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Edited and Brought to Date by 



With the Assistance of 



To which are added Historical, Statistical and Descriptive Matter pertaining 
to the important Local Divisions of the State, and biographical ac- 
counts of the Leaders and Representative Men of the State 
in Commerce, Industry and Modern Activitiej. 

voyjME I 



Us v^S'^o.i^ 

OCT 18 1916 



For some years before his death in 1884 Colonel Frank Wl Johnson 
occupied himself in collecting material for and writing a comprehensive 
history of Texas down to annexation. He left his manuscripts to sev- 
eral ** literary executors," of whom Judge A. W. Terrell was the last 
to survive. In August of 1912 the American Historical Society of Chi- 
cago asked me to write for them a history of Texas. I was unable to 
undertake the task and suggested that they publish Johnson's manu- 
script with editorial additions which would bring it down to date and 
give the results of research since Johnson's time. They accepted the 
suggestion and Judge Terrell welcomed the opportunity to publish 
the book and consented to write a sketch of Johnson as an intro- 
duction. His sudden death two months later prevented his 
carrying out this intention. On examination I found Johnson's work 
of value chiefly for the period from 1820 to 1836. His plan was to 
make the book a documentary history, letting the original documents, so 
far as possible, carry the narrative. Some of the documents that he 
used had already been printed in Kennedy, Foote and Yoakum, and 
since his death some additional ones have appeared in John Henry 
Brown's ** History of Texas;" but some have never been published. The 
idea of a documentary history of this period is a good one, for the rea- 
son that the colonization of Texas by emigrants from the United States, 
and the subsequent revolution from Mexico, have generally been mis- 
represented as deliberate moves in a conspiracy of southern slavehold- 
ers to wrest Texas from Mexico and annex it to the United States. No 
denial of this charge can be so effective as the contemporary documents 
themselves, which go far toward revealing the thoughts and feelings of 
the settlers. For this reason I have frequently added documents to 
which Johnson did not have access. These additions as well as occasional 
paragraphs and chapters which I have found it necessary to insert, are 
indicated in footnotes. The chapters on the period since annexation are 
written by Mr. E. W. Winkler of the State Library. 

As indicated on the title page, the work comprises, in addition to> 
the general history of Texas, an addendum of economic and local data 
covering all the county divisions of the state, and also a collection 
of biographical articles on families and individual Texans. The county 
sketches, the manuscript of which, prepared by other writers, I have 
read for general historical facts, form a brief compendium of the his-^ 
torical and economic growth of each of these civil divisions of Texas, 
which number nearly two hundred and fifty. The material was col- 
lected largely from older publications and reliable statistical sources. 
At the request of the authors I have read also the manuscript of several 

of the biographical sketches. 




In a sketch written by himself Johnson says that he was the son and 
only child of Henson and Jane Johnson. He was born October 3, 1799, 
near Leesbni^g, in Loudoun county, Virginia, and one of his most vivid 
recollections of childhood was that of marching up and down the streets 
of Leesburg with the local recruits for the War of 1812. He attended 
the "Old Field" schools of his neighborhood, and was ready to enter 
an academy when his father moved to Tennessee, in 1812. Here acade- 
xoies and colleges were not so numerous as in Virginia, but after three 
more years at the **01d Field" schools he was sent to **a private or 
select school," where he was "instructed in geometry, mathematics, sur- 
veying, and English grammar." The last he "floundered through, un- 
derstanding but little more at the end than at the beginning." "It is 
doubtless a good, a necessary thing," he said, "in its way, but it is n'^t 
at all to my taste"; and in this he seems to have told but the simple 
truth, for he persisted in saying "I done it" to the day of his death. 

At the age of eighteen he was ready to set up for himself as a 
surveyor, and chose the northern part of Alabama as the field of his 
first operations, going there with letters of introduction to Qeneral 
Coffee, the surveyor-general of the territory. He was promised an ap- 
pointment as a government surveyor, but before receiving it changed his 
mind and determined to go to Illinois. At Augusta, Madison county, 
Illinois, he established himself, after a brief visit to St. Louis, and tested 
various occupations. For three months he taught school, then clerked 
in a store, and finally opened a "grocery store" of his own, his stock 
consisting of "whiskey, sugar, coffee and salt." The business did not 
prosper, and in 1821 he went to St. Louis county, Missouri, whither his 
father had just moved from Tennessee. Here he became for a time 
constable of the precinct in which his father lived, and captain of the 
Independent Bifie Company (militia). In 1824 he worked in the lead 
mines near Herculaneum, and quit this in 1826 to carry a cargo of 
produce down the Mississippi to New Orleans on a flatboat, or "broad- 
horn," as such boats were called. 

Apparently he had no thought of going to Texas, but the voyage 
down the river revived a case of malaria from which he had suffered 
intermittently for several years, and a physician at New Orleans recom- 
mended a sea voyage to Texas. Johnson had known Col. Oreen De- 
Witt, one of the prominent colonizers of Texas, in Missouri, and had 
recently met him at Natchez and heard from him glowing accounts of 
the opportunities that Texas offered, and being by this time, as he said. 


*' somewhat indifferent about the world and its surroundings," he de- 
cided to make the trip. With the proceeds of the goods that he had 
brought from Missouri, he and his cousin, Wiley B. White, bought a stock 
of whiskey, sugar, coffee and tobacco, and set sail toward the end of 
July, 1826. An account of the voyage to Texas, and of Johnson's move- 
ments there down to 1834, is given in considerable detail in Chapter IX 
of this volume. Incidentally it presents an interesting picture of social 
and economic conditions of that period in Texas. 

Briefly, Johnson was, during this period, surveyor of the Ayish Bayou 
district in East Texas in 1829, one of the leaders in the attack on Ana- 
huac and the expulsion of Bradbum from that place in 1832, secretary 
of the convention which met in October of 1832 to petition the general 
government for the separation of Coahuila and Texas and for other re- 
forms, and during 1833 and 1834 surveyor in the *' upper colony" of 
Austin and Williams west of the old San Antonio Boad. 

Early in 1835 he became one of the more active leaders of the war 
party which promoted the revolution, and when the fighting began in 
the fall of 1835 he was among the volunteers that marched to the siege 
of San Antonio. He commanded a division of the force that stormed 
the town (December 5-9), and after the death of Milam succeeded to the 
full command. After the surrender of General Cos on December 9, 
Johnson and Dr. James Qrant began preparations for an invasion of 
Mexico, the contemplated point of attack being Matamoras. The expe- 
dition was opposed by Governor Smith, but the (Jeneral Council of the 
Provisional Government authorized it and appointed Johnson and James 
W. Fannin, Jr., to the command. Before the expedition got under way 
Santa Anna invaded Texas, in February of 1836, and Johnson's force 
was surprised at San Patricio by General Urrea and destroyed, John- 
son and three or four others alone escaping. General Houston was at 
this time encamped on the Colorado a short distance above Columbus, 
and Johnson says that he joined some fifteen or twenty others and 
started for headquarters, '^but being met on the way and informed 
that the army was retreating to the Brazos, we returned home. I took 
no further part in the struggle. I was thoroughly disgusted with the 
scramble for office — civil and military. I retired to the Trinity, where 
I remained quietly until 1839. and then visited the United States, having 
been in Texas thirteen years." 

After his return to Texas Johnson made his home chiefly at Bound 
Bock and at Austin. His business was that of a surveyor and land 
agent, but for many years he employed his spare time in collecting 
material for this history of Texas. He died at Aguas Calientes, Mexico, 
April 8, 1884. At the time he was president of the Texas Veterans' 
Association, and two weeks later he was re-elected by his comrades, who 
had not yet heard of his death. A movement was immediately begun 
for the return of his body to Texas, and on March 31, 1885, a joint reso- 
lution of the legislature was approved authorizing the governor to re- 
quest permission from the Mexican government for its removal. The 
petition was granted and the remains were transferred to the state ceme- 
tery at Austin. He was a man of force and character and was honored 
by all who knew him. 


Spanish Texas 1 

The Austins, and the Beoinnino of Anqlo-Auebican Settle- 



The Colonization Laws 22 

The Fredonian Rebellion 26 


Growth of Distrust Between the Settlers and the Government, 
1827^831 51 

Expulsion of the Soldiers, 1832 69 

The Conventions of 1832 and 1833 91 

Austin in Mexico, 1833-1835 Ill 

Conditions in Texas, 1826-1834: Johnson's Reminiscences 148 

Confusion of the State Government, 1833-1835 178 

The First Clash 199 



• • 



Wab and Peace Activities 229 

Calling the Consultation 250 

The Outbreak op Wab 263 

The Permanent Council and the Consultation 284 

The Provisional Government 313 

The Capture of San Antonio 342 


The Matamoras Expedition and the Quarrel Between the Gov- 
ernor AND THE General Council .- . . . 363 


The Declaration of Independence and the Estabushment of 
THE Republic 386 

The Fall of the Alamo 397 

Johnson and Grant and Fannin 419 

San Jacinto Campaign 442 

The Republic of Texas 456 

The Transition prom Republic to State 485 

Texas in the Mexican War 491 


The Teixas-New Mexico Boundary 494 

The Public Debt 500 

Pbospeeity and Pbogress, 1846-1860 504 

BoBDEB AND Fbontieb Tboubles, 1849-1860 510 

PouTics, 1851-1860 521 



Secession 531 

Texas in the War 541 

Rbconstbuction 550 

Radical Rule and rrs Ovebthbow 563 

The Dehocbatic Readjustment 574 

New Pboblehs 588 

Progress and Reform 600 


Abels, John W., 1283 

Abilene, 927 ; court house, 945 ; college, 

Ab Initio question, 560 

Acheson, Alexander M., 1566 

Acme, 940 

Adams, Francis, 49, 153 

Adams, Frank M., 1350 

Adams, Horace M., 2615 

Adams, Jed C, 1108 

Adams, Thomas B., 1207 

Adams, Walter B., 2637 

Adams, WUliam J. B., 1914 

Add-Ran College, 775 

Ad interim government, 395 

Adklns, Joseph A., 1212 

Adkins, WlUiam L., 1696 

Adoue, Bertrad, 1772 

Adone, Louis A., 1773 

Ager, Henry O., 1509 

Agricultural burdens, 596 

Agricultural conditions (see county 
sketches), 593 

Agricultural & Mechanical College 579, 
595, 741 

Ahldag, F. W., 1540 

Alaman's Report on Texas, 64 

Alamo, mention of, 74, 82, 156, 282, 324, 
353; weakness of garrison, 370; fall 
of, 397; Mexican movements, 404; 
storming of, 406; Santa Anna's re- 
port, 407; description of, 410, 1,000 

Alamo, The, San Antonio (view), 82 

Alamo Plaza, Fifty Years Ago (view), 

Alba, 895 

Albany, 923 

Albers, G. H., 2289 

A^brecht, Adolph, 1968 

Aldape, S. Garza, 2501 

Alderman. Charles L., 2253 

Aldwell, William L., 1176 

Alexander, 780 

Alexander, Eugene R., 1527 

Alexander, George, 2629 

Alexander, James G., 1526 

Alexander, John P., 1801 

Alexander, Thomas J., 2356 

Alexander, Simon, 2391 

Alexander, W. P., 2383 

Alford, Egbert B., 1250 

Alfred, eSd 

Algoa, 680 

Alice, 6d7, 639 

Alien land ownership, 607 

AUard, George W., 1307 

Allday, Elbert A., 1383 

Allen, A. C. & J. K., 721 

Allen, A. C, 225 

Allen, Augustus C, 1881 

Allen, George W., 2604 

Allen, J. K., 168, 195, 225 

Allen, Lee O., 2163 

Allen, Maid J., 1836 

AUen, Noah, 2294 

Allen, Samuel H., 2509 

Allen, Samuel T., 69 

Allen, Walter B., 2134 

Allen, Wilbur P., 2605 

Allen, William H., 1559 

Alleyton, 659 

Allin, Phil W., 2375 

Allison, Jo W., 1525 

Allison, Joe A., 1177 

Allison, John W., 1298 

Allred, L. W., 1436 

Almonte's report on Texas, 169 

Alta Loma, 681 

Altgelt, Ernest J., 1236 

Alto, 908, 916 

Alton, 846 

Alvarado, 774, 775 

Alvin, 649 

Alwood, Richard H., 1813 

AmariUo, 974, 983, 984, 985 

American adventurers, 5 

Amnesty, 560 

Amonett, William L., 2332 

Anahuac, 67, 68, 69, 70, 164, 171, 174, 
199, 200, 201, 680, 682, 694, 695 ; cap- 
ture of, in 1832, 71; campaign of, 
1832, 165; abandoned, 205; condem- 
nation of attack, 210, 211 

Anderson, 717, 718, 916 

Anderson county, 868 

Anderson, Albert L,, 1774 

Anderson, John E., 2321 

Anderson, Newell D., 1554 

Anderson, Roy, 2561 

Anderson, Thomas M., 1695 

Anderson, William B., 1334 

Anderson, William E., 1312 

Anderson, William H., 1329 

Andrews, 963 

Andrews county, 953 

Angelina county, 909 

Angleton, 649 

Angora Goat (view), 1001 

Annexation, early proposals, 63 

Annexation, Austin's views, 142 

Annexation convention, 483 

Annexation movement, 477, 479; and 
Mexican war, 484 

Annona, 881 

Anson, 928 

Anthony, William S., 2311 

Applegate, Henry D., 1323 




Aransas City, ((29 

Aransas county, 628 

Aransas Pass port, 629, 633 

Arcadia, 680 

Archer city, 814 

Archer county, 814 

Archer, B. T., 68, 301, 306 

Archive war, 468 

Ardoin, Ell S., 2554 

Ardoln, Theodore W., 2553 

Arlington, 817 

Armstrong, Alfred D., 1914 

Armstrong county, 977 

Armstrong, Robert H., 2176 

Armstrong, William W., 2199 

Armstrong, William W., 2511 

Army of Republic, 459 

Army, Regular, 317, 323 

Arnold, John R., 1894 

Arnold, J. H., 2575 

Arnold, Thomas C, 1213 

Arnold, WUllam D., 1393 

Arredondo, General, 10 

Arrington, Moses L., 2555 

Arrlngton, Walter J., 2499 

Artesla, e22 

Artesian Belt R. R., 620 

Arthur City, 880 

Arthur, T. Loftin, 1554 

Asherton, 1037 

Ashford, James G., 1849 

Aspermont, 940 

Asphalt production, 1029 

Astln, James R., 2216 

Astln, John B., 2015 

Atascosa county, 518, 620 

Atascoslto, 709 

Athens, 870 

Atkins, John F., 2316 

Atkinson, Daniel C, 1426 

Atlanta, 887 

Atlee, Edwin A., 2491 

Atmar, Lynne P., 1654 

Attebery, James P., 2149 

Auer, Edward, 1518 

Aurora, 831 

Aury, Commodore, 681 

Austin & Northwestern R. R., 765 

Austin city, 465, 474, 485, 508, 532, 546, 
804, 806 

Austin college, 714, 852, 2138 

Austin Colony, local government, 18; 
surveys, 19 

Austin county, 661 

Austin, Henry, 212 

Austin, Jacob A., Sr., 1446 

Austin, John, 68, 73, 83, 87, 92, 159, 
178, 721 

Austin, Moses, 7, 10, 12 

Austin, Stephen, 7 ; early life, 8, 12 ; in 
San Antonio, 13; first visit to Mex- 
ico, 14; memorial to Mexican Con- 
gress, 17; later colonies, 20; cor- 
respondence on Fredonlan rebellion, 
34 et seq. ; on slavery question, 59, 
92; defends convention of 1832, 90, 
102; in Mexico, 111 et seq.; petition 
for separation of Texas from Coa- 
hulla, 113 ; Austin letters to San An- 
tonio, 121 ; arrest and return to Mex- 
ico, 126; In prison at Mexico, 130; 
diary, 134 ; release, 139 ; cause of Im- 
prisonment, 140 ; on annexation, 142 ; 
Melg's letters, 144 ; Holley letter, 145, 
166 ; attitude after return from Mex- 
ico, 258; organizing people, 266; 

mention, 275, 306, 330 ; report to pro- 
visional government, 265, 275, 306, 
330, 345, 386, 477, 661 

Austin, W. T., 250 

Autry, David A., 1228 

Aven, Clayton L., 1288 

Avery, Clarence H., 1201 

Avery, Horace W., 1201 

Avis, J. David, 1957 

Aylsh Bayou, 18, 92, 703, 912 

Ayres, Jeff D., 1457 

Ayres, J. Swain, 1861 

Backus, Erwln T., 2426 

Bacon, OUs T., 2063 

Bacon, Philip G., 2066 

Badger, James B., 1979 

Baer, Phil E., 1370 

Bagley, Nicholas J., 2609 

Bagley, William D., 2346 

Bailey county, 957, 976 

Balrd, 924 

Baird, Perry C, 1104 

Balrd, Robert W., 1911 

Baker, Anderson Y., 2353 

Baker, Benjamin M., 1131 

Baker, George C, Sr., 1546 

Baker, Mars N., 1139 

Baker, Mosely, 225, 235, 274, 288, 444 

Baker, Robert H., 2359 

Baker, Waller S., 2584 

Baldwin, Alvin, 1424 

Baldwin, Arthur C, 2590 

Ball, George, 690 

Ball, Robert L., 1729 

Ball, Samuel C, 1893 

Ball, Thomas H., 1626 

Ball, William P., 2381 

Ballard, John S., 2347 

Ballew, Thomas B., 2306 

Balllnger, 966, 967 

Ballinger, Cyrus C. 1651 

Ballowe, L. M., 1927 

Balmorhea, 1044 

Bandera city, 1019 

Bandera county, 1019 

Bankhead, Ward, 1886 

Barbed wire, 592 

Barbee, J. G., 1295 

Barker, Eugene C, 2672 

Barkley, Lon, 2389 

Barkman, Jacob J., 1879 

Barmore, Emmett L., 2497 

Barnes, William A., 2267 

Bamum, Roy D., 1301 

Barras, Louis R., 1671 

Barrett, Charles G., 1253 

Barrett, D. C, 212, 235. 250 

Barrett, Robert L., 1093 

Barron, James F., 1310 

Barron, John M., 2449 

Barron, Thomas H., 2031 

Barry, Ellas, 1750 

Barry, James, 519 

Bartholow, James N., 2078 

Bartholow, Mary A., 2078 

Bartlett, Jefferson D., 2075 

Barton, William H., 1758 

Barstow, 1038 

Barwise, J. H., Jr., 1313 

Basham, C. E., 1150 

Bass, Jesse N., 1327 

Bassett, Clement, 1542 

Bastrop, Baron de, 10, 18, 661 

Bastrop county, 744 



Bastrop, 91, 174, 176, 212, 209, 744, 745, 

Bates, 9. L., 2297 
Bates, Wmiam A., 1929 
BatesYlUe, 1080 
Batson's, 707 
Battle, J. Orren, 1400 
Battle of Medina river, 5 
Batts, Robert L., 1605 
Baughn, George C, 2181 
Banmgarten, J. F., 1485 
Baxley, Andrew, 1153 
Baylls, Henry J., 2222 
Bay City, 656, 699 
Baylor county, 934 
Baylor, J. R., 542 
Baylor University, 664, 787 
Beach, James H., 2434 
Beall, Thomas J., 2093 
Beall, Warren W., 2359 
Bean, Bert J., 2089 
Bean, Ellis, 27 
Bean, George R., 1318 
Beard, James S., 2578 
Season's ford, 443, 659 
Beaumont, 603, 695, 697, 699, 700, 731 
Beaumont Postoffice (view), 731 
Beavers, George H., 1151 
Beavers, John H., 1674 
Bebout, Gaylord N., 2092 
Beck, Fred, 1386 
Becton, Edward P., 2642 
Becton, Joseph, 1888 
Bee, Barnard E., 471, 624 
Bee, Carlos, 1480 
Bee, Hamilton P., 1479 
Bee county, 6E24 
BeeviUe, 625, 638 
Belk, Charles C, 1331 
Belk, Ernest M., 2011 
Bell, J. H., 250 
Bell, J. Ross, 1689 
Bell, J. Ross, 2261 
Bell, James R., 1166 
Bell, P. H., 496, 511 
Bell, Samuel B., 2313 
Bell county, 756 
Belle Plain. 923, 924 
Bellevue, 839 

Bellows, Benjamin F., 1611 
Bellows, Daniel C, 1793 
Bell's Landing, 159 
Bellvllle. 662 
Belton, 756, 758 
Benavides, Juan V., 1682 • 
Benchoff, Daniel T., 2557 
Benevides, 640, 641 
Ben Ficklen, 969 
Ben Franklin, 878 
Benjamin. 938 
Bennett, Robert A., 1534 
Benson, William D., 1316 
Benton. William C, 1206 
Berg, Sol. I., 2317 
Bergen, James V., 1539 
Berkeley, Benjamin F.. 1749 
Bermuda onion. 621. 634, 636 
Berry, Joseph C, 1450 
Bethea, Harry A., 2591 
Beverly. Joseph W., 1361 
Bevil, John R.. 1515 
Bevil's Mill. 298 
* Bevllport, 708 

Bevil's settlement, 83, 171, 174. 267, 

286, 301, 702, 708 
Bewley, Edwin E., 2448 

Bewley, James J., 2441 

Bexar county, 999 

Bexar County Courthouse (view), 1021 

Bexar department in 1806, 170 

Beyer, Constantine M., 1792 

Big Cypress bayou, 506, 893 • 

Big Sandy, 892 

Big Springs, 944, 958, 959, 961 

Billings, Frederick G., 2323 

BlUs, WUliam A., 2533 

Bird, John D., 1434 

Bird's Fort, 816 

Birdseye View, San Antonio (view), 

BirdvlUe, 815, 818 
Birdwell, Joseph A., 2561 
Birge, Nathaniel B., 1193 
Birmingham, Edward L., 2449 
Birmingham, Luredtia T., 2449 
Bishop, F. N., 1222 
Bishop, George F. L., 1222 
Bishop, Willis T., 1991 
Bittle, Percy B-, 1265 
Bizzell, W. B., 2466 
Black, E. B., 1821 
Blackburn, Edwin N., 1172 
Blaffer, Robert L., 1942 
Blair, Samuel F., 1260 
Blake, James N., 1712 
Blanchard, Arthur L., 2367 
Blanco county, 810 
Blankenship, Bartholomew H., 2448 
Blankenship, Emily C., 2448 
Blankenship, James M., 1975 
Blanks, WlUiam C., 1630 
Blasingame, Albert A., 2046 
Blasingame, Hugh O., 2376 
Blaylock, Louis, 1096 
Bledsoe, William H., 1321 
Blevins, R., 1259 
Bliss, Don A., 1245 
Blockade during war, 545 
Bloomberg, 887 
Blooming Grove, 763, 764 
Blossom Prairie, 880 
Blount, Edward A., 2625 
Blount, James P., 2577 
Blount, Col. St^hen W., 2624 
Blount, Stephen W., 2625 
Blount, Thomas W., 2625 
Bloys, Thomas D., 1246 
Blum, Joseph, 1853 
Blythe, Roberta S., 1207 
Blythe, William T., 1206 
Bodenheim, G. A., 1074 
Boehmer, Joseph O., 2269 
Boerne, 969, 1014 
Bogar, Joseph W., 1890 
Bogel, William W., 1681 
Bohemian settlers, 617, 658, 660, 668, 

668, 670, 672, 760, 757, 807 
Bohny, Charles A., 2082 
Bolanz, Charles F., 1470 
Boles, James G., 2203 
Bolivar, 170, 681 
Bolivar Point, 53 
Bolton, John Thomas, 1593 
Bomar, David T., 1126 
Bomar, Douglas, 1808 
Bomar, Edmond, 1808 
Bomar, Nathaniel T., 1807 
Bond, Brantley M., 1183 
Bond issues, municipal, 606 
Bonham, 404, 865, 867 
Bonner, John T., 2488 
Bonner, Micajah H., 2487 



Bonner, Wilkerson A., 1561 

Booker, L. E., 1504 

Boonville, 740 

Boot Hill, 086 

Booth, J. H., 2429 

Boothe, Thomas A., 2412 

Borden county, 944 

Borden, Gail, 262, 284, 333 

Borden, Henry L., 1251 

Border troubles, 510, 1020 

Border, Ralph W., 2513 

Boren, Thomas E., 2144 

Bosque county, 790 

Bosqueville, 785 

Bossy, Frank A., 2153 

Boston, 883 

Boulden, Thomas F., 1353 

Boundary questions, 472, 473 

Boundary, Texas-New Mexico, 494 et 

seq. ; survey of, 498, 501 
Bowen, Oscar L., 2635 
Bowen, William A., 2534 
Bower, A. C, 2266 
Bowie, 834 
Bowie county, 882 
Bowie, James, 163, 168, 186, 195, 241, 

278, 342, 347, 397, 400, 408, 409 
Bowie, William H., 1087 
Bowman, George W., 2298 
Boyce, W. A-, Jr., 1102 
Boyd, Frank D., 1122 
Boyd, James F., 1945 
Boyd, John A., 1279 
Boyd, Pearl O., 1204 
Boyd, William R., Jr., 2656 
Boyett, Thomas P., 2354 
Boyett, William G., 2398 
Boynton, Amos G., Sr., 2162 
Boynton, O. M., 2520 
Boynton, George H., 2520 
Brackenridge, G. W., 691 
Brackettsville, 1033 
Bradbum, J. D., 68, 69 
Braden, Herman, 1477 
Bradflsh, H. J., 2450 
Bradford, Thomas G., 1103 
Bradley, William H., 1658 
Brady, 781, 782 
Braly, Cllflford, 1790 
Brame, T. L., 1196 
Brandenburg, Benjamin F., 1575 
Brannon, George F., 1703 
Bratton, Andrew C., 1089 
Bratton, Calvin W., 2343 
Brazoria, 73, 91, 170, 171, 178, 184, 200, 

298, 648 
Brazoria county, 648 
Brazos county, 740 
Brazos river, surveys and explorations, 

167; navigation, 666; improvement, 

506, 648. 651, 742, 743, 787 
Brazos River Indian Agency, 512, 514, 

Brazos Santiago, 616 
Brazos valley, 752 
Breaking the West Texas Prairie 

(view), 957 
Breckenridge, 920 
Breech, Charles W., 2382 
Breg, William G., 1099 
Bremond, 753 

Brenham, 507, 663, 664, 665 
Brenham, R. F., 473 
Brennan, Patrick J., 1420 
Brewster county, 1044 
Breyfogle, Arthur D., 1132 

Briant, Elijah S., 1142 

Bridgeport, 832 

Brlggs, Annie C, 1778 ' 

Briggs, John R., 1777 

Briscoe, Andrew, 205, 278 

Britt, Harry M., 2145 

Briscoe county, 973 

BriUsh relations, 472, 476, 478, 480 

Brokaw, Chas. P., 1854 

Bronson, 911 

Broocks, John H., 2530 

Brook, Daniel H., 1117 

Brooke, Arthur G., 1823 

Brooks county, 646 

Brooks, James T., 2255 

Brooks, Nat W., 2163 

Brooks, Richard E., 1641 

Brooks, Richard P., 2223 

Brooks, William H., 2132 

Broussard, James E., 2211 

Brown county, 768 

Brown, Arthur N., 2660 

Brown Brothers, 1602 

Brown, Buford O., 2196 

Brown, B. F., 2462 

Brown, Frank W., 2366 

Brown, Greenlea'f L., 1743 

Brown, Henry S., 56, 768 

Brown, James M., 1118 

Brown, John D., 1423 

Brown, Julia A., 2655 

Brown, J. H., 524 

Brown, Napoleon B., 2506 

Brown, Octavia, 1973 

Brown, Robert M., 1598 

Brown, R. R., account of Johnson and 

Grant expedition, 420 
Brown, Samuel J., 1654 
Brown, Stephen D., 1973 
Brown, S. T., letter, 435 
Brown, Wilbert O., 1425 
Brown, Wiley P., 1924 
Brown, William L., 1959 
Brown, William O., 2373 
Browning, William L., 1942 
Brownsfleld, 954 
Brownsville county, 613, 614 
Brownsville, 513, 514, 516, 613, 614, 

615 ; international bridge, 594 
Brownsville raid, 616 
Brownwood, 768, 769, 770 
Brubaker, Abraham L., 1201 
Bruce, Ernest L., 1514 
Bruce, Robert H., 2560 
Bruce, W. H., 2423 
Brunson, Charles, 1354 
Brunson, David W., 2085 
Bryan. 740. 741, 742 
Bryan, Beauregard, 1303 
Bryan, Charles E., 1502 
Bryan, Chester H., 2631 
Bryan, Guy M., 1176 
Bryan, G. M., 532 
Bryan, Mrs. James, 11 
Bryan, J. N., 854 
Bryan, Lewis ^., 1814 
Bryan, Moses A., 280 
Bryan, Ross E., 1502 
Bryan, Wycliffe J., 2268 
Bryant, Charles W., 1715 
Bryant, Sam A., 2300 
Bryant, Thomas L., 1269 
Bryants fort, 749 
Bryson, Edward E., 1496 
Buchanan, 774 ^ 

Buchanan, Charles R., 2323 



Buchanan county, 921 

Buchoz, Numa O., 1662 

Buck, James T., 1486 

Buckmaster, Daniel F., 2077 

Buckmaster, Elizabeth, 2077 

Buckner, 862 

Buckner, A. O., 64 

Buckner, Joe D., 2582 

Buckner, Murrell L., 1573 

Buckner, Robert O., 2680 

Budd, Otho W., 2181 

Buena Vista, 492 

Buffalo, 739, 870 

Buffalo Bayou, 606, 724 

Buffalo Bayou, Brazos & Colorado R. 

R., 607, 661, 720 
Buffalo Bayou Ship Channel Co., 727 
Buffalo Gap, 925, 927 
Buffalo Herd in the Panhandle — One 

of the Few Surviving Herds In the 

U, S. (view). 992 
Buffalo hunting, 922 
Buffington, Thomas C, 2277 
Buford, William C, 2446 
Bumpas, Ella C, 2466 
Bumpas, James H., 2456 
Buna, 704 
Bunn*s Bluff, 697 
Burch, Thomas A., 2069 
Burger, Joseph A., 2421 
Burgher, Ballard M., 2566 
Burkbumet, 811 
Burke, 909 

Burke, Joseph F., 1636 
Burke, Patrick, 1635 
Burkeville, 702 
Burkey, Frederick J., 1745 
Burkhalter. Daniel W., 2320 
Burleson, 760 
Burleson county, 741 
Burleson, Edward, 212, 269, 271, 276, 

319, 345, 442, 508; report on San 

Antonio, 357 
Burleson, Leigh, 1110 
Burmeister, Frank H., 2268 
Burnet, 809 
Burnet county, 809 
Burnet, David G., 53, 102, 190, 222, 

395, 555, 720; administration, 466; 

message, 457, 466 
Burnett, Samuel B., 2564 
Bumey, Henry P., 2632 
Bumham's, 155, 667; Houston's army 

at, 443 
Burns, Arthur C, 2384 
Burrell, William, 1519 
Burroughs, Samuel R., 2441 
Burrus, Felix A., 2527 
Burryss, George C, 2162 
Burton, E. L., 2374 
Burton. Newton A., 2287 
Burwell, William M., 1386 
Bush, Ira J., 1652 
Butchofsky, Librado, 2410 
Butler, Anthony, 141, 142 
Butler, Oliver H., 2153 
Butler, Thomas B., 2627 
Butter, William A., 2618 
Butterfleld mail stage, 1062 
Butz, Herman H., 1751 
Byers, 838 

Byers, Rufus J., 2657 
Byrne, Henry E., 2480 
Byrnes, James W., 2380 

Cain, Ben B., 1677 

Cain, Charles M., 1231 

Calder, Loretto L., 2661 

Calder, Samuel D., 2661 

Caldwell, 741, 742, 743, 749 

Caldwell county, 746 

Caldwell, James A., 2229 

Caldwell, Matthew, 269, 475, 747 

Caldwell, Thomas J., 2666 

Caldwell, Walter H., 2664 

Calhoun county, 676 

Calhoun, George M., 1898 

Callaghan, Asbery A., 2030 

Oallaghan, John R., 2080 

Callahan county, 923 

Callahan, J. H., 512 

Callan, George P., 1210 

Calnan, George B., 2331 

Calvert, 752, 753 

Calvert, William J., 2416 

Cambridge, 838 

Cameron, 749, 750 

Cameron county, 496, 613 

Cameron, John, 191, 341 

Cameron, John T., 1508 

Camozze, Anton, 1763 

Camp county, 890 

Camp Colorado, 768, 770 

Camp Cooper, 840 

Camp San Saba, 781 

Oampe Verde, 1016, 1019 

Campaign of 1866, 554 

Campaign of 1869, 561 

Campaign of 1872, 670 

Campaign of 1886, 600 

Campaign of 1888, 602 

Campbell, Alexander, 2173 

Campbell, Andrew M., 1667 

Campbell, Ben, 1908 

Campbell, Cyrus M., 2160 

Campbell, Clara R., 1808 

Campbell, Frank, 2194 

Campbell, John L., 2263 

Campbell, Peyton L., 1589 

Campbell, Robert F., 2071 

Campbell, Theodore C, 1386 

Canadian Citv, 987 

Cbnary Island settlers, 1002 

Cane Belt R. R., 654, 658 

Caney, 275 

Caney river, 653 

Caney valley, 657 

Canon, Joseph Y., 2602 

Canon, R. T., 2117 

Canton. 876 

Cantrell, Charles E., 2417 

Canyon City, 979 

Canyon in the Plains (view), 921 

Capital, at Columbia, 648 

Capital of Texas, 804 

Capitals of Texas, 465, 468 

Capitol building, 602 

Capitol building at Columbia (view), 

Capitol Syndicate, 598 
Capitol Syndicate Ranch, 976, 986, 969, 

Caples, William, 2328 
Garden, D. Frank, 1561 
Garden, George A., 1371 
Carhart, John W., 2310 
Cariker, Jesse W., 2286 
Carlock, E. A., 2614 
Carlton, Lobel A., 2060 
Carlton, W. T., 2367 



Oarmlchael, Flinn N., 1203 

Carpenter, Eugene R., 1382 

Carpenter, George H., 1338 

Carpenter, Marcellus S., 1775 

Carr, Frank, 2114 

Carr-Burdette College, 862 

Carrigan, A. H., 2090 

Carrlza, 647 

Carrizo Springs, 1036, 1037 

OarroU, Frank Ia,.1835 

Carroll, James M., 1243 

Carroll, J. D., 1613 

Carrolton, 853 

Carson county, 982 

Carson. Nick H., 2498 

Carson, S. P., 395 ; report of, 446 

Cart War, 515, 618, 626 

Carter, Alonzo, 2593 

Carter, Edgar H., 1913 

Carter, E. H., 1128 

Carter, Kellus, 2157 

Carter, Samuel F., 1336 

Carthage, 905 

Cartwrlght, John M., 1769 

Cartwrlght, Leonidas, 2199 

Cartwrlght, Lon D., 1230 

Cartwrlght, Matthew, 2483 

Caruth, Walter, 2080 

Clary, Edward H., 1882 

Cason, 889 

Cass county, 886 

Cassell, William C, 1238 

Cassiano, Frank, 2396 

Cassiano, Jose, 2396 

Castleberry, James R., 1364 

Castro county, 975 

Castro, Henry, 1025 

CastroviUe, 1025, 1026, 1027 

Caswell, William T., 1607 

Cattle industry, 593 (see under in- 
dividual counties) 

Cattle interests, 591 

Cattle trails, 593 

Caufleld, J. W., 2497 

Cavln, Ernest D., 1179 

Cawthon, James E., 2394 

Caylor, Harvey C.,' 1134 

Oayton, E. C, 1202 

Cedar Hill, 853, 855 

Cedar Springs, 852, 855 

Celaya, Augustine, 2479 

Celeste, 874 

Celina, 863 

Cement, 853 

Center, 906, 918 

Center Point 1016 

CentervlUe, 738 

Central Committee, 181, 183 

Central Committee of 1832, 96 

Centralization in Mexico, 299 

Chaffln, Justus B., 2249 

Chamber of Commerce, El Paso, 
(view), 1041 

Chamberlain, Uriel T., 1224 

Chambers county, 694, 698 

Chambers, T^indon C, 1878 

Chambers, Robert C, 1092 

Chambers, Thomas J., 53, 56, 160, 321, 

Chance. James O., 2023 

Channing, 989 

Chapman, Richard A., 1228 

Chappell Hill, 664. 808 

Chase, Fred, 1435 

Chastain. Milton B.. 2496 

Cheatham, William B., 1936 

Cherokee, 766 

Cherokee county, 546, 906 
Cherokee Chief Bowles, 288 
Cherokee Indians, 27; Treaty of 1826, 

35, 42, 306, 338 ; treaty, 341, 463 
Cherry, B. F., 2079 
Chesnutt, Jesse C, 1523 
Chesser, Louis, 1293 
Chichester, John W., 2270 
Chlco, 831 

Childers, Robert A., 1980 
Childress, 971 
Childress county, 971 
Childress, George C, 390, 749 
Ohilllcothe, 940 
Chllson, William H., 1176 
Chriesman, Horatio, 68 
Christen, Louis J., 1778 
Christian, James E., 2204 
Church of San Fernando (view), 1025 
Cisco, 795, 797 

Cities, maximum taxation, 576 
aty Hall, San Antonio (view), 1023 
avll war, 651 
Clairemont, 942 
Clapp, Charles A., 2113 
Clapp, Mary, 2113 
Clapp, Suffleld, 1538 
Clarendon, 993 
Clark, Alvin P.. 1999 
Clark, James W. A., 2397 
Clark, Lee F., 2351 
Clark, Leigh, 2593 
Clark, Robert P., 1214 
Clark, Simon J., 1611 
Clark, William H., 1166 
ClarksviUe, 809, 881 
Claude, 978 
Clay county, 838 
Clay, Henry, 63 
Clay, John R., 2530 
Clayton, Augustan W., 2144 
Clayton, Mitchell S., 1727 
Clayton, Walter S., 1766 
Cleburne, 597, 774, 775 
Cleek, Henry H., 2389 
aegg, Thomas J., 2188 
Clements, Phil H., 2546 
Cleveland, J. Stewart, 2111 
Cleveland, Marie L., 2112 
difford, James, 2264 
Clinton, 674 
Clopper's Bar, 719 
Clopper's Point, 209 
Clopton, Julian C, 1093 
Closner, John. 2477 
Clousnitzer, E. A., 2052 
Qower, Daniel M., 2524 
Cnower, Walter M., 2624 
Clyce, Thomas S., 2138 
Coahuila and Texas state. 19; State 

constitution, 51; Departments of, 53; 

Separate statehood, 95 ; Relations of, 

Cobb, Luther F., 1994 
CJobb. Robert. 2250 
Cobble. Thomas H., 1276 
Cobbs. Thomas D., 1700 
Cochran county, 956 
Cochran. Samuel P., 2476 
Cocke. Joseph J., 2259 
Cocke. Richard, 1382 
Cockrell, Joseph E., 1105 
Coffee. Woodson, 1170 
Coffeevllle. 892 
Coffin. Cameron O.. 1306 
Coffman. William W.. 1815 
Cohen, Henry, 1070 



Cohn, Barney, 1159 

Cbke county, 960 

€ok^ Richard, 571 ; inaugural, 574, 589, 
.'786 ) 

ColdWater, 992 

Cold Spring, 708, 712 

Cole, John S., 1103 

Cole, Robert, 1296 

Cole, Robert M., 1920 

Cole, William F., 2095 

Cole, WllUam M., 1760 

Coleman city, 771, 772 

Ooleman county, 770 

Coleman, Henry L., 1854 

Coleman, R. M., 269 

Coles, J. Frank, 1909 

Coleto, battle of, 430, 431; capitula- 
tion, 432 

College Station, 740 

Collegeport, 656 

Collier, Lewie H., 1184 

Collier, W. W., 1609 

Collin county, 862 

Collingsworth county, 977 

Collins, Henry J., 1958 

Collins, Jesse F., 2047 

Collins, Littleton E., 2395 

Collins, Vinson A., 1325 

Collins, William B., 2146 

Collins, William T., 1297 

CollinsYille, 850 

Collinsworth, George, 275 

CoUinsworth, James, 477 

Collom, Spencer A., 1473 

Colonists object to revenue duties, 204 

Colonization law, 186 

Colonization T^aws, 19, 20, 22 et seq., 26 

Colony contracts, list of, 25 

Colorado city, 931 

Colorado county, 659, 698; negro plot, 

Colorado river, 506, 653, 655, 669, 668 

Colquitt, O. B., 1068 

Columbia, 170, 184, 205, 212, 218, 251, 
285, 300, 456, 457, 507, 648 

Columbia, meeting at, 213, 250 

Columbus, 443, 659, 660, 668 

Comal county, 798 

Comaltown, 799 

Comanche, 795, 796, 1054 

Comanche county, 517, 794 

Comanche and Shawnees, battle, 89 

Comanches, 463, 464 

Comer, Charles C, 1411 

Comfort, 1015 

Commerce, 874 

Commission government, 689 

Committees of Safety, 212 

Committee of Safety at Columbia, 250 ; 
address of, 252 

Committee of vigilance, 216 

Committee on public safety, 536 

Compton, H. T., 1597 

Concho county, 967 

Concord, 706 

Gone, Adam, 1374 

Coulee, Preston, 1669 

Connally, Tom F., 1116 

Connell, E. F., 1503 

Conner, Joseph F., 1884 

Conroe, 715, 716 

Considine, Thomas J., 2642 

Constitution of 1824, support of, 262 

Constitution of 1876, 576 

Constitution, making of first state, 486 

Constitution, as proposed in 1833, 102 

Constitutional amendments, 601 
Constitutional convention of 1868, 559 
Consultation of 1835, 250 
Consultation, election of delegates, 262, 

284; members of, 285; elections, 300 ; 

declaration, 303, 304 ; officers elected, 

Contraband trade in 1834, 200 
Conventions of 1832 and 1833, 91 et 

seq., 166 
Convention of 1875, 576 
Convention of independence, last hours 

of, 395 
Convention, proposed, 246 
Conway, John T., 1076 
Cook, George J., 1738 
Cook, John W., 2022 
Cook, Robert H., 2298 
Cooke county, 843 
Cooke, Clay, 2602 
Cooke, W. G., 473 
Cookville, 888 
Coolidge, 755 

Coombes, Charles E., 1091 
Coon, Robert P., 2314 
Coons, Llewellyn, 2073 
Cooper, 878 
Cooper, Arba A., 1796 
Cooper, Charles T., 2460 
Cooper, John A., 1837 
Cooper, Marion A., 1448 
Cooper, Sam B., 1515 
Cooper, Sam B., Jr., 1516 
Coopwood, Thomas B., 2147 
Copano, 199, 264, 276, 375, 436, 020 
Copley, Eugene W., 1660 
Corley, John H., 1344 
Corley, Quentin D., 1327 
Coronado expedition, 1 
Corporations, foreign, 601 
Corpus Beach Hotel, Corpus Christ I 

(view), 631 
Corpus Christl, 491, 637, 638 
Corpus Christl, San Diego & Rio Grande 

R. R., 637 
Corslcana, 762, 763, 764 
Cortina's rebellion, 516 
Coryell city, 788 
Coryell county, 517, 788 
Cos, General de, 199; circular letter 

of July 12, 1835, 231 ; letters to, 236 
Coss, Charles E., 1456 
Cotter, James E., 1699 
Cottle county. 942 
Cotton Belt R. R., 762 
Cotton, exports in 1833, 171 
Cotton gin, 773 
Oottrell, J. D., 1712 
Cotulla, 621 
Cotulla, Joseph, 622 
Couch, Stephen E., 2395 
Counties, formation of. 490, 504 
Counts, Lawson C, 1795 
Court delays under Mexican govern- 
ment, 109 
Courthouse. Weatherford, Parker 

county (view), 812 
Courthouse at Big Sprines (view), "961 
Cow Bayou settlement, 696, 708 
Cowan, G. Evans, 1665 
Cowan, James D.. 2369 
Cowen, William D., 2079 
Cox, Albert B.. 2189 
Cox. Thomas M., 1635 
Cox's Point, 676 
Cozby, V. Bascom, 1939 



Crabb, Robert H., 1492 

Craddock, Lemuel, 1578 

Craig, Thomas D., 1463 

Craig, Thomas E., 1713 

Craig, Thomas H., 2598 

Crane county, 1042 

Crane, Martin M., 1113 

Crane, Royston C, 1157 

Crane, William C, 1157 

Crane, William R., 1949 

CranflU, Tom E., 2402 

Crawford, D. B., 2208 

Crawford, John W., 1273 

Crawford, Walter J., 1404 

Crle, Henry C, 1653 

Crltchell, Otis A., 2615 

Crockett, early mission near, 3, 733, 

735, 916 
Crockett county, 1030 
Crockett, Davy, 408, 409 
Crockett, D. D., 1100 
Crook, Walter J., 1802 
Crosby county, 946 
Crosbyton, 946 

Crosbyton, South Plains R. R., 946 
Cross, Daniel T., 1499 
Cross, Ed., 2481 
Cross, Thomas L., 1252 
Crothers, W. D., 1211 
Crotty, J. Wlllard, 2522 
Crow, Galen, 1885 
Crowell, 938, 939 
Crozat, Antolne, 3 
Crudgington, Jonathan W., 2139 
Crudgington, William B., 1952 
Cruse, William W., 1518 
Cruz, Victor, 1483 
Crystal City, 1030 
Cuernavaca, Plan of, 179 
Cuero, 673, 674 
Culberson county, 1049, 1050 
Culberson, Charles, administration, 609 
Culp, George H., 1102 
Cummins, Humboldt H., 1421 
Cummins, John M., 2454 
Cummins, Josephine, 2454 
Cunningham, Thomas M., 2016 
Cunningham, William J., 1893 
Curran, T. J. O., 1761 
Curry, Walter M.. 2652 
Curtis, Amos M., 2131 
Curtis, I. S., 2348 
Curtis. WyclifT K., 2639 
Cutting Alfalfa in the Pecos Valley of 

Texas (view), 1047 

Daggett, B. M., 818 

Dalngerfleld, 887, 889 

Dalby Springs, 883 

Dalhart, 989, 993 

Dallam county, 992 

Dallas county. 846, 852 

Dallas, 852, 854-862; the Herald, 855; 
State Fair, 855 ; during the war, 855 ; 
railways, 856; municipal improve- 
ment, 859; schools, 860; churches, 
860; State Fair, 860; manufacturing, 

Dallas Public Library (view), 853 

Dallas & Wichita R. R., 847, 857 

Dalrymple, Eugene J., 2152 

Dalton, Crate, 2093 

Dalton, Lacy W., 2053 

Daly, David. 1953 

Dameron, William E., 1961 

Dana, William H., 1666 

Daniel Baker College, 770 

Daniel, James T., 2171 

Daniel, Joseph E., 1790 

Daniel, Rufus B., 2261 

Danish settlers, 658 

Dannelly, Francis M., 2576 

Dansby, Durant M., 2024 

Danville, 716 

Darby, Willis W., 1096 

Dashlell, Alfred H., 2667 

Daugherty, Jacamiah S., 2034 

Davidson, Charles E., 2326 

Davidson, Lynch, 2192 

Davidson, Robert V., 1578 

Davidson, William L, 1292 

Davidson. Hon. William L., 1851 

Davis, Clayton C, 2373 

Davis, Dee, 1611 

Davis, Drew S.. 1679 

Davis, E. J., 549, 561, 563; message, 

564 ; last stand, 572 ; administration, 

Davis, G. C, 1792 
Davis, James B., 2438 
Davis, James H., 1862 
Davis, James T., 2520 
Davis, Juo. G., 221S 
Davis, John M.. 1917 
Davis, Joseidi G., 2225 
Davis, J. H. P., 1537 
Davis, J. Wed, 1948 
Davis, Olney, 1707 
Davis, Robert E., 2370 
Davis, Robert F., 2341 
Davis, Prof. Robert F., 2556 
Davis, Samuel A., 2224 
Davis, Stephen G., 1103 
Davis, Tom C, 2440 
Davitte, R. S., 2252 
Dawson, 493 
Dawson county, 948 
Dawson town, 764 
Dawson, George W., 2411 
Day, Alfred E., 2512 
Day, William C, 2570 
Dayton, 711 

Deaf Smith county, 979 
Dean, John M., 2669 
Dean, Starling W., 2220 
Deats, Louis T., 2340 
Decatur, 830, 832 
Decker, William W., 1419 
Declaration of independence, 386, 390; 

signers, 393 
Dedmon, Perry G., 2375 
Deep harbor, 603 
De la Garza. Cayetano M., 2505 
De Leon, 795 
De I^eon, expedition, 2 
De T^eon, Martin, 178 
DeLong, A. Chauncey. 2174 
Del Rio, 529, 1033, 1034 
Delta county, 878 
Democratic platform of 1884, 599 
Denison, 848, 849, 850, 851, 852 
Denlson & Pacific R. R., 844 
Denison & Southeastern R. R., 873 
Denman, Alexander M., 1638 
Denman, Kester W., 1638 
Dennis, Mills, 2383 
Denton, 846 
Denton, Ben H., 2226 
Denton county, 846 
Deport, 880 
De Soto expedition, 1 
Detroit, 881 


Deutz, Charles, 1757 
De Vaca, Cabeza, 1 
DeWees ford, 659 
DeWltt colony, 154, 669 
DeWItt county, 673 
DeWltt, Green, 268 
D'Hanis, 1025, 1026 
Dial, William P., 1439 
Dickens, 943 
Dickens county, 943 
Dickey, Samuel R., 1090 
Dickey, Walter C, 1439 
Dickinson, Charles H., 1186 
Dickinson, Lieutenant, 414, 416 
Dickinson, Mrs., 442 
Dies, William W., 1520 
Dlgnowity, Anthony F., 1226 
Dillard, Bee A., 1449 
Dimmit, 975 

Dimmft county, 640, 1036 
Dimmit, Phillip, 277, 397, 421 
Dimmit's Landing, 676 
Display of Parker County Water- 
melons (view), 813 
Dixon, Sam H., 1548 
Dobklns, John W., 1774 
Dockray. W. H., 2109 
Dodd, 867 

Dohoney, Alfred P., 1072 
Dollins, John T., 2095 
Dominguez, Simon G., 2370 
Donley county, 993 
Doose, C. A., 2573 
Dorbandt, Jeff D., 1137 
Dorbandt, Robert L., 1379 
Dorrance, John M., 1989 
Doss, Amberry K., 2568 
Doucette, Albert B., 2273 
Douglas, Stephen A., 1664 
Douglass, 916 
Dow, James L., 1960 
Downie, J. H., 2612 
Downing, James L., 2370 
Downs, John W., 2098 
Dozier, William E., 2213 
Drainage districts, 681, 743 
Drane, James A., 2072 
Dresden, 762, 763 
Drumm, Robert, 2390 
Dublin. 780 
Duff, F. Jo, 1591 
Duggan, Edmund, 1619 
Duke, James C, 1105 
Dumas, 989 

Dunagan, Charles C, 1196 
Dunbar, Hal C, 1749 
Duncan, Arthur B., 1656 
Duncan, John, 1360 
Duncan, John T., 1823 
Duncan, Simeon W. S., 2538 
Duncan, William P., 1857 
Duncan, William T., 2613 
Dunn county, 640, 642 
Dunn, William W., 2282 
Dunne, David H., 2C30 
Durham, Charles E., 23(^3 
Durham, Dewitt C, 1083 
Durrum, James C, 1843 
Durst, Horatio, Jr., 2433 
Durst, John, 189. 196 
Duval county, 640 
Duval, Evan, 1291 
Dycus, Andrew W., 1512 
Dyer, John L., 1141 

Eads, Homer, 1832 

Eagle Lake, 660, 698, 699 

Eagle Pass, 1031, 1032 

Eakle, O. M., 2337 

Earl, Edward W., 2635 

Earnest, Charles H., 2457 

Earthman, Henry W., 1488 

Eason, James I., 1700 

Easterling, Alfred H., 2117 

Eastern Texas R, R., 508 

Easterwood, Birch D., 2100 

Eastland city, 796, 797 

Eastland county, 517, 796 

Eastland, James H., 2887 

East Line & Red River R. R., 603, 863, 
889, 894 

East Texas, occupation by Spain. 3, 
4 ; and the Revolution, 228 ; frontier, 
263; public opinion on Revolution, 
286, 288 

East Texas Strawberry Farm (view), 

Eaton. Robert W.. 1663 

Eberhart, F. S., 1976 

Eberle, Eugene G., 1568 

Echols, George H., 2498 

Rckman, Wl'imer K., 13C7 

Ector, 867 

Ector county, 965 

Eden, 968 

Edens, James W., 2101 

Edgar, James H., 2288 

Edgar, Matthew E., 2049 

Edinburg, 643, 644 

Edmonson. Joseph N., 2365 

Edna, 675 

Education, under Mexican regime, 54; 
Lamar's message, 462. 465; estab- 
lishment of free schools, 488; prob- 
lems, 582; after the war, 565, 586, 

Edwards, B. W., 29 

Edwards county, 1022 

Edwards, Hayden, 26 

Edwards, Monroe, 69 

Edwards, Peyton F., 1216 

Edwards, Peyton J.. 1217 

Edwards, S. B., 2207 

Elberta Peach, 868 

El Campo, 658 

Election of 1860. 530 

Election laws. 567 

Electra, 811. 813 

Electra Oil Fields, Wichita Falls 
(view) , 815 

Elephant Butte Reservoir (view), 1055 

Elgin, 745 

Elgin, Thomas A., 1473 

Elkins, James A., 2345 

Elliott, Andrew L., 2362 

Elliott, James W., 1310 

Elliott, Hon. James W., 1431 

Elliott, S. B.. 1189 

Elliott, S. E., 2357 

Ellis county. 791 

Ellis, John H., 1969 

Ellis, John T.. 2345 

Ellis, John W.. 1235 

Ellis. Joseph G., 1326 

Elliston, Harrison M., 1101 

Elmen. Claes A., 1322 

Elmendorf, 1000 

Elmendorf, Gus, 1752 

El Paso, 1050, 1051-1059 ; founding and 
early history, 1051, 1052; railroads. 


1056; old settlers, 1057; Irrigatioa 
projects, 1057; municipal improve- 
ments, 1058. 

