Caesar
and deroted himself to the cause of the senate. Order was re-
stored, the armed bands were dispersed, and Pompejus, in order .

* OMtultUte coUega ; this was illegal, becaase Uie reqiilBite ten yean Bince his second
consulship had not elapsed. * See map, p. 4.

323 THE TRIAL OF KILO. [B. C. 53.

to soothe the anxiety of the senate, declared that he would
rale the state in the interest of freedom. Pompejns carried
two^ laws against violence and bribery at elections, also
measures to secure a speedy trial of those engaged in the
murder of Clodius, and in the burning of the senate-house.
Condemnation fell especially on the friends of GaBsar. The jury
ventured to acquit most of the partisans of the senate except
Milo. Gioero prepared an oration in Mile's defence; but such
disturbance arose during the trial that Pompejus stationed
guards in the city, surrounded the court, and occupied all the
approaches to the forum with armed soldiers, Mid sat himself
in front of the treasury, to watch the proceedings. When
Gicero arose to speak, the sight of the soldiery and the hostility
of the people robbed him in a measure of that eloquence and
wit which, on so many occasions, had been so effective. Mile
was condeamcd, and went into exile at Massilia, where Cicero
tent him a copy of the splendid oration which be intended to
have delivered. Milo sarcastically remarked that it was fortu-
nate that it had never been spoken. '^ Else," said he, '^ I ahonld
not be enjoying the delicious mullets of this place."

12. l!3ie Measures of Pompejus. — Pompejus sided more
and more with the optimates, and admitted Gate into his coun-
sels. He carried a law that no magistrate should have a province
till five years after the expiration of his term of office. From
this measure, Pompejus considered himself exempt, for he
immediately caused his own command to be prolongea for
another five years. The next law was aimed directly against
Cssar. It provided that no one could be a candidate for a
public office in his absence. It was very important for Csesar
when his proconsular government expired, to return to Borne
protected by the consular office. His personal safety quired
that he should be exempted from the law. His friends saw this,
and they declared Caesar's desire for a second consulship, and
demanded that he should be exempt from the law. CflBsars
name was still powerful among the people. His brilliant suc-

^ De ti and de ambitft. The flntt provided that the trial shoald last odIj four dayp ;
that the advocates ehonld speak only two or three hours eaeh ; enlo^es (fewfrfaftowwt
from distinguished men for the aocu8ed were forbidden. ^

B.a51.] BUFTUKE BSTWEEN GJS8AB AND THE SENATE. 823

cess66 in Gaol had produced a profound impression. Besides,
his gold flowed in streams to the capital. Opposite the mag-
nificent basilica erected by JSmiliujB Paullus, near the spot
where the senate-house had stood, rose the Julian basiUca,
while a space was cleared for the Julian forum. Pompejus
thought it best to yields and Caasar was specially exempted.

13. Caesar'B PositioiL — During the next two years events
followed their course. The mere force of circumstances urged
on the crisiB. It was plain that civil war was impending. In
B. c. 51 the consul M. Marcellus, a strict aristocrat, proposed
that Caesar should be recalled March 1, b. c. 49. Caesar sought
in every way to preserve his relations with Pompejus, and
attain, peaceably if possible, the consulship for b. c. 48, already
promised him at Luea»^ He sought in every way to postpone
the catastrophe which all saw was inevitable, overlooked what-
ever he could ; but still adhered to this demand, that when his
time expired in Gaul, he should have the second consulship
promised to him by his colleagues, and admissible by law. If
Caesar was compelled to resign his office without immediately
entering upon the consulship, that ia, if there was an interval
when he was out of office and consequently liable to impeach-
ment, all knew what his fate would be, for Cato had already
given notice that he would impeach him. While the coalition
between Pompejus and the senate was forming, Cadsar adopted
ever^^ means to strengthen his power. He conciliated the Qauls,
granted citizenship to Novum Comun, promised it to the inhab-
itants of Gallia Transpadana, increased the pay of his soldiers^
and lavished untold sums of money on the people at home by / 1 /
rearing splendid structures and by celebrating magnificent i ! j
_ i;

* OcflV's prorinoe was confeired on him from March 1, b. o. 09. According to the
ComeUan law, by which aprooonsui entered upon his province immediately vter the
termination of hu first year of office, Onsar^s saooeBsor ought to be nominated from the

the maelJitTate did not enter npon the government of a province till five years
ezplranon of hie civil oi&ee, there was no difflcnity in immediately filling any sovemor
0hip from the roagistrateB who had gone ont five years before.— ifommj^n, dU EBchtiflragi
z. baaar, Sc. According to Znmpt (Stnd. Bom., p. 81 ff)« Cie^r conid be recalled Nov
18, B. c. 5Q ; the chief passa^s for fixing the time for the expiration of his term of office
are : Clc. ad At., vii., 9, 4 ; De. p. Cons., 87 : Sneton, C»s., w1.

after the
ovemor^

824 BUPTURB BBTWESN CfiBAB AKD TSE 8BKATB. [B.a5L

games. ^ Meanwhile the el«ctioiifi for b. o. 60 had taken place,
and ^milius Paullas and G. Marcellus wei^ elected oonsuk
To watch his interests in the capital and manage the discussion
with the senate^ Osasar had bribed' one of the consukand
the able and eloquent but profligate and unprincipled Gajus
Trebonius Curio, one of the tribunes, and when Marcellus pro-
posed* that Caesar should be required to resign his command,
Curio approved of the motion, but demanded that it should
extend to Pompejus also, for in this way only could a constita-
tional state of things be restored. Caesar declared his consent
to the proposal, and offered to resign at once if Pompejus would
do the same. The only man who could possibly have effected
a reconciliation and giyen voice to the conservative element in
the senate had been removed from the scene of action. Cicero
had been sent (b o. 52) to govern Cilicia, according to the pro-
visions of Pompejus' law, which required the governors of
provinces to be selected from those who had held five years
before an urban magistracy.

14. The Pompeians Defeated in the Senate.— Mean-
while the senate tried to strengthen the military force by
decreeing that Caesar and Pompejus each should furnish one
legion for the Parthian war. Pompejus demanded back the
legion which he had lent during the Gallic war. Caesar com-
plied, and had therefore to give up both legions, not for the
Parthian war, for they were at once sent to winter at Capna.^
Toward the end of the year Curious proposal came up in the
senate, and by 370 votes against 20 the senate resolved that
both Pompejus and Caesar should resign their command&
Marcellus refused to announce the decree of the senate, and
circulated a report that Caesar was marching on the city with
four legions. He requested Pompejus, without being author-
ized by the senate, to summon the two legions from Capua for
the defence of the city, and to call out the Italian militiA.
Curio condemned these proceedings, and at the expiration of
his tribunate (^ hastened to Caesar at Ravenna.

' Lvdi funebres^ In honor of his danffhter.

' He is Raid to have paid Paalus 1509 talents =$1,800,000. * Mar.. 00.

* Beforo their departure Ctesar gave each soldier 2Q0 drachma. * Dec 10, i, c. 60.

1.A4S.] m Mnt «tni WAt. til

14. •eesar's Vltimatiim.-— f«Mr jUijlatched orders to
his whole force in Ganl to set out for Bavenna, meanwhile send-
ing a letter by Curio to Bome^ in which^ after briefly stating his
exploits and public services, and reminding the senate of his
right to stand for the consulship^ he promised to resign his
command at the bidding of the senate if Pompejus would do
the same.' Curio arrived in Borne Jan. 1, b. c. 49^ the day on
which the new consuls G. Marcellus and O. Lentulns, both bit-
ter opponents of Caesar^ entered upon their ofSce. The two
tribunes, M. Antonius and Q. Cassius Longinus,^ devoted friends
of Gssar, were hardly able to obtain a hearing for Caesar's let-
ter. A violent debate followed, and finally the motion of
Seipio, Pompejus' father-in-law, was carried, that CsBsar should
disband his army and give up his province to his successors by
a fixed day,* on pain of being declared a public enemy. The
intercession of the tribunes availed nothing ; and threatened, as
they declared they were, by Pompejus' soldiers, they fled in dis-
guise to Caesar. On the 7th of January the senate invested the
consuls vrith dictatorial power, and called upon all to take up
arms for the republic. This was the crisis. Civil war was
inevitable. The senate intrusted the command to Pompejus.
Caesar, on receiving news of the senate's vote, harangued* his
soldiers, the one' legion that was at Bavenna, and being assured
of their support, crossed the Bubicon,* which separated his
province from Italy, and entered Ariminum. "The die is
cast,'' said he ; ''let us go where the gods and the injustice of
our enemies call us.''

■ ■ ♦ >■

The Gkeat Ciyil Wab (B. 0. 49-46).

1. The Legality of Caesar's Course. — In regard to the
legality of Caesar's course, it has generally been said that law

> OHeaar, <^. Bel.

* Tbe ocmsin of O. CasBlnf. Cnmns* legate in the Futhian war. * Jnljr Ist.

* €!■■•* b. e. vit * The thirteentn. * Some time in Jan. s Nov., n. c. BOi

326 THE GBEAT CIVIL WAB. [B. C. 49.

was technically on bis side. That the senate had an nndoubted
right to appoint a governor to succeed Csesar March 1, b. c. 49,
is nnmistakable.^ By skillful management Caesar had brought
^ about a condition of things in which it was impossible for
Mhe senate to foUow strictly the law. The situation of affiurs
r Vthen that preceded the aQtudontbreakj^ hostilities, must be
y attributed to Caesar^g^^mordi nftto am bitio^ The causes of the
^YiT wSr TndrtVo tenoiency towards monarchy must be sought
in the decay of the republican spirit, and in the increasing dis-
organized condition of the government produced by the long
years of revolution that had preceded. This, #89aar, as a states-
man, saw, and his greatest claim rested in the fact that he was a
statesman. He knew well that the fires of the revolution had
burned out Oato might dream of the possibility of reviving
the republic, but Caesar knew that the time had gone by. He
saw distinctly that anarchy at home and abroad could be sap-
pressed only by a permanent supreme ruler. It was plain to him
that the throne was vacant. The only question was, who should
be the monarch. True to his nature he seized opportunities.
Events placed him where he stood, and the tide of events
carried him on.

2. Cicero's Efforts for Peaoe.--Cicero, who had returned
from his province in November, b. c. 60, where he had won the
title of imperator in a petty warfare against the native tribes,
was waiting before the city with his lictors, hoping that he
would be permitted to celebrate a triumph. In the meantime
he had tried in every way, by writing to Caesar and entreating
Pompejus, to effect a reconciliation. He saw plainly that
whichever side was victorious the republic must perish. He
fluctuated for a long time in his opinion, uncertain which war
to turn. "For," says he, "Pompejus has the more honorable
cause, but Caesar manages his with more address ; in short, I
know whom to avoid, but not whom to seek." Caesar knew

* Mommsen admits that Cssar^s tenn expired March 1, b. c. 48, bat thinkv, relying apaa
CSe. de Prov. Cons., that Uiis was not a suitable time for Casar's suceesdor to eater apon
his duties, since he mast remain idle during January and Febroary. Bat aecording to
Pompejas^ law of b. c. 6S, five yean* were to elapoe between a civil and military oommtnd.
and the retiring consol mast be idle not only two roontbs, but Ave yean. Olflero, for
instance, entered opon his duties as proconsol m the middto of b. o. 61.

B. a49.] THE GHEAT OITIt WAR. 82?

well the ioflnence of his name frith the foreign rabjects of the
repablic, and Boagbt to win bim to hia side. Finally, still cher-
ishing the hope of efiFeoting a reconciliation, Cicero decided lor
Pompejns. In an interview' with him he made one more eSort
for peace, by trying to induce him to accept Cseaar'a proposals.
Pompejns even sent private friends to Ceesar at Ariminam to
explain his motives, and Oassar took one more opportanity to
offer snch terms of accommodation that their rejection wonld
place his opponents in the wrong.' When the answer cams,
requiring him to retire from Arimimim and diamiss his army,
Cseaar saw that dl efforts for a peaceable solution of the tronbles
were in vain, and realizing how much was to be lost by delay,
advanced on the road to Rome, ordering bie other legions to
follow him.

3. Bmndisiam (b. o, 49). — The celerity of his marches I
waa well known. Rnmors came that he bad occupied Pisan- |
mm, then Ancona a nd A^SlUU", and then that hia cavalry was I
befo re the gates of Rom e. Consternation seized the people, and
even Pompejus fled in anch haste that his adherents accused him j
of not taking sufficient precaution for their defence, and of ex- !
posing them, asthey wildlyimagined,

to the onslaught of Gcesar's Gallic '

barbarians. Giesar continned his
march and arrived, February 14, at
C or8pium. Domitins Aheoobarbus,
Cfesar'B designated successor in the
governorship of Transalpine OanI,
held the place with a strong army.
Caesar had only two legions. Still
Domitins considered all as lost, nnless

Pompejns should come to his assist- (BhowinR the «™p^"ot

ance. The whole garrison surrendered, ""* "'«'«»"<""'' "" '"'"'■>
but Domitins and a few nobles made their escape by night.
Pompejns had already given up Italy as lost, and hastened to

::fr

QiS THE GBBAT CIVIL WAB. [b. C. 49.

RrnT^j^'ginm with all bia fr-nny fnllmirnfl >iy n frain ^f flfi^y^

tors and aiobles, to emb,ari: Jip.fii:e§2g^ W hen CflMar^ amved
ftij'lift g^ tiO ^^"^fl8 Pininiiiiinm^ with great skill Foinpejos
withdrew' his army unharmed and landed it in Greece. Pom-
pejus' followers openly expressed their dissatisfaction. Some
hated his arrogance, others hoped to return and wage war in
Italy. ^'We will starve Bome into submission/' said they,
*' and not leave one tile upon the roof throughout the country.^
" He left the city," said Cicero, " not because he could
not defend it, but because this was his design from the
first: to call to arms the barbarians and to lead savage nations
into Italy, not as captives, but as conquerors. He determined
to reign like Sulla— as a king over his subject& There were
many who applauded this atrociouB design." 0««ar tried to
induce Cicero to return to Rome, but he preferred to remain
in Campania, and Caesar respected his scruples.

4. nerda (b. c. 49). — Caesar was unable to iollay PsZQiPCiJfl?
from want of ships, and therefore returned to Bome tCLftrranga
matters thei*e. A campaign of sixty days without a siogl&sexiaBS
engagement had made him master of Italy. Caesar entered the
city and demanded the treasure hoarded in the temple of Sat>
urn,' which was popularly believed to be the gold that Camillas
had taken from Brennus. A curse w^as pronounced against
any one who used it except to repel a Gallic invasion. The
tribune interceded, but Caesar pushed him aside. ^The fear
of a Gallic invasion is past," said he. ^^I have subdued the
Gauls." After arranging for garrisons to protect Italy ^ and
taking measures to supply the city with com, he prepsjned for
the next campaign. Curio was sent with four legions to
Sicily, and Valerius with one to Sardinia. CgSU^mJi^
first ordering the forces which he had assem bled on tj nt.
Rhone to proceed directly i/Tspmn^ g^nn^ j^jp^qplf ^Ix^pf the
middle of April. " I go,''"saidTie, " to engage an army without

* Ctt8ar*8 army confd^ted of onl j nine legions of about 60.000 men ; be bad let cot
witb cnr* legion and 8G0 cavalry. Pompejus waw the recognuEea chief of the Roman Fttte,
and had i^its revenues and proTinoes at hie dl^poNU. His army eonelsted of the term
Spanish legions, and ten legions In Italy ; eminent men of his party wC oat to rsisc
fecmits. ' March 17. * jSrariitm Seme&tu.

* Italy was left under command of Antonins ; Bome under that of L^idiis.

fi.a48.] THS GSEAT CIVIL WAB. 329

a general; I shall retarn to attack a general without an army/'
On his way thither, the old Greek city Massilia ^ shut its cntes
against him, and he left G. Trebon ios and Decimus Birutus to
press the siege, wtme ne proceeded dWedt]ty'To*15pain to"c6ii-\
duct the wSf agam8r*Tom|)eJus^nieutenaiits7"Afraniu8 and
Petre]u& At first he met with a serious reverse at I lerda,
(Lerida), but he soon succeeded in compelliug the Pompeians
to surrender, dismissed them unharmed, and enrolled most of
their soldiers into his own army.^ On his return he rece ived
fliA gnTrpn^pr nf i^^piifliiitt Mcauwhile his lieutenanis Had
been sncoessiul in Sardinia and Sicily. Curio passed over to
Africa, which had been put in a state of defence by Atina
Varus and by Juba, king of Numidia, who had sided witli the
Pompeians. Curio was slain in a battle ou the Bagiadas,
which he had rashly hazarded, losing nearly the whole of his
army. The death of Curio was an irreparable loss to Caesar,
for he was a brave and skillful officer. The conquest of
Sicily had thwarted Pompejus' attempt to starve Italy, while
his general plan of the campaign — to have his Spanish and
Maoedonian armies meet on the Po and invade Italy — had been
completely frustrated by the destruction of the Spanish army.

5. Pompe(jiis' Resonrces. — The gre at rendezvous of^
Ponqg gjus^ adheren t^ was Macedonia. Thither came jpfttftj „
indignant that he had been left unsupported in Sicily ; Domi-
tius^J irom Massilia also came, and a large number of soldiers
from the Spanish armies. From Italy emigration became quite
popular among the aristocrats.' Pompejus had by no means
been idle. He had the whole resources of the East at his disposal.
Ships had been collected, his army had been increased to nine
legions, and a cavalry force of seven thousand had been raised.
Com had been stored up to supply the army, and the fleet k
under Bibulus commanded the sea. Meanwhile Caes ar was
exertinir every nerve to restore order in the capital and

* nomitios Alienobarbas was in command, but be escaped.

■ M. Varro, wbo alflo commanded in Spain, was deserted by bis troops and compelled
to rarrender.

* Cioero left Italy Jane 7 ; Cic. ad Fam. xiv., 7.

330 THE GREAT GXYIL WAB. [b.c4&

thronghout Italy. Du ring his absence in ^p^m ^. )ie ]if^ by»ii
appoi nted dictator , on the motion of Lepidas, whom he bad left
in cnargeof tbe city. During the eleven days that he held tbe
dictatorship, he carried laws to restore those condemned for
civil offences, while Pompejus was in command of the dtj ; ^ for
the restoration of private credit, by which all fear of cancelling
debts was removed,* and finally for the exteusion ol
citizenship to the inhabitants of G allia Tr ananSES^

6. battle of DjrrrhachiomXB. c. 4S). — Gaasar had already
ordered his troops to assemble at Brundisium. From heie, on
the 4th of January B. c. 48, he prepared to embark with six
legions, greatly thinned by toil and sickness, and six hundred
horsemen for the coast of Epirua Caesar himself crossed with
the first division, but when his fleet returned for the rest of tbe
army, it was attacked by Bibulus; nearly thirty transports
were captured and the rest shut up in the harbor of Brundi-
sium. Gsdsar's position was critical, so much so that he
determined to cross alone in a fisherman's boat to Brundisium
and bring his fleet and army over. This, however, proved not to
be necessary, for 'M. Antonius made every effort to relieve him,
and soon succeeded in landing some troops. Pompejus hesi-
tated to give battle to Caesar's veteran army, and retired to the
high ground near Dyrrhachium.^ CsBsar proceeded at once to
invest his position with works sixteen miles long, but famine
began to be felt in his camp, and as the siege continued, his
soldiers were obliged to make bread of grass. This did not dis-
courage them. " We will eat the bark of trees,'' said they,
^'rather than allow Pompejus to escape us." Pompejus, how-
ever, forced a passage through the lines, and Cieear was
compelled to retire to Thessaly.

7. Battle of Pharsalos (b. c^^^c^'^^^ Pompejans re-,
garded this as completely decidin^tfe contest. The nohlej
Romans threw off their reserve ; some advised Pompejus i^ •
re-enter Italy, others to reconquer Spain. The vaat retinue ay '

f i

"•' ^^ * Thoae condemned vuadw the lex Pomp^adeanMtu,

* Lex Jutta de peeunHs mufuis.