El Paso's Modem Business Blocks 
(view), 1053 

El Paso Smelting Works (view), 1043 

El Paso county, 496, 1049 

Embrey, WUford J., 2344 

Emma, 946 

Emory, 875 

ESmpresario system, 22 ; contracts, 25 

English, Shirley M., 1065 

Enloe, 878 

Ennls, 792, 793 

Erath county, 517, 780 

Erath, G. B., 513, 784 

Erwin, John C, 2324 

Erwin, Thomas R., 1882 

Eskota, 930 

Eskridge, John M., 2313 

Espada mission, 278 

Espy, Joseph W., 2451 

Estes, Benjamin T., 1396 

Estes, William L., 1397 

Etheridge, Francis M., 2376 

Evans, Andrew H., 2493 

Evans, Idris W., 1710 

Evans, Ira H., 1281 

Evans, J. F., 1482 

Evans, William L., 1263 

Exall, Henry, 1308 

Eylar, A. S. J., 2257 

Fairfield, 773 

Falfurrias, 640, 646 

Falls county, 748, 758 

Falls of the Brazos, 167, 748 

Fannin, 419, 427; account of move- 
ments, 427 et seq. ; capitulation, 432 ; 
massacre, 434 

Fannin county, 865 

Fannin, John S., 1661 

Fannin, J. W., 319, 278, 327, 330, 342, 
367, 373, 382, 383, 395, 402 

Fant, Charles D., 2Q20 

Farmer, Robert A., 2228 

Farmer, Robert E., 1351 

Farmers Alliance, 593, 596, 600 

Farmersville, 863 

Farnsworth, Joseph E., 1434 

Farwell, 976 

Faver, Polk Morgan, 1202 

Fayette county, 667 

Fayetteville, 669 

Fears, John B., 1407 

Featherstone, William B., 2550 

Federal troops in Texas, 550 

Feely, John H., 1756 

Feild, Julian C, 1616 

Felder, Charles B., 1782 

Fenley, WiUiam M., 2509 

Fenn, Francis M. O., 1547 

Fennell, James H., 1416 

Fenner, R. W., 1634 

Fernandez, Ralph, 1590 

Ferrell, Joseph R., 2096 

Ferris, 793 

Ferris, Royal A., 1065 

Few of Houston's Skyscrapers, A 
(view), 734 

Field, James W., 2253 

Fielder, A. A., 1627 

Fielding, William H., 1464 

Fields, Barney W., 1806 

Finances of Republic, 458, 459, 461, 466, 

Finances, 568, 578, 583 

Finlay, Quitman, 2101 

Finley, J. Knox, 1579 

Finney, Hanford E., 1129 

Finney, Patrick A., 1572 

First constitution of Republic, 393, 394 

First state normal, 714 

Fiscal affairs, 581 

B^sh and oyster industry, 676 

Fish, Sherman E., 1123 

Fisher county, 930 

Fisher, Daniel 6., 2546 

Fisher, John W., 1200 

Fisher, Lewis, 1771 

Fisher, W. S., 475 

Fitzpatrick, WUliam W., 1860 

FitzSimon, John T., 2448 

Flamm, Willis H., 1993 

Flanagan, Webster, 2003 

Flaniken, Barton D., 2231 

Flato, Charles H., 1248 

Flatonia, 668, 669 

Flautt, Jess A., 1183 

Fleming, J. Amos, 1838 

Flesher, William J., 1630 

Flippo, Ernest S., 1855 

Floeckinger, Frank C, 1847 

Floore, John W., 2420 

Florence, Sim, 2076 

Florea, John C, 1694 

Flores, Manuel E., 2405 

Floresville, 617 

Floteau, Louis S., Jr., 2082 

Floyd county, 946 

Floydada, 947 

Fly, Ashley W., 1535 

Foard City, 938 

Foard county, 938 

Fogg, Howard, 2418 

Forbes, James W., 1207 

Forbes, John, 341 

Forbes. May C, 1207 

Ford. Francis C, 1799 

Ford, Henry, 1177 

Ford, Thomas J., 2236 

Ford, Thomas W., 1339 

Ford, Walter C, 1178 

Fordyce, Sam, 614, 644 

Foree, Kenneth, 1586 

Foreign relations, 460 

Forman, Stephen C, 1369 

Formwalt, John M., 1154 

Forney, 872 

Forrest, Robert B., 1379 

Forreston, 794 

Forsyth, James P., 1413 

Forsyth, Robert T., 2151 

Fort Anahuac, 694 

Fort Belknap, 512, 518, 840, 841, 842 

Fort Bend, 70, 439, 444 

Fort Bend county, 650 

Fort Bend settlement, 651 

Fort Bliss, 1052 

Fort Boggy, 738 

Fort Brown, 615, 616 

Fort Brown, Cameron county (view), 

Fort Chadboume, 960, 966 
Fort Chambers, 694 
Fort Clark, 1083 
Fort Concho. 960, 969, 1054 
Fort Davis, 1048 
Fort Davis Scene (view), 551 
Fort Duncan, 1031 
Fort Elliott, 584, 971, 980 
Fort Gates, 788 


Fort Graham, 777, 778, 816 

Fort Griffin, 022 

Fort Houston, 868 

Fort Inge, 1028 

Fort Lincoln, 1026 

Fort Mcintosh, 635 

Fort McKavett, 9&Q, 1035 

Fort Mason, 908, 1024 

Fort Phantom HiU, 840 

Fort Quitman, 1056 

Fort Richardson, 835 

Fort Sam Houston, 1007 

Fort Sam Houston, San Antonio 
(view), 1000 

Fort St Louis, 2 

Fort Stockton, 1041, 1043, 1054 

Fort Teran, 704 

Fort Tenoxtitlan, 740 

Fort Worth City, 815, 817-825 ; public 
schools, 822 ; municipal progress, 822 ; 
Board of Trade, 822; stockyards, 
packing Interests, 823; advantages 
and resources, 824 

Fort Worth & Denver City R. R., 812, 
821, 831, 035, 030, 071 

Fort Worth & New Orleans R. R., 821 

Fort Worth & Rio Grande R. R., 760, 
776, 781, 822 

Fortner, Edgar S., 1562 

Forto, Emilio C, 2265 

Forts, Mexican, 67 

Foscue, Garland B., 2608 

Foster, Annie R., 2612 

Foster, Arthur C, 1335 

Foster, Edmund J., 1307 

Foster, George W., 2350 

Foster, John W., 2364 

Foster, Marcellus E., 1380 

Foster, Mattie B., 1008 

Foster, Robert B. S., Jr., 1007 

Foster, Thomas C, 2611 

Foster, William L., 1422 

Fountain, James L., 2018 

Fourteenth amendment, 554 

Foute, Albert P., 2148 

Fowler, Samuel O., 1304 

Fowler, William N., 2400 

Fox, Edward L., 1544 

Fox, George W., 1716 

France, early relations to Texas, 2 

Francis, Stephen M., 10S4 

Francis, William D., 1137 

Franklin, 753, 1052 

Franklin county, 880 

Franklin, James L., 2580 

Eraser, Charles W., 1162 

Fredericksburg, 060, 1017, 1018 

Fredonian Rebellion, 26 et seq; Mina 
resolutions, 46; DeWltt's resolu- 
tions, 47, 04, 151, 153 

Fredonian war, 015 

Freeport, 650 

Freestone county, 564, 772 

Frelsburg, 660 

French, Alexander G., 2426 

French, George F., 1175 

French, Wesley A., 2061 

French, Willis M., 2326 

Freshman, Sam, 1102 

Friendswood, 680 

Fries, Louis, 2476 

Frio county, 610 

Friotown, 610 

Frisco, 863 

Frizzell, Thomas D., 2300 

Frizzell, Thomas P., 1152 

Frontier defense, cost of, 510 

Frontier, during war, 544 

Frontier, 583, 584 

Frontier settlements, 584 

Fry, Edwin J., 1475 

Fulbright, 881 

Fulton, 620 

Fulton, M., 2523 

Fulton, Samuel H., 2170 

Fuqua, 711 

Furneaux, William, 2070 

Gaal, Ignatius G.. 1S77 

Gable, Levi F., 1730 

Gafford, B. F., 1241 

Gail, 045 

Gaines, James, 32, 300 

Gaines, William P., 2401 

Gaines county, 054 

Gainesville, 844, 845 

Gainesville, Henrietta & Western R. R., 
834, 838 

Gaither, John D., 1805 

Galbraith, Harry, 1346 

Gallagher, N. A., 1600 

Gallatin, 008 

Gallia, Ignatz J., 1104 

Galveston, 18, 20, 67, 68, 140, 171, 
174, 175, 200, 202, 445, 456, 458, 
507, 548, 550, 556 ; first bridge, 684 ; 
storm of 1000, 684; causeway, 684; 
schools, 685 ; St Mary's College, 685 ; 
Sealy Hospital, 685; first federal 
building, 685; during the war, 685; 
harbor, 686 ; municipal improvements, 
686 ; waterworks, 686 ; storm of 1000, 
686; reconstruction, 688; Galveston 
idea, 688; commission government, 
680; sea wall, 680; grade raising, 
680; population, 600; institutions, 
600; deep water movement, 602; ex- 
ports, 604 

Galveston bay, 506 

Galveston city, 681-604 

Galveston and Brazos canal, 506 

Galveston & Brazos Navigation Co., 584 

Galveston Bay & Texas Land Company, 

Galveston county, 680 

Galveston, Colorado & San Francisco 
R. R., 760, 760, 771 

Galveston, Harrisburg & San Antonio 
R. R., 673, 728, 1010 

Galveston, Houston & Henderson R. R., 
507, 684 

Galveston Idea, 688 

Galveston island, 680 

Galveston port, 682, 601 et seq 

Galveston Wharf Co., 583 

Gamble, Harry R., 1220 

Gamble, William R., 1431 

Garden City, 063 

Gardner, Ashel B., 1130 

Garland, 853 

Garland, Jack R., 2404 

Garlington, Moses D., 1553 

Garlfngton, William D., 1554 

Garner, Marvin P., 1015 

Garrett, Alexander C, 1071 

Garrett, Christopher C, 1180 

Garrett, George H., 2463 

Garrett. Harry L., 1181 

Garrett, James W., 2028 

Garrett, John H., 2028 

Garrett, John G., 1156 

Garrett, William M., 2068 



Garrett, Wyatt J., 2441 

Garrison, Thomas S., 1410 

Garrison, William Y., 2459 

Garrison, Z. D. (Rho), 1409 

Garvey, Benjamin P., 1167 

Garwood, Hiram M., 2051 

Gary, Hampson, 1075 

Garza, Celedonio, 2233 

Garza, Celedonio M., 2234 

Garza county, 945 

Gas production, 811, 813, 838 

Gass, David R., 1988 

Gates, Alexander F., 2502 

Gates, Christopher C, 2305 

Gatesville, 788 

Gathering Strawberries, 867 

Gavito, Valentin, 1247 

Gault, W. A., 1892 

Gay Hill, 664 

Gebhardt, Charles, 2371 

Gee, A. H., 1718 

Gee, William E., 2196 

Geen, Arthur, 2082 

Geen, Elizabeth, 2083 

Geer, Lorenzo J., 1326 

General convention proposed, 234 

General Council, 220; address to peo- 
ple, 292; address to people of U. S., 
295; finances, 298; address to San 
Antonio victors, 360 

General Order No. 40, 558 

Georgia, 700 

Georgetown, 807, 808 

Gerlach, George, 2360 

German colonization, 470 

German settlers, 617, 618, 659, 663, 668, 
670, 674, 676, 679, 750, 757, 767, 798. 
800, 806, 999, 1015, 1017, 1018, 1024 

Geron, Thomas C, 1463 

Ghio, Antonio L., 2409 

Glbbs, George N., 2068 

Gibson, Fred P., 1755 

Gibson, Hon. James B., 1928 

Gibson, James B., 2588 

Gibson, James P., 1277 

Gibson, John S., 2328 

Gibson, Robert, 1169 

Gibson, S. William, 1328 

Gibson, William R., 2382 

Giddings, 743 

Giddings, D. C, 568, 1781 

Giddings, J. D., 2385 

Gidney, Charles C, 1993 

Gilbert, Joe, 2595 

Gillespie county, 798, 1017 

Gillespie, Allen C, 1568 

Gillespie, Charles B., 1158 

Gillespie, James H., 2425 

Gillespie, John P., 2607 

Gillett, James B., 2515 

Gillett, Sam B., 1860 

Gilliand, James L., 1223 

Glllman, Louis, 2106 

Gilmer, 892 

Gilmer, Bryan B., 1647 

Gilmore, John F., 2218 

Girls' Industrial Home, Simmons Col- 
lege, Abilene (view), 949 

Gladewater, 899 

Gladney, Samuel W., 1188 

Glardon, William B., 1423 

Glasgow, John H., 1670 

Glass, Joseph N., 2152 

Glass, Samuel C, 2339 

Glasscock county, 962 

Glasscock, George W., 807, 962, 1859 

Glazbrook, Charles E. H., 2202 

Glen Rose, 776 

Goen, U. S., 2259 

Gohlke, Frank H., 1785 

Golding, Alfred, 1763 

Goldoft, Maurice, 1302 

Goldoft, Nathan, 1302 

Goldstein, Abe H., 2458 

Goldthwaite, 768 

Goliad, 4, 67, 107, 169, 174 ; capture of. 

275, 277, 346, 402, 433; massacre, 

434, 439. 474, 515, 627 
Goliad county, 625 
Goliad declaration of independence, 

386, 627 
Gonzales, 91, 155, 158, 161, 170, 174, 

217, 238; first battle at, 267, 268; 

effect of, 272; Texas army at, 275, 

442; burned, 443, 671 
Gonzales county, 669 
Gonzalez, Porfirio J., 1526 
Goodfellow, John J., 1094 
Goodman, Lewis, 2453 
Goodnight, 978 
Goodnight. C, 971 
Goodnight, Henry F., 2141 
Goodrich. William F., 2501 
Goodwin, George I., 1152 
Goodwin, John W., 2165 
Gordon, Eugene C. 1827 
Gordon, Harry B., 1663 
Goree, Langston J., 2000 
Gorman, Shiloh, 1818 
Governor, 487; term of. 577 
Graham, 842, 843 
Graham. E. S., 842 
Graham, Thomas N., 1401 
Granbury, 775, 776 
Grand Prairie, 853 
Grand Ranche, 829 
Grand Saline, 546, 876 
Grand View, 774, 775 
Grange, Texas State, 593. 598 
Grant, George W., 2027 
Grant, Dr. James, 190, 195. 350, 363, 

377, 382, 419 ; slain, 423, 427 
Grant, Nathan, 1916 
Grant, Samuel H., 2620 
Grapevine, 817 
Grass fight, 347 
Graves, Amos, Sr., 1831 
Graves, Robert C, 1845 
Gray, Carey A., 1702 
Gray county, 981 
Grayson county, 848 
Grayson, P. W., 138,, 265, 477 
Grayson, William H.. 2212 
Great Pecos Viaduct (view), 103J) 
Green, Peter J., 2297 
Green, Thomas, 548 
Green, William A., 1174 
Green, William B., 2274 
Greenback party. 597, 598, 600 
Greene. Rufus. 1434 
Greenville. 590, 873. .S74 
Greenwood, Elmore P., 1791 
Greer, Alvls E.. 1322 
Greer. Earl M.. 1320 
Greer, George C, 1.^)f>3 
Greer, Robert A., 13.% 
Greer, William J., 1319 
Gregg county, ^98 
Gregg. John. 536 
Gregory. 633 

Greshara, Walter. aS8, 1677 
Griffith. Emily, 1692 



Griffith, John S., 1691 

Griggs, Robert S., 1208 

Grlgsby, Clarence M., 1580 

Grimes county, 717 

Grimland, James E., 1631 

Grinnau, James S., 1696 

Grlsham, Robert N., 2364 

Gritten, Edward, 235, 239 

Groce, Jared E., 55 

Groce's, 444 

Groesbeck, 504, 754, 755 

Group of Dallas Skyscrapers in 1908 

(view), 833 
Group of Dallas Skyscrapers (view), 

Groveton, 736 
Grown on £2ast Texas Sandy Land, 

Nacogdoches county (view), 883 
Guadalupe county, 800 
Guadalupe river, 506, 674 
Guenther, Erhard R., 2266 
Guest, James C. A., 1791 
Guillot, August S., 1581 
Guinn, Frank B., 2155 
Guinn, John B., 2159 
Guinn, Lee D., 1274 
Gulf & Interstate R. R., 695 
Gulf, Beaumont & Kansas City R. R., 

Gulf, Colorado & Santa Fe R. R., 662, 

686, 757, 758 
Gunn, Elisha K., 1467 
Gunn, Moses L., 1168 
Gunter, Addison Y., 1906 
Gunter Hotel, San Antonio (view), 

Gunter, Lillian, 1906 
Gunter, William W., 1905 
Guthrie, 941 
Gypsum, 940 

Haden, William D., 2489 

Hadlock, James W., 1956 

Hahl, CJharles W., 1398 

Raid, Walter S., 1408 

Haidusek, Augustine, 1838 

Haidusek, George L., 1852 

Halbert, Pleasant F., 2205 

Hale center, 952 

Hale county, 951 

Hale, Joel N., 1405 

Haley, Robert R., 2347 

Hall county, 972 

Hall, Claude V., ^02 

Hall, F. Norwood, 1159 

Hall, James J., 1639 

Hall, Jesse D., 1290 

Hall, Joseph W. L., 2457 

Hall, Leonidas R., 1498 

Hall, W. D. C, 216 

Halletsvllle, 672 

Halley, W. B., 1209 

Hallsvllle, 898 

Halton, Charles T., 1885 

Hamblen, Alfred R., 1963 

Hamblen, Edwin P., 1448 

Hamilton, 790 

Hamilton county, 517, 789 

Hamilton, A. D., 2600 

Hamilton, A. J., 549, 550, 558, 560 

Hamilton, Francis M., 1555 

Hamilton, George B., 1806 

Hamilton, Martin A., 2267 

Hamlin, 928 

Hamlin, James D., 1990 

Hamlin, Milford M., 2471 

Hamm, Arthur B., 1628 

Hamm, Edward F., 1202 

Hammack, William D., 2091 

Hammond, Marion F., 1964 

Hamner, James H., 1709 

Hampton, Ireland, 1084 

Hancock, Joe M., 2495 

Hancock, John, 549 

Hancock, W. S., 558 

Hand, Thomas M., 2336 

Haney, Edgar P., 1789 

Hanks, Alpheus, 2656 

Hansen, Alfred G., 1124 

Hanson, Martin, 2394 

Hansford, 991 

Hansford county, 991 

Hanway, Samuel B., 2458 

Harbert, Glenn A,, 2273 

Hardeman, Bailey, 390, 395 

Hardeman county, 939 

Hardin county, 706 

Hardy, George W., 1888 

Hardy, John A., 2660 

Hardy, Thomas F., 2006 

Hardin, 706 

Hardin, William, 205 

Hardin, W. B., 77 

Hargis, William B., 1240 

Hargon, Samuel E., 2150 

Harley, James A., 1476 

Harllngen. 614 

Harmon, George A., 1574 

Harp, Adolphus E., 1528 

Harp, D. Leon, 2107 

Harper, Alfred J., 1608 

Harper, George, 1432 

Harper, James R., 1744 

Harper, John W., 2209 

Harral, Whitfield, 1563 

Harrell, Paul V., 1077 

Harrington, J. F., 1713 

Harris county, 698, 719 

Harris, DeWitt C, 206 

Harris, Eugene L., 2578 

Harris, G. W., 2610 

Harris, Henry C. 2654 

Harris, John C, 1553 

Harris, William H. V., 2428 

Harris, William J., 2467 

Harris, Will A., 1524 

Harris, W. D., 1149 

Harrisburg, 149; town laid out, 150; 

170, 174, 206. 209, 220, 285, 298, 300, 

396, 444; abandoned, 445, 447, 456, 

507. 720, 722, 726 
Harrison county, 189, 896 
Harrison, Absalom, 1280 
Harrison, Bev, 1931 
Harrison, Gerard A., 1539 
Harrison, Jacob H., 1704 
Harrison, James A., 1521 
Harrison, Lillian, 1705 
Harrison, Olin C, 1806 
Harrison, Richard H., 1933 
Harrison, William P.. 1933 
Harrison, Yancy D., 2161 
Hart. Andrew J., 1432 
Harthan, Hans, 1866 
Hartley, John T., 1232 
Hartley county, 989 
Hartsook, Charles R., 1340 
Harvesting Rice in the Coast Country 

(view), 667 
Harwood, 671 
Haskell, 937 
Haskell county, 936 



Haskett, L. E., 143S 

Hassell, Joseph D., 1468 

Hassell, Samuel L., 1121 

Hatcher, William R., 1681 

Hawkins, WUUam E., 2119 

Hawks, George F., 1511 

Haydon, Charles E., 1476 

Hayes, Claude C, 1129 

Hayes, C. E., 2616 

Hayes, Horace B., 1766 

Haynes, Edward R., 1179 

Haynes, Henry G., 1489 

Haynes, John R., 2425 

Haynle, Ghas. B., 2189 

Haynle, Houston, 2108 

Haynle, John B., 1727 

Haynle, William D., 1725 

Hayrick, 960 

Hays county, 801 

Hays, J. C, 492 

Hays, Parx O., 1328 

Head, Henry O., 1269 

Heard, John S., 1079 

Heard, J. W., 2291 

Hearn, Cornelius M., 2182 

Heam, James H., 2132 

Heame, 753 

Heame & Brazos Valley R. R., 752 

Heath, 864 

Heath, Ephralm O., 2048 

HebbronvlUe, 640, 641, 646 

Hebert, Louis J., 1591 

Hedeman, Harry E., 2139 

Heffler, Clifford E., 1612 

Heflin, Rufus L., 2536 

Hefner, T. J., 2073 

Heineman, David G., 2321 

Heldenfels, F. W., 2271 

Helena, 618 

Hemphill, 911 

Hemphill county, 9S7 

Hemphill, John, 524, 536 

Hempstead, 507, 718, 719 

Henderson, 546, 903, 904 

Henderson county, 870 

Henderson, Cicero F., 1732 

Henderson, J. P., 484, 487, 489, 524 

Henderson, Samuel L., 2603 

Henderson, Thomas S., 1664 

Hendrlck, Early S., 1448 

Hendricks, Charles M., 2635 

Hendricks, Ed, 1799 

Hendrix, William F., 2167 

Henley, Thomas G., 1372 

Henne, H. G., 2421 

Henrietta, 833, 838, 839 

Herbert, Mathew D., 2667 

Hereford, 979 

Hereford Stock Farm, Lubbock (view), 

Herefords and Alfalfa Stocks (view), 

Herff, Adolph, 2284 
Herff, Ferdinand, 2282 
Herff. John B., 2228 
Herndon, John D., 1528 
Herndon, John H., 1388 
Herndon, William S., 1387 
Herold, Otto, 1923 
Herring, Cornelius T., 2475 
Herring, Jacob A., 1626 
Hertner, Henry E., 2391 
Hewitson & Power colony, 630 
Hewitson, James, 629 
Hewitt, James I., 1911 
Hlbbard, Walter S., 1417 

Hlckey, James C, 1522 

Hlckey, M. J., 2289 

Hicks, Edgar L., 1633 

Hicks, Henry C, 2065 

Hicks, J. Wright, 1217 

Hico, 789 

Hidalgo county, 614, 641, 642 

Hidalgo County Courthouse (view), 

Hidalgo district, 91 
Hidalgo, treaty of, 450, 495 
Hlgglns, 990 
Hlggins, George H., 2591 
Higgins, PattiUo, 1985 
Hlggins, Price A., 2409 
High School at Beeville (view), 688 
High School, Wichita Falls (view), 817 
High School, Nacogdoches (view), 891 
Highsmlth, Charles C, 1625 
Highsmith, John H., 1750 
Hightower, Lewis B., 2295 
Hilgartner, H. L., 1557 
Hill county, 564, 777 
Hill, Benjamin W. D., 1730 
Hill, Calvin S., 1218 
Hill, Charles D., 1160 
Hill, David G., 2515 
Hill, James H., 1770 
Hill, Jared W., 1080 
HUl, Jesse M., 1909 
Hill, John S., 1855 
Hill, William M. C, 1529 
HiUsboro, 778, 779 
Hinckley, Louis C, 1951 
Hlnnant, William A., 1779 
Hix, Richard W., 2273 
Hixson, William T., 2513 
Hoard, C. M., 1259 
Hoard, William R., 2640 
Hobson, Charles W., 1104 
Hobby, Edwin, 1185 
Hockley county, 955 
Hodge, James C, 1944 
Hodges, Charles O., 1571 
Hoff, Charles F., 1689 
Hoffer, Henry N., 2165 
Hogan's Fort, 890 
Hogg-Clark campaign, 605, 606, 608 
Hogg, J. S., 608, 605, 606, 608, 609 
Hogue, Jere S., 1332 
Holcomb, Thomas M., 1091 
HoUlngsworth, J. W., 1592 
HoUis, Lawrence W., 2350 
HoUon, Charles P., 2339 
Hplloway, James G., 1475 
HoUoway, Willis A.. 1973 
Holman, D. A., 2277 
Holmes, Finley, 1915 
Holmes, John A., 2044 
Holmes, Yancey W., 1910 
Homan, Robert B., 1383 
Homer, 909, 910 
Homestead law, first, 465 
Honea, John T., 2388 
Honea, Thomas C, 2383 
Hondo, 1027 
Honey Grove, 865, 867 
Hood county, 774, 775 
Hood, J. B., 548 
Hood, Walton D., 2508 
Hood's Texas Brigade, 543 
Hooks, AUen D., 1841 
Hooks, Henry A., 2114 
Hooks, James M., 1370 
Hooks, Joseph L., 1516 
Hooper, John C, 1995 


Hooper, John E., 1951 

Hoover, H. E., 1680 

Hopkins county, 877 

Hopkins, John W., 1184 

Hopping, Richard C, 1088 

Hord's Ridge, 852 

Horn, Paul W., 1S90 

Horton, Albert C, 1540 

Horton, Arthur C, 2233 

Horton, John T., 2439 

Horton, V. H., 2185 

Hos^tal for Insane, 509 

Hotel Galvez, 691, 

Hotel Galvez, Galveston (view), 715 

Houck, Arthur W., 1767 

Houghton, John H., 2604 

House, Thomas W., 1645 

Householder, Fred W., 1482 

Houston, Charles R., 1946 

Houston Auditorium (view), 687 

Houston city, 384, 397, 468, 507, 547, 
687, 609, 719, 721-733; capital, 722; 
municipal history, 723; public and 
social institutions, 723; commercial 
progress, 724; port, 725; highways, 
725, 734; the railroads, 725; in the 
war, 726; new railroads, 727; ship 
channel, 728; causes of commercial 
growth, 728; Galveston-Houston dif- 
ferential, 729; ship channel, 729; 
population, 730 ; public utilities, 731 ; 
commission form of government, 731 ; 
Rice Institute, 732 ; * railroad lines, 
732 ; manufacturing, 732 

Houston county, 733 

Houston Direct Navigation Co., 727 

Houston East & West Texas R. R., 708, 
712, 728, 909, 916 

Houston's Federal Building (view), 705 

Houston, Felix, 457 

Houston & Great Northern R. R., 715, 

Houston & New Orleans R. R., 696 

Houston Ship Channel and Business 
District (view), 694 

Houston Ship Channel (view), 700 

Houston Street, San Antonio (view), 

Houston Tap & Brazoria R. R., 507, 
649, 651, 726 

Houston & Texas Central R. R., 507, 
664, 668, 718, 726, 728, 744, 755, 762, 
803 856 

Houston, Sam, 102, 225, 226, 285, 304, 
316, 317, 321, 341, 365, 393; report 
of Matamoras expedition, 374, 442; 
plan of campaign, 445 ; report of San 
Jacinto, 450, 457, 463; Inaugural, 
458; Indian policy, 466; attitude to 
annexation, 484, 490, 521, 522, 523, 
525; inaugural, 526; address on se- 
cession, 531, 534, 549. 715, 723 

Houston, Sam (portrait), 364 

Howard county, 958 

Howard. Henry P., 2430 

Howard, Moms B., 2353 

Howard Payne College, 770 

Howard Payne College (view), 769 

Howard, William E., 2431 

Howe, Bernt, 1864 

Howeth, Jackson D., 1532 

Howeth, William W., 1531 

Howison, Neil M., 1459 

Hoxey, Asa, 186 

Hubbard, Augustus G., 1710 

Hubbard City, 779 

Hubbard, Ctovemor, 581 
Huddle, Emory F., 2048 
Hudson, Harberson, 1932 
Hudson, James G., 1763 
Hudson, Mary, 1763 
Hudson, T. W., 1608 
Hudson, William A., 2074 
Huff, Charles C, 2304 
Huff, Robert E., 2081 
Huffaker, D. Hunter, 1302 
Hughes, Frank A., 2320 
Hughes, Herbert M., 1194 
Hughes, Jim, 1398 
Hughes, Samuel W., 1212 
Hull, Thomas F., 1412 
Humble oil field, 721 
Humphreys, Elwin H., 1981 
Humphries, William H., 2641 
Humphris, Arthur J., 2443 
Humphris, John, 1747 
Hunnicutt, Walter E., 2264 
Hunt county, 873 
Hunt, Joel J., 2197 
Hunt, Philemon B., 2542 
Hunter, Ripley H., 1698 
Huntsville, 508, 546, 713, 714, 916 
Hurley, Henry P., 2330 
Hurn, Thomas F., 2297 
Hutchinson county, 988 
Hutchinson, J. T., 1317 
Hutchinson, William D., 2644 
Hutchison, John C, 1733 
Hyer, Robert S., 1064 

Imboden, Wiley M., 1275 

Independence, 644 

Independence convention, 390; recogni- 
tion of, 478 

Indian reservations, 512, 513 

Indian depredations, causes, 514; 
claims against U. S., 520 

Indians, 54 ; cannibalism, 55 ; raids, 56, 
160; hostilities, 176; land grants, 
190; war, 194; conciliation of, 263, 
287, 297 ; policy of Republic, 459, 461, 
462, 510 et seq. ; removal of, 514, 516 ; 
Runnels policy, 525; allies of Con- 
federacy, 539; hostilities, 584; last 
battle in Texas, 1056 

Indianola, 542, 676, 677 

Indianola R. R., 508 

Industrial development, 590 

Ingerton, Martha H., 2047 

Ingerton, William H., 2047 

Ingleside, 632 

Ingraham, Philo M., 2617 

Insurance companies, 603 

Intercoastal canal, 649 

Internal improvements, 505, 506 

International Bridge at Brownsville 
(view), 594 

International Railway, 598 

International Railway bonds, 580 

International Railway land grants, 566 

International & Great Northern R. R., 
619, 634, 728, 733, 737, 738, 750, 869, 

In the Fruit Belt (view), 901 

In the Sheep Country (view), 1005 

Iowa Park, 812. 813 

Irion county, 959 

Irion, James R., 1533 

Irish, Refugio colonists, 427 

Irish colonies, 629, 630, 632 

Irish, Gilbert H., 1560 

Iron works during war, 546 



Iron ore, 906 

Irrigation. 615, C20, 622. 624, 634, 638, 
643, 645, 672, 766, 940, 951, 964, 970, 
999, 1027, 1033, 1037,. 1038, 1042, 1043. 

Irvln, Jourdan J., 2549 

Irvin, William C, 2549 

Irvine. J. B.. 1607 

Irwin, Frank L., 2303 

Isaacs, H. Joe, 1S09 

Isaacs, S. L. 1810 

Isbell, Robert, 2179 

Italy, 793 

Itasca, 779 

Jack county, 519, 835 

Jack, Patrick C, 69 

Jack, Spencer 11., 136 

Jack, William H.. 69 

Jack. W. H.. 181. 213 

Jacksboro, 835, 836 

Jackson county, 674 

Jackson, Albert A.. 1584 

Jackson. Andrew L., 1323 

Jackson. Dan M*. 2483 

Jackson. Humphrey H., 1840 

Jackson, Thomas H., 2092 

Jacksonville, 908 

Jacksonville country, 906 

James, John A., 1255 

Jamison, David K., 1415 

Jarvls, David P., 2341 

Jasper. 704 

Jasper county, 703 

Jayton, 943 

Jeff Davis county, 1048 

Jefferson, 506, 508, 546, 590, 887, 893. 

Jefferson county, 695 
Jenkins, B. L.. 2215 
Jenkins. Charles H., 1870 
Jenkins, Elwood N., 2317 
Jenkins,' Walter W., 2124 
Jennings, J. L., 1133 
Jemlgan, James H.. 1444 
Jemlgan, Lee, 2144 
Jersig, Fred W., 1575 
Jeter, William M., 1078 
Jewett, 738, 739 
Jim Hogg county, 646 
Jim Wells county. 637, 639 
Johnsburg, 171, 172 
Johnson city, 811 
Johnson county, 774 
Johnson, Albert S., 2526 
Johnson, Ben J., 2280 
Johnson, Charles B., 2265 
Johnson, Elam P. M., 2520 
Johnson, Francis W., 67, 70, 92, 148, 

181, 235. 274. 288. 356, 367. 360. 375, 

Johnson, Frank, 1883 
Johnson, J. R., 1225 
Johnson. J. Roll. 2568 
Johnson, J. Willis, 2309 
Johnson, M. T., 518 
Johnson, Oscar L., 2661 
Johnson. R. Murray, 1339 
Johnson. Robert A., 1999 
Johnson, Robert E., 2400 
Johnson, Virgil A., 2504 
Johnson, Virginia K., 2540 
Johnson, W. Jeff, 1904 
Johnston, Albert S., 474. 492. 512, 548 
Johnston, Eli A., 2051 

Johnston, Charles, 1225 

Johnston, Horace G., 1725 

Johnston, R. M., 1108 

Joiner, Robert L.. 1996 

Jones county, 927 

Jones, Allen C, 2280 

Jones, Andrew F., 2407 

Jones, Anson, 404, 4( 9 

Jones, Benjamin B., 24x'^3 

Jones, Benj. L., 1267 

Jones, Carrie P., 1221 

Jones, Ernest A., 1446 

Jones, G. R., 1430 

Jones, James H., 1807 

Jones. James M., 1759 

Jones. James S., 2366 

Jones. James T., 1703 

Jones. Jerome, 2483 

Jones, Jesse L.. 1375 

Jones, John H.. 1221 

Jones. John T.. 2175 

Jones. J. S., 1897 

Jones. Nannie. 1807 

Jones, Oliver. 56 

Jones, President, on annexation. 483, 

484, 488, 489 
Jones, Roland, 1617 
Jones, Sidney O. 2191 
Jones, Thomas J., 2671 
Jones, WDllam C, 2363 
Jones, William T., 2636 
Jordan, Harry P., 1771 
Jordan's Salines, 876 
Jourdanton, 620 
Joyce, Albert G., 2116 
Joyner, Martin M., 2169 
Judicial system, 577 
Judiciary, 486, 607; reform, 574 
Junction City, 1024 
Justiss, Archie N., 1735 

Kahn, Alex, 1893 

Kallenbach, John E., 2384 

Kampmann Family, The, of San An- 
tonio, 1251 

Kampmann, Isaac S., 1252 

Kansas troubles, 512 

Kansas & Gulf Short Line, 902 

Kansas City, Mexico & Orient R. R., 
929, 970. 1041, 1047 

Kansas City Southern R. R., 700 

Karkalits, Clyde S., 2085 

Karnes City, 618 

Karnes county, 515, 617 

Karnes, Henry, 279, 355, 442, 617 

Kaster, James J., 2519 

Katz, Henry, 2507 

Kaufman, 871 

Kaufman county, 871 

Kaufman, D. S., 521 

Kearby, J. C, 610 

Keating, Cecil A., 1724 

Keesey, Whltaker, 1768 

Keith, James R., 2377 

Keith, J. Frank, 2185 

Keith. Mel, 2177 

Kell, Frank, 2193 

Kelley, Daniel A., 2099 

Kelley, George A., 1265 

Kelleyville, 894 

Kelly, Ben H., 2500 

Kelly, Charles E., 1373 

Kelly, James A., 1409 

Kelly, William P., 1948 

Kelly, William S., 2192 



Kelly, W. C. 1640 

Kellis, William F., 2468 

Kemp, 871 

Kemp, George G., 1178 

Kemp, Jeff T., 1926 

Kemp, Joseph A., 1964 

Kemp, Maury, 2451 

Kendall county, 1014 

Kendall, James S., 1648 

Kendall, Thomas G. T., 2559 

Kendall, William B., 1717 

Kendrick, James I., 2075 

Kennard, 733 

Kennedy, 618 

Kennedy*s History, corrected, 426 

Kennerly, Thomas M., 1324 

Kennon, James D., 1541 

Kent county, 942 

Kerbey, Joe C, Jr., 1693 

Kerbow, Harrison C, 1204 

Kerens, 763, 764 

Kermit, 920 

Kerr county, 1015 

Kerr, James, 154, 248, 267 

Kerr, Joseph, 2305 

Kerr, Samuel G., 1282 

Kerrville, 1016 

Ketchersid, John W., 1381 

Ketner, Joseph E., 1318 

Key, James D., 1401 

Key, Joseph S., 2362 

Key, William M., 1821 

Kickapoo, 869 

Kldd-Key. L. A., 1541 

Kilgore, 899 

Killgore, William, 2056 

Kimble county, 1023 

Kimbrough, Robert C, 2293 

King & Kennedy lands, 637 

King county, 941 

King, Bert, 1414 

King, Capt., Refugio campaign, 429 

King, Douglas, 1403 

King, Frank B., 1912 

King, Henry C, 2605 

King, James E., 2547 

King, John C, 1297 

King, Robert J., 1047 

King, Thomas H., 1402 

Kingsbury, Frederick H., 1888 

Kingsbury, Russell H., 1688 

Kingsland, 765 

Kingsville, 639, 647 

Kinney county, 1032 

Kinney, John E., 1884 

Kinsolving, George H., 1869 

Kiomatia, 881 

Kirby, Helen M., 2474 

Kirby, John H., 1067 

Kirby, John T., 1066 

Kirbyville, 704 

Kirk, Cyrus M., 1415 

Kirsch, Henry D., 1179 

Kirvin, 774 

Kirwin, James M., 1068 

Klaus, Jacob, 1480 

Kleberg county, 637, 639 

Kleberg, Marcellus, 2248 

Kleberg, Marcellus E., 1629 

Kleberg, Robert, 639 

Kleberg, Walter, 1630 

Knight, Jonas, 1714 

Knights of Labor, 591, 600 

Knoblauch, Richard W., 2261 

Knowles, Joseph H., 1263 

Know Nothing party, 522 

Knox City, 938 
Knox county, 937 
Knox, John B., 1086 
Knox, Robert W., 1952 
Knox, W. Frank, 1583 
Knudsen, John P,, 1826 
Koglmeier, Emiel £., 2308 
Kohlberg, Ernest, 1195 
Kolle, Charles H., 1305 
Kone, Edward R., 1285 
Kone, James S., 2098 
Kosse, 755 
Kotula, Ed. B., 1237 
Kountze, 706 
Kowalski, Benjamin, 1867 
Krakauer, Adolph, 1956 
Krause, Charles A., 2420 
Krause, Ernest, 2322 
Kroeger, Otto P., 1257 
Krupp, Harris, 1649 
Krupp, Haymon, 1985 
Kurth, Joseph H., 2413 
ICuykendall, Abner, 161 
ICuykendall, Robert, 55 
Kyle, 802 

Kyle, J. Allen, 1810 
Kyle, Harry L., 2083 

Laas, Henry J., 1876 

Labadie, Dr. N. D., 71, 77, 709 

LaBahia, 627 

Lacey, L. L., 2116 

liackey, Hershel L., 1842 

Lacy, Donald T., 1174 

Lacy, Robert Y., 2646 

r^donia, 867 

Lafltte, 681 

LaGrange, 493, 667, 668, 669 

Lain, Haywood B., 1803 

Lamar county, 879 

Lamar Family, The, 2647 

Lamar, M. B., 457, 460 

I^Master, Leslie C, 2279 

Lamb county, 956, 976 

Lamesa, 948, 953 

Lampasas, 760 

Lampasas county, 596, 760 

Lancaster, 853 

Lancaster, James R., 1160 

Ijand claims, 488 

Land grants by legislature in 1830, 

186 ; to railroads, 507, 566 
Land laws of 1834, 187 
Land office, general, 601 
I^and speculation, 336 
Land corporations, 607 
Lane, Alvin V., 1133 
I^ane, Jonathan, 1991 
Lane, Nathan D., 2252 
Lane, Walter P., 493 
I^ng, Otto H., 1558 
Lang, W. W., 597 
Lange, Bemhard, 2143 
Langford, Pierce P., 1982 
Lanham, S. W. T., 826 
LaPlata, 979 
Teredo, 633, 634, 635 
I^rkin, Percy, 1289 
T^Rue, George F., 1615 
LaRue, Joseph T., 2128 
La Salle, explorations of, 2, 676 
I^Salle county, 621 
Lassater, 894 
Lassiter, I^muel W., 2207 
I^ssiter, Newton H.. 1941 
Latimer, Joseph F., 12as 



Lattlmore, Robert L., 1972 

Lavaca county, 671 

Lavaca district, 91, 216, 675 

Lavender, James S.. 2161 

Law, Samuel W., 1840 

Lawhon, David E., 1520 

Lawhon, I. W., 1520 

Lawrence, Charles H., 2670 

I^awrence, HoUie M., 1142 

Lawrence, Howard M., 1363 

Lawther, Harry P., 1154 

Lay, Horace A., 1980 

Layden, Thomas, 1300 

Leach, Hubert F., 1974 

League City, 680 

Leak, Daniel A., 1433 

Leak, J. V., 1434 

Leake, Henry K., 1569 

Leaky, 1022 

Lease law, 592 

Lease, William H., 1739 

Leatherwood, Robert B., 2368 

Le Baron, George R., 2058 

Leberman, Henry L., 18(^ 

Ledbetter, 664 

Leddy, Charles A., 1454 

Lee county, 743 

I^ee, Charles A., 1324 

Jjee, George H., 1215 

Lee, James M., 1814 

Lee, Oliver W., 1686 

Lee, Robert, 960 

Leeper, Walton J., 1171 

Leesburg, 891 

LeFors, 981 

Leftwich, James A., 1491 

Legate, Russell S., 2333 

Lege, Fred M., Jr., 1182 

Legg, Ed, 1521 

Legislature, 486; thirteenth, 570; of 

1870, 562 ; number of representatives, 

577; fifteenth, 578, 580; twentieth, 

600; twenty-first, 602 
LeGory, A., 1110 
LeMasters, M. C, 2337 
lemons, William H., 2305 
T^on county, 738 
Leon, Martin de, 678 
Leon, Ponce de, 1051 
Leon Springs, 1000 
Leona, 738 

Leonard, Wade B.» 1576 
Leslie, R. Frank, 1489 
Lessing, Joseph, 1352 
Tester, Ellas P., 1670 
Letot. David, 2551 
Levenson, Solomon H., 1757 
Levy, Jullen, 2108 
Lewis, Abner L., 1934 
Lewis, Howard F., 1135 
Lewis, John M., 1737 
Lewis, John P., 1318 
Lewis, John W., 1323 
Lewis, Leona A., 1738 
Lewis, Joseph M., 1762 
Lewis, Plnkney M., 1349 
Lewis, William B., 1662 
I^wlsville, 847 
Lexington 743. 777 
Liberty, 68, 69, 92; municipality, 164, 

165, 171, 174, 201, 202, 285, 298, 301, 

709, 711 
Liberty county, 698, 709 
Ligon, Robert L., 1783 
Limestone county, 564, 753 
Llndale, 900 

Llndberg, Carl G., 2182 

Linden, 887 

Llndley, A. H., 1311 

Llndley, Calvin D., 1801 

lindsay, Bralnard J., 2619 

Lindsay, James M., 1138 

Lindsley, N. Lawrence, 1973 

Llndsley. Philip, 2372 

Lingo, Edward H., 1164 

LlnnvlUe, 676 

Lipantltlan, 346, 361, 630, 632 

Lipscomb, 990 

Lipscomb, Andrew J., 1985 

Lipscomb county, 990 

Litten, Frank, 1716 

Little, George H., 1357 

Little, John L., 1606 

LltUe river, 756 

Llttlefleld, George W., 1872 

Littler, John B., 1785 

Lively, Hiram F., 1585 

Live Oak county, 623 

Livingston, 708 

Llano, 764, 765 

Llano county, 764 

Lochhead, Ellas J., 1345 

Locke, Emll, 1600 

Locke, Otto, 1490 

Lockhart, 747 

Lockhart, Byrd, 747 

Lockhart, George E., 2526 

Lockhart, Lloyd E., 2503 

Lockney, 947 

Lodi, 894 

Loe, James T. W., 2579 

Logs at Pond Side, Bronson (view), 

Logging Scene, Buna (view), 737 
Lometa, 761 
Lone Star flag, 538 
Long, Erskine, 1755 
liong. General, 681 
Long, James, expedition, 5 
Ix)ng, Molly, 1755 
Long, Newt, 1613 
Long, William H., 1922 
Longview, 898 

Longview & Sabine R. R., 899 
Loomis, Albert M., 2637 
Loomis, Charles R., 1420 
Looney, Benjamin F., 1921 
Ix)oney, Jonathan R., 2143 
Loraine 932 

Lorentzen, Julius W., 2546 
Lorettlnes in El Paso, The, 2260 
Ix)st Valley, 836 
Lott, 760 

Love, Baylus N.. 2301 
Love, Samuel W., 1199 
Love, William G., 1646 
Lovejoy, John L., 1708 
Lovelady, Thomas D., 1915 
Lovell, Marvin W.. 2371 
Lovett, John A., 1508 
Loving county, 1046 
Loving, J. C. and J. B., 836 
Loving, James C, 1684 
Loving, Oliver, 1682 
Loving, William B., 1268 
Low, Charles, 1876 
Lowber, James W., 1786 
Lowrance. Fred H., 1580 
rx)wrey, Andrew S., 1621 
Lowrey. John D., 1206 
Lubbock, 941 
Lubbock, F. R., 543 


Lnby, James O., 1990 

Lucas, Alfred K., 1533 

Lucas, Cyrus B., 1720 

Lufkin, 909, 910 

Luker, Thomas P., 2048 

LuUng, 747 

Lumber industry, 696, 697, 702, 703, 
705, 711, 713, 715, 733, 735, 745, 884, 
886, 888, 896, 905, 909, 911, 917, 918 

Lumpkin, A. A., 2110 

Lusk, Hamilton N., 2317 

Luttrell, John M., 2386 

Lyles, HUliary Q., 2470 

Lyles, Richard, 2007 

Lynch, Joseph P., 2013 

Lynch, Woods, 2508 

Lynchburg, 70, 148, 149; meeting, 246, 
445, 719, 720 

Lynch's ferry, 209, 448 

Lynn, Bascom, 1520 

Lynn county, 948 

Lyon, Dupont B., 2277 

Lyon, Lucille, 1697 

Lyttleton, Henry T., 1475 

McAdams, Adolphus 6., 1101 
McAfee, S. M., 1187 
McAnelly, Redus R., 1793 
McAshan, James E., 1624 
McBride, Thomas W., 1451 
McBroom, Joseph H., 1762 
McCain, B. T., 1376 
McCain, Peter W., 1460 
McCamant, Thomas J., 2054 
McCarthy, Patrick A., 2117 
McCarver, James W., 1932 
McCauley, John H., 1908 
McClelland, Charles E., 2340 
McClendon, James W., 1603 
McClintock, Edward B., 1430 
McCloskey, Augustus, 1233 
McClure, Elbert H., 1582 
McClure, John, 1806 
McClure, John W., Jr.. 2508 
McComb, Robert, 2369 
McConnell, John G., 2275 
McCorkle, Frank C, 2085 
McCracken, Joseph H., 1650 
McCracken, William H., 1249 
McCrory, Thomas M., 2395 
McCuUoch county, 781 
McCulloch, Ben, 537 
McCulloch, H. E.. 513 
McCulloch, James H., 1728 
McCulloch, Major, 492 
McCullough, James I., 2263 
McCuUough, John, 2669 
McCutcheon, Currle, 1579 
McDade, 745 

McDavid, James W., 1391 
McDonald, Allen C, 2612 
McDonald, David L., 1984 
McDonald, James 6., 1811 
McDonald, Karl O., 1852 
McDonald, Stephen L., 2271 
McDonald, William, 2P53 
McDonough, John, 1462 
McDow, Charles G., 1764 
McDowell, Caswell K., 2637 
McDowell, Hamilton B.. 2052 
Mace, Charles W., 1425 
McElvaney, Charles T., 1325 
McElvy, John, 1595 
McFarland, Bates, 1758 
McFarland, Cyrus S., 2404 

McFarland, James F., 1436 
McFarlane, William I.. 1599 
McFarllng, Charles W., 2525 
McGaugh, Robert L., 2247 
McGaughy, WllUam F., 1842 
McGee, Harry W., 1879 
McGee, John R., 1741 
McGee, Joel R., 1694 
McGee, Thomas F., 1082 
McGehee, John L., 2621 
McGhee, Frank P., 1853 
McGraw, Thomas W., 1816 
McGregor, 786 • 
McGregor, Charles T., 1422 
Mclnnis, Henry R., 2152 
Mclntyre, William J., 1874 
McKee, Jesse, 2444 
McKellar, Duncan G., 2668 
McKellar, Emma M., 2668 
McKellar, Yancey, 1940 
McKemie, Sue, 1669 
McKenzie, Joseph K., 1334 
McKlnley, Charles A., 1556 
McKinney, 862, 863 
McKinney, Andrew T., 1848 
McKinney, Collin, 390 
McKinney, Hugh C, 1796 
McKinney, Thos. F., 298 
McKinney, T. F., 186, 326, 329, 332, 

McKinnon, A. P., 2060 
McKinstry, George B., 68 
McKnlght, Matthew, 1590 
McLaughlin, A. F., 1816 
McLean, Dan, 1146 
McLean, John H., 2523 
McLean, Joseph, 2461 
McLean, Mattie F., 2461 
McLean, William, 1147 
McLean, William P., 1238 
McLemore, James E., 2200 
McLennan county, 519, 783 
McLennan, Neil, 783 
McLymont, James, 2289 
McMeans, R. L., 1695 
McMeans, Selden A., 1182 
McMinn, S. P., 1433 
McMordie, Oscar R., 1132 
McMullen's colony, C32 
McMullen county, 622 
McNalr, David C, 2ia5 
McNary, James G., ie04 
McPherson, Dozier B.. 1367 
McReynolds, John O.. 1567 
McShan, Wellington, 1219 
Maas, Alex W., 2406 
Macune, C. W., 507 
Madden, James W., 1970 
Madden, John W., 1421 
Madison county, 737 
Madisonville, 737 
Ma gee, Jefferson D., 2516 
Magnolia, 869 
Magoffin, Joseph, 1405 
Magruder, Henry A., 2332 
Mahon, F. G., 1354 
Mahon, Marion R., 1748 
Main Building at A. & M. College, Main 

street, Bryan (view), 742 
Mainzer Adelsverein, 798 
Mangold, Charles A., 1566 
Mangum, Edward P., 1830 
Mangum, John, 2005 
Mann, Felix R., 2485 
Manning, Joseph W., 1453 


Manry, Joseph L., 2299 

Mansfield, 817 

Mantooth, Edwin J., 1746 

Maple, Howard M., 1218 

Marathon, 1045 

Marberry, Andrew J., 1891 

Marberry, Thomas H., 2620 

Marble Falls, 809 

Marchbanks, Edward H., 2338 

Marchman, Oscar M., 1559 

Marcus, A., 2023 

Marcus, Marx, 2018 

Marcus, Morris A., 2020 

Marfa, 1046 

Margaret, 939 

Marlon county, 564, 893 

Markley, George G.. 2281 

Marlln, 758, 759, 760 

Marlow, James B., 2090 

Marquez, 739 

Marriott, J. H., 1856 

Marshall, 508, 896, 897, 898 

Marshall & East Texas R. R., 897 

Marshall, Caleb W., 1300 

Marshall, Henry E., 1507 

Mart, 786 

Marten, L. D., 1219 

Martial law in Texas, 556 

Martin county, 947 

Martin, Andrew J., 2279 

Martin, Charles S., 2205 

Martin, James L., 1294 

Martin, James M., 1581 

Martin, Martha A., 1936 

Martin, William B. (Buck), 2302 

Martin, William H., 1930 

Martin, Willam T., 1429 

Martin, Wily, 210, 444 

Martinez, B., 1239 

Martinez, Governor, 10 

Mason, 969, 997 

Mason county, 997 

Mason, Bob R.. 2130 

Mason, J. T., 187, 195 

Masterson, Thomas W., 2202 

Matador, 944 

Matagorda, 135, 170, 174, 178, 275, 285, 

300, 653, 654 
Matagorda Bay, first settlement, 2 
Matagorda county, 515, 653, 698 
Matamoras exi>edition, 350, 363, 397, 

Mathes, W. C, 1995 
Mathews, John O., 1879 
Mathis, John M., 1997 
Mathis, Putt D., 2408 
Mathis, Thomas E., 2307 
Mathis, W. J., 1190 
Matlock, Avery L., 2505 
Matlock, Joseph G., 1112 
Matthews. Harvev L., 2315 
Mattlce, George H., 2319 
Mattinson, John E., 1491 
Mauldin, Arthur, 2031 
Mauldin. Francis M., 2497 
Maury, Richard G., 1897 
Maverick county, 1031 
Maverick, S. A.. 537 
Maxey, S. B., 548. 600 
Maxwell, Francis M., 2097 
Maxwell, John W., 1173 
Mayes, Ethelbert B., 1503 
Mayes, George E., 1543 
Mayfleld, Helena A.. 2503 
May field, John B.. 2478 
Mayfield, M. M., 2503 

Mayfield, WilUam D., 2494 

Mayo, W. L.. 2284 

Mays, John M., 1618 

Mays, Milton, 1631 

Meacham, Thomas O., 2575 

Meachum, McDonald, 1699 

Mead, Carleton E., 1512 

Mead, I^ee, 2217 

Meaders, William L., 1815 

Meador, Robert T., 1145 

Meason, Frank J., 1353 

Meat packing, 629 

Mecham, George W., 2386 

Medical department, 691 

Medina county, 618, 798, 1024 

Medina, Rafael, 2310 

Medina river, 1027 

Meek, James V., 1643 

Meigs' letters to Austin, 144 

Melson, John M., 1920 

Melton, W. T., 1954 

Melugin, Sell, 1802 

Memphis, 972 

Memphis, El Paso & Pacific R. R., 508, 

Memorial of April 22, 1835, 193 
Menard county, 584, 994 
Menard, M. B., 682 
Menardvllle, 969 
Menger Hotel, San Antonio (view), 

Mercedes, 644 
Mercer, William H., 1977 
Meridian, 791 
Meredith, Duane, 2397 
Meriwether, Lewis, 2067 
Mesquite, 853 
Metropolitan College, 1095 
Meusebach, John O., 2455 
Meusebach, J. O., 1017 
Mexia, 755 
Mexia, J. A., 85 
Mexican hostilities against Republic, 

470, 471, 474 
Mexican Liberals and the revolution, 

Mexican population, attitude to state- 
hood, 125 
Mexican posts in Texas, 67 
Mexican relations with Republic, 476 
Mexican war, cause of, 484; Texas in, 

Mexican and Indian raids, 640 
Mexicans, hosility against, 515 
Mexico, invasion of, 475 
Mexico revolution, 14, 16 
Meyer, Albert, 1236 
Meyer, H. A., 1596 
Meyer, Joseph F., 1955 
Miami, 988 

Mickle, Joseph J., 1780 
MIddlebrook, Hattie C, 1481 
Middlebrook, James R., 1616 
Midland, 953 
Midland Qty, 964 
Midland county, 963 
Midlothian, 792, 794 
Mier expedition, 475 
Mier prisoners, 493 
Milam, 916 
Milam, B. R., 168, 186, 195, 242, 275, 

352, 355, 358 
Milam county, 748 
Milam town, 911 
Milam, Robert F., 1121 
Milford, 794 



Military plan, adopted by Consultation, 

MUler, Alois R, 1967 

Miller, Charles O., 1377 

Miller, Claude D., 1381 

Miller, E. T.. 2107 

Miller, Dr. J. B., 206, 207, 229 

Miller, Kenney N., 1321 

Miller, Leonard, 1135 

Miller, Robert A., 2186 

Miller, Robert F., 1549 

Miller, Samuel R,, 1191 

Miller, Thomas J., 2593 

Millican, 507, 740 

Mills county, 767 

Mills, Anson, 1051, 1052 

Mills, J. G., 1687 

Mills, R. Q., 589 

Millspaugh, James L., 1889 

Milner, Robert T., 1392 

Milstead, James M., 2093 

Mims, Charles D., 1895 

MIna (Bastrop). 91, 170, 178; meeting 
at, 216, 238, 300, 744 

Mineral Wells, 828, 830 

Mineola, 895 

Mining Interests, 1057 

Minor, F. D., 688 

Minton, John W., 2619 

Minton, Robert E., 1658 

Minyard, James E., 1450 

Mission Concepcion, 342 

Mission Concepcion battle, 278, 279 

Missions, early Spanish, 2, 4 

Missouri, Kansas & Texas R. R., 668 

Mitchell county, 931 

Mitchell, Benjamin F.. 2424 

Mitchell, John D., 2asi 

Mitchell, John Douglas. 2(!03 

Mitchell. Silas N.. 1445 

Mobeetle, 971, 980 

Mobberly, James M., 2601 

Moderators and Regulators war, 918 

Modern Building, Denison, Grant Coun- 
ty (view), 819 

Modern Dairy Herd (view), 761 

Modern Irrigation, Midland (view), 

Modern Way of Threshing (view), 

Moeller. Wiliam, 25S9 

Moise, Lionel, 1527 

Molina, Castula R., 2474 

Monclova, 179 

Monday, William H,. 1748 

Monroe, John R., 2325 

Monroe, Zachary, 2158 

Montague, 834 

Montague county, 833 

Montgomery, 715 

Montgomery county, 715 

Montgomery. James T., 2110 

Moody, 786 

Mooney. William C. 2247 

Moore county, 988 

Moore, Addison P.. 1736 

Moore, A. G., 1375 

Moore, Charles H., 1595 

Moore, Charles M., 1666 

Moore, C. C, 2012 

Moore, Edward T., 1117 

Moore, Harvin O., 1718 

Moore, Harvin W., 1846 

Moore Hollow, 619 

Moore, H. F., 1570 

Moore, John H., 235 

Moore, Landon 0., 1119 

Moore, Leroy L., 1847 

Moore, Thomas J., 2652 

Moore, Walter C, 1907 

Moore, William M., 1151 

Moore, W. McCarty, 1099 

Moores, Eli H., 1795 

Morales, Albert, 1479 

Moran, 922 

Morehead, Charles R., 1286 

Morehead, C. R., 1054 

Morfit, H. M., letters on Texas, 478 

Morgan, 791 

Morgan, Charles, 697 

Morgan. Christopher C, 1360 

Morgan, Eugene H., 2574 

Morgan. James, 77 

Morgan's Point, 719 

Morris county, 888 

Morris, Julian H., 1563 

Morris, Martin !>., 1171 

Morris, Milton L., 1954 

Morrison, George, 1843 

Morrison, Moses, 55 

Morrison, Murphy M., 1919 

Morrison. Reuben S.. 1704 

Morriss, John E., 2469 

Morrow, Wiley, 1673 

Moscow, 708 

Mosely, Elijah M., 2346 

Moser, Christopher O., 1551 

Mosquito Fleet at Galveston (view), 

Moss. George H.. 2285 
Mosse. Arthur M.. 1944 
Motley county, 944 
Motley. Robert A.. 2462 
Mound Prairie. 773 
Mounger. J. Mart, 2447 
Klount Airy, 780 
Mount Alamo, 1015 
Mount (T^lm, 755 
Mountcastle, George C. 2421 
Mount Enterprise, 003, 904 
Mount Pleasant. 888 
Mount Vernon, 890 
Mouser, Edward B.. 1289 
Mowdy. William T.. 1742 
Mulhern. Charles, 1824 
Munday. 938 

Munger, Sylvester S.. 2021 
Munn. Wiley C. 1646 
Munson. Thomas V., 1722 
Munson. William B., 2628 
Murphey. Paul O., 1821 
Murphy. George S.. 2110 
Murphy, James, 1304 
Murphy. John H., 1487 
Murphy, John P., 1098 
Murphy, Lafayette, 1671 
Murphy, William P.. 1754 
Murrah. Pendleton, .547 
Murray, E. Clinton. 1337 
Murray, William O., 1848 
Murrle. James E.. 1795 
Myers. Clem D., 1,599 
Myers, Joseph A., 2255 
Myers, Robert E., 2045 
Myres. William E.. 2454 
Myrick, David N., 2187 

Nabours. Robert A., 2008 
Nacogdoches, 4; captures in 1813, 5; 

Austin settlers at, 18, 26 ; in 1819, 28 ; 

stone house. 36, 53, 67, 83, 84, 92, 



leO, 171, 174, 221, 226, 285, 298, 300, 

332, 446, 447 
Nacogdoches county, 189, 914 
Nacogdoches rebellion, 915, 916 
Naples, 889 
Narvaez expedition, 1 
Nash, Albert W., 1189 
Nash, Charles C, 1483 
Nash, William T., 2041 
Nash, Woodson (Wood), 1484 
NashvlUe, 749 

NashvUle colony, 166, 168, 748 
Nashville Company, 21, 25 
Nasworthy, John R., 2466 
Natchitoches resolutions, 290 
Nations, Joseph H., 1971 
Naval affairs, 328 
Navarro, 738 
Navarro county, 762 
Navarro. J. A., 473, 474, 621 
Navasota, 717 

Navasota, LaSalle's death at, 2 
Navy, of Republic, 459, 469 
Nazareth, 975 
Neathery, E. J., 2535 
Neal, Margaret, 2380 
Neely, George W., 2507 
Negro enfranchisement, 556 
Negro freedmen, 555 
Neill, J. C, 271, 397, 400 
Nelms, Thomas H., 2574 
Nelson, Albert A., 1380 
Nelson, A. J., 2172 
Nelson, C. A., 2172 
Nelson, J. A., 2172 
Nelson, Louis W., 1205 
Netzer, Joseph, 1633 
Neutral ground, 27, 918 
Nevada, 863 

New Braunfels, 590, 798, 799 
New City Hall, Dallas (view) , 825 
Newell, Mat M., 1667 
Newman, Alfred M., 2078 
Newman, F. M., 1751 
Newman, George W., 1592 
Newman, James F., 2136 
New Orleans, contributes to revolution, 

Newton, Charles J., 2147 
Newton county, 702 
Newton, William R., 1761 
New Ulm, 663 

New Union Station, Dallas (view), 821 
New Washington, 448 
New York, Texas & Mexico R. R., 655, 

658, 675, 679 
Neyland, Robert R., 1817 
Nichols, Joseph F., 1457 
Nicholson, A. Ralph, 1844 
Nix, Marlon T)., 2019 
Nixon, James B., 2209 
Noake, Harry P., 1790. 
Noble, Thomas B., 1784 
Nobles, B. E., 1989 
Nocona, 834 
Nolan county 929 
Nolan, Philip, 5 
Nolan, Robert M., 2558 
Noland, Thomas J., 1430 
NolanviUe, 756 
Nolen, Thomas P., 2327 
Normand, James, 1753 
Norrls, Robert H., 1622 
Norris, Vallie. 1779 
Norris, William T., 1256 
Norsworthy, Oscar L., 2301 

North Texas Catholic Mission, 2630 
North Texas Female College, 852 
North Texas State Normal College, 

North, Thomas J., 1660 
Northcutt, William D., 1362 
Norton, William H., 1524 
Norwood, Sidney B., 2373 
Nott, Francis A., 2021 
Nueces county, 613, 637 
Nueces river, 514 
Nueces river^ revolutionary movements^ 

Nugent, Clarence, 2183 
Nunn, D. A., 1155 
Nunn, Herbert, 2319 
Nye, T. C, 621, 634, 636 

Oakville, 624 

Oakwood, 739 

O'Bannon, Dick, 1270 

Oberly, Gregory, 2081 

Oberly, Hattie, 2081 

Oberthier, Ed. C, 1407 

O'Brien, Benjamin M., 1510 

O'Brien, Stephen D., 1677 

Ochiltree, 991 

Ochiltree county, 990 

Ochiltree, W. B., 536 

0*Ck>nnor, John A., 2248 

Odell. D. W., 2103 

Odessa, 965 

Ogden, Ira O., 1478 

Oge, Louis, 2168 

Oglesby, John S., 1109 

Oil production, 650, 656, 695, 699, 707, 

711, 764, 811, 813, 838 
OJerholm, John M., 1869 
O'Keefe, James S., 1168 
Olander, Ole E., 2121 
Oldfather, Henry E., 2609 
Oldham county, 971, 986 
Oldham, William, 319 
Oldham, W. S., 536 
Oliver, Hardy P., 2337 
Olney, 843 
Olton, 956 

O'Neal, Howard' F., 1257 
One of Dallas' Modem Buildings in 

Course of Construction (view), 837 
Oram, Edwin, 1311 
Oram, John M., 1311 
Orange, 507, 695, 697 ' 
Orange county. 695 
Orange & Northwestern R. R., 702 
Oregon, 934 
Omdorff, Burt, 2330 
Orozimbo, 298 
Ortiz, Jose A., 2369 
Otstott, Daniel D., 1687 
Overland mail route, 841, 969 
Overton, 903, 904 
Overton, Marvin C, 2008 
Ovilla, 794 
Owen, Anna, 2296 
Owen, David W., 2146 
Owen, Preston, 2296 
Owen, Richard J., 1601 
Owens, Robert L., 1428 
Owens, Tom B., 1572 
Owensville, 753 
Owsley, Alvin M., 2423 
Oxford, W. J., 2070 
Oyster House at Port Lavaca (view). 