* Lex JuUa de HtfUatt lYanrpadanU danda. * See map. p. 107.

fi. C. 4a] m GSftAt CIVH WAB, 831

I confiolarSy senators and generals were a great hindrance to

any eneigetic and active operations. Some accnsed Pompejus

of not wishing to conquer^ and Domitius asked how long

Agamemnon, the king of kings, intended the war to last. The

most insolent was Labienas, Csdsar's old lientenant^ the only

one who had deserted him. He swore that he woald conquer his

old general. The prisoners taken at Dyrrhachium he ordered

to be pnt to death. " We will have no peace," said he, *' until

you bring us Caesar's head." The noble senators were so sure

of victory that they began to dispute about the consulates and

pnetorships, and some even sent to take houses in the capital

in the great squares, in sight of the people, for the next

I canvass. The tents of the grandees were strewn with leaves,

I silver plate stood on the table and the wine-cup circulated.

I These fashionable warriors formed a great contrast to CsBsar's

Ueterans.* At length Pompejus was impelled by the taunts of

mis noble warriors to follow Caesar. He moved southward

from Larissa and pitched his camp on the Enipeus, not far

Tom that of Gsesar. When Pompejus hesit:ated to cross the

stream and engage Csesar,' this excited great indignation

imong the aristocrats in his camp. Pompejus had to yield, and

ibout noon on the 9th of August,^ led down his army into the

)lain8 of Pharsalus (Fersala). The battle resulted in the com-

)lete annihilation of his army. The victory was so decisive, that

he kings, cities and peoples, which had hitherto acted with

?ompejus, joined Caesar. Pompejus fled in the beginning of

ihe engagement with a few followers to Lesbos and thence to

fgypt. where he met a speedy and sad feite. He was landing

ip the harbor of Pelusium,^ when he was assassinated by order

I J

' CIcem (ad Ftun. TiL, & written b. c. 40), aptly rams npthe sitnaticm : **I no eooner
arrhred in thin army than l repented of what I had done, not so much from the danger
to which I was exposed, as from the many faults which I discovered among them. Fint,
the foroee were neither laise nor warlike : then, except the general ana a few others,
ttiey carried on the war with such a rapactoas spirit, and breathed such principles of
cruelty, that I could not eren think upon oar success without horror. To Uiis I must
add that some of oar most distinguished officers were deeply involved in debt. In short.
ttMre was nothing gpod but the cause. Despairing of success, I advit^d (what I haa
always recommcndea), tliat proposals of accommodation should be offered. Failing in
this, I endeavored to persuade Pompejus at least to avoid a general engigemeot."

' deear bad about 2S,0(X) men ; Pompejus had 47,000 and 7,000 horse.

* Jnoeft, of the Julian calendar. « See map Ko. 7.

332 THE GftEAT CIVIL WAR. [b.C.4&

of the Egyptian court, which hoped in this way to win
Osesar's favor.* Many of the conservative party, among whom
was Cicero, made peace with the new monarch. The oltras,
however, would hear of no compromise. They knew that the
republic had perished, bat they could never be reconcfled to
the monarchy.

8. The AleTandrine War (b. o. 48-47). — Cassar never
failed to follow up his successes. He left a few soldiers to
watch Gato in Illyricum and hastened himself in pursuit of
Pompejus. When he reached Alexandria the head of Pompejos
was presented to him. He turned from it in horror, and
ordered the remains of his great rival to be honorably buried
CsBsar, true to his plan of settling the condition of affiiirs in
whatever part of the empire he happened to be, divided the
Egyptian kingdom, agreeably to the will of the last king Auletes,
between his two children, Cleopatra and her brother Ptolemy.
This decision was opposed by the guardians of the young king,
and CsBsar was involved in a war which detained him nine
months at Alexandria. His position for a time was very criti-
cal, but soon reinforcements' arrived, Ptolemy was defeated,'
and the kingdom of Egypt was restored to Cleopatra and a
younger brother, alao named Ptolemy.

9. Battle of Ziela (b. g. 47).— During Caesar's stay at
Alexandria strange rumors of his fate spread, and the wildest
confusion prevailed throughout the empire. Italy greatly needed
the monarch, but before returning to Rome he crossed to Asia
Minor and crushed the rebellion which Phamaoes, the son of

^ In Egypt the line of the Ptolemfe? became extinct with tlie death of Alexander. The
eldest 0on of Lathynis was procialmed king under the title of Ptolemy XI., fluraamed
Anletes. Tbie was ratified by Rome b. o. fiS. His arbitrary roeanres caneed his expal-
sion, and ho fled to Rome b. c. 66. He was restored by Oabinini*. the proconDul of
Syria, and reigned antil b. c. 51. He left a daoiphter, the celebrated Cleopatra, and two
sons. HiM will directed that the throne should be shared by Cleopatra and ber eldest
brother Ptolemy XII. Tlie execution of the will wa» left to tlie senate, which apnointed
Pompejas ffuardian. The brother and sister married each other, according to Vgyp^nn
custom, ana relzned nntil the ynutrdians of the brother expelled Cleopatra fh>m the
throne. She flea to Syria and collected an army to inrade Ef^ypt. Ptolemy, and hi»
goardian Pothinns, lay with an army at Pelnslam to protect the ea*«tem frontier, when
pompejas cast anchor in the harbor and sent a request to tlie king to allow him to land.
The tB^rptian court had been informed of the disaster at Pharsalus. Ptolemy feared thit
Pompejus would instigate a rebellion in the Egyptian army, in wliich many of liifl old
■oldlcrs served, and tfiooght it safer to have him put to death.
■ CsBs. b. Alex. ■ March S7, b. o. 4T.

B. G. 47.] IHE GBEAT CIVIL WAB. 333

Mitbridates, had raised. He defeated ^ Phamaces at Zela and an-
nonnoed the yietory to the senate in three words: Y^i, vidi
I came, I saw, I conquered, '^ Happy was Pompejus,'^ said he,
^ to have become great at so cheap a rate, for it took him many
years to subdue Mithridates."

10. Coaditioii of Affaixs at Roma.— Caesar hastened to
Borne, which sadly needed his presence. His lieutenant Anto-
nius and the tribune Dolabella,^ Oicero's son-in-law, thinking,
perh^)S9 that their master would never return, had created
great confusion. The tenth legion, stationed at Gapaa„ muti-
nied and killed their officers, and marched to Rome. They
well knew that their services were needed for the African cam^
paign, and therefore thought they could make their own terms.
Caesar mustered them in the Campus Martins, and approached
them unattended. He asked them to declare their grievances.
At the sight of their beloved leader their murmurs died away,
and they could only demand their discharge. ^^ Citizens, "> re^
plied he, '' I discharge you. You have bad sufficient fatigue and
wounds. I release you from your oaths. As to the presents,
you shall be paid to the last sesterce.'' The spell was broken.
The soldiers stood for a moment mute, confounded, and then
entreated the general to receive them back to favor. Caesar
relented, but be caused the ringleaders to be executed. vPiin "
' y| the same firm hand Caesar restrained his adherents. He
■ / refnsea lo aHow^ a ^stem^ j^f^omfis^^ Pompeju?^op-
* ' erty was confiscated, but Antonius, who outbid all others at the
sale, was compelled, much to his disappointment, to pay the , /
price. Ca esar was named d ^fitafor Iq^ ^n jf f^f^fljijjip, timi>j* Tr^th ji
full powers of joakiajyjieacfijjr war. The statues of Pompejus i i - -
and Sulla, which the people had thrown down when the tidings
of the battle of Pharsalus reached Some, were ordered to be

* The iMttie took place Ang. 2, b. c. 47. Cseear nv6 the kingdom of Bogpoms to Mith-
ridates of PeiguniiB, with a part of Galatia; over uie reat of Galatia he placed DeJotaniB;
Oappadoda he eave to Ariooarzsnes.

* Celias Bnras, the friend and correspondent of Cicero, attempted to create a diver-
tlon in favor of the Pompeians. Milo yn» summoned from exile, and he snmmoned the
Kjadiaton and shepherds to arms. The revolt was soon crashed. Celias was killed at
Thnrio.

* See p. 90, n. 8. * Like SaUa's iUeUUura rH pubUca eonftUuendm,

334

THE GREAT GIYIL WAB.

[B.a46.

restored. O aaBar indulged in

bat. s ought to conciliate all parties^

11. Batue of TiiapBii s (b. g. 4fi^i«-When order was
restored in Italy CsBsar departed to crush the remnant of the
Pompeians in Africa. They had congregated ^ firom all sides to
Africa^ and had enlisted Juba in their cause by promising him
the whole of Africa. Scipio, Pompejus' father-in-law, was
elected commander in chief ; for the Scipios^ it was said, woald
always conquer in Africa. Cato^ however, was the moring
spirit. His energy and self-devotion formed a sad contrast to
the selfishness and fanaticism of his colleagues. When OsBsar
appeared off the coast and boldly summoned them to surrender
to ^^ Os6sar the imperator/' they replied^ '^ there is no imperator
here but Scipio/' and put the messenger to death. Ciesar
soon effected a landing, and after some serious* reverses gained
the bloody battle of Thapsus, on the 6th of April, B. c. 46-
Fifty thousand of the enemy covered the field, while GsBsar lost
not more than fifty. All Africa submitted except IJtica.

12. Deafh of Cato.'— Cato commanded in TJtica. When
he saw there were no means of resistance he restrained the fury
oi the soldiers, aided those who wished to escape, dismissed his
senate of "three hundred,** interceded with the victor for the
lives of others, but disdained all intercession for himself. ''It
is for the conquered to turn suppliants," said he, ''and for
those who have done an injury to beg pardon. For my part I

> They collected 14 legions and ISO elephante; Cse. b. Afr. 1.
" The repulse at Bosinna, Jan. 4, b. c. 48.

• GENEALOGICAL TABLE.

K. POBCius Cato, tr.,
m. LiTiA.

X. PoBonTs Cato UTionraD,
pr. B. o. 54. m. 1. Atiua.
8. Mabtia.

POBCIA m.

L. D oMA T iu a.

POBOIA m.

1. M. BxBULns.
9. M. Brutus.

M. PoBcius Cato,
died B. c. 42.

PoBoiUB Cato,

■••♦ ••

GflSAB KULES A8 MoNABOH.

1. Powers Conferred upon CsBsar.— The new monarch
returned to Borne. ^ The great struggle was orer ; the repablio
that had lasted five hundred years had perished, and the
process was to be reversed by which the magistrate had been
stripped of his authority.* All power was to centre again in

one man. When the news of the battle of Tbapsns reached

. . . _____

* riot. C«(o, es ff, * See p. m ; also map, p. 817. * July 9&, b. o. 40. *Seep.8;.

B. C. 46.] OJSSAB BULES AS MOKABOH. 835

haye been unconquered through life, and superior in the things I
I wiah to be. Csesar is the vanquished^ the falling man, being
clearly convicted of those designs against his country which he
has long denied.^' After taking a bath and supping with his
friends and the magistrate of Utica he held a long conversation
on the paradoxes of the Stoics, and then withdrew and read in
his bed the dialogue of Plato on the immortality of the soul |
When he sought for his sword at the head of his bed and did
not fliid it, he called a slave and asked for it ^^Now," said he,
'* I am master of mysell" He re-read the Phsddo twice, again
slept, and then sent to the sea-shore to see if his friends had
departed. He sighed when informed that the sea was stormy,
and soon sent again to see if his friends had put back. When
the birds began to sing he fell asleep again. Soon after he arose,
took his sword and plunged it into his body. Thus perished
the only free and unconquered man, and the ancient republic
expired with him.^ The few others that escaped the field of
battle, such as Labienns, Gnsdus and Sextus Pompejus, departed
for Spain, and like Sertorius sought for a last refuge in the
mountains of that still half-independent land. Numidia waa
made a province under the name of Africa,^ and its government
entrusted to Sallust the historian.

336 OwfiSAB BULES AS XOKABCH.

Borne the senate decreed a sapplication for fortj days. Cassar
was nominated dictator lor ten years^ and finally, in b. c. 44,
for life. He was invested with the powers of the censor under
the name of prmfectus marum for three year^, and in b. c 44,
for life. This enabled him to regulate the senate to his wilL
The consulship was conferred upon him for fire years^ and
finally for ten. The tribunitian power was bestowed upon him
for life^ as well as the first place in the senate and the title of
imperator. Cffisar was already porUi/ex maximus, but now he
became a member of the second great priestly college, that of
the augurs. To these offices were added the right of deciding
on war and peace, the disposal of the armies and treasures of
the state, the nomination of the provincial governors, as well as
of a part of the magistrates of the city, and finally, the right of
raising new men into the patrician order.^ A statue was
erected to him in the capitol, inscribed to '^ Csesar the demi-
god." ^ He was to sit on a golden chair in the senate-house, his
image was to be borne in the procession of the gods, and the
seventh* month of the year was changed in honor of him from
Quin tills to Julius. Finally he was styled '^ father of his coun-
try,'' a title which had been conferred by decree upon Camillus,
by acclamation upon Cicero.*

2. Caesar's Tritunphs. — CsBsar celebrated bis victories
in Gaul, Egypt, Pontus, and Africa. Bome had witnessed
many magnificent triumphal processions, but none like
Gsesor's. Behind his triumphal car, drawn by the sacred
milk-white steeds and attended by seventy-two lictors, walked
the captives from the East; the Gallic Vercingetorix ; the son of
Juba; and Arsinoe, the sister of Oleopatra. According to cus-
tom, the soldiers who followed his car sang derisive songs,'
while the people gazed with wonder and terror on the Gallic
and Aftican barbarians who served under his banner. • Cssar
richly rewarded his soldiers ; each received five thousand

* There were not mora than fifteen or sixteen patrician tfeniea, * ^ i»t».

* The fifth of the old calendar.

* No effort has been made to dfetfni^h between the powers eonfened bj the Mnstr
and those conferred by the people.

* A variation of the well-icnown Nenia : rex erU 'H fH^^aeUf, H honfariett mm fri».

* The treasures amounted to 06,000 talents = $75,000,000. Thiera were 9BCS erownn.

OXSAB BULBS AS MONARCH. 337

denarii.^ The people' were rewarded with the three hundred ^
sesterces already proxnised them^ and one hundred in addition
for the delay, as well as with corn and oiL The citizens were
feasted at splendid banquets, at which vast multitudes reclined
at twenty-two thousand tables, each with three couches. When
the multitude was satiated with wine and food, then the shows
of the circus and theatre and the combats of wild beasts and
gladiators began. Above the combats of the amphitheatre floated
for the first time the awning of silk, the immense velarium of a
thousand colors, woven from the rarest and richest product of
the East, to protect the people from the sun.

3. Oassar the Imperator. — CsBsar tried to reconcile party
interests. He avoided all measures lil^y to exasperate the fallen
aristocracy. He did not triumph for his victory at Pharsalus.^
He showed respect for the memory of Pompejus, and avoided all
processes against suspected persons. He granted immunity to
the common soldiers, and to all officers who had not taken part
with the opposition since the battle of Ilerda. His own friends
murmured when they saw that his rule was equal and just to
all, for they had hoped for the days of Sulla and Ginna. Csesar,
however, remained true to the great principles with which he
had set out — alleviation of the condition of the debtor, trans-.
marine colonization, equalization of rights, and the emanci-
pation of the executive from the power of the senate. Once
more the military and supreme judicial and adminiaizative
power was combined and centred, as in the times of the kings,
in one man. This concentration of power the name of imper-
ator • expressed more aptly than any other. After five hundred
years the primitive regal office was re-established. The senate*

> About {1000.

* The ia^lma jdebe : promised in a oontio when he took the money from the teimrinm
sanctins.

* ImperiMm Uenum : This fe Moinni0«n*B view, end it seema yeiy probable, althongh
not eonflrmed oy any of the original anthorities. Lanse (vol. iii., p. 401 f), however,

JloeetionB it ; the name is found first on all the coins struck by Ciesar uter his own name.
t was the restrictions in regard to the temporal and the local limitation of power,
i. «., inside or outside of the pomerinm, the collegiate arrangements, the co-operatton or
the senate, or of the people in certain cases, that aistingiiished the consul from the king.
« Its number was mcreaaed to nine hundred; the number of quaestors, from whom the
senators were selected, was raised to forty, in order to keep it up to this number. The
new membeia wwa stlooted Xron the mvOm, noUe ioieiciiem from Spain and Oaol.

338 G^SAB BULES AS MONABCH.

sank once more to its old position — the advisory council of the
king. The whole execntire power fell into the hands of the
monarch. The financial administration ^ was no longer man-
aged by the senate, but by Caesar and his cabinet In regard
to judicial matters the different jury-commissions were retained,
but the jurymen were selected from the senators and equitea

4. Cassar's Work. — Gadsar put an end to the anarchy of
the capital^ checked the club system, reduced the recipients of
the largesses of com from 320,000 to 150,000, and strengthened
the laws in regard to crime and violence. He commenced
other vast projects, as the building of a new senate-house, a
theatre to rival that of Pompejus, a public Latin and Greek
library, and laid out a plan for changing the course of the Tiber,
by which the Campus Yaticanus would be transferred to the left
bank and could be substituted for the Campus Martins, while
the latter could be used as sites for public and pri?ate
edifices. This improvement would have drained the Pomptine
marshes, and the capital would have been supplied with a bet-
ter seaport. Agriculture was encouraged, efforts were made to
develop a flourishing middle class by reviving the Idcinian laws,
and laws were enacted in regard to luxury, usury, bankruptcy,
and debt.

5. He AiniB to Fuse the Empire into One Body
Politic. — One of Caesar's aims was to obliterate tlie political
distinction between Italy and the provinces. When Cisalpine
Gaul received full citizenship its former place was taken by
Transalpine Ganl. Latin rights were conferred on the coloaies
in Africa, Spain, and Gaul.* The old law that no troops could
be stationed in Italy was extended to the provinces, and henog-
forth soldiers were stationed on the frontiers only. In this way
the provinces all entered into a state of preparation which paved

^ The leading of the direct taxee wu abolished. Indfreet taxes were eoUeeted bj
ulaTee and freramen, from which in time grew the prooiumton. There were fburtoeci
proTinoes, 7 Baropean^Hi^pania, citerior and ulterior, Gallia TranMlplna, Oallia
Clfialpina with Illyricum, Macedonia with Oreeoe, Sicily. Sardinia with uoriica— ive
Asiatic, Asia, Bithynia and Pontus, Cilicia with Cypras, Syria, Crete— two African, Crt^w
and AfHca. To them) Cesar added Gallia Lngdnnensis, Belgica, and niyriemn. Cierar
thoronsbly remodeled the system of administration : Dteuma was limited to AfHca tod
Sardinm ; middlemen were set aside, and the jzoyemors were resixmsihie to Oesar.

* The new ookmlee in Gaal were Btaetern (Begien)^ Arelate (Jtfite), Araaaio (Oroa^sX
Fomm Jnlii (Fr^ui). See colored map. No. 5

c^sab'b absassustatzok. 839

the way for the future political equalization of the emfHre.^
Caesar undertook the codification of the laws, a work already
cx>ntemplated by Cicero, commenced a survey of the empire
and reformed the calendar.*

<• »•*

Cssab's Assassination — Antonius Aims to Gsasp the

Power

1. The Spanish War (b. c. 45).— In the midst of these
reforms CsBsar was interrupted by an insurrection in Spain.
Labienus and the sons of Pompejus had raised a large army there,
and the revolt had become so serious that Caesar was obliged
to set out in person. The struggle was protracted for several
months, but Caesar's good fortune triumphed. On the field of
Munda,' after a hard fought battle in which thirty thousand of

> Under the republic the magistrates of the city of Borne had been maffletrates of the
empire, bnt now they were only flret amons those of the many manicipaluies of the em-
pire, and the oonraUhip was merely a dignitary poet, wluch preaerred Importance
DcGaose a goyemorahip was attached to it.