Ozona, 1039 



Paddock, B. B., 2521 

Padgett, James J., 2127 

Padgett, W. T.. 1208 

Padilla, Juan Antonio, 56 

Paducah, 942 

Page, Charles H., 2410 

Page, Paul D., 2124 

Paint Rock, 968 

Painter, David L.. 1803 

Palestine, 868, 869 

Palestine, Anderson County (view), 

Palm, August B., 1875 
Palm Sunday, at Goliad, 433 
Palmer, Hal J., 2002 
Palmer, Jesse A., 1271 
Palo Alto, 491 
Palo Duro canyon, 977 
Palo Pinto, 828 
Palo Pinto county, 517, 828 
Panhandle, 592; early conditions and 

progress, 983 
Panhandle, ranches, 584 
Panhandle Christian College, 979 
Panhandle aty, 982 
Panhandle Kaffir Corn — Panhandle 

Wheat Field (views), 984 
Panic of 1893, 609 
Panna Maria, 618 
Panola county, 904 
Papenberg, William C, 1485 
Paradise Valley, 932 
Paris, 879, 880 
Park, Archibald P.. 1469 
Park, Charles T., 2215 
Park. Edgar D., 1649 
Park, S. Z., 2521 
Parke, Shlpton, 1620 
Parker, Charles B., 1334 
Parker county, 519, 825 
Parker, Cynthia, 753 
Parker, George S., 2333 
Parker, Isaac N., 1657 
Parker, Quanah, 754 
Parker, T. W., 2024 
Parker's Bluff, 869 
Parker's Fort, 753 
Parmer county, 976 
Parmer, Martin, 49, 68, 153, 163, 395 
Parramore, James H., 1891 
Partlow, William S., 1510 
Party platforms of 1878, 581 
Paschal, Thomas M., 2659 
Pate, James A., 2486 
Patrons of Husbandry, 593 
Patterson, Charles B., 1248 
Patterson, Mabel, 1201 
Patterson, Mildred, 1248 
Patterson, Thomas B., 2555 
Patton, Roy R., 1118 
Patton, W. D., 2192 
Paul. Charles T.. 1598 
Paul, George. 1284 
Paulsen Brothers, 1403 
Paulsen, Herman C. 1404 
Paulsen, Louis E.. 1404 
Paulsen, Marcus L., 1404 
Paulsen, William M., 1404 
Payne, Josiah H., 1859 
Payne, Walker F., 1161 
Payne, Will S.. 2467 
Peace and war parties, 198 
Peace party, in ascendancy, 238, 239, 

Peacock, 940 
Peak, C. M., 818 

Pearce, Jirah J., 2432 

Peareson, D. R., 1674 

Pearsall, 619 

Pearson, Richard V., 2336 

Pease, E. M., 271, 549, 554, 557 

Pease, Elisha M., 1609 

Pease, Julia M., 1610 

Pecan Point country, 264 

Peck, Walter M., 1198 

Peck, Wiliam M., 1883 

Pecos county, 1040, 1044 

Pecos Valley Canteloupe (view), 1045 

Pecos County Court House (view), 

Pence, George, 2258 
Penitentiary, 508, 546, 583, 714, 908 
Pennington, 736 
Pennington, R. E., 1690 
Peoria, 779 

Perkins, Henry W., 2291 
Perkins, James I., 1272 
Perkins, W. R., 1822 
Perry, Eldward G., 2490 
Perry, James F., 12, 212 
Peter, Robert H., 1418 
Peter, William P., 1583 
Peters Colony, 843 
Petersburg, 672 
Peterson, Eugene J., 2532 
Petlcolas, Warner M., 1669 
Petrolia, 839 
Pettus, William, 69 
Petty, Van A., 2256 
Pfeuffer, George, 1439 
Pfeuffer, Somers V., 1439 
Phillips, Alexander R., 1663 
Phillips. George S., 1968 
Philp, John W., 1564 
Philpott, John W., 1813 
Plckard, William E., 1980 
Plckrell, J. H., 1661 
Piedras Pintas, 640 
Pierson, Marshall, 1290 
Plerson. William, 1456 
PlUey, William, 2032 
Pilot Point, 846 
Pine, 891 

Pinson, Richard P., 2084 
Pioneer Flour MUls, 2266 
Piper, Edward G., 2445 
Pipkin, Stephen W., 1557 
Pipkin, Thomas P., 2572 
Plrkey, Henry W., 1258 
Pittsburg, 890, 891 
Plains, 955 
Plalnview, 952 
Piano, 863 

Plantation system, 648, 651, 657 
Piatt, Bryant A., 1655 
Piatt, John A., 2281 
Piatt, Joseph B., 2506 
Plnzo of the Alamo, San Antonio 

(view), 995 
Pleasants, Robert A., 1181 
Pleasants, Robert G., 1543 
Pleasonton. 620 
Plemons, 988 
Plum Creek fight, 464 
Poinsett, J. R., 63 
Point Isabel, 491 
Police, statte, 565 
Polish colony, 617. 618 
Polish settlers, 672 
Politics, progressive movement, 608 
Politics, since 1884. 600 
Polk county, 513, 708 




Polk, George W., 2327 

Polk, Henry K., 1770 

Pollard, Claude, 2361 

PoUard, John J., 1230 

Pond, J. W., 1384 

Ponder, James D., 1220 

Ponder, William E., 1085 

Pool, Eugene B., 1333 

Pool, R. F., 1617 

Poole, Madison J., 1927 

Pope, Andrew J., 2643 

Population, character of early Amer- 
icans, 19 ; of Texas, 173, 504 

Populist party, 609 

Port Arthur, 699, 701 

Port Arthur ship channel, 701 

Port Arthur Docks (view), 739 

Port Bolivar, 680 

Port Bolivar channel, 693 

Port Lavaca, 508, 676, 677, 678 

Port O'Oonner, 678 

Port Sullivan, 749 

Porter, Henry A., 2431 

Porter, Lycurgus W., 1798 

Porter, Samuel W., 1266 

Porter's Bluff, 762 

Portrait — Stephen F. Austin, 8 

Post City, 946 

Post, C. W., 945 

Postal system, 297 

Postofflce, San Antonio (view), 1031 

Potter, Clement B., 2026 

Potter county, 983 

Potter County Courthouse, Amarillo 
( view ) 974 

Potter, Dwlght E., 2292 

Potter, Evelyn T., 2292 

Potter, James M., 1680 

Potter, Joseph J., 1550 

Potter, R. M., 410 

Potter, Robert, 396 

Potter, William T., 2392 

Pottinger, James V., 1314 

Pottsboro, 850 

Powell, 764 

Powell, John P. S., 1416 

Powell, William B., 1912 

Power, James, 629 

Power's colony, 346 

Powers, Ida B., 2410 

Powers, Steven W., 2410 

Powers. T. C, 2569 

Prairie Point, 831 

Prairie View Normal, 719 

Prather, Robert M., 1634 

Prescott, Arthur M., 2102 

President's House at Houston (view), 

Presidio county, 496, 1046 

Presidio County Courthouse (view), 

Preston, John, 1874 

Prestridge, Bunyan G., 2571 

Price, Dougald J., 1955 

Price, J. B., 1885 

Price. William A.. 1810 

Prlddy, DeWitt C, 2()77 

Priest, Rupert C, 1896 

Prince, Fred E.. 2234 

Product of the Black Land Belt (view), 

Prosrresslve movement, originates in 
Texas, 608 

Prohibition question. 601 

Propst, Hoke L., 2.547 

Provisional government, 215; protest 

against, 217; plan ot 306, 313 et 
seq. ; dissolved, 374 

Provisional organization of Texas, 182 

Pruett, Edmund, 2658 

Pruett, Thomas B., 1976 

Public meetings preceding revolution. 

Public debt, 500; domestic, 501; rev- 
enue, 502; public lands, 582; lease 
system, 584; grants to railways, 589, 

Puckett, Frank B., 1242 

Pugh, Lee L., 1968 

Puig, Valentine L., 1619 

Purinton, Arthur B., 2571 

Putman, Mark, 2387 

Putnam, I. M., 1827 

Pyle, Jesse N., 1925 

Pyle, Temple S., 2042 

Quanah, 936, 939 
Queen city, 886 
Quicksilver, 1045 
Quihi, 1025, 1026 
Quintana. 298, 649 
Quitman, 895 

Rabb, Frank, 2447 

Rader, Harry A., 2053 

Radical Rule, 563 et seq. 

Radicals, during reconstruction, 655, 

Ragland, Alphonso, 1095 
Ragland, Thomas S., 1499 
Raguet, Charles H., 1819 
Railey, John R., 1128 
Railways, early state enterprise, 506 
Railroad facilities, 665 
Railroad commission, 596, 602, 603, 

604; work of, 605 
Railroads, rates, 590; and the Grange, 

595; legislation, 601; capitalization, 

605 ; and town development, 755 
Railway mileage, 507 
Railway Station Grounds, KingsviUe 

(view), 647 
Railways, construction, 588 
Railway strike, 590 
Rainier, Stephen. 2153 
Rainey, Anson. 1573 
Rains county, 875 
Ramey, Alice L., 1261 
Ramey, John J., 1261 
Ramsey, Frank T., 1872 
Ramsey, H. D., 2211 
Ramsey, William F., 1605 
Randall county, 978 
Randel, Elbert J., 1447 
Randel, Joseph C, 1093 
Randel, Louis T.. 1447 
Randell, Choice B., 2040 
Randle, Ed T., 2469 
Randolph, Halbert C. 1981 
Randolph, R. L., 2096 
Rankin, John Y.. 2463 
Ranney, Zenas E.. 1239 
Raquet. Charles H., 1819 
Rasbury, Charles A., 1587 
Ratllff, Fayette. 1994 
Ratliff, George W.. 1731 
Rntliff, Jefferson D„ 1818 
Hatliff. Thomas J., 2500 
Rawlins. William O.. 1841 
Ray, Alfred J., 1092 
Ray. David M., 2365 
Ray, James F., 1636 



Ray, John A., 10S3 

Ray, Taylor, 1596 

Rayner, 940 

Rea, Alfred F., 2226 

Read, James H., 2455 

Read, John A., 1185 

Read, Rhesa W.. 1471 

Reagan, J. H., 532, 536, 539, 596, 600. 

Reagan county, 962 

Real county, 1022 

Reaves, Stephen D., 2644 

Reconstruction, 550 et seq. 

Reconstruction convention, 553 

Reconstruction, by military, 556 

Red River county, 189, 881 

Red River trading posts, 466 

Red Rock, 745 

Reece, Jeff L., 2608 

Reed, Allen T., 1947 

Reed, Edward H., 1923 

Reed, J. F.. 1783 

Reed, Joe B., 2017 

Reed. R. O., 1640 

Reeder, James P., 1426 

Reese, Charles W., 2422 

Reese, John B., 1934 

Reese, Thomas S.. 2456 

Reeves county. 1043 

Reeves. William, 1126 

Refugio. 474. 631 

Refugio county, 630 

Refugio mission, 375, 421, 427 ; descrip- 
tion. 428. 436, 630 

Reger, Howard J.. 1852 

Registration of voters. 557 

Reid, John S.. 1641 

Reinhardt. Louis S.. 2432 

Renfro. David K.. 1800 

Renfro, John F., 2662 

Renfro. William T.. 2371 

Republic, finances, 458; first legisla- 
tion. 458; foreign relations, 460; 
fiscal affairs, 461 ; postofflce, 468 ; in- 
ternational politics, 470; debt, 478 

Resaca de la Pal ma, 491 

Revenue collections, 201 

Revolution, 199 : outbreak of, 263 ; first 
shot fired, 271; indifference of citi- 
zens, 324, 325; revenue provisions, 
329. 3^1 ; MJttamoras expedition, 350, 
363. 374, 397 

Revolutionary loans, 334, 335 

Reynolds, George T., 1120 

Reynolds, Will, 2577 

Reynolds, William D., 2393 

Rhelnhelmer. William, 1162 

Rhodes, Samuel W., 2231 ' 

Rice, Charles F., 1173 

Rice, Horace B., 1966 

Rice, Jonas S., 1331 

Rice production, 654. 659, 660, 698 

Richards, J. M., 1077 

Richards, T. S., 1978 

Richardson, 853 

Richardson, George, 1632 

Richardson, J. Frank, 1535 

Richardson, Randolph M., 1406 

Richerson, Guy C, 1162 

Richmond, 650, 652 

Riddle, George W., 1101 

Riddler, Garth A., 1100 

Ridgell, Thomas B., 2282 

Ridley, George V., 2435 

Rieger. John M., 2579 

Riggins, James W., 2665 

Rikard, Reid, 2651 
Rlmmer, S. W., 1222 
Ringgold, 834 
Rio Grande border, 613 
Rio Grande city, 645 
Rio Grande frontier, 565 
• Rio Grande railroad, 616 
Rio Grande territory, 514 
Rio Grande Valley Scene (view), 628 
Rio Grande valley soils, 615, 634, 642 
Ripley, Henry L., 2160 
Rippy. Ambruse, 1288 
Rische, ririch H., 2006 
Risinger, Edward, 1544 
Rlx, Harvey L., 1743 
Roasberry, Earl A., 1754 
Robb, Edward B., 1378 
Roberson, Isaac N., 2212 
Roberson, William, 2212 
Robert, A. B., 2559 
Roberts, Artemas R., 2528 
Roberts, Benjamin F., 2194 
Roberts, Claude C, 1517 
Roberts county, 987 
Roberts, Emma, 1693 
Roberts, Frank S., 1797 
Roberts. Harry, 1701 
Roberts, Irving H., 2418 
Roberts, John S., 49, 153 
Roberts, John T., 2465 
Roberts, J. S., 226 

Roberts, O. M., 534, 555, 575, 581, 698 
Roberts, Samuel A., 2621 
Roberts, T. J., 1487 
Roberts, William S., 2105 
Robertson county, 749, 751 
Robertson, E. Sterling C, 2245 
Robertson, Hugh R.. 2671 
Robertson, Huling P., 2246 
Robertson, James E., 2417 
Robertson, James H.. 1719 
Robertson, John B.. 1719 
Robertson, J. W., 1867 
Robertson, Maclin, 2246 
Robertson, S. C, 748, 751 
Robertson, Sterling C, 2236 
Robertson. Sonhronia M.. 1867 
Robertson, William F., 2582 
Roblnett, John W., 1850 
Robinson, Cornelius W., 1964 
Robinson, Frank H., 1924 
Robinson, George C, 1752 
Robinson, James R., 1319 
Robinson, Jeff D., 1180 
Robinson, John F.. Jr., 2304 
Robinson. John T.. 2540 
Robinson, J. W.. 477 
Robinson, Patrick H., 1383 
Robinson, Robert D., 2634 
Robinson. William F., 1308 
Robinson, William P., 1S08 
Robstown, 614, 639 
Roby, 930 
Rockdale, 750 
Rochelle. James F., 2461 
Rockhold, Alfred, 1530 
Rock Island R. R., 832, 836, 843 
Rockport, 629, 639 
Rock Springs, 1022 
Rockwall, 864, 865 
Rockwall county, 864 
Rodgers, Aubrey, 1931 
Rodgers, Rollln W., 1776 
Rogan, 704 
Rogan, Charles, 2i)58 
Rogers, Emanuel M.. 1945 
Rogers, Louis F., 2610 



Rogers, Manuel, 1255 

Rogers, O. B., 2435 

Rogers, Thomas H., 1139 

Roma, 645 

Romberg, H. Johannes, 1860 

Rooney, James, 1G45 

Roquemore, Otho (»., lOSl 

Rosborough, Ell T., 1474 

Rosborough, James T., 1453 

Roscoe, 929 

Roscoe, Snyder & Pacific R. R., 932 

Rosebud, 760 

Rosenberg, 652 

Rosenberg, Henry, (191, 2262 

Rosenberg, Mollle M., 2263 

Ross, Alonzo A., 2142 

Ross, Arthur C. 2510 

Ross, Charles E., 2058 

Ross, Charles P., 1296 

Ross, Governor, 600 

Ross, John B., 2405 

Ross, I.. S., 519 

Ross, S. P., 786 

Ross, Thomas A., 1083 

Ross, Thomas D., 1890 

Rotan, 930 

Rotunno, Michael, 2050 

Round Rock, 808 

Rountree, Benjamin F.. 1719 

Rountree, Wiley B., 1500 

Rowe, Herman, 2122 

Rowe, John F., 2102 

Roy, R. E. L., 1129 

Royall, R. R., 285 

Royder, Thomas H., 2358 

Royse City, 865 

Rucker. Wllford E., 1709 

Rudd, Jonathan D., 2528 

Rudolph, Charles F., 1425 

Rudolph, James K., 2287 

Ruiz, Francisco, 408 

Runaway Scrape, 443, 670 

Runge, 618 

Runge, Julius, 2219 

Runnels, 967 

Runnels county, 966 

Runnels, Howell W., 1871 

Runnels, H. R., 523; administration, 

Rush, Andrew J., 1461 
Rusk, 546, 906, 907 
Rusk county, 903 
Rusk, T. J., 225, 327, 348, 395, 445, 457, 

490, 524 
Rusk Tap R. R., 908 
Russell, Charles R., 2541 
Russell, I. David, 1950 
Russell, Gordon, 1676 
Russell, John K., 2381 
Russell, William H., 1666 
Russell, William J., 73 
Russell, Hon. William J., 2051 
Russell, William J., 2366 
Russell, William S., 1192 
Rutersville, 669 
Rutersville Oollege, 808 
Rutledge, William C, 2106 
Ryan, Ambrose E.. 2636 
Ryan, John C, 1514 

Sabine county, 911 

Sabine district, 92 

Sabine Pass, 548. r03, C97. 701 

Sabine & East Texas R. R., r97, 705, 

Sabine river, 506 

Sabine town, 916 

Sabinal, 1028, 1029 

Sager, William M., 1357 

Sagerton, 937 

St. Denis, expedition of, 3 

St Dominic's Villa, 2293 

St. Jo, 834 

St. Joseph's Academy, 2260 

St. Louis, Brownsville & Mexico R. 
R., 614, 637, 649 

St. Louis Southwestern R. R., 870, 883, 

St. Mary's, 625, 631 

St. Mary's College, 1072 

St. Xavler's Academy, 2568 

Salado battle, 475 

Salado College, 757 

Salado skirmishes, 277 

Salinas, Encurnacion, 2408 

Saltlllo, capital contest, 179 

Sampson, Thornton R., 1894 

Sams, Arthur H., 1291 

San Angelo, 9(19, 970 

San Antonio city, 4; captured in 1813, 
5, 9, 53, 67, 89, 107. 170; convention 
of 1832, 100; Austin's visit in 1833, 
111, 155 ; in 1828, 156 ; capital of Coa- 
huila and Texas, 195, 197; old mill, 
282 ; siege In 1835, 282 et seq. ; fall 
of, 328 ; siege and capture, 342 ; army 
movements, 344; storming of, 353; 
terms of capitulation, 350, 410 ; coun- 
cil house fight, 463, 474, 475, 513; 
surrendered to Confederacy, 537, 541. 
1000, 1014; missions. 1001; Canary 
Islanders, 1002; during the Spanish 
regime, 1003; during the Republic, 
1004; In the 'HOs, 1005, 1000; the 
Alamo, 1003; military post, 1006; 
schools and Institutions, 1007, 1008; 
German institutions, 1008 ; wool mar- 
ket, 1008; population, 1010; rail- 
roads, 1010; modern municipal 
growth. 1011; commerce, 1012; re- 
sort city, 1013, 1021, 1023, 1027, 1031, 

San Antonio & Aransas Pass R. R., 
625, 632, 646, 668. 672. 744, 785, 1014 

San Antonio & Mexican Gulf R. R.. 508, 
617, 677, 679 

San Antonio road. 167. 663, 713. 715. 
717, 733. 738. 741. 743, 744, 912. 916 

San Antonio, Fredericksburg & North- 
em R. R., 1015 

San Antonio, T'valde & Gulf R. R., 620, 

San Augustine, 4. 83, 172, 178, 225; 
public meeting, 227, 285 ; revolution- 
ary volunteers, 287. 298. 301, 332, 386, 
808. 912, 913, 914, 916 

San Augustine county, 912 

San Bernard river, 651 

San Benito. 616 

Sanborn, H. B., 985 

Sanchez, Darlo, 1486 

Sanchez, Thomas. 035 

Sanders, Arthur M.. 2552 

Sanders, D. Leon, 1746 

Sanders, Egbert B., 1584 

Sanders. John A.. 2551 

Sanders, Mabel B., 1.^94 

Sanders, Robert W., 1556 

Sanders, William D., 1690 

Sanders, William R., 2014 

Sanderson, 1040 

San Diego, 640. 641 



Sandifer, William M., 1369 

Sandlln, James W., 22S5 

Sandusky, Louis W., 2517 

Saner, John C, 1560 

Saner, Robert E. L., 2169 

San Elisario, 1057 

San Felipe, 18. 49, 83, 135, 151. 152, 160, 
170, 197; meeting, 207, 200, 217; 
meeting of July 14. 1835, 219 ; meet- 
ing. 261, 298, 300; burned, 444, 661, 

Sanguinet, Marshal R., 1118 

San Ignacio, 648 

San Jacinto district, 91, 222 

San Jacinto, campaign, 442 et seq. 

San Jacinto battleground, 448 

San Jacinto county, 708, 712 

San Jacinto river, 506 

San Juan, 644 

San Marcos, 801, 802 

San Marcos river, 801 

San Patricio, 169, 178, 362, 402, 406, 
419. 632 

San Patricio county, 632 

San Saba, 766 

San Saba county, 766 

San Saba mission, 995 

Sanson], Marion, 2173 

Santa Anna. General, 16, 72; colonies 
declare for, 88; on convention of 
1832, 98, 122, 212, 254, 293 ; army of 
invasion, 416, 449; report of San 
Jacinto battle, 453, 456, 648 

Santa Anna town, 675, 771 

Santa county, 495, 496 

Santa Fe expedition, 466, 473 

Santa Fe Railroad, 649 

Saratoga, 707 

Sarita, 642 

Satterwhite. Robert L.. 2164 

Saner, Charles L., 2201 

Sauer, George G., 1224 

Saunders, Bacon. 2123 

Saunders, John S., 2126 

Saunders, Roy F., 2167 

Saunders. William R., Jr., 2094 

Savoy, 867 

Sawyer, Edwin E., 1612 

Saxon, Walter T.. 2518 

Sayers, William B., 1140 

Scarborough, Dallas, 1087 

Scene at Sweetwater, Nolan County 
(view), 937 

Schaefer, Frederick, 2638 

Scharbauer. John, 2606 

Scharrenbeck, Henry G., 2166 

Schertz. William, 1830 

Schleicher county, 1035 

Schmidt, John, 1977 

Schmidt, Ottomar E., 2645 

Schmitz, John B., 2533 

Schmitz, Nicholas S., 1335 

Schneider, Henry G., 1164 

Schools, under Mexican regime, 93; 
In 1835, 171. 172, 175, 664 

School fund, 571 

School lands, 582, 586 

Schramm, Edgar, 1623 

Schroeder, Bernhard H., 2099 

Schulenberg, 668, 669 

Sohutz, William R.. 2055 

Schwegler, Benjamin. 1811 

Scott. Alfred L., 2309 

Scott. Walter. 2030 

Scott. William D., 2029 

Scott. Will J.. 1111 

Scottish Rite Cathedral, Dallas (view), 

Scurry county, 932 
Scyene, 855 
Seale, John H., 1190 
Scale, William O., 1505 
Sealy, 663 
Sealy, John, 690 
Seamster, Lee, 2443 
Seay, Harry L.. 1107 
Secession, South Carolina resolutions, 

Secession, 531 et seq.; obstacles, 533; 

delegates, 536 
Secession ordinance, vote, 535, 538 
Secession convention, 534, 538; work 

of, 539 
Secession, right of, 553 
Seguin, Erasmo, 12, 111 
Seguin, J. A., 410 
Seguin, 800 
Self, Thomas N., 2385 
Seminole, 954 
Seminole Draw, 954 
Separate statehood, proposal, 93, 95 
Severin, Ernest, 1868 
Sewell, Ira S., 1851 
Sewell, William H., 1895 
Seymour, 934, 935 
Seymour, Sam K., 1356 
Shackelford county, 922 
Shafter, 1047 
Shannon, James T., 2351 
Shannon. Perry man B., 2352 
Shaw, George G., 2040 
Shaw, John W.. 1417 
Shaw, N. A. (Gus), 2599 
Shaw, Robert B.. 2100 
Shearer, Thomas W. 1891 
Shelby county. 917 
Shelbyville. 918 

Shell Road near Houston (view), 725 
Shelton, Henry C, 2548 
Shelton, Horace H., 1234 
Shepard. Chauncev B., 2294 
Shepard, Seth. 1064 
Shepherd. Benjamin F.. 1621 
Shepherd. James L.. 1313 
Sheppard, Morris. 2527 
Sheppard. Willis H.. 2384 
Sheridan. General, 556 
Sherman, Sidney, 442. 445, 448, 720 
Sherman Federal Building (view), 841 
Sherman, 848, 849, 850, 851 
Sherman county, 991 
Sherwood, 960 
Shields, Albert H., 1418 
Shiels, James, 2646 
Shiner, 672 
Shipley, Fred J.. 2413 
Shipman. William K., 2307 
Shive. T. H.. 1153 
Shock. C. A.. 1189 
Shockley. A. P., 2516 
Short, Daniel M., 2010 
Short, Hugh B., 2010 
Shuffler, Ralph S., 1794 
Siddall, Daniel. 2662 
SIddall, Joseph L., 2662 
Sllllman. Elton R., 1756 
Sllliman, Whitaker B., 2334 
Silsbee, 707 
Sllverton, 973 
Simmons. Ha r wood J., 2055 
Simmons, Lee, 1186 



Simpson, Robert E., 1134 

Simpson, Thomas M., Jr., 1525 

Simpsonville, 892 

Sims, Bartlett, 56 

Sims, Benjamin O., Jr., 1249 

Singletary, Daniel B., 1274 

Sinton, 633 

Slvley, Joseph M., 1254 

Skelton, W. W., 2249 

Skldmore, 625 

Skinner, Sidney P., 1090 

Skinner, William T., 2331 

Slater, H. D., 2653 

Slaughter, Christopher C, 1063 

Slaughter, Elmer E., 1384 

Slaughter, John W., 1588 

Slavery, Mexican decree, 57; question, 

58, 109, 478, 522, 524 
Slave trade, under Republic, 459 
Slay, J. Frank, 2059 
Slay, William H.. 1125 
Slayton, 950 
Slight, Ralph B., 1620 
Small, Warren N., 2592 
Smart, James H., 1099 
Smith, Andrew J., 2348 
Smith, Arthur V., 2009 
Smith, Asher R., 1632 
Smith, Ben Fort, 330 
Smith, Cecil H., 1186 
Smith, Cicero, 2566 
Smith, Clarence, 1984 
Smith county, 546, 900 
Smith, D. W., 1714 
Smith, Edgar, 2142 
Smith, B. Kirby, 549 
Smith, Emery A., 2053 
Smith, Erastus (Deaf), 347, 442, 448 
Smith, Erwin J., 1200 
Smith, Firn^n R., 1088 
Smith, Frank M., 1904 
Smith, Frank T., 1591 
Smith, Garland, 1740 
Smith, G. B. K, 1262 
Smith, George R., 2344 
Smith, George W. L., 1778 
Smith, Henry, 179, 209, 312; message, 

313 ; violent message to Council, 370 ; 

deposed from governorship, 372, 397, 

Smith, Herbert F., 1165 
Smith, James A., 1900 
Smith, James E., 1088 
Smith, James H., 1960 
Smith, John R., 1217 
Smith, John W., 156 
Smith, J. P., 818, 822 
Smith, J. W., 240 
Smith, J. W., 408 
Smith, M. C, 1330 
Smith, R. C 2211 
Smith, R. Waverley, 1903 
Smith, R. W., 688 
Smith, Sidney, 2566 
Smith, Stuart R., 1519 
Smith, Temple D., 2125 
Smith, W. J. J.. 1558 
Smith, W. Percy, 2388 
Smither, James G., 1767 
Smithland, 894 
SmithvlUe, 708, 745 
Smoot, John B., 1576 
Smyth, George W., Jr., 1513 
Smyth, George W., Sr., 1513 
Snedecor, Gayle T., 1675 
Snedecor, Vance G., 1536 

Sneed, James E., 2127 

Snell, William H., 1243 

Snell, William W., 2019 

Snipes, William G., 2401 

Snively, Jacob, 475 

Snyder, 933 

Socorro, 1057 

Solomon, Edward E., 2458 

Somervell, Alexander, 442, 475 

Somervell county, 774, 776 

Somerville, 743 

Soule University, 664, 808 

Sour Lake, 707 

Southern Pacific R. R., 668, 1056 

Southwestern Telegraph & Telephone 

Company, 2626 
Southwestern University, 808 
Sowder, Robert A., 1317 
Sowell^ Jason, 2137 
Sowell, Leonidas B., 1943 
Spangler, Davis, 2361 
^nish Bluff, 29 
Spanish Fort, 834 
Spann, Robert L., 1149 
Sparks, Henry, 2064 
Sparks, William J., 2387 
Spear, John D., 2299 
Spearman, Robert F., 1452 
Speed, George W., 1935 
Speer, Asa H., 2220 
Speer, Henry F., 1588 
Speer, Robert E., 2595 
Spellman, John M., 1589 
Spellman, Michael, 1940 
Spence, Joseph, Jr., 2191 
Spiller, George, 2439 
Spindle Top, 699 

Spindle Top Oil Field (view), 710 
Spinks, Eureka D., 1278 
Spivey, E. Newt, 1477 
Spofford Junction, 1033 
Spoonts, M. A., 593 
Spoonts, Marshall, 2407 
Springer, Thomas H., 2399 
Springfield, 754, 755 
Spur, 943 

Stafford, Brooks, 2188 
Stafford's Point, 651 
Stambaugh, George A., 1963 
Stamford, 928 

Stamford & Northwestern R. R., 941 
Stampfli, Victor E., 1634 
Stannard, William G., 1857 
Stansbury, Leander D., 1363 
Stanton. 947 
Stanton, Mary I., !J332 
Starnes, Monroe, 2272 
Starr county. 613. 645 
Starr, James, 1880 
Starr, Solomon A., 1902 
State of Texas, first constitution, 484 
State lands, 500 
State institutions. 50S, 509 
Staten, Burleson, 2517 
Staton, 'niomas W.. 1203 
Steele, J. Harvey W., 1552 
Stegall. J. Rex, 1723 
Steger. Thomas P., 2fi22 
Stehlik, Otto. 1789 
Stennis, Robert L., 1887 
Stephens county, 920 
Stephens, Isaac W., 1127 
Stephens, John L., 1587 
Stephenson, James A., 1109 
Stephenson. James D., 1784 
Stephenville, 780 



sterling dty, 961 
Sterling county, 961 
Sterling, Robs S., 1765 
Stevens, Henry F., 1628 
Stevens, John D., 1159 
Stevens, Porter, 2011 
Stevenson, Herbert .E., 1337 
Steves, Albert, 2114 
Stewart, Charles J., 2437 
Stewart, G. B., 2430 
Stewart, James, 1667 
Stewart, James H., 1365 
Stewart, Vance, 2422 
Stichter, Ralph B., 1130 
Stiles, 962 

sun, Calvin M., 2140 
Still, James M., 2045 
Stillman, Robert, 2115 
Stinnett, Albert S., 2343 
SUnson, John R., 2155 
Stock and Bond law, 606 
Stockdale, 617 
Stocking, Jerome D., 1116 
Stoker, J. J., 2078 
Stokes, Edgar B., 1114 
Stokes, Joseph L., 1311 
Stolaroff, Aaron, 2057 
Stone Fort at Nacogdoches, 226 
Stone, Giddings, ISOl 
Stone, Heber, 1801 
Stone House, 915 
Stone, John E., 2607 
Stone, Thomas H., 1953 
Stone, Thomas P., 2133 
Stonewall county, 940 
Storey, Cecil, 1853 
Stovall, Richard H., 1094 
Stowers, George A., 2324 
Stratford, 992 
Strawn, 830 

Strayhom, John M., 1234 
Street, Robert G., 1773 
Stringer, James W., 1812 
Striplin, Fox, 2254 
Strong, Elmer D.. 1329 
Stroud, Alpheus D., 1992 
Stuart, Arley C. 1395 
Stuart, David F., 1938 
Stuart, Joseph R., 2634 
Stuart, Robert T., 2617 
Stubbs, James B., 1773 
Study in Contrast, Dallas (view), 829 
Stump, Timothy R., 1919 
Sturgeon, B. B., 1084 
Sturgis, J. H., 2098 
Suber, Jacob H., 2014 
Suber, Leila R., 2014 
Sudderth, David G., 1493 
sugar Cane at Whnrton (view), 655 
"Sugar production, 649, G52 
Sugarland, 652, 658, 660 
Sugg, Alice E., 1205 
Sugg, Joshiah B., 1204 
Suiter, William D., 1501 
Sulphur SprinfiTH, S77, 878 
Summerour. Jeff D.. 2230 
Sumter, 736 
Sunset, 834 

Sutherland Springs, 017 
Sutton county, 1036 
Swann. William D.. 2157 
Swanson, Adolph C, 2157 
Sweany, Andrew F., 2435 
Sweany, I#awrence. 2434 
Sweftringen, Richard M., 2471 
Swearingen, T. L., 1428 

Swedish settlers, 804, 807 
Sweet, Frank H., 1150 
Sweetwater, 929, 930 
Sweetwater Public Schools, 1481 
Swinney, Robert E., 1625 
Swisher county, 974 
Swisher, James G., 347 
Synnott, Joel H., 1122 

Tackett, William A., 1258 

Tadlock, James T., 2214 

Taff, John H., 2444 

Taft, Edward R., 1959 

Tahoka, 948 

Talbot, James M., 1576 

Taliaferro, Rosalia H., 1643 

Taliaferro, R. H., 2602 

Taliaferro, Sinclair, 1643 

Tariff, Mexican, 93 

Tarkingston's Prairie, 711 

Tarrant, 877 

Tarrant county, 518, 815, 840 

Tarrant, E. H., 792 

Tascosa, 986 

Tate, Horatio L., 2134 

Tatum, 904 

Tatum, Homer O., 1259 

Tatum, Reese, 2403 

Taxable values, 505 

Taxation, under statehood, 487 

Taxes, collection, 580 

Taylor, 808 

Taylor countj', 925 

Taylor County's New Courthouse 

(view), 945 
Taylor, Bastrop & Houston R. R., 745 
Taylor, Benjamin L. L., 2019 
Taylor, Charles A., 2086 
Taylor, Charles C, 1197 
Taylor, Charles L., 1366 
Taylor, Charles S., 2129 
Taylor, Henry H., 2249 
Taylor, Isabella A., 1114 
Taylor, Lawrence S., 2130 
Taylor, I^ee M., 2167 
Taylor, Robert A.. 1429 
Taylor, R. E., 2613 
Taylor, T. J., 1337 
Taylor, William A., 1962 
Taylor, Hon. William M., 1114 
Taylor, William M., 1794 
Taylor, Zachary, 491, 615 
Teague, 773 

Teague, Benjamin F., 1997 
Teague, J. W., 1538 
Tehuacana, 755 
Tehuacana Hills. 754 
Tejas mission, 3 
Telegraph line, 508 
Temple, 756. 758 
Temple, Theodore F., 18S7 
Templeton, M. B.. 1187 
Teneha, 83, 171, 918 
Teneha district, 92 
Teneha municipality, 918 
Tennessee Colony, 869 
Tennlson, Thomas L., 1192 
Tenorio, Antonio, 109. 200. 201, 205 
Tenoxtltlan, 67, 85, 166, 174, 742, 849 
Teran, 171 

Teran's renort on Texas, 61 
Terrell, 872 

Terrell, A. W., 592, TOO, 1063 
Terrell county, 1040 
Terrell Federal Building (view), 913 
Terrell, George I., 2618 



Terrill, Menter B., 2427 

Terry, Callle, 1316 

Terry county, 954 

Terry, James S., 1315 

Terry, John W., 1522 

Terry, Roy H., 1316 

Texana, 675 

Texarkana, 883, 884, 885 

Texarkana Pipe Company, The, 1880 

Texas, in 1825-26, 26 ; growing distrust 
of Mexico, 51 et seq. ; municipalities, 
53; Texas Immigration in 1829, 57; 
slavery under Mexican laws, 57 ; Law 
of April 6, 1830, 61, 65, 92, 94 ; coast- 
wise trade under Mexico, 62; early 
annexation proposals, 63; prosperity 
of colonies, 68; United States' de- 
signs upon, 100 ; reason for separation 
from Ooahuila, 105; separate state- 
hood argument of Austin, 113; state- 
hood petition in Mexican congress, 
120; attempts to transfer to U. S., 
140, 141; Americanization of, 145; 
conditions In 1826-34, 148; establish- 
ment of Mexican posts, 163; Ameri- 
can colonization prior to revolution, 
169; slaves in 1835, 170; economic 
conditions prior to revolution, 171 ; 
population in 1835, 173; statistics of 
1833, 174; in 1833, 178; separation 
from Coahulla, 178; provisional gov- 
ernment proposed at Bexar, 180; 
separate statehood convention pro- 
posed, 184; land speculation, 186; 
effect of land speculations, 192 ; itetice 
and war parties, 198; Indian pro- 
tection a pretext, 200 ; people divided 
into three parties, 257; permanent 
council, 284; economic. conditions at 
Revolution, 332; commissioners to 
r. S., 336; capital location, 465; 
prosperity of Republic, 470; and 
Mexico, armistice, 477; from Repub- 
lic to state, 485; conditions in 1846, 
490; in Mexican war, 491; public 
debt, 500; domestic, 501; revenue, 
502; prosperity and progress, 504 et 
seq.; politics, 521 et seq.; national 
issues, 523; military posts, 537; In 
the war, 541 ; troops for the war, 543, 
544; women during the war, 545; 
state of country, 547; war expendi- 
tures, 547 ; in federal army, 549 ; tur- 
bulence in reconstruction, 552; mili- 
tary districts, 555; representatives 
excluded from Congress, 555; condi- 
tions in 1870, 563; division of state, 
559 ; Democratic readjustment, 574 ; 
new problems, 588; progress and re- 
form, eOO et seq.; wise legislation, 


Texas Cattle Raisers' Association, 843 
Texas Central R. R., 789 
Texas Christian Advocate, The, 1097 
Texas Christian ITnlversity, 775, 787 
Texas City. 680, 691 
Texas City channel, 693 
Texas-Tx)ui8lana boundary, 4 
Texas Navy, 77 
Texas Rangers, 297, 584, 591 
Texas Republic, 456 et seq. 
Texas Traffic Association, 589, COS 
Texas-Mexican R. R., f39. 641 
Texas Midland R. R., 872 
Texas and New Orleans R. R., 507, 
726, 728, 872, 910, 916 

Texas & Pacific R. R., 507, 591 ; land, 

566, 820, 821, 826, 856, 883, 885, 893, 

897, 898, 902, 963, 1056 
Texas State R. R., 908 
Texas Trunk R. R., 872 
Texas Western Narrow Gauge R. R., 

Texline, 992 

Tharpe, Thomas B., 1451 
"The Lively," 13 
Thomas, Charles, 2511 
Thomas, David, 396 
Thomas, Elizabeth J., 2223 
Thomas, James, 2223 
Thomas, James A., 2247 
Thomas, John B., 2361 
Thomas John C, 1780 
Thomas, John W., 1782 
Thomas, Oliver, 1753 
Thomas, William G., 1002 
Thomason, Jabez S., 2236 
Thomason, Newton B., 2197 
Thomasson, Frank W., 2229 
Thompson, Dixie S., 1271 
Thompson, Efford O., 1468 
Thompson George R., 1502 
Thompson, Howard, 1305 
Thompson, John A., 2562 
Thompson, John H., 190(5 
Thompson, Joseph A., 1267 
Thompson, J. J., 2368 
Thompson, Oscar, 2324 
Thompson, Thomas G., 2033 
Thompson, Thomas W., 1455 
Thompson, Roy W., 1427 
Thompson, William R., 1240 
Thorman, Otto H., 2056 
Thomdale, 750 
Thorne, Richard H., 1262 
Thorning, W. Burton, 1332 
Thornton, 755 
Thorp Spring, 775 
Threadglll John *T., 2025 
Three parties prior to revolution, 257 
Throckmorton, 933 
Throckmorton county, 933 
Throckmorton, J. W., 513, 549, 552, 

554, 555, 557 
Thurber, 780 

Thurston, Thomas A., 1961 
Tidwell, Lee, 1473 
Tilden, 623 

Tillar, Benjamin J., 2401 
Tlllotson, Randolph S., 2470 
Timmons, James J., 2453 
Tlmpson, 918 
Tioga, 850 

Tipps, Charles H., 1170 
Tittle, Ix)uls W., 2113 
Titus county, 887 
Tobacco raising, 716 
Tobin, Antonio W., 2025 
Tobln, Patrick H., 1419 
Todd, Charles, 1427 
Todd, Charles C, 2598 
Todd, Charles S., 2490 
Todd, George T., 2597 
Todd, William S., 2489 
Tolbert, William T., 1304 
Tom Green county, 969 
Topperwein, Adolph, 2438 
Towash, 779 

Towery, Bunyan 11., 1415 
Townes, Edgar E., 1208 
Townes, Ernest W., 1689 



Townes, John O., 1297 

Townes, John C, Jr., 1298 

Towns, John B., 2545 

Townsen, Joseph B., 2251 

Toyah, 1044 

Toyah Valley, 1043 

Trainer, George J., 2400 

Transportation, in early state, 505 

Travis county, 802 

Travis, Porter M., 2560 

Travis, William B., 69, 135, 181, 209, 

210, 235, 239, 249, 282, 319, 324, 343, 

397, 398, 408, 409 
Traylor, Joseph A., 2335 
Traynham, Felix G., 2596 
Treadwell, Stephen J., 1660 
Trenton, 867 
Tres Palaclos. 654 
Trlckham, 771 
Trigg, Ross, 1148 
Trigg. Walter S., 1974 
Trinity county, 735 
Trinity river, 762, 773, 855, 869 ; ferry 

at San Antonio road, 28 
Trinity University, 755 
Trinity & Brazos Valley R. R., 762. 
Trinity & Sabine R. R., 705 
Triplett, Henry F., 2124 
Trolinger, John R.. 2087 
Trost, Henry C, 1764 
Trotter, William D., 1531 
Troupe, 900. 902 
Trumbull. G. A., 1579 
Tucker, Paschal P., 1303 
TuUa, 975 
Tulip Bend. 865 
Turner, Amasa, 271 
Turner, Chester L., 1496 
Turner, George H., 2554 
Turner, Harvey A., 2390 
Turner, Jere C, Sr., 2154 
Turner, John S., 1125 
Turner, Thomas P.. 2376 
Tumey, Albert M., 2321 
Turtle Bayou resolutions, 72, 695 
Tuscola. 927 

Tuttle, William H., 2614 
Twlchell, Willis D., 2410 
Twiggs. D. E., 537 
Twin Mountains, San Angelo (view), 

Twin Sisters. 445, 448 
Tyler, 900, 901. 902 
Tyler county, 704 
Tyler, President, signs annexation bill, 

Tyler Tap R. R., 888, 902 

Ugartechea's letter to Austin, 271 

Union leagues, 557 

Union settlement, 549 

United States contributions to revo- 
lution, 332 

United States suspected designs on 
Texas, 100 ; sympathy for Texas, 292 

United States volunteers for revolu- 
tion, 324 

United States protectorate, 446 

University of Dallas, 1572 

University of Texas, 586 

Upland, 965 

Upshur county, 891 

Upton county, 964 

Utay. Joseph, 1528 

Utopia, 1028 

Uvalde, 1028, 1029 

Uvalde county, 515, 1028 
Uvalde & Crystal City R. R., 1030 

Valentine, John, 1653 

Valentine, Maggie W., 1653 

Valley Spring, 765 

Val Verde county, 1033, 1034 

Van Alstyne, 850 

Vance, William H., 2481 

Van Horn, 1049 

Vann. John W., 1808 

Van Vleck, 658 

Van Zandt county, 546, 876 

Van Zandt. Khleber M., 1625 

Van Zandt, K. M.. 818 

Varga, Ben J., 2315 

Vaughan, Charles V., 2221 

Vaughan, Everett O., 1728 

Vaughan, Horace W., 2555 

Vaughan, Robert S., 2097 

Vaughan. Roswell F., 22(K) 

Veale, Charles H., 1983 

Veale Station, 827 

Velasco, 170, 174, 201, 251, 449, 456, 

Velasco Fort, 67, 75; attack on 1832, 

Velasco, harbor, 650 

Velasco treaty, 456 

Venable. Charles S., 1235 

Venth, Carl, 2556 

Vernon, 935, 936 

Vernon, James N., 1078 

Veramendl, Martin de, 12 

Veramendl house, 354 

Victoria, 169, 474, 508, 678, 680 

Victoria county, 678 

Vidaurri. Atanacio, 1819 

Vlesca, 2JJ5, 300, 748, 749, 759 

Viesca, Augustin, 194 

Vlesca district, 91, 748 

Viesca, Governor, 198 

Views — Alamo Plaza Fifty Years Ago, 
74; The Alamo. San Antonio, 82; 
Texas Capitol Building at Colum- 
bia, 467; The President's House at 
Houston In 1859, 481; Scene Near 
Del Rio. 529 ; Fort Davis Scene, 551 ; 
Main Building at A. & M. College, 
579; Twin Mountains, San Angelo, 
585 ; International Bridge at Browns- 
ville, 594; Rio Grande Valley Scene, 
626; Corpus Beach Hotel, Corpus 
Chrlstl, 631 ; High School at BeevlUe. 
638; Hidalgo County Courthouse, 
641 ; Fort Brown, Cameron County, 
644; Railway Station Grounds, 
Kingsville 637 ; Sugar Cnne at Whar- 
ton, C55; Harvesting Rice % in the 
Coast Country, 667 ; Oyster House at 
Port Lavaca, 679; Mosquito Fleet at 
Galveston. 682; Houston Auditorium, 
687; Houston Ship Channel & Busi- 
ness District, 694; Houston Ship 
Channel. 700; Houston's Federal 
Building, 705 ; Spindle Top Oil Field. 
Jefferson County, 710; Hotel Galvez, 
Galveston, 715; Ix>gs at Pond Slde- 
Bronson, 720; Shell Road near 
Houston. 725; Beaumont Postoffice, 
731; A Few of Houston's Skyscrap- 
ers, 734; Logging Scene, Buna, 737; 
Port Arthur Docks, 739; Main 
Street. Bryan, 742; The Product of 
the Black I^nd Belt, 751; A Mod- 
ern Dairy Herd, 761 ; Howard Payne 



College, Brownwood, Brown County, 
769 ; Modern Way of Threshing, 793 ; 
Courthouse, Weatherford, Parker 
County, 812; A Displav of Parker 
County Watermelons, 813; Electra 
OU Fields, Wichita Falls, 815 ; High 
School, Wichita Falls, 817; A Mod- 
em Building, Denison, Grayson 
County, 819;, New Union Station, 
Dallas, 821; New aty Hall, Dallas, 
825; A Study in Contrast, Dallas, 
829 ; Group of Dallas Skyscrapers in 
1908, 833; One of Dallas' Modem 
Buildings in Course of Construction, 
837 ; Sherman Federal Building, 841 ; 
Scottish Rite Cathedral, Dallas, 845 ; 
Group of Dallas Skyscrapers, 849; 
Dallas Public Library, 853; Gath- 
ering Strawberries, 867; Palestine, 
Anderson County, 875; Grown on 
East Texas Sandy Land, Nacogdoches 
County, 883; High School, Nacog- 
doches, 891 ; In the Fmit Belt, 901 ; 
Terrell Federal Building, 913; East 
Texas Strawberry Farm, 919; A 
Canyon in the Plains, 921; Modem 
Irrigation, Midland, 931; Scene at 
Sweetwater, Nolan County, 937; 
Hereford Stock Farm, Lubbock, 941 ; 
Taylor County's New Courthouse, 
945; Girls' Industrial Home, Sim- 
mons College, Abilene, 949; Here- 
fords and Alfalfa Stacks, 953; 
Breaking the West Texas Prairie, 
957; Courthouse at Big Springs, 
961; Potter County Courthouse, 
Amarillo, 974; Panhandle Kaffir 
Com, Panhandle Wheat Field, 984; 
Buffalo Herd in Panhandle one of 
the few Surriving Herds in U. S., 
992; Plaza of the Alamo, San An- 
tonio, 995; Angora Goat, 1001; In 
the Sheep Country, 1005; Fort Sam 
Houston, San Antonio, 1009 ; Gunter 
Hotel, San Antonio, 1013; Menger 
Hotel, San Antonio, 1017; Bexar 
County Courthouse, 1021 ; City Hall, 
San Antonio, 1023; Church of San 
Fernando, 1025 ; Houston Street, San 
Antonio, 1027; Postofflce, San An- 
tonio, 1031 ; Birds-eye View San An- 
tonio, 1035; The Great Pecos Via- 
duct, 1039; Chamber of Commerce, 
El Paso, 1041; El Paso Smelting 
Works, 1043; Pecos Valley Canta- 
loup, 1045; Cutting Alfalfa in the 
Pecos Valley of Texas, 1047; Pre- 
sidio County Courthouse, 1049 ; Pecos 
County Courthouse, 1051; El Paso's 
Modefn Business Blocks, 1053; Ele- 
phant Butte Reservoir, 1055 

VInce's Bayou, 149, 719 

Vlnce's bridge, 448, 449, footnote 

Vineyard, George T., 2088 

Vineyard, Samuel P., 2088 

Vinson, Robert E., 1862 

Vinson, William A., 1733 

Viser, Arthur, 2246 

von Rosenberg, William, 1276 

Vowell, Charles L., 2058 

Waco, 5, 786 
Waco Tap R.R., 785 
Wade, Henry M., 2044 
Wade, John W., 2227 
Waelder, 671 

Waggener, Leslie, 1825 

Wagley, Hugh F., 1080 

Wagner, W. D., 1846 

Wakefield, Charles L., 1530 

Walcott, H. Gilmer, 1141 

Walden, Charles E., 1512 

Waldrip, 782 

Walker, Albert, 1106 

Walker, Alexander S., 2557 

Walker, Amos C, 1128 

Walker county, 564, 712 

Walker, Edward L., 1317 

Walker, John I., 1158 

Walker, Michael M., 2069 

Walker, Robert M., 2104 

Walker, Sanders, 2656 

Walker, Stephen J., 2002 

Walker, S. H., 713 

Walker, Wade H., 1786 

Walker, W. S.. 2190 

Walker's Texas Rangers, 491 

Wall, ^Tohn C, 1193 

Wall, William B., 1494 

Wallace, Bmce C, 1721 

Waller, B. B., 216 

Waller county, 718 

Wdller, Edwin, 465, 718 

Wallisville, 695 

Walnut Springs, 791 

Walsh; Edwin P., 1951 

Walshe, Denny E., 1937 

Walthall, Anderson M., 2482 

Walthall, George W., 1294 

Walthall, James D., 1829 

Walton, Alexander, 1233 

Walton,Wimam M., 2318 

War governor, 543 

War party, 206, 229, 241 ; activities of, 

243; futile efforts, 248 
Ward, Burr G., 2659 
Ward, Colonel, 428 
Ward county, 1037 
Ward, John C, 1517 
Ward, Lafayette, 1586 
Ward, Lester M., 2600 
Ward, Pierce B., 2377 
WardviUe, 774 
Ware, VemorE., 1638 
Warren, Alfred, 2005 
Warren, John W., 1086 
Warren, Reuben W., 1372 
Warren, Robert L., 1347 
Warren, William C, 1198 
Warsaw, 914 

Warwick, Harold L., 2583 
Washburn, 978 
Washington, 298, 300, 380, 456, 468, 

486, 663, 665 
Washington county, 663 
Washington County R. R., 507, 664, 718 
Washington of the Brazos. 262 
Washington, Walter 0., 1726 
Waskom, 898 
Waterloo, 465, 804 
Waterman, 918 
Waters. Arthur C, 1386 
Wathen, Benjamin S., 1163 
Watkins, Joseph V., 1136 
Watkins, Robert S., 2214 
Watkins, Royall R., 2536 
Watkins, William A., 2120 
Watlington, Ablsha S., 1399 
Watllngton, Thomas J., 2191 
Watson, Howell H., 1365 
Watson. James, 2008 
Watt, W. Neal, 2126 



Watts, Ell M., 1793 
Watts, John C, 1792 
Watts, Reuben V., 2416 
Waul, T. N., 536 
Waverly, 713 

Waxahachle, 755, 792, 793 
Waxahachle Tap R. R., 792 
Wayland, 920 

Wayland Baptist College, 952 
Wayland, James H., 2061 
Wayland, Mabel C, 2061 
Weatherby, Jacob P., 1825 
Weatherford, 589, 825, 826, 827 
Weatherford, Mineral Wells & North- 
western R. R., 826 
Weathersbee, Robert F., 1930 
Webb county, 618, 633 
Webb, Elihu M., 1975 
Webb, G. P., 1269 
Webbervllle, 808 
Webster, George A., 1983 
Webster, John K., 1744 
Weeks, John F., 2428 
Weeks, William F., 2072 
Weems, Allen N., 1996 
Weems, James M., 1266 
Weimar, 660 
Welder, Louisa, 2286 
Welder, Thomas, 2286 
Wellington, 977 
Wells, James M., 2178 
Wells, Rube S., 1469 
Wells, Wayman F., 1614 
Welsh, Eugene B., 2499 
West Texas Normal, 979 
West, Thomas F., 1124 
Westbrook, Emette, 2107 
Westbrook, George M., 2311 
Westbrook, John R., 2174 
Westbrook, John S., 2195 
Westbrook, Titus C, 1883 
Westermann, Lawrence B., 2398 
Weston, 868 
Wharton, 506, 657 
Wharton county, 657, 698 
Wharton, John A., 2275 
Wharton, John E., 2665 
Wharton, J. A., 213, 234, 246, 548 
Wharton, W. H., 92, 102, 225, 806, 477 
Whatley, Josiah H.. 1402 
Wheat, Daniel P., 1517 
Wheat, Moses J., 2151 
Wheelan, J. D., 2584 
Wheeler, 981 
Wheeler county, 971, 980 
Wheelock, 753 
Whelan, John J., 1900 
Whlsler, William H., 1925 
White, David F., 1348 
White, Forest E., 1306 
White, Frank A., 2054 
White, Hugh S., 1764 
White, James P., 2486 
White, Martin M., 1127 
White, Robert M.. 1734 
White, Samuel W., 1756 
White, Williams C, 1427 
White. William P., 1390 
Whiteaker, Robert O., 2594 
Whitefleld, Benjamin F., 2112 
Whitehead, Roy L., 2641 
Whitesboro, 848, 850, 851 
Whiteside, Columbus S., 1816 
Whiteside, James A., 1109 
Whitewright, 850 
Whltis, Thomas P., 1412 

Whitlock, Robert A.,^ 1614 

Whitney, 779 

Whitten, Jacob A., 2465 

Whltten, James D., 1545 

Wichita county, 811 

Wichita Falls, 812, 813, 817 

Wichita Valley R. R., 812 

Wigfall, L. T., 526, 536 

Wilbarger county, 935 

Wilbarger, Josiah, 175 

Wilcox, Frank E.. 2664 

Wilcox, James M., 2663 

Wileman, C. Homer, 2087 

Wiley, George W., 2188 

Wiley, Robert S., 2567 

Wiley, Thomas W., 1717 

Wilkerson, Albert W., 2017 

Willacy county, 613, 642 

Willbern, Alfred H., 2150 

Williams, Charles H., 2381 

Williams, Edward B., 1584 

Williams, H. Reld, 1581 

Williams, J. Shelby, 2354 

Williams, Paul E., 2628 

Williams, Samuel M., 159, 189, 195, 

Williams, William D., 1082 
Williamson county, 806 
Williamson, R. M., 70, 185, 285, 248, 

819 807 
Willingham, C. H., 1200 
Willis, 716 

Willis, John W., 1913 
Willis, William M., 1548 
Willmerlng, Charles E., 2885 
Wills Point, 876 
Wilmot Proviso, 495 
Wilson county, 616 
Wilson, A. Randolph, 2181 
Wilson, Asa C, 1685 
Wilson, Charles F., 1438 
Wilson, Etta E„ 1716 
Wilson, Herbert R., 2594 
Wilson, Homer T., Jr., 1838 
Wilson, Hugh H., 2001 
Wilson, James A., 1316 
Wilson, James C, 1685 
Wilson, John E., 2606 
Wilson, Louis, 1565 
Wilson, Thomas B., 1715 
Wilson, Thomas L., 1878 
Wilson, Thomas M., 1752 
Wilson, Walter T., 2001 
Wilson, William A., 1644 
Winch, Will R., 1299 
Windrow, Rollen J., 2122 
Winfleld, 888 
Winfree, Edwin, 1899 
Winfrey, Albert L., 1299 
Winkler county, 920 
Winkler, Angelina V., 1342 
Winkler, Clinton M., 1340 
Winkler, Myra, 1344 
Winn, Elmer E., 1993 
Wlnnsboro, 895 
Wlnsett, A. M., 1201 
Wipprecht, Walter, 2016 
Wire fences, 1037 
Wise county, 880 
Wiseman, Emery E., 2257 
Witchell, Frank O., 1192 
Wohlford, James L., 2461 
Wohlleb, Alfred, 2565 
Wolcott, George W., 2620 
Wolcott, William H., 1946 



Wolfe City, 874 
Wolters, Jacob F., 1140 
Womack, John F., 1445 
Womack, John W., 2525 
Wood county, 895 
Wood, Ainslie G., 1467 
Wood, G. T., 492 
Wood, John H.. 1223 
Wood, Judson H., 1842 
Woodard, J. Tillman, 1466 
Woodard, J. W., 1126 
Woodburn, Elonzo T., 2208 
Woodbury, 779 
Woodruff, Charles P., 2306 
Woodruff, Eugene E., 2235 
Woodruff, Thomas V., 2622 
Woods, J. W., 1961 
Woods, L. B., 2550 
Woods, Willie-de, 2075 
Woodville, 705 
Woodward, Francis T., 2548 
Woodward, J. O., 2608 
Woody, Sam, 831 
Wool market, 1008 
Wool production, 1022 
Woolley, M. L., 1545 
Woolly. James H., 2414 
Woosley, Clarence, 2012 
Woosley, James W., 2011 
Wooten, G., 1858 
Wooten, Goodall H.. 1603 
Wooten, Joe S., 1603 
Wooten, John, 2013 
Wooten, J. R., 2657 
Wooten, Thomas D., 1602 
Wooters, Robert H., 1144 
Wootten, Horace G., 1241 
Wootters, James C, 1143 
Wootters, John S., 1147 
Worley, John L., 1881 
Worsham, Benjamin M., 1283 
Worth county, 496 
Wortham, 774 
Wortham, Notly O., 2122 
Worthlngton, Glover W., 1901 
Wozencraft, Alfred P., 2203 
Wray, William H.. 1106 
Wren, Clark C, 1648 
Wright, Archie T., 1205 

Wright, Clyde D., 1958 
Wright, Cyrus A., 2104 
Wright, Howard F., 1516 
Wright, James G., 1695 
Wright, Joseph F.. 2514 
Wright, Louis R., 1108 
Wright, Marcus O., 1649 
Wurzbach, George C, 1247 
Wyler, J. O., 1652 
Wylie, 863 
Wynne, William B., 2118 

Yamin, Kaisar, 2311 
Yantis, Thomas C, 2452 
Yantis, W. J., 1213 
Yarbrough, Arthur P., 1644 
Yater, Robert E. L., 2569 
Yates, William J., 1902 
Yates, William J., 2064 i 

Yensen, Frederick W., 2587 
Yoakum, 672, 673, 674 
Yoakum county, 955 
Yoakum, Henderson, 714 
Yoakum's History, corrected, 426 
Yopp, William I.. 1562 
York, Oliver S., 1184 
York, Orphus, 1910 
Yorktown, 673 
Young county, 839 
Young, D. J., 2086 
Young, James W., 1144 
Young, John B., 2103 
Young, John G., 1668 
Young, John R., 2009 
Young, William C, 1688 
Young, W. C, 542 
Ysleta, 1057 

Zapata, 647 

Zapata county, 647 

Zavalla county, 1030 

Zavala land grant, 703 

Zavala, Lorenzo de, 235, 240 

Zavala, L. de 246, 364, 395. 444, 720 

Zickefoose. William J., 2563 

Zlmmer, Henry C. 2072 

Zoeller, William, 2610 

Zoller, Charles, 2314 

Zulch, Julius, 2450 




Indirectly Spain began to accumulate information concerning Texas 
in 1519, when Alvarez de Pineda sailed the Gulf from Florida to Tam- 
pico. Ten years later (1528) several survivors of the Narvaez expedi- 
tion were cast on the shore of Texas, and, after six years of wandering 
along the coast from Galveston to Corpus Ghristi, Cabeza de Yaca and 
four others escaped from the Indians who had enslaved them and made 
their way to Mexico. De Yaca wrote an account of their experiences, 
which gives us our earliest source for conditions of the Texas interior. 
In 1540 members of the De Soto expedition, after the death of their 
leader, passed through East Texas on their way to Mexico; and the same 
year Coronado's expedition, searching for Quivira, traversed a consider- 
able portion of West Texas. The interior of Texas continued to be pene- 
trated by occasional parties of Spanish explorers for the next hundred 
and fifty years. Until well past the middle of the seventeenth century 
these parties advanced eastward from New Mexico, which the Spaniards 
had early occupied ; but at the same time settlement was slowly pushing 
toward Texas through northern Mexico, and missionaries were already 

iThis brief chapter is intended merely as a narrative outline of the Spanish 
occupation of Texas, its purpose being to furnish an introduction to Johnson's 
account of the American colonization of the province. During the past ten years 
the details of this period have been carefuUj and somewhat fully presented by the 
late Professor George P. Garrison in his Texas (Houghton, Mifflin and Company, Bos- 
ton, 1903) and bj Professor Clark, Professor Bolton and others in special articles. 
Articles of particular importance are : Bolton, ' ' The Spanish Occupation of Texas, 
1519-1600" in the Southwestern Historical Quarterly (published by the Texas State 
Historical Association, XVI, 1-26); Clark, "The Beginnings of Texas, 1684-1718" 
(published as Bulletin No. 98 of the University of Texas); Buckley, "The Aguayo 
Expedition into Texas and Louisiana, 1719-1722" (The Quarterly of the Texas State 
Historical Association, XV, 1-65); Austin, "The Municipal Government of San 
Fernando de Bexar, 1730-1800" (Ibid., YIII, 277-352); Dunn, "Apache Belations 
in Texas, 1718-1750" (Ibid., XIV, 198-274); and Bolton, "Notes on Clark's 'The 
Beginnings of Texas' " (Ibid., XII, 148-158); "The Native Tribes about the East 
Texas Missions" (Ibid,, XI, 249-276) ; "The Spanish Abandonment and Beoccupation 
of East Texas, 1773-1779" (Ibid,, IX, 67-137), and "Spanish Activities on the Lower 
Trinity, 17461771" (Southwestern Historical Quarterly, XVI, 339-377). Professor 
Bolton's articles on various tribes of Texas Indians in Handbook of American In^ 
dians (published by the Bureau of American Ethnology) contains also a wealth of 
information on the Spanish period. — The Editor. 

Vol. I— 1 



urging the occupation of the Tejas country when news reached the 
government that a French expedition was headed for the country. 

France had begun to occupy Canada at the beginning of the seven- 
teenth century. Fur traders and Jesuit missionaries moved rapidly . 
westward, and in 1673 Louis Joliet and Father Marquette explored , 
the Mississippi River from Wisconsin to Arkansas. Ten years later I 
La Salle followed the Mississippi to its mouth, and then returned to 
France to beg permission from Louis XIY to settle a colony there. His 
plan was a strategic one. France already held the St. Lawrence and the 
Great Lakes, the Ohio and the Upper Mississippi, and a colony at the 
mouth of the great river would go far toward securing the possession of 
the whole valley. Moreover, it could be made the basis of operations 
against Mexico, in case France and Spain were involved in war. The 
king approved, and La Salle was generously fitted out with colonists and 
supplies. The colonists included some farmers, artisans, and men of 
family, but too many of them were undesirable adventurers. In the 
West Indies one small vessel was captured by Spaniards, but the incident 
was not immediately reported to the viceroy and at the time, therefore, 
created no alarm in Spain. The remainder of the little fleet lost its 
bearings, and in February, 1685, entered Matagorda Bay and made a 
landing. A vessel was wrecked here — the Aimdble, the supply ship — 
and many provisions and arms were lost. Beaujeu, the sailing master, 
returned to France in another ship, leaving La Salle one small vessel. 
This, too, was later wrecked. It soon became evident that the Mississippi 
did not enter Matagorda Bay, but La Salle could not believe that it 
was far away. A fort was built some miles inland on the Lavaca River, 
and a search for the Mississippi began. 

The Indians, malaria, and their own excesses soon brought the party 
to a desperate state. La Salle was stem, arbitrary, and unsympathetic 
and incurred the hatred of some of the worst characters, who murdered 
him in 1687 near the present site of Navajsota,^ while he was making his 
third expedition in search of the Mississippi. After La Salle's death the 
settlement rapidly went to pieces. Some of the party eventually reached 
the Mississippi and made their way to Canada and France ; many died 
of disease or were massacred by the Indians. When the Spaniards ar- 
rived in search of them in 1689 there were less than half a score of sur- 
vivors scattered among the Indians. 

The Spanish authorities had learned during the fall of 1684 of La 
Salle's plan for a settlement on the Gulf, and between 1686 and 1689 
four searching parties were sent by sea and five by land to find him. It 
was only the fifth of the land expeditions that succeeded. Captain 
Alonso de Le6n commanded this expedition in 1689, and with him was 
Father Damian Massanet, a devoted Franciscan missionary. They 
found the French settlement ^Fort St. Louis) in ruins. Several dead 
lay unburied on the prairie. Clearly the danger of a French occupation 
for the present was over. 

Learning that four Frenchmen were living among the Tejas Indians 
in East Texas, De Leon wrote to them inviting them to accompany him 

2 This approximate location of the murder of La Salle is derived from Professor 
H. E. Bolton, of the University of California. 


to Mexico. Two of them joined him, and with them came a chief of the 
Tejas. Missionaries and explorers had long been wishing to get in touch 
with these Indians, and Father Massanet exerted himself especially to 
win the friendship of this chief. He was successful, and parted from 
him with a promise to return the next year and establish a mission 
among the Tejas, the chief assuring him that the Spaniards would be 

Spurred by the fear of French encroachment, the viceroyal govern- 
ment of Mexico approved the proposal of De Leon and Massanet for the 
establishment of a settlement among the Tejas, and in the spring of 
1690 De Leon led a second expedition to the country. Marching first 
to La Salle's deserted settlement, he destroyed it, so that it might not 
harbor other intruders, and then proceeded northward to the Tejas. On 
a small stream some ten miles west of the Neches and northeast of the 
present town of Crockett he built a rude log chapel and left three 
priests and three soldiers to win the region to Christianity and to Spain. 
At first the Tejas were peaceful and friendly, but pestilence and bad 
crops followed and they became ill-humored and troublesome. Next 
year priests and soldiers were reinforced from an expedition led by 
Governor Ter&n de los Bios, hut in 1693 they abandoned Texas, and 
Spain made no further attempts to occupy the province until fear of 
the French again arose in 1716. 

In 1699 a French settlement was founded at Mobile Bay, and in 
1712 a French merchant, Antoine Crozat, received from the government 
a monopoly of the trade of Louisiana, which was regarded as including 
all the territory drained by the Mississippi and its tributaries. But 
this field was too restricted for Crozat 's ambition. He wished also to 
trade with the Spaniarda in northern and northwestern' Mexico. In 
view of the exclusive commercial policy of Spain, this could be done only 
by a system of smuggling with the connivance of the Spanish colonial 
authorities. A man of ability and address was needed to approach the 
Spanish officials, and Governor Cadillac of Louisiana selected Louis 
Juchereau de St. Denis, an experienced Indian trader and explorer. St. 
Denis led a party up Bed Biver to the present site of Natchitoches, 
where he established headquarters for trade with the Hasinai or Tejaa 
confederation of Indians in East Texas, and then pressed on across 
Texas to the Spanish presidio, a short distance southeast of the present 
Eagle Pass. In 1714 this post was commanded by Captain Diego Bam6n. 
To him St. Denis unfolded his i^oposal, but the captain referred the 
matter to the viceroy at Mexico and held St. Denis a prisoner. An in- 
teresting romance has woven itself around the young Frenchman's 
sojourn here, but the thrilling details presented by Gayarre and Brown 
seem to have no other foundation than the fact that St. Denis later 
married Captain Bamon's granddaughter. The viceroy was considerably 
alarmed by the French advances, and ordered St. Denis sent to the 

As the result of personal conferences with St. Denis the viceroy 
decided to reoccupy East Texas, a measure to which the missionaries had 
been urging him for years. St. Denis agreed to guide an expedition, 
and this, with priests, soldiers and settlers, got under way in 1716, com- 
manded by Captain Domingo Bamon. The Spaniards were welcomed 


by the Tejas Indians, who had missed the small gifts with which the 
missionaries had been in the habit of cultivating their friendship, and 
during the next few years a group of missions was established around 
the present towns of Nacogdoches and San Augustine. In 1718 San 
Antonio was founded and became the important Spanish stronghold in 
this outl3dng province. In the meantime the French post at Natchitoches 
grew stronger and in 1719 the Spaniards were compelled to flee to San 
Antonio for protection. Two years later, however, the Marquis De 
Aguayo re-established the settlements and strengthened the presidios; 
and further relations between the French and Spanish on this frontier 
were marked by little friction. In 1762 Louis XV ceded Louisiana to 
Spain, and the international boundary moved eastward to the Missis- 
sippi, across which faced the aggressive English instead of the easy- 
going French. 

After the founding of San Antonio Spanish governors and mis- 
sionaries made energetic efforts to colonize Texas and civilize the In- 
dians. Aguayo established a post near the site of La Salle's Fort St. 
Louis in 1721, which after being twice moved was finally fixed in 1749 at 
modern Ooliad. The great mission buildings which constitute one of the 
most impressive historical monuments of .the Southwest were constructed 
near San Antonio; and others of less pretentious character were scat* 
tered from Befugio and Liberty, near the coast, as far west as San Saba 
and Bockdale. Following the French cession of Louisiana the settle- 
ments in East Texas were abandoned, but many of the settlers who had 
known no other home were ill at ease in San Antonio, whither they were 
moved, and in 1779 Gil Ibarbo led a number of them back and founded 
Nacogdoches on the site of the old mission of Our Lady of Ouadalupe. 
The permanent results of Spanish activities in Texas to the close of the 
eighteenth century were pitifully small, but the province was very re- 
mote and the Indians were peculiarly untractable. When measured by 
the results achieved by the United States with a convenient base and in- 
comparably greater resources, Spain's failure to civilize the Indiana 
affords little cause for criticism or surprise. 

On October 1, 1800, Spain re-ceded to France **the Colony or Province 
of Louisiana with the same extent that it now has in the hands of Spain, 
and that it had when France possessed it." On April 30, 1803 — ^as the 
treaty is dated — ^France sold Louisiana, with the same limits, to the 
United States. What were the boundaries of Louisiana thus vaguely 
described? Napoleon had instructed Oeneral Victor to take possession 
of the Rio Grande, and on that ground, chiefly, President Jefferson and 
other prominent statesmen were inclined to claim Texas. But they 
were much more anxious to extend the eastern boundary over West 
Florida, a narrow strip along the coast from the Mississippi to the 
Perdido River, and expected to play the Texas claim against this coveted 
region. Historians are agreed that the claim to West Florida was base- 
less, but despite the accidental, temporary character of La Salle's settle- 
ment and the deliberate, permanent occupation of the province by Spain 
from 1716 onward, the Texas question has not been so easily settled. In 
1819 the United States surrendered by treaty all claims west of the 
Sabine, but many patriotic citizens believed that the government ex- 
ceeded its constitutional power in alienating territory to which its title 


was good. It was this belief that made possible the demand for the 
** re-annexation" of Texas in the national Hemocratic platform of 1844. 

Before the acquisition of Louisiana by the United States Anglo- 
Americans had already begun to penetrate Texas. For years Philip 
Nolan, a protegS of General James Wilkinson, had been making occa- 
sional trips to San Antonio. In 1800 he led a small party into the 
province for the ostensible purpose of capturing wild horses. Whether 
that was his sole object is even yet not clear. Toward the end of March, 
1801, he. was overtaken by soldiers near the present city of Waco, and in 
the ensuing battle Nolan was killed. His men then surrendered, expect- 
ing to be sent home from Nacogdoches, but on the contrary, they were 
marched to Mexico, where in the course of time all except Peter Ellis 
Bean elude the historical vision. Bean joined the revolutionists in 1810, 
and when Mexico gained its independence he was a colonel in the patriot 
army. During 1833-1835 he was stationed at Nacogdoches as a sort of 
Indian agent. 

In 1812 Bernardo Gutierrez and Augustus Magee, lately a lieutenant 
in the United States army, invaded Texas with a considerable force of 
American adventurers, Spaniards and Indians. They took Nacogdoches 
in August and Goliad in October. Here Maeee died. In the spring of 
1813 they advanced on San Antonio and after defeating the Spanish 
governor in a terrible battle entered the town on April 1. Gutierrez's 
brutality to the prisoners alienated many of the Americans, who now 
abandoned him. The others were decoyed into an ambush by General 
Arredondo near the Medina River in June and badly defeated. The 
avowed object of Gutierrez and Magee was to win Texas for the revo- 
lutionary party in Mexico. They undoubtedly expected to turn success 
to their personal profit, but in just what way does not clearly appear. 

After the signature of the Florida treaty of 1819 by which the 
United States relinquished its claim to Texas, Dr. James Long of 
Natchez, Mississippi, led an expedition which for a brief time occupied 
Nacogdoches and proclaimed the independence of Texas. It is some- 
what significant that Long, like Nolan, had a connection with General 
James Wilkinson of the United States army, his wife being Wilkinson's 
niece. At the time of Long's invasion the royalist power had almost 
succeeded in stamping out the revolution in Mexico, and Texas was 
well defended. Troops advanced from San Antonio, and catching 
Long's forces in scattered detachments easily defeated and expelled 
them. Long took advantage of the renewed revolutionary wave in 1820 
to return to Texas, but was no more successful than before. In fact, he 
was taken prisoner and sent to Mexico City, and there a short time later 
was killed by a Mexican soldier. 

In a sense Nolan, Magee and Long, with the men whom they led, 
were but the advance couriers of American expansion. In the first 
twenty years of the nineteenth century the United States pushed its 
settled frontier westward to the Mississippi, and crossed that line in 
Louisiana, which became a state in 1812, and in Missouri, which wds 
admitted in 1820. The natural line of advance to further expansion was 
toward the southwest. That the adventurous pioneers entered Texas in 
organized bands rather than as peaceful trappers and settlers was prob- 
ably due to the revolutionary condition of New Spain from 1810 to 1821, 


which suggested the pretext of marching in force to the relief of the 
local patriots. They served the purpose of spying out the country, and 
of paving the way for the peaceftd invasion of Moses and Stephen Austin 
and the '^ crowd of expresarios" who followed them. The opportune 
attainment of Mexican independence in 1821 undoubtedly furthered the 
colonization of Texas from the United States by creating a temporary 
glow of friendship for the republicans of the north, who had gone through 
much the same experience with England as had the Mexicans with 
Spain, and whose liberal institutions the Mexicans dreamed .of emu- 




It is well known that the idea of planting a colony of North Ameri- 
cans in the territory of Texas originated with Moses Austin. Moses 
Austin was a native of Durham, in the state of Connecticut. He came 
of a highly respectable family, received a liberal education, and was 
reg^ularly bred to the business of merchandise. He was a man of un- 
common sagacity, and of an enterprising character. He began life as 
a merchant, in the city of Philadelphia. He afterwards removed to the 
city of Richmond in Virginia, and subsequently purchased the lead 
mines, known as Chissel's mines, on New River in Wythe county in that 
state. Here he engaged extensively in mining and in the manufacture 
of lead. He introduced artisans from England, and established the first 
manufactory of shot &nd sheet lead that was established in the United 
States. A little village grew up around him on New River, which was 
called Austinville, at which place Stephen F. Austin was born on the 
3d day of November, 1793. 

In the year 1797, the enterprising disposition of Moses Austin led 
him to explore that portion of Upper Louisiana now embraced within the 
limits of the state of Missouri, which has since become so celebrated for 
its mines of lead. He had been informed by some adventurous travelers 
of the richness of those mines; and having succeeded in procuring the 
necessary passports from the Spanish Minister at Washington, he re- 
solved to visit that section and to see for himself. The result was that he 
determined to remove his family to Upper Louisiana, and to engage in 
working the richer mines of that country. He procured a concession 
from the Spanish Government of a league of land, including what was 
called the Mine-a-Burton. In pursuance of his determination, he re- 
moved his family and a number of laborers to the Mine-a-Burton in the 
year 1799. This was at that time a perilous adventure. Parties of 
miners had been in the habit of going there in the summer to dig ore, 
which they transported on horseback to St. Genevieve, which was forty 
miles distant. There were no families residing near the mines. In fact, 
there were no families nearer than St. Genevieve. The Osage Indians 

1 JohnBon quotes this chapter from two sources: (1) A sketch of Stephen F. 
Austin by James H. Bell, first published in De Bow 'a Beview for February, 1858, and 
reprinted in the Texas Almanac for 1859, pages 153-160; and (2) Stephen F. 
Austin 's own account of his colonies as published in pamphlet form in 1829 and re- 
printed in the Texas Almanac for 1858, pages 146-162. The pamphlet has also been 
reprinted by Colonel Guy M. Bryan in A Comprehensive History of Texas, I, 448-469. 
They still form what is probably the best account of the subject. Since the whole 
chapter is quoted, quotation marks are omitted. 



were hostile, and Auetin experienced, in Ms new home, all the vieissi- 
todes of a frontier life. It was amidst such scenes as are always pre- 
sented by a new settlement in the wilderness, surronnded by savage 
enemies, that the mind of Stephen F. Austin received its earliest perma- 
nent impression. It was in the midst of a thriving community of hardy 
and enterprising men, where industry was subduing the wilderness, and 
where civilization was beginning to diffuse its refinements, that his char- 
acter was formed. It will be seen that he was trained in a school ad- 
mirably suited to qualify him for the difScult part which it afterwards 
became his duty to perform. 

In the year 1804, being then in the eleventh year of his age, Stephen 
Austin was sent to Colchester Academy, in Connecticut, to pursue his 
academical studies. He remained in that institution, which was then 
in high repute, for one year. Thence he removed to an academy at New 
London, where he remained until 1808. He then returned to the West, 
and became a student of Transylvania University, at Lexington, Ken- 
tucky, where he devoted himself for two years to his studies, and was 

Stephen F. Austin 

distinguished amongst his fellow-students for his intelligence and gen- 
tlemanly deportment. It was at Transylvania that he formed an inti- 
mate acquaintance with Joseph H, Hawkins, who afterwards resided in 
New Orleans, in the practice of law, and assisted Austin in his first en- 
terprise of colonization. 

In the year 1813, at the age of twenty, Stephen F. Austin was elected 
to the Territorial Legislature of Missouri from the county of Washing- 
ton, and was regularly re-elected until the year 1819, when he ceased to 
reside in the territory. While he was a member of the Territorial 
Legislature he became acquainted with Thomas H. Benton, who was a 
member of the same body. Mr. Benton always respected him as a man 
of character and talents, and they maintained a friendly and political 
correspondence during Austin's life. 

During these years, from 1800 to 1817, Moses Austin had conducted 
an extensive and profitable business in mining and in the manufacture 
of shot and sheet lead. He had made very valuable improvements on his 
property, and had acquired an ample fortune. His house had become 
the center of the thriving and enterprising community which had formed 
itself around him. He dispensed a liberal hospitality, and had before 
him the cheering prospect of spending the evening of his life in graceful 


and prosperous ease, when misfortune suddenly came upon him. He 
was a large stockholder in the bank of St. Louis. In the years 1817 and 
1818, the affairs of that institution fell into embarrassment, and were 
finally involved in complete ruin. Moses Austin was one of the principal 
sufferers. The visions of social ease and of a green and quiet age which 
he had begun to enjoy suddenly gave place to the disagreeable realities 
which always wait on a great reverse of fortune. He was now in his 
fifty-fifth year. He saw that the demand of creditors would sweep away 
the accumulations of twenty-five years of labor. Instead of bowing be- 
fore the stroke he retained a firm mind and a resolute heart. He sent 
for his son Stephen, and told him that he had determined to surrender 
the whole of his property to his creditors. He carried this determination 
into effect, and then proposed to his son the idea of forming a colony in 
Texas. After proper and mature deliberation the father and son came 
to the determination to take the necessary preliminary steps for the 
purpose, and if they were successful in the preliminaries, to devote all 
their energies to its final accomplishment. 

The title of Spain to the territory of Texas was about this time estab- 
lished by the treaty of the 22d of February, 1819, between the govern- 
ment of Spain and that of the United States. This treaty is sometimes 
called the Monroe treaty, because Mr. Monroe was president of the 
United States when it was made; and it is sometimes called the treaty 
of De Onis, because Don Luis de Onis was the Spanish Minister at 
Washington with whom the treaty was negotiated. In consequence of 
this treaty and the territorial rights secured to Spain by it, it became 
necessary for Moses Austin to apply to the government of Spain, or to 
the Spanish authority, for permission to colonize in Texas. He accord- 
ingly resolved to make the application in person. As a preparatory 
measure to the enterprise of colonization, Stephen Austin left Missouri 
in the month of April, 1819, and proceeded to a place known as Long 
Prairie, on Red River, in the territory of Arkansas. Here he commenced 
a small farm, intending to make that point the rendezvous of the set- 
tlers who were to be introduced into Texas, in the event that Moses 
Austin succeeded in his application for permission to plant a colony 
there. Stephen Austin remained in the territory of Arkansas during 
the greater part of the year 1819 and 1820. In the meantime he re- 
ceived the appointment of Circuit Judge in that Territory. 

In the autumn of the year 1820, Moses Austin left Missouri and 
proceeded to Little Rock, in Arkansas, where he was met by his son 
Stephen. It was then thought advisable to abandon the farming enter- 
prise at Long Prairie, and that Stephen should go to New Orleans and 
co-operate with his father, as they might subsequently arrange, and as 
circumstances might require. Moses Austin proceeded, by the way of 
Nacogdoches, to visit the Spanish authorities at San Antonio de Bexar. 
After a very fatiguing and hazardous journey through a wilderness 
country he reached Bexar in the month of November, and proceeded 
with as little delay as possible to lay his business before the Governor 
of the Province, Don Antonio Martinez. The authority of Governor 
Martinez was limited, and extended only to the customary local adminis- 
tration of the Province. He was subject to the orders of the Com- 
mandant General of the Eastern Internal Provinces at Monterey, and 


this office was filled, at that time, by a man of ability and reputation, 
Don Joaquin de Arredondo. He was the same who, in the summer of 
1813, destroyed the revolutionary force, composed partly of Americans, 
and commanded by Toledo, at the disastrous battle of Medina ; and who, 
in the year 1817, shared the honor of triumphing over the genius and 
valor of Xavier Mina. Arredondo had given orders to Governor Mar- 
tinez not to permit foreigners, and especially North Americans to enter 
Texas. The Governor and the Commandant General were not person- 
ally on the most friendly terms, and Martinez was cautious not to ex- 
pose himself to the charge of disobedience to his superior. 

Moses Austin made his application in person to Governor Martinez, 
and was much surprised and disappointed to find that not only his 
proposals on the subject of colonization would not be considered, but 
that he was not received with that courtesy which is expected from a 
man in high standing to a petitioner. Martinez ordered him to leave 
the Province, and even refused to look at papers which established the 
fact that Mr. Austin had formerly been a Spanish subject. To parry 
this blow Mr. Austin endeavored to engage the Governor in a conversa- 
tion more general, using the French language, of which he had acquired 
a knowledge in Missouri, and with which the Governor was also ac- 
quainted. His attempt was unsuccessful. The Governor's manner was 
very ungracious, and he peremptorily repeated the order that Austin 
should leave the Province without delay. Austin was not only disap- 
pointed, but incensed by the manner of his reception and dismissal. He 
retired from the Government house, resolved to leave Bexar within the 
hour. As he crossed the plaza he accidentally met a gentleman with 
whom he had, many years before, spent a night at a country tavern in 
one of the Southern. States. This gentleman was the Baron de Bastrop. 
When they had formerly met they had conversed freely, and had thus 
acquired some knowledge of each other, both being men of enterprise 
and much experience. Now, when they unexpectedly encountered in 
the plaza, their recognition of each other was instant. Indeed, it 
was said by those who knew him, that the Baron never forgot anyone, 
and he was himself of so distinguished a figure that it was not an easy 
matter for anyone to forget the Baron. The Baron de Bastrop was a 
native of Prussia, and had seen service in early youth under the bannfers 
of the great Frederick. He was now a Spanish subject and resided in 
San Antonio. He was a man of education and talents, and was very 
much respected by the inhabitants of Bexar. He was also initiated into 
all the mysteries of the Grovemment house, was on terms of personal 
friendship with Governor Martinez, and possessed much influence with 
all the authorities of the Province. 

Bastrop invited Austin to his house, where the latter, in a few words, 
explained to him the object of his visit to San Antonio, and informed 
him of his interview with the Governor and of its consequences. The 
generous temper of the Baron at once inclined him to serve Austin if it 
were possible for him to do so, and he placed himself in the most earnest 
manner to make the effort. He repaired immediately to the Governor's 
house, and informed his Excellency that Austin was his friend, and a 
man of high character and integrity, whose intentions, in coming into 
the Province, were open and undisguised. He represented further to his 


Excellency that Austin's health was broken by recent exposure, that he 
was suffering from fever, and that he could not travel without danger to 
his life. He begged the Oovernor, as a personal favor to himself, to 
revoke the order of Austin's immediate departure. The Governor list- 
ened with respect to the Baron's representations, and granted his request 
in thft most ohliffinir manner. The Baron retired, very well satisfied with 
the results of his first interview with the Qovemor in behalf of his 
friend Austin. At the end of a week Bastrop had succeeded, by the aid 
of other influential citizens whom he had enlisted in the cause, in remov- 
ing the objections of Governor Martinez to the project of Austin, and in 
procuring for him from the ayuntamiento of Bexar, a promise to recom- 
mend Austin's propositions for the settlement of three hundred families 
within the limits of Texas, to the favorable consideration of the Com- 
mandant General, Arredondo, and the Provincial Deputation of the 
Eastern Internal Provinces ; which latter was a body who held their ses- 
sions at Monterey, and shared, with the Commandant General, the Gov- 
ernment of the Eastern Provinces of New Spain. After yielding his 
first opposition to Austin's propositions. Governor Martinez entered very 
heartily into all his plans, and evinced a sincere interest in their future 
success. It seems that he formed 9 very favorable judgment of Austin 
as a man of integrity and of honorable purposes. Austin determined to 
leave San Antonio without waiting to hear the result of his application 
to the authorities at Monterey, and to return to Missouri to arrange some 
pressing matters of business. Governor Martinez promised to give him 
the earliest possible information of the fate of his application, and took 
leave of him, saying, ''if you live to return, you may count on my as- 
sistance in every way that duty and circumstances will permit." 

On his return from San Antonio to Natchitoches, Austin was robbed 
and deserted by Ms companions, and was exposed to great suffering be- 
fore he reached a hospitable roof on the Sabine, where he rested for a 
few days. His weak condition obliged him to rest again in Natchitoches. 
Here he recovered in some measure his strength, and after informing his 
son Stephen, by letters, of what had transpired, he pursued his journey 
to Missouri. Shortly after his return home, he had the pleasure of hear- 
ing ofBcially from Governor Martinez that his propositions had been 
favorably received at Monterey, and that he was at liberty to commence 
his settlement in Texas immediately. About the same time he procured 
a settlement of his affairs with the Bank of St. Louis which was more 
satisfactory than he had anticipated, inasmuch as it left him the prospect 
of beginning his new settlement in Texas with means sufficient to pro- 
vide the stores and mechanical and agricultural implements necessary 
to such an enterprise. 

Moses Austin was now (in the spring of 1821) industriously engaged 
in making his preparations to return to Texas. He gave notice, by let- 
ters, to those whom he expected to accompany him that he would be in 
Natchitoches by the latter part of May, and that he did not wish to be 
delayed a single day in proceeding on his way to the Brazos and Colorado. 
But it was written in the book of God's Providence that the brave old 
man should be spared the trials and sufferings incident to the further 
prosecution of such an enterprise as he had conceived. He fell sick 
about the first of June, at the house of his daughter, Mrs. James Bryan, 


since so well known in Texas as Mrs. James F. Perry. He died in his 
daughter's arms, on the 10th day of June, 1821, in the fifty-seventh year 
of his age. The family of Moses Austin consisted at the time of his 
death of his wife, who survived him about three years ; of his daughter 
Mrs. Bryan, above named; of his son Stephen, who was then in New 
Orleans ; and of a younger son, James Brown Austin, who was then at 
school in Kentucky, and who was afterwards well known in Texas. While 
on his death-bed, Moses Austin declared it to be his earnest desire that 
his son Stephen should endeavor to have himself recognized by the Span- 
ish authorities in Texas as his representative, and that he should carry 
forward the enterprise of colonization. 

In anticipation of his father's return from San Antonio, and with 
the expectation of meeting him, Stephen had gone, about the 1st of 
February, from New Orleans to Natchitoches. Moses Austin had left 
that place a few days before for Missouri, and the father and son did 
not meet. Stephen Austin, however, saw several persons in Natchi- 
toches who had already engaged to go to Texas with his father, pro- 
vided his application succeeded; and from these persons he learned, as 
also from his father's letters, the particulars of the trip to San Antonio, 
the contingencies upon which the further prosecution of the enterprise 
depended, and the plans that had been formed for the future. Stephen 
Austin returned from Natchitoches to New Orleans to await his father's 
movements. His time in New Orleans was spent principally in the library 
of his friend Hawkins, where he devoted himself, with the greatest 
assiduity, to the study of law. In the month of June he heard from a 
friend in Natchitoches of the arrival of the Commissioner whom Gov- 
ernor Martinez had sent to meet Moses Austin, to inform him of the 
confirmation of his grant by the authorities at Monterey, and to conduct 
him into the province of Texas. Stephen Austin deemed it best that 
he should hasten to Natchitoches to meet the Commissioner, fearing that 
his father might be unexpectedly delayed. Accordingly he left New 
Orleans again on the 18th of June for Natchitoches, by the way of Eed 
Eiver. On reaching Natchitoches he received intelligence of his father's 
death. This was a heavy blow to him, but he met it with the fortitude 
of mind which, though extremely sensitive, was of fine texture, and not 
easily subdued by discouragement. He was now in the twenty-eighth 
year of his age. He felt that the hopes of his family would center on 
himself. He resolved to accept the trust which his father, in his dying 
moments, had bequeathed to him, and to make for his dear and aged 
mother a new home under a milder sun, where, if she could not forget 
the pleasant years spent in the old hall at Mine-a-Burton, she might 
at least enjoy at the hands of an affectionate and dutiful son those 
comforts and observances with which it was once the pride of a tender 
husband to surround her. 

The Commissioner sent by Governor Martinez to meet Moses Austin 
at Natchitoches was Don Erasmo Seguin. He was accompanied by Don 
Juan Martin de Veramendi, who was afterwards Lieutenant-Grovernor 
of the State of Coahuila and Texas. Seguin and Veramendi were both 
gentlemen of character and experience. Stephen Austin waited on them, 
was kindly received by them, and had the gratification to hear them ex- 
press the opinion that the Spanish authorities would interpose no objec- 


tion to the assumption by him of the character of successor to his father 
in the enterprise of colonization. He immediately made his arrange- 
ments to proceed with them to San Antonio. The party, consisting of 
Don Erasmo Seguin and Don Juan Yeramendi and their escort, and 
Austin and fourteen followers left Natchitoches about the 5th of July; 
and after considerable delays in getting fairly equipped for their journey 
they crossed the Sabine on the 16th and proceeded by way of Nacogdoches 
and along the old San Antonio road toward Bexar. The party reached 
the Quadalupe on the 10th of August. From this river three of the Mexi- 
cans who belonged to Don Erasmo Seguin 's escort left them and pushed 
on to San Antonio, to inform his family of his approach. On the morn- 
ing of the 12th of August, while Seguin, Yeramendi and Austin were 
eating breakfast, these three men returned, accompanied by several 
others, and announced the stirring news of the declaration of Mexican 

On his arrival in San Antonio, Stephen F. Austin was welcomed by 
Governor Martinez as the proper representative of his deceased father; 
and he accordingly made arrangements for the immediate exploration 
of the country, aijd the selection of a suitable section for his colony. 
Moses Austin had formed the opinion that the country near the Gulf 
coast and watered by the Brazos and Colorado, was the best suited, to 
his purpose. After a minute and careful examination, Stephen Austin 
came to the same conclusion, and determined to plant his colony on those 
rivers. Austin now returned, as speedily as was possible, to New Or- 
leans, and began his operations for the introduction of families into the 
Province of Texas. Governor Martinez had given him instructions as 
to the quantity of land which should be promised to each settler. Austin 
had formerly agreed with his early friend, Joseph Hawkins, that he 
would divide with him, in an equitable manner, whatever lands he might 
subsequently acquire in Texas, if Hawkins would assist him in setting 
his enterprise fairly on foot. Hawkins was a generous and sanguine 
man, and now entered heartily into Austin's views in regard to the set- 
tlement which the latter was about to perform in Texas. Unfortunately, 
however, Hawkins began, about this time, to feel the pressure of pecuni- 
ary embarrassment, and was not able to render to Austin that efficient 
aid which the latter so much needed. By their joint efforts, however, they 
fitted out a small schooner, called *'The Lively." She sailed from New 
Orleans about the 20th of November, 1821, having on board eighteen 
men, with all necessary provisions, arms, ammunition, and farming 
utensils. They had directions to enter Matagorda Bay and to ascend 
the Colorado River until they found a suitable place, where they were 
directed to build cabins, to plant corn and to erect necessary defences 
against the attacks of hostile Indians. 

Austin left New Orleans the next day after *'The Lively'' sailed; he 
proceeded by land to the Bay of Matagorda, where he expected to meet 
those who passed over on the schooner. As he passed through Natchi- 
toches, he collected a party of ten men to accompany him. He had 
already made publications in the newspapers setting forth the outlines 
of the enterprise on which he had entered, and inviting colonists to join 
him. In these publications the terms on which colonists would be re- 
ceived, the amount of land that would be granted to them, and all other 


necessary particulars, were fully set forth. The fame of Austin's enter- 
prise had thus gone forth throughout the Southwestern States, and many 
persons were already approaching the frontier of Texas with the inten- 
tion to offer themselves as colonists. By means of agents, Austin caused 
all such persons to be informed how they should enter the Province of 
Texas and conduct themselves until they could be formally received as 
settlers and put into possession of their lands. With this small com- 
pany, Austin pushed on to meet the passengers of **The Lively"; but 
when he reached the mouth of the Colorado River, no traces were to be 
seen oi the schooner or of any of those who sailed on her. Austin re- 
mained near the mouth of the Colorado for about three months, occa- 
sionally searching the neighboring shores of the bay and gulf for the long- 
expected schooner, until he despaired of seeing her, when he took his 
course up the Colorado. Beaching the La Bahia crossing, he had the 
happiness to meet his brother, James Brown Austin, who had come to 
join him. Together they proceeded with about twenty men to San An- 
tonio, which place they reached about the 15th of March, 1822. Another 
vessel was soon after fitted out by Hawkins with supplies and emigrants 
for the new colony ; but the navigation of the Qulf cqpst was then little 
understood, and this second vessel was obliged to land her cargo on the 
beach, where it was plundered by the Carancawa Indians. These first 
attempts to introduce emigrants and supplies by the way of the Gulf 
were comparatively fruitless. 

It was on the 2l8t of February, 1821, that the Independence of 
Mexico was declared by Iturbide and confirmed by the Mexican Cortes, 
and Governor Martinez was in doubt whether the new government would 
sanction his acts in relation to Austin's colony, and he therefore now 
advised Austin to proceed at once to Mexico and procure the recognition 
of his rights and privileges for a colony. He therefore set out with two 
or three companions, in March, 1822, on horseback, to perform the peril- 
ous journey of some twelve hundred miles to the capital of Mexico, which 
place he reached, after a variety of adventures, about the last of April. 
He found the government distracted with factions, the result of which 
was that Iturbide was proclaimed Emperor on the 18th of May.* 

In such a state of political affairs, all that a person could do who 
had business to transact with the government was to form acquaintances, 
try to secure friends, and wait for a favorable opportunity. Austin 
adopted this course, and devoted the principal part of his time to study- 
ing the Spanish language, for when he arrived in Mexico he labored 
under the disadvantages of being a foreigner, a total stranger, and 
ignorant of the language of the country, except what little he had 
acquired in his first trip to Bexar, and on his journey to the capital. 

On examination into the state of his colonization business he found 
that the regency had decided that the Governor of Texas, Martinez, was 
not sufficiently authorized to stipulate what quantity of land the new 
settlers were to get, as he did, by his letter to Austin, of the 19th of 
August, 1821, and that this point must be settled by a law of congress; 
for which purpose all the documents relative to the new settlement were 

2 From this point the remainder of the chapter is in the words of Stephen F. 


transmitted by the regency to congress. This at once explained the rea- 
son why Governor Martinez urged Austin to go to Mexico, for he was 
doubtless well aware that in the then existing state of political affairs 
nothing would be done in the business unless someone was present to 
attend to it. 

Austin endeavored to procure the despatch of his business by means 
of a special law, but found it to be impracticable, owing to several peti- 
tions having been presented for colonies, which gave rise to an idea among 
the members that a general colonization law ought to be passed, and that 
all should be placed on the same footing. Nothing, therefore, could be 
done until such a general law was enacted. A standing committee on 
colonization had been appointed previous to his arrival in the city, to 
which his business was referred. This committee had made some progress 
towards settling the basis of a law; but the coronation, on the 21st of 
June; the dissensions between the emperor and congress; the general 
alarm among the liberal members at the strides of the former towards 
absolute power; the events which grew out of the violent proceedings of 
the 26th of August, -when fourteen of the principal members of con- 
gress were seized in their beds and imprisoned ; added to the necessary 
attention to the revenue and financial departments, and to national af- 
fairs, generally, precluded any advancement in a matter which was con- 
sidered to be so comparatively unimportant as a new settlement among 
barbarous savages twelve hundred miles distant in the wilderness of 
Texas. Notwithstanding the many embarrassments, however, which re- 
tarded the business, the committee on colonization reported a general 
colonization law, the discussion of which had proceeded, in detail, to 
within three articles of the end when, on the 31st of October, congress 
was turned out of doors by an armed force under a decree of the em- 
peror, which declared that congress was dissolved, and vesting the legis- 
lative power of the nation in a Junta Instituyente, whose members were 
all nominated by himself. This event, of course, threw back the coloniza- 
tion law to its first stage ; all had to be begun de novo; a new colonization 
committee was appointed, a new law was reported, though not differing 
much from the former, which finally passed, and was approved by the 
emperor, and promulgated on the 4th of January, 1823. 

Thus, eight months after his arrival in the capital, Austin had the 
satisfaction of finding himself advanced one step ; a colonization law was 
enacted and promulgated. The next step was to procure the despatch of 
his business from the executive, a task which at first promised to be al- 
most as di£Scult to accomplish as the other had been, owing to the excite- 
ment which was daily becoming more open and manifest against the 
arbitrary proceedings of the emperor, which portended another revolu- 
tion, and, of course, a further suspension of all business of an individual 
nature. Fortunately, however, the minister of foreign and interior rela- 
tions, Don Jos6 Manuel Herrerfi, and the sub-minister of the same de- 
partment, Don Andres Quintana, were both men of liberal and enlight- 
ened principles, and so far as the then existing state of politics would 
permit, they were favorable to the emigration of foreigners. The de- 
spatch of individual affairs appertaining to the interior, or home depart- 
ment, was principally confided to the sub-minister, Quintana. The 
captain general of the Internal Provinces, Don Anastacio Bustamante» 


within whose command Texas was included, also took a very liberal and 
enlightened view of the advantages which would result to the nation from 
settling the wilderness of Texas, to which he was very favorably inclined ; 
also a number of the members of the Junta Instituyente and of the coun- 
cil of state, were favorably disposed towards the enterprise ; added to all 
this, the claims of Austin on the attention and justice of government, 
were strong and incontrovertible. He came into Texas with the emi- 
grant settlers in virtue of a permission legally granted to his father by 
the competent Spanish authorities, previous to the change of govern- 
ment; he was also officially conducted into the country by a commissioner 
expressly appointed by the Governor of Texas for that purpose ; and on 
his arrival at the capital of that province he was officially received and 
recognized by the Governor, Antonio Martinez, after the change of gov- 
ernment, and officially authorized by that functionary of the independent 
Mexican nation, to proceed with the settlement ; the amount of land to be 
distributed to each settler was stipulated ; and Austin was appointed to 
administer, provisionally, the local government of the new settlement. 
He had also been detained nearly a year in Mexico on this business. 
These circumstances enabled him to bring the matter before the council 
of state in a shape which procured its speedy and favorable dispatch 
by that body, who reported their opinion relative to it on the 14th of 
January ; and on the 18th of February, 1823, the minister, Andres Quin- 
tana, issued the emperor's final decree on the subject. This decree was 
comformable, in general, to the advice given to the emperor by the 
council in their report, though not exactly in every particular. 

The great object which took Austin to Mexico being accomplished, 
he made preparations to depart immediately for Texas, and intended to 
have started on the 23d of February, but previous to that day, informa- 
tion reached the city relative to the progress of the revolution against 
the emperor, which convinced all reflecting men that a great political 
change of some kind was near at hand. 

On the 2d of December, General Santa Ana, who commanded at Vera 
Cruz, had raised the standard of opposition to the arbitrary proceedings 
of Iturbide, and on Ihe 6th, in union with the civil authority of that city, 
he published a ''plan," the basis of which was the reunion of the same 
congress whose members had been dispersed by the arbitrary order of the 
emperor on the 31st of October ; and that its deliberation should be free 
from military restraint. On the 20th and 21st of February information 
was circulated in the city of the general defection from the emperor of 
those parts of the nation which had heretofore remained passive, and 
Iturbide began to be publicly spoken of as an usurper, and some were 
of opinion that all his acts would be annulled by congress. This would 
have thrown Austin back to where he started the year before, and it was 
therefore too important a matter to be left unattended to. He 
consulted several lawyers, and other persons of information, on the sub- 
ject ; some gave the opinion that all acts of the government de facto, of 
such an individual nature as this, where the rights and interests of in- 
dividuals alone were concerned, without being in any way connected with 
the general politics of the government of the nation, would be good, and 
others thought that it would be safer to obtain the sanction of congress. 
It was sufficient for Austin that doubt appeared to exist, and he 


determined to suspend his journey to Texas, and wait the meeting of 
congress, which it was now evident must soon take place. 

Early in February, the emperor marched out of the city in person, 
at the head of all the troops he could collect. • • • Finding, how- 
ever, that he could not rely upon his troops, and that the opposing force 
greatly exceeded his, and was daily augmenting by desertions from his 
own army, he consented to a cessation of hostilities, and commissioners 
were appointed on both sides to treat. The said commissioners agreed 
in substance that the emperor should retire to Tacubaya, three leagues 
from the city, that congress should convene as soon as its dispersed 
members could be collected, and that all parties should unconditionally 
submit to whatever congress might dictate, neither to have any troops 
in the city, and the necessary guards to keep order to be placed under 
the direction of the local civil authority until congress met. Both parties 
complied with this treaty. Congress convened and on the 29th of 
March, decided: 1st. That the sovereign constituent congress of the 
Mexican nation was in legal session, there being one hundred and three 
members present, which was a majority of the whole number, and that 
its deliberations were entirely free from all military or other forcible 
restraint. 2nd. That the executive power of Mexico, which had existed 
since the 19th of May, 1822, up to that time, had ceased. 3d. That this 
decree should be communicated to the supreme executive power, which 
would be established by congress, for its publication, etc. On the 31st 
congress decreed that the executive authority of the Mexican nation 
should be provisionally deposited in a body, who should be styled the 
Supreme Executive Power, and be composed of three individuals, etc. On 
the same day the three persons who were to compose the executive were 
elected by congress, to wit: Nicholas Bravo, Guadalupe Victoria, and 
Pedro Negrete; and Jose Michelena, and Miguel Dominguez, were 
elected supernumeraries, to fill the places of any of the others who might 
be absent, until their arrival. An entirely new organization of the 
different branches of the government now took place. On the 18th of 
April congress decreed that the coronation of Don Augustin de Iturbide 
was an act of violence and force, and was null ; and consequently that the 
resignation of the crown, and the hereditary succession, and all titles 
emanating from said coronation were null; and all the acts of the last 
government, from the 19th of May, 1822, to the 29th of March, 1823, 
were illegal, and subject to be revised, confirmed, or revoked by the gov- 
ernment now established. 

In consequence of the decree of 8th of April, Austin presented a me- 
morial to congress, together with the concession which he had obtained 
from the last government on the 18th of February ; and petitioned con- 
gress to confirm the concession, or dispose of it, as that body might 
deem proper. On the 11th of April, congress passed a decree, referring 
this memorial and concession to the supreme executive power, to be con- 
firmed by that power, should it have no objection. The same decree 
also suspended for the future the law of colonization passed by the 
Junta Instituyente, the 4th of January, 1823, until a new resolution of 
congress on the subject. On the 14th of April, the supreme executive 
power issued a decree in virtue of the act of congress, above mentioned, 
by which that power confirmed in full the concession granted to Austin 

Vol. 1—2 


by the imperial goyemment on the 18th of February, 1823, and this 
decree was circulated by the Minister of Interior and Exterior Relations, 
Don Garcia lUueca, to the Captain-Qeneral of the Internal Provinces, 
and a certified copy of it was delivered to Austin. 

Thus after one year's detention and exertions in Mexico, Austin at 
last had the satisfaction of leaving there with his business dispatched 
and confirmed by all the governments which had ruled the Mexican na- 
tion during the year ; and as the last confirmation was by the Sovereign 
Constituent Congress, whose members were the acknowledged and legal 
representatives of the people of the nation, there could no shadow of 
doubt remain as to the legality and validity of his concession; and on 
the 28th day of April he departed from the capital. 

On his arrival at Monterey, the capital of the eastern internal prov- 
inces, he presented a consultation to the Commandant Qeneral, Don 
Felipe de la Oarza, requesting special instructions and copies of the laws, 
for the administration of the local government of the new colony, which 
was committed to his charge in general terms, by the decree of the su- 
preme government, of 18th of February, 1823. This consultation was 
transmitted by the Commandant General to the provincial deputation of 
Nuevo Leon, Coahuila and Texas, then in session in that city, who de- 
creed in substance that Austin's authority, under the decree of 18th of 
February, was full and ample as to the administration of justice and 
of the civil local government of the colony, and the command of the 
militia; and that his grade or rank as a militia officer should be lieu- 
tenant-colonel; that he could make war on the Indian tribes who were 
hostile and molested the settlement; that he could introduce, by the 
harbor of Galveston, such supplies of provisions, etc., as might be neces- 
sary for the settlement in its infancy ; in short, that he should preserve 
good order and govern the colony in all civil, judicial and military mat- 
ters according to the best of his abilities, and as justice might require, 
until the government was otherwise organized, and copies of laws were 
furnished, rendering to the governor of Texas an account of his acts, or 
of any important event that might occur, and being himself subject to 
him, and the Commandant General. The local government was thus 
committed to him with the most extensive powers, but without any copies 
of laws or specific instructions whatever for his guide : The act of the 
deputation, therefore, left the matter in substance precisely where the 
decree of 18th of February had placed it. 

On the 16th of July, the Governor of Texas, Don Luciano Garcia ap- 
pointed the Baron de Bastrop commissioner on the part of the govern- 
ment to survey the lands for the settlers of the new colony, and in union 
with Austin to issue titles to each one in the name of the government, 
conformably to the decree of 18th of February, 1823. The Governor, by 
an official act dated the 26th of July, also gave the name of San Felipe 
de Austin to the town which was to be laid off for the capital of the new 

In August Austin arrived in the colony in company with the com- 
missioner, Baron de Bastrop. The settlement was nearly broken up, in 
consequence of his long detention in Mexico, and emigrants had returned 
and a number of those who started from the United States for this set- 
tlement had stopped on the Ayesh Bayou and round Nacogdoches or on 


the Trinity; and by this means the settlement of those sections of the 
country was commenced. Such arrangements were made by the commis- 
sioner, Bastrop, as were necessary, and he then returned to Bexar to fill 
his station as a member of the deputation of Texas. 

In 1824 the commissioner, Bastrop, again returned to the colony, and 
in union with Austin issued the titles to the settlers for the lands which 
jiad been surveyed up to that time; but as Bastrop had been elected a 
member of the legislature of the State of Coahuila and Texas, just estab- 
lished, he could not remain long enough to complete the surveys and 
titles for the whole of the three hundred families, all of whom had by 
this time emigrated and were in the country. He therefore departed for 
Saltillo in September, and left a part of the titles unfinished, which, to- 
gether with the other unfinished business of the colony, was completed 
by the commissioner, Gaspar Flores, who was especially commissioned 
for that purpose by the Lieutenant Governor of the State of Coahuila 
and Texas, Don Victor Blanco, then exercising the duties of 
(Jovernor. • • • 

The idea, which appears to be entertained by some persons in the 
United States, that the early population of Texas was composed of fugi- 
tives from other countries, is totally incorrect and unjust. It was nat- 
ural to suppose that some fugitives might enter the country, and measures 
were taken at an early day, both by the government and by Austin, so 
far as his authority extended, to shield Texas from that evil. He ex- 
pelled several from this colony, in 1823-4, under the severest threats of 
corporal punishment if they returned, and in one instance he inflicted it. 
This is mentioned for the sole purpose of proving that there could not 
have been many of that class here, for Austin had no force but the 
militia, which was composed of the settlers themselves. As regards the 
general morality and hospitality of the inhabitants, and the commission 
of crimes, this settlement will bear a favorable comparison with any 
county in the United States, however celebrated for its exemption from 
such crime. 

If having escaped many perils is to be considered as a presage that 
fortune has taken this new settlement under her protection, there is 
abundant reason for hoping that it will prosper in the future. It was 
undertaken and has been established, by individual enterprise alone, 
without the aid of strong capitalists, and totally unsupported by troops 
or succors of any kind from government. In this respect it presents an 
anomaly in the history of similar establishments. Independent of perils 
from hostile Indians, scarcity of provisions, internal dissensions, and 
many other incidents to an infant and wilderness settlement, it has seen 
four great political changes in the government of this nation, and it has 
worked its way, in peace and safety, through them all. 

The foregoing observations have been exclusively confined to the 
first, or **old colony," as it is frequently called. The colonization laws 
which are generally in force at this time will now be noticed, and also 
the contracts entered into with the government, by Austin, under those 
laws • • • 

On the 7th of May, 1824, congress decreed that the former provinces 
of Coahuila and Texas should form a state, and proceed immediately 
to elect its legislature ; but that so soon as the latter should be in a sit- 


nation to form a separate state of itself, the national congress should 
be informed thereof, for its resolution. 

It will be remembered that the colonization law passed by the im- 
perial government on the 4th of January, 1823, was suspended on the 
11th of April of that year, except in Austin's case. On the 18th Aug- 
ust, 1824, congress passed the general colonization law which is now in 
force, giving to the states full authority to form colonization laws, and 
to dispose of the vacant lands within their respective limits agreeably 
to the basis and conditions therein established. In virtue of this law the 
legislature of the State of Coahuila and Texas passed the state coloniza- 
tion law which was approved by the Governor and promulgated the 
24th March, 1825, and is now in force. 

In 1824 there was no mail established from Bexar to Nacogdoches 
passing through this place, as at this time, and the law of 18th August 
was not received here until December. Previous to that time, and on 
the 6th November, Austin had forwarded a petition addressed to the 
supreme executive power of the nation asking for authority to colonize 
two or three hundred families more in addition to his first colony, and 
praying that Galveston might be made a port of entry. This repre- 
sentation was transmitted to the Governor of the state. Afterwards, 
having seen the law of 18th August, and understanding that a state 
law was discussing in the legislature of the state, he forwarded a peti- 
tion addressed to the Governor of the state, on the 4th of February, 

1825, repeating in substance what he had said in that of the 6th of 
November relative to Galveston, and asking for permission to colonize 
three hundred families. Having afterwards received information that 
the state colonization law was about to be sanctioned, and having heard 
nothing of his two former petitions, on the 4th of April, 1825, he for- 
warded a petition asking for authority to colonize five hundred families. 
Before the last petition reached him, the Governor had granted Austin's 
former one, for the additional three hundred families, and had trans- 
mitted to Austin the contract which he was required to sign, and which 
was to take effect from the day Austin approved and signed it, which 
he did on the 4th June, 1825. After dispatching from Saltillo this 
contract for three hundred families, the Governor received Austin's 
petition of 4th April, asking for authority to colonize five hundred fam- 
ilies, which was granted by him on the 20th May, 1825, and made a 
part of the before-mentioned contract, which was thus extended to 
five hundred, instead of three hundred families. The five hundred 
families were to be settled on the vacant land remaining within the 
limits of Austin's first colony, which had not been assigned to any 
other empressario, and which was not within the ten league reserve 
•on the coast. As the limits of the first colony were not fixed by specific 

boundaries, as before stated, Austin petitioned the governor on the 
subject, who, on the 7th of March, 1827, added another article to the 
contract for the five hundred families, by which the limits within which 
they were to be settled were fixed. The term of six years from the 4th 
. June, 1825, the day on which Austin signed it, is fixed for the comple- 
tion of this contract for five hundred families. On the 21st of April, 

1826, the government commissioned Gaspar Flores commissioner for 
issuing titles in the colony for five hundred families. 


On the 20th November, 1827, Austin entered into another contract 
with the government of the state for one hundred families to be settled 
on the east side of the Colorado, above the San Antonio road. 

On the 5th June, 1826, Austin petitioned the President for permis- 
sion to colonize the vacant land lying within the ten league reserve on 
the coast, from the Lavaca to the San Jacinto, Rivers, and on the 22d 
of April, 1828, the President granted this petition, in virtue of which 
a contract was entered into by Austin with the state government to 
settle three hundred families wihin the ten league reserve, which con- 
tract expires six years from the 29th July, 1828, that being the day on 
which he signed the contract. Austin is also appointed the govern- 
ment commissioner for surveying the land and issuing the titles to the 
three hundred families within the ten league reserve colony. 

Finally, in 1831, Austin contracted jointly with Samuel M. Wil- 
liams to settle eight hundred families of Mexicans and foreigners in 
the region formerly granted to the Nashville Company. American 
emigrants were excluded from this colony by the law of April 6, 1830. 


The previous chapter gave Austin's account of the circumstances 
that attended the passage of Mexico's first national colonization law, 
which was promulgated by Iturbide on January 4, 1823. This law 
guaranteed the liberty, property, and civil rights of all immigrants 
who professed the Roman Catholic religion, and to encourage their 
settlement in the empire agreed to give them lands on very liberal terms. 
Colonists who engaged in farming were to receive not less than a labor 
(a hundred and seventy-seven acres) of land, and those who engaged in 
stock raising received not less than a sitio, or league of land, containing 
four thousand four hundred and twenty-eight acres. Since most col- 
onists would naturally follow both occupations, this provision was 
strikingly generous. Practically the only conditions imposed! upon 
settlers were the religious qualification just mentioned and improve- 
ment of their lands within two years under pain of forfeiture. 