* This was effected by hie authoritT as chief pontiff, with the aid of the astronomer
Sostgeaes. The Bomans had hitherto nad the Innar year of 856 days. Every second year
a month of » or 98 days had been Intercalated alternately. This intercalation was too
much by about 8 days. The rectification of the error was left to the pontiffs. The/
had arranged the intercalation so carelessly, shortened or lengthened the year to sait
their pleasure or extend the year of office of a favorite, or to postpone the dur when a
note became due, that the confusion was so great that the Boman year anticipated the
true time by 90 days, and therefore the consuls who were supposed to enter on their office
Jan. 1, B. o. 46, VeAily entered Oct. 18th, b. o. 47. An intercalary month of 98 days had been
inserted after Feb. 94, b.o. 46, bnt -this left the ye^r three intercalary months of 99, 98
and 99 days, i. «., 07 days from the true time. This deficiency Csesar inserted as two
months between nor. and Dec., which addition can be regarded as the 99 days of Jan.,
98 days of Feb., and the 10 days which the solar year differed from the lunar. This year
was called " the year of confusion *' (onntM eof^uHonUi). Beckoned from Jan. 1, b. c. 46.
this year consisted of 446 days, but reckoned from Mar. 1, the beginning of the civil
year, of 866 days. Just one solar year. From b. c. 46 the extra ten davs which were added
to the lunar year were so arranged on account of the festivals that 9 were inserted after
Jan. 98, 1 after April 96, 1 after June 98, 9 after Aug. 98, 1 after Sept. 98. 1 after Kov. 98,
and 9 after Dec. 98. These days were all regarded as dies fofti nan eomitialet. The year
B. o. 45 received an intercalary day after Feb. 94 (anU diem biuexhtm Kai: Marthta), and
henceforth one day was to be added in the same manner every four vears. [The 94th of
Pebmary was, on Uie Boman mode of reckoning backwards, the tkeih befbre the kalends
(the 1st) of March ; and the inserted day was called the teamd^ixih (j^ittexhu) before the
Kslends.] There was a slight error in C«esar*8 calendar, and this in the c ourse of cen-
turies amounted to 10 days, and was corrected by Pope Gregonr XTTT. in 1589, and
provisions were made to prevent similar errors in the future. The reformed calendar
was adopted by England in 1759.

* According to Hfibner (Jahn*s Jahrb. 1863, p. 84), Mnnda was north d the modem
Bonda on the road between Cordova and Gibraltar.

840 SIGNS OP DISCONTENT. [B. C. 44.

"■- • I r — ■ -■— I — 1 FBI m\ ■ r i _ . - - - - _ -

the enemy perished^ he gained a crowning victory.* On his
return to Rome in September he celebrated another triumph,
foUowed as usual by games, festiyals, and gladiatorial shows.
New marks of honor were conferred upon him by the servile
senate.^ He was to sit on a golden chair in the senate and
at the public games, clad in a triumphal robe, and a diadem
set with gems was decreed to him.

2. Signs of DiBContent — ^Amidst this obsequiousness of
Caesar's adherents, there was an undertow of discontent A
rumor spread that he was intending to assume the name of
king. This name from the days of Tarquinius had been hate-
ful to the people. The multitude felt that a hopeless servitude
had commenced, while CsBsar chafed under the restraint of
public opinion, and his temper became capricious and arrogant
Conspiracies were formed against his life ; but still he could
never be induced to surround himself with a permanent body-
guard, for " it is better to die at once," said he, " than to live
always in fear of death." His mind was filled with far other
thoughts than the taking care of his life. Yearning to retrieve
the disaster at CarrhsB, he began preparations for a war against
the Parthians. But the Sibylline oracle had declared that
Forth ia could be conquered only by a king. One day as he was
returning from the Latin festival on the Alban Mount, he was
hailed as king. Stifled murmurs rose from the multitude.
CsBsar exclaimed, " I am no king, but Caesar." His friends
were not satisfied. At the Lupercalian feast, on the loth of
February, when he was seated on his gilded chair before the
rostra, Antonius offered him a diadem, but Caesar rejected it
saying, « I am not king ; the only king of the Romans is
Jupiter." A few days after, his statues were crowned with
royal diadems. The tribunes removed the diadems and prose-
cuted those who had saluted him king. The people called
the tribunes Brutuses, because Brutus had expelled the king^
but Caesar deposed them from office.

u-*l,^?™f ' ^^^^nj**- Mid Onaeas Pompejae perished ; Sextiw Fompejas eecsped. Tbc
battle took place March 17, b. o. 45. ■-'-k-—

»Thc Bomans made jef.t« of the roreigners whom Cwrar had admitted to the KiiateL
Flacards requested the pabhc not to show the eenatora the way to the senate.

B. O. 44.] PLOT AGAINST O^SAB'S LIFE. '341

3. Plot Against Cassar'B Life — Still, in spite of Gadsar's
moderation there were many who cherished hitter hostility
towards him. The idea that one man was to rule over them
rankled in their breasts. When senators came to inform him
that they had decreed him some extravagant honors, en-
grossed as he was in other things, he did not rise to receive
them but said, " there was more need to retrench his honors
than to enlarge them.'' This seeming haughtiness rendered the
senate furious. A plot was formed lor his destruction which
embraced sixty or seventy conspirators. Many^ of them had
been pardoned by Cassar and raised to offices of rank and
honor. Gassius was said to be the most active conspirator.
He had competed for office with Brutus^ and both having set
forth their claims, Gcesar said, *^ Gassius assigns the better rea-
sons, but I cannot refuse Brutus." Gassius needed the charm
of a great name to sanction the deed. M. Junius Brutus, the
nephew and son-in-law of Gato, who pretended to trace his lin-
eage from the founder of the republic, gave this name. Brutus
was an ardent student of the Stoic philosophy; he had a
ragged and eccentric nature, a wild yearning for effort, for
painful sacrifice ; but in practical life he was feeble and irreso-
lute. To him the conspirators looked, and when they saw that
he hesitated, billets were thrust into his hands, inscribed witli
the words : " Brutus, thou sleepest ; thou art not Brutus 1 " To
the statue of the ancient Brutus was affixed a paper with the
words, " Would that thou wert now alive 1 " The rumor got
abroad that GsBsar's friends intended to obtain a decree from
the senate to confer upon him the title of king over foreign
subjects. This was to come up in a meeting of the senate
which was to be held March 15, to make the necessary arrange-
ments for the Parthian war. This rumor probably hastened
the long contemplated action of the conspirators, and it was
agreed to assassinate Gassar on the ides of March.

4. AflffWBBinfltion of CseBar.—Meanwhile rumors of the
plot got abroad. The pale looks and agitated demeanor of the

* D. BratoB wait appointed sovernor of Ci^lpine Ganl ; Trebonias had been gover-
nor in A/iia ; G. Caasias had Been praetor ; Caeca and Cimber had received marks of
honor.

342 Cesar's assassinatiok. [b. c. 44.

conspirators excited even the saspicion of OsdsaXy for he said
one day to his friends, ^^What think joa of Cassias ? I do not
like his pale looks." Prodigies and warnings were not wanted.
Men spoke of lights in heaven, strange noises by night, and of
the apparition of a solitary bird in the forum. Strabo speaks
of battalions of fire in the air, and Suetonins tells that the
horses which Caesar had let loose at the Rubicon would not
eat, but shed tears. A soothsayer warned Csssar of the
ides of March. His wife entreated him not to attend the
meeting of the senate on that day. She had dreamed a fear-
ful dream, and the auspices too were unfavorable. The rem-
nant of Boman superstition ^ in OsBsar's mind had nearly
prevailed when the raillery of D. Brutus, who had come to
escort him, dispelled the sliow of irresolution. The conspira-
tors well knew that delay would be fatal. They were alarmed
every moment at floating hints, and even in spite of their care,
a man thrust a paper into Caesar's hand on his way to the
senate chamber. He thought it a petition and held it unread
in his hand. To the augur he said, '' The ides of March are
come." "Yes," replied the augur, "but they are not yet
passed." The senate was already seated when Caesar entered,
and the conspirators crowded around his chair. Cimber solic^
ited the recall of his brother from exile, the others united in
the solicitation. Displeased at their importunity Caesar rose
from his chair ; Cimber pulled the robe from Caesar's shoulders,
while Casca„ who stood behind, gave the first blow. Caesar
caught the handle of the dagger and said, " Villain ! Casca,
what dost thou mean ? " Casca called for help ; Caesar de-
fended himself for a time, but when he saw Brutus among his
assailants, he exclaimed, et tu Brute, **Thon, too, Brutus I"
and drawing his robe over his face fell pierced by twenty-three
wounds at the foot of Pompejus' statue.^

5. The ConspiratoTB have no Plan.— The conspira-
tors had made no adequate preparation for carrying out their

. * Bven C»wr was sapenttltionfl : at the battle of Pharvalns he prayed to the godf
whom he derided ; he crawlod on his knees up the temple of Veniit ; he appealed to the
omen?« bcforR crowJna: the Rubicon.

* The senate met in the i«enate>hoii8«> of Pompejoa.

B. C. 44.] O^SAB'S ASSA8SIKAII0K. 343

plan to restore the republic. They hoped the senate would
ratify the act, but when they looked round the hall was empty.
When Brutus rushed to the forum to harangue the people,
his Toice was drowned in tumultuous cries. There was a gen-
eral feeling of consternation, no one knowing on whom the
next blow would fall, or whether riot and massacre were U)
begin again. The indifference of the people, whose instinct
told them that they had nothing to gain from Caesar's death,
filled the conspirators with dismay. Lepidus, as proconsul,
was before the gates of the city with an army, and a large
number of Caesar's old soldiers were in the city waiting for
assignments of land. The result was that the liberators, as they
called themselves, had to take refuge in the capitol, offering
as a pretext that they were going to return thanks to Jupiter
for their success. Here they were joined by the small remnant
of the aristocratic party. Cicero was one of the first to come
to them, and advised that the senate should be convened.
This they dared not do, but proposed instead to empower M.
Antonius^ to restore the republic.

6. Anmeaty Declared and Caesar'B Acts Confirmed.
— In the first alarm Antonius^ had escaped in disguise to his
house. During the night ho-bad communicated with Lepidus,
and had secured Caesar's private papers as well as his treasore of
seven million sesterces. Hitherto Antonius had been known s&
the minister and favorite companion of Caesar, but now he was
about to display 'the arts of a consummate intriguer. He de-

^ Some of Che conspinton had proposed to assassinate Antonlna also, bat Bnitai
had protested.

• OENEALOOICAI^ TABLE.

H. AnroRins, triumvir, m. 1. Fadia. 2. Aktoria. 8. Fulyia.

4. OoTATi4« sister of Augustus. 5. Clbopatba.

AXToiriA miOor. Aittonia minor,

m. L. Doxmus Ajunobabsus. m. Dbusub, the brother of the emperor TnEBros.

Cb.Dom. AHXir., DowTXA Lbpida, OsBKAinous m. LnriA m. The Emperor

m. AABimirA. m. M. Yal. Mb88ai«a. Agbifpota, dr. of 1. G. CwBSab. Claudius m.

(afterward w. of I JuuA, dr. of 8. Dbubus, 1. Flautia.

Claudiub). I Augustus. sonofTi- %.JBiaa.

I MBaflALDTA, m. OLAUBTOB. BBBIUB. 8.HB86AIJKA.

I 4. Agbipfina.
L. Box. Ahbb., adopted by Claudius a.d. S0« and caUed Kbbo mother of

Claudiub C^bab Bbubub OsBXAincufl: emperor a.d. 54-68. NiBa

344 cssab's funeral obsequies. [b. c. 44.

Glared his adherence to the republic ; the senate was conTened
on the 17th of March^ and it was voted, under the lead of Cicero,
that amnesty should be declared and the acts ^ of Osesar rati-
fied. The conspirators came down from the capitol, a recon-
ciliation took place, and GsBsar's assignment of the proyinces was
confirmed.^ This reconciliation, however, was only a pretence,
and Antonius hoped to crush the conspirators long before they
could assume their commands.

7. CaBsar's Will and Funeral Obsaqnias. — ^First Anto-
nius made public Caesar's will Oajus Octavius, the son of GsBsar's
sister's daughter, was adopted and declared his heir. Legacies
were left to many of the conspirators. His gardens beyond
the Tiber were bequeathed to the people, and every citizen
was to receive three hundred sesterces. This liberality over-
whelmed the people with gratitude, shame and indignation.
The funeral obsequies followed.' The funeral pyre was erected
in the Campus Martins ; the body^ concealed from public gaze,
was laid in a glittering shrine in the forum ; a waxen eJffigy
which turned in every direction, exhibited the twenty-three
wounds. The people, deeply moved by the sad spectacle before
them, were still further excited by dramatic representations of
the deaths of Agamemnon and Ajax, caused by their nearest
relatives. Last of all, the consul Antonius pronounced that
marvellous oration,* which excited the fury of the people to
the utmost. They rushed through the streets to the houses of
the conspirators. Brutus and Cassius had fled from the city;
the others dared not show themselves in public. The success
of Antonius was complete. Still acting his part as a consum-
mate dissembler he counselled measures of moderation ; pro-
posed that Sextus Pompejus should be recalled, and just when he
was expected to ask for the dictatorship he proposed its aboli-
tion. The joy of all was great ; but they soon found that they
were subject to a new and more capricious power. Antonius
pretended that his life was in danger, and asked for a body-
guard, which the senate blindly granted. The senate had

* Acta CflBMris.

> Cisalpine Gaal wm allotted to D. Bnitns ; Macedonia, to MarciiB Bratns ; Asia, to
Trebonliu : Bithynia, to Cimber ; and Syria, to OaaBine. * On the same dayjiroliablj.

* Tua ula putchra iaudaUo^ tua nUteratio^ tua oohortatk>, Clc XliU. ii.. SQ^

B.C.44.] C.SBAB'a FUNEKAL OBSEQUIES. 846

already coaErmed Cte&a'a acta ; AntoniuB canaed the eanctaon
to be extended to acts which Gsesar had merely cont emplated.
Antonins being in possessioD of Ctesar's private papers, began
to use tbem for cooferriog boDors od this one, banishing that
one, and when do vestige of a docnmeat could be found, he ^
fabricated what he wanted. Gseaar's dispoBition of the prov-
incee was reveraed.' " The tyrant ia dead," said Cicero, " but the
tyranny still lives." Antonius seemed on the point of obtain-
ing all he wished, when a new actor appeared upon the scene
to check him in hia mad career.* "^^-^

OKAFTgR LII.

OfTTATipa, THE Hsm O f Cj^ar — CicEHo*B AciTTnT — Thb
Second Triumvibatb.

1. The Popiilazit7 of Octavins.— Gajus Octavina' bad
been waitiDg at Apollonia to
joiu Qseear on bis way to the
East, when a letter from his
modier iofonned him of the
dictator's asaasBination. He
had enjoyed for years Cgesar's
favor, and had been appointed
his beir in his last testament
He immediately proceeded to
Rome, determined to claim the
inheritance, and boldly as-
sumed his adopted name, Ga-
jus Julius Ciesar Octavianus.
He arrived at Rome in the

beginning of May, b. c 44, and ^^^^ octitiot.

proceeded directly to the prse-
tor, as one was required to do who assumed the rights and

' gtrUx-iH Uken from Curiae and (Aligned Id Dulabellk; UacedonlB, Anlonliu
tooklDblmM^tf.

• Heh*lE«li<^=™f"'l 1'^' LPplilll* 1>7 giving him Ms d»Bghl«r In marrtacc uid
liT nnmliullng bim paaHfrx marimui.

' Tbe following Uble shows Ibe relsiloDHliip betveen Cxav aQd Oclavios :

346 OCTATIUS^ THE HEIB OF CSSAB. [b. C. 44.

duties of an inheritanoe. When Antonius returned from the
southern part of Italy where he had been to gain over
Caesar's yeterans, Octavius demanded the treasures of the dicta-
tor that he might discharge the obligations of his uncle's wilL
Antonias replied that all was spent ; that it was not Caesar's,
but the public money. Octavius, however, was not dismayed.
With great adroitness he contrived to win the fevor of all par-
ties. He sold his own property and borrowed enough from his
friends to discharge Caesar's legacies. The people were won by .
shows. Octavius rose rapidly in popular favor, and Antonius
suffered in contrast Octavius conciliated the senate, cajoled
the liberators^ into believing that he had no personal ambition,
but was only seeking to defeat the selfish designs of Antonius.
He saw in Cicero one who could secure him the support j^f the \
senate^ without which it was impossible to make headway
against Antonias.

2. Cicero and Octavius. — At this time Cicero's mind
was in a condition to receive his advances. Cicero knew that
the two consuls, as well as the most distinguished men of the
senatorial party, condemned the policy of Antonius. As early
as June he himself had said that a coalition between Antonius
and Octavius must be prevented. In short, he knew that there
was material enough in the senate hostile to Antonias to con-
trol its action. Therefore, when Octavius approached him
with the promise that he would take no rerenge on Caesar'a
murderers, and that he would be guided by the advice of the

GENBALOOICAL TABUL
G. JuLKTB CosABf the gnmdfitther of the Dictator.

6. Jnuns CiBSAB m. Aubkua. irnxk m. Q. MAStOB.

"1 i 1

O. Juuns Cjkas, Juua major, m. Juua minor, m.

Dictator, m. 1. L. Pim ABnjs. Atius Baubub.

1. COSBUTIA. S. Q. Pbdiub. I

S. Cornelia, d. of Cinna. Atia m. Octatius.

8. POMPISJA. J

4. Calfubnia. O. J. C. Oct. Augustitb, see p. 494.

» Cicero has preserved a vivid picture of the indecision of the conetpiratora at this
time. He left Italy in dit«gn8l, but was driven back by adverse winds and retara<»d to
Rome Aug. 81- He attempted to form a conservative party which shonid hold the bal-
ance of nower between the ultra rcpablicans and the Cet^arians. Bnitas and Caaoius had
already left Rome, and Cicero met them at X'elia on his return.

. Lf

B. a 44-43.] OICEBO AND OCTAYIUS. 347

senate, Gioero pretended to belieye his professions, and re^
appeared once more in the political arena with his old power
and influence. In a series of speeches he roused the people,
and exerted all his powers to consolidate all parties against An-
tonin& When Antonius had departed from Rome to drive D.
Brutus out of Cisalpine Oaul, Oicero induced the senate to
declare him a public enemy.^

3. The MntinaWar (b.c. 44-43). — ^Antonius, immediately
on his arrival in Cisalpine Ganl, besieged Brutus in Mutina
{Modena), and thus commenced the civil war. The senate, at
Cicero's behefiL,as sociate( ^i QflflY?"^ iix command with the new.
consuls Hirtius and P^Qg^ and bade them act against Antoiuua.
and aid Brutu& Antonius was defeated in two battles^ in
which both consuls were slain. D.. Brutus was relic vedjaud.
Octavius was left in sole command. Antonius retreated across
the Alps and joined Lepidus.

4. Activity of Cicero. — ^The senate believed the war was
ended. Cicero was never more active. He was the life and
soul of the government He maintained an active correspond-
ence with the chiefs in the provinces, praised the devotion of
the soldiers, and inspired confidence in the desponding. ^I
have placed myself,^ said he, ''at the head of the senate and
people ; and since I have undertaken to lead the cause of
freedom, I have not let a moment pass which could be em-
ployed in providing for the general welfare.'' To his one
great error — ^the belief that the republic could oe restored, he
clung to the last. His efForts were unremitting. He performed
'' mightier deeds in the toga than could be effected by arms.**
Gircamstances were silently working against him. The two
consuls were dead, and Octavius found himself at the head of

* AntoBhifl snmmoned the senate for the lat of September, when divine bonors were
10 be decreed to Cesar, and Invited Cicero to attend. He pleaded fatigue ; Antonins
itracked him in a violent speeclL, Tlie next day (Sept. 8), Cicero delivered the first
at tbooe great orations which were afterward entitled Philippics in imitation of those of
DemoKtheneB against Philip of Macedon. The f*econd Philippic was never delivered, bnt

Sablistoed in O(»oba:, and was so composed as If delivered in reply and immediately after
.ntoniaa* speech, Sept. 19 ; the tliird was delivered Dee. 20, in the senate ; the foorth
was delivered the same day to the people ; the fifth, in the senate, Jan. 1, b. c. 4tt ;
fbe siztb^ to the people, Jan. 4 ; the others were delivered dnring the winter, the
fooTieeDtli and last oeing pronoanoed April 29d, in the senate.

> Fonun Oallomm (cadel Franco) April 1ft, and Mutina, April 97 ; this was called the

348 THE HdBDEB 07 CIOBBO. [B. C. 43

a powerfdl army. Oioero hoped he would lead his legions to
the assistance o£ Brutus and Plancus. Just at this time the
aristocratic party in the senate began to lift its hand. The
senate believed it could do without Octavins, and desired to
thrust him aside^ after having availed itself of his services so
long as they were usef uL The senate transferred the command
to Brutas and denied Octavius ^ the consulate. Then Octa-
vius' rough centurions came to Borne, entered the senate-
chamber, and demanded the office for their chiel When the
senate still hesitated, one of the centurions seized his sword
and exclaimed^ ''If you will not give.it to him, this willP
Octavius approached the city with his whole army ; the senate
yielded. He was declared consul, with his cousin Q. Pediu^
, as colleague.

& The Second Triumvirate. — Octavius, who was now
in a position to treat with Antonius, proceeded with great
caution. He procured a decree * which declared the murderers
of Caesar to be outlaws. He made overtures to Antonius, and
caused the decree against him and Lepidus to be rescinded. It
was only with their aid that he could hope to triumph over
^he liberators. Accordingly Antonius and Lepidus were
invited to an interview near Bononia,' which re8ulte4 in the
formation of what is usually called the '^Second Triumvirate."
The triumvirs were to rule the state for five years^ to appoint
all the magistrates, and to assign the provinces.' Octavius and
Lepidus were to prosecute the war against M. Brutus' and
Cassius. This agreement was submitted to the people by the
tribune, and the three chiefs, under the title of briumvirs* for
the establishment of the republic, entered upon their office.

6. Morder of Cicero. — The triumvirs determined to leave
no enemies behind them. A reign of terror commenced.
With a list of the chief citizens before them, thev formallv
adjusted whom they should kill and whom they should spare.
Once more the terrible days of Sulla and Cinna were revived.

^ This action of the nenate was probably taken a|i;alni>t Cicero*8 wfsh ; for Uie la^
letter which we have of Cicero's correspondence (ad ran. z., M) written Jnly 9B. ar^ms
to indicate that Mend«hip existed between him and OGiayios. * Laz Astfta.

* Some say on the Island of Lavinus (Larino) : othen, on the Island of Rhenas (R^no).

* Antonius was to have the two Qauls ; Lepidus, the Spalns and Narbonensis :
Octavius, Africa, StcUy and Sardinia. Lepidus and Plancus were to have the eonralahip
the next year. • Triumviri RHpudUe^ OomUtvenda,

P. Bmtus In crossing the Alps was deserted by his soldiers and killed at Aqofi^

B. C. 42.] LAST SPF0R18 OF THS BSPUBLia 349

The barbarian soldiers were let loose throughout Italy to hunt
the proscribed. Gioero'd name was one of the first on the list^
a yietim to Antonius' ferocity. He fled from Bome, embarked
from Astnra, with the view of taking refuge in Macedonia^
and seemed already in safety^ when a strange fit of irresolution
seized him« He landed again and betook himself to his villa
at Fomuue. His servants warned him in vain of his danger
'^ Let me die,^ said he, ''in my country which I have saved
so often." His slaves got intelligence that his pursuers were
approaching and they harried him once more toward the sea-
shore, but he was overtaken and dispatched in his litter ; his
bead was taken to Antonius. '^ This is no concern of mine,"
said he ; ^ take it to my wife.'' ^ Many of the proscribed escaped
and took refuge with Sextus Pompejus in Spain, and with
Brains and Cassius in the East.

■• » •■

Last Effobts of the Republic — Division of the Empire.

1. The J^attle of Philippi {b. g. 42).— Early in b. o. 42,
military operations commenced. Octavius attempted to drive
Sextus Pompejus out of Sicily, but his admiral, Salvidienus,
was defeated, and he decided to follow Antonius to Epirus, to
assist in carrying on the war against Brutus and Cassius. The
liberators were wasting their time in plundering ^ the rich cities
of the East, and were not aroused to their danger until the news
came that Octavius and Antonius had landed in Greece and
were on their way to Macedonia. Laden with spoils, the liber-
ators prepared>to meet them. Brutus, involved as he was in
the affairs of war, and solicitous for the result, slept only a little.
He spent the most of his nights in making preparations and

■ Falvia waa the widow of Clodins when Antonius married her. p. , n.

* Bratna plandered Xanthas ; Cassius, Rhodes. All A»ia Miaor was compelled to
par the trttmte of ten yean. The temples were despoiled ; and the free inhabitanta
aofd into slavery.

B. a 44-43.] OICEBO AND OCTAYIUS. 347

senate, Gioero pretended to beliere his professions, and re-
appeared once more in the politioal arena with his old power
and influence. In a series of speeches he roused the people,
and exerted all his powers to consolidate all parties against An-
tonins. When Antonius had departed from Kome to driye D.
Brutus out of Cisalpine Oaul, Cicero induced the senate to
declare him a public enemy.^

3. The Mntina War (b. g. 44r-43). — Antonius, immediately
on bis arrival in Cisalpine Gaul, besieged Brutus in Mutina
(Modena)y and thus commenced the civil war. The senate, at
Cicero's behQfii^.a8Soci%t@d, l^fij^lOJis in command with the naw.
consuls Hirtius and Fftu^ and bade them act against Antcttiua
and aid Brutus. Antonius was defeated in two battles' in
which both consuls were slain. D^t Brutus was reliexfid^^aod.
Octavius was left in sole command. Antonius retreated across
the Alps and joined Lepidus.

4. Activi^ of Cicero. — ^The senate believed the war was
ended. Cicero was never more active. He was the life and
soul of the government He maintained an active correspond-
ence with the chiefs in the provinces, praised the devotion of
the soldiers, and inspired confidence in the desponding. '^I
have placed myself," said he, ^^at the head of the senate and
people ; and since I have undertaken to lead the cause of
freedom, I have not let a moment pass which could be em-
ployed in providing for the general welfare.** To his one
great error — ^the belief that the republic could /)e restored, he
clang to the last. His efforts were unremitting. He performed
*^ mightier deeds in the toga than could be effected by arms.**
Circumstances vrere silently working against him. The two
consnls were dead, and Octavius found himself at the head of

< Antonius eammoned the senate for the let of Septemher, when divine honors were
Id be decreed to Caesar, and invited Cicero to attend. He pleaded fatigue ; Antonins
ftttacked him in a violent speech. The next day (Sept. 8), Cicero delivered the first
of thoee great orations which were afterward entitled Philippics in imitation of those of
Demontlienes against Philip of Macedon. The fiecond Philippic was never delivered, hut

Sablisb^ in October, and was so composed as if delivered in reply and immediately after
(.ntonins^ speech, Sept. 19 ; the third was delivered Dec. 90i in the senate ; the fourth
was deUvered the same day to the people ; the fifth, in the senate, Jan. 1, b. o. 48 ;
tbe sixth, to the people, Jan. 4 ; the others were delivered doling the winter, the
fonrtaeDth and last oeing prononnoed April S3d, in the senate.

* Fonun Qallomm {eiatm Froneo) April 15, and Matina, April 97 ; this was called the

362 THE TBSATY OF BRtTNDISIUM. [b. C. 40.

Ill— M _ _ ""^

4. Octavins in Italy. — Meanwhile Octavias was busy in
Italy assigning the promised estates to his soldiers. As no
money came from Antonias be was obliged to despoil the
temples and to drive away the old proprietors from their farms
that he might satisfy the demands of the disbanded yeterans.^
Whole cities with their adjacent districts were given up to
spoliation.^ Great disorder prevailed. Fulvia attempted to
foment the discontent of the proprietors who had lost their
lands and of the veterans who were not satisfied with their
plander^ in hopes of recalling her faithless husband from the
East. Octavius turned from one class to the other^ bat could
not satisfy both. Finally, his general, Agrippa, repressed the
discontent, and besieging Antonins' brother in Perosiai, com-
pelled him to surrender.

5. The Treaty of Bmndisiiim (b. o. 40). — The news of
the Perusian war aroused Antonius, who embarked for Italy
with a powerful fleet and a few legions. He made a compact
with Sextus Pompejus to overthrow Octavius, but the name
of Pompejus had long since lost its charm. The soldiers
refused to fight and compelled the two triumvirs to treat
A new partition * of the Roman world gave Antonins the East
to rule and defend, while Octavius was to be entrusted with
the West, and with the conduct of the war against Sextus Pom-
pejus. The compact was sealed by the marriage of Antonins
to Octavia,* his colleague's sister, while Octavius married
Scribonia, the sister-in-law of S. Pompejus. The rivals, thus
reconciled, repaired to Rome, entered the city with an ovation,
and celebrated games and festivities.'

6. The Trea^ of Misennm (b. c. 39).— The treaty of
Brundisium marked the end of the civil war in Italy. It con-

> AiOCordinff to Applan each soldier wss to have SQOO denarii ; each oentmrion. five
tlmeH and each tribune ten timei* as much : thle with an army of 28 legions = aboat
110,000 men, amounted to abont 1000 million denarii = nearly $800,000,000.

* Viigii loet his property at Anden in Cisalpine Gaul, bnt recovered it thronirti the
inflnenoe of Maeoenaft. Horace, TibiUlne and Properttos, were involved in the land oon-
flflcationB. The Ofellus of Horace (Sat. U., 2, 112) giYeea lively picture of a proprietor
who was doomed to work for a master on the land that had onoe been his own.

' The dividing line was at Soodra in lUyricnm ; Lepidns was allowed to retain Africa.

* Octavia had recently been left a widow by the death of llaroeUns ; Folvte had died
shortly after AntODios* return.

* This took place dnrinf? the consulship of FoUIo, and Veigil criel—tea tbe pMoe ct
Brundisium In nis fourth eclogue.

B.0.38.] THE TBBATY OF TABBKTITM. 353

signed the centre of the empire to a statesman who restrained
the insubordination of the soldiers and restored order. Sex-
tus Pompejas had been excluded from the treaty. His fleet
commanded the sea and cut off the supply of wheat from Sicily
and Africa. The populace became furious and compelled the
triumyirs to treat with Sextus. They promised to resign to
him Sicily and Achaja, while he engaged to supply Italy with
corn. The three chiefs entertained one another on board a
vessel moored in the harbor near Misenum. ^' Shall I cut off
the anchors of the ship, and make you master of the Soman
world ?" said Menas,^ one of Pompejus' captains. " You
ought to have done it instead of saying it,'' was his reply.

7. The Tredity of Tarentum (b. c. 38).— The agreement,
however, was never executed. Sextus never received Achaja,
and he in turn failed to evacuate certain places on the coast of
Italy which had fallen into his possession. Sextus flew to arms,
and threatened the seaports, and the price of grain rose in con-
sequence at Bome. Antonius appeared off Brundisium with a
fleet of three hundred sail. Octayius was so distrustful of his
designs that he forbade him to land. Antonius sailed round to
Tarentum, but by the mediation of Maecenas,^ Octa\da, and
other friends, a reconciliation was effected. The triumvirate
was renewed for another five years, and Antonius left one hun-
dred and thirty vessels for Octavius to use against Pompejus,
while he received twenty thousand soldiers for the Parthian war.

8. Victory ofF Nanlochim. — It was necessary for Octa-
yius to build a fleet and practice his sailors in order to wrest
the dominion of the sea from Sextus. With this view he
constructed a secure harbor^ on the southern coast of Italy.
The next spring he attacked Sextus off Mylae, and by the
skill and energy of Agrippa, gained a partial victory.* Soon
after, the great sea-fight off Naulochus decided the contest.
Deserted by his followers Sextus fled in despair to the East, in
hopes of obtaining the protection of Antonius.

> Applan C&II0 him Menodonif*.

■ Horace aocomiMtnied MfleceiuM to BrandiBiam and has given a lively acconnt of the
Joarnev in the fifth patlre.

■ The lakes Arernas and Lncrinns, hetween Misenum and Pnteoll, were connected ;
«nUer wan let In from the Tyrrhenian sea. * Near Myle.

354 THE PALL OF LEPIDUS. [b. C. 36.

9. The Fall of Lepidus (b.c. 36.)— Scarcely was this
danger from Sextos passed, when a new one, not less threaten-
ing, arose. The Pompeian soldiers opened communication with
LepidaSy who had come from Africa and had joined Agrippa
in the siege of Messana. The gates were no sooner opened than
the Pompeian troops saluted Lepidus as imperator. Finding
himself at the head of twenty legions, he resolved to hold the
island for himself. The prompt action of Octanus prevented
civil war. He holdly entered his rival's camp almost unat-
tended, threw himself among the soldiers, and made appeals to
them which were successful. They deserted Lepidus as easily
as they had joined hiuL Octavius deposed him from the trium-
virate, and confined him to the idland of Oirceji,*but allowed him
to retain the title of chief pontiff until his death in B. c. 13.

10. The Positioii of Octavius. — Octavius now had no
other rival than Antonius. Sextus Pompejus, who was the
last of the old senatorial party, had fallen into the hands of
Antonius' lieutenant, who put him to death. His death and
Antonius' absence left Octavius the undisputed head of the
Csesarians. Octavius had now attained that position in which
he felt himself strong enough to be merciful. The strength of
the old parties had been so broken up by death and confisca-
tion, that the remnant were prepared to support any goyem-
ment which promised order and security. The people joined
the senate in welcoming Octavius as the "restorer of peace by sea
and land." Measures were taken to maintain in Bome a yigi-
lant police, and brigandage was put down in Italy and Sicily.
Octavius began now on a greater arena to display that state-craft
which he had maintained from the first and which never de-
serted him. He granted all the liberty consistent with his
safety, but veiled his government under the forms of the con-
stitution.

11. The BiEiiiisterB of Octavius.— In nothing did he show
his discrimination more than in calling around him two such
men as Agrippa, the able general, and Maecenas, the admirable
counsellor. We have seen the perseverance and obstinate cour-
age of Agrippa ; how he was ever active in constructing and

BL a 37-34.] AxiTONins aistd the east. 855

repairing fleets, and exercising sailors. MsBcenas had already
rendered important service in reconciling the triomyirs, and in
calming and restraining the multitude when the fleet of Seztua
cat off the supply of grain. His genuine taste for learning and
his encouragement of men of letters, Octavius found to be
equally valuable in turning men's minds to literature, which
contributed greatly in reconciling them to the loss of liberty.
Msdcenas' mild and elastic mind seemed formed to calm and
quiet Italy after so many mighty storms had swept over it

■• ♦ $»

\j OTTA.PTBR LIV.

The Battle of AcnuM — The End of the Civil WABa

1. Antonhui and the East (b. o. 37-^).— After the re-'
newal of the triumvirate, in b. c. 37> Antonius, who had
already become tired of Octavia, left her in Italy, and deter-
mined to carry on his long projected campaign against the
Parthians.^ By the middle of b. c. 36^ he had assembled one
hundred thousand men on the Euphrates,* with the purpose
of completing the success that his lieutenants had already
began. He penetrated as far as Praaspa, three hundred miles
beyond the Tigris, but the Parthians cut off his munitions
of war, and his treacherous ally' deserted him. He was com-
pelled to commence a disastrous retreat, which cost the lives
of eight thousand of his soldiers. In the following spring
(b. c. 34), he made one more effort,' and advanced into Armenia,
where he collected an immense amount of booty. After
this he returned to Alexandria, celebrated a triumph, and as-

*■ Tbc Parthians, led br Labienvs. a son of CflBsar's old general, had Invaded Syria,
Cilicia and Oaria ; Tentldliu had defeated them twice in Syria ; Lablenoe and Pharna>
pa tee, the ablest general of Orodee, had fallen in battle. Soelnfl took JeruBalem and de-
throned Antigonut ; and Canidins, another lieatenant, penetrated into Armenia, defeated
tlie kings of Iberia and Albania,'and spread the terror of Antonias* name and power
throuj^h these barbarous regions. Antonius fonnd himself master of the three great
roade on which the commerce of the world traveled— that of Gaacasns, that of Palmyra,
And that of Alexandria.

• Ttie king of Armenia. * Plat. Anton,

I :

866 OCTAVItJS AND THE WEST. [b. C. 37-33.

sumed the insignia and dress of an Oriental monarch. Cleopatn
sat by his side as queen^ to whose influence Antonins had en-
tirely surrendered himself. . He gave the title of king to her
children, annexed the provinces of the Boman empire to the
Egyptian kingdom, and plunged into the wildest dissipatioD.

2. Cleopatra, the Queen of the East. — In order to
retain her influence over him, and to wean him effectuaUy from

1 1 Borne, Cleopatra daily inyented new pleasures and constantly
\ amused him. She possessed a thousand channs, a thousand
I varied graces, and the gift of many languages. She was an ad-
Imirable singer, a skilled musician. Her flattery was varied as
|it was delicate. She transformed herself daily to please him.
She gamed, she drank, she hunted, and followed him in all
\ his exercises. In his night rambles through the streets of
! ^Alexandria, stopping at the doors and windows of the eiti-
' ^ns to throw out jests, she attended him dressed as a slava
She already dreamed of planting her pavilion on the Tarpeian
rock and of dictating her will among the trophies of Mariu&
She must wean Antonius from Bome ; then the Alexander
,df the East could conquer the West One day Cleopatra bad
£^1 Egyptian diviner say to him : ^^Thy genius fears Octa-
vlus ; when it is alone its port is erect and fearless ; when
hl|p approaches it is dejected and oppressed." Octavius
possessed Bome ; it was his capital. Alexandria alone conld be
th^ capital of the empire of Antonius. Here the commerce of
thiee continents found its mart. In this vast caravansary every
nation lodged. In this great centre, the religion and mysticism
of J;he East and the philosophy of the West met This mighty
WG^ld was mirrored in its queen, the female Mithridates — a
Tafied, vast and multifarious mind, like that of the ever f mit-
ful Isis, under whose attributes she triumphed.*

3. Octavius and the West — Meanwhile Octavina was
yearly increasing in popularity. His manners were afl!able, and
his concern for the public welfare unwearied. He established
a mild and firm government at Rome, and led his legions with

* Michclet ; Pint Ant. She wa^ adored In Ei^ypt. When, after her death, the ittatne
of Antonins waa ovprfhrown, an Alexandrian ^ve two millions eteriing to have thote
*t Cleopatra left.— JfkA^M.

B.G. 32.] DBOLABATIOK OF WAB AGAINST EQYFT. 857

saccese against the Dalmatians^ the Salassi, and the Panno-
nians. During the sddileship^ of Agrippa^ he rebuilt and
beautified Bome^ repaired the highways, cleansed the sewers,
restored the aqueducts, and multiplied the fountains. At the
same time the people were conciliated by largesses of money,
oil and salt, while the games and shows amused them, and
reconciled them to his government. The spoils from his
niyrian and Dalmatian campaigns were so enormous that they
were not only sufficient for these vast works, but they enabled
Octayius and Pollio to establish public libraries.

4. Declaration of War against Egypt.— Thus far the .
two rivals had maintained all appearances of good-will towards \
each other; but in b. o. 33, they began to exchange complaints.
Octavius accused Antonius of lavishing the provinces of the
Roman empire on the Egyptian queen, and circulated the
report that he wished to give her Rome even.* The consuls for |
B. 0. 32 were, according to previous agreement, partisans of j
Antonius. They began their year of office with a violent in- ?
vective against Octavius, who at the time was absent from the
city. On his return, convening the senate, he stationed guards i
at the door, and entering himself surrounded by a body-guard,
delivered a bitter invective against Antonius and promised to i
make formal charges against him at the next meeting. The con-
sols fled to Antonius. In the meantime Octavius obtained pos-
session of Antonius* will, which the latter had deposited with
the vestal virgin& It confirmed his donations of provinces and
treasures to Cleopatra's children, declared one of them, Gaosario,
to be the heir of the great dictator, and finally directed that his
own body should be entombed with hers at Alexandria. No one
could any longer doubt the rumors that he intended to make
Cleopatra queen of the Roman world, and remove the seat of em-
pire to Alexandria. The indignation of the people was aroused,
and it was loudly demanded that Antonius should be declared a
public enemy. Octavius refrained from this, but he directed the

« B. c. 88. ^ ^ ^

* the principal witneMM ajsminttt Anfonins were CalvlntUB and PUncos, who had been
Antonius confodlermtes and had deserted him.