'* During the first six years from the date of the concession" the 
colonists were not to pay ** tithes, duties on their produce, nor any 
contribution" whatever; and during the next six years they were to 
pay only half the obligations of other citizens. ^^AU the instruments 
of husbandry, machinery, and other utensils introduced by the colon- 
ists for their use at the time of their coming to the empire" were to be 
free of duty, as well as **the merchandize introduced by each family, to 
the amount of two thousand dollars." Colonists who pursued some use- 
ful industry and were self-supporting and married could obtain nat- 
uralization papers ; and those who married Mexican women were entitled 
to special consideration. 

The empresario system was recognized, and expresarios, or con- 
tractors, who introduced two hundred families into the empire were 
entitled to a premium of three haciendas and two labors of land. A 
hacienda was equivalent to five sitios or twenty-two thousand one hun- 
dred and forty acres ; but no one might receive more than nine haciendas 
and six labors — ^some two hundred thousand acres — ^no matter how many 
families he might introduce. Moreover, empresarios were required to 
alienate two-thirds of their premium lands within twenty years. 

Natives were to have the preference in the distribution of the public 
lands ; particularly those citizens who had been enrolled in the army of 
the Three Guarantees — the army which won independence from Spain. 

Article eleven of this decree of a despotically inclined monarch 
might have been framed by Lloyd George nearly a century later. It 
provides that, **As one of the principal objects of law in free govern- 
ments ought to be to approximate, so far as possible, to an equal dis- 
tribution of property, the government, taking into consideration the 



provisions of this law, will adopt measures for dividing out the lands 
which may have accumulated in large portions in the hands of indi- 
viduals or corporations, and which are not cultivated, indemnifying the 
proprietors for the just price of such lands, to be fixed by appraisers." ^ 

The overthrow of Iturbide and the annulment of all Laws passed 
during his reign prevented this decree from going into operation. The 
sovereign constituent congress, while working on the constitution, framed 
a general colonization law which was promulgated on August 18, 1824. 
With a few restrictions, this authorized each state to adopt coloniza- 
tion laws, arranging details so as not to conflict with the national laws 
and constitution. The principal restrictions prescribed by this decree 
were: (1) That without the consent of the general government no 
colony should be settled within twenty leagues of a neighboring country, 
or within ten leagues of the coast; (2) that the general government 
should always have the right, with the approval of congress, to use any 
of such lands for arsenals, warehouses, or other public buildings; (3) 
that preference should be given in the distribution of the public lands 
to Mexican citizens; (4) that no one should retain title to more than 
eleven leagues of land, and that no transfers should be made in mort- 
main; (5) that no one residing outside the republic should hold lands 
acquired by this law; and (6) that the general government might take 
**such precautionary measures" as it deemed expedient **for the secur- 
ity of the confederation, as respects the foreigners who come to colon- 
ize," but at the same time it was provided that congress should not 
have the power before 1840 to prohibit generally the entrance of foreign 
immigrants who came for this purpose. Congress might, however, if it 
were found desirable, prohibit the entrance for this purpose of foreigners 
from any particular nation. It was under authority of this article that 
congress passed the law of April 6, 1830, stopping the settlement of 
colonists from the United States in Texas. Empresario contracts not 
contrary to the laws were guaranteed. 

Under authority of this decree the state colonization law of Coa- 
huila and Texas was promulgated March 24, 1835. The preamble de- 
clares that ''the constituent congress of the free, independent, and 
sovereign state of Coahuila and Texas, desiring by every possible means 
to augment the population of its territory; promote the cultivation of 
its fertile lands; the raising and multiplication of stock, and the prog- 
ress of the arts, and commerce; and being governed by the constitu- 
tional act, the federal constitution, and the basis established by the 
national decree of the general congress," makes the following offers: 
(1) **A11 foreigners, who in virtue of the general laws of the 18th 
August, 1824, which guarantees the security of their persons and prop- 
erty in the territory of the Mexican nation, wish to remove to any of 
the settlements of the state of Coahuila and Texas, are at liberty to do 
80; and the state invites and caUs them." *' Those who do so, instead of 
being incommoded shall be admitted by the local authorities of said 
settlements, who shall freely permit them to pursue any branch of 
industry that they may think proper provided they respect the general 
laws of the nation, and those of the state." (2) Foreigners already in 

1 This law has been summarized hj the editor. 


the state who wished to settle made declaration of their intention to the 
nearest ayuntamiento, took oath to obey the federal and state constita- 
tions and to observe the Catholic religion, and were thereupon regis- 
tered as citizens. They were thereupon entitled to land on the same 
conditions as natives. (3) Empresarios received five leagues and five 
labors or twenty-three thousand and forty acres of land for each hun- 
dred families introduced; but the premium could not be claimed for 
more than eight hundred families, no matter how many might be set- 
tled by an empresario. And, after twelve years, empresarios were 
required to alienate all their premium land in excess of eleven leagues. 
If they did not themselves get rid of their surplus the state would sell 
it and pay them the proceeds. (4) Families introduced by an em- 
presario, and engaging in farming alone, received a labor of land; if 
the family also raised cattle this grant was enlarged to one league. 
Unmarried men received one-fourth of this amount, but upon their mar- 
riage were given the additional three-fourths, — ^unless they married 
Meidcan women, in which case they got a premium of one-fourth more 
than other settlers. Families that came of their own accord, not under 
an empresario 's contract, were given a premium of one labor, so that 
such a family engaged in farming and stock-raising would have a league 
and a Uibor, (5) The government might augment these quantities ''in 
proportion to the family, industry, and activity of the colonists, agree- 
ably to the information given on these subjects by the ayuntamiento 
and commissioners." (6) As an acknowledgment settlers were re- 
quired to pay thirty dollars for a league of pasture land, two dollars 
and a half for a labor of unirrigable land, and three dollars and a half 
for a labor that was adapted to irrigation. But these payments could 
be made in three installments, at four, five, and six years from settle- 
ment. Collections were to be made gratis by the ayuntamientos. (7) 
"During the first ten years, counting from the day on which the new 
settlements may have been established, they shall be free from all con- 
tributions, of whatever denomination, with the exception of those which, 
in case of invasion by an enemy, or to prevent it, are generally imposed, 
and all the produce of agriculture or industry of the new settlers shall 
be free from excise duty, or other duties, throughout every part of the 


To prevent boundary confusion and to avoid vacancies between 
grants, lands were to be surveyed as far as possible in squares. To 
Mexicans only the government reserved the right to sell land direct, 
but not more than eleven leagues might be acquired by one purchaser. 
The price of such grants was fixed at one hundred dollars a league for 
pasture land, one hundred and fifty dollars for unirrigable and two 
hundred dollars for irrigable land. All land had to be occupied within 
six years, under penalty of forfeiture, but the terms of ''occupation" 
were not defined. 

The same law provided for the establishment of towns, and com- 
missioners were to be appointed whose duty it should be to see that 
the towns were "scientifically" laid oflf. Qreat care was to be taken 
"to lay off the streets straight, giving them a direction from north to 
south, and from east to west, when the site will permit it." 

A list of the more important large grants made under authority of 
this law is given below: 


Green DeWitt, April 15, 1825 ; to settle 400 families. 

Frost Thorn, April 15, 1825 ; to settle 400 families. 

Robert LeftTOch and the Nashville Company, April 15, 1825; to 
settle 800 families. 

Hayden Edwards, April ]8, 1825; to settle 800 families. 

S. P. Austin, April 27, 1825 ; to settle 500 f amiUes. 

Martin de Leon, October 6, 1825 ; to settle 41 families. 

Benj. B. Milam, January 12, 1826 ; to settle 200 families. 

Gen. Arthur G. Wavell, March 9, 1826; to settle 400 families. 

Stephen J. Wilson, May 27, 1826 ; to settle 200 families. 

John L. Woodbury, November 14, 1826; to settle 200 families. 

Joseph Vehlein & Co., December 21, 1826 ; to settle 300 families. 

David G. Burnet, December 22, 1826 ; to settle 300 families. 

John Cameron, May 21, 1827; to settle 100 families. 

S. F. Austin, November 20, 1827 ; to settle 100 families. 

Hewetson and Power, June 11, 1828 ; to settle 200 families. 

McMullen and McGloin, August 19, 1828 ; to settle 299 families. 

Exeter and Wilson, February 23, 1828 ; to settle 100 families. 

S. F. Austin, July 9, 1828 ; to settle 300 families. 

John Cameron, August 8, 1828, the land previously granted to 
Reuben Boss, amount unspecified. 

Manuel B. Arispe, November 12, 1828 ; to settle 200 families. 

Joseph Vehlein and Company, November 17, 1828; to settle 100 

Lorenzo de Zavala, March 12, 1829; to settle 500 families. 

Martin de Le6n, April 30, 1829 ; to settle 150 families. 

J. A. Padilla and T. J. Chambers, February 12, 1830 ; to settle 800 

S. F. Austin & S. M. Williams, February 25, 1821; to settle 800 
families. This grant included the land previously granted to Bobert 
Leftwich and the Nashville Company. 

Gen. Vicente Filisola, October 15, 1831; to settle 600 families. 

Jose Manuel Baguela and J. C. Beales, March 14, 1832; to settle 
200 families. 

Juan Vicente Campos, agent of a Mexican Company, May 1, 1832 ; 
to settle 450 families. 

James Grant and J. C. Beales, October 9, 1832 ; to settle 800 families. 

Fortunato Soto, and Henry Egerton, January 1, 1834; to settle 800 

The colonization law, as we have seen, permitted the sale to Mexicans 
of eleven league blocks of land, and under this authority thirty-four 
such sales were made during 1825-1829; during 1830-1831 eighty-nine 
such sales were made; and during 1832 and 1833 there were thirteen. 
Besides these large sales there were many smaller transactions, involving 
from half a league to six or eight leagues. 

Edward's grant was annulled under circumstances described in the 
next chapter. The grants of Burnet, Vehlein, and Zavala were sold 
by them to the Galveston Bay and Texas Land Company of New York, 
and this company issued scrip and engaged in very questionable specu- 
lations in the United States. The grant to Bobert Leftwich and the 
Nashville Company passed to Sterling C. Bobertson, and was then re- 
voked and regranted to Austin and Williams. Some of the contractors 
mentioned in the list failed to introduce a single family. 


The years 1825 and 1826 passed off comparatively quietly. The tide 
of emigration continued to flow in, and the colonists were prosperous. 
A trade had recently opened between New Orleans and the colony, 
which enabled the colonists to obtain the long wished luxury, coffee and 
sugar, on which they feasted to the full; they were also able to treat 
their wives and daughters to a calico dress, and themselves and sons 
to a pair of shoes, a thing which they had not had for several years, and 
which were kept to wear on Sunday, or in attending a merry-making. 
Many of the noble dames still donned their buckskin skirts. 

In the latter part of the year 1826, however, the people of Austin's 
colony were startled by the news of a revolt at the town of Nacogdoches, 
east Texas. Colonel Hayden Edwards had been granted a colonization 
contract by the state of Coahuila and Texas, in 1825, by which he 
agreed to introduce and settle a certain number of families within a 
defined territory, including the ancient town of Nacogdoches, which he 
made the capitol of his colony. In consequence of representations made 
to the Governor, that oflScer annulled his contract, and ordered him to 
leave the country. Edwards felt that he had been unjustly dealt by, 
and, determining to right himself by force, raised the standard of re- 
volt with the declared intention to establish an independent state, and 
collected such force as he could, composed of Americans and Cherokee 

We will now give the causes which led to this unfortunate affair, 
and, briefly, the law giving colonization contracts. First of the law: 
By the colonization law of the state of 24th March, 1825, by virtue of 
which Edwards obtained his contract, the Governor was authorized to 
make contracts for the colonization of vacant lands of the state. The 
applicant for a contract to introduce and settle a certain number of 
families within certain defined limits in Texas petitions the governor 
for permission to do so. If the application is granted, a certain defined 
territory is specified within which the new settlers are to be located. 
The empresario (contractor) and the colonists are to conform to the 
Federal and state constitution and laws; to respect all grants, legally 
made, prior to the contracts within said territory; the land remaining, 
after the empresario and colonists have received their grants, reverts 
to the state; they are not to sell fire arms, munitions, etc., to the In- 
dians, nor to purchase horses or mules from them, without being satis- 
fied that they were not stolen; the empresario to organize the militia 
of the colony, of which he is the chief, with the rank of lieutenant- 
colonel; the Spanish language is to be used in all communications to 
the government, and all public documents; and, lastly, a commissioner 



Bhould be appointed, in the name of the government, to put the settlers 
in possession of their land, and extend titles for the same. Such is 
briefly the requirements of the law. 

Now, for the facts and causes which gave rise to the action of the 
state government, and that of Edwards. Edwards had been devoting 
his time and means to procuring settlers for his colony. He, however, 
labored under the misfortune of having within the limits of his colony 
a number of American and Mexican families, the first, from what was 
called the ** neutral ground," had previous to this time acknowledged 
no government, nor law, but their own ; the latter had fled the country 
in 1819, and stopped in Louisiana and Mississippi, and had returned 
to their old homes after the establishment of Mexican independence in 
1822-23. Neither of the two classes were entirely friendly to the new 
colonists, but regarded them as intruders, and were unwilling to be 
governed by them. Among them were some very bad men who, in 
consequence of their crimes in the United States, had fled from just 

Among others whom Edwards found in the colony was Colonel Ellis 
Bean, one of the followers of Philip Nolan, and, subsequently, of Gen- 
eral Morelos, in the Mexican revolution of independence. He had been 
sent by his chief, in 1815, to the United States, to raise men for the 
Republican army. He arrived previous to the battle of New Orleans, 
in which he participated. He remained several years in the United 
States. In the summer of 1825 he made a visit to the City of Mexico, 
where he met many of his old fellow soldiers. In consideration of his 
services, the Mexican government commissioned him a lieutenant 
eolonel in the permanent forces of the republic; also, Indian agent in 

While in the city, Bean met Dr. John Dunn Hunter, who had been 
sent by the Cherokee Indians of Texas, as their agent, to apply to the 
government for lands they occupied, and titles for the same. They 
asked the government to grant them a certain territory in which they 
resided, to be held in common. This the government refused, but agreed 
to give them titles for their possessions as other settlers. Hunter re- 
turned to the nation, and reported what he had done, and the promise 
of the government, which was unsatisfactory and exasperated them 
against the government. During 1825 Bean returned to Texas and 
located on the Angelina river. 

At this time, 1825, Colonel Edwards had gone to the state of Mis- 
sissippi to procure settlers, and induced his brother, Benjamin W. 
Edwards, to go to Texas and take charge of the colony until he returned. 
After making arrangements to bring and settle his family, he returned 
to Texas, but, in consequence of the poor mail facilities, did not report 
to the Political Chief, Saucedo, until January, 1826. He informed the 
Chief that he had been using his best exertions since his return to 
establish good order and an observance of the laws, and that he had 
been successful, with the exception of Jose Antonio Sepulveda and 
Luis Procela — the first, had been guilty of forging drafts for money, 
and land titles; the latter had fled from confinement in the United 
States, where he left his family, and since his arrival in Nacogdoches, 
he had been acting as alcalde by proxy, Edwards further informed the 
Chief that his prospects for fulfilling his contract were good; and. 


after transmitting copies of his official acts, hinted that if these tur- 
bulent characters had been citizens of the United States, he would have 
dealt summarily with them, as he had a right under the law and his 
contract to do. 

This letter was oflPensive to the Chief. Edwards had correctly por- 
trayed the character of these two obnoxious characters, no doubt; but 
they were Mexicans, so was the Chief. Still there were other causes 
of offense. In 1819 Nacogdoches was depopulated by the Royalist 
troops. There were none there to govern or to be governed; nor did 
any of them return for years. Previous to this time, however, grants 
of lands had been made, but had lapsed. As before stated, after inde- 
pendence had been declared a few of the old settlers returned, together 
with some new settlers. Of these there were some hundred or more in 
number, consisting of all ages, colors and nationality. Sepulveda and 
Procela, believing that the lands would become valuable and of ready 
sale, went to* work getting up old titles to the best land in the colony, 
and, when necessary, did not hesitate to manufacture titles. 

Edwards, aware of a number of old claims set up, in November 
issued an order requiring all claimants under old grants to present 
them, in order that such as were genuine should be reviewed, and all 
spurious ones rejected; and declaring further, that the lands claimed 
by those who failed to do so would be sold, but that those who bought 
the land thus sold should pay the occupant for the improvement made 
by them. That the first part of this order was both necessary and just 
is unquestionable ; but it is equally unquestionable that he had no legal 
authority to use such lands. 

The next cause of offense was an order for the organization of the 
militia and election of officers; also, for the election of an alcalde. In 
accordance with orders an election was held by Sepulveda, the acting 
alcalde. The first part of this order was right and in accordance with 
law and the contract; but the order for the election of an alcalde was 
unauthorized. However, the election for alcalde was held. There were 
two candidates — Chaplin, a son-in-law of Colonel Edwards, and Norris, 
the brother-in-law of Captain James Oaines, who resided on the Sabine 
at the crossing of the road from Nacogdoches to Natchitoches, Louis- 
iana. Chaplin had a majority of the votes cast, but most of them were 
by persons living on the Sabine and other streams within the twenty 
border leagues reserved by the Federal Government. These votes were 
thrown out, and Norris was declared elected. But Chaplin's friends, 
counting their registered votes, declared him elected; and he took pos- 
session of the office. 

A report of these proceedings was made to the Political Chief, at 
San Antonio de Bexar, who ordered Sepulveda, the old alcalde, to 
administer to Norris the oath of office as alcalde of Nacogdoches; and, 
if Chaplin refused to yield and deliver up the archives of the office to 
Norris, to take them from him peaceably if he could, but if necessary 
to call out the militia to enforce the order. Chaplin, however, yielded 
the office in compliance with the order, and Norris assumed the duties 
of the office. 

The next cause of difficulty was occasioned by the appointment of 
a man by the name of Tramel, recently arrived, as ferryman at the 
crossing of the road from San Antonio to Nacogdoches on the Trinity 


Biver. This appointment was made by the alcalde of Nacogdoches, 
regularly and in accordance with the law on the subject. Tramel, ac- 
cordingly, built boats and established his ferry agreeably to contract. 
Soon after, however, Tramel sold his interest to another person, who 
took possession. It seems that there was a poor Mexican family, 
Sertuche, living below the ferry, at Spanish Bluflf, who were in an 
almost starving condition; the occupant of the ferry, becoming aware 
of their condition, invited Sertuche and family to come to the ferry, 
which they did, and were furnished provisions. Sertuche, finding the 
situation both pleasant and profitable, obtained an order from the 
alcalde to take possession of the ferry, which he accordingly did. Ed- 
wards, learning this, removed Sertuche, and reinstated the rightful 
owner. This act of Edwards was reported to the Chief who ordered the 
alcalde to give Sertuche possession of the ferry, stating as a reason for 
80 ordering that Sertuche was a Mexican and entitled to a preference. 
This would have been true of an application for land, but this prefer 
ence only applied to the granting of land. Other instances of invidious 
distinction might be given, but let these sufBce. 

By his contract Edwards was authorized and required to organize 
the militia of the colony, of which he was the chief, until a different 
disposition was made. Such was the authority given, and the position 
of all the empresarios in Texas. 

B. W. Edwards, who had charge of the colony during the absence 
of his brother, and who was in possession of all the circumstances and 
facts connected with the colony, and the difficulties which surrounded 
the enterprise, wrote a long letter to Colonel Austin, in which he gave 
a detailed account of the difficulties they had to contend against, and 
solicited his advice. He also wrote the Baron de Bastrop, then a mem- 
ber of the state legislature, informing him of all the facts. 

Edwards' letter to Austin, which gives some details concerning the 
ill treatment of which he complained, is as follows: 

Nacogdoches, July 21, 1826. 
^'Colonel Stephen F. Austin. 

'*SiR: After an absence of several months from this province to 
the United States, where I was detained much longer than I had antici- 
pated in consequence of continued and serious indisposition, I returned 
to this place about the 1st of April last, and much to my astonishment 
and mortification found everything in disorder and confusion in this 
section of the province. I had it at first in contemplation to return back 
to the United States and to abandon this country forever, believing it 
my individual interest to do so, but in consideration of the motives that 
induced me here, which was the happiness and prosperity of hundreds, 
more than myself, and the consequent effect that my abandonment of 
the country and my return to Mississippi would have produced upon 
my numerous friends not only there but elsewhere, I determined to 
remain, for a time at least, an idle spectator of passing events, that I 
might be better able to determine upon a course for myself, which was 
to be decisive of the fate of so many of my relatives and friends, whose 
confidence in me in this enterprise imposes a responsibility truly awful 
indeed ! 


'*I have now been here three months and upwards, hoping that 
order and confidence would be restored to this distracted community, 
believing that the government would bestow their attention to it, which 
its present condition so promptly and so imperiously demands, but, 
alas! every mail brings, as it is said (for we have no publication of 
governmental documents here), additional cause of confusion among 
the people, and consequent distrust of the rights and security of Amer- 
icans on this side of the Sabine River; and the events of every day seem 
productive of new excitement against the civil authority here, in con- 
sequence of proceedings and decisions believed to be incompatible with 
a republican government and contrary to the fundamental principles 
of the Constitution of the country! 

**From those considerations I came to the determination, a few 
days since, after mature reflection, to return to my native country, 
where I have a sure guarantee of my rights and security of my person 
and property. I was preparing to carry this determination into effect 
when I received a letter from Hayden Edwards, at Natchitoches, whose 
return I was daily expecting, informing me of his intended absence 
for two or three months to the United States of the North, and request- 
ing me to take charge of his colony until his return, and to do the best 
I could for his interest and the benefit of the grant. This request, 
together with the wishes of my friends here, have influenced me for 
the present to remain longer, hoping that some change may take place 
in the present aspect of affairs. 

**ThuB, you see, I have taken upon myself a charge of much respon- 
sibility, which is greatly augmented by the peculiar embarrassment of 
the affairs of this colony, and which is not a little increased by my 
ignorance of the Castilian language, and my want of information in 
relation to complaints and charges against my brother, which seem to 
be almost the sole cause of all the difficulties existing here. 

** Having always felt a deep interest in the success of the Americans 
in the province of Texas, and being personally interested myself in its 
advancement, I should have opened a correspondence- with you imme- 
diately upon my arrival here, but for the unfortunate misunderstanding 
that appeared to exist, much to my regret and astonishment, between 
you and my brother. Although I could not believe that any just cause 
of difference could have been intended on either side, yet delicacy 
under existing circumstances forbade that I should write to you in 
relation to the affairs of the colony, so long as there was a possibility 
of an unfriendly feeling on your part against him and his colony. 
Having received an assurance on the part of my brother that there was 
no disposition on his part to commence hostility, and that be had, on 
the contrary, desired nothing more than a friendly understanding with 
you as well as all the empresarios, I was not a little gratified to learn 
from Colonel Leftwich, and more recently from our friend. Colonel 
Pettus, your declaration of amity and friendship, which does away 
with any restraint I may have heretofore labored under in consulting 
with you upon the affairs of the country of our adoption. 

**In consequence of the confusion into which everything is thrown 
relative to the affairs of his grant, my brother thought it best, I suppose, 
to make a tour through some of the States with a view of obtaining 


settlers as soon as possible by means of interesting men of influence and 
capital in his grant. This he will do even at a great sacrifice of his 
interests, if necessary. I was opposed to this expedition to the States 
at this time, and exacted a promise from him before he set out to 
Natchitoches that he would defer it until he could bring things to some 
issue with the government, which I had hoped would have been done 
before this time. After my arrival at this place, finding things in their 
present train, I urged him to open a correspondence* with the differ- 
ent departments of the government, and to ask an investigation into 
his conduct without delay. This he accordingly did more than two" 
months since, but as yet no reply to any of his communications, except a 
letter from the political chief, not regarding his request and remon- 
strance against false accusations and the characters that have made them, 
whose infamy is established by certificates of the highest character trans- 
mitted to him. Order after order has been transmitted here containing 
censure of Hayden Edwards, without any inquiry into the truth or 
falsehood of the accusation presumed to be made against him; and no 
list -of charges furnished him even to give him an opportunity of self 
defense. In the first place, orders have been recently received here by 
the Alcalde (as it is said) that Hayden Edwards was not entitled to 
charge anything for lands. A more recent order says that all contracts 
already made will stand, but that none hereafter made will be good, and 
that any person hereafter contracting to pay said Edwards for lands 
shall forfeit them and be ordered out of the country. A still later order 
says that said Edwards shall refund whatever he may have received for 
lands, making it the duty of the alcalde here to compel him should he 
refuse. Another order a few days ago says that this town shall have its 
original jurisdiction (which is said to extend to the Sabine on the east, 
and nearly to the Trinity on the west, etc.), and that the junta alone, 
and not the empresario, shall dispose of said land within said district. 
The last order, said to be received by Tuesday's mail, directs the alcalde 
to inform H. Edwards that, unless he changes his conduct (without 
informing what it is that is complained of), his grant will be taken 
from him, and that he will be held amenable to the tribunal of the 

** These last two orders, if directed by the government and if not 
forged or misrepresented here, speak an awful warning to Americans! 

^' 'There must be something rotten in the state of Denmark.' 
Whether here or elsewhere, prejudice against Hayden Edwards has 
preponderated over justice in some department. I am slow to believe 
that those orders have emanated from the government itself. It can- 
not be that the fundamental principles of a free Constitution, cemented 
by the blood of thousands, is thus early trampled under foot and its 
most sacred principles violated in the persons of Americans, after be- 
ing invited into this country with a guarantee of their rights and 
liberties. I have strong reason to believe that there have been some 
forgeries of papers here, and there exists too much evidence of the 
fact that letters have been broken open, directed to my brother, before 
he received them. This is my only hope of the fate of the colony, and 
consequently of the country. 

**If the government can divest Hayden Edwards of half his grant, 


they can divest him of the whole in the same manner; and if they can. 
in violation of the Constitution, confiscate or declare a forfeiture of 
his property, they can in like manner divest every other empresario of 
his rights ; and what security can any American feel, should this be the 
case, in the tenure he may hold under them, or even the* government 

''This is a question of serious import, and one that seems to be 
coming home to ihe bosom of every reflecting American in this section 
of the country, friend or foe, who is apprised of said orders (said to 
•have been received). 

''The fact is, my friend, I am becoming alarmed at the present 
indication of distrust and excitement that is manifesting itself every 
day among the Americans in this section of the province. I am too 
well acquainted with the character and feelings of the Americans not 
to feel uneasy at the present state of things. It is reported and be- 
lieved that Bean has a grant to the neutral lands, and yet the alcalde 
is letting out said lands to his favorites, suffering them to take the im- 
provements of others, while some rely upon obtaining their titles 
through Bean or his commissioner, and all doubtful of the security of 
their lands eventually. 

"What so much adds to this confusion is the abuse of justice and 
the continual outrage upon the rights and liberties of the Americans by 
the civil authority of this place, aided and supported by the celebrated 
James Oaines and his followers, who seem determined to put down every 
man who will not bow in adoration to him, and who has independence 
to be a freeman. This man, by much affected patriotism for this gov- 
ernment, and by inducing the people to believe his influence very great 
with the governor, etc., obtained a standing with them that has made 
him truly formidable to his enemies. Having been active with others 
in organizing two regulating companies, the object of which was no 
doubt laudable at first, and has done some good, he now makes use of 
this auxiliary aid to oppress and bear down every man who is obnoxious 
to him, or who does not approve of his policy of throwing the whole 
country into commotion, which he has done for no other purpose than 
for his grovelling political views and self-aggrandizement. This very 
man, aided by a Spaniard here named Sepulveda, of infamous char- 
acter as well as himself, as the records of Louisiana bear witness, after 
acting with the utmost duplicity towards my brother has been the chief 
cause of all the evils that now exist here, so much to the detriment of 
the country and the almost entire loss of confidence by the moving 
population of the United States who have been preparing to emigrate 
to this province. 

"It is he and this Sepulveda who set themselves to work, upon the 
arrival of Hayden Edwards, to create the alarm and to arouse the 
prejudice of the Spaniards, and even the Americans, upon which they 
have predicated a thousand falsehoods and fabricated the most un- 
founded charges, made to the government, which seem to have been 
taken for granted without an examination into the truth or falsehood 
of the accusations. Having established himself now, as he supposes, 
in the affections and confidence of the political chief, he assumes the 
character of dictator, and arrogates to himself the privileges of sending 


every man into banishment who will not yield to his majesty and 
acquiesce in his corrupt and tyrannical proceedings. We have just 
heard that he has decreed the expulsion of Judge Williams and Mr. 
Elisha Roberts, two of the most wealthy, intelligent, industrious, and 
useful citizens in the whole province; but this, together with other 
transactions of late, have developed to the people his real character 
and designs, and, if I am not mistaken, he is now tottering upon his 

''I have been thus particular in reciting the conduct of this man 
because, contemptible as he is in talent and character, he has done 
more to produce confusion here by falsehood, intrigue, the abuse of 
the empresarios and of the Baron de Bastrop, and by the necessary 
effect of loss of confidence in the government itself, than every other 
man in the province of Texas. 

**The fact is, the alcalde, his brother-in-law, is guided by him in 
all his proceedings, being very ignorant himself and a stranger to any 
national feeling towards his native country, as I am told, is his boast. 

* * Twice since I have been here have the militia from the Aes Bayou 
been ordered to this place under false pretexts of its being the request of 
the government, and of making treaties with Indians, etc., when the only 
object, indeed, was in reality to increase and to create a new excite- 
ment, and, if possible, violence against my brother, to favor the signs 
of this petty demagogue, who makes it his boast that he will be the first 
member to Congress from this section of the state. 

''It seems now that the different chiefs of the tribes of Indians in 
this section of the province are to be assembled at this place in a few 
days (for what purpose God only knows!) at the request of the alcalde 
and mighty councillor! 

**I was informed by General Wavell, while here, that Captain 
Hunter, the Indian agent, appointed by the government for that pur- 
pose, would be here about this time to form treaties with all those 
tribes for the security of the country. What, then, can be the policy 
of the alcalde's tampering with them prematurely, I cannot conceive! 

**As to the administration of justice here, I can, through such a 
medium, give you but a faint idea. Suffice to say that it is such, how- 
ever, as is alone sufficient to the interest of the officers, and subservient 
to their private feelings against those who are obnoxious to them. 
Twenty and twenty-five dollars costs is not an unusual fee-bill, or rather 
a charge, in a single suit. In short, the darkest period of the reign of 
Ferdinand does not equal the despotism that prevails here now. 

''Colonel Austin, these abuses and outrages upon the Americans 
will not be tolerated long! 

"The rumbling of the volcano has already become audible around 
us, and if any accident should cause its explosion in any part of its 
surface, not all our efforts could arrest its progress. 

"It is upon you, then, that I mostly rely in preventing the storm 
that seems to be now coming on. It is your interest, it is mine, and that 
of every empresario in particular, to prevent, if possible, such a state 

of things. 

"You already know my view relative to this country, and how 
much it has been my hope and wish that it would peaceably fill up 

Vol. 1—8 


with enterprising Americans, without any interruption to their enter- 
prise or premature collision with the authorities of the country. But, 
sir, I confess I am alarmed at the present aspect of affairs in this 
quarter. I know the American character too well to feel indifferent to 
what is passing here. Once shaken in their confidence in this govern- 
ment, an outrage upon the rights or person of one influential American 
will produce a spark of ignited matter that will kindle into a conflagra- 
tion, which, we cannot doubt, will immediately extend itself to the 
sympathies of the people of another govemment. 

**It has been from these considerations that I have been inclined to 
abandon the country, because I could see no advantage that was to 
result from an event so probable, so inevitable, without a change in 

* * I have been thus free in my communications to you in consequence 
of our former confidential conversations in relation to the affairs of 
this province, and in consideration of the mutual interest we must 
both feel in everything relative to it and conducive to its advancement 
and prosperity. 

**I have already told you the motives that have influenced me to 
continue any longer in this country, and I have opened this corre- 
spondence with you in the most friendly confidence, hoping to receive 
from you every information and advice as to what steps had best be 
taken on my part in the present attitude of affairs. 

* * I am pleased to learn that matters are progressing better with you 
at present, but, rely on it, my friend, that their continuance there — 
and, indeed, the fate of the whole country — depends upon the speedy 
adjustment of the affairs of this colony. I am sensible of the import- 
ance of a personal interview with you, but this at present is impossible. 
I hope to hear from you as soon as possible. I should deem a private 
conveyance much safer than by mail. 

** Accept my best wishes for your success, and, believe me, with 
sentiments of respect, your friend, etc., 

''B. W. Edwards. 

**P. S. — The Americans have been under the impression that they 
were exempt, under the colonization laws, from taxation for ten years; 
yet they are told now that orders have come on requiring them to pay 
Sepulveda the most exorbitant prices for stamp-paper, which seems 
necessary to give validity to any instrument of writing between indi- 
viduals, for money or what not. An acquaintance of mine, a few days 
since, was compelled to pay six dollars in making a transfer of a negro 
estimated at four hundred dollars. Pray write me your views upon 
this subject. B. W. E." 

To this Austin replied in part as follows : 

**This is a truly disagreeable and unfortunate subject, mortifying 
to you in the extreme, and I hope you will credit me, when I assure 
you that I sympathize with you fully on account of the unpleasantness 
of your situation. The affair will be highly injurious to the future 
prospects of emigration, and of general detriment to the whole coun- 
try. The subject has caused me great unhappiness, but I had deter- 


znined not to interfere with it in any way — ^it is a dangerous one to 
touch, and particularly to write about. You wish me to advise you. I 
scarcely know what course will be best. The uncertainty as to the 
precise nature of the charges against you renders it difficult, nay im- 
possible, to make a regular defence. I think, however, I would write 
directly to the governor of the State, give him a full statement of facts 
and a very minute history of the acts of your principal enemies, and 
their opponents, and their manner of doing business in every par- 
ticular, both in regard to your brother as well as all others. State the 
general situation of the country, the confusion and difficulties which 
exist, and the cause of them, etc., in order that the government may 
have the whole subject fully before them, and be enabled to judge of 
the motives that have influenced those who have been most clamorous 
against you. Write in English, and make an apology for doing so, as 
that it is impossible to procure translators, etc. I advise the utmost 
caution and prudence on your part and that of all of your friends as 
to your expressions, for every word you utter will probably be watched 
and reported if considered exceptionable." 

Following the advice of Colonel Austin, Edwards wrote the gov- 
ernor of the state, Don Victor Blanco, and gave him a detailed account 
of the difficulties that had arisen; together with the stupidity of the 
alcalde, Norris, and the treachery of his brother-in-law. Captain James 
Gaines, who controlled and gave direction to all he did ; also the efforts 
made and being made by his brother to secure settlers; and, in con- 
clusion, he asked the governor to stay proceedings against his brother 
until he returned, to afford him an opportunity to make his defense. 

In reply to this communication, Governor Blanco, under date of 
October 2, says: 

**In view of such proceedings, by which the conduct of Hayden 
Edwards is well attested, / have declared the. anntUment of hds contract, 
and his expulsion from the territory of the republic, in discharge of the 
supreme orders with which I am invested. He has lost the confidence 
of the government, which is suspicious of his fidelity; besides, it is not 
prudent to admit those who begin by dictating laws as sovereigns. If 
to you or your constituent these measures are unwelcome and pre- 
judicial, you can apply to the supreme government; but you will first 
evacuate the country, both yourself and Hayden Edwards; for which 
purpose I this day repeat my orders to the authorities of that depart- 
ment — in the execution of which, as they will expel from the country 
all evil-doers, so they will extend full protection to those of worth, 
probity, and useful skill, that have settled therein, and are submissive 
to the laws and constituted authorities." 

Before the receipt of the above letter Hayden Edwards had re- 
turned. Feeling himself both aggrieved and insulted, he determined to 
resist. He made an appeal to the American settlers and to the Cherokee 
Indians, who considering themselves badly treated by the government of 
Mexico listened favorably to Edwards. On the 20th of December, 
Hunter, Fields, and some other chiefs, after consulting three days, 
entered into a solemn league and confederation. The objects of the 
treaty werie twofold, to wit: 

*'lst. To divide the territory of Texas between the Indians and 


Americans. This was done by giving to the former that portion lying 
north of a line beginning at the mouth of Sulphur Fork; thence to a 
point not far from Nacogdoches j thence to the Rio Qrande. All the 
territory south of that boundary to belong to the other party. 

'^2d. To prosecute together the war against Mexico, until their 
independence was consummated."^ The treaty was made by Hayden 
Edwards and Harmon B. Mayo, on the part of the Americans, and by 
Eichard Fields and John Dunn Hunter, on the part of the Indians. 
The Fredonian legislature or committee that ratified it was composed 
of the following persons, viz: Martin Parmer president, Hayden Ed- 
wards, B. W. Edwards, John Sproul, B. J. Thompson, Joseph A. Huber, 
W. B. Ligon, and H. B. Mayo, on the part of the Americans; and by 
Bichard Fields, John Dunn Hunter, Ne-ko-lake, John Bags, and Euk- 
to-ke, on the part of the Indians. 

The new state was named Fredoma, In the meantime, on the 18th 
of December, 1826, the Fredonians, to the number of about two hun- 
dred, took possession of the ''old Stone House" and began to fortify. 
Having raised their flag, they began an organization of their force and 
government. Colonel Martin Parmer was chosen commander of the 

On the 4th of • January, 1827, Norris, the alcalde, who had been 
deposed, finding the town defended by a small force, — most of the 
Fredonians apprehending no danger had gone to their homes, — raised a 
force of some eighty men and took position near the Stone House, 
intending to capture and hang the few Fredonians left to guard the 
place. Parmer had eleven men, and Hunter eight Cherokees, with whom 
they marched out and charged Norris 's force, of which they killed one 
man and wounded some ten or twelve, and captured about half their 
horses. Norris made good his retreat and crossed the Sabine. 

The following letter to Captain Aylett C. Buckner of Austin's 
Colony will illustrate the method adopted by the Fredonians for en- 
listing support from the older settlers: 

** Nacogdoches, December 26th, 1826. 

**Dear Sib: 

** Enclosed are papers, which will explain their meaning. Though 
a stranger to you, I take it upon myself to forward you those docu- 
ments, at the request of my brother, and from a high regard for your 
character and true American feelings, long since known to me, I am 
prompted at this moment to open a correspondence with you, believing 
that in times like these we would both feel superior to the little formal- 
ities of fashionable intercourse, which too often cramp the hearts of 
congenial souls. Buckner, 'this is the time to try the souls of men'. 
The flag of Uberiy now waves in majestic triumph on the heights of 
Nacogdoches, and despotism stands appalled at the sight. I need not 
say to you why we have taken this bold and determined stand. You are 
not ignorant of our oppressions here, nor can you be less acquainted 
with the treachery and perfidy of this government. 

1 ThiB IB quoted from Toakum. A eopy of the treaty is printed in fuU in Foote, 
Texas and the Texana, I, 254-256. 


''We have found documents in the ofSce here making it evident that 
troops would be sent on to force us into submission to our wrongs, and 
to dragoon us into slavery. We are Americans, and will sooner die 
like freemen, than to live like slaves. 

'*We have not acted blindly, or precipitately in this matter. We 
have for some time looked forward to this issue and were prepared for 
it. The Indians on our North have long since intended the same thing 
and have only been waiting for us to say the word. They were deter- 
mined to have a part of the country, which they say was promised to 
them by the Government ; and which they will never yield. They have 
emigrated of late in great numbers to the northern part of the 

"Under these circumstances, and for our own security and protec- 
tion, we have just completed a treaty with them, — designating a line 
to the North of this, running westwardly to the Rio Grande; securing 
all individual rights within their territory. That treaty was signed 
by Doctor John D. Hunter and Richard Fields as the Representatives 
of the United Nations of Indians, comprising twenty-three tribes. They 
are now our tried friends, and by compact as well as interest are bound 
to aid us in effecting the Independence of this country. The Comanches 
are in alliance with them, and their united efforts will be immediately 
directed against this base and faithless Government. We will be in 
motion in a short time. We have sent communications to yours, and to 
every district in the Province, inviting each district to appoint two 
delegates to assemble here and make a declaration of Independence, etc. 

'*0n your patriotism and firmness, we much rely in promoting the 
glorious end. I have no doubt that the people in Austin's Colony are 
true Americans: Indeed I have pledged my word on it. Do not hazard 
too much; but my dear Sir, we can send you an ample force to secure 
the people of that colony, and will do it the moment we ascertain they 
are for Independence. We are now only waiting to ascertain that fact 
in due form. Morally we cannot doubt it. You are Americans and 
our brothers; and besides you are the sons of freemen. To arms then, 
our countrymen, and let us no longer submit to the caprice, the treach- 
ery, and oppression of such a Government as this ! I Our friends in the 
United States are already in arms, and only waiting for the word. We 
have some little opposition on the Aes Bayou, from a few servile tools 
of Norris and Gaines ; but the indignation of the multitude rose in the 
majesty of the American feeling. They have fled in precipitation and 
terror to the United States, there to meet the indignation and scorn of 
every American. The cause of liberty will prevail, and in a little time 
we will once more be freemen. I have written to you like an old 
acquaintance, because in times like these our souls should speak their 
unaffected feelings. Adieu. Let me hear from you without delay. 

*'With sentiments of Respect, etc., 

*'B. W. Edwards." 

Letters were sent to Captain B. Simms, and others, in Austin's 
Colony, and a general proclamation was issued,^ inviting them to join 

s See Foote, Texaa and the Texans, I, 260-263. 


in this quixotic scheme. The copy above discloses the plan, as well as 
the reliance of the Fredonians on the Indians for success. 

A messenger was also sent with a proclamation to the United States 
asking for assistance, but upon his arrival at Natchitoches he published 
a statement ridiculing the revolutionists, and so prevented any re- 
sponse to the appeal.^ 

We will now show the attitude of the other colonists, and particu- 
larly of Colonel S. P. Austin, by copies of proclamations, letters and 
extracts. Writing to B. J. Thompson on January 1, 1827, Stephen F. 
Austin said : 

**In wishing you a happy new year I regret I cannot add my appro- 
bation of some of your acts in the last months of the pas{ one, though 
perhaps I do not understand the motives which governed you. So far 
as I do understand them I am compelled to say with all the frankness 
of an old friend that you are wrong. I hope however that you and the 
majority of the good people in that country have been slandered and 
that the reports we have in circulation here about you are false, for I 
cannot believe that you have so far lost your senses as to think of open 
opposition to the Government, neither will I believe that you have so 
far forgotten the land of your birth and the proud name of America 
as to disgrace that name by associating yourself with persons, and 
advocating a cause unworthy of it. My friend you are wrong — ^totally 
wrong from the beginning to the end of this Nacogdoches affair. I have 
no doubt that great cause of complaint exists against the Alcalde and 
a few others in that district, but you have taken the wrong method of 
seeking redress. The law has pointed out the mode of punishing of- 
ficers in this government from the. president down, and no individual 
or individuals ought to assume to themselves that authority; but what 
is past is done — let us forget it, and look to the future. If you will 
take reason for your guide in future and do your duty as a citizen of 
this government all will be right. The Chief of this department is on 
his way to Nacogdoches; his object is to regulate the government and 
do justice to all — ^he is a mild and good man and will never do an act of 
injustice to any one, and if you will come forward freely and without 
reserve and in a respectful manner submit to his authority, you will 
save yourself and family from total and inevitable ruin. You have 
been most astonishingly imprudent, but I do not think it is too late for 
you to settle all that is past, for I cannot believe that you have been so 
mad as to think of joining the Indians and opposing the government by 
force. The people of this colony are unanimous. I have not heard of 
one here who is not opposed to your violent measures, and there is not 
one amongst us who will not freely take up arms to oppose you and 
sustain the government, should it be necessary to do so. My wish is 
to befriend you all, so far as I can consistent with my duty, and if you 
will rely upon me and listen to my advice all will be settled easily. 
Separate yourself from all factions; disband your volunteer company 
raised in violation of law; and submit to the government freely and 
without hesitation, and put aside your arms. If you do this I have 

s For the address to the people of the United States see Foote, Texas and the 
TexanSf I, 272-276; for the messenger's statement see A Comprehensive History of 
Texas, I, 533-534. 


no doubt but everything will be satisfactorily settled ; take the opposite 
course and you are lost, for you need not believe those who tell you that 
this government is without force. They can send three thousand men 
to Nacogdoches, if it should be necessary, and there is not a man in 
this colony who would not join them. Think what you are about my 
friend and save yourself by adopting the course I have pointed out be- 
fore it is too late. Farewell; may you have a happy New Year, but 
whether you will or not depends entirely on yourself.'' 

On the same day Austin wrote to the people of the lower Brazos 
warning them to be loyal to the government. His address was as 
follows : 

t i 

San Feupe de Austin, January Ist, 1827. 
To the Inhabitants of the District of Victoria. 

Mt Friends: An important crisis has arrived, in the progress 
of this country, and in the destiny of this colony. We stand high with 
the government and an opportunity is now presented of raising our 
characters still higher and placing this colony on a firm footing as 
regards the opinion of the government, and I think there is not one man 
in the colony who will not with pleasure embrace it. 

^'A small party of infatuated madmen of Nacogdoches have declared 
Independence and invited the Indians from Sabine to Rio Grande to 
join them, and wage a war of murder, plunder, and desolation on the 
innocent inhabitants of the frontier. The leader of this party is Martin 
Parmer; and Jim Collier, Bill English, the Tokums, and men of that 
character are his associates. Agreeably to information received this 
day under date of 28th December this party is about forty strong. All 
the well disposed and honest part of the people on Aes Bayou are 
decidedly opposed to them, and there is a force of seventy men united 
there against the Nacogdoches madmen and in favor of the government. 

"The chief of department and the military commander will be here 
to-morrow or next day on their way to Nacogdoches, and I wish to 
raise an escort of about thirty men to go on with them. This is a mark 
of respect we owe these of&cers, and at this particular time it will have 
a decisive influence on the future prospects of this colony. It will 
also have a very great influence in the quieting and settling the diffi- 
culties in that part of the country, for the men who go on from here, 
by their presence under the banner of the government will at once 
dissipate the errors which those people have been induced to believe 
by a few artful men, as regards the part this colony would take. It 
will have a much better effect for the people to volunteer on this service 
than to be called on officially, and in order to give them a full oppor- 
tunity of showing their patriotism and their love of good order, virtue, 
and justice, I have made no official call, but merely appeal to you as 
men of honor, as Mexicans, and as Americans, to do your duty, but I am 
happy to say that, in this instance, they are the same. It is our duty 
as Mexicans, to support and defend the government of our adoption, 
by whom we have been received with the kindness and liberality of an 
indulgent parent. It is our duty as men, to suppress vice, anarchy, and 
Indian massacre. And it is our duty as Americans to defend that 


proud name from the infamy which this Nacogdoches gang must cast 
upon it if they are suffered to progress. It is also our interest, most 
decidedly our interest, to do the same, for without regular government, 
without law, what security have we for our persons, our property, our 
characters, and all we hold dear and sacred f 

'*None, for we at once embark on the stormy ocean of anarchy, 
subject to be stripped by every wave of faction that rolls along, and 
must finally sink into the gulf of ruin and infamy. 

*'The occasion requires an effort on the part of the people of this 
colony, and to give it its full force I wish that it should be voluntary 
and unanimous. And I wish the inhabitants in the District of Victoria 
to meet and adopt such resolutions on this subject as their patriotism 
may suggest, and to come out openly and above board in expressing 
their disapprobation of this Nacogdoches business and make an offer 
of their services to the Governor to march against the insurgents, should 
it be necessary to do so. And then appoint a committee to wait on the 
chief of department with the respects of those inhabitants and to pre- 
sent the resolutions. Such a thing will be done by every other part of 
the colony and will have a very happy influence on our future 
prosperity — 

**I wish the men who volunteer to go on with the chief to be here 
as soon as they can conveniently prepare themselves for the trip, ten 
men from the District of Victoria will be enough, unless more wish to 
go, for it is a good and honorable service. 

*^I have no doubt that you will be active and prompt in this busi- 
ness and embrace the opportunity that is now presented with pleasure. 
Wishing you a happy New Year, I remain very respectfully your friend 
and fellow citizen and recommend to you Union and Mexico." 

. Again toward the end of the month, after the failure of efforts to 
patch up the trouble, Austin issued a stirring address to his colonists, 
urging them to unite with the authorities in suppressing the rebellion. 
Perhaps its tone may seem unduly harsh, but it must be remembered 
that Austin considered it a matter of life and death importance to 
convince the government of the loyalty of colonists. He said: 

'*The persons who were sent on from this colony by the chief of 
department and military commandant to offer peace to the Nacogdoches 
madmen have returned without affecting anything. The olive branch of 
peace that was magnanimously held out to them has been insultingly 
refused and that party have denounced massacre and desolation on 
this colony. They are trying to excite all the northern Indians to 
murder and plunder, and it appears as though they had no other ob- 
ject than the ruin of the whole country. They are no longer Amer- 
icans, for they have forfeited all title to that high name by their un- 
natural and bloody alliance with Indians. They openly threaten us 
with Indian massacre and the plunder of our property. Ought we to 
hesitate at such a moment? No. They are our countrymen no longer. 
They have by a solemn treaty united and identified themselves with 
Indians, made common laws with savages, and pledged their faith to 
carry on a war of murder and plunder against the peaceable inhabitants 


of Texas. They are worse than the natives of the forest with whom they 
are allied, and it is our duty as men, as Americans, and as adopted 
Mexicans, to prove to those infatuated criminals and to the world, that 
we have not forgotten the land of our birth, nor the principles of 
honor and patriotism we inherited from our fathers, and that we are 
not to be dictated to and driven into crime and anarchy by a handful 
of desperate renegades. The civil and military chiefs of Texas ac- 
companied by a chosen band of national troops march with us, who in 
union with the brave and patriotic militia of the colony will be fully 
able to crush in its infancy this mad unjust and unnatural rebellion. 

**To arms Fellow Citizens! To arms in the cause of liberty, of 
virtue, and justice. To arms in defense of your property, your fam- 
ilies, your honor. To arms in defense of your adopted government, 
and hurl back the thunder upon the heads of those base and degraded 
apostates from the name of Americans who have dared to insult you 
by a threatening invitation to join them in this mad and criminal scheme. 

** Every man able to bear arms is now wanted. Temporary incon- 
venience, and loss must and ought to yield to necessity and duty; you 
will receive pay allowed by law to national troops of the same class, 
and the commander will see that it is punctually discharged as soon as 

**The people of the colony after a full understanding of the pre- 
tended cause of complaint on the part of the rebels, as well as of the 
mild and magnanimous course of the government in offering them a full 
and unreserved amnesty and an impartial and public investigation of 
their alleged grievances, have unanimously, solemnly, and voluntarily 
pledged themselves in writing to the government, to oppose the fac- 
tionists by force of arms. You are bound in honor to redeem the said 

**To arms then my friends and fellow citizens, and hasten to the 
standard of our country. Hasten to the field of honor and of duty. 
Hasten to the protection of your property and families, and all that 
you hold dear and sacred upon earth. The approbation of every honest 
and honorable man in your native country, of your adopted government, 
and of a just and omnipresent God, and the consciousness that you will 
have done your duty and saved yourselves will be your reward. 

**The first hundred men who were called out from this colony will 
march on the 26th inst. I now conjure you to turn out in mass, and 
join us as soon as possible. 

**The necessary orders for mustering into service and other purposes 
will be given to the commanding ofScers. 

''Union and Mexico. 

*'San Felipe de Austin, 22d January, 1827." 

Previously Austin had written to John Dunn Hunter, pointing out 
the hopelessness of any attempt to gain land for the Cherokees by 
uniting with Edwards, trying to persuade him to break off the alliance 
with the Eredonians, and promising the use of his own influence in 
securing lands for them if they would keep the peace. His letter was 
as follows : 


**San Felipe de Austin, January 4th, 1827. 
''Mr. J, D, Hunter, 

**Deab Sir: Report has informed me of the interest you are tak- 
ing in favor of the Cherokees. Your object in uniting temporarily 
with the Nacogdoches insurrection is to procure lands for the Cherokees 
from the Mexican government. To suppose for one moment that your 
object is civil war and rebellion would be to suppose you destitute of 
that intelligence, integrity, and judgment which you have always mani- 
fested on all occasions, so far as I have heard of you. The object, then, 
I take for granted, is to procure a legal title from the Mexican govern- 
ment for lands for the Cherokees, and in this object I will aid you if 
legal steps are taken. I know that the Cherokees can get their lands 
if the legal steps are adopted, and if they take the wrong course they 
are lost. The ruin may not be immediate, but it will ultimately fall 
and overwhelm them and their friends. I hope to see you shortly in 
company with the Cherokee chiefs in conformity with the request of 
the chief of this department and the commandant of arnis and / can then 
prove to you tliat this opinion is well founded. 

**When you were here I expressed myself fully as to the Cherokees, 
and unequivocally stated I was a friend of those Indians and would 
take interest in their affairs, so far as my duty to this government would 

' ' The chief of department is now here and apprises me that the gov- 
ernment never have refused nor will refuse to comply with the promises 
made to the Cherokees. You well know the delays attending the dis- 
patch of governmental business at any time, and more particularly in 
a government situated as this is, just formed and scarcely organized — 
delay was to be expected, but this is no proof that the business of the 
Cherokees would not be finished. The Government has never refused 
them lands, has never expressed any dissatisfaction at their settling 
where they now are, and I have no doubt will be willing to give them 
a title to lands at that place. So that the way is perfectly clear and 
plain — bring in the Cherokee chiefs to this place, or to the Trinity 
Biver, to see the chief of department, as he has requested, and all will 
be right. There is a happy moment in the tide of aJJ events, and men 
of talents know when that moment arrives and how to use it. If you 
are the man of talents I believe you to be, and are actuated by the 
benevolent feelings towards the Cherokees which you profess, you will 
see that the favorable moment in the tide of their affairs has arrived, 
and you will embrace it. Before the sword is drawn the government 
will yield a little to the Cherokees to keep it in its scabbard, but onc0 
drawn and stained with blood they unll never yield one hair's breadth, 
and "nothing short of tJie exterminatian or expulsion of that 7iation urill 
satisfy them. The happy moment then has arrived, uSe it prudently 
and promptly, and you serve the Cherokees, the cause of humanity, and 
save the country from a war of massacre and desolation. 

**My dear sir, let us examine this subject calmly, let us suppose 
that the Indians overrun the whole country and take possession of it 
for the present as far as the Rio Grande and drive out and massacre 
all the honest inhabitants, what will they gain? What kind of a gov- 
ernment will they establish? How will they sustain themselves? You 


know the Indians well enough to know that so many different tribes 
and habits and languages cannot be organized into anything like a 
regular government, or government of any kind, and would not long 
agree among themselves. When the Spaniards and Americans are 
driven out and there is no common enemy to contend with, they wotUd 
fight amongst themselves, and nothing but confusion and massacre and 
plunder would be the consequence. As to the miserable Americans 
who might remain and form a part of such a combination, they would 
be too insignificant both as to character, or property, or numbers to 
effect anything or to have or deserve to have any influence in any way. 
All would be Indian. But admitting you succeed this far and get pos- 
session of the country temporarily, how are you to keep possession? 

"The Mexican nation has force to subdue you, and even admitting 
they had not, she can procure it from the United States of the North, 
for both Nations would unite in crushing a common enemy to both, and 
annihilating so dangerous and troublesome a neighbor as a large com- 
bination of Indians would be. But admitting the government of the 
United States would not furnish troops, and this government could 
not subdue the country, they would cede it to the United States, were 
it for no other reason than to get rid of such neighbors ; and the United 
States would soon sweep the country of Indians and drive them as they 
always have driven them to ruin and extermination. So that admit- 
ting this madness, this independence, succeeds to its full extent, the 
parties concerned have nothing but ruin in prospect, and will either 
cause the country to be desolated, or throw it into the hands of the 
United States, and in either case the Indians are lost, past redemption 
to it. 

"It is reported on the best authority that this government has al- 
ready ceded this country to the Ulnited States. The report comes from 
the East and the West. Now, then, is the happy moment in the tide of 
Cherokee fortunes, get titles for them from this government before the 
treaty is ratified, and they are safe; delay it with the delusive hope of 
taking the country, and they are lost. You know the government of 
the United States and its policy as respects lands and Indians. 

"I write you freely and frankly, as a true friend of the Cherokees 
and of virtue and justice. Refiect on these matters. They now have 
a friend in me who can and will serve them, if they take the legal 
course. They fww can bring their affairs to a happy issue, or they can 
ruin themselves, the American population, and the country. 

"As respects the Edwardses they have been deceived or are deceiv- 
ing themselves as to my feelings towards them, and the letters of the 
chief of department and commandant of arms to Hayden Edwards 
ought to be suflScient to prove to them that I have, at least, done noth- 
ing against them. This government have by those letters offered a 
complete and full and unequivocal oblivion as to the occurrences at 
Nacogdoches since the commencement of these last disturbances, pro- 
vided they now cease. This places Edwards and the others on the same 
ground they occupied before this affair. Also the door is open for a 
new hearing, as if you please, a hearing in full (supposing none to have 
been heretofore had) as to the affairs of his colony and everything con- 
nected with his acts since he came to the country. 


**The personal security of all concerned is guaranteed expressly by 
the chief in his letters, while these matters (whose origin was previous 
to the last disturbances) are under investigation; and as to the union 
and acts of the party at Nacogdoches, there will be no investigation of 
any kind, for the general oblivion settles all that forever as respects the 
government. The door is therefore thrown open without reserve for 
all to come forward freely and under the guarantee of their personal 
security to present their complaints to the tribunals of justice, be those 
complaints of whatsoever nature. Edwards can have an opportunity 
of showing that the information given against him by the local authority 
of Nacogdoches was false, and that the government has been deceived 
by those subordinate officers, and if he proves this, justice and equity 
and honor will at once say that if injustice has been done to him by a 
hasty decision, that decision should be reversed. The way is now per- 
fectly clear for you all to embrace this favourable aspect of things with 
the promptness and moderation you ought to do, and all your affairs 
will end well; take an obstinate stand, and ask too much, and you are 
all lost, for the Americans tvill not uphold any party contrary to jus- 
tice, law, and reason. This colony is now united to a man and ready to 
march under the banners of the nation to sustain the government. What 
will they do if these pacific and benevolent measures on the part of 
their government are not met with the respect and promptness by the 
opposing party which they so justly merit t 

**As to myself I am your friend, so far as my duty to this govern- 
ment and to the cause of justice will permit. Beyond this I am your 
open enemy, and so is every man of honor in the country. 

**The chief expressly states in his proclamation to the citizens that 
his object in visiting this part of the country is to hear the complaints 
that may exist against the local authorities of Nacogdoches, and I can 
assure you that those complaints will be heard and those authorities 
dealt by as the law prescribes, if the proper steps are taken. 

**Come, therefore, and bring the Cherokee chiefs and the Edwardses 
and see the chief of department and commandant of arms. Gome 
quietly and without hesitation, I pledge myself, and this colony will 
sustain the pledge, that your personal . security shall be sacred if you 
come in that frank and respectful manner which is due to the authori- 
ties of government. 

**Let me hear from you, but let it be with frankness. The road to 
peace and happiness is now opened — look at it and the happy prospects 
it leads to, and look at the road that leads to rebellion and civil and 
Indian war, and its results, and make your election. 