868 SAIILB OF AOTIUH. [b.C.31.

senate to declare war againBt IJgypt. ^^It is not AntonioB
with whom we are going to war, for he is like a man under
enchantment, who has no longer any power over himself, bnt
with Mardion the eunuch^ Pothinus, and Iris, Cleopatra's
hairdresser/'
I 5. Battle of Actinm (b. c. 31).— Antonius reoeiyed the
I declaration of war at Athens, and replied by divorcing Octa-
\ Tia, thus breaking the last tie that bound him to his country.
Preparations for the coming struggle were pushed forward on
both sides. Antonius had an army mustered from all the
East. The Mauritanians, the Arabians, the Jews, the Medians,
sent him aid ; the kings of Gilicia, Gappadocia, Paphlagonia
and Commagene followed his banner in person. The vast host ^
was assembled on the coast of Epirus to cross to Italy.'
' Octavius busied himself in coUecting the forces of the West
\ The triumvirate expired on the last day of b. c. 32. On the
! 1st of January, b. o. 31, Octavius entered upon his third con-
I Bulship. Embarking from Brundisium for Corcyra, he landed
, his army at the Acroceraunian promontory, and directed his
' march towards the Ambracian gulf ' and established his camp
opposite Actium,^ where he afterwards erected Nicopolis. The
fleet was commanded by the faithful Agrippa, and consisted
. of light Libumian galleys manned by crews which had gained
experience in the wars with S. Pompejus. It cruised over
the whole Ionian sea, defeated and destroyed a part of Anto-
nius' fleet, and thus secured command of the sea. Antonius'
supplies began to fail, and the dissatisfaction and desertion
of his soldiers compelled him to risk a battle. His friends
wished to decide the contest on land, but Cleopatra insisted
that they should fight by sea. Her advice prevailed, and
on the 2d of September, Antonius drew up his line of
battle. The contest was long and still undecided, when Cleo-
patra, who was in the rear of the line of battle, with sixty

* Nearly 100,000 foot. 1200 horM, and SOD shipB, many with ten iMUikB of .,«»

* Octavine had 80,000 foot, 1900 hone, and 860 veaselB, according to tome 40O.

* The army and fleet of Antoninis was at the Bouthem entrance of tlie Ambfadaa
golf.

* At the tip or aeie of the peninnila Btood a chapel aaored to Apollo, called tba
Actinm ; see map, p. 197.

B.O.30.] ItfidtO&ATIOK 09 OfiDBB. 869

shipe^ took advantage of a fiAvorable breeze and fled« Antonios
saw her flight, and immediately sprang into a fiye-oared
galley and followed her.^ The battle still raged fnrionsly, but
before evening the fleet was entirely destroyed, and a few days
after the army joined the victor.

6. Restoration of Order.— Before following the fugitives,
Octavius restored order in Oreeoe and Asia^ which, on account
of the exactions of Antonias, gave him a heafty welcome. To
appease the soldiera it was necessary to sell at auction his own
effects as well as those of his friends. New colonies were
planted and ample promises were made from the spoils of
Egypt.

7. Suicide of Antonios. — As for Antonins he was in
despair. He wished to be alone. His friends, his power, had
abandoned him. Cleopatra found means to woo him from his
solitary life. The time of the "inimitable life"* was gone,
bat another was instituted by no means inferior in splendor
and luxury, called the '^ inseparables in death.^' The time was
passed in festivities and in trying various kinds of poison, and
experimenting with venomous insects to see if there existed
a voluptuous death.* When Octavius approached Egypt, both
sought grace from the . victor. Pelusium,* the key of the
country, fell into his hands. Once more the soldier-spirit
blazed in Antonius and he fought like a lion before the gates
of Alexandria. Cleopatra had already received flattering mes-
sages from Octavius ; it was only necessary to disencumber her-
self from Antonius, who had already been deserted by his fleet
and army. Cleopatra had word sent to Antonius that she had
destroyed herself in her fortified mausoleum in which she had
taken refuge. Antonius heard the news. "I will die then,"
said he, and stabbed himself with his sword. Beviving a little,

t Afleoiding to MerivAle (vol. iii., p. 818), Antonins despaired of vlctoiy either br sea
or land, before the battle, and had already prepared for flight when he was attacked. If
this was his plan, the leaving of the army wlthont anv arrangementH for retreat, and
without even a leader (which would be explainable in the haste and despair after a lost
battle) would be an act of downright folly. Plntarch makes no mention of such an

intention, and even Did. <iv., IBt), whom Merlvale follows, seems to lay little weight

- - J. -, If

» Plttt Ant ■ Plut. Ant. and Did. 11., a ♦See map Ko. 7.

360 STTIOIDB OF CLEOPATRA. [B.a30.

he heard that Gleopatra was still alive. He ordered Mmaelf to
be carried to ber^ and his litter being raised up to the window,
he was taken into the mausoleum, where he died soon after in
her arms.

8. Suicide of Cleopatra.— The soldiers of Octavins en-
tered by the same window. " Wretched Cleopatra! " exclaimed
her attendant, ^'you are taken alive/^ She pretended to stab
herself with a poniard which she carried for this purpose ; but

\ \ she really clung to life and hoped to seduce Octavius '^by the
grace of a beautiful grief and the coquetry of desptur." All
failed before his cold reserve. She resolved to die, when she
was informed that Octavius wished to remove her to Borne.
One day she was found dead^ among her attendants^ lying
[upon a golden couch, with a diadem on her forehead.

9. Octavins Sole Ruler.— The death of Antonius left
Octavius without a rival. The restoration of the republic was
impossible. The long years of civil war had exhausted the
world. It yearned for repose. The time had come when the
monarchy was inevitable; with it came the man who knew how
to grasp the reins with a firm hand and veil his supremacy
under those constitutional forms so deeply rooted in the ideas
and habits of the people. The crafty policy of. Octavius in
representing the battle of Actium as a revolt of the East
against the West, as an effort to obliterate the rule of Rome,
was completely successful. All classes were deeply impressed
with the great danger which they had escaped, and which had
threatened to subvert their laws and religion. Before returning
to Rome to celebrate his triumphs, Octavius organized Egypt
as a province,^ and appointed Cornelius Oallus, a distinguished
patron of literature and friend of PoUio, governor. Octarins
then began his journey homeward. In Judaea he confirmed
the kingdom to Herod, and settled the condition of Syria and

* The manner of her death was never known. It was popalarW believed tbat she
died from the stlnff of an aep, which was bi-ootfht to her ooncealea amonsr some fi^
OctaviuB adopted this report, and In his triumph her image was carried, the arms being
encircled with asps.

' On the plan that Cesar had arranged ; the oflicer of finance {procurator) rendered
his accounts directly to Octavius.

SUHMABY.

361

Asia Minor. In Angast of B.C. 29 he arrived in Borne to
celebrate three magnificent triumphs^ for his victories in
Dalmati% at Actium and in Egypt The restoration of peace
was inaugurated by closing the temple of Janus for the third
time in all Boman history.'

> At his triamph he gave each soldier 1000 sesterces ; each citizen 400 sesterces :
120,000 veterans were settled In Italy and the provinces. The enormous snm of 860
miJJion sesterces = nearly $40,000,000 was given to indemnify the former possessors.

* It was closed first during the reign of Niima and then not till b. g. 885.

SUMMARY.

CrvTL Dissensions — ^b. o. 133-31.

During the preceding period the government had
fallen entirely into the hands of the nobility. The sen-
ate governed almost without opposition. In fact the
nobles had such influence that ** new men " were ex-
cluded from all share in the government. The opposi-
tion led by such men as Cato and Flaccus wasted their
efforts in trying to check the spread of luxury and to
elevate one of their own number to the consulship.
Meanwhile the state drifted into troubles from which
the wisest could not free it. The Licinian laws had
been disregarded for so many years that all the lands
in Italy were absorbed in the large estates ; and instead
of employing free laborers, the possessors found it more
profitable to have their lands cultivated by slaves which
the wars in the East had made cheap. In time the im-
portation of corn which was sold in the market at Rome
below the cost of production in Italy, compelled farm-
ing on a large scale to be abandoned, and the conver-
sion of the land into pasturage. Tiberius Gracchus
attempted to remedy these evils by reviving the Li-
cinian laws. This, however, was disagreeable to the
nobility, who succeeded in frustrating his measures
and finally murdered Gracchus himself. From this time
the downward step was rapid ; the old inherent respect
for law and order soon disappeared, and the govern-
ment became the prey of violent and unscrupulous
demagogues.

The death of Tiberius did not deter his brother Gajus
from coming forward with still more sweeping measures
of reform — the relief of the poorer classes and the break-
ing down of the power of the senate. The senate
triumphed and Gajus was killed with three thousand

Rome Ruled
by a Clique.

The Oppoaitton.

Ag^rarian La^ra

of Tiberius

Gracchus^

B. C. 133.

Blurder at

B. C. 133.

!Lawa of Oi^ua
Gracchus y

B. C. 123-2.

His Death,

B. C. 121.

362

SUMMARY.

Rule of
Ufco Olliparehy,

B. C. 121-70.
IVar wItH

B.C III-I04.

Clmbrl and Tea-
tones,

B.C. II3-IOI.

Battle of
Aquae Sextiee,

B.C 102.

BatUe at
VeroelloB,

B. C. lOI.

Appuleian

ppulel

B.C. 100.

B. C. 91.

Soelal War,

B. C. 90-88.

Julian liamT)

B,C. 90.

liez Plautla
Faplrla,

B. C. 89.

Proeeeutlon.

Financial
CrUU,

B. C< 00.

Sulla, Corn-
dander against
Blitbridates.

Sulplelan Ijm,yRru,

of his adherents. The death of Gajus threw the poi
again into the hands of the oligarchy. The Agrai
laws were annulled, and the shameless rule of the
garchy brought dishonor upon the Roman name. Evei
where the incompetency of the government was visil
In Africa, Jugurtha revolted and carried on war
nearly six years. Before the war with Jugurtha ^
ended, the Teutones and Cimbri invaded the empirj
the first were defeated by Marius at Aqux Sextiae,
the latter by Marius and Catulus near Vercellae.

These victories raised Marius far above all his ri\-
and had he been a statesman, he might have anticipai
the work of Caesar. He was a great soldier but
statesman. Laws were carried reducing still furthdi
the price of corn and providing for colonies in Cis^
pine Gaul. The demagogues of the capital — SaturniDiflj
and Glaucia — used him, but when their violence pro>J
voked armed resistance, Marius deserted them andl
finally sacrificed them. I

For a few years there was peace at Rome, but sooa '
the claims of the Italians and the Latins to the franchise. '
and the demand of the oligarchy that the judicial power
should be restored to their own order, renewed the
discord. Drusus proposed (i) to recruit the senate
from the equestrian order, and then to choose the jurr-
men from the senators, and (2) he promised the fran-
chise to the Italian allies. The oligarchy had recourse
once more to assassination in hopes of delaying this
reform. The death of Drusus drove the allies to despair.
All central and southern Italy was soon in arms. Cor-
finium was fixed upon as the capital of the new ** Italica."
The allies met at first with some success which com-
pelled the Romans to grant concessions— (i) by the
Julian law which conferred the franchise on the Latins
and all Italians who had remained faithful or had laid
down their arms ; (2) by the iex PlauHa PapiHa which
granted all the subjects ever claimed. The allies were
rar from satisfied with the manner in which they were
treated after the peace — ^being crowded into eight tribes
— while the discord and hatred engendered by the prose-
cutions of Varius, who instituted investigations against
every one who had favored the cause of the Italians,
combined with the financial crisis that set in on account
of the troubles in Asia, arrayed party against party, and
sowed the bitterest discord among the people. Further
Marius had gained little credit during the Social war,
while his rival Sulla had won great renown. The sen-
ate 4herefore veiT naturally selected Sulla to conduct the
war against Mithridates. Marius was deeply offended,
and in order to increase his popularity, he undertook
the cause of the Italians and induced Sulpicius to
propose and carry a law to distribute the new citizens
among all the trioes in which Marius hoped their infiu-

SUMMARY.

363

30ce would be sufficient to procure for him the command
igainst Mithridates. Sulla, however, returned to Rome
with six legions and expelled his enemies. Marius,
after a wonderful series of adventures, found safety in
Africa. But Sulla had no sooner left Rome, than Cinna
kindled the flames of civil war, endeavored to recall
Marius, and to revive the Sulpician laws. Marius and
Cinna marched to Rome and entered it with their parti-
sans. The friends of Sulla were slaughtered, their
property was confiscated, and a reign of terror was
inaugurated.

First Mithrtoatio War — b. o. 88-84.

Mithridates and the Romans had often come into
collision in Asia Minor — particularly when Mithridates
attempted to place his nephew on the throne of Cap-
padocia and set up a rival claimant to the throne of
Bithynia. Mithridates saw that war with Rome was
inevitable, and prepared to strike when the favorable
moment came. When, however, Aquillius, who had
been sent to Asia to settle the difficulties there, insti-
gated Nicomedes to plunder the territories of Mithri-
dates, Mithridates could restrain himself no longer.
He invaded the Roman province, took up his winter
quarters at Ephesus, and sent his generals Archelaus
and Taxiles to aid the Athenians who had revolted.
Sulla crossed to Greece, besieged and captured Athens,
and defeated both armies of the king, first at Chaeronea
and then at Orchomenus. These successes brought
Mithridates to terms. He gave up all his conquests,
paid 300 talents and surrendered 80 ships of war.

During Sulla's absence the government had been
controlled by Cinna. Sulla returned at the head of his
army ; he defeated Norbanus near Capua, won over to
his service the army of the other consul Scipio, and
crushed the last opposition of the Samnites at the Col-
line Gate. After this he published his *' lists " of the
proscribed. As manv as 47,000 are said to have per-
ished. He reformed the constitution, concentrating
all powers in the hands of the senate, and in B. c. 79
abdicated.

Scandalous Rule op thb Oliqaroht.

Scarcely was Sulla dead before symptoms of reaction
against the rule of the senate appeared. The attempt of
Lepidus to rescind the laws of Sulla was followed by
the war with Sertorius in Spain and the Gladiatori^
war. Pompejus and Crassus gained renown in these
wars and they demanded the consulship as a reward.
The abuses of the oligarchy had become so scandalous
that all classes demanded the restoration of the tribuni-
tian power. Laws were carried restoring the power

B. C. 87.

First
PnNieriptlont

B. C. 87.

Maiiiu Consul,

B. c. 86.

^Uk%

BEltlurldates
Invades Aslay

B. C. 88.

Snlla takes

B. C. 87.

Battle €»r
Gbseronea*

B.C 86.

BatUe of
Ordftomenns,

B.C 85.

Terms of Peaee,

B. G. 84.

Sulla's Retnm
to Italy,

B. C 83.

Battle €»r the
Collflne Oate,

B. C. 82.

Proseriiition,

B. C. 81.

Snllan
Constitution,

B.C. 82*80.

UTar witlfc
Gladiators,

B.C. 73-71.

ItfCKlslatlon
of Pompejns

B.C. 7a

364

SL'SJMART.

of the tribunes and enacting that the jurymen should be
selected equally from the senators, knights, and tribuni
ararii. Pompejus took no province after the ex-
piration of his consulship, but after two years' retire-
ment the wretched state of a&irs compelled him lo
return and clear first the sea of pirates and then end
the Third Mithridatic war.

IVar with the
Pirates,

B. C. 67.

Cause nt the
IVar.

Battle at
Ti|f raaoeerl a,

B.C. 69.

Pompejus takes
Commancl,

B. c. 66.

Battle
at Bfloopi»lls,

B. a 66.

Conelnslon ot

the HVar,

B. C. 63.

Consplracjr of
Catiline,

B. C. 63-2.

First Trlnm-
ir irate,

B. C. 60.

Consulship of
Ceesar,

B.C. 59.

Banishment of
Cleero,

B.C. 58.

SnUngatlon of
the West,

B.C. 5&-51.

Third Mfthbidatig Wab — b. c. 74—63.

Mithridates felt that the peace with Rome was only a
truce. He therefore made great preparations to renew
the war. When the Romans converted Bithj^ia into a
province, he thought it a favorable time to strike. He
invaded Asia with a large armv, supported by his fleet,
and invested Cyzicus. Lucuflus raised the siege of
Cyzicus, defeated Mithridates on the iEsepus and then
at Tigranocerta, and compelled him to seek refuge
with Tigranes. A mutiny in the army compclle I Lucul-
lus to pause in his career of conquest, and his economic
measures in Asia and unpopularity at Rome caused his
recall. Pompejus took command, gained favor with
the soldiers by relaxing the strict rules of Lucullus,
secured the alliance of the Parthian king, and then
defeated Mithridates at Nicopolis and compelled him
to take refuge in the Cimmerian Bosporus. Pompe-
jus settled the aifairs gf Armenia, subdued Sy^ria,
Phoenicia and Palestine, took Jerusalem, and then in
B. c. 62 returned homeward, reaching Rome b. c. 6z.

Internal History — ^b. c. 65-i9.

Meanwhile at Rome the government had been nearly
subverted by the conspiracy of Catiline, in which many
eminent men were said to be implicated. By the un-
wearied exertions of Cicero the plans of the conspira-
tors were frustrated in the city, and their armv defeated
at Pistoria. When Pompejus returned, he K>und thit
he was regarded with suspicion by the senators, and
that they were in no mood to grant lands for his sol-
diers or to confirm his acts in the East. This com-
pelled him to accept the overtures of Caesar; a private
cabal was formed between Cxsar, Pompejus and Cras
sus, in which it was agreed that they should co-operate
with each other to secure (i) lands for the soldiers of
Pompejus ; (2) the confirmation of his acts in the East :
(3) the elevation of Cassar to the consulship. The tri-
umvirs determined, in order to secure their power, to
remove Cicero and Cato. For this purpose the dema.
gogue Clodius was used. Cato was sent to Cj'pnis,
which was to be converted on some frivolous pretext
into a province, while Cicero was banished from the
state. CsBsar then departed to his province Co subdue

SUMMABT.

364a

Great Civil War — ^b. o. 49-45

Without delay Caesar advanced towards Rome. Con-
sternation seized the people, and even Pom pejus fell
back to Brundisium and then embarked for Greece.
This left Caesar master of Italy. Caesar then subdued
the different provinces in detail. Pompejus' lieuten-
ants in Spain were defeated at Ilerda ; then Caesar has-
tened to the East. The battle of Pharsalus decided
the contest. After that the Pompeians were defeated in
Africa at Thapsus, and finally in Spain at Munda.
Egypt was also subjugated and Pharnaces punished.

Caesar now returned to Rome and ruled as imperator.
The various titles and powers that had been taken from
the supreme magistrate, centred again in one man.
Good government was secured at home and in the
provinces. He introduced varices reforms, commenced
vast projects for the improvement of the capital, encour-
aged agriculture and reformed the calendar. Caesar

Legislation of
Clodlns,

B. C. 57.

Renewal of tlie

Trlamviratey

B. C. 56.

the free tribes in Gaul. Clodius continued the abject
tool of Caesar. Measures were carried for free
distribution of com, to limit the power of the senate,
to re-establish the guilds of trade, and to annul
the powers of the censors. Soon Clodius dared to
oppose Pompejus, who was thus forced co incline
toward the senate, and who hoped that the anarchy at
Rome would compel the senate to appoint him dictator.
The senate, however, was not yet ready to receive a
master; it opposed Milo to Clodius, fomented dis-
cord between Pompejus and Crassus, and cajoled
Pompejus. Caesar saw it was time to act. At an inter-
view at Lucca, he reconciled Pompejus and Crassus,
and arranged that they should be elected consuls for
B. c. 55. For himself his command was prolonged for
another five years. The triumvirs obtained their objects.
Pompejus received Spain as his province, while Cras-
sus became proconsul of Syria, where he crossed the
Euphrates, but was completely defeated and killed.
The death of Crassus hastened the rupture between
Caesar and Pompejus. Julia died in B.C. 55, and in
B. c. 52 Clodius, the last check to Pompejus' ambition,
was removed. The anarchy in the capital increased to
such an extent that Pompejus was elected sole consul.
If Caesar were removed, Pompejus knew that the gov-
ernment must fall into his own hands. He therefore
encouraged the aristocrats to propose the recall of
Caesar and to prevent him in his absence from suing
for the consulship. When the senate, in spite of the
tribune's veto, appointed Caesar's successor, civil war
was certain. When the decree of the senate ordering
Caesar to disband his army and give up his province
reached him, he determined to act.

Death of
Crawns,

B.C. 53.

Coalition be-

tireen the

Senate and

Pompcjoii.

Pompejas Sole
Consul^

B. C. 52.

BmndUiam,

B. C 49.
Ilerda,
B. C. 49.
Pharsalus,

R C. 48.
Thapsns,
B. C. 46.
Mnnda,
B. C. 45.

CoDsar Monarch,

B C. 45.

3646

SUMMARY.

ttion
of CsBsar,

AntonloB Seises

the Chief

Power*

O. OotaTius.

did not realize, however, how attached the Romans
were to the old forms of the repablic. He misjudged
the temper of the people. He did not realize how
deep seated was the hatred against royalty. He knew
himself that the monarchy was inevitable, and by openly
proclaiming it provoked a conspiracy formed by Brutus,
Cassius and others, to which he fell a victim.

Last Days of the Republic — b. c. 44-31.

The conspirators had formed no plan for restoring the
republic, and the result was that the power fell into the
hands of Antonius. Antonius was on the point of
gaining all he wished, when he was checked in his
career by G. Octavius, the heir of Caesar. Octavius
managed so skillfully that he gained the favor of Cicero,
by whose influence Antonius was declared a public
enemy, and the senate associated Octavius in com-
mand with the two consuls, Hirtius and Pansa, who
were directed to carry on war against Antonius. Two
battles were fought near Mutina, in which Antonius
was defeated but the two consuls fell, and Octavius
was left in sole command of the army. Octavius now
demanded the consulship and the senate was com-
pelled to yield. He now showed himself in his true
colors. He treated with Antonius and Lepidus, for by
their assistance only could he hope to crush Cassius
and Brutus in the East. A new proscription was
ordered in which Cicero perished. Antonius and
Octavius then crossed to Greece, where they defeated
the "liberators" in the battle of Philippi.

After the battle the triumvirs made a new division of
the empire. Antonius received the East ; Octavius
ruled the West, while Lepidus received Africa. The
triumvirs soon began to quarrel, and after various
reconciliations, Octavius, who had constantly increased
in reputation, determined to precipitate a rupture, for
which he had been preparing for many years. The great
contest was decided at the battle of Actium. Antonius
fled from the battle, and although prolonging the con-
test for nearly a year, he was finally defeated, having
been deserted by fiis fleet and army, and committed
suicide. The death of Antonius left Octavius without
a rival ; he was now the sole ruler of the Roman world.
Warned by the fate of his uncle, Octavius discarded
every illegal title. He veiled bis supreme power under
the forms of the republic. Everything that was dis-
pleasing to the Romans was discarded. Gradually he
combined within his own person all the republican
offices, and took to himself every vestige of power that
the state had to bestow. The monarchy was established,
but it was disguised under republican forms.

The Mutina
War,

B. C. 44-43*

Second
Trliimvirate»

B. c. 43.

Battle of
Philippi,

B. C. 42.

BatUe
o# Aetiiutty

B. C. 31.

Imperial
Oovemment
EetablUhed,

B. a 31.

THE MIIJTABY OBGANIZATION. 365

'.•^

The MnjTABT Obganization. — The Legion. — The System

OF EnOAMPMENT. — MlUTAEY EnOINES.

1. IdBlitaxy Power. — As we have now reached a tnmiug
point in our history^a time when a standing army is estab-
lished and the military authority has become predominant in
the state— it would be well to review the manner by which
the military organization has reached its present perfection.

2. The Legion.^ — The legion designated from the begin-
ning to the end of Roman history an organized body of troops.
Each legion was complete within itself, being composed of
troops of all arms, cavalry, infantry, aod when military engines
came into use, of artillery. The number of soldiers, although
fixed within certain limits, varied considerably at different
times. The history of the legion may be considered under three
periods, viz. :

L The first period embraced the time when military service
due to the state was based either upon birth or wealth. This
period falls into three subdivisions : (1) the time before Servius
Tullius ; (2) the time from Servius TuUius to OamiUus ; (3) the
time from Gamillus to the end of the Social War.

IL During the second period the legion was recruited with
mercenaries, and

m. During the third warfare became a regular profession,
and a standing army was established.

3. The First Period. — It will be remembered that the
legendary narrative of Livy attributes the formation of the legion
to Romulus,^ and that each of the three tribes furnished 1000
foot-soldiers and 100 cavalry. The 3000 foot-soldiers and the

^ l^giD, ' See pp. 90 and 29.

366 THE MILITABY OBGAKIZATIOK.

300 cavalrj^ under the command of military tribones^ formed
the legion.

4. The Anny as Oiganiaed by Servins Tnllios. — The

legion as organized by BomuloB remained unchanged until
the time of Servius Tullius,^ who reformed the military organ-
ization on the principle that military service should dsTolve
upon the freeholders or the wealthy^ whether they were patri-
cians or plebeians. It will be recollected that the Roman
territory was dinded into four tribes, and the whole population
subject to military service into five classes. The first class was
divided into infantry and cavalry^ and all five classes into
seniores and pmiores. The younger men were employed for
service in the field ; the elders were retained at home to pro-
tect the city. The 85 centuries of seniores were strong
enough to furnish 100 men each or 8500 men^ and the 85
centuries of jumores, 200 men each or 17,000, equal in all to
25,500 men. In case of a war the levy was always made by
tribes. Of the 1800 cavalry it was only necessary to determine
how many were to remain at home to protect the city, and how
many were to serve in the field. From the 86 centuries
of juniores, as they contained more men than were necessary
for a regular army of two legions of 4250 men each, it was
necessary to make a selection.' For the two legions of 8500
men, each tribe furnished 2150, or 25 men for each century.'

5. The Arms of the Soldiers and their Order in the
Phalanx. — Only the men of the first class wore complete
armor — ^the breastplate, helmet, shield, and greaves, with spear,
lance, and sword.* The fifth class did not serve in the phalanx
but fought outside with darts and slings. The order of battle
was the old Doric phalanx,'^ to form which 3500 men were
taken from the legion.^ If the phalanx was seven men deep,
this gave a front of 500 men. If, however, as was most prob-

*8eeiMige23. *DdMtu9,

* On the Buppoeition that S. Tallins organized only foar clasaeBf as wan jprobablj the

le, then each of the 70 centnriee of Juimret farnished 120 men each, or 8ID0 in all.

t Car ..^oa OA

* Seepa^SS.

* The phalanx, as changed by Philip, became kno^vn first to the Bomans In the war
with Pyrrhus.

* That in, from the 70 centnries of Junioree-TQOO or 3600 for each lesion : tlie fifth
class famished 1500 men. »

TRB XILITABT OBGAXIZATIOK. 867

ably ihe esse, S. Tollius organized only four classes, and three
of these formed the phalanx, then the phalanx was six men
deep with a front of 600J The first class furnished 2400 men
for each legion and formed the first four lines ; the second
class, 600 men, formed the fifth line, and the third class,
also 600 men, the sixth line. The soldiers of the first
class were called principes; the first, second, and third
classes in opposition to the fourth class, which fought outside
of the phalanx, were called kasiati, because they were armed
with the hasia ; or they were called triarih because they were
composed of men from three classes. The soldiers were armed
at their own expense and received no pay. They served usually
for one campaign of a few weeks or months, and returned to
their usual avocations as soon as the campaign was ended.

6. The Rise of the Equestrian Order.— In the war with
Ve ji, it became necessary for the Boman army to remain in the
field summer and winter, year after year, until the city was
taken. To secure this it was necessary that the soldiers should
receive regular pay. The long and continued wars with
Pyrrhus and with Carthage compelled the continuance of this
system, and henceforth the army drew regular pay from the
city treasury. With the introduction of pay for the soldiers was
connected another important innovation in the military organi-
zation. Service in the infantry, in consequence of the regular
pay, became less burdensome, and there was no difficulty
in obtaining a' sufficient number of soldiers. The richer citi-
zens, no longer in request for the infantry, offered themselves
more and more for the cavalry service. They provided their
own horses, and tlie state gladly accepted their services. These
volunteers laid the foundation for what was afterwards known
as the equestrian order.

7. The Organiaeation of the Army at abont B. C. 340.
— About the same time other changes were begun that led to
a complete transformation of the army. The manipular legion
took the place of the old Doric phalanx. The wars with the

1 That le, 00 centniiee of Juniores of 190 men each, or TUO in all =80 numiplea of ISO
men for each legion.

S68 THE MILITABY OBGAKIZATIOK.

Gauls cansed material changes in the maimer of equipping the
soldiers, while the long wars in the Samnite mountains showed
the necessity of still further changes. The soldiers were no
longer ranked in the lines according to the Servian classeSy bat
each assumed the place to which tiie time he had been in the
service and his experience entitled him. The recruit now
entered first among the skirmishers, who fought ivith stones
and slings outside of the line, and worked his way up to the first,
then to the second, until finally he was admitted into the corpe
of the triarii. Many essential details in regard to the organi-
zation of the Boman legion until about the time of the second
war with Carthage, are matters of conjecture. It was probably
drawn up in three lines, viz. : hastatiy principessjid triarii ; the
last line being triple, consisting of the triarii proper, the
rorarii and the accensi. In the first line the youngest troope
were stationed ; in the second, those in the full vigor of man-
hood ; in the third, the veterans ; behind these were the rorarii
and accendy the less experienced soldiers and supernumeraries.
The three lines were thus composed : '

15 maniples or 30 centuries of hastati at 60 men each 1800

15 maniples " '' '' prineipes '' " « ...•1800

The triarii 600

The rorarii and accensi. 1000

Total 5200

8. The Organisation of the Army in the Time of
Polybins. — Polybius,* who lived for many years at Bome and
had excellent opportunities for obtaining information, has
left a clear account of the legion as it was organized in his
time. It then consisted of thirty maniples or companies

* This it MarqnardtV (BOm. Staatsyer., p. 868) conjecture. According to Urj (viiL, 8)
there were:

to msaiplkea of hastati and prindpu ISM

15 *' '' triarU,rwarUB;MLaeoenH,with4/ivexmarU

Total «96

* See p. 166, n. 1.

THB MlLTTABY OKOAKIZATIOK. 369

arranged in three lines, hastaiiy^ principes, and iriarii, like
the black squares on a chess-board ; the roraii and accensi
hare disapp^Eured and their places have been taken by 1200
velUeSy^ enlisted from the lowest of the Servian classes as light
troops or skirmishers. In the two first lines there were in each
maniple 120 men subdivided into two centuries of sixty men
apiece ; in each maniple of the third line, there were sixty
men also subdivided into two centuries of thirty men each.
Besides these 3000 heavy armed soldiers, there were the 1200
supernumeraries/ the three hundred cavalry and the quota
from the allies,^ who furnished an equal number of infantry,
and, in the time of Polybius, three times the number of
cavalry.**

9. The Tactic Order.— The tactic order of the maniple,
as can be seen from the annexed figure, shows that the gen-

eral could advance the principes into the intervals of the
hast all or withdraw the hastati mto the intervals of the
principes. The triarii or veterans were the reserve corps and
were brought into action only when the other lines were

* The haataH are no longer aimed with the hasta, bnt with the pUnxn : the principes
are the second line instead of the first aa originally, and the triairHt also called pUonl, ai«
armed not with the pUum hot with the haatu

* Thi0 \b the estimated number.

* The following table will make it dear :

Bastati 10 moAtouli each 190 men = tO oentarls each 60 men = ISOO.
Primeipm 10 mmmH each 190 men = 90 centoriie each 00 men = 1900.
TViom 10 manmU each 00 men = 90 centoris each 80 men = 000.
VMtea = 1900 ; 90 TeUtee aesiffned to each oentnria.
EguUes = 800, divided Into 10 turmoi each 80 men ; each htrma had 8

€he%trkme8, one of wliich c(»nmanded the whole turma, 8 opUoMB and

one vexUhim.

* These most be dJetingniehed fh>m the anxlUarles who enlisted in the country where
the war happened to be carried on, as occasion required. When the Italian sodi
received tlie franchise, the army was composed of only two classes, Romans and
aaxiliaries.

* One-third of the cavalry and one>flf th of the inflmt^ were selected as an dUe corps
called exiraordinarU ; the others were called ordinarii. To a consular army of two
legione or 8400 men, there were ai>pifned 10.000 m«H, (i.«., 8400 ordinarU and 1000
extraordinarU.) The ordinarU, subdinded into cohorts, were stationed one-half or ten
cohorts of 490 men each, on each wing (alay, there were four cohorts of 400 men each of
exlraor dln ar U : each cobon was commanded by a pnitfeetua cohoflU, and each ala
\>y pratf€eti weUjrfon.

370 THE KII.ITABY OBOAKIZATIOK.

broken. The light troops (velites) were armed with the
javelin; they began the battle in front of the line, bat
retired as soon as they had discharged their weapons.

10. The Offensive and Defensive Weapons. — The
hastati, prindpes and triarii wore a full suit of defensire
armor ^ consisting of a bronze helmet,' surmounted by a
crest composed of three scarlet or black feathers about one
foot and a half high^ a shield,* greaves^ and breastplate.*
The offensive weapons were a sword, javelins, and since the
second Punic war, the short Spanish sword. In the time of
Polybius the hastcUi and principea were armed with the pilum
and the triarii with the Ao^/a, but at a later time all three
lines were armed with the pilum.^ The light troops had no
breastplate, but were furnished with a strong, circular shield,^
a headpiece of leather, light javelins* and the Spanish
sword.* Each legion had six superior officers called military
tribunes,^ two of whom commanded for two months alter-
nating from day to day. For the command of the aUies
the consul nominated twelve officers called prmfedi soci-
orum.

11. The Second Period. — ^Hitherto the military system
had rested on the principle that military service was due from
those citizens that possessed property. The increase of the city
rabble, which naturally looked to the military service as a
means of bettering their condition, the increasing disinclination
of the citizens to enter the army, and the consequent enlist-
ments from the subjects, led first to a reduction of the census

* Tca^onkia. • Galea. * Scutum, * Oerea.

* Lorlea ; the ftret class wore sometimes the foriea hamata.

* This was a wooden shaft either square or round, four and one-half feet long, wiLh an
Iron head of about the same length.

' Parma. * HobUb telUaret.

* In the second Panic war the Bnmans began to make use of MqUttarii uad JStndUontr
to oppose the Balearic archers and slinsere employed by Hannibal. Theee consisted
of foreisnn mercenaries, Numidians, Manntanians. Cretans, etc., or of allies.

*<* TribuM mUUum. At first the consnl nominated for the four legions, which
it was customary to raise the twenty-four military tribunes ; bnt since b. c. 908, six ;
since B. c. 811. sixteen ; and since b. o. 267, all the twenty-four tribunes were elected
by the people in the wmiHa trUnUa. While the people continued to eject the tribune^
for the first four legions, the cononl, as the army becane larver, nominated the othem ;
hence the distinction tribuni mHUum a populo and tfibuni miUtum A^Vfi OLi^y, Tii., SU
BO called in honor of Rutilius Rnfns.

THB HILITABT ORG A KIZ AT ION. 371

qnalificatioD from IIOOO aeaes to 4000,' and finally under Marins
this was abolished altogether, and the legion was recruited from
all classes of Boman citizens, without distinction of property.
When the Italians were admitted to full citizenship, enlist-
ments were carried on for the army throughout It^y as in

Rome. From this time the army consisted of two classes, the
legionaries and the auxiliaries * of the provincials, and of the
allied kings and peoples.

12. The Legion in the Time of Matins. — Formerly every
citizen whose fortune exceeded 4000 asses was subject to military
service, and could he called upon to serve twenty campaigns in
the infantry, or ten in the cavalry. From the time of Marius,
the soldier, after his enlistment, remained constantly with the

■ Atler aiecaplUcmrlvliniaAm^tind to mlJIUrr wrvlce, other clunnf occarred In
tba SocLtJ war freedmen waie enllBtel vhn bail fnrmerlv frr\et\ In iha noet onlv ; In ibe
eirtl w»ri legloniwertrnlisled in thn proTlncei. fc^ftMiM irmorKte, «nd Bn^jglsdlm-
lora BDd itovis vtn »qiilpp«d u Kildlcn. irtaich onlT once b«tora aid been done, and
thUanerlbebMLleof fianne. ' AuxiOa.

372 THE MILTTABT OBQAKIZATION.

army for twenty years, nnleefis exoeptioiially discharged. The
four old divisions, hastaiiy principeSf iriarii, and velites were
given up, and every one admitted to the legion was assign^ a
place at the discretion of the officer. The legion conc&sted of
ten cohorts of 600 men each, drawn up sometimes in one line,^
usually^ however, in' three. The whole legion was equipped
alike. There was only one standard, those of the old legion
being superseded by the silver eagle, carried by the first
century of the first cohort The place of the velites was
supplied by foreign mercenaries — as the stingers' from the
Bidearic idands, the bowmen' from Crete, and the javelin
men ^ from Mauritania — and other light armed auxiliaries. The
general had a body-guard— the prsBtorian cohort of about 500
volunteers — which received higher pay and were exempt from
encamping and intrenching service. The cavalry was recruited
almost entirely from the provincials, from the Gauls, Spaniards!,
Tbracians, Numidians and also German mercenaries. It was
divided into turmm and decurim, and was commanded by
prcBfecti alarum; the few Boman equites present with the
legion acted as aides-de-camp to the general, or in some other
post of special honor. In addition to these must be reckoned
the auxiliary troops, which also consisted of infantry and cavalry.
The number was not fixed, but varied as occasion required.
They were divided into cohorts, but in regard to the manner
in which they were commanded and organized, the original
authorities have not left sufficient information.

13. The Legion in the Tuna of Caesar.— Nothing was
done by Csdsar in regard to the army further than improving
its discipline, appointing adjutants and enacting that three
years' service in tiie cavalry and six in the infantry were neces-
sary in order to bold a municipal office before the age of thirty.
There are no means of determining the normal number in a
legion in the time of GaBsar. It is estimated at about 5000.'

* This was the OBiial order of battle with the Ofmbri ; the arraniTement of the annj
in one (acies simplex), two {adeg duplex)^ or three lines {odes tripUx) as oecacion
required, was cartomary.

" Funditoret. " Sagittarii. * Jacvlaforen,

' OAlcr (Er. fl dan rGm. Krieg$>we«en, p. 48>, and Laage, p. 16, estimate It at 5100,
via. : 10 cohorts of 480 men each and 800 antisignaMy

THE MILITANT OEGANIZATION.

373

The actual number in field service waa usually very much less.
According to Rustow,* the legion was divided into ten cohorts
of 300 to 360 men each ; each cohort into three maniples of
100 to 120 men each ; each maniple into two centuries of 60 or
60 men each = 3000 or 3600 men in a legion. The officers
were mUitary tribunes and centurions as formerly.

14. Order of Battle.— When in order of battle, the three
maniples in a cohort formed a line in the following order from
right to left, pilaniy principes, hastati; the centuries in a
maniple were arranged behind each other, 12 men in the
front line and 10 deep, viz. :

B
Pr
PI

%
6

BBBB EBBBBfl BB d^
BBBBBBBBBBBB
BClBB BB BBBBBB
BB BB B BBBBBBB
BBBBBBBBBBBB
BBBBBBBBBBBB ^
BBBBB BBBBBBB
BBBB B EBBBB BB
BBBBB EBBBB BB
B fl B B E B B B B B B B

March to right/lgnk

\3»tL

The order of the cohorts in the legion* was as in the fol-
lowing figure.* This was the usual order of battle.* If there
were six l^ons, 24 cohorts formed the first line, 18 the

* Heerawesen a. Krelgs f. p. 8 if.