** Yours respectfully, 

** Stephen F. Austin." 

■ Finally, on January 24, Austin wrote directly to the Cherokees^ 
urging them to withdraw from the unwise alliance with Edwards: 

'*To My Friends and Brothers, the Chiefs and Warriors of the Chera- 
kees Living in Texas: 
**This will be delivered to you by two of your old friends and 


brothers, John Cummings and William Robbins. They will tell you 
the truth, listen to their council and follow it. 

*'My brothers, I fear you have been deceived by bad men who wish 
to make use of you to fight their battles, they will ruin you and your 
people if you follow their council. The Governor wrote to you and 
sent on Judge Ellis of Huntsville, Alabama, and Mr. James Cummings 
from the Colorado, and James Kerr from the Guadalupe to see you at 
Nacogdoches and tell you the truth. But I fear John D. Hunter has 
concealed the letters and the truth from you, for he and Edwards 
would not suffer those men to talk with the Indians. I therefore 
now send you copies of the same letters that were sent by the Gov- 
ernor and delivered to Hunter, which he promised to send to you im- 
mediately. By those letters you will see that government have never 
had any intention to break the promises made to you, and that they 
are ready to comply with them provided you do your duty as good 

'*My brothers, why is it that you wish to fight your old friends and 
brothers, the Americans. Gbd forbid that we should ever shed each 
other's blood. No, let us always be friends, and always live in peace 
and harmony. The Americans of this colony, the Guadalupe and Trin- 
ity are all united to a man in favor of the Mexican government, and will 
fight to defend it. We will fight those foolish men who have raised 
the fiag at Nacogdoches; we will fight any people on earth who are 
opposed to the Mexican government, and we are all united as one man. 
The bad men who have been trying to mislead you have told you 
that we would all join. This is not true ; not one of us will join them. 
Those bad men have told you that Americans would come on from the 
United States and join them; this is not true. A few runaways and 
vagabonds who cannot live in their own country may join them, but 
no others. The American government will not permit such a thing, and 
if the government asks, it will send troops to aid us. 

**Why do you wish to fight the Mexicans, they have done you no 
wrong; you have lived in peace and quietness in their territory, and 
government have never refused to comply with their promises, pro- 
vided you do your duty as good men. What then, is it you ask for or 
what do you expect to gain by war? 

**My brothers, refiect on your situation, you are on the brink of a 
dreadful precipice. The Cherokees are a civilized and honorable people, 
and will you unit© yourselves with wild savages to murder and plunder 
helpless women and children ? Will you unite yourselves with bad men 
of any nation to fight and plunder peaceable inhabitants? No, my 
friends, I know you will not. Bad men have tried to make you believe 
that the Mexican government has neglected you, and you have for this 
reason complained, but, my friends, those bad men have deceived you. 
The government have a great deal to do, the government is new, and 
it requires much time and attention to regulate all its different 
branches; and this may have delayed your business, but is no proof 
that it would never be done. Open your eyes to your true interests, 
drive away those bad men who wish to lead you into ruin and crime. 
With Gumming and Robbins see the Governor, and your true friends, 
and all will be right. 


^'My brothers, Edwards is deceiving you. He once threatened to 
take your land from you, and would have done it if he could, but he 
had no right to interfere with you. The government gave him no right 
to disturb you, and he is the only man who has ever attempted to mo- 
lest you, and now he pretends to be your friend and wants you to 
fight his battles and ruin yourselves. Will you suffer such a man to 
deceive you? The government annulled his contract because he waa 
trying to take away land from those who were settled before he went 
there; he tried to take away your lands, but the government stopped 
him and defended and protected your rights, as well as the rights of 
the whites, and will you fight for such a man and turn against the 
government that has protected you from his attempts to ruin youf No, 
my friends, you will not; you have been deceived by him, leave him 
and come and see the Governor and hear the truth. 

** Stephen F. Austin, 

* ' San Felipe de Austin, 24 Jan., 1827. ' ' 

Austin spoke truly in saying that the older colonies were united 
against the Fredonian movement. Many municipalities and villages 
adopted resolutions, expressing their loyalty to the government. A 
few will suffice to show the temper of all. The following resolutions 
were unanimously adopted by a meeting of the citizens of Mina, Aus- 
tin's Colony, on the 4th of January, 1827: 

* * 1st. We unanimously declare our firm resolution to support the 
Mexican Constitution and the Constitution of the State of Coahuila 
and Texas. 

**2d. We feel deeply incensed at the conduct of those Americana 
at Nacogdoches who have openly raised the standard of Rebellion 
against the (Jovernment, and offer our services unanimously to sup- 
press it. 

**3d. We would wish the Government to understand clearly and 
distinctly that those traitors at Nacogdoches, at least the leading men 
are of infamous character, who have been obliged to fly from the United 
States for murder and other crimes committed there. 

.**4th. We likewise from the personal attachment we feel towards 
the Governor as the chief executive officer of our state wish him every 
success, and that he may be able to quell in a short time the insurrec- 
tion, and restore peace and harmony to the people." 

A committee consisting of William Kincheloe, William Selkirks and 
Isaac Philips, was appointed to present the resolutions to the Political 
Chief. The proceedings were signed, Thos. M. Duke, Alcalde. 

Two days later the inhabitants of San Felipe and the surrounding 
country declared that ''they view the attempt of the Nacogdoches party 
to declare independence and call in the aid of Indians to wage war 
against the peaceful inhabitants of Texas with the most decided disap- 
probation and are ready to rally round the standard of the Mexican 
Nation and sustain its government and authority by force of arms when- 
ever called upon. 

**The inhabitants frankly and freely declare that they are satisfied 
with the government of their adoption, that they are gratified [grateful] 
for the favors they have received from it, and have full reliance on its 


justice and magnanimity, and that they will take up arms in its defence 
whenever necessary to do so. 

** With the greatest pleasure they receive the chief of this department 
and commandant of arms and respectfully present to those distinguished 
officers their most sincere welcome and congratulations on their arrival 
in this colony, and through them to the superior government the assurance 
of our firmness and patriotism in defence of the liberty, honor, and rights 
of the Mexican Nation to which we have the honor to belong. 

''Resolved by this meeting, that this declaration be signed by the 
Alcalde in the name and in behalf of the inhabitants of this District and 
that two persons be appointed a committee to present one copy of them 
to the Chief of Department and another to Col. Mateo Ahumada, the 
commandant of arms of this Department of Texas. Done in the town 
of San Felipe de Austin, this 6th day of January, 1827. 

**M. M. Battle, Alcalde. 
**DoN Jose Antonia Saucedo, Chief of Department." 

On January 7, Captain George Orr of the Atascosito district wrote 
Austin : 

*'We are alarmed and quite uneasy from reports flying about the 
country respecting the transactions going on at Nacogdoches — so much 
so that I have determined to send an express to you to get information 
and advice concerning them. We understand that a considerable force 
is embodied at Nacogdoches, that Hayden Edwards is of the party, that 
they have hoisted the American standard, and are plundering and con- 
fiscating the property of such as do not join them, we have intimations 
also that they intend moving this way or sending a detachment to rege- 
late us. We are entirely ignorant of their ultimate design or of the 
cause of their thus doing or of the principles upon which they are guided, 
or rather, as I should think, misguided. For my part, I acknowledge 
allegiance to the legitimate Mexican authorities and no others, and such 
I believe is the sentiment of the inhabitants of this district. I request of 
you under these circumstances such information and advice as you may 
conceive it proper and expedient to entrust to me respecting the causes 
of this revolt, their objects and principles, what course government is. 
pursuing or will pursue with respect to them, and what in your opinion 
it will be proper for the well disposed inhabitants of this district to do. 
Whatever you shall please to communicate you can if you please commu- 
nicate in confidence, or to be made public, and your injunctions shall be 
strictly observed in that respect. The bearer of this, Mr. Robert Berry,. 

will receive your answer. 

**I am very Respectfully Your obt. Svt., 

** George Obr. 

''To Col. Stephen F, Austin, San Felipe de Austin, 

*'P. S. Please to be full and explicit, and from time to time as you 
may have opportunity or necessity may require, send me information.*^ 

Finally, at a meeting of the inhabitants of Colonel DeWitt's Colony, 
held at DeWitt's Station, on the Lavaca, Sabine River, the foUowing^ 
resolutions were unanimously adopted: 


**That the people of DeWitt's colony, at the establishment on the 
Lavaca, notice having been given for that purpose [met]. Mr. Byrd 
Lockhart was called to the chair, and James Norton, Esq., was chosen 
secretary, when the following resolutions were read and unanimously 

' ' 1st. That the people of the Colony came to, and settled in the Mexi- 
can Nation, by the benign influence of her laws ; that as adopted children 
they have full confidence and faith in the equity, justice, and liberality in 
the Federal and State Governments of their new parent. 

* * 2d. That their great object in leaving their parent country and 
emigrating hither was not for the purpose of unsheathing the sword of 
insurrection, war, bloodshed, and desolation, but as peaceable and indus- 
trious subjects; to cultivate and inhabit the bounteous domain so liber- 
ally extended and offered them by the governors of the land of their 

''3d. That we hope that the Mexican Nation will draw a just line 
of distinction between the honest, industrious and peaceable American 
emigrants, and those of bad character, whom we consider refugees and 
fugitives from justice, who have raised the flag of 'Independence' at 
Nacogdoches, but with them have spread confusion, robberies, oppres- 
sions, and bloodshed: that we look upon the ring-leaders of that party 
with contempt and disgust, and that they are unworthy the character of 

''4th. That we pledge our lives and our fortunes to support and 
protect the constitutional authorities of this, our much beloved and 
adopted country. 

* ' 5th. That we feel every sentiment of gratitude towards our fellow- 
citizens and brothers, His Excellency the Political Chief, and the officers 
and men with him for their indefatigable exertions, by forced marches, 
etc., to allay, suppress, and bring to condign punishment those persons 
who may be found guilty of treason against this government, and to 
establish subordination, good order, and tranquillity. 

' ' 6th. Resolved, that the chairman and secretary sign the foregoing 
resolutions, and transmit the same to Colonel Stephen F. Austin, and 
that he be requested to translate them, and submit them to His Excel- 
lency the Political Chief. 

"Done at the Lavaca Station in DeWitt's colony this 27th day of 
January, 1827. 

*'Bybd Lockhart, Chairman, 
''Jambs Norton, Secretary/' 

On the receipt of the news of Edwards's movements at San Antonio 
de Bexar, the capital of the department of Texas, the Political Chief at 
once adopted measures to put down the revolt. Colonel Ahumada, the 
commandant at Bexar, was ordered to march to the seat of war with as 
little delay as practicable. At the same time, the chief issued an order 
to Colonel Austin, to raise such a force of the militia of his colony as he 
could speedily collect, to act with the national troops, who would join 
him in San Felipe de Austin. Austin, in obedience to this order, called 
together a respectable number of his colonists ; but, at the same time de- 
spatched commissioners to Nacogdoches to confer with Edwards, and, if 


possible, get him to desist. But Edwards would not consent, saying that 
he was able to maintain the position he had taken. On the return of the 
commissioners, Captain William S. Hall, one of them, reported to Col. 
Austin the result of this mission, which was, that they had been unable 
to effect anything satisfactory ; that Edwards had but a small force, which 
the commissioners, from information and observation, were of opinion 
he would not be able to raise to any considerable number. 

Early in January, 1827, Colonel Ahumada and his forces arrived in 
San Felipe de Austin, where they remained a few days to rest and re- 
fresh themselves, eis they had had a fatiguing march, the road being 
heavy from recent rains. On their arrival they found Austin in readiness 
with a respectable force of colonists. 

All things being ready, in a few days they took up the line of march 
in all the pomp, pride, and circumstance of war. The Mexican soldiers 
were well dressed in military uniforms, which contrasted strikingly with 
the dress of the hardy pioneers of the colony, which was composed of 
buckskin, cottonade, and linsey-woolsey, and head-gear to match. The 
colonists had managed to get an old four-pounder gun, the balls for 
which were manufactured by the blacksmith of the town, David Car- 
penter, and were neither round nor square. On the second day of the 
march, in firing the morning gun, the four-pounder lost some six or eight 
inches from one side of her muzzle. Notwithstanding, she Was kept several 
years, and dubbed * * Marley Waller, ' ' in honor of the gentleman of that 
name, who had charge of her. Fortunately no one was injured by this 
accident, and all moved forward in high spirits. 

On the march they were joined by settlers on the Trinity and San 
Jacinto. After a fatiguing march, on account of rains and the state of 
the road, when near Nacogdoches, they were met by a courier who in- 
formed them that Edwards had disbanded his troops and evacuated the 
place, which they entered in triumph, with the honors of a bloodless 

The inhabitants of the town and surrounding country, that is, such 
as had joined Edwards, by the influence of Colonel Austin, were assured 
that they had nothing lo fear from the government ; that they should go 
to their homes and pursue their ordinary occupations as if nothing had 
happened, and in due time should be put in possession of their lands. 

Of those who had joined in the revolt, we will mention three who 
had been conspicuous, — Colonel Martin Parmer, the ** Ring-tailed Pan- 
ther, ' ' Major John S. Roberts, and Captain Francis Adams. The first 
followed his leader and did not return to Texas until 1831; the two 
latter remained and took an active part in our struggle for our rights 
and independence. 

It is due to Colonel Austin and his settlers, and those of Colonel De 
Witt, as well as those on the lower Trinity, to say that they not only 
disapproved of the conduct of the Fredonians, but turned out and joined 
the Mexican force sent against them. 

Whatever may be said in favor of Edwards's course, it is clear and 
undeniable, that his acts, in the first place, were only in part authorized 
by law or his contract ; that the decree of the governor of the state, while 
hasty arid unjust, was still based on official reports of subordinate officers, 
hence, he felt it to be his duty to annul the contract, and order him to 

Vol. 1—4 


leave the territory of the Republic; but at the same time he informed 
Edwards, if he felt grieved, that he could lay his case before the federal 
authorities, but must first leave the country. Here was offered an oppor- 
tunity to Edwards to place himself right, and in not doing so he placed 
himself clearly in the wrong. 

In the second place, after he had raised the standard of revolt and 
formed an alliance with the Cherokee Indians, the olive branch was held 
out to him, for on the arrival of the chief of the department of Texas, 
and Colonel Ahumada and his troops at San Felipe de Austin, Colonel 
Austin interposed in behalf of these misguided men. The chief, acting 
upon the advice of Colonel Austin, issued a proclamation of free pardon 
to all who had participated in the revolt and would suDmit to the laws 
and constituted authorities of the state. To Edwards he offered a hearing 
before the proper authorities of the state when he would have an oppor- 
tunity of proving the malversations of Sepulveda and Norris, his accusers. 
This offer was neglected, and he pursued his evil course. These facts 
leave no excuse, or color of excuse, for rebelling against the government, 
and still less for the league which he entered into with Indians. 

In concluding this important affair, unfortunate for Edwards and 
unfortunate for the colonists, as subsequent events prove, we append the 
opinion of two distinguished citizens. David G. Burnet said, ''It was 
quite inevitable, without supposing Austin an infatuated visionary, which 
he was not, that he should promptly unite with his lawful chief in sup- 
pressing an insurrection so wild and impracticable." James H. Bell said: 
''This Fredonian disturbance has been little understood, and when the 
details of it are made known it will be seen that the movement could lay 
no just claim to be considered as an honorable and praiseworthy effort 
in the cause of freedom and right, and that Austin's course in respect to 
it was the only one that a man of sense and honor could pursue." 



GOVERNMENT, 1827-1831 

In March, 1827, the constituent congress of Coahuila and Texas com- 
pleted the State constitution. The two provinces had been united by a 
federal decree of May 7, 1824, and the state congress had been in session 
since August of that year. Besides adopting the constitution it had 
exercised during its session, the legislative power, and many important 
laws, including the colonization law of the state, had been passed. The 
Baron de Bastrop represented Texas in this body, and the Texans during 
part of the session had private agents at Saltillo to watch the progress of 
the constitution and try to safe-g^ard the interests of Texas by influeno- 
ing the deputies. 

The constitution divided the powers of government into the familiar 
legislative, executive and judicial departments. The legislature, or con- 
gress, was composed of one house, and until 1832 the number of deputies 
was fixed at the maximum of twelve. After that time congress might 
increase its members on the basis of one representative for each one 
thousand souls, reapportionment being made every ten years. Deputies 
were elected for two years. They must be twenty-five years of age, and 
foreign born citizens were required to have resided in the republic for 
eight years and to have a property qualification of eight thousand dollars, 
or income of one thousand dollars a year. Congress was required to meet 
every year on the first of January; and every alternate year, following 
a state election, a second session was held in September. The January 
session lasted four months, and the September session was limited to 
thirty days. Deputies were to receive such compensation as the preceding 
congress fixed, and for the first deputies who should convene under the 
constitution the salary was placed at a hundred pesos a month, with mile- 
age of ten reales (a dollar and a quarter) a league, going and returning. 
The powers of congress were enumerated, and covered those functions 
usually possessed by legislative bodies in the United States. It is 
worthy of note that the deputies were enjoined by the constitution to 
''promote and encourage public knowledge and education by laws, and 
the progress of the sciences, arts, and useful establishments, removing 
the obstacles that retarded such commendable objects.'' 

Laws were subject to the veto of the governor, but could be passed 
over his veto by a two-thirds vote. The method of veto was somewhat 
different from that which obtains in Anglo-American assemblies. The 
governor first discussed the bill with his council, of which something 
will be said later, and returned it to the house with his objections. At 
the same time he sent with it, to represent him in the debate which was 
to follow, a public speaker to argue against its passage. If, however, two- 



thirds of the deputies present so voted, it was passed, and the governor 
was required to promulgate it forthwith. 

During its recesses congress was represented by four members chosen 
for that purpose, called the ** permanent deputation." The duties of 
this body were declared to be: (1) '*To watch over the observance of 
the constitutive act, constitution and general laws of the union, and the 
private laws of the state, in order to give notice to congress of the viola- 
tions it may have noticed." (2) To convoke extra sessions of congress 
when needed. (3) To act as a credentials committee and install new 
deputies after an election. (4) To organize a new session of congress 
and to administer the oath of office. (5) In cases of emergency the per- 
manent deputation might exercise the legislative power, reporting its acts 
to the congress at its next meeting. 

The governor exercised the usual executive functions. He must be 
a native of Mexico, and must be thirty-five years old. His term of office 
was four years, and he could not be re-elected to succeed himself. In the 
exercise of his duties he was assisted by an executive council of three 
members. He was required by the constitution to consult the council in 
certain matters, as in the veto of a law, for example, and he might ask its 
advice in other matters, though there was apparently no obligation upon 
him to follow the advice given. The executive council co-operated with 
the permanent deputation in calling extra sessions of congress. It was 
presided over by the vice-governor. This official had even less to do in 
the government than does the lieutenant-governor under our present con- 
stitution. He was ex officio political chief of the department in which 
the state capital was located, but apparently he did not necessarily exer- 
cise his privilege in this respect ; and he could also preside over the ses- 
sions of the executive council, but in this he had no vote except in case 
of a tie. His only real function was to act in place of the governor, in 
case of the latter 's incapacity. 

The judicial system was vaguely treated in the constitution. Certain 
local officials had minor jurisdiction, and there was a supreme court 
which sat at the capital with appellate jurisdiction. Defendants in 
criminal cases who were required to give information concerning their 
own actions should do so without oath; ** torture and compulsion shall 
never be used;" and **one of the main objects of attention of congress 
shall be to establish the trial by jury in criminal cases, to extend the same 
gradually, and even to adopt it in civil cases in proportion as the advan- 
tages of this valuable institution become practically known." In con- 
formity with this injunction congress passed a judiciary act on April 17, 
1834, extending trial by jury to both civil and criminal cases and more 
clearly defining the judicial system. A comwario and a ** judge of first 
instance," or ''primary judge," corresponded generally to the present 
justice of the peace and county judge, respectively; and the state was 
divided into three judicial districts, with a district judge in each. The 
whole state was ''formed into one judicial circuit," "denominated the 
Superior Judicial Court of Texas, ' ' and it was declared that ' ' The Supe- 
rior Court shall be composed of one superior judge, one secretary, and 
one sheriff, for each judicial district." The superior court was to open 
its sessions at Bexar on the first Monday of January, April, and August ; 


at San Felipe on the first Monday of February, May, and September; 
and at Nacogdoches on the first Monday of March, June, and October. 

The system never went fully into operation, because of the approach 
of the Revolution, and such contemporary references as we have to the 
courts leave the form of the superior court in uncertainty. From the 
terms of the law just quoted it seems plain that the court was to be com- 
posed of at least three justices, one from each district. But David Q. 
Burnet, who was appointed district judge for the San Felipe, or Brazos 
district, wrote in 1859 that ** Thomas J. Chambers was appointed Superior 
Judge. . . . The Superior Court was never organized. . . . The 
District Judge held his regular sessions at San Felipe for three or four 
consecutive terms, and disposed of many cases without a let or molesta- 
tion. The Superior Judge has received thirty leagues of land for his 
judicial services. The District Judge has received literally nothing — 
no land, and not money enough (a few perquisites) to defray his traveling 
expenses. ' ' 

Superior judges were to be appointed by congress on nomination of 
the governor; they held office during good behavior; and were entitled 
to a salary of three thousand dollars a year. Court proceedings might 
be carried on in both the English and the Spanish languages. Eight 
jury men out of twelve were sufficient for a verdict. The law probably 
reflects the influence of the Texans in the state congress. Burnet says 
that Chambers was in attendance when the law was passed, and suggests 
that he may have had a hand in framing it. 

For local administration the constitution divided Coahuila and Texas 
into three departments, all Texas constituting the Department of Bexar, 
with its capital at San Antonio. Over this department a political chief 
presided. He was nomiaated by the local municipalities and appointed by 
the governor, for a term of four years. His salary was eight hundred 
dollars, and he had an allowance of four hundred dollars for clerk hire 
and other office expenses. He was the principal executive officer of his 
department, responsible for its tranquillity and good order. All laws and 
instructions from the superior authorities had to be promulgated by him, 
and he was the medium through which the citizens communicated with 
the government. 

In January, 1831, the eastern part of Texas was erected into the sepa- 
rate department of Nacogdoches, with its capital at that town. The 
western boundary was defined as beginning '*at Bolivar Point on Gal- 
veston Bay; thence running northwesterly to stiike between the San 
Jacinto and Trinity Rivers, following the dividing ridge between the 
said rivers to the head waters of the San Jacinto; thence following 
the dividing ridge between the Brazos and Trinity to the head waters 
of the latter, and terminating north of the source of the said Trinity 
upon Red River." Again, in March, 1834, the department of Brazos 
was created between the departments of Bexar and Nacogdoches, the line 
between the department of the Brazos and that of Bexar being in general 
the Lavaca and Guadalupe Rivers. These changes were ia the interest 
of the Anglo-American colonists, and gave them a greater share in the 
local administration than they had previously enjoyed. Each depart- 
ment, of course, had a political chief of its own. 

The departments were divided in turn into municipalities, each 


municipality consisting of a town, or village, and an indefinite area of 
the country surrounding it. The government of the municipality was 
vested in a board, called the ayuntamiento, and elected by the citizens of 
the municipality. The presiding officer was the alcalde, corresponding 
fairly closely to the mayor of a modem town. Other members of the 
board were two or more regidores, the number depending on the popular 
tion of the municipality, and a sindico procurador. The regidores were 
the modem ward aldermen, and the sindico was the city recorder. The 
alcalde was the official head of the municipality, and received from the 
political chief all public documents to be promulgated in the community. 
He had minor judicial power, but this was apparently decreased through 
the creation of ** primary judges" by the judiciary laws of 1834. 

Municipal officers were elected by direct vote of the citizens, but state 
officers were elected by a complicated electoral process. Primaries were 
held in each precinct of a municipality for the choice of electors. Voting 
was viva voce, each vote being recorded by the tellers. The various pre- 
cinct registers were canvassed by the ayuntamiento, and reported to the 
political chief of the department by commissioners from each munici- 
pality. These commissioners, in the presence of the political chief, can- 
vassed the vote of the various municipalities, and determined the suc- 
cessful electoral candidates. Then the electors met at the capital of the 
department and selected representatives to the state congress, and voted 
for governor and vice-governor. The election of governor and vice- 
governor was not complete, of course, until the vote of all the electoral 
assemblies of the state was canvassed at the capital. In case no candi- 
date received a majority here, the election went into congress, where 
one of the two leading candidates was chosen. 

On the subject of public education the constitution spoke as f pllows : 
"In all the towns of the state a suitable number of primary schools 
shall be established, wherein shall be taught reading, writing, arithmetic, 
the catechism of the Christian religion, a brief and simple exposition of 
this constitution, and that of the republic, the rights and duties of men 
in society, and whatever else may conduce to the better education of 

'*The seminaries most required for affording the public means of in- 
struction in the sciences and arts useful to the state; and wherein the 
afore-mentioned constitution shall be fuUy explained, shall be established 
in suitable places. . 

'*The method of teaching shall be uniform throughout the state, and 
with this view . . . congress shall form a general plan of public 
education, and regulate by means of statutes and laws all that pertains 
to this most important object."^ 

In the summer of 1827 the Carankawas killed the families of Rose, 
Cavanaugh, Graves and Williams. On learning of this disaster Captain 
A. C. Buckner of the neighborhood of Bay Prairie, in which the above 
murders were committed, raised such force as he could at short notice, 
and started in pursuit of the Indians. When he had got within eighty or 
a hundred yards of the Colorado River, he sent forward one of his men, 
Moses Morrison, to ascertain whether the Indians were about the river. 

iTMb digest of the constitution was made by the editor; Johnson's manuBcript 
■implj presents without comment a complete copy of the constitution. 


Morrison crawled through the high grass to the bank of the river, where 
he heard the Indians talking, at the edge of the bank below ; to ascertain 
both their exact position and numbers, he put his head over the bank, 
but could not see their position nor ascertain their numbers, therefore 
he moved his body sufiSciently over to give him a full view. While in 
this position the bank gave way, being undermined by the washing of 
the water, and precipitated him into the midst of the Indians, with his 
rifle in hand. As he descended he hallowed in a voice stronger than 
polite, '^Here I come, d — you." So unexpected and sudden was Mor- 
rison's fall among them that in their fright they leaped into the river, 
thereby hoping to escape the danger that awaited them. Buckner, seeing 
Morrison disappear and hearing him halloo, marched forward with his 
men and opened fire on the Indians; Morrison, however, got the first 
shot at them. The Indians swam down the river where they had a canoe. 
Pursuit and an irregular firing was kept up, the Indians diving and 
swimming under water as long as they could, and then coming to the 
surface for air. Whenever a head appeared above the surface of the 
water a rifie was ready to speed the messenger of death. Ultimately two 
reached the canoe, east loose, and threw themselves fiat in the bottom. 
Fortunately for them, the wind sprang up and drove their canoe seaward, 
and soon out of reach of the pursuers. 

Moses Morrison was a true type of the frontiersmen — bold, fearless, 
kind and generous, and performed well his part in subduing the wilder- 
ness and driving back the savage. Captain Buckner was a true patriot 
and gallant soldier. He was killed in the battle of Velasco in 1832. Cap- 
tains A. C. Buckner and Robert Euykendall were minute men in the true 
sense of the word, and rendered the first settlers of Austin's colony good 
service. Whenever the Carankawas made an inroad on the settlement, 
they collected such force as they could and gave pursuit, and woe to the 
marauders that they encountered. 

This was the last fight the colonists had with the Carankawas. In the 
fall of the same year the colonists were greatly strengthened by immi- 
gration, and could muster a respectable force of fighting men. Colonel 
Austin determined to relieve his settlers from further raids of the 
Carankawas. Accordingly he raised a force of one hundred men, of 
whom Colonel Jared B. Groce, Sr., and thirty of his negroes formed a 
part. Austin was determined to exterminate or drive them beyond the 
American settlements. 

When near Goliad he was met by the priest of that place, who repre- 
sented to Austin that the Indians had placed themselves in his charge 
and care ; and that they desired to treat with him for peace, the priest 
pledging himself for their good behavior. Austin accepted the proposi- 
tion, and concluded a treaty. By the terms of the treaty they were not 
to come east of the San Antonio River. Whether or not they observed 
the treaty to the letter, they never after entered Austin's colony. 

These Indians occupied the coast country from Galveston to the San 
Antonio River. They lived principally on fish and oysters, and picked 
up such articles as were driven ashore from wrecked vessels. 

The opinion obtained among the whites that the Carankawas were 
cannibals; as it is still believed. This is an entire misconception. It 
is a custom among them, as with most of the American Indians, when at 


war with one of the different tribes, when they kill a brave to take out 
his heart and eat a small portion of it. This far and no further are 
they cannibals. A Mr. May, who was for several months a prisoner of 
the Carankawas, visited many of their encampments and made thor- 
ough examinations to satisfy himself whether they were cannibals, as 
was believed, and as he believed, but in no instances found a human 

In 1828, the state government of Goahuila and Texas being organized 
in all its departments, the laws were extended over the colonies. In De- 
cember, 1827, Thomas M. Duke was elected constitutional alcalde of the 
jurisdiction of Austin, and at the same time members of the ayuntamiento 
were installed, and entered upon their duties in January, 1828. 

Although the colonists were comparatively strong, they were subject 
to frequent Indian raids. Ind^d they had been so frequent that Colonel 
Austin ordered out two companies of militia, commanded by Captains 
Oliver Jones and Bartlet Sims, both subject to the orders of Captain 
Abner Kuykendall. At the same time, Colonel DeWitt ordered out a 
company of his militia, under command of Captain Henry S. Brown, to 
unite and act in concert with Austin's troops. 

The troops formed a junction at Gonzales, and marched for the 
river San Saba, where they were informed the Waco and Tehuacana 
Indians were encamped near its head. When near the point of destina- 
tion, however, they were discovered by Indian scouts, who immediately 
gave notice of the near approach of the Texans. The Indians made 
a precipitate retreat, leaving most of their camp equipage, dried meat, 
etc. Captain Sims, with his company, followed them, captured a number 
of their horses, but could not overtake the Indians. In this affair one 
Indian was killed and the camps destroyed. 

About this time (summer of 1829) or soon thereafter, Don Caspar 
Flores, of San Antonio de Bexar, raised a force of militia and marched 
upon the Waco and Tehuacana villages. 

In the winter of 1828-29 Thomas Thompson, of Colorado, near Bas- 
trop, discovered Indians in his cornfield, which was some distance from 
his house, taking his corn. He hastily collected such of his neighbors 
as he could and pursued the Indians. They overtook and killed four 
of them ; the others made good their escape. 

In December, 1828, Joseph White was elected constitutional alcalde 
of the Jurisdiction of Austin; and members of the ayuntamiento were 
elected. All entered upon their duties in 1829. 

In the latter part of the year 1829 Don Juan Antonio Padilla, who 
had been appointed commissioner to extend titles and put the inhab- 
itants east of Austin's colony in possession of their lands, accompanied 
by his surveyor, Thomas Jefferson Chambers, arrived at San Felipe de 
Austin, where they remained some time, and thence proceeded to Nacog- 
doches, where he established his ofl&ce and appointed surveyors for the 
rural districts. Soon after this, however, he was arrested and impris- 
oned in Nacogdoches on a false charge of murder. Thus, he was pre- 
vented from extending titles and giving the inhabitants possession of 
their lands. However, surveys were made for the settlers in the several 


In December of this year Thomas Bamet was elected constitutional 


alcalde of the Jurisdiction of Austin, and entered upon the duties of his 
oflSee in January, 1830. 

The year 1829 is important for an attempt which the government 
made to discourage immigration of Anglo-Americans to Texas. Reflec- 
tion upon the rapid westward expansion of the United States, in con- 
nection with President Adams's efforts to buy all or a part of Texas, 
convinced leading Mexicans of the danger of allowing immigrants from 
the North to overrun the province. Since most of the colonists came from 
the Southern States and owned slaves, it readily occurred to them that 
the exclusion of slavery from Texas would, on the one hand, check immi- 
gration, and, on the other, build up an institutional barrier against the 
neighboring South. General J. M. Tomel was the advocate of this policy 
in the federal congress, and twice he secured the passage through the 
senate of a bill which would have had the desired effect, but both times 
it failed in the lower house. Back of Tomel, apparently, was General 
Manuel Mier y Terin, commander of the Eastern Internal Provinces, 
and chief of the commission appointed to run the boundary between 
Texas and the United States. Failing to get his measure through con- 
gress, Tornel turned to President Vicente Guerrero, and, while the 
latter was temporarily invested with dictatorial power in the fall of 
1829, induced him to issue a decree freeing all the slaves in the Re- 
public of Mexico. 

Anti-slavery sentiment had been strong in Mexico since the libera- 
tion from Spain, and the first general colonization law, passed during the 
short reign of Iturbide, while permitting settlers to bpng in their own 
slaves, forbade the buying and selling of slaves in the empire, and pro- 
vided that the children of slaves bom in IMexico should become free at 
the age of fourteen. After the downfall of Iturbide, congress took up the 
matter again and passed a stringent law (July 13, 1824), against the 
slave trade. ** Commerce and traflSc in slaves," proceeding from any 
country were prohibited; and slaves introduced contrary to the tenor 
of this provision were declared **free in virtue of the mere act of tread- 
ing Mexican territory. ' ' There was some question as to whether the pro- 
vision of the law did not make illegal the further immigration of slaves 
with their masters. At the time, however, it was not so interpreted. The 
federal constitution, which was completed in October, 1824, did not 
mention slavery, and there were no more federal laws on the subject 
until the famous decree of April 6, 1830. The state constitution of Coa- 
huila and Texas, however, promulgated March 21, 1827, prohibited the 
further immigration of slaves after six months, and declared that chil- 
dren of slaves bom in the state should be free at birth.^ A law of Sep- 
tember 15 following required each municipality to make a list of the 
slaves in its jurisdiction, and to keep a register of the children born 
of slaves after the publication of the constitution, which should be re- 
ported to the governor every three months. This,, of course, was ex- 
pected to facilitate the enforcement of the constitutional provision. 
Shortly afterward (November 24, 1827), a decree was passed giving a 
slave the right to change his master, provided the new master would 
indemnify the old one. This was no doubt designed in the interest of 
the slave, but it can be readily seen that it afforded an easy means of 
evading the law against buying and selling slaves. We have no evidence 


concerning its operation, but nothing would have been simpler than for 
the two masters to come to a satisfactory agreement and then represent 
that the slave wished to change his master. 

The slave question was an intensely practical one in Texas, and 
settlers already in the province, as well as others who contemplated 
settling there, were deeply interested. Little free labor was to be had, 
and slaves were considered indispensable in breaking the wilderness. 
Austin had bestirred himself from the beginning to prevent the pro- 
hibition of slavery, and the recognition of the institution in Iturbide's 
colonization law was due entirely to his persistent and strenuous efforts. 
Again, in the state congress, it was the tireless activity of the Texans 
and of their agent in the capital which prevented the outright liberation 
by the constitution of the slaves already in the state. By 1828 members 
of the state congress were brought to see the practical side of the quesr 
tion, and a law of May 5 legalized contracts made in * ^foreign countries" 
between emigrants and '^the servants or day laborers or working men 
whom they introduce." The object of this law was palpably to enable 
colonists to continue to introduce slaves under the device of peonage con- 
tracts, and they were not slow to use it. Just before crossing the boun- 
dary an emigrant would visit a notary in the United States and have 
his slaves sign the necessary contract. The specimen printed in the note 
below makes it plain that their real status remained unchanged after 
this ceremony was completed.^ 

2 In the Town or county of State of in the 

United States of America on this day of personally came 

before me A B. a notary public (or judge or justice of the peace as the case may 
be) of the Town (or county) aforesaid C. D. and E. F., the latter a person of colour, 
and the said C. D. of the one part, and the said E. F. of the other part did make and 
agrde to the foUowing contract, that is to say — ^Whereas the said £. F. was bom and 

is by the laws of this State a Slave and as such has cost the said CD 

dollars (or is worth to him dollars). And whereas the said E. F. and 

his descendants for ever would be Slaves for life by the laws of this nation if thej 
are retained in it, but by the Constitution and laws of the state of Coahuila and Texas 
in Mexico the said E. F. and descendants will be free after his removal to said State 
of Coahuila and Texas and the said E. F. being desirous to accompany him voluntarily 
agrees to the following contract, that is to say: — The said C. D. on his part for and 
in consideration of the stipulations, obligations, and contract, voluntarily entered into 
by the said E. F. as herein after expressed, agrees to remove the said E. F. to said 
State of Coahuila and Texas in Mexico and he, the said E. F., on his part, in order 

to repay to said C. D. or to his representatives the above stated sum of 

dollars which is justly due him, and also to repay to said C. D. or his r^resentatives 
the cost of removing said E. F. to Austin's colony in the said state, and also in con- 
sideration of the benefits and privileges which said E. F. will be entitled to by the 
Constitution and laws of said state of Coahuila and Texas, and which neither he nor his 
descendants could have ever enjoyed except in consequence of his removal there by 
said C. D., and also in further consideration of the wages hereinafter mentioned, 
agrees and obligates himself faithfully to same said C. D. his heirs or representatives 
as a servant or laborer at the rate of twenty dollars per annum until his wages at 
that rate shall fully repay to said C. D. or to his representatives the said sum of 
dollars and also all other sums in which the said E. F. may be- 
come indebted to said C. D. for clothes or other things. 

And furthermore the said E. F. contracts and agrees with said C. D. to labor 
for and serve him or his assigns or representatives after the said term of service 
above stipulated shall have expired for a further term which shall continue during the 
life of said E. F. at the same rate of twenty dolls, pr annum on the condition that 
said C. D. shall be bound to furnish said E. F. a good and sufficient support in his 


It is doubtful whether Guerrero's emancipation decree would have 
affected negroes introduced under this device, since technically thejr 
were not slaves but corresponded to the peons of the Mexican haciendas. 
But the colonists were greatly alarmed and did not pause to draw a dis- 
tinction. Besides, there were probably a thousand slaves in the country 
who had been brought in before 1828, and these were unquestionably 
affected. The colonists were convinced that ruin stared them in the 
face, and first, in order to gain time, arranged with the various ayunta- 
mientos to delay the official publication of the decree, when it should 
arrive ; and then, as always when in trouble, they turned to Stephen F. 
Austin for direction. The following letter from Austin to John Durst 
of Nacogdoches shows how strongly Austin felt on the subject, as well 
as his plan of procedure to obtain relief : 

*'What the people of Texas have to do is to represent to the Qovem- 
ment through the Ayuntamientos or some other channel, in a very re- 
q>ectf ul manner that agreeable to the constitution, and the colonization 
laws, all their property is guaranteed to them without exceptions in the 
most solemn and sacred manner. That they brought their slave property 
into the country and have retained it here, under the faith of that guar- 
antee, and in consequence of a special invitation publicly given to emi- 
grants by the government in the colonization law to do so. That the 

old age after he becomes too infirm to labor, from which time said twenty dollars 
pr annum shaU cease, the said wages being always bound for any debts which said 
£. F. may contract with said C. D. for clothes or other things. 

And furthermore the said £. F. being desirous that his child (or children) should 
enjoy the benefits of the laws of said state of Goahuila and Texas and that he (or 
they) should be removed to the same b^ said G. D., therefore as parent and natural 
guardian, he, the said £. F., contracts and agrees with said C. D. that his child L. M. 

(or children naming them) now years of age, who by the laws of this 

country were and at this time are slaves and the property of said C. D., and as such 

have cost (or are worth to) him dollars, shall serve said C. D. or 

his representatives in the said state of Goahuila and Texas at. the same rates and for 
the same time and on the same conditions as herein contracted for said K F., which 
wages shall commence when said child (or children) are eighteen years of age, pro- 
vided that said G. D. shall be bound to remove said child (or children) to said state. 

And furthermore the said E. F., as the natural guardian of his children, con- 
tracts and agrees with said G. D. and his representatives that aU children which 
said £. F. may have in said state of Goahuila and Texas shaU serve said G. D. or his 
representatives as servants until they are twenty five years of age without any wages, 
being in consideration of the benefits they derive from the laws of that state in 
consequence of the removal of their parent E. F. there by said G. D., and which they 
never could have enjoyed unless it had been secured to them by this contract under 
which said G. D. was induced to remove said E. F. to said state of Goahuila and 
Texas, and after said term of twenty five years shall have expired, said children shall 
be bound to serve said G. D. or his representatives, at the rate of twenty dollars pr 
annum until all debts due by them to said G. D. or his representatives are paid, the 
said G. B. being bound to instruct said children in some useful branch of industry 
that will make them useful members of the community. 

And the said E. F. generally contracts and agrees with said G. D. faithfully to 
serve him or his representatives as a servant and laborer as above stated and to be 
obedient and submissive as a good and faithful servant should be, and faithfully to 
comply with this contract under the penalty of dollars. 

And the said G. D. on his part agrees to the conditions and stipulations of this 
contract as herein expressed. — From a manuscript draft in the Austin Papers. The 


sunstitution of the state expressly recognizes the right of property in 
slaves by allowing six months after its publication for their introdnction 
into the State. That they will defend it, and with it, their property. 

** There ought to be no vociferous and visionary excitement or noise 
about this matter. Our course is a very plain one — calm, de- 
liberate, dispassionate, inflexible, firmness; and not windy and 
ridiculous blowing and wild threats, and much less anything like oppo- 
sition to the Mexican Constitution ; nothing of this kind will do any good ; 
it will, in fact, be unjustifiable, and will never be approved of by me, 
but on the contrary opposed most decidedly. I will not violate my duty 
as a Mexican citizen. 

**The constitution must be both our shield, and our arms; under it, 
and with it, we must constitutionally defend ourselves and our prop- 
erty. ... 

**If he [the political chief of Bexar] should finally be compelled 
to publish and circulate it, the Ayuntamientos must then take an unani- 
mous, firm^ and constitutional stand. The people will unanimously sup- 
port them. 

**I know nothing of the men who compose the Ayuntamiento of 
Nacogdoches, if they are true patriots and true friends to themselves 
and to Texas, they will not suffer that decree to be published or circu- 
lated in that municipality and they will take the stand I have indicated 
or some other that will preserve the constitution, and our constitutional 
rights from open and direct violation. 

** These are my ideas on the matter. I have said the same to my 
friends in Bexar, and when the decree arrives oflScially (which it has 
not yet), I shall say the same to the Government. What I do in this 
matter will be done openly. Mexico has not within its whole dominions 
a man who would defend its independence, the union of its territory, 
and all its constitutional rights sooner than I would, or be more ready 
and willing to discharge his duties as a Mexican citizen ; one of the first 
and most sacred of those duties is to protect my constitutional rights^ 
and I will do it, so far as I am able. I am the owner of one slave only, 
an old decrepit woman, not worth much, but in this matter I should feel 
that my constitutional rights as a Mexican were just as much infringed,, 
as they would be if I had a thousand; it is the principle and not the 
amount: the latter makes the violation more aggravated, but not more 
illegal or unconstitutional.*' 

Partly through Austin's influence, and partly because he himself 
was convinced that the emancipation of the Texas slaves would be a 
disastrous blow to the province, the political chief of the department of 
Bexar (which then included all Texas) withheld the publication of the 
decree until he could memorialize the president for its withdrawal or 
modification. His petition was forwarded through the governor of the 
state, and that oflScial also addressed the president, urging relief. The 
arguments of these oflScials had the desired effect, and on December 2, 
1829, the governor was notified that the president had been pleased 
**to declare the department of Texas excepted" from the operation of 
the general decree. This reprieve was transmitted by the governor 
to the political chief at San Antonio, and by him it was forwarded to 


the various ayuntamientos and formally published in the usual manner. 
A copy is preserved in the Texas Gazette of January 30, 1830. 

The crisis thus passed, but it left scars in its wake. The colonists 
thought the decree a wanton interference with their rights of property, 
guaranteed by the constitution: and the Mexican authorities could not 
forget the threatening tone of colonial remonstrances. Austin's letter 
quoted above plainly suggests that the Texans might resist by force the 
execution of the decree, and the governor in his memorial thought that 
its enforcement might **draw upon the state some commotions." He 
did not wish to imply by this, he said, that the settlers were turbulent 
and insubordinate; in fact, he had nothing but proof to the contrary, 
but he thought that resistance could be easily inferred if one reflected 
upon the natural inclinations of man ''when, from one day to another, he 
is about to be ruined, as would result to many of them, whose whole 
fortune consists in their slaves. "^ 

The ill feeling engendered in the colonies by Guerrero's decree had 
not subsided before another decree was directed at Texas which threat- 
ened to stop entirely immigration from the United States. This was the 
law of April 6, 1830. Lucas Alaman, secretary of foreign relations, has 
been generally credited with the origination of this measure, and he 
seems, indeed, to have been the author of its most objectionable pro- 
visions, but the policy embodied in the decree as a whole was suggested 
by General Mier y Teran, military commander of the Eastern Internal 
Provinces, of which Texas formed a part. 

For a clear understanding of the law, it is necessary to review Teran 's 
connection with Texas during 1828 and 1829. He was commissioned by 
President Victoria in September, 1827, to proceed to East Texas for the 
purpose of surveying the boundary between Mexico and the United 
States; and at the same time he seems to have been instructed to make 
a careful inspection of the colonies and report his observations to the 
government. He arrived at San Antonio on March 10, 1828, and, after 
a leisurely progress through the colonies, he was at Nacogdoches in June. 
On the 30th of that month he wrote Victoria a long letter describing 
conditions around Nacogdoches and showing keen insight into the situa- 
tion there. The refusal of the United States to ratify the boundary 
treaty relieved Teran of any excuse for lingering in Texas, and in the 
fall of 1828 he betook himself to Matamoras. He was again in Texas 
during the spring of 1829, making observations and formulating plans 
for bringing the province more fully under federal control. In Septem- 
ber, 1829, he was appointed commander of the Eastern Provinces and 
thus became the superior military oflScer of Texas, in a positioin to urge 
his views upon the general government. In .December his friend Anas- 
tasio Bustamante unseated President Guerrero and placed himself in the 
presidential chair. Bustamante had been commander of the Eastern 
Provinces only a few months before, and was prepared, therefore, to 
give Ter&n's proposals a sympathetic hearing. Ter&n had, in fact, al- 
ready been authorized to strengthen the military establishments in 
Texas, but had failed to obtain the required troops. On January 6, 

> The section on Qnerrero 'b emancipation decree is inserted by the editor, and is 
drawn chiefly from Lester G. Bugbee 's excellent study of * * Slavery in Early Texas, ' ' 
published in Political Science Quarterly, Vol. XIII (189S). 



1830, through his aide, Lieutenant Constantino Tamava, whom he had 
sent to the capital for that purpose, he reiterated his request, and out- 
lined in detail his plan for preserving Texas to Mexico. This contem- 
plated both military and political measures. The military dispositions 
recommended were: ** (1) The removal to the Nueces of several com- 
panies now on the Rio Orande; (2) the establishment of a strong and 
permanent garrison at the main crossing of the Brazos River, that there 
may be an intermediate force in the unsettled region separating Nacog- 
doches and Bexar; (3) the reinforcement of the existing garrisons by 
filling the quota of infantry properly belonging to them; (4) the occu- 
pation and fortification of some point above Galveston Bay, and another 
at the mouth of the Brazos, for the purpose of controlling the colonies; 
(5) the organization of a mobile force equipped for sudden and rapid 
marches to a threatened point; (6) and, finally, the establishment of 
communications by sea between other Mexican ports and Texas." The 
political measures which he advised were: (1) The transportation of 
Mexican convicts to Texas, where ihey should serve their sentence and 
then settle; (2) **the encouragement by all legitimate means of the 
emigration of Mexican families to Texas; (3) the colonization of Texas 
with Swiss and German colonists, whose language and customs, being dif- 
ferent from those of our neighbors, will make less dangerous the proxim- 
ity of the latter; (4) the encouragement of coastwise trade, which is the 
only means by which close relations can be established between Texas 
and the other parts of the Republic, and by which this department, now 
so North American in spirit, may be nationalized." 

Counter-colonization of Texas by Mexicans and the establishment of 
coastwise trade Teran considered of supreme importance. Emigration 
of Mexican families thither should receive the constant attention of the 
government. *'It is a fact," he continued, **that Mexicans are little dis- 
posed to enterprises of this nature, but it is also a fact that the state 
governments have made no attempts in this direction. Whatever ob- 
stacles may be encountered must be overcome, but these measures involve 
the safety of the nation and the integrity of our territory Indeed, there 
is no choice of measures in this matter. Either the government occupies 
Texas now, or it is lost forever, for there can be no possibility of a 
reconquest when our base of operations would be three hundred leagues 
distant while our enemies would be carrying on the struggle close to their 
base and in possession of the sea. To stimulate this settlement of Mexi- 
can families the government should create a loan fund for the assistance 
of poor laborers, for the purpose of supplying them with agricultural 
implements, etc. It might perhaps be possible for the government to 
promote among Mexican capitalists some kind of an association for the 
development of these lands of Texas." Since the Mexican settlers would 
have no slaves, they would be at a disadvantage compared with the 
** North Americans," and to stimulate their zeal for agriculture the 
government ought to oflPer bounties for those who distinguished them- 

Through the lack of regular coasting trade by Mexican vessels north 
of Matamoras the colonists, said Terdn, were now "trading only with 
New Orleans. ' ' There they were compelled to pay duty on their cotton 


and other exports, when with proper coastwise trade they might just as 
easily ship to Tampico or Vera Cruz and thence to Europe. 

Teran's conviction that stringent measures were needed to save Texas 
to Mexico was probably strengthened by his knowledge that the United 
States was very anxious to extend its western boundary over Texas. 
The United States had, in fact, been trying since 1825 to obtain all or 
a part of the province by means of a boundary adjustment, which it 
was thought would be less objectionable to Mexican pride than an out- 
right offer of purchase. It was with the object of keeping the question 
open, the Mexicans thought, that the United States senate had failed to 
ratify the treaty of limits in 1828. 

A brief summary will suflSce to present the attitude of the United 
' States. On March 26, 1825, three weeks after the inauguration of Presi- 
dent John Quincy Adams, Henry Clay, then secretary of state, wrote to 
Joel B. Poinsett, our charge d 'affaires at Mexico, instructing him to feel 
the pulse of the Mexican government on the subject of a readjustment. 
Clay declared that the Sabine boundary was not altogether satisfac- 
tory, and suggested that Mexico might perhaps be induced to substi 
tute for it the Brazos, the Colorado, or even the Bio Orande. He wrote 
Poinsett that the president '' thought the present might be an auspicious 
period for urging a negotiation, at Mexico, to settle the boundary be- 
tween the territories of the two Bepublics." The success of the negotiar 
tion would probably be promoted, he said, by throwing into it motives 
not strictly belonging to the subject, so the United States was disposed to 
pay a reasonable pecuniary consideration for such a boundary as was 
desired. The line preferred would run up the Bio Grande and the Pecos 
to the source of the latter, thence north to the Arkansas, and along that 
river to the forty-second parallel, **and thence by that parallel to the 
South Sea." A less desirable line would ascend the Colorado to its 
source, and then proceed north to the Arkansas, as before. For the first 
line a maximum price of a million dollars might be offered, and for the 
second, five hundred thousand. The great size and frequency of grants 
of land by Mexico to citizens of the United States led the latter to think, 
he said, that Mexico did not value land as we did. Moreover, the emi- 
grants would carry with them our principles of law, liberty, and re- 
ligion; collisions might be expected, and those collisions would insensi- 
bly enlist the sympathies and feelings of the two republics and lead to 
misunderstandings. Thus a new boundary would prove mutually ad- 
vantageous. Two years later Martin Van Buren, for President Jackson, 
repeated these instructions in a modified form. The eagerness of the 
presidential desire for Texas is indicated by the shrinkage of the boun- 
dary to be asked for and the expansion of the price to be offered. The 
most preferable southern boundary would be **the desert or Grand 
Prairie" west of the Nueces. For this the minister might offer four 
million dollars, but the president's convictions of its great value to the 
United States were so strong that he would not object, if it should be 
found ''indispensably necessary, to go as high as five millions." Alter- 
nate proposals were authorized for the line of the Lavaca, the Colorado, 
or the Brazos Bivers, and a proportionate part of the four million dollars 
would be paid for it. The president was aware that the subject was a 
difficult one, but he hoped that the considerations to be advanced by 


Mr. Poinsett, pecuniary and otherwise, would enable him to accomplish 
the desired cession. Poinsett was recalled in October, and the same 
authority was extended to Anthony Butler, who, as charge d'aflfaires of 
the United States, succeeded him. It was probably known in Mexico 
that Butler's special mission would be to secure a cession of Texas, and 
the fact was bitterly resented. 

No Mexican statesman was better informed of the desires of the 
United States concerning Texas, or had less wish to see them accom- 
plished, than Lucas Alaman, the secretary of foreign relations. On Feb- 
ruary 8, 1830, therefore, soon after Butler's arrival in the City of 
Mexico, Alaman incorporated Teran's recommendations, with a few of 
his own ideas, in a report to congress and urged their enactment into 
law. In his argument he bitterly arraigned the greed of the United 
States for territory and their unscrupulous methods of getting it : * * The 
United States of the North have been going on successfully acquiring, 
without awakening public attention, all the territories adjoining theirs. 
They commence by introducing themselves into the territory 
which they covet, upon pretense of commercial negotiations, or of the 
establishment of colonies, with or without the assent of the government 
to which it belongs. These colonies grow, multiply, become the pre- 
dominant party in the population ; and as soon as a support is found in 
this manner, they begin to set up rights which it is impossible to sus- 
tain in a serious discussion, and to bring forward ridiculous preten- 
sions, founded upon historical facts which are . admitted by nobody. 
. These extravagant opinions are, for the first time, presented 
to the world by unknown writers; and the labor which is employed by 
others, in offering proofs and reasonings, is spent by them in repetitions 
and multiplied allegations, for the purpose of drawing the attention of 
their fellow-citizens, not upon the justice of the proposition, but upon 
the advantages and interests to be obtained or subserved by their ad- 

** Their machinations in the country they wish to acquire are then 
brought to light by the appearance of explorers, some of whom settle on 
the soil, alleging that their presence does not affect the question "of the 
right of sovereignty or possession to the land. These pioneers excite, 
by degrees, movements which disturb the political state of the country 
in dispute, and then follow discontents and dissatisfaction, calculated to 
fatigue the patience of the legitimate owner, and to diminish the use- 
fulness of the administration and of the exercise of authority. When 
things have come to this pass, which is precisely the present state of 
things in Texas, the diplomatic management commences. The inquietude 
they have excited in the territory in dispute, the interests of the col- 
onists therein established, the insurrection of adventurers, and savages 
instigated by them, and the pertinacity with which the opinion is set 
up as to their right of possession, become the subjects of notes, full of 
expressions of justice and moderation, until, with the aid of other inci- 
dents, which are never wanting in the course of diplomatic relations, the 
desired end is attained of concluding an arrangement as onerous for one 
party as it is advantageous to the other. Sometimes more direct means 
are resorted to ; and taking advantage of the enfeebled state, or domestic 
difficulties, of the possessor of the soil, they proceed, upon the most 


extraordinary pretexts, to make themfielves masters of the country, as 
was the case in the Floridas;. leaving the question to be decided after- 
wards as to the legality of the possession, which force alone could take 
from them. This conduct has given them the immense extent of country 
they occupy, and which they have acquired since their separation from 
England; and this is what they have set on foot with respect to Texas." 

Alaman then proceeded to outline the measures which he deemed 
necessary to preserve Texas to Mexico, and on April 6, 1830, congress 
enacted his proposals into law. The importance of this decree, and the 
further fact that no English translation exists in any of the histories of 
Texas, warrants its quotation here in full: 

''Article 1. Cotton goods excluded in the law of May 22, 1829, 
may be introduced through the ports of the Republic until January 1, 
1831, and through the ports of the South Sea until June 30, 1831. 

''Article 2. The duties received on the above-mentioned goods shall 
be used to maintain the integrity of Mexican territory, to form a reserve 
fund against the event of Spanish invasion, and to promote the develop- 
ment of national industries in the branch of cotton manufactures. 

"Article 3. The government is authorized to name one or more 
commissioners who shall visit the colonies of the frontier states and 
contract with the legislatures of said states for the purchase, in behalf 
of the federal government, of lands deemed suitable for the establish- 
ment of colonies of Mexicans and other nationalities; and the said com- 
missioners shall make with the existing colonies whatever arrangement 
seems expedient for the security of the Republic. The said commissioners 
shall supervise the introduction of new colonists and the fulfilling of 
their contracts for settlement, and shall ascertain to what extent the 
existing contracts have been completed. 

"Article 4. The chief executive is authorized to take such lands as 
are deemed suitable for fortifications or arsenals and for the new col- 
onies, indemnif3ring the states for the same, in proportion to their assess- 
ments due the federal government. 

"Article 5. The government is authorized to transport the convict- 
soldiers destined for Vera Cruz and other ports to the colonies, there to 
establish them as is deemed fit ; the government will furnish free trans- 
portation to the families of the soldiers, should they desire to go. 

"Article 6. The convict-soldiers shall be employed in constructing 
the fortifications, public works, and roads which the commissioners may 
deem necessary, and when the time of their imprisonment is terminated, 
if they should desire to remain as colonists, they shall be given lands 
and agricultural implements, and their provision shall be continued 
through the first year of their colonization. 

"Article 7. Mexican families who voluntarily express the desire 
to become colonists will be furnished transportation, maintained for one 
year, and assigned the best of agricultural lands. 

"Article 8. All the individuals above mentioned shall be subject to 
both the federal and state colonization laws. 

' * Article 9. The introduction of foreigners across the northern fron- 
tier is prohibited under any pretext whatever, unless the said foreigners 
are provided with a passport issued by the agents of this Republic at 
the point whence the said foreigners set out. 

▼d. 1—8 



** Article 10. No change shall be made with respect to the slaves now 
in the states, but the federal government and the government of each 
state shall most strictly enforce the colonization laws and prevent the 
further introduction of slaves. 

** Article 11. In accordance with the right reserved by the general 
congress in the seventh article of the Law of August 18, 1824, it is pro- 
hibited that emigrants from nations bordering on this Republic shall 
settle in the states or territories adjacent to their own nation. Conse- 
quently, all contracts not already completed and not in harmony with 
this law are suspended. 

"Article 12. Coastwise trade shall be free to all foreigners for the 
term of four years, with the object of turning colonial trade to the ports 
of Matamoras, Tampico, and Vera Cruz. 

"Article 13. Frame houses and all classes of foreign food products 
may be introduced through the ports of Galveston and Matagorda, free 
of duty, for a period of two years. 

"Article 14. The government is authorized to expend five hundred 
thousand dollars (pesos) in the construction of fortifications and settle- 
ments on the frontier, in the transportation of the convict-soldiers and 
Mexican families to same, and their maintenance for one year, on agri- 
cultural implements, on expenses of the commissioners, on the transpor- 
tation of troops, on* premiums to such farmers among the colonists as 
may distinguish themselves in agriculture, and on all the other expedi- 
ents conducive to progress and security as set forth in the foregoing 

"Article 15. To obtain at once one-half of the above sum the gov- 
ernment is authorized to negotiate a loan on the customs proceeds which 
will be derived from the ordinary classes of cotton goods, said loan 
to pay a premium of three per cent monthly, payable at the expiration 
of the periods fixed in the tariff's schedule. 

"Article 16. One-twentieth of the said customs receipts shall be 
used in the promotion of cotton manufactures, such as in the purchase 
of machines and looms, small sums being set aside for the installing of 
the machinery, and any other purpose that the government shall deem 
necessary; the government shall apportion' these funds to the states 
having this form of industry. The said funds shall be under the con- 
trol of the Minister of Relations for the purpose of promoting indus- 
tries of such importance. 

"Article 17. Also three hundred thousand dollars (pesos) of the 
above-mentioned customs receipts shall be set aside as a reserve fund on 
deposit in the treasury, under the strict responsibility of the govern- 
ment, which shall have power to use the same only in case of a Spanish 

"Article 18. The government shall regulate the establishment of 
the new colonies, and shall present to Congress within a year a record of 
the emigrants and immigrants established under the law, with an esti- 
mate of the increase of population on the frontier." 

Articles ten and eleven were the contributions of Alaman to Ter&n's 
program, and to the Texans they were by far the most obnoxious part of 
the decree. The stoppage of the introduction of slaves was not so serious, 
because means had already been provided by the state congress for 
evading this provision, but article eleven closed the door completely for 


the future to the legal settlement in Texas of emigrants from the United 
States. It is doubtful whether Ter4n, with his practical knowledge of 
conditions in the provinces would have endorsed it. Little can be said 
against this decree from the point of view of the government, suspicious 
as it was of the designs of the United States, and desperately anxious to 
save one of its most valuable provinces. The establishment of coasting 
trade, the encouragement of Mexican emigration, and the fortification of 
a frontier province were eminently proper; the prohibition of further 
colonization from the United States might well be considered a justifia- 
ble measure of self-defense; and even the establishment of convict col- 
onies was in accord with the practice of the most enlightened nations 
(England was still transporting criminals to her colonies). However, 
the colonists were in no mood to view the matter from the Mexican stand- 
point. They saw their friends and relatives debarred from joining them, 
while the province was to be occupied by soldiers of extremely question- 
able character, and overrun by criminals and vagabonds from the lowest 
class of Mexico. For a time excitement ran high, especially in the east- 
em part of Texas ; but it subsided with less murmuring than might well 
have been expected. 

Perhaps, as has been suggested, the colonists at first resented the 
decree all the more because it seemed to be the intention of the govern- 
ment to enforce it. Teran had already been authorized, as we know, to 
proceed with his plan of military occupation, and this was now continued 
as a means of executing the law of April 6. Garrisons were placed at 
Tenoxtitlan, where the San Antonio and Nacogdoches road crossed the 
Brazos ; at Y elasco, the mouth 5f the Brazos ; at Anahuae, near the head 
of Galveston Bay; and troops were moved from the Rio Grande to 
Lipantitlan, near the mouth of the Nueces. There were garrisons 
already at San Antonio, Goliad, and Nacogdoches. In spite of all 
efforts to enforce the law it was generally evaded; and friction soon 
developed between the colonists and the soldiers.^ 

The declared object for establishing these posts was to insure the 
better collection of custom duties, and the protection of the frontier 
against the Indians, the real object was to strengthen them 
by sending in small detachments of troops from time to time, until the 
number would enable President Bustamante to enforce his arbitrary 
and despotic rule in Texas. With the establishment of these military 
posts was an order making Galveston Island a port of entry, with the 
custom-house at the mouth of the Trinity, which greatly annoyed the 
masters of vessels engaged in the Texas trade. 

In December of this year, Francis W. Johnson was elected constitu- 
tional alcalde of the jurisdiction of San Felipe de Austin, and entered 
upon his duties in January, 1831. 

In consequence of the arrest and imprisonment of Commissioner 
Padilla, Don Francisco Madero, of Coahuila was appointed to fill the 
vacancy. Madero, with his surveyor J. M. Carbajal, reached San Felipe 
de Austin in the latter part of December, 1830, or early in January, 
1831, where he spent some time with Colonel Austin, whom he consulted 
as to the best mode of proceeding in his new mission. Instead of estab- 

8 This section on the Law of April 6, 1830, was written by the editor. He was 
greatly helped by Miss Alleine Howren's ''Causes and Origin of the Decree of 
April 6, 1830,'' in Sauthwesierru Eisioricdl Quarterly, XVI, 378-422. 


lishing his ofSce at Nacogdoches, as PadiUa had done, he proceeded to 
Liberty, on the Trinity River, established his office, created the mu- 
nicipality of Liberty, and held an election for alcalde and members of 
the a3rantamiento of the municipality. Having organized the govern- 
ment, he took necessary measures to have the lands of the settlers 

These measures of Madero seem to have given great offense to 
Colonel J. D. Bradbum, who commanded the new garrison at Anahuac, 
and who, in accordance with instructions from General Terin, or on 
his own motion, caused Madero and his surveyor, Carbajal, to be 
arrested and imprisoned at Anahuac under the charge of acting in 
violation of the decree of April 6, 1830. To further annoy the people 
of Liberty, Bradbum annulled the act of Madero in creating a mu- 
nicipality, and established one at Anahuac, composed of creatures of his 
own and subservient to his will. However, this new creation of his 
was short lived, and soon fell to pieces by its own inherent rottenness. 
His first measure was to close the port of Brazos and make Qalveston 
the only port of entry in Texas, with the custom house at Anahuac. 
Against this lawless and arbitrary act the citizens of Brazoria protested, 
and deputed Dr. Branch T. Archer and George B. McEIinstry to wait 
upon Colonel Bradbum and get the order countermanded. Bradbum 
prevaricated when called upon by the committee, and said he would have 
to consult his commander. General Teran, but these stern republicans 
were not to be put off by so transparent a pretense, and demanded 
revocation of the obnoxious order. Bradburn reluctantly yielded and 
issued the necessary order to re-open the port of Brazos. Here we 
will leave the petty tyrant, and record passing events. 

During this year, 1831, the alcalde of San Felipe had serious trouble 
with the authorities of the state: First, in consequence of one of the 
colonists inflicting summary punishment on a soldier belonging to the 
garrison at Tenoxtitlan, of which act Colonel Ruiz made complaint. Mil- 
lican, the offending party, declared that he found the soldier butchering 
one of his beeves. A correspondence was at once opened by the Political 
Chief and the alcalde of the jurisdiction of Austin, which was kept up 
until near the end of the term of the latter, when Millican was relieved. 
The next trouble was occasioned by the return to Texas of Colonel Mar- 
tin Parmer, of Fredonian notoriety. He, however, eluded the vigilance 
of the civil and military authorities by the aid of friends. The next 
cause of trouble was the arrival of Alexander Thompson and a few fami- 
lies at Nacogdoches, where they had some trouble with the commandant 
of that post, Colonel Piedras, who, in compliance with orders, refused 
to let them pass, and ordered them out of the country. However, they 
made their way to Austin's colony. Austin received them as colonists, 
and made a favorable report to the government, which averted further 


Notwithstanding manifold annoyances the colonists were prosperous, 
and the constant inflow of emigrants increased their numbers as well 
as the wealth of the colony. The population of the colony had reached 
a number which entitled them to a first and second alcalde, and an in- 
creased number of members of the aynntamiento. ^ Captain Horatio 
Chriesman was elected first, and Captain John Austin second, alcalde 
of the jurisdiction, and they entered upon their duties in January, 1832. 


The year 1832 marked an important epoch in the history of Texas. 
Colonel Bradbum, by a persistent course of tyranny and lawlessness,- 
greatly exasperated the citizens of the jurisdiction of Liberty. As if 
determined to drive the people to open resistance or survile submission 
he had, under one pretext or another, William Barrett Travis, Patrick 
C. Jack, Samuel T. Allen, Monroe Edwards, and other citizens of the 
jurisdiction arrested and imprisoned in Fort Anahuac. 

On receipt of this news at San Felipe de Austin, William H. Jack, an 
eminent lawyer, and brother of Patrick C. Jack, immediately repaired 
to Anahuac, where on his arrival he sent in his name and requested an 
interview with Colonel Bradbum. After some delay he was conducted 
into the presence of the petty tyrant, to whom he made known the ob- 
ject of his visit, and inquired of him the cause or causes which induced 
him to arrest and imprison citizens of the jurisdiction. Bradbum an- 
swered that it was by order of his superior. General Ter&n. To this. 
Jack replied that the citizens arrested were not of the Mexican army 
or navy and should, therefore, if guilty of a violation of law be deliv- 
ered and tried by the civil authority. To this Bradburn curtly replied 
that Jack had no right to interfere in the matter; and that the prisoners 
had not only been arrested by order of his superior, but that the latter 
had further ordered that they should be sent to Vera Cruz, by the first 
vessel, for trial by a military court. Jack was about to protest against 
the whole proceeding, when he was cut short by Bradbum 's peremptorily 
ordering him to leave Anahuac in fifteen minutes, or he would arrest and 
imprison him. Knowing the despotic and arbitrary character of Brad- 
bum, Jack, deeming prudence the better part of valor, beat a hasty re- 
treat and sped away as fast as his means of transit, a row-boat, would 
permit, and returned to his home, San Felipe de Austin. As soon as it 
was known that he had returned the citizens of San Felipe de Austin and 
that vicinity assembled to hear the result of his visit to Anahuac. Jack 
gave a detailed account of his interview with Bradburn, and the conduct 
of the latter. The citizens expressed their indignation in no measured 
tones, and declared themselves willing and ready to compel Bradburn, by 
force if necessary, to turn the prisoners over to the alcalde of the juris- 
diction of Liberty. 

After full discussion and deliberation, it was unanimously resolved 
to send expresses to the various settlements in Austin's colony to invite 
the citizens to unite with us for the purpose of releasing the prisoners, 
peaceably, if we could, but by force if necessary, and therefore, to as- 
semble, armed and equipped, at as early a day as practicable, at or near 
Liberty on the Trinity River. Accordingly, Colonel William Pettus and. 



Bobert M. Williamson were to visit the settlements above San Felipe de 
Austin, on the Brazos, Mill Creek and New Year's Creek; Captain John 
Austin, second alcalde of the jurisdiction, visited the settlements on the 
lower Brazos ; Captain Wily Martin, of Fort Bend on the Brazos Biver, 
was to raise the people of that section; and Benjamin F. Tennel and 
F. W. Johnson were to proceed east by way of Spring Creek, Buffalo 
Bayou, Lynchburg on the San Jacinto, and thence to Liberty. All per- 
formed their alloted duty, and the citizens turned out promptly and 
repaired to the place of rendezvous. 

In a few days a considerable number of Austin's colony arrived at 
Liberty, where they were welcomed and joined by the citizens of that 
jurisdiction. After a consultation with the citizens of Liberty and the 
vicinity, it was decided to meet at Minchey 's, a few miles below Liberty, 
and organize. F. W. Johnson was elected captain, W. D. C. Hall, first, 
and Thomas Bradley second, lieutenant. 

About the middle of the afternoon we took up the line of march for 
Anahuac. We had proceeded but a few miles, when our advance, led 
by Sergeant Brenan and B. M. Williamson, surprised and captured, 
without the firing of a gun, a squad of Bradbum's cavalry who had 
been sent to reconnoiter. We continued our march to Turtle Bayou, 
where we encamped. While detailing and posting our guards a mis- 
creant by the name of Hayden, who had joined us at Minchey 's, with- 
out cause or provocation, shot and instantly killed one of our men. 
This incident created excitement, and threats of immediate punishment 
of this fiendish assassin were heard. So sudden and startling was his 
act that the assassin made his escape before those near by recovered 
from the shock. He was subsequently captured, however, and executed. 
On enquiry it was ascertained that Hayden was an employe of John 
M. Smith, a personal friend of Bradburn's, and it was suspected that 
he had hired Hayden to kill some one of the ofiScers or a prominent 
man. Smith was arrested and held a prisoner for several days; but as 
there was no evidence, except surmise against him, and as he denied 
any complicity in the case, he was released. 

The next morning, at an early hour, we resumed our march and 
reached Anahuac before noon, and quartered in the town. After post- 
ing our guards, Captain Wily Martin, William H. Jack, Major H. K. 
Lewis, Hugh B. Johnson, alcalde of the jurisdiction of Liberty, and 
F. W. Johnson waited upon Colonel Bradburn. We stated the object 
of our visit, and demanded the release and delivery of the prisoners 
to the constitutional alcalde of the jurisdiction; informing him at the 
same time that although we had come in considerable force and with 
ai'ms, that our object was peaceful, and that we would not resort to 
force unless compelled thereto by a refusal of our just demand and in 
the presence of the constitutional alcalde of the jurisdiction. After a 
good deal of prevarication, he ultimately informed us that he acted in 
the first instance under orders of the commandant general, Ter4n, and 
that now he was not the commanding officer of the post; and he pointed 
to an officer. Colonel Suverano, who, he said, was his superior. Suver- 
ano, though present, took no part in the conversation, nor did he as- 
sume any command. Satisfied that this was a mere ruse, we informed 
Colonel Bradburn that having failed to obtain the object of our visit 


by peaceable means we should soon resort to force, and left him. The 
remainder of the day and the night passed oflE quietly, except for the 
exchange of a few shots at long range. Our scouts drove in their 

Anahuac is situated on the left bank of the Trinity River, near its 
mouth. The new fort built by Bradburn was situated below the town 
proper, some four or six hundred yards, near the bank of the river, 
which is high and steep. With the exception of the timber skirting the 
river and several bayous, the country is a flat prairie. The town con- 
sisted of some dozen houses; two stores, the one owned by Morgan and 
Reed and the other by Captain Wilson ; one blacksmith shop ; and several 
carpenter shops, — ^with a population of some fifty persons. We were 
well received and kindly treated by the inhabitants. Colonel Morgan, 
Captain Wilson, and Dr. Labadie rendered us many favors as well as 
important information and service. James Reed, a citizen of the United 
States and merchant of New Orleans, was then on a visit to Colonel 
Morgan, with whom he was connected and interested in the mercantile 
establishment at Anahuac. Mr. Reed was a man of refined manners 
and courteous bearing, he sympathized with and tendered us his best 
wishes. Indeed, there was but one feeling, one expression, throughout 
the American settlement of Texas — ^utter condemnation and detestation 
of the petty tyranny exercised and attempted by the Mexican military. 

Second day. About daylight Captain William J. Russell and Rit- 
son Morris, known as Jawbone Morris, for, perhaps, no better reason 
than that of being a great talker and hearty hater of Mexican officials, 
crawled up within gunshot of the fort, where they bided their time till 
the guard was mustered, when they fired upon them, with what effect 
other than giving them a big scare is not positively known, though it was 
reported that one or two were killed and several wounded. Morris used 
a fine double-barrelled gun charged with buckshot. The day was spent 
in reconnoitering and examining the approaches of the fort. There 
was some little skirmishing, but at too great a distance to be effective 
on either side. The only casualty was a flesh wound in the arm, re- 
ceived by Saunders, a nephew of Dr. B. T. Archer, by the accidental 
discharge of one of his pistols. 

Third day. We were called upon by Colonel Suverano and Judge 
John A. Williams, an adherent of Santa Anna's. Williams informed 
us that Bradburn desired a conference, and that he believed that our 
difficulty could be settled amicably and satisfactorily, and tendered 
his services to bring about an adjustment. He also informed us that 
Colonel Suverano was Bradburn 's superior, though he had not yet 
assumed command. Surverano assented, and recommended the imme- 
diate appointment of commissioners to treat ; at the same time, assuring 
us of his friendly intentions. Thus importuned and encouraged. Cap- 
tain John Austin, Captain Wily Martin and Colonel W. D. C. Hall 
were appointed commissioners on our part to confer with the com- 
missioners on the part of Bradburn, who were Judge Williams and 
two of Bradburn 's officers. 

The commissioners met, and, after a full discussion, agreed upon 
the following terms: 

First, that the Mexican cavalry held prisoners in the hands of the 


Texans were to be released; second, that the Texans should retire to 
Turtle Bayou, but that they should leave commissioners at Anahuac to 
receive the imprisoned citizens, who were to be delivered to them the 
next morning. 

On the return of our commissioners, Captains Wily Martin and 
John Austin, a general muster was ordered. Objection was made to 
that part of the second article which deferred the delivery of the citi- 
zen prisoners until the next day. Captain Martin, formerly an officer 
in the United States army, assured the colonists that no man wearing 
epaulets would dare forfeit his plighted word of honor. The colonists^ 
though not entirely satisfied, agreed to the terms proposed and re- 
turned to Turtle Bayou, there to wait the finale. 

About ten o'clock in the forenoon of the fourth day, a courier ar- 
rived at our camp, informing us that Bradbum had marched out in 
full force, with cavalry, infantry, and artillery, and fired on the town; 
and that the commissioners and some of the citizens of the town were 
retreating to our camp to ask protection. The command was imme- 
diately called to arms, and marched in quick time to the aid of their 
retreating friends, who were met about midway between our camp and 
the town, but no enemy was in sight, Bradbum having advanced no 
further than the timber skirting the prairie, a short distance from the 
town. Thus far we had acted on our own motion, and without authority 
of law, and had already been denounced as traitors. What next was to 
be done was a question of grave moment and challenged our serious and 
immediate consideration. Accordingly, a general muster was ordered, 
and the whole subject presented for consideration and action. In form- 
ing our decision we were greatly aided by certain intelligence that 
General Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna had taken up arms against Presi- 
dent Bustamante, and in support and defense of the constitution of 
1824, which had been violated by Bustamante 's despotism. In this was 
presented a haven of safety. A committee was appointed to draft a 
preamble and resolutions setting forth the causes which compelled us 
to take up arms, our devotion to the constitution of 1824, and our 
support of the gallant chieftain. General Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna. 
The committee returned and reported the following preamble and resolu- 
tions, which were unanimously adopted; and designated the ** Turtle 
Bayou Resolutions:'' 

''The colonists of Texas have long since been convinced of the arbi- 
trary and unconstitutional measures of the administration of Busta- 
mante; as evinced 

''1st. By their repeated violations of the constitution and laws, and 
the total disregard of the civil and political rights of the people. 

"2d. By their fixing and establishing among us in the time of 
peace, military posts, the officers of which, totally disregarding the 
local civil authorities of the state, have committed various acts evincing 
opposition to the true interest of the people in the enjoyment of civil 

"3d. By arresting the commissioners, especially Juan Francisco 
Madero, who on the part of the state government was to put the inhab- 
itants east of the River Trinity, in possession of their lands, in con- 
formity with the laws of colonization. 



4th. By the imposition of military force, preventing the alcalde 
of the jurisdiction of Liberty, from the exercise of his constitutional 

**5th. By appointing to the revenue department men whose prin- 
ciples are avowedly inimical to the true interests of the people of Texas ; 
and that, too, when their character for infamy had been repeatedly 

*'6th. By the military commandant of Anahuac advising and 
procuring servants (mark not slaves) to quit the service of their mas- 
ters, and offering them protection; causing them to labor for his bene- 
fits and refusing to compensate for the same. 

'^7th. By imprisonment of our citizens without lawful cause; and 
claiming the right of trying said citizens by a military court for offense 
of a character cognizable by the civil authority alone. 

''Resolved. That we view with feelings of the deepest regret the 
manner in which the government of the Republic of Mexico is admin- 
istered by the present dynasty. The repeated violation of the constitu- 
tion; the total disregard of the laws; the entire prostration of the 
civil power; are grievances of such character as to arouse the feelings 
of every freeman, and impel him to resistance ! 

** Resolved. That we view with feelings of the deepest interest, and 
solicitude, the firm and manly resistance which is made by those 
patriots under the highly talented and distinguished chieftain Santa 
Anna to the numerous encroachments and infractions which have been 
made by the present administration upon the laws and constitution 
of our beloved and adopted country. 

** Resolved. That as freemen devoted to a correct interpretation 
and enforcement of the constitution and laws, according to their true 
spirit, we pledge our lives and fortunes in support of the same, and of 
those distinguished leaders who are now so gallantly fighting in defense 
of civil liberty. 

''Resolved. That all the people of Texas be invited to co-operate 
with us, in support of the principles incorporated in the foregoing 

It was further resolved by the citizen soldiers that persons should 
be sent to Brazoria for artillery and ammunition. Accordingly, Cap- 
tains John Austin and William J. Russell, both citizens of that mu- 
nicipality, were appointed, and set out immediately on their mission. In 
the meantime it was determined to establish a camp higher up the 
country, and send couriers to the settlements on the Neches and Sabine 
Rivers, soliciting their co-operation. The people of Sabine and Neches 
responded promptly, and in a few days joined us on the Trinity; this 
addition of men increased our numbers to quite a respectable force. 
Scouts were constantly kept to watch the movements of Bradbum, who 
at an early day, after our arrival and occupation of Anahuac, had made 
a requisition on Colonel Piedras of Nacogdoches for such number of 
his troops as could safely be withdrawn from that place. Piedras re- 
sponded promptly, and with a detachment of about one hundred men 
marched for Anahuac. The first intimation we had of this movement 
was the arrival of two of Piedras 's oflScers at our picket line. They 
informed the oflScer of the picket that they wished an interview with 



their commander. A messenger was sent to headquarters to communi- 
cate the arrival and request of the Mexican officer. Captain Johnson 
repaired to the picket line, where he was informed by the Mexican 
officers that they had been sent by Colonel Piedras, who was encamped 
some fifteen or twenty miles above Liberty, to enquire the cause or 
causes of trouble. Captain Johnson briefly stated the cause why the 
colonists were in arms. The officers asked for a further conference at 
such time and place as Captain Johnson would designate. James 
Martin's, near Liberty, was named as the place, and three days later 
given for the meeting. They were also informed that any movement 
of Colonel Piedras 's force from its present position would be considered 
as an act of hostility. Here we will leave Piedras and the colonists, 
who were encamped at Moss's Spring, below Liberty, and relate the 
action of Captains Austin and Russell, who had been sent to Brazoria. 

On their arrival at that place it was determined that Captain Austin 
should proceed at once to Fort Velasco and inform Colonel ITgartechea 
of what had transpired at Anahuac, and that he had returned for 
artillery and ammunition, which was to be transported by water to 
Anahuac. Having ^hus stated his object, he enquired of the Colonel 
whether he would allow the vessel selected for the purpose to pass out 
of the River Brazos ; the Colonel replied promptly that *he could not, 
as he had received orders from Colonel Bradburn, his senior officer, not 
to allow a vessel or vessels with men, arms or ammunition destined for 
Anahuac to pass out of the river. 

Austin returned to Brazoria and called a meeting of the citizens of 
the town and vicinity, to whom, when assembled, he reported the result 
of his interview with Ugartechea. After full discussion and deliberation 
it was resolved to attack and capture Fort Velasco, and then proceed 
to Anahuac and join their fellow citizens and redeem that post. In 
accordance with this resolution, a call for volunteers was made to 
attack the fort both by land and water. The citizens responded to the 
call. The schooner Brazoria, then lying at the wharf, owned by Cap- 
tain Rowland, a citizen of the United States, but absent, was taken and 
armed. William J. Russell was given command of the vessel ; and Cap- 
tain John Austin elected commander of the land and river forces. 
Here we will leave them and return to our camp on the Trinity. 

At the time and place appointed — James Martin's — Captain John- 
son met two of Colonel Piedras 's officers, who informed him that Colonel 
Piedras desired an interview at as early a day as practicable, at such 
place as might be designated. Captain Johnson at once acceded to the 
request and selected Piedras 's camp as the place of meeting, and time, 
two days hence. 

On returning to camp. Captain Johnson issued marching orders, 
for the following day, to a point near Liberty. Accordingly on the 
following day the troops marched and took up a position on a rising 
ground on the edge of the post-oak timber. Lnmediately on our right 
was a marshy lake entering some distance above and below our posi- 
tion, and a small prairie in our front. Scouting parties were kept out 
constantly to prevent all communication with Bradburn, and to cut off 
supplies both by land and water; for the latter purpose a little fleet of 
three boats was employed, which formed an embryo and miniature navy. 


The boats were active and vigilant, and made numerous captures of 
boats loaded with provisions for Anahuac. 

On the day appointed for interview with Colonel Piedras, Captain 
Johnson, accompanied by Captains Randall Jones and James Lindsey 
as commissioners, and Captain Francis Adams as interpreter, repaired 
to Colonel Piedras *s camp, where they were courteously received. Cap- 
tain Johnson gave Colonel Piedras a detailed account of the arbitrary 
and lawless acts of Bradbum which had impelled the colonists to resist 
his rule. Colonel Piedras condemned the action of Bradbum, but, as 
a junior officer, regretted that it was not in his power to comply with 
our demand. While in conference, however, a courier arrived with 
the Colonel 's mail from Nacogdoches. He begged that we would excuse 
him until he examined his mail. During the interval some of his offi- 
cers, several of whom Captain Johnson had become acquainted with at 
Nacogdoches in 1830, conversed freely. It was noticed that Colonel 
Piedras put aside a number of letters without opening them, but on 
reaching an official document he opened and read it. While doing so 
his countenance brightened, and he said, I have good news^ gentlemen. 
This document, holding out the paper, is from the Secretary of War 
and Marine, by which he informs me that I have been promoted, and, 
being so, I now rank Colonel Bradbum, and will cheerfully deliver the 
citizen prisoners to the alcalde of Liberty. All present manifested 
gratification at the turn in the matter, and congratulated the Colonel on 
his promotion. CoflFee and cake were served, after which Colonel 
Piedras informed the party that he would accompany them to Captain 
George Orr's, an old friend, where he would spend the night, and the 
next day his company, with the alcalde, H. B. Johnson, would proceed 
to Anahuac, arrest Bradbum, and deliver the prisoners to the alcalde. 
On arriving at Captain Orr's some two miles above the Texan camp 
Colonel Piedras stopped and spent the night with his friend. 

At an early hour next day Colonel Piedras and Alcalde H. B. John- 
son were reported to headquarters as being near by. The troops now 
formed in line to receive them, and saluted them as they passed on. Jt 
was late in the day before they reached Anahuac, but, late as it was, 
Piedras had Bradbum arrested and placed under guard, and released 
the prisoners and gave them the freedom of the fort, it being too late 
to turn them over to the alcalde. At a late hour of the night Bradburn 
eflfected his escape and made his way as best he could to New Orleans, 
and thence to Vera Cruz. 

Bradbum 's escape, when reported, created considerable excitement 
in the fort, and troops were ordered out to patrol the town. The pass- 
ing and repassing of troops by the house in which the alcalde was 
lodged alarmed that official, who, fearing treachery on the part of the 
Mexicans, left the house and made the best time he could to the Texan 
camp, where he reported the cause of his alarm and escape. Soon 
having become alarmed also by the movement of the soldiers, and fled 
after the arrival of the alcalde at camp, William B. Hardin arrived, 
from the place. The arrival and report of Johnson and Hardin created 
quite an excitement in camp; and there were those who believed that 
Piedras had betrayed us. This Captain Johnson did not believe, and 
so declared. Captain Martin, a man of military experience, proposed 


to break camp and take up a position on the west side of Trinily 
Biver; a majority favored this proposition, and in accordance thereto 
Captain Johnson reluctantly gave the order to take a position on the 
west side of Trinity Biver, first, however, detailing a detachment to 
guard every approach to Anahuac, and to report to headquarters. The 
several commanders of detachments reported late that evening that all 
was quiet on the east side of the river, with no enemy in sight. 

The next day the officer on detail duty reported the arrival of 
Colonel Piedras and the prisoners at Liberty, where Piedras turned the 
prisoners over to the local authorities. Thus the good faith of Piedras 
was established, and all apprehensions were put at rest. 

At the time the colonists entered Anahuac there were a number of 
families who had settled there, among whom were Colonel James Morgan, 
Captain Wilcox, both engaged in merchandising, William B. Hardin, 
John Dorset, Dr. Labadie and William B. Hardin, all of whom sympa- 
thized with and aided the colonists. 

The object of our visit being successfully terminated, and the majesty 
of the law vindicated, the colonists were disbanded and returned to 
their homes, satisfied that they had performed well their duty as law 
abiding citizens. 

In connection with the operations at and near Anahuac mention 
has already been made of an embryo and miniature fleet, consisting 
of three boats, and styled the first '* Texas Navy.'' As the actors de- 
serve honorable mention, we give the following sketch furnished by 
Captain D. L. Kokernot, one of the actors: 

''Captain commanding, William Scott, Sr., schooner 'Stephen F. 
Austin,' with a six tons' burden, a crew of six men and rifles. Cap- 
tain James Spilman of the schooner 'Waterwitch,' six tons' burden, a 
crew of six men, six rifles and one swivel. Captain D. L. Kokernot, of 
the schooner 'Bed Biver,' six and a half tons' burden, with a crew of 
six men, and six guns. 

"We were ordered by the commander in chief, Francis W. John- 
son, to cruise up and down the bay of Galveston and the mouth of 
Trinity Biver and make prizes of all vessels loaded with provisions for 
Fort Anahuac. 

' ' About the 5th of June, 1832, Captain Kokernot discovered a vessel 
crossing the bay, in the direction of Anahuac, and gave chase, overtook 
and captured her. She was loaded with butter, eggs, chickens and 
other provisions for the Mexican garrison at Anahuac, which was con- 
verted to the use of our little army. 

"Captain Scott made prize of a boat, near the mouth of Double 
Bayou, loaded with beef and corn-meal for the fort. About the same 
time, Captain Spilman took two boats, off Cedar Point, loaded with 
com and other provisions for Fort Anahuac. 

"After the surrender of Fort Anahuac and the release of the pris- 
oners held by Bradbum, our little fleet sailed for Galveston Island, 
captured the collector and his men and took possession of the custom 
house and public property. ' ' 

We will now return to Brazoria and follow Captain John Austin 
in his attack on Fort Valasco. For a detailed account of this we give 


the following account by Captain William J. Russell, a prominent actor 
in the battle of Velasco : ^ 

An organization was effected, placing John Austin in command and 
William J. Bussell second in command, and to the immediate command 
of a fine large schooner, then lying at mooring, (Yoakum says, a schooner 
lying aground above the post was dislodged and set afloat, and from 
whence he derived this information it would be difl&cult to tell) which 
belonged to Captain John Rowland. This gentleman had engaged in 
the trade of Texas, and had built this vessel for that purpose and 
named her Brazoria. 

At this juncture of time. Captain Rowland was absent on a trip to 
San Felipe, and the vessel was pressed for the attack on Velasco and 
used for that purpose. Volunteers were called for to man the vessel, 
and a suflScient number was soon obtained; but of them all there were 
but two besides the captain that knew one rope from another. The 
mate of the vessel . . . offered his services so far as to assist in 
"working'' her down to a point near the post, with the understanding 
that he was not to be called on to take any part in the battle, giving as 
a reason that he was a poor man with a large family dependent on him 
for support. 

This was greed to, and his services were very valuable. There were 
three small pieces of cannon at Brazoria, which were put on board the 
vessel, and one on board belonging to J|er, and with these a move was 
made down the river for the fort, some twenty-five or thirty miles 
distant. Captain Austin proceeded by land with the main force. The 
two divisions met at what was known as Calvert's Labor, on the river 
about two miles above the fort, where final preparations were made for 
the attack. 

The plan and structure of the fort was well understood, of circular 
form, built of logs and sand, with strong stakes sharpened and placed 
close together all around the embankment ; in the centre stood a bastion, 
in height considerably above the outer wall, on the top of which was 
mounted a long nine-pounder, worked on a pivot, and around which, 
on the top of the bastion, was a parapet wall made of wood, about two 
feet in height. This parapet, while affording protection to the men 
working the gun, prevented the depression of the gun so as to operate 
on any object in close proximity to the fort. All this was well known 
to the attacking party, and corresponding arrangements were made to 
save them from the destructive effects of this bastion gun. In order to 
do this, a lot of thick, heavy plank was procured from William H. 
Wharton, which was strongly battened together, in width about four 
feet, which, it was believed, would afford protection against any arms in 
the fort except the bastion gun. These, together with such tools as were 
necessary for ditching and forming embankments, etc., were carried 

by hand. 

Finally, just at night, 25th of June, 1832, a general move was made, 
with the understanding between the principal officers that at a point just 
below the mouth of East-Union Bayou a final interview was to be had. 
To this end, after bringing the vessel to anchor at the point proposed, 

1 Since the whole account is taken from Bussell — Texas Almanac, 1S72, pages 
167-170 — quotation marks are omitted. 


the captain went on shore for the contemplated interview. The plan of 
attack was: The vessel should take position as near as possible to the 
forty and open and keep up a fire on it, so as to direct the attention of 
the garrison from the point where the main attack was to be made ; this 
was accomplished after great labor and risk, owing to a strong south- 
easterly wind and rapid current, against both of which she had to 
contend. Auxiliary to this, and for a like purpose, Captain Henry 
Brown, with his company, took a position on the southeast side of the 
fort, and, concealed among the driftwood, opened fire on the fort. From 
these two points — the schooner and Captain Brown — so constant a fire 
was poured into the fort, that they seemed to have no idea that anything 
else was in store for them. At the proper time, Captain Austin moved 
with his division, carrying the breastworks as above described, with 
tools, etc. Strict orders had been issued for every man to empty his 
gun during the march, and for performing all necessary labor, all of 
which was carefully explained to the men, and that the utmost silence 
should be observed. 

He reached the point proposed, within thirty-one yards of the fort, 
at which it was well known the bastion gun could not be made to bear 
upon them. 

The breastworks were placed as desired, which formed a line of 
about sixty feet, and all went cheerfully to work making a ditch and 
throwing up an embankment behind and against the wooden works, 
feeling perfectly confident that before daylight they would be strongly 
fortified, at which time— daylight — and not before, the fire was to 
open on the fort. 

The work progressed with entire satisfaction, and was well-nigh 
completed, with no suspicion in the fort of the danger that awaited them 
from this point until just about midnight, when a man, by name 
Edward Robinson, who had, contrary to orders, kept the charge in his 
gun, caught it up and fired at the fort. In a moment a blaze of fire 
opened upon that position. It was well known by the attacking party 
that there was mounted on the wall of the fort a small piece of artillery 
facing the point of their approach, but it was believed that the wooden 
breastwork was of suflScient thickness to protect those behind it. This 
proved quite a mistake. Very much damage was done by this small 
gun, the balls often passing through the planks, inflicting death or 
wounds. The man Robinson, who gave the alarm, was the first man 


There was but little firing from the attacking party until after day- 
light. So soon, however, as it was light enough to use the rifle, the fire 
was so destructive that but little return was made from the fort. The 
contest continued until about eight o 'clock on the 26th of June, when a 
very heavy fall of rain at once put a stop to all operations from that 
point, and nothing but a retreat could save them, leaving the dead, 
seven in number, where they fell. All the wounded succeeded in get- 
ting off, and, surprising to tell, not one of the retreating party was 
touched by the grape and canister shot that fell thick and fast among 
them so soon as the bastion gun could bear upon them. 

A number of the retreating party, responding to the call of Captain 
Russell, who had climbed nearly to the mast-head that he might be the 


better heard, came on board the vessel, among whom were Captain 
Austin and Henry Smith, the latter having an ugly but not dangerous 
wound in the head. These were all properly cared for, there being a 
physician and stores on board the vessel. 

Very little use was made of the artillery after daylight, as by that 
time the ammunition for the guns was well nigh exhausted ; enough was 
reserved to protect her from an assault should this be attempted from 
the fort, it being impossible to moor her, as during the night her moor- 
ing had been shot away, and she had drifted on the bank at full tide, 
where she lay hard upon the ground. A brisk and, no doubt, fatal fire 
was kept up, however, with rifles — ^the distance being only one hun- 
dred and sixty-nine yards from the schooner to the bastion gun in the 
fort — to assure the enemy that the contest was not yielded, notwith- 
standing the retreat, in a shattered condition, of the forces from the 
principal point of attack. The only serious damage done on board the 
vessel by the post was that during the night a nine-pouud shot passed 
through her side, striking the mate (who, as per agreement, had retired, 
as was supposed, to a place of safety) just between his shoulders, pass- 
ing entirely through him. His death was instantaneous. 

The rifle fire was continued from the vessel until ten A. M., when a 
white flag was hoisted in the fort. This was a welcome sight to those 
on board the vessel, and was readily responded to. Captain Austin, 
who was in the cabin enjoying a refreshing and much needed sleep, was 
called to the deck. At this time two officers were seen approaching the 
vessel under a white flag. 

Captain Austin dispatched William H. Wharton and William J. 
Bussell to meet them, to communicate the terms of capitulation which 
had been agreed upon, if this was the desire or object of the flag of 
truce. Terms of capitulation were soon settled, and the garrison al- 
lowed to return to Mexico, and thus this initial movement against 
tyranny was rewarded by a most signal triumph, and that, too, at a 
comparatively small sacrifice. A subscription was immediately circu- 
lated and a respectable amount of money was raised — ^the amount not 
remembered — ^and given to Captain Rowland, to be handed by him to 
the family of his mate, who was unfortunately killed on board the 

The terms of capitulation agreed upon by the commissioners were 
as follows: 

** First — ^The garrison will be permitted to march out with all the 
honors of war, that is to say, with their arms, ammunition and baggage. 

*' Second — There shall be a vessel made ready for their embarkation 
to Matamoras, they paying to the captain of the same six hundred dol- 
lars for the voyage. 

** Third — If the collector, Don Francisco Duclor, should wish to 
embark, he may do so, the Sergeant, Ignatius Lopez, and two soldiers^ 
who remain with the former, shall be suffered to come and incorporate 

''Fourth — All the wounded military of the garrison who can march 
shall carry arms, and those who cannot must remain to be cured, receive 

9 Here ends Russell 's account of the battle of Velasco. 


good treatment and hospitality, being supplied with food, which will be 
satisfied by the nation. 

*' Fifth — The six hundred dollars which the captain of the vessel 
is to receive shall be free of duty, and the troops shall be disembarked 
outside of the bar of the Brazos Santiago. 

** Sixth — Lieutenant Colonel citizen Domingo Ugartechea, the two 
officers who signed, and the ensign, Don Emanuel Pintardo, remain, by 
this treaty, obliged not to return to take arms, against the expressed 
plan above cited — (the plan of Vera Cruz) — formed under the orders 
of General Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna, and by the garrison of 
Vera Cruz. 

** Seventh — ^This day at 11 o'clock in the morning, will be ready 
the schooner Brazoria, in which the garrison of the fort is to embark, 
but if previous to her going to sea the schooner Elizabeth should arrive 
at this point, the garrison shall be put on board the latter. 

'* Eighth — The cannon of eight, and the swivel gun, shall remain at 
Port Velasco, with all the public stores, supernumerary guns and 

** Ninth — ^All sorts of provisions, after the garrison shall have taken 
what may be necessary for its march, are to remain in the fort, at the 
disposal of the owners. . 

' ' Camp at the mouth of the River Brazos, June 29th, 1832. 

"Juan Mobet, 
"Jose Mabia Rinoon, 
"W. H. Wharton, 
"W. J. Russell. 

"I approve of the above agreement of peace, and will observe it. 

"Domingo de Ugartechea. 

"I approve of the above agreement of peace, and will observe it. 

"John Austin.''* 

A report which Captain Austin later made to Colonel Mexia showed 
tiiat the colonists found in the fort thirty-five stands of arms in bad 
order, "wanting locks, bayonets, etc;" a brass eight-pounder; a small 
iron swivel; thirty cartridges for the cannon, forty-five for the swivel, 
and two hundred for muskets; forty cartouche boxes; and two brass 
blunderbusses. Two sergeants and five privates, severely wounded in 
the battle, were left with the colonists. The colonists had seven men 
killed, six badly wounded and eleven slightly injured. 

These operations have been communicated to all the colonies, the 
people were thoroughly aroused, a majority of whom determined to rid 
themselves of these military pests. The news, however, had an opposite 
and very different effect on the authorities at San Antonio. The Polit- 
ical Chief of the department directed the authorities at San Felipe 
to call a public meeting of the colonists, and to take measures to put 
down the rising. However, on his arrival at San Felipe, soon after, he 
found it necessary to temporize. Yet there were those who denounced 
our action, and advised strong measures. 

• This capitulation is quoted from an awkward translation in HoUej's Texa$ 
(od. 1833), pages 158-159.— The Editor. 

Vol. 1—6 



Captain John Austin, who had been advised of our jsniccess in ob- 
taining the release of the prisoners at Anahuae, which obviated the 
necessity of further action, and also of what was going on at San Felipe, 
collected a few friends and proceeded to that place. Here he met quite 
a number assembled, and in angry discussion concerning recent events. 
His arrival was timely. He at once took a bold stand in defense of 
what had been done, and urged unanimity. After full discussion, and 
the Political Chief declaring further action unnecessary, the people 
quietly returned to their homes. Thus was quieted the excitement aa 
well as divisions which might have grown out of these occurrences. 

On Johnson's arrival in San Felipe he was waited upon by the 
Political Chief and Samuel M. Williams, secretary of the colony, to 
whom he made a full report of all that had been done, with which the 
Chief expressed himself satisfied, and soon after left for his home at 
San Antonio. 

The people of Nacogdoches, San Augnistine, Teneha and Bevil's 
settlement on the Neches, who heartily endorsed the action of their 
brethren in Austin's colony and on the Trinity, not to be outdone in 
the good work, called a public meeting, which resolved to organize an 
armed force, march upon Nacogdoches, invite Colonel Piedras and his 
troops to declare for the constitution of 1824, surrender, or fight. James 
W. Bullock was elected to the command. The following address which 
the ayuntamiento issued on July 28 to the inhabitants of Ayish Bayou, 
will give some idea of the situation at Nacogdoches : 

'*We, the subscribing members of the Ayuntamiento, have been, as 
the constituted civil authority, overawed by the military commander of 
the frontiers. Colonel Jos6 de las Piedras, until longer forbearance 
would become a crime, by exposing to his unconstitutional wishes the 
lives, interests, and peace of our fellow citizens. 

''In the first instance, he has unconstitutionally demanded more 
than once the militia forces of the district to be placed under his com- 
mand; and, when declined, has upbraided us in an official communica- 
tion by stating that we demonstrated a feeling both of coldness and of 

** Secondly, he has, contrary to our wishes, as an authority in which 
is vested the power to protect and provide for the interests and peace 
of the community, called in and employed Indians to aid him in his 
contemplated warfare, thereby exposing the lives and properties of 
ourselves and fellow citizens to the dreadful ravages ever to be appre- 
hended from such excited bands. 

''And thirdly, he has insulted us while in the exercise of our func- 
tions, by saying that Americans and Indians are by him held in the 
same estimation, and as colonists, on the same footing. And he has 
also said to a body of our merchants who had waited on him (being 
somewhat alarmed at his military movements) in answer to a question 
relative to the safety of their properties, that he would be answerable 
for the conduct of his soldiers, but not of his auxiliaries. 

"Consequently, that the constitution and laws of our country may 
not be broken ; that the lives, interests, and peace of ourselves and fellow 
citizens may not be jeopardized ; we call on you to assist us — as men who 
have hearts, but not power to be free. 


''Therefore, we do make a solemn pledge one to another and to 
you all, that we will rally around the standard of Santa Anna as the 
champion of our freedom ; and that we will risk our lives and properties 
in support of the constitution and laws — of our rights and liberties." 

This was signed by Alcalde Encarnaci6n Ghirino and the other 
members of the Ayuntamiento — Juan Mora, Antonio Manchaea, Charles 
S. Taylor, and Augustus Hotehkiss. 

On the 1st of August, 1832, Colonel Bullock marched, and encamped 
near Nacogdoches: Isaac W. Burton, Philip Sublett, and Henry 
Augustine were appointed a committee to wait upon Colonel Piedras, 
and communicate to him the resolution of the citizens then in camp 
near the town, and numbering some three hundred men. Piedras 
received them courteously, but firmly declined to declare for General 
Santa Anna, and informed them that he would defend his position to 
the utmost of his ability. 

Having discharged the duty assigned them, the committee returned 
to their camp, and reported Piedras 's resolution. The next day (the 
2d) Colonel Bullock marched near the town, hoping to draw Piedras 
out, but that cautious commander remained quietly in his quarters, a 
large church, with strong walls, and impervious to the shot of small 
arms. Colonel Bullock, failing to provoke an attack by Piedras, 
marched into the town. On his march, the Mexican cavalry made a 
dash at and fired on the Texans, then wheeled and retreated to their 
position, with what result we are not informed. In the rally by the 
cavalry, Don Encamacion Chirino, alcalde of Nacogdoches, was killed. 
The Texans then took possession of the **01d Stone House,'' the hotel 
of John S. Roberts, then occupied as a storehouse, and several others 
on the plaza, from which positions a desultory fire was kept up — the 
Texans firing only when a Mexican showed himself. Thus the battle 
was kept up until evening, when the Mexicans made a sortie, but being 
repulsed with loss they retired to the church. 

Many, if not all, of Piedras 's subalterns were known to be republi- 
cans and under these circumstances and with communications cut. he 
wisely determined to retreat under cover of night, and gave the neces- 
sary order. He threw his ammunition, except a few rounds, into wells, 
but left all his other stores, his dead and wounded. 

The next morning his advance was fired on, while letting their 
horses drink at the Angelina. Piedras, believing his retreat cut oflf, 
turned over the command to Major Francisco Medina, who on assum- 
ing command declared for the constitution of 1824 and General Santa 
Anna and surrendered his force on demand to the Texans. 

Colonel James Bowie, who was absent at the time of the battle, re- 
turned about this time, and marched the Mexicans into Austin's colony, 
where they were all discharged. Colonel Piedras, at his own request, 
was paroled and sent to Tampico by Colonel Austin. 

The Mexicans lost in this battle forty-seven killed and as many 
wounded. The Texans had three killed and five wounded. This in- 
formation is drawn from Colonel Bullock's report, which is here given in 



» << 

NAcoaDOCHEs, August 9th, 1832. 
To the Alcalde of San FeUpe de Austin. 

Dear Sir: I have the pleasure to announce to you that this post 
surrendered to the Santa Anna flag on the 5th inst. We attacked on the 
2d about one p. m. The fight continued without intermission till dark. 
During the night we were making preparation to storm their strong 
position, which we could easily have accomplished next day. But 
Colonel Piedras, with his troops, decamped in the night, leaving behind 
him all his killed, wounded, public stores, clothing, etc. The fixed- 
cartridges, powder and lead were thrown in the wells. His intentions 
appear to have been to make a hasty retreat, but we gave him a warm 
fire as he was crossing the Angelina about twenty miles from this place, 
which caused him to call a halt. He there surrendered, and is now a 
prisoner of war at this place. Allowing him time to arrange his private 
affairs, he will be sent under a suitable guard to Anahuac on Sunday 
next. The troops will be sent to the same point, under the superintend- 
ence of Colonel James Bowie, who has politely offered his services. 
[This plan was changed. Colonel Piedras was sent to Velasco, escorted 
by Asa M. Edwards, and the troops to San Antonio, under Colonel 

''At the time we made the attack about sixty Cherokee Indians, 
with Bowles at their head, well armed and mounted, were within gun- 
shot. I sent for them and after much explanation, they appeared to 
understand the object for which we were fighting, stating that they had 
been deceived by Colonel Piedras, who had told them many lies, etc. 

'*We, however, doubted their sincerity, and no doubt they would 
have assisted him had we not completely succeeded. 

** Colonel Piedras, from the best information I can get, has forty- 
seven killed and as many wounded. Our loss comparatively small. 
(Don Encamacion Chirino, the Alcalde, fell at the hands of his own 
countrymen.) S. P. Hopkins and W. Hathaway were killed and five 
wounded; the latter now on the way to recovery. The Ayuntamiento 
will write by this conveyance. You will please communicate the result 
to the citizens of your district and others who were enlisted in our 
common cause ; and let those who had assembled to our assistance return 
to their homes with the thanks of this command. 

**Your friend and fellow-citizen, 

"John W. Bullock, 

''Col. Commanding.' ' 

In the meantime, at the first sound of alarm. Colonel Francisco Ruiz, 
of Tenoxtitlan, evacuated that place and fell back to San Antonio. The 
garrison at Anahuac had sailed for Mexico in July, to join Santa 
Anna, and thus the Anglo-American settlements were freed from the 
military. Garrisons still remained, however, in the Mexican settlements 
at Qoliad and San Antonio. 

Meanwhile, news of the disturbance at Anahuac and Velasco had 
been communicated to the national and state authorities. Colonel 
Austin was a delegate to the state legislature, then in session, but on 
receipt of the news from Texas he obtained leave of absence to return 
home. On his arrival at Matamoras he met Colonel Jos^ Antonio Mexia, 


who informed him that he had been ordered to reduce Matamoras first 
and then proceed to Texas to reduce the rebellious colonists. He said, 
however, that he had entered into a convention with Colonel Guerra, 
commandant of Matamoras under the Bustamante government, and 
that he had a squadron of five vessels and four hundred soldiers. Col- 
onel Austin informed him that he was then on his way to Texas, and 
that he had no doubt that the colonists had been misrepresented to the 
government. Mexia invited him to take passage with the squadron, 
which Austin readily accepted. On the 14th of July they left Brazos 
Santiago and sailed for the mouth of the Brazos River, where they 
arrived on the 16th. Colonel Austin proceeded immediately to the 
town of Brazoria, where he reported the presence of Colonel Mexia 
and his fleet at the mouth of the river. 

Mexia addressed a letter to Captain John Austin, inclosing a copy 
of the convention between himself and Colonel Ouerra, and stating the 
object of his visit to Texas. The following is the correspondence be- 
tween Mexia and Austin : 

**Sir — I have the honour to enclose you a copy of the convention 
entered into between the commandant in chief of Matamoras and myself 
on the 6th of the present month. This document will inform you of 
the motives which brought me to Texas, and what would have been 
my course had the late movements here been directed against the 
integrity of the national territory. 

''But if, as I have been assured by respectable citizens, the past 
occurrences were on account of the colonists having adhered to the 
plan of Vera Cruz, and I am officially informed of that fact in an 
unequivocal manner, you can in that case apprise the inhabitants that 
I will unite with them to accomplish their wishes, and that the forces 
under my command will protect their adhesion to said plan. This 
occasion affords me the opportunity of presenting to you the assurance 
of my consideration and respect. 

**Gk)d and Liberty, off the mouth of the Brazos River on board the 
brig of war Gen. Santa Anna. 

*'Josfi Antonio Mexia.'' 
''To citizen John Av^tin, Alcalde, 16th July, 1832/' 

To this Austin replied as follows: 

**SiR: I have received your official letter dated 16th of the present 
month, and in reply have the honour to inform you that a committee 
appointed by the inhabitants of this town will present you copies of 
the acts and i^olutions heretofore adopted, and the documents to the 
past occurrences, which will explain to you the principles that have 
governed us up to this time. These documents contain our true senti- 
ments and will serve as an answer to your official letter to me, dated the 
16th of this month. 

*'The enemies of Texas, the enemies of the enterprising men who 
have devoted their time and labours to improve a country that was 
never before trod by civilized men, have taken pains and are contin- 
ually doing it, to attribute to us a disposition to separate from the 
Mexican confederation. We have not entertained and have not any 


such intention or desire. We are Mexicans by adoption, we are the 
same in hearts and will so remain. If the laws have granted to us the 
honourable title of citizens, we wish that title should be respected, and 
that the authorities established by the constitution of the state shall 
govern us. We are farmers and not soldiers, and therefore desire that 
the military commandants shall not interfere with us at all. Since 
1830 we have been pretty much governed militarily, and in so despotic 
a manner that we were finally driven to arms, to restrain within their 
limits the military subalterns of the general government. We have not 
insulted the flag of our adopted country, as has been falsely stated by 
our enemies, but on the contrary, we have defended and sustained its 
true dignity, and attacked those who have outraged it, by using it as a 
pretext for their encroachments upon the constitution and sovereignty 
of the state of Coahuila and Texas, and as a cover for their baseness 
and personal crimes. The commandant of Fort Yelasco acted under the 
orders of the commandant of Anahuac, Col. Juan Davis Bradbum, who 
was his superior. An investigation of the conduct of this ofiScer at 
Anahuac will inform you fully of the details of many despotic and 
arbitrary acts. He refused to respect the authorities or the constitu- 
tion of the state of Coahuila and Texas, or to adhere to the plan of 
Vera Cruz, which we had adopted. He was sustained by the com- 
mandant of Nacogdoches, Col. Piedras, and by that of Fort Velasco, 
Lieut. Col. Ugartechea, and consequently we were compelled to 
oppose them all. Col. Ugartechea was invited by a committee ap- 
pointed for that purpose to espouse the plan of Vera Cruz. He re- 
fused to do so, and we attacked Fort Velasco on the 27th of last month, 
with 120 farmers hastily collected, without discipline and badly armed. 
And after an obstinate and bloody engagement of 11 hours, it capitu- 
lated on the terms expressed in the enclosed copy of th& capitula- 
tion, every article of which has been strictly complied with on our part, 
besides furnishing him with the provisions he needed for his troops. I 
herewith furnish you a return of the killed and wounded. 

''This, sir, is what passed. I hope it will be sufScient to convince 
you that these inhabitants have not manifested any other desire or inten- 
tion than to unite with Gen. Santa Anna, to procure the establishment 
of peace in the republic, under the shield of the constitution and laws — 
and that the sovereignty of the states shall be respected. 

''It is a matter of pride and congratulation to me that you have 
come to this place to see, with your own eyes, the rectitude of our senti- 
ments, and that it has afforded us the opportunity of presenting to you 
our respects ; and the assurances of our hearty co-operation in the great 
and glorious cause which is so nobly advocated by our distinguished 
commander-in-chief. Gen. Santa Anna. God and Liberty. 

"John Austin.'' 
'To Citizen Col. Jose Antonio Mexia. 
"Brazoria, July 18, 1832.'' 

Colonel Mexia remained six days at Brazoria and was entertained by 
the colonists in lavish fashion, with public meetings, a banquet and a 
ball. He was apparently thoroughly convinced of the sincerity of the 
Texan declarations in favor of Santa Anna and the plan of Vera Cruz, 


and left the month of the Brazos on Jnly 23. After his departnre the 
mnnicipalities of Texas generally passed resolutions declaring their ad- 
hesion to Santa Anna. The ayuntamiento of San Felipe on July 27, 
after reviewing the recent history of the colonies, resolved as follows : 

''First. That they solemnly adhere to the said plan of Vera Cruz 
and to the principles of the republican party headed by Gten. Antonio 
Lopez de Santa Anna. 

''Second. That the inhabitants of this colony have never for one 
moment deviated from their duty as Mexican citizens, that in adopting 
the plan of Vera Cruz they have no other object in view than to con- 
tribute their feeble voice and aid in sustaining the constitution and the 
true dignity and decorum of the national flag, and the rights of the state 
of Coahuila and Texas, which have been insulted by military encroach- 
ments in these colonies since 1830, and that they will be at all times 
ready to take up arms in defence of the independence and constitution of 
their adopted country and the integrity of its territory. 

"Third. That the general and state constitutions ought to be rigor- 
ously observed as the only guarantee for public tranquillity and national 
freedom, and past abuses corrected. 

"Fourth. That the liberty of the press ought to be established with- 
out any censorship or restriction whatever, other than a recourse of the 
judicial tribunal in case of personal slander. 

"Fifth. That all citizens ought to be subjected to the same laws 
and the same tribunals for civil offences; thus destroying all privileged 
orders which are repugnant to a republic. 

"Sixth. That conciliatory measures ought to be adopted to put an 
end to the present civil war on a basis that will effectually guarantee 
the security and rights of all persons who have taken part on either 
side and prevent the recurrence of similar difficulties by adapting the 
laws and the administration of the government to the genuine principles 
of the federal republican system. 

"Seventh. That a large standing army is totally unnecessary for 
national defence, . in the present state of friendly relations between 
Mexico and all foreign powers except Spain, which latter, it is well 
known, is too impotent to attack her ; that such an army is a burthen to 
the people and consumes the revenue of the nation without any benefit; 
that it endangers the national liberty and is continually disturbing the 
public tranquillity by affording the means of committing and defending 
despotic acts and producing revolutions. 

"Eighth. That the measures of the administration since 1830 have 
been directed to embarrass and retard emigration from foreign countries, 
rather than promote and encourage it ; thus paralyzing the advancement 
of the nation, and preventing the settlement of its uninhabited and wild 
lands, to the evident injury of the national prosperity. 

' ' Ninth. That a copy of this act shall be delivered to Col. Jose An- 
tonio Mexia, an officer of the liberating army, now in Texas, with a re- 
quest that he will transmit the same to his excellency, the commander- 
in-chief, Gen. Santa Anna, with the assurances of the respect and 
hearty co-operation of the inhabitants of this colony, in the glorious 
work of political regeneration in which he is engaged. 

' * Tenth. That a copy of this act shall be transmitted to each Ayun- 


tamiento in Texas, and to the chief of the department of Bexar, to be 
forwarded to the Gk>vernor of the state, in order that his excellency 
may be pleased to use his influence with the legislature, whom we re- 
spectfully petition to take under consideration the principles expressed 
in said act, and to adopt such measures as in their judgment will tend 
to restore the tranquiUity of the confederacy, and protect the rights of 
the state." 

In concluding the events and occurrences of this eventful year, 1832, 
we may mention a battle between the Comanche and the Shawnee In- 
dians. Notwithstanding the treaties formed with several of the border 
tribes, other tribes made frequent raids, committing murders and rob- 
beries. Fortunately for Texas, many of the tribes were at war among 
themselves, hence this battle between the Comanches and Shawnees 
afforded some relief as well as satisfaction. 

The following account of the battle appeared in the Telegraph and 
Texas Register for August 14th, 1839: 

''In 1832 a party of five hundred Comanches came into San An- 
tonio. At that time a party of Shawnees, twenty-five in number, were 
encamped in the hills, about thirty-five miles from the town. A Co- 
manche Indian attempted to carry off one of the Shawnee women, who 
was in the town. She fled to her people, gave them information of what 
bad occurred, and they prepared an ambush for their enemies at a point 
where they expected them to encamp. The Comanches came as antici- 
pated, and took off their packs. Just at this time the Shawnees opened 
nre on them ; and, though they rallied often, so deadly was the fire, and 
80 secure the position of the attacking party, that the Comanches at last 
fled, leaving one hundred and twenty-five dead on the field. The dis- 
comfited party returned to San Antonio, and the Mexican authorities 
sent out a large force to assist them." 

The foregoing account is an exaggeration, untrue in all except that 
a battle was fought with the Shawnee visitors. The following account 
was given to the author, then engaged in surveying on the upper Brazos, 
by Shawnee Tom, well known to the early Texans, and one of the party 
of Shawnees who had been out trapping in the upper Colorado and its 
tributaries. They had been very successful and on their return en- 
camped east of San Antonio. At that time there were some hundred 
and fifty Comanches encamped near the town of San Antonio. The 
Shawnees, seventeen in number, two of whom i^ere boys, had stopped 
to procure more animals, as their own were unable to carry their furs 
and peltries. The presence of the Comanches, who had a considerable 
number of horses, afforded the Shawnees an opportunity of supplying 
themselves at the expense of the Comanches. Accordingly, at night they 
surprised the Comanches camp, and drove off a number of their horses, 
more than suflBcient to supply their wants. The next morning the Co- 
manches attacked the Shawnees, who occupied a strong position which 
they had strengthened with their packs and brush. After several un- 
successful charges, the Comanches withdrew and retired to San An- 
tonio, where they reported their disaster, and called upon the authori- 
ties for aid in recovering their horses. The Mexicans furnished them 
with a company of cavalry, with which they returned to the scene of 
their defeat; after maneuvering and yelling for some time, but at a 


safe distance from the range of the deadly rifles, they withdrew and re- 
turned to San Antonio. 