* OffiBDsiTe.

• In front the l60on extended 840 feet, In depth aboat 800 feet. The interval
between the two lines wee 960 feet ; between the cohorts in the front line about lao feet
Seep. 874.

• Adea ^r^tei?; CKJler (Die Kimpfe bel Dyrrachhim n. PharMUas, p. 138 ft) thinks that
Cttsar arrayed his army In line of batUe either In three corps or dlvigionH (acieB
A;fofe2;) beside each other, or in two corps {acU9 duplex), or in one laeUtHnmUx), but the
diTlsions or corps were always beside each other in one line.

374

THE ICILITABY ORGANlZATIOlir.

prima acies

^ \^ I^
Secanda acIes

1^ \^ ^

tertla adea

H3^

second, and 18 the third, the latter being regarded as the

reserve.^ The cavabry, divided
into turmcR and commanded by
a decurio, was generally stationed
on both wings ; sometimes, as at
Pharsalus, wholly on one; and
occaeionaUy, as at Bibracte, be-
hind the legion. The defensive
order of the legion when not in

one line, was as in the following figure.^

15. The Pay of the Amy.— We have
already mentioned that the infantry received
regular pay from the state after the begin-
ning of the siege of Veji in b. c. 406.* The
cost of the clothes, weapons, and rations
furnished by the state was deducted from
the pay. In the time of Polybius the pay of a legionary
was ^ of a denarius or 3^ asses, or about seven cents per
day ; that of a centurion twice as much, and that of an eques^
one denarius or about 20 cents.^ Cassar^ fixed the annual pay
at 225 denarii equal to about 137 for each soldier, payable in
three installments of 75 denarii each.* The pay remained as
fixed by C»sar until the time of Domitian.^

16. The Equipments. — The equipment of the Roman
soldier was very burdensome. Although wagons were pro-
vided for the baggage, tents, instruments for grinding com,
etc., still each soldier had to carry in addition to his shield,
helmet and breastplate, a pilum, a sword, com for seventeen

* Sometimes the legion was formed In one line (aHu Hmplex), someCiiiies two (oelei
duplex)^ and occasionally four (a(Ae$ qucuirupUx).

* Orbi*. TfiiH \A BOBtow'fi explanation. BAsli and Marqaardt think the men that
were in the orbid did not form a hollow sqnare, bat siood in a dense mass ; the orbis
in the line of battle was the t^ame an the aamen quadratum on the line of mareh.

' Previons lo this time the egttiteg had received a sum (aes emtutre) to parchaae and
keep {.aes hordearium) their horsen ; but the support of the infantry was Doroehr the
tribe:). Wtiat the pay was at this time 1^ a matter of conjecture. Mommeen (BOm.
Tribus, p. 48) sets it at 900 asse^ or pounds of copper yearly = iSOO sextans for ten montbi* .

* For 800 days this amounts to 120 denarii, or to 1900 asses for the soldier. MOO for
the centurion, and 9600 for the eqwt. It is not known when this law came into opera-
tion ; in B G. 817 the m was reduced to a ancia, making 16 asses to a dmoriv*^ inatOHi
of 10 a«t formerly : reckoned in uncial asses, the pay was 1S0O asses, or 5^ daily.

* 8u:>t. Caes., 36.

" A day laborer earned in Rome at this time | of a dmarkua per day, and if we
reckon 300 working days, he earned about the same as a soldier. ' See p. 467, n. 3.

days, sometimes for a month, one or more stakes for forming
the palisade of the camp, and intrenching tools. ^

17. The System of Encampment. — About the time
that the manipular legion took the place of the phalanx^ a
regular system of intrenching the camp was developed. The
place where the army encamped, even for a single night, was
selected with care ; it must be easily defensible and accessible
to wood and water, and provided with a regular system of
fortifications. The system of encampment varied consider-
ably at different times, and as its most essential features
are important for all who wish to understand the most
common descriptions of the movements of the army, we shall
consider it under three periods, viz.: I. In the days of the
republic. IT. In the time of Cesar. III. Under the empire.

18. First Period. — Polybius has given a description of
the Boman camp in the time of the republic, for a consular
army of two legions and the contingent from the allies,
amounting to about 18000 infantry and 2400 cavalry.' The
situation for encamping was generally selected by a tribune ^ and
with several centurions detailed for the purpose. The front
side ^ of the camp was turned, according to Polybius, in that
direction where wood and water could be most easily obtained.
After a general survey of the ground, a spot was selected which
would afford a good view of the whole camp ; this was called
the praetorium, or tent of the consuL'^ It was in the form of a
square, each side of which was 50 Roman feet. The whole
camp was laid out in a square of 2150 * Roman feet. For forti-
fications, a ditch was dug inside and a mound raised, and other
defences were constructed that are not fully described by Poly-

* Some of the M>1dien, if not all, ctrried intrenching tooIs-Hmwa and baskets, etc.,
fjiomphus iil., 5, 1 6) ; the whole amoanted, according to Yegetias (i., 19), to OQ Boman
pounds = aboat 49 ponnds ayoirdnpoie.

* If we eatinate the legion at 4900.

" It was not ontil a later time that the place was selected by eattrorum metatores.

* According to Hyglnns, who left a deiKsription of the camp in the time of Trajan, the
front side was tnmea towards the enemy. Differences of opinion prevail in regard to
the side on which the porta prcUoria was, bnt Nissen seems to have sati^faccoiily proved
that the front side contained the porta prcBtoria. Marqaardt (Rom. Staats., p. 401) has
•eeepted this view ; on the opposite side was tho porta deeumana.

* So called from pretor, tlie original dp^ignation of the chief commander.

* This is the distance as estimated by Nissen, and it has been accepted by Marquardt
0. c. p. 409); formerly the distance was estimated at 9017 Boman feet.

376

tHS XILITABlr OBSANUATIOlt.

bina. Pttntllel with the front side of the pnetorium and extend-
ing 50 feet from it, were the tents of the tribunes. In front of
these, running from side to side, was one of the two chief roods,
the via principalis or principia, 100 feet wide, which divided

Tub CiMP AS descbibeii bt Poltbius

rH- I

.'■J.J

IM-

5 "J

1 IH«.. 1 1 T,ta.L 1

X ^'

,.,.. J.^_,„

!;;::::

•1

.J-.

l«

»-

ontl-

„h

»—

«-

umoFdl

nuU

AiHlU.

the camp into two nearly equal parts.' In the front htilf were
the two legions and the contingent from the allies. It will bo
noticed from the annexed plan that there were four gat«s
defended by barriers and towers, two principal streets, and
that a clear space* between the ramparts and the t«Dts of 200

IS two pilnelpal jiorC*.

ijtk* poMonad VfM

TES MILITABT OMiTOlZATmir.

8Tr

m
m

s|*fl *

..!..

feet iras left to facititat« the msrching in and ont of the sol-
diers. The space that the legions and contingeiits of tiie alliei
occupied, the position of the other streets, and all the most
important details pertaining to the camp, can be nnderstood at
a glance from the plan.'

19. Tlw OoBrd OAiJirti°o*MP

of the Camp. —The port»jn.tori.

velites bivouacked ^~

outside of the camp
and kept goard by
ni^t and day along
the ramparts and be-
fore the gates. Be-
sides these, guards ^
were selected from ~
the hastati and
principea, for day*
and night* eervice.
Four maniples took
chaise of the vide
street, via princi'
palis, while the re-
maiuiDg thirty-six
maniples were as-
signed to the twelve
tribnnes to pitch
and remove their
tents, and to keep ■ ^ .^ ■ — '—'^'

watch before the """" ""*"*

same. The wi^hword, inscribed on small tablets'of wood, was
given by tbe general. The signal for breaking up the camp,
striking the tents and packing tbe baggage, was given by the
primi pili by means of a trumpet.*

> On the trcmt side of the;
OD tlie left ilda ttie eoiMma vt

878 THB laUXABY OBOAKirATIOK.

20. The Camp in the Time of Caoear.^— Very essential
alterations took place in the camp after the Social war when
fall citiaenship was conferred upon the Italian allies. Al-
though sufficient material from any of the old anthorifieB is
not at hand for a full description of the camp at this time, yet
Rustow's investigations have satisfactorily determined its mam
features. The form of the camp ^ was oblong, the corners being
rounded off, the length being to the width as 3 to 2. The space
between the ramparts and the tents was only 120 feet The
camp was divided into three equal parts by the two main
streets, via principalis and via quiniana. In the first part'
was encamped next to the ramparts about one-fourth or one-
fifth of all the cohorts. Between these on either side of the
via prtBtoria were the spaces for the leffaii and the tribunes, one
fourth of the cavalry and one-half of the artillery. In the
central part^ were encamped one-fifth of all the cohorts, all the
staff officers except the legati and tribunes, the prsetorian
cohorts and one-half of the cavalry. Here were also the altar ^
for worship and the tribunal. In the back part,' on either side
of the qumstorium, were the rest of the cohorts, about half of
the whole number, and also the foreign ambassadors, prisoners
and hostages. The situation of the legions and of the different
cohorts and all the most important details can be understood
at once from the plan given on the preceding page.''

21. The Tents of the Cohort— In the camp each
cohort had a space of 120 feet front by 180 deep. One-sixth
of this (30 feet deep and 120 front) was for each century,®
From the front, twelve feet were taken for the street, leaving
eighty feet for the eight tents (six for the soldiers, one for the
centurions, and one for the servants), and twenty-eight feet
for the seven intervals between the tents. Of the thirty feet
in depth for each century, six feet were used for the street,

* See phui, p. 878. ' Ckirtra futkva.

* PraUntura. * Laitra praiorU. * Am. 'BHaUura,

* Hie sides of the camp Twied according to the number of ocAorts j^ the length of

the front side can he obtained ftom the following formnla : f = 200 ^aia being the
number of cohorts ; the length = it.

' There were six centuries in each cohort, divided into three manipnll, viz. : pUanL
prindpu and haatati.

THE HILITA.BT OBOAKIZATIOIT.

379

iinni:5''bnn

DaaDDDDa

Dnnnnnnn

DDDnDaaa

Pr.l.

DnnnnDD

ten for the tents^ fiye for the arms, and nine for the animals.
This will be understood from the following plan:

22. The Camp in the Time
of the Empire. — Under the
empire the army became a per-
manent organization and the
number of legions was largely
increased. Under Aagustas
there were twenty-five,* under
Septimius Severus thirty-three,
and after the admission of the
barbarians into the army^ the
number increased enormously,
while the strength of each legion
decreased.' The chief authori-
ties for this period are Hyginus
and Vegetinus, the former of
whom describes the system of encampment, and the latter, the
organization of the army. Josephus, the Jewish historian,
carefully observed the Roman encampments, and gives many
details that form a useful supplement to Hyginus.'

23. Military Engines. — It only remains to add a few
words in regard to the military engines^ used by the Romans.
The Romans made but little advancement in this method of
warfare until their acquaintance with the Oreeks. In besieg-
ing a town,'' the chief difficulties to contend with were the
trenches and walk* The trenches had to be filled up before

nnnnnnnc

H.I.

1 The flret Infornuition we have In resard to the army of Aognstiu is from Tacitus
(Aim. iv., 6), in the year a.d. 33, when there were twenty-five (see p. 429) ; Mommsen
(Bet gesia DM AugwH. p. 49) thinks that Aagastos retained after the peace only
eighteen legions ; see p. 4m.

* In the fifth centary there were 175 legions ; each l^on was decreased on account
of sickness, desertion and dismissals. Zosimus (v. 45) mentions five legions that nnm-
bered only 6,000 men in all.

* The organization of the army under Diocletian and Constantine was too complex
to be entered into here ; for a description of the Boman camp as given by Hyginus, the
pupil is referred to the classical dictionary. The teacher will fina the most reliable in-
formation in regard to the army and camp in Marquardt's Staatverwaltnng, p. 4tt H,

* Tormenta, * ObddU>.

* If the town was small and accessible on all sides and the besieging army large, the
town was assaulted {urban oppugnare), A ring of soldiers was drawn around the walls
(cppidmn corona dngere)., a part of whom discharged their missiles upon those manniojg
the walls, while the others advanced, protected by their shields Joined above their heads
so af« to form a covering like the shell of the tortoise (teHu4io\ to plant scaling ladder*
{tcala) and to burst in the j^ates,

880 THE UIUTABT OBOAinZATIOir.

the walls oonld be attacked. This was done vith fascines and
earth. Then the wooden besieging towers and battering
rams were pushed forward. On the different stories of tliese
towers, which were higher than the walls, were placed aoldien
armed with missiles to clear the walls or to cross to tbem hj
means of the drawbridges. The long beams of the battering

runs* with iron heads, suspended nnder ir roof* were ttien
swung backwards and forwards to make a breach in the walla.
These engines were supported by the artillery, the catapultsand
iaUista, the former of which projected darts, and the latter
hurled stones or balls against the besieged.

THE mUTAET OEOANIZATION.

24. Manner of Besieging a City. — Id besieging a city
the batteriag ram was generally bronght up to destroy the
lower part of the wall, the balUaia t« overcrow the battle-

THX lOLTLkKY ORGAiaZATIOK. 883

ments,^ and the catapults to shoot the besieged. In order to
protect the soldiers who were engaged in filling up the ditch or
working the engines of war^^ from the missiles of the besieged^
a large nnmber of wooden sheds' with strong roofs covered
with hides or other incombustible material and open at both
ends, but protected at the sides and placed on rollers, were
pushed forward. In order to annoy the defenders a mound
of earth ^ was thrown up^ and as it advanced to the points
selected for attack it was raised in elevation to equal that of
the wall& On this mound the towers*^ were constructed^ from
the suocessive stories of which the archers hurled their weapons
on the besieged. Sometimes mines, supported by beams, were
dug under the fortifications.

24. Manner of Defence.— In defence the besieged dug
counter mines, burned the beams that the walls might give way,
hurled from the walls of the town darts, stones and fire, threw
the besieging ladders back with forks,* or seized those on them
by means of tongs,' and drew them within the walls with
cranes.' To divert the action of the battering-ram, large stones
were lowered by ropes, pinchers were used to catch hold of it,
or sand-bags were let down to neutralize its force.'

^ Prapvgnacula.

■ SocD as the artillery alreodr mentioned, Bud/akes mutvle$y for looeening the ptones
hi the wall; tere^roittor boripe into the wall ; dolalfnB (known to anilqnarlans nnderthe
name of ' celta ' ttom the old Catin woid eelUs^ a chisel) ; axes for remoTing stones in the
wallB.

• Called, according to their form, vinas^ testufiines as all these sheds with roofe were
called, or in special cases teatudo arielaria^ plulH (sheds), mweuUt wooden sheds coTered
with roofs, which were poshed against the wall to protect the sappers who are emplojed
in undermining the wall.

• Afffff. • Turm, • FurecB. ^Fovfat ham,

• For the manner of besieging a dty in the time of Cssar, see Gallic war, vii., 60.

• A catapalt weighed from 8(i to 000 pounds, and cost 480 drachma, about |100. The
ballista weighed between 60 and 900 cwt. and cost sometimes as mnch as SOOO drachms
= $400. Three sizes of the ballista are mentioned by hlBtorians. viz., those that threw
stones weighing from 8 to 00 pounds (Yitr. x., 11), from SO to 100. and from 100 to even
aOO pounds (Dtod. zx., 48). The range of a ballista was ftom 87S to 1000 paces. The
besieging tower or walking tower {turrU amdnlaioria) was often of immense size, the
smallest having, according to Diades, a heiffhi of 00 feet by a base of 95| square, and
oontaining 10 stories connected to one another by steps. The highest story or upper
platform, covered with a roof, was the place for the light artillery, while the water
and \'ariona contrivances for extlngaishing flames were Kept in the Iwttom story. A
drawbridge {wms) was constructed from the tower to the walls of the city. The
Romans irst learnt the use of the ballistc at the siege of Syracuse, when Archimedes,
by means of these machines, hurled stones weighing 1900 pounds upon the vessels
of the Bomans lyinff in the harbor. Not many of thero engines were used by the
Romans until the tune of the empire. When a standing army was estabUuied,
a eeriaJn amount of artillery was attached to each legion (Tac. Hist. lU., 9S, 90>.

XHB MAKKEBS AITD CUSTOM& 885

Maijotebs akd Customs; Education; PiayATB and
(kJLAjJi^ y^OOoMESTic Life.

1. The Streets; Pablic Bnildings; the Fonun.— As

the Romans advanced in refinement, culture and wealth, they
gradually relaxed their old austerity and simplicity. After
Borne had outgrown the other Latin towns and become the
capital of Italy^ the narrow and irregular streets,^ often
overhung and darkened by wooden dwelling-houses, to which
story after story had been added, as the population of
the city increased, seemed mean and insufficient. Gradually,
however, the SBdiles paved the streets, and after the Gallic con-
flagration, public buildings of considerable splendor were
constructed. Still, Borne remained even to the end of the
republic, a net-work of crooked, narrow lanes, along which
shops and houses of poor and mean appearance were oon«
structed. There were not more than two streets in Borne suit-
able for heavy carriages to pass in, and in the others the litters
of the wealthy struggled to force their way through the dense
crowd. The butchers' shops in the forum gave place to the
beautiful porticoes, where silversmiths and bankers carried on
theii business. Various works of art^ were also erected in the
forum, most of them being the spoils from Etruria ' and the
Greek cities in Southern Italy or in the provinces. Here also

* It WIS cm aoooiint of the narrowness of the streets and not, as the Ronum poets tell
US, to restrain Inznij, that no one except the vestal virgins and the Roman matrons waa
aUowed to drive in a carriage in the city.

* As the statue of Attiis Navias, that of Horatius, of Codes, of Clcelia, of BmtwK
ahronze figure of the suckling she-wolf (still preserved in the Capitoline museum); it is
In Etropcan style andpossibly the same which the «diles Onmis and QolntiuB Ogulnius
erpcted In B. o. SM. Here were also the F%em MuminaUs, the saored flg tree, a statue off
Xarsvas, and the ancient statues of the Sibyls.

■ When Tolsinii was captured, 9000 statues were taken to Rome.— /Vfi. NgL J9M.
zzxiv., 7, 16.

386

A PLA.K OV THE fO&UM.

were the temple of Vesta, and the regia or official dwelling-
house of the chief pontiff. Besides these buildings there was
the senate-house, on either side of which two magnificent
bafiilicse' were constructed. On the south side was the famous

* The Voleanal wm a ppfloe dedicated to Ynleanns ; tbe graoot/ttulk^ was a raised plat-
form on which foreign ambaeradors stood while waiting to be admitted to tbe senate.
The fomm on both sides was lined with shops (tafrermv). The row on tbe eonth side
was erected first and was therefore called wUrta taberfUB ; those on the north side, nont
tabernoi. The Fornix FaXAamit wax an arch erected to (^ FWblas Xaxlmns. Tbe rostra
was the elevated platform from which people were addressed (so-ealled because it wv
adorned with the oeaks of the ships taken from the Antlates (b. o. 838). On the slope of
the Capitoline hill towards the roram was said to be the spot where Bomalas formed
bla ag^/lum. The coiumna Mania was said to be so called becaose Manias, when be sold
his property for the basUUxi PntAa (this, erected in b. o. 184, was the first ba^lica).
reserved one cohimn from which he and his descendants contd Kce the gladiatorial
games. At a later time the oonrts (jtriumHri ooni/atai) were held here. Hear tbe prison
were the $ealm &«monia on which the bodies of criminals who had been pnt to death
were exposed ; for a notice of the other baildinsrs and localties, see n. 41&

* These were covered porticoes In which persons met to timnnet imslne^s ; In these
the courts of law sat ; many of them were conyerted into chnches in tbe time of Ooo-
■tsntine (see p. 601, n. 6).

tflmple of Castor and Pollux, white ander the Capitoline hill
were the temples of Saturn and Concord,' and the taimlarium
or record office, where the state papers were kept. Towering
above all and overiooking the forum was the temple of Jupiter
on the Capitoline hill, with its summit decorated with the foui-
horse chariot brought (torn Etmria.

2. Roman Honses. — For many centuries the houses of the
Romaos were poor, oua story high, and without chimneys, the

smoke escaping through the doors, windows* or the opening* in
the atrium,* which was covered with straw, shingles, or unbaked
clay. The iuterior of the house cousisted of the atrium only,
in which was the household altar, the marriage-bed, the table
for meals and the hearth. Here, in the olden time, stood the
images of the lucestors, though this onstom lost its si^ifi-
cance and became obsolete, when many whose aEcestorfi had
held no cumle office, became wealthy, assumed high-sounding
names, and lived in magnificent edifices. As wealth began to

n men np«nlDgii thnuEh ths wtllx i

BOIUN HOUSES.

flow into Rome from the provinoea, boaAeE> of great splendor
were erected, and floaliy, when the Romane b^;uk to tie witi

each other in displaying the spoils that their npacit^ had
wmng from the prorincials, marble palaces arose, adomeil

' The Roman of wealth occajiled tba whn1« of bin boon ; otbeni notrd. kccmdlDE In
Ihslr m«wis.diheT> wholahauBaoraflmtof some large imiuta. tbe name bj which all
ttred honseB wenl. The poom eUsaea Cook a natU rent In a n appcr 'tarj. fiolli paid
tor Ibe groand floor of a bouse In Ibe capital a rent of 900O sestacn a tbbt. and tbe
tenant of the Dpper ntnnr, 1000. Wf learn [mm Clcra (p, Cel.. e. T). tbat IodEiii|>
imited as high BK KoOO •cstfins (11800). CaUns paid only KMXO. Tba Draal tte«^
moving was thu Kalend- of lalj.

' Or jmf/iymm. according to the description of VltmTlna, t1,, H, tba Tfstlbnle Is u
open place b»fnT« the bnii«e ; bni In thi> eieavatloo" at Pompejl. In no Inslanee bu a
honse been fmnd «Uh a Trstlbnlnm heFnre II. Bt-ynnd tba vestlbninm la tba atrhaa,
tba root of wbJeh Is sapportsd by beams croeslng raeh other M Ilj;bt »of^ (I. «., Inks-

FCBHITURB. 388

with marble columiu ' aad decorated in the most ooatlj manner.
The pavementB were often inlaid with mosaice, and at the
eDtranoe of the house was carved the word salve, " welcome,"
though sometimes the lees friendly greeting cave canew, "be-
ware of the dog," is found. Separate roomB were afterwards
set apart for cooking, for banquets, for the domestics, and also
for a private chapel for the worship of the gods, while the t/M'um
in the houses of the great was nsed solely for the reception of

clients and friends who came to pay tlieir respects or to seek
help or legal advice, or to learn their putrou's plans for the day.
3. F utilltur e. — The rooms in the houses of the wealthy
were often furnished with great splendor and magnificence.
Expensive cedar-tables, veneered with ivory ; dinner couches of
bronze, richly adorned with silver and gold, and often inlaid
with tortoise-shell ; seats of cedar-wood and ivory ; the magnifi-
cent candelabra, the elegant lampadaria, and lamps of various
patterns ; vases, costly mirrors, urns, incense-burners, and costly

■twit). T*» root le mpporteil bv fonr plll«r», one it r«h comer of ihe Imp'tirlwm.

The roof slepn h ' 1-— >._^_ , .., i ^.u.

bnplUBtiirr •- ■*■-

890 FLAK OF A. HOUSE.

goblete, maxij colored carpets from Babylon and Alexuidha,
beantiful chairs,' and hundreds of other objects, filled the mag-
nificent palaces and villas of persons of wealth and distinccion.
The walls were usually brightly colored and adorned with free-
coes — paintings from the stories of Grecian mythology, scenes
from daily life, landscapes — some of which have been preserved
almost in their original freshness. In the houses of persons of
rank, tbe vestibule waa ornamented with masterpieces of Gre-
cian scalpture, the walls overlaid with costly foreign marble, and
the doora and door-post£ richly decorated with tortoise-shell and
gold and silver.^

' The palntlngi UPonipeil ehontbat the chain itsedbj the Bonuni wen Tarnriou
■nd mwij of ibem ntntttiiilj like ours. Tht geoenl word tor chair nu hAi ; ttkma
that bore parttciilar deelgaatlana vien tbe iMum, with a bKk wid amu. ihe ton ttftea
bcautlfiillr carved ; the eatAtdra, or etfj ebair, with rtnllcd back, geatlr iloplbg, but
witboatanne. Tbe emaU taot-euwla were called MOteOa.

■ The principal parts of a Roman houM will be nndeinood ticm the toUowisc plas
of the nnnalng of a booM (boox of Panu) luuiid at Pompcjl :

PLim or A BoaiK aami.

ThcMdum. J(miKioT/br<','thsentnnce,ladatollie(1)Ha<tiHhKn. In nnlcrto reeon-
rf'e the defcrlpllon of a Roman honw, %r uiven by Vtlrn'tlDii, wilb OiB remain* fonnd at
pDinnell. wt might connider tho (mall rpaca before the door ai the mtMidutii. and the
TVmalnln; npace before one enten the afrttim. aa (he vnt^t/ntny at the Plrle of I wap a
■nan room letBa) for the porter (Joni/or) and Ihewalch-dnc ; 9 i> Ihe rpiclDiiit aMvn .-
In the han>«i-nf Ihe middle and poorer claaree (hie was the ■Ittins-rDom and kitehes ; h««
were Ihe bed and ihe iiiBtrnmeuis for spinning and ireavlDE. In ua bouea of ttaa wralib*,
this was ibe recepElon-rooni for clients who came to *ek Ibc^ patron for idTice or halp, and
Tl«irnr" who came everj morning lopavHielrroipecitorMllclifaTote. Hen Ibe ImMtee
of the dead were pino"ed. In the roof (here was an nperlngtoribeadmlMionof litifataDd
escape of inioke. In later tlmo, when whole tmnps of people cmwdrd the booees of
the rich and noble. th(! arrannment of Ihe a/ri*tm wav chsTiged. The barth and
kllchen wen removed to another part of tlia bnilillng. while the tenw were placed In «
> I^ dOon dW not noer on Hnim. b«tim jimli l^iatolflt tMHcrrlnmtM- tMtrt
mn^oetett m Vu: doon : Iht door wa- fa'tmrd lotU a bull vr tar ; t/tHOHoan »t
locJa: HuUyar*i^aaiiifand<iflmqrpfeuUnriAape,

METHOD 02 WABHINO.

4. Method of Wannliig. — The houses were heated by
msans either of a fire-place ' or of a portable fnrnace, many speci-
mens of which bare been fonnd at Potnpeji. Sametimes rooms
were heated by hot air, introdnced by pipes from a funia(;e below.
Booms intended for winter nae were on the sanny side of the
house, uid as the climate was mild this enabled the occopantfl
to dispenae with artificial beat

«, 4. C la/atMi, truamai <>_<.,»-'■« •— uia-.^e wii» i-»ui mii uof . •. », iwim »>■
dlppiiif wAMr, grsvT or eonp i /, reeemblea our BUlcepan ; g, ■ (^'ohaudled toa^
for kilcben uin ; A. /orlago- "imped like uoi pwia ; l, t inn for puscbiiig tap ; k. a
kind of meUl aieve for Ktriiiilng wine ; I. coal Heoop ; niuid n. cooUcar, I^u£i.iip(>ali.
ona of wblcli rewmbku a tork.

5, Cooking Utensils. — In early times the food was

cooked ill the afrium, but when this became the reccption-

Wth c»ma throoj* the o

ling lo IhP pecona Morv ■

roonu {cubicvlai cnmninnicUe with the alrium bj doors ; the Iwu olhei rooniB bvinK
wItlKiot duor- arp called alir or wldewliigs of Ihp alrium. Here were rooma (or euc.Ii
and [be ramllT. Iha walls of which were otten decoraud Hilh paintliigit and freMnc*.

4 in the tahtlnum, a part nt ihc atrium, nbcre tlic arcliive" ilalvla) wvir. Thiv via Hie
orfgfnal Rinnan hooso. When tbe oMum was luvdfdr viidton-,aticriu<iinB were addi-d;

5 wa«a na«aee. fomeitme* paMamn (/ana*) to ttte. ptrUtjiKirni l^l. wuiilar to iheoMnn.
nirnninded nillk marble (SI eohnniii' and Intended for the miu'ter of ibo houoe and b^>
frienda ; her* Ba« a fountain. Around the ptri-ii/rlaBt won- the ^loeplnE ai irlmentB
(e*Wtfv?a) of Iho famllj. and dressing roouin and alcoTes. The large mom lo Ihc righl
wat th- IrMlnlum nr the dlnlnr-hall, where Ihi: coachee tlrMina\ wore placed on
Ihrea sldec of the room", the oificr helna left open tor entrance. There we» tno
vets of dlnlng-roomp, one for mmmer >nd one for winter. In D the ^e»to atKuiblcd

. laiTCT entertainment" were (tven In the BM>nn,' lOi- aoorrtdnrcommonleatlng
u m_ .V- ,-„ n, i^p corri-lor werelhe kitchen and another room for wash-
en bj Birreti'. Pan of the facade and the rleht otde are rooma
f, partly ao *bO' n and parity let to lodgart*^ and ona oonnccted

awd for varioon j
■rllh the alrltnn w

' 3^ nay riopirl to at In tkTi>iB Ou icaitr into U< d

392 METHOD OF LIGHTIKG.

room^ the kitchen ^ was removed to another part of the honse.
In the houses of the rich, the grain wsa usually ground with
hand-mills, while the middle classes bought their meal oi
bread at the bakery. Among the numerous cooking and
household utensils may be mentioned stoves, knives and per-
haps forks, strainers, frying-pans, vessels' for boiling water,
kettles ' for hanging over the fire and cooking food, sieves,^
spoons,' ladles,* mortars,^ coal-scoops, andirons, steelyards, and
implements^ for cleaning the walls, floor, ceiling, and fur-
niture.

6. Method of TiightiTig. —Although the Romans displayed
great ingenuity in constructing beautiful lamps from bronze
and precious metals, still they were unable to devise any
method to prevent the ornamented ceiling of their rooms from
being blackened, and tlieir breath oppressed by the smoke.
Their oil-lamps* were without chimneys to consume the smoke,
and were either suspended by chains from the ceiling or placed
on a candelabrum.*® The wicks were made of the tow taken
from flax, and the instrument for trimming the wick was often
attached to the lamp by a chain. Many very beautiful lamps
of bronze and terra-cotta are still extant ; they are usually of
a long, or a round form, flat and without feet On the upper
part where the oil ** was poured in, there are mythological designs
in relief of great beauty.*' The magnificent candelabra and
lampadaria were the inventions of a later age.**

7. The Meals. — The Romans were at first exceedingly
simple in their mode of living ; but after the wars in the East,
refined luxury displayed itself nowhere more prodigally than
at the table. In early times a sort of hasty pudding n^e of

> Oultna. • Jaoartum. • Ahcrnktm. * CHbrum.

• CoeMear, • TrvUci, ' FUa, • Seopot. • iMcema.

* ** Candtos {candekB) either of wax {eerea) or of UUIow (Mbacta) wen used before Uunpe
were invented; the caDdelabmm was at flrat a candle»nck, afterwaids need to i^iipport
lamps ; the candelabra for candles were alec ciUlecl .A<nalia ; the poorer clafleee iif«d
those made of wood ; they were aometimee oonRtmcted so that the lamps ennkl be
raided or lowered. * * Perfaroed oH was often used.

* * The name of the maker is often stamped on the bottom.

** The Iffishntichi (pTuAks) were like our chandeliers : the lampadaria were stems of
trees, or pillars standing on a base ftom the top of woich the tamps were suspended :
see engraving, p. 389.

THE HBALB. 393

farina^ with yegetables,' fruits,* and dairy prodnce, constituted
the principal articles of food. The Romans had three meals each
day — a light breakfast,^ at noon a lunch,'^ and towards evening*
came the dinner, which in the houses of the rich was often very
bounteous and consisted of three courses. First ''came fish,
eggs, and various kinds of vegetables served with piquant
sauces, intended to excite the appetite for the more substantial
dishes which were to follow. Then came the courses* consist-
ing of many dishes which it would be impossible to give a
description of here. The favorite fish, which was the chief object
of Boman epicurism, were the turbot,* the shell-fish,^ oysters,
and snails; the favorite poultry were peacocks, pheasants,
pigeons, geese, feld-fares,^^ ducks, and chickens. Among meats
the greatest favorite was the tame and wild boar ; this was
generally the chief dish, and came whole on the table. The
practised gourmand pretended to be able to tell by the taste
from what part of Italy it came. These courses were followed
by a dessert of pantry and fresh and dried fruits. The table
was really the centre of the luxury of the Romans after the
wealth of the East was placed at their disposal. Foreign
delicacies and wines became then indispensable. In spite of
the sumptuary laws, meddling with the private afhirs of life,^
which shallow moralists then as now advocated, the Romans
displayed at their banquets their hosts of slaves,^ their dancing
girls, their rich furniture, their carpets glittering with gold,
their antique bronzes, and their silver plate.^

* The flour made fh>m for^ a kind oft wheat

* JmUaciUym; eonsistiiig of hread, eeaeoned with salt, with dried grapes, olives snd
cheese. * Prandium.

* At the ninth hour = in summer, l}o*eIock ; in winter, S^ o'clock. * Ovttus.

* FIsrcula; phmOyalUra^tertiaema. * Bkombut.

*• Oodda^ otireay aooordlng to Pliny (N. H. xxzii, 6, 1) the pahna mennantm MvUvm,

* * TVrehM .* this was a great loxury ; they were often aold, when fattened, for S dmarU
(nearly 40 cents) apiece.

1* Ttte expense of an ordinary meal was fixed in b. c. 161 at 10 fiesterees (60 cents) ; in
B. c. 81, at 80 sesteroes ; for the same period the expenses allowed at hanqnets were 100
and 800 sesterces.

** An exquisite cook cost 100,000 sesterces ($5,000), while an ordinary slave was
worth only 100 sesterces.

*« Scipio ifimilianus po^se^sed 81 pounds of silver plate ($000) ; Q. Fahins (cos.
B. o. 121), 1000 Donnds ($80.000) : Harcns Drn«us (trib. plebs. b. c. 91), 10,000 pounds
<$90O,O0O>; in the time of Salla there were at Rome abont 150 silver state dishe« weigh-
ing 100 pounds each, several of which caiised their owners to be placed on the pro-
scription list.

394 TABLE U8AGBS.

& Tatde Usages. — When eating, the Bomans reclined on
conches^ which were placed on three sides of the room,* leayiDg
the fourth free to giye the slaves access to the table to arrange
the dishes and also to hand round the meat and bread. Each
conch held three, and the place of honor was on the middle
ona' At a later time when round tables^ came into use, the
couches were changed for semicircular sofas. There were no
table-cloths, but the tables themselves were often exquisite,
being made of the finest polished ^ wood. Each guest brou^t
with him a linen napkin* to fasten over his breast Instead of
knives^ and forks, two spoons were used — ^the cochlear aud
ligula — ^both being pointed at the end. The food was served
in a great variety of dishes, some round, flat, oval, and
others hollow, with and without handles, which, as well as
the different drinkiDg vessels, it would be impossible to de-
scribe here.

9. The Roman Family. — ^The word familj with the
Bomans signified everything which a freeman had under his
control,^ and included persons whether free or slaves as well as
articles of property. The word, however, was generally re-
stricted to the members of the household, at the head of
which stood the paterfamilias. Every free man not under the
control of another was considered a paterfamilias. Sons,
although married and having children, were not released from
the authority of their father' until his death. If we count
all the members of a family, the children and grandchildren,
the slaves and clients, the whole under the control of the
paterfamilias assumed a very important position in the
state. Several families united to form a house,^ and indicated
their common descent by a family name.^ In this way arose a

* LeeU trldiniaret. In the Mrlier am these cooehes were not known ; the Baman<
need to eat Rittllig, a custom to which the women and children adhered.

* TricHnium,

* The loweat place on the middle one was the Nat of honor ; the rerem od the
others.

* Pliny relates that Cicero paid as mnch as 1,000,000 sesterces for a tahle.

* Rnbhed with aawapa. * Moppet.

' Knives (nfrvrtoren) were noed at a later time. * In potesUKk,

* Prttria pote»ta^ : nnlCRs the son became a Jktmm DUtH», or t^o rfanghter a vestal
virgin (virfio veftaHiX ' " Gens. • ' ^9m«n ^erUUe,

r '

KAMB8. 8dS

family pride which caused the members to preserve with great
care the sanctuaries, the legends, and the exploits of their own
honse. In the course of time, as intercourse with foreign
nations increased, the strict laws of the paternal authority
were relaxed, and the ties that bound the members of a house ^
and of a family together were loosened.

10. Names. — Every Roman had usually three names, the
first denoting the person, as Marcus ; ^ the second, the gens, as
IhUlius, and the third the fiEunily, as Cicero, A fourth or iSf th
name, called the agno9nen, was sometimes added on account of - ^ v ^
some illustrious actions or by adoption, or from some other
circumstance. Thus the complete name of Scipio the Younger, r ^
was Puhlius Cornelius Scipio Africanus jEmilianus ; Africans
being added for his exploits in Africa, and ^Emilianus bcf^ause
he was adopted from the iEmilian gens. Women had no per-
sonal names, but were known only by that of their ^^n^. Thus,
the daughter of Oicero was called simply TuUia; a younger
sister would have been called Tullia secunda or (minor), tertia
and so on. The wife of Oicero was Terentia,

11. Marriage. — The Romans had two forms of marriage;'
in one the woman passed entirely from the control ^ of her father
into that of her husband; in the other,'' she did not so pass,
but remained subject to her father's authority. In order to
bring about a lawful marriage of either kind, the parties must
be of age, unmarried, and, until the passage of the Ganuleian
law in B. c. 445,^ of equal rank. A marriage of the first kind
could be contracted in three different ways, viz. : confarreatio,
coemptio, ue. fictitious purchase, or usus, i.e. prescription.
The first had to take place in the presence of at least ten wit-
nesses, the Pontifex MaximtiSj and the priest of Jupiter.*
A cake of sacred com ^ was broken and tasted, and the mar-
riage formula repeated. This form of marriage was confined
exclusiyely to the patricians, and even after the passage of the
Ganuleian law, it could not be adopted by the plebeians. In

» Omt, ■ Pranomm, • Nomen, * Cogntmin.

* NupUa JwUb. * Mamtg, * Mairimoiduinjvtimn, ' See p. Ti.

* JfTamm IHaHt. * " JVir, iMoce am/arrMUio.

396 CHILD&BN.

the second form, or marriage by purchase, the Beither sold his
daughter to the bridegroom in the presence of witnessea In
the third kind^ the wife passed into the control of the hus-
band by liring with him during one whole year without absent-
ing herself for three nights. The bridal ceremony was nearly
the same in alL First came the betrothal and the presenta-
tion of the ring. On the morning of the wedding day the
auspices were first taken and then the marriage formula was
pronounced, and the bride and bridegroom were led to the
household altar to offer sacrifices. A cow, pig, and sheep
were offered, while the augur repeated the usual prayer and
the newly married pair walked around the altar hand in hand.
When this was finished the guests offered their congratula-
tions,' and the marriage feast began. When night came on
the bride dressed in white coyered with a yellow veil, and hav-
ing her hair parted into six locks with the point of a spear, and
tied up with ribbons, was conducted by torch-bearers and flute-
players to the house of her husband. When she reached her
new home, she was lifted over the threshold lest her foot might
stumble — omen of evil — ^into the atrium to share the ''fire and
water,'' the emblems of the life which she was to lead with
her husband. The next day a second marriage feast was held
in her husband's house, and the new bride offered sacrifices to
the gods of the family to which she had been admitted. In
early times divorces were very rare, but as Rome began to
decline they became easy and very common. The sanctity of
the marriage tie was then but little regarded, and both men
and women vied with each other in wanton indulgences.

12^ Chi