The loss of the Comanehes is not known, as they left none of their 
dead and wounded on the ground, but it is probable that their loss did 
not exceed fifteen or twenty, killed and wounded. The casualties of the 
Shawnees were one boy wounded. The Shawnees remained in their po- 
sition, but when no further attack was made they resumed their journey 
and arrived safely at Tenoxtitlan, on the Brazos Biver, where Tom and 
some others of the party stopped ; the others proceeded to Nacogdoches. 

The foregoing is a substantial account of the battle as narrated by 
Tom and it is believed to be true. 


On August 22, just a month after the departure of Colonel Mexia, 
the ayuntamiento of San Felipe issued through its two alcaldes a call 
for a convention to meet at San Felipe on October. 1, 1832. Several 
reasons were given for issuing the call: (1) The separate districts of 
Texas had been taking action individually to restore the constitution 
and laws which had been deranged by the troops. '^ These measures 
have heretofore been adopted by the inhabitants of each district without 
any general concert; thus exposing Texas to the danger of confusion, 
which might materially affect the public tranquillity." (2) ''The late 
occurrences have been grossly misrepresented by the enemies of Texas, 
and efforts have been made, and are continually making, to prejudice 
our fellow-citizens, in other parts of the Mexican Republic, against the 
people of Texas, by circulating reports that the object of the late events 
was to declare this country independent of Mexico, which is absolutely 
false and without any foundation in truth." (3) '*The Indians have 
commenced depredations on the frontiers of the Rivers Brazos, Colorado, 
Guadalupe and San Antonio; and the scattered situation of the settle- 
ments imperiously requires that some measures should be adopted for 
their security." (4) ** There are, indeed, many subjects connected with 
the welfare of Texas which ought to be laid before the Constitutional 
Authorities of the Mexican Nation: and these considerations of safety 
to ourselves, respect for the character of the people of Texas, the mo- 
tives which have influenced them, and the sanctity of the cause of the 
Constitution, as proclaimed in Vera Cruz, which we have espoused, have 
induced the Civil Authorities of the Municipality of Austin, to recom- 
mend that the people of Texas should be consulted at this important 
crisis, which may be done by the election of Delegates." 

Though the time allowed by the call was short; sixteen districts of 
the Anglo-American section of Texas elected delegates to the convention. 
From San Felipe were Stephen F. Austin, Wily Martin, F. W. Johnson 
and Luke Lesassier; from Brazoria (the district of Victoria, as it was 
called), George B. McKinstry, William H. Wharton, John Austin, Charles 
D. Sayre ; from Mina (Bastrop), Ira Ingram, Silas Dinsmore, Eli Mercer; 
from Hidalgo, Nestor Clay, Alexander Thompson; from San Jacinto, 
Archibald B. Dobson, George F. Richardson, Robert Wilson; from 
Viesca, Jared E. Groce, William Robinson, Joshua Hadly ; from Alfred, 
Samuel Bruff, David Wright, William D. Lacy, William R. Hensley, 
Jesse Bumham; from Labaca, William Menifee, James Kerr, George 
Sutherland, Hugh McGuflSn, Joseph K. Looney; from Gonzales, Henry 

1 In its present form this chapter is mainly the work of the editor. 



S. Brown, C. Stinnett ; from Mill Creek, John Connell, Samuel C. Doug- 
lass; from Nacogdoches, Charles S. Taylor, Thomas Hastings, and Tru- 
man Hantz ; from Ayish Bayou, Philip Sublett, Donald McDonald, Wil- 
liam McParland, Wyatt Hanks, and Jacob Qarret; from Snow (Neches) 
River, Thomas D. Beauchamp, Elijah Isaacs, Samuel Looney, James 
Looney ; from Sabine, Benjamin Holt, Absalom Hier, Jesse Parker ; from 
Tenaha, William English, Frederick Foye, George Butler, John M. 
Bradly, Jonas Harrison; from Liberty, Patrick C. Jack, Claiborne 
West, James Morgan. 

Stephen F. Austin and William H. Wharton were nominated for 
president and F. W. Johnson and C. D. Taylor for secretary. Austin 
was elected by thirty-one votes to Wharton's fifteen, and Johnson won 
over his opponent by a vote of thirty-four to eleven. In the meantime, 
the convention had been called to order by John Austin, who explained 
the object of the meeting as follows: 

**lst. The Revolution which commenced at Vera Cruz, on the 2d 
January last, under the command of Gen. Santa Anna, reached this 
remote section of the Nation, and movements of a warlike character 
have taken place — the consequence of which has been that the Military 
Garrisons have all been compelled to quit the Country. These move- 
ments have been greatly misrepresented by the enemies of Texas, and 
have been attributed to objects entirely different from the true ones. It 
was, therefore, considered to be highly important to the interest of 
Texas, and of the Nation, to counteract these misrepresentations by a 
plain statement of facts ; and that a decided declaration should be made 
by the people of Texas, convened in General Convention, of our firm 
and unshaken adhesion to the Mexican Confederation and Constitution, 
and our readiness to do our duty as Mexican Citizens. 

''2d. The 11th article of the Law of the 6th of April, 1830, which 
prohibits natives of the United States of the North, from emigrating to 
these Colonies, has entirely paralyzed the advancement and prosperity 
of Texas, and exposed it to be filled with a bad and useless population. 
That law also severs families and friends, by preventing a removal to 
this country of many who remain behind in the United States, and for 
whose reception in this country preparations had been made by their 
relatives and friends, who came out as pioneers for that purpose. This 
point was deemed by the Alcaldes to be one of sufficient importance to be 
noticed in a Memorial to the Government, by a Convention of Texas, 
praying for a repeal or modification of that article. 

"3d. The Land Business to the East of Austin's Colony still re- 
mains in a verv unsettled and uncertain state, and the Alcaldes were 
also of opinion that this was a subject which ought to be represented to 
the General Government. 

**4th. The Tariff, as now established, operates very injuriously 
against the agriculture and advancement of the infant settlements of 
Texas ; and the Alcaldes were of opinion that it would be proper for the 
Convention to represent this matter and respectfully petition for a re- 
duction of the duties on such articles as could not be easily transported 
into the interior as contraband, and are of indispensable necessity to the 
farmers of Texas. These four topics embrace all .that the Alcaldes had 
in view, at the time of making the request for this Convention, It is 


considered by us that it is the duty of the people of Texas to lay their 
situation before the General Government in order that such Legislative 
aid may be afforded us, as the general good of the Nation, and of Texas, 
may require; and to accompany it with a firm declaration of our un- 
shaken allegiance to the Mexican Constitution and Nation. All which 
is respectfully submitted for the consideration of the Convention." 

Committees were appointed to draft resolutions on all these subjects. 
The committee on the eleventh article of the law of April 6, 1830, was 
composed of William H. Wharton, Luke Lesassier, Jonas Harrison, 
George Sutherland, and P. C. Jack. In drafting its memorial it was 
instructed ^^ to set forth to the government the toils and difficulties and 
dangers encountered by the colonists in the early settlement of Texas, 
and their respect for, and attachment to, the constitution and laws of 
the republic." Charles D. Sayre, James Morgan, Jared E. Groce, 
Charles S. Taylor, J. K. Looney, George B. McKinstry and John Austin 
were appointed to petition for reduction of the tariff, and to make ''such 
an exposition as will prove to the government, as far as practicable, 
that the reduction of duties would increase the revenue of the country." 
A committee of twelve was appointed to consider the land business east 
of the San Jacinto, and other committees were appointed to consider 
Indian affairs ; to provide for the administration of the custom houses ; 
to petition for a grant of land ''for the purpose of creating a school 
fund, to provide for the future establishment of primary schools;" to 
recommend a uniform method of organizing the militia ; to petition the 
state government "to pass a law authorizing the people of Texas (whose 
native language is English) to have all their transactions and obliga- 
tions written in the English language, except those whidh have an imme- 
diate connection with government;" and to memorialize the government 
m favor of a land grant to the Indians who ha(} recently immigrated to 
Texas from the United States. 

Another committee that deserves fuller mention was appointed on 
motion of William McFarland of Ayish Bayou to report on the expe- 
diency of petitioning for a state government. The ayes and noes were 
called for on this motion and it was carried by a vote of thirty-six to 
twelve. Two members were appointed from each district represented in 
the convention. There was danger that a petition for separation from 
Coahuila might be misunderstood by the Mexican government, but the 
idea was not a new one in Texas. General Ter&n had recommended the 
erection of Texas into a federal territory as early as 1829, and one of 
the toasts offered at the recent banquet to Colonel Mexia in Brazoria was, 
"Coahjiila and Texas — they are dissimilar in soil, climate and produc- 
tions; therefore they ought to be dissolved." Teran's idea, of course, 
was that the territorial organization would deliver Texas more com- 
pletely into the hands of the federal administration ; the colonists, how- 
ever, wished a state organization, which would make them more nearly 
independent in all local affairs. 

The committee on the tariff respectively represented "that the duties 
on articles of the first necessity to the inhabitants, which are not, and 
cannot be, manufactured in Texas, for several years to come, are so high 
as to be equivalent to a total prohibition ; that many other articles which 
are prohibited by the Tariff are of the first necessity to the settlers of 


Texas ; and as the people, in this section of the Bepublic, are yet almost 
without resources, and are generally farmers who make their support 
by cultivating the land, and have no manufacturing establishments yet 
erected within the limits of Texas — ^they respectfully petition the Gen- 
eral Government to grant for three years the privilege of introducing 
free of duty such articles as are indispensable to the prosperity of Texas ; 
among which this Convention begs leave to enumerate the following, viz. : 
Provisions, Iron and Steel, Machinery, Farming Utensils, Tools of the 
various Mechanic Arts, Hardware and Hollow-ware, Nails, Wagons and 
Carts, Cotton Bagging and Bale Bope, coarse Cotton Goods and Clothing, 
Shoes and Hats, Household and Kitchen Furniture, Tobacco for chewing 
in small quantities. Powder, Lead and Shot, Medicines, Books and Sta- 
tionary. The foregoing articles include the principal imports made 
use of, and wanted by the inhabitants of Texas ; many of them are pro- 
hibited, and on those which are allowed to be introduced the duties are 
so high that they amount to a prohibition. The trade to Texas is small, 
and the resources limited, but if fostered by a liberal policy on the part 
of the general Government, it will, in a few years, yield a revenue of no 
small importance." After some discussion this memorial was adopted 
without amendment. 

William H. Wharton reported for the committee on the law of April 
6, 1830. The Texans^ he said, were loyal citizens of Mexico, grateful to 
the government for its kindness and liberality to them. At the same 
time, the Texans felt that they had earned consideration from the gov- 
ernment. They had received large gifts of land, but considering "the 
difficulties with which the taking possession of it was environed, it will 
not be thought so magnificent a bounty, nor so entire a gratuity." The 
lands were in an unexplored wilderness, occupied by savages, ** inac- 
cessible to the commonest comforts of life," and are developed only by 
much toil and privation. "From this it must appear that the lands of 
Texas, although nominally given, were in fact really and dearly bought." 
Moreover, the donation of land by a nation to colonista on condition of 
their becoming citizens was very different from a gift by one individual 
to another, because by such a policy the nation really augments its own 
resources. Nevertheless, for the first six or seven years after the com- 
mencement of the Texas settlements the colonists felt nothing but grati- 
tude and loyalty. The only portion of their conduct during this period 
"that could be tortured into anything like disloyalty, was the Fredonian 
disturbance at Necogdoches in 1826. And when it is considered by whom 
these disturbances were originated, and by whom quieted, instead of ex- 
citing the suspicion of government" that affair should confirm its con- 
fidence in their patriotism. The movement was inaugurated by * * fifteen 
or twenty infatuated individuals" and was opposed by ninety-nine hun- 
dredths of the settlers. Up to the passage of the law of April 6, 1830, 
their conduct was orderly and patriotic, but '*the passage of this law 
was a mortifying and melancholy occurrence for Texas. It was mortify- 
ing to us, because it must have been founded on a suspicion that we 
were disposed to rebel : Such suspicions did us great injustice — ^f or we 
had uniformly exhibited strong proofs of our attachment to the Con- 
stitution. It was a melancholy event for us, for it blasted all our hopes, 
and was enough to dishearten all our enterprise. It was peculiarly mor- 


tifying, because it admitted into Texas all other nations except onr 
friends and countrymen of the United States of the North; except the 
fathers and brothers of many of us, for whom we had emigrated to pre- 
pare comforts and homes, and whose presence, to gladden our firesides, 
we were hourly anticipating. 

''This law was sufidcient to goad us on to madness, inasmuch as it 
blasted all our hopes, and defeated all our calculations; inasmuch as it 
showed to us that we were to remain scattered, and isolated, and un- 
happy tenants of the wilderness of Texas, compelled to gaze upon the 
resources of a lovely and fertile region, undeveloped for want of popu- 
lation, and cut off from the society of fathers and friends in the United 
States of the North — to prepare homes and comforts suited to whose age 
and infirmities, many of us had patiently submitted to every species of 
privation. But what was our conduct! As peaceful citizens, we sub- 
mitted. The wheels of Government were not retarded in their operation 
by us. Not a voice, nor an arm was uplifted. We had confidence in the 
correct intentions of Government, and we believed and hoped that when 
the momentary excitement of the day had subsided, a returning sense of 
justice and liberality would give this obnoxious law a brief duration. 
For more than two years we have remained in this peaceful — ^this un- 
murmuring attitude. . . . 

* * The destroying infiuence of the Law of the 6th of April, 1830, upon 
the prospects of Texas, has been only incidentally attended to — ^that effect 
of the law being too obvious to require expatiation or argument. This 
law is, likewise, as injurious to the National Revenue at large as to 
us individually, for it is evident that the greatness, the power, the wealth, 
and the independence of a nation, depend upon a proper development of 
its resources. Can the resources of Texas be properly developed with 
this law hanging over it? We believe not. We believe under such 
circumstances it would remain the comparative wilderness it now 


Xo* • • • 

**When all of these things are considered, we cannot but believe that 
the former characteristic justice and liberality of your Honorable Bodies 
will return to our aid and bring about an immediate repeal of this, to 
* us, ever to be deprecated measure. That justice, that liberality, we now 
most respectfully, and solemnly, and unanimously, and confidently in- 

The committee appointed to consider the administration of the cus- 
tom houses reported that in its opinion the convention should not inter- 
fere with the Tariff, and recommended that collectors should be ap- 
pointed for Matagorda, Brazoria, and Galveston Bay by the alcaldes in 
whose jurisdiction these places respectively lay. Such collectors should 
be required to give bond, and it should be their duty to collect tonnage 
duties from foreign vessels entering these ports, making quarterly re- 
ports to the local alcaldes of all revenues received. This arrangement was 
to cease as soon as the government sent regular collectors to take chaise 
of the work. 

The report on the seperation of Coahuila and Texas was referred to 
a select committee for revision, composed of Messrs. McFarland, Whar- 
ton, Lesassier and Stephen F. Austin, and was then adopted. The peti- 
tioners believed ''such separation indispensable to their mutual happiness 


and prosperity; and that ultimately such division would produce the 
most happy results to the Mexican republic." More particularly they 
desired separation because the settled portions of Texas and Coahuila 
were so distant from each other, and the interests of the two sections 
were so different that it was impossible for a single legislature to pro- 
vide satisfactorily for the needs of both. 

** Coahuila being so distant from the population of Texas, and so 
widely variant from it in interests — the rights and wants of the people of 
Texas, cannot be properly protected and provided for, under the present 
organization, admitting the several Departments of the (Jovemment of 
the State to be prompted by the utmost purity of intention, in their ef- 
forts for the administration of justice. 

*' ^ Coahuila and Texas are dissimilar in soil, climate and productions, 
in common interests, and partly in population — the representatives of 
the former are numerous, and those of the latter few — ^in consequence of 
which, any law passed peculiarly adapted for the benefit of Texas, has 
only to be the effect of a generous courtesy. Laws happily constructed 
for the benefit of Coahuila, and conducive to its best interests, might 
be ruinous to Texas — such are the conflicting interests of the two coun- 
tries. For instance, the unconstitutional law, prohibiting any but native 
Mexicans from retailing merchandise — ^which extends to the exclusion 
of naturalized citizens, from any participation in that employment.'' 
"For these reasons and many others," which congress would readily 
conceive, they respectfully asked that **that part of the Mexican re- 
public known by the name of Texas shall become a separate state of the 
Confederacy, to be placed on an equal footing with any of the states of 
the Union." 

Having heard the reports of the other committees and elected William 
H. Wharton to carry the various memorials to Mexico and present them 
to the state and general governments, the convention appointed a ''Cen- 
tral Committee" and a number of local committees, and adjourned on 
October 6. The duty of these committees was to keep up a * * regular and 
stated correspondence with each other on all subjects relating to the 
peace and safety of the frontier, and on all relating to the tranquillity 
of the interior; and they should endeavor, by a conciliating, patriotic 
and magnanimous policy, to impress upon the public mind the high im- 
portance of making every sacrifice, but the sacrifice of honor and prin- 
ciple, to the all-important and transcendant object of united counsels." 
The Central Committee was given the power to call another convention 
whenever it thought proper. It was composed of F. W. Johnson, J. B. 
Miller, Stephen F. Austin, L. L. Veeder, Robert Peebles, Wily Martin, 
and William Pettus; and had its headquarters at San Felipe. ^ 

Delegates arrived from Goliad after the convention adjourned; and 
for a time delegates were expected from San Antonio, but they never 
appeared. The Central Committee appointed Rafael Manchola of the 
Goliad delegation to accompany Wharton, but as events turned out 
neither of them went to Mexico. 

After the convention adjourned Johnson, as Chairman of the Central 

1 The jouraal of the convention of 1832 is printed in Gammel, Laws of Texas, 
I, 477-503. 


Committee, sent to the ayuntamiento of San Antonio a somewhat full 
report of its proceedings. ^ 


To the Ayuntamiento of Bexar: 

Pursuant to a call of the Alcalde of this municipality, a general 
meeting of the inhabitants of Texas, through delegates, took place in this 
town on the 1st inst., fifty-eight delegates being present. The object 
of the meeting was to make to the general Congress an exposition 
of the situation of Texas. After full deliberation it was concluded to 
represent to the Congress, agreeably to article 2d of the law of May 
7th, 1824, that Texas has the proper requisites to form singly a State 
separate from Coahuila. It was further agreed to claim a reform of the 
maritime tariff, and the abrogation of article 11th of the law of April 
6th, 1830, prohibiting the immigration of natives of the United States of 
the North. A request was also made to the government to appoint a 
commissioner for the settlement of land matters, and to establish an 
Ayuntamiento between the San Jacinto and Sabine Rivers ; also to 
tcrant certain lands to the Ayuntamientos of Texas, by the sale whereof 
they might raise the funds needed to erect school houses and support 
schools of the Spanish and English languages. In view of the exposed 
situation of the country to Indian depredations, the convention agreed 
upon framing a provincial regulation for the militia. They also ap- 
pointed a standing, or central, committee in this town and subordinate 
committees in every section represented in the body. It was made the 
duty of the central committee to correspond with the subordinate com- 
mittees, inform them concerning subjects of general interest, and in case 
of emergency, to call another general meeting or Texas convention. This 
committee was further instructed to open a correspondence with the 
people of Bexar, and to invite them to co-operate in the furtherance of 
the foregoing objects. 

'^The general meeting, under a sense of the high importance of the 
matters discussed and acted upon, agreed upon sending a delegate to 
Saltillo and Mexico, charged with the duty of earnestly urging them 
upon the consideration of the government, and to that end they selected 
citizen William H. Wharton as their representative. 

' ' It was the earnest wish of the convention that some suitable person, 
either from Bexar or Goliad, should accompany the delegate from this 
town, and co-operate with him in the presentation to the government of 
the matters confided to his management, but they took no step in that 
direction, not knowing whether the people of those sections would ap- 
prove of what had been done. But, after the meeting had concluded 
their business, the delegates from Qoliad arrived and, having manifested 
to the committee their hearty acquiescence in the conclusions reached by 
that convention, and expressed the wish of the people of Ooliad that a 
delegate should be appointed from their district to accompany citizen 
William H. Wharton on his mission before mentioned, and Don Rafael 
Manchola having been suggested, it was agreed by the committee jointly 
with the delegates from Goliad that he receive the appointment, sub- 
ject to the concurrence of all the subordinate committees. It was also 


2 A copy of his letter is printed in Brown, EUtory of Texas, I, 211-213. 

Vol. I— T 


agreed that the expenses of the delegates should be defrayed by means 
of voluntary contributions, and for this purpose the subordinate com- 
mittees are instructed to open subscriptions aggregating the sum of four 
thousand dollars, out of which each delegate shall be paid the sum of 
two thousand dollars. All the foregoing I communicate to your body, 
by order of the convention, hoping that the people of Bexar will approve 
the measures adopted and proceed to the appointing of a committee in 
that city, charged with the duty of a correspondence with the committee 
of this town. 

''It is hoped, also, that you will approve the appointment of Don 
Rafael Manchola to proceed to Saltillo and Mexico in company with Mr. 
Wharton for the purposes above stated and that you will acquaint the 
central committee in this town, as soon as possible, with your decision 
and furnish them the names of the members of the committee appointed 
in your city. So soon as the documents embodying the several subjects 
acted upon by the convention shall have been translated into Spanish, 
copies thereof will be sent to the committee of your city, for the informa- 
tion of the public. Qod and the prosperity of Texas. 

"P. W. Johnson, Chairman," 
''James B. Milleb, Secretary/' 

The Mexican authorities uniformly condemned the convention. Angel 
Navarro wrote for the ayuntamiento of San Antonio, saying that it was 
untimely, uncalled for, and that no hope could then be entertained "of 
a successful issue of the matters urged. All such meetings are prohib- 
ited by the supreme power and existing laws. The Political Chief of the 
department should have been consulted before such action was taken." 
Ramon Musquiz, the political chief, wrote to Austin and to the ayunta- 
miento of San Felipe strongly condemning the meeting; and the gov- 
ernor instructed the political chief "to give the ayuntamiento of San 
Felipe de Austin and other authorities of your department to under- 
stand that this government views with high displeasure all proceedings 
opposed to the constitution and existing laws, and that it will be com- 
pelled to take eflScient measures to repress every disturbance of good 
order that may arise under any pretense whatever." Finally Santa 
Anna wrote to President Pedraza, giving his views on the Texas situ- 

"I deem it my duty to call special attention of the President to the 
condition of Texas. Satisfied as I am that the foreigners who have intro- 
duced themselves in that province, have a strong tendency to declare 
themselves independent of the republic ; and that all their remonstrances 
and complaints are but disguised to that end, I think it to be of para- 
mount importance that General Filisola should forthwith proceed to 
fulfill his mission, having been first well supplied with good oflScers and 
the greatest number of troops possible, with instructions both to secure 
the integrity of our territory, and do justice to the colonists. The in- 
terest of the nation requires a kind policy towards those people, for they 
have done us good service and, it must be confessed, they have not on 
all occasions, been treated with justice and liberality. That they have 

8 Translation in Brown, History of Texas, I, 221-222. 


grounds to so feel towards our government is derogatory to the honor 
of the republic, and is deeply felt by them. Moreover, it is possible for 
them to become so exasperated as to make it impracticable to restore 
order among them without much trouble." 

In reply to the letter of Political Chief Musquiz just mentioned, 
Austin wrote, defending the convention. He had had nothing to do 
with calling it, he said, but he was satisfied that its effect would be bene- 
ficial. His letter, which shows his habitual straightforward earnestness 
and good sense, is as follows: 

''San Felipe, Nov. 15, 1832. 

*' Esteemed Friend: I agree with the sentiment expressed in your 
appreciated letter of the 8th inst., just received : 'He is to be pitied who 
has the misfortune to be at the head of public affairs in revolutionary 
times;' but the only safe rule to follow is, to do one's duty regardless of 
the judgment of others. By this rule I have ever aimed to shape my 
actions, and my conscience is at rest. On several occasions I have found 
myself begirt with weighty embarrassments, but to the law of duty just 
mentioned, as to a polar star, I have looked for guidance and my aim has 
ever been to promote the true interests of the nation and of Texas. 

"With regard to the convention of which you speak, I can assure 
you it did not originate with me, but I am satisfied some good will re- 
sult from its action. Already the public is better satisfied, and we 
have had more quiet than we had some time anterior thereto. As to my 
communication to the Ayuntamiento in relation to the convention, I 
believe that it would have been better not to have written it. Revolu- 
tionary times are not like peaceable times. Colonel Bradburn could, 
with the least prudence, have avoided all the evil that, like a pall, has 
for some time mantled the country. I tell you candidly, that in my 
opinion it would be very impolitic to translate and print your communi- 
cation. I shall not do so. The Ayuntamiento may do as they please. In 
times like the present, any measure is bad that tends to irritate and pro- 
duce excitement; every measure is good that is calculated to soothe, 
bind up and bring about tranquillity and good order. 

"I have but little hope of obtaining anything from the government 
of Mexico. There is little probability that we shall soon have a stable 
and peaceable order of public affairs ; and I give it as my deliberate judg- 
ment that Texas is lost if she take no measure of her own for her wel- 
fare. I incline to the opinion that it is your duty, as Chief Magistrate, 
to call a general convention to take into consideration the condition of 
the country. I do not know how the State or General Government can 
presume to say that the people of Texas have violated the constitution, 
when the acts of both governments have long since killed the constitu- 
tion, and when the confederation itself has hardly any life left. I 
cannot approve the assertion that the people have not the right to as- 
semble peaceably, and calmly and respectfully represent their wants. In 
short, the condition in Texas is bad, but we may fear to see it still 

"I am settling up all my affairs, and in April I will go to the north 
for six months or a year. In Texas things present no hopeful aspect, 
but still when away I shall be glad to be informed how matters go on. 
I hope you will, from time to time, let me hear from you, telling me of 


current events, especially of such things as indicate vitality or death of 
the constitution ; also as to whether or not a presidential election has oc- 
curred, and what new hope may have sprung up as to an early and 
peaceful settlement of the affairs of our country. In the meanwhile, 
please command 

**Your affectionate friend, 

"S. F. Austin/' 

Notwithstanding the refusal of the ayuntamiento of San Antonio to 
participate in the convention, it seemed to endorse most of the measures 
desired by the colonists. A remonstrance addressed to the state govern- 
ment on December 19, 1832, complained of the backward state of the 
province, which it attributed to the neglect and outright abuses of the 
government, to the law of April 6, 1830, and to the lack of proper repre- 
sentation in the joint legislature of Coahuila and Texas. The remedy 
that it suggested was the repeal of the law of April 6, 1830, in so far as 
it interfered with immigration from the United States ; and the separa- 
tion of Texas and Coahuila and the erection of a state government in 

Nevertheless, Musquiz remained unconvinced of the innocent char- 
acter of the convention. He believed that it was a preliminary step to 
secession from Mexico, and he strongly suspected that the United States 
government was at the bottom of the movement. The following letter,^ 
which he wrote March 11, 1833, to the vice-governor forcefully presents 
this argument: 

*'The Political Chief of Bexar to the Vice-Oovemor of Coahidla and 


*'In compliance with my duty and in order to give your excellency an 
exact and complete idea of the present political situation of the colonies 
and other settlements on the coast and frontier of this department, I 
have thought proper to forward to you the accompanying papers, which, 
together with the other documents already in your hands, will place in 
their true light the movements in the town of San Felipe de Austin, to- 
wards which the attention of the supreme power in the State has been 
80 seriously turned. This matter, in my estimation, is of such weighty 
importance as to justify and call for some suggestions on my part as to 
the origin of the diflSculties and their real tendencies. These suggestions 
I make, both under a sense of official duty and as a Mexican, justly proud 
of his birth and nationality. 

''Among the North Americans who have introduced themselves into 
the country there are not a few men who understand the nature of a 
democratic government and have right conceptions of the manner in 
which that system was made the basis of the constitution both in the 
United States and Mexico. According to neither of these systems of 
fundamental law, as these adopted citizens know right well, has the 
time come to constitute Texas into a separate state ; and they must be 
aware that if they attempt such measures ^t will but awaken the stem 

« A copy of this memorial appears in full in Filisola, Memorias para la Historia 
de la Guerra de Tejas, I, 272-293. 

» Quoted in Brown, Hiaiory of Texas, I, 224-226. 


displeasure of the other sections of the conntry and cause them to take 
up armSy forcibly to compel these innovators to forego their mad under- 
taking. In view of such knowledge of prematureness of action on their 
part, and its consequences, it must be concluded that the revolutionary 
attempts, for some time observed among the people, have not for their 
object the erection of Texas into a separate State. Moreover, they can- 
not be so ignorant as not to know that Texas has not within its limits a 
suflScient number of men suitably competent to take in hands the reins 
of government ; and what is not less important, they must be conscious 
of the fact that the sources of revenue within their province are too lim- 
ited to support a State organization. The supposition, too, is unassum- 
able that they wish to transform their section of the country into a 
territory, for the disadvantages resulting from such political condition 
are too obvious to the least discerning among them ; besides, their repug- 
nance to everything having the least leaning toward a military govern- 
ment is well known. Nor can it be supposed that they wish to revolu- 
tionize their province in order that they may set up for themselves a 
government wholly unconnected from Mexico and every other country; 
for they must be aware that such enterprise, to be successful beyond all 
others, demands men, arms and money far transcending their resources. 

**The above reflections being regarded as just and well founded, in 
order to form a rational judgment of the tendency of colonial agitation 
now going on, it will be necessary to look through the disguises in which 
its authors veil it, to the facts that give it a different aspect. 

**The desire of the United States of the North to extend its territory 
by the acquisition of Texas has displayed itself on several occasions ; and 
the power of its policy and management to expand its borders by the 
purchase of Florida and Louisiana has become a matter of general 
history to the civilized world. It is also known that the Southern States 
of our neighboring republic have a tendency to secede from their north- 
ern sisters and organize themselves into a separate nation; in which 
direction one effort has already been made this very year by South Caro- 
lina. To suph new national organization the acquisition of Texas would 
be a boon of transcendent value, adding, as it would, so extensively to its 
territorial area and multiplying so largely its sources of wealth. 

**When Mr. Butler, Charge d 'Affaires from Washington City to our 
government, passed through this city in the year 1829, he avowed to 
some here, but confidentially, that the object of his mission to Mexico 
was the purchase of Texas. This same foreign minister, in June of last 
year, made a journey overland from the City of Mexico to this depart- 
ment and Austin's colony, ostensibly for the purpose of acquainting 
himself with the country. But immediately after that visit the revolu- 
tionary movements of the colonists began; and anterior to that event 
they had been unexceptionably orderly, having even solemnly pledged 
themselves to take no part in the convulsion caused by the pronuncia- 
mento in favor of the plan of General Santa Anna. 

* * In the presence of these facts would it be rash to conclude that the 
cabinet at Washington, actively but secretly, instigated those movements, 
having in view the secession from the North American Union of the 
States of the south, the construction of these into a new confederacy, and 
the strengthening thereof by the addition thereto of Texas? I believe 


not, and so believing, deem it to be my solemn duty to lay before you 
the views I entertain on the subject discussed, so that your excellency 
may make such use of them as in your opinion will best promote the true 
interests of our beloved country. 
*'God and liberty. 

*' Ramon Musquiz. 
** Bexar, March 11, 1833/' 

Among the colonists themselves the convention of 1832 had not given 
entire satisfaction. Some complained that its action was not positive 
enough, that it ought to have proceeded immediately to the adoption of a 
state constitution and the organization of a government, instead of peti- 
tioning for permission to do so. Others thought that the convention 
would better not have been held at all ; and still others were dissatisfied 
because the convention had followed so closely upon the call for elec- 
tions that it had been difficult to elect representatives and get them to 
San Felipe in time for the meeting. These conditions, in connection 
with the fact that during the winter of 1832-1833 Santa Anna was 
elected president, led the Central Committee to call a second convention 
to meet at San Felipe on April 1, 1833. The notice was issued in Jan- 
uary, and the elections were to take place the first of March, thus 
allowing ample time for deliberation and action. It was hoped that 
Santa Anna would view with favor the petitions of the Texans who had 
assisted him by expelling from the province the officials of his rival, 

The same districts were represented in this assembly as in the con- 
vention of 1832, and for the most part by the same representatives.® 
One of the notable additions to this body was General Sam Houston, who 
had arrived in Texas the preceding DeceiUber. Johnson was not a mem- 
ber. Stephen F. Austin and William H. Wharton were again rivals for 
the presidency, and this time Wharton was elected. Thomas Hastings 
was elected secretary. 

The convention did little more than re-enact the resolutions and 
memorials of the preceding meeting — ^the petition for repeal of the elev- 
enth article of the law of April 6, 1830 ; the request for modification of 
the tariff ; and the demand for separate state organization were the most 
important measures adopted. In the petition for separation the dele- 
gates went further than they had thought wise to go in 1832. A com- 
mittee of which Sam Houston was chairman drew up a constitution for 
submission to the approval of Congress,'' and David G. Burnet, as chair- 
man of another committee, drafted a long memorial arguing for its 

The preamble of the constitution recites that **We, the people of 
Texas, being capable of figuring as a state in the manner contemplated 
in the second article of the decree of the general congress of the nation, 
of the 7th of May, 1824, do ordain the following constitution; and do 

6 The journal of the convention of 1833 was never printed and is believed to have 
been destroyed in the burning of San Felipe in 1836. John Henry Brown (History of 
Texas, I, 227-228) gives a list of the delegates which he believed to be approximately 

f This constitution is printed in Edward, History of Texas, 196-205. 


mutually agree with each other to form ourselves into a full and inde- 
pendent state of the Mexican Confederacy, by the name of the state of 
Texas." The constitution was distinctly American. The legislature 
was to consist of two houses, a senate and house of representatives, 
elected biennially. The state was divided into ten senatorial districts, 
and each of these districts was entitled to one representative for each 
hundred voters included in its population. The legislature was given 
power to establish such a system of internal improvements as it might 
think proper; but '*No bank, nor banking institution, nor oflSce of dis- 
count and deposit, nor any other moneyed corporation nor banking estab- 
lishment, shall ever exist during the continuance of the present consti- 
tution;" and ''no currency shall ever be made lawful tender, except 
gold, silver and copper coin." The governor must be at least twenty- 
seven years of age and a resident of the state for three years. His term 
of oflSce was two years and he could not serve more than four years in 
any period of six years. He had the usual executive powers, but legis- 
lation could be passed over his veto by a simple majority of the elected 
members of both houses of the legislature. The judiciary system was to 
consist of a supreme court, three district courts, and such superior courts 
as the legislature should determine. District courts might be increased 
at the will of the legislature ; and the jurisdiction of alcaldes, conUsaaios, 
and sindics was to be fixed by law. Judges were to be elected by the 
legislature for terms of six years and were re-eligible indefinitely; but 
they were removable from office by impeachment or by vote of two- 
thirds of both houses of the legislature. The supreme court was com- 
posed of a superior judge, acting, in some way that is not quite clear, 
with the district judges, a majority forming a ''quorum." The fran- 
chise was open to all citizens twenty-one years of age, and officers were 
elected directly instead of by the complicated electoral process pre- 
scribed by the constitution of Coahuila and Texas. But the most char- 
acteristically American feature of the constitution was the bill of rights 
or ''general provisions," prefacing the instrument: 

"Art. 1. All power is inherent in the people, and all free govern- 
ments are formed upon their authority, and established for their peace, 
safety, and happiness. For the advancement of those ends, they have an 
inviolable right to alter, reform and abolish the government in such a 
manner as they may think proper. 

"Art 2. Government being instituted, for the protection and com- 
mon interest of all persons, the slavish doctrine of non-resistance against 
arrogant power and oppression, is discarded, as destructive to the happi- 
ness of mankind, and as insulting to the rights, and subversive to the 
wants of any people. 

"Art 3. All election shall be free and equal. 

"Art. 4. The right of trial by jury, and the privilege of the writ 
of habeas-corpus, shall be established by law, and shall remain inviolable. 

"Art. 5. The people shall be secure in their persons, houses, papers, 
and possessions, from unreasonable searches and seizures: and general 
warrants, whereby an officer may be commanded to search suspected 
places, without evidence of the facts committed, or to seize any person 
or persons not named, whose offences are not particularly described and 


supported by evidence — ^are dangerous to liberty, and shall not be 

''Art. 6. No citizen shall be taken or imprisoned, or dispossessed 
of his freeholds, liberties, or privileges — or exiled, or in any manner 
distrained— or deprived of his life, liberties or property — ^but by the 
law of the land. 

''Art. 7. In all criminal prosecutions, the accused hath a right to 
be heard by himself and counsel ; to demand the nature and cause of the 
accusation against him, and to have a copy thereof. He shall be con- 
fronted by his accusers and the witnesses; he shall have compulsory 
process for obtaining witnesses in his favor; and in prosecutions by 
indictment or presentment, a speedy public trial by an impartial jury of 
the municipality or district in which the crime shall have been com- 
mitted; and shall not be compelled to give evidence against himself. 

"Art. 8. No person, for the same offence, shall be twice put in 
jeopardy of his life or limb. 

"Art. 9. No retrospective law or laws impairing the obligations of 
contract shall be made. 

"Art. 10. No conviction shall work corruption of blood, or for- 
feiture of estate. 

"Art. 11. No person confined in jail shall be treated with unnec- 
essary rigor. 

"Art. 12. No person shall be compelled to answer any criminal 
charge but by presentment, indictment, or by a concurrent vote of both 
houses of the legislature, as provided by this constitution. 

"Art. 13. All persons shall be bailable by sufficient sureties, unless 
for capital crimes, without the proof is evident, or the presumption 
strong ; and the privilege of the writ of habeas-corpus, shall not be sus- 
pended, except in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may 
require it. 

"Art. 14. Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines 
imposed, nor cruel or unusual punishments inflicted. All courts shall be 
open, and every man, for an injury done him in his land, goods, or repu- 
tation, shall have remedy by due course of law ; and rights and justice 
administered, without sale, denial or delay. 

"Art. 15. The person of a debtor, when there are not strong pre- 
sumptions of fraud, shall not be continued in person, after delivering up 
his estate to the benefit of his creditors; in such a manner as shall be 
prescribed by law. 

"Art. 16. The free communication of thoughts and opinions, is one 
of the inviolable rights of men ; and every man may fully speak, write, 
print, and publish, on any subject; being responsible for the abuse of 
that liberty. But in prosecutions for the publication of papers — ^in 
investigating the official accounts of men in public capacity, the truth 
thereof may be given in evidence — as well as in personal actions of 
slander ; and in all indictments for libels, the jury shall have a right to 
determine the law and the facts, under the direction of the court, as in 
other cases. 

"Art. 17. No man's particular services shall be demanded, nor 
property taken and applied to public use, without the consent of him- 


self or representatives, or without just compensation being made there- 
for, according to law. 

''Art. 18. The people have a right to assemble in a public name, 
for the common good — to instruct their representatives, and to apply to 
those invested with the power of government, for the redress of griev- 
ances, and for other purposes, by addresses or remonstrances. 

**Art. 19. Perpetuities and monopolies are contrary to the genius 
of a free government, and shall not be allowed. 

"Art. 20. The sure and certain defence of a free people is a well 
regulated militia; and it shall be the duty of the Legislature to enact 
such laws as may be necessary to the aggrandizement of the militia 
of this state. 

''Art. 21. No soldier shall in time of peace be quartered in the 
house or within the enclosure of any individual, without the consent of 
the owner ; nor in time of war, but in manner prescribed by law. 

"Art. 22. All persons residing in Texas, at the center of this con- 
stitution, except bond servants, and other persons not liable to taxation, 
by virtue of the laws enacted under this constitution, shall be recognized 
as Citizens, and entitled to all the benefits of persons emigrated to this 
country under the colonization law of 1825 — and shall be acknowledged 
as entitled to all the rights and privileges of such emigrants. 

"Art. 23. No property qualifications shall be required to entitle a 
citizen to vote or value any office in the gift of the people of this 

"Art. 24. All contracts or transfer of property, by will or other- 
wise, as well in relation to real as personal estates, which have been 
made in Texas heretofore, or which hereafter may be made in good faith 
by the parties, shall not be void for any want of form, but shall be con- 
strued and confirmed according to the intentions of the parties. 

"Art. 25. All elections in this state shall be by ballot, and the 
manner thereof shall be prescribed by law. 

"Art. 26. Treason against the State shall consist only in levying 
war against it, or adhering to its enemies, giving them aid and comfort. 
No person shall be convicted of treason, unless on the testimony of two 
witnesses to the overt act. 

"Art. 27. The benefits of education and of useful knowledge, gen- 
erally diffused through a community, are essential to the preservation of 
a free government : the protection and advancement of these two .great 
objects are given in solemn charge to the Legislature. It shall be the 
particular duty of the government to patronize and cherish the interest 
of literature, of science and the arts ; and as soon as practicable, to estab- 
lish schools, where the poor shall be taught gratis. ' ' 

Burnet's memorial argued ably for congressional sanction of the 
constitution. "To explain the grounds of this application, your 
memorialists would respectfully invite the attention of the general 
Congress to the following considerations: — 

"The consolidation of the late provinces of Coahuila and Texas was, 
in its nature, provisional, and, in its intention, temporary. The decree 
of the sovereign constituent Congress, bearing date the 7th of May, 
1824, contemplates a separation, and guarantees to Texas the right of 
having a state government, whenever she may be in a condition to ask 


for the same. That decree provides that, *so soon as Texas shall be in 
a condition to figure as a state of itself, it shall inform Congress thereof, 
for its resolution. ' The implication conveyed by this clause is plain and 
imperative ; and vests in Texas as perfect a right as language can convey, 
unless it can be presumed that the sovereign constituent Congress, com- 
posed of the venerable fathers of the republic, designed to amuse the 
good people of Texas by an illusory and disingenuous promise, clothed 
in all the solemnity of a legislative enactment. Your memorialists have 
too high a veneration for the memory of that illustrious body to enter- 
tain any apprehensions that such a construction will be given to their 
acts by their patriotic successors, the present Congress of Mexico. The 
decree is dated anterior to the adoption of the federal constitution, and 
therefore, by a clear and fundamental principle of law and justice, it 
obviates the necessity of recurring to the correspondent provision in the 
fiftieth article of that instrument, which requires *the ratification of 
three-fourths of the other states' in order *to form a new state out of the 
limits of those that already exist.' And it assures to Texas — ^by all the 
sanctity of a legislative promise, in which the good faith of the Mexican 
nation is pledged — an exemption from the delays and uncertainties that 
must result from such multiplied legislative discussion and resolution. 
To give to the federal constitution, which is the paramount law of the 
land, a retrospective operation, would establish a precedent that might 
prove disastrous to the whole system of the nation's jurisprudence, and 
subversive of the very foundations of the government." 

There were several precedents for just such separation as the Texans 
desired, said the memorial. Nuevo Leon had been separated from Coa- 
huila and Texas and admitted to the confederacy as an independent state 
in 1824; and Chihuahua, Durango, and New Mexico had been similarly 
disunited about the same time. "The obvious design of the union be- 
tween Coahuila and Texas was, on one part at least, the more eflEectually 
to secure the peace, safety, and happiness of Texas. That design has not 
been accomplished, and facts piled upon facts afford a melancholy evi- 
dence that it is utterly impracticable. Texas never has and never can 
derive from the connection benefits in any wise commensurate with the 
evils she has sustained, and which are daily increasing in number and 
in magnitude. . . . 

**The history of Texas, from its earliest settlement to the present 
time, exhibits a series of practical neglect and indifference to all her 
peculiar interests on the part of each successive government which has 
had the control of her political destinies." Spain had deliberately held 
back the development of Texas in order that the depopulated province 
might serve as a barrier toward the north for the protection of the rich 
mining regions of central Mexico. The Mexican government could have 
no motive in continuing to neglect the interests of Texas, but * * The fact 
of such negligence is beyond controversy. The melancholy effects of it 
are apparent in both her past and present condition. The cause must 
exist somewhere. We believe it is principally to be found in her political 
annexation to Coahuila. That conjunction was, in its origin, unnatural 
and constrained; and, the longer it is continued the more disastrous it 
will prove. The two territories are disjunct in all their prominent 
respective relations. In point of locality, they approximate only by a 


strip of sterile and useless territory, which must long remain a com- 
parative wilderness, and present many serious embarrassments to that 
facility of intercourse which should always exist between the seat of 
government and its remote population. In respect to commerce and 
its various intricate relations, there is no community of interests be- 
tween them. The one is altogether interior; is consequently abstracted 
from all participation in maritime concerns; and is naturally indiffer- 
ent, if not adverse, to any system of policy that is calculated to pro- 
mote the diversified and momentous interests of commerce. The other 
is blest with many natural advantages for extensive commercial opera- 
tions, which, if properly cultivated, would render many valuable acces- 
sions to the national marine, and a large increase to the national rev- 
enues. The importance of an efiScient national marine is evinced, 
not only by the history of other and older governments, but by the rich 
halo of glory which encircles the brief annals of the Mexican navy. In 
point of climate and of natural productions, the two territories are 
equally dissimilar. Coahuila is a pastoral and a mining country: 
Texas is characteristically an agricultural district. The occupations 
incident to these various intrinsic properties are equally various and 
distinct; and a course of legislation that may be adapted to the en- 
couragement of the habitual industry of the one district, might present 
only embarrassment and perplexity, and prove fatally deleterious to 
the prosperity of the other. 

*'It is not needful, therefore, — ^neither do we desire — ^to attribute 
any sinister or invidious design to the legislative enactments or to the 
domestic economical policy of Coahuila (whose ascendency in the joint 
councils of the state gives her an uncontrolled and exclusive power of 
legislation), in order to ascertain the origin of the evils that affect 
Texas, and which, if permitted to exist, must protract her feeble and 
dependent pupilage to a period co-evil with such existence. Neither is 
it important to Texas whether those evils have proceeded from a sinister 
policy in the predominant influences of Coahuila, or whether they are 
the natural results of a union that is naturally adverse to her interests. 
The effects are equally repugnant and injurious, whether emanating 
from the one or the other source." 

The case of Bexar, Goliad and Nacogdoches illustrated the effects 
of this policy. Though founded a hundred and seventeen years before, 
they were still ''entitled only to the diminutive appellation of vil- 
lages." ** Bexar is still exposed to the depredations of her ancient 
enemies, the insolent, vindictive, and faithless Comanches. Her citi- 
zens are still massacred, their cattle destroyed or driven away, and 
their very habitation threatened by a tribe of erratic and undis- 
ciplined Indians, whose audacity has derived confidence from success, 
and whose long-continued aggressions have invested them with a 
fictitious and excessive terror. Her schools are neglected, her churches 
desolate, the sounds of human industry are almost hushed, and the voice 
of gladness and festivity is converted into wailing and lamentation, by 
the disheartening and multiplied evils which surround her defenceless 
population. Goliad is still kept in constant trepidation; is paralyzed 
in all her efforts for improvement ; and is harassed on all her borders 
by the predatory incursions of the Wacoes, and other insignificant 


bands of savages, whom a well-organized local government would soon 
subdue and exterminate. 

** These are facts, not of history merely, on which the imagination 
must dwell with an unwilling melancholy, but they are events of the 
present day, which the present generation feel in all their dreadful 
reality. And these facts, revolting as they are, are as a fraction only 
in the stupendous aggregate of our calamity. Our misfortunes do not 
proceed from Indian depredations alone; neither are they confined to 
a few isolated, impoverished and almost-tenantless towns. They pervade 
the whole territory— operate upon the whole population — and are as 
diversified in character as our public interests and necessities are 
various. Texas at large feels and deplores an utter destitution of the 
common benefits which have usually accrued from the worst system of 
internal government that the patience of mankind ever tolerated. She 
is virtually without a government; and if she is not precipitated into 
all the unspeakable horrors of anarchy, it is only because there is a 
redeeming spirit among the people which still infuses some moral 
energy into the miserable fragments of authority that exist among 
us. We are perfectly sensible that a large portion of our population, 
usually denominated 'the colonists,' and composed of Anglo-Ameri- 
cans, have been greatly calumniated before the Mexican government. But 
could the honorable congress scrutinize strictly into our real condition — 
could they see and understand the wretched confusion, in all the ele- 
ments of government, which we daily feel and deplore — our ears would 
no longer be insulted, nor our feeling mortified, by the artful fictions 
of hireling emissaries from abroad nor by the malignant aspersions of 
disappointed military commandants at home. 

**Our grievances do not so much result from any positive mis- 
feasance on the part of the present state authorities, as from the total 
absence, or the very feeble and futile dispensation, of those restrictive 
influences which it is the appropriate design of the social compact to 
exercise upon the people, and which are necessary to fulfill the ends 
of civil society. We complain more of the want of all the important at- 
tributes of government, than of the abuses of any. We are sensible that 
all human institutions are essentially imperfect. But there are relative 
degrees of perfection in modes of government as in all other -matters, 
and it is both natural and right to aspire to that mode which is most 
likely to accomplish its legitimate purpose. This is wisely declared, in 
our present state constitution, to be 'the happiness of those who com- 
pose it.' It is equally obvious that the happiness of the people is more 
likely to be secured by a local than by a remote government. In the one 
case, the governors are partakers, in common with the governed, in all 
the political evils which result to the community, and have therefore 
a personal interest in so discharging their respective functions as will 
best secure the common welfare. In the other supposition those vested 
with authority are measurably exempt from the calamities that ensue 
an abuse of power, and. may very conveniently subserve their own in- 
terests and ambition, while they neglect or destroy 'the welfare of the 
associated?' " 

Another evil consisted in the delay incident to judicial proceedings, 
when a transcript of the proceedings had to be transmitted to Saltillo 


before sentence was pronounced. The catalogue of abuses might be 
indefinitely enlarged, but it would only weary the patience of congress. 
It might occur to the wisdom of congress that these evils could be cured 
by a territorial organization, but a little deliberation would disclose the 
fallacy of this. '*In this remote section of the republic, a territorial 
government must, of necessity, be divested of one essential and radical 
principle in all popular institutions — the immediate responsibility of 
public agents to the people whom they serve. The appointments to 
ofSce would, in such case, be vested in the general government; and 
although such appointments should be made with the utmost circum- 
spection, the persons appointed, when once arrayed in the habiliments 
of office, would be too far removed from the appointing power to feel 
the restraints of a vigilant supervision and a direct accountability. The 
dearest rights of the people might be violated, the public treasuries 
squandered, and every variety of imposition and iniquity practiced, 
under the specious pretext of political necessity, which the far distant 
government could neither detect, nor control. . . The only 

adequate remedy that your memoralists can devise, and which they 
ardently hope the collective wisdom of the nation will approve, is to be 
found in the establishment of a local state government. . . We 

believe that, if Texas were admitted to the union as a separate state, 
she would soon 'figure' as a brilliant star in the Mexican constellation, 
and would shed a new splendor around the illustrious city of Monte- 
zuma. We believe she would contribute largely to the national wealth 
and aggrandizement — ^would furnish you staples for commerce, and new 
materials for manufactures. The cotton of Texas would give employ- 
ment to the artisajis of Mexico ; and the precious metals, which are now 
flowing into the coffers of England, would be detained at home, to 
reward the industry and renumerate the ingenuity of the native 
citizens. ' ' ® 

Stephen F. Austin was not in full accord with the convention. He 
feared it would be misunderstood, and thought that it would have been 
better to repeat the action of the first convention and apply for per- 
mission to frame a constitution, instead of going ahead and submitting 
the finished product to congress for approval. Nevertheless the con- 
vention elected him to go to Mexico to urge the acceptance of the various 
petitions. The members knew his influence with the government, and 
hoped that he would be successful in gaining the desired reforms. Dr. 
J. B. Miller of San Felipe and Erasmo Seguin of San Antonio were 
elected to accompany him, but neither went, so that Austin undertook 
the mission alone. 

One other measure of this convention deserves mention. Informa- 
tion was received that there was a vessel in Galveston Bay with a cargo 
of African negroes, and the members adopted a stem remonstrance 
against the traffic : * * We do hold in utter abhorrence all participation, 
whether direct or indirect, in the African Slave - Trade ; that we do 
concur in the general indignation which has been manifested through- 
out the . civilized world against that inhuman and unprincipled traffic; 
and we do, therefore, earnestly recommend to our constituents, the good 

• Thifl memorial is printed in full in Toakum, History of Texas, I, 469-482. 


people of Texas, that they will not only abstain from all concern in 
that abominable trafSc, but that they will unite their efforts to prevent 
the evil from polluting our shores and will aid and sustain the civil 
authorities in detecting and punishing any similar attempt for the 
future." The whole resolution, which is some fifteen hundred words in 
length, was ordered printed in the Texas Advocate and in the New 
Orleans papers as a public exposition of the sentiments of Texas.® 

oA copy of the memorial is preserved in a newspaper clipping in the Austin 
Papers of the University of Texas. 

AUSTIN IN MEXICO, 1833-1835 i 

On April 22, a little more than ten days after the adjournment of 
the convention, Austin set out on his mission. He was to go by San 
Antonio and Goliad, and endeavor to get the Mexican settlers of the 
department of Bexar to join in the petition for a state government. He 
reached San Antonio on the 29th and remained until the 7th or 8th 
of May. The account of his visit, which failed of its object, can best 
be given in his own words, from a letter written on May 6 to Luke 
Lesassier, the Alcalde of San Felipe. 

** Bexar, May 6, 1833. 

*'Db Sib: We arrived at this place on the 29, having been detained 
by excessive rain and high waters. 

''Don Erasmo Seguin was absent at his plantation thirty miles be- 
low this, where he arrived only a few days since from Matamoras. I 
lost no time in sending for him, but the high waters prevented his 
reaching here until the 3d inst. I communicated to him his appoint- 
ment as one of the mission to Mexico, and laid before him the memorial, 
which was translated with the aid of Carbajal and Balmaceda. 

''The principal citizens of this place have held meetings on the 
evenings of the 3d, 4th and 5th instant to discuss this subject. At the 
meeting on the 4th it was decided that a memorial should be sent to the 
state government asking for the removal of the seat of government 
from Monclova to this place, Don Erasmo being the only one who was 
in favor of memorializing the General Congress for the separation and 
State Government. A number of the others were in favor of saying 
to the Legislature of Coahuila and Texas, that if the seat of govern- 
ment was not removed to this place, Texas would then separate. This 
meeting adjourned after 12 o'clock at night, to meet the next evening. 
At the meeting on the fifth the only question to be decided was the 
manner of memorializing the state government for a removal of the 
seat of government, as had been agreed to on the 4th. The late law of 
the state legislature regulating the 'right of petitioning' was examined, 
and construed to mean that neither the Ayuntamiento nor the citizens 
in mass could petition, and that the memorial must only be signed by 
three persons at most in the name of the people. This construction I 
contended was erroneous. The law says that, none but the supreme 
powers of the state can represent the will of the people, and prohibits 

1 This chapter was written by the editor. It is drawn chiefly from the manu- 
script materials belonging to the University of Texas. These are the Austin Papers, 
transcripts from the department of Fomento in Mexico City, and the Bexar Archives. 
Some documents previously published in The Quarterly of the Texas State Historical 
Association have been of assistance. 



corporations or public meetings, or individuals from taking it upon 
themselves to say what is the will of the people, &c. (See the law in 
alcalde records). The true meaning of this is, as I think, that no cor- 
poration or persons can petition in the name of the people, without first 
consulting them, by calling them together. However, it was decided that 
the law prohibited the Ayto. from petitioning, or from calling the 
people together to petition, and that only three persons could petition. 
The next question was who would do it. Only one man (Balmaceda) 
was willing to sign as one of the three, so that the meeting broke up 
without doing anything or coming to any definite conclusion. I believe 
that if the state government is granted the people here will be well 
satisfied, but I do not believe they will take any part whatever in favor 
or against the measure. I considered it my duty to use every exertion 
to procure their co-operation, and have done so. The most that can be 
expected is, that they will not oppose it. The fact is, that the movement 
last summer against this place from the colony has produced a much 
deeper impression than I was aware of until now. It has neutralized 
many who before that were openly warm friends and it has made some 
decided enemies to the colonists. 

''Don Erasmo Seguin cannot go on the mission; I am convinced 
that no unfriendly feelings deter him — ^but his private affairs will not 
permit his leaving home. 

''Nothing was done, of course, as to the appointment of another to 
go in his place. 

"The reports about new disturbances in the interior, and that Gen- 
eral Filisola had returned with the troops that were ordered to Texas, 
are all incorrect and unfounded. The general arrived at Matamoras 
on the 24th ult., as we learn by letters received here last night. 

"Santa Anna was elected president and Gomez Farias vice presi- 
dent by large majorities, and they have entered upon their respective 
offices. All is quiet — so far as I can judge, from General Filisola 's 
communications, and also from his general character. I have confidence 
that he will be the friend of liberal principles, and of Texas. I leave 

here to-morrow or next day for Goliad and thence to Matamoras, and 


shall see the Genl. as soon as possible. The rains have been very exces- 
sive in this part of the country and all travelling has been suspended 
for the last week, but there is now a prospect of good weather. 

"The legislature of the state was to have adjourned on the last day 
of April. 

"Mr. Sawyer arrived f rom- Monclova a few days since and brings 
information that Fisher was there on his way to Matamoras. He has 
been continued in the office of Collector of Galveston, as 1 am informed 
by Sawyer, who says that he speaks favorably of the Colonists, etc., etc. 

"I will endeavor to procure their co-operation at Goliad and write 

from there. 

"Respectfully your most 

"obt Sert 

"S. F. Austin. 
"N. B. — ^You must make up your mind to answer regularly the 
correspondence of the chief of department or be fined and probably 


totally mined. You can at least acknowledge the receipt of his official 
letters, even if it is in English." 

'To L, LesassieVy Alcalde of Atistin," 

There is no report of the result of Austin's visit to Ooliad, though, 
as there were a number of Anglo-American residents in that district, 
it is probable that he was more successful than he had been at San 
Antonio. At Matamoras he called on the military commandant of the 
Eastern Provinces, General Vicente Pilisola, explained to him the pur- 
pose of the mission to Mexico, and obtained a passport. At the same 
time he forwarded through Filisola a copy of the constitution and 
memorials to the government. He left Matamoras about the first of 
June, expecting to reach Vera Cruz in six or seven days, but in fact 
he did not arrive until July 2, after a voyage of thirty days. The vessel 
on which he was embarked was a small schooner, provisioned only with 
salt food, and the hardships of the last ten days of the voyage were 
increased by a shortage of fresh water. 

The civil war which had removed Bustamante from the presidential 
chair was still going on, conditions were very unsettled, and travel 
was far from safe. Nevertheless, Austin set out for the capital on the 
5th of July. He was detained for some days at Jalappa, because the 
military commandant at Vera Cruz had neglected to endorse his pass- 
port, and only reached the City of Mexico on July 18, nearly three 
months after his departure from San Felipe. Santa Anna, the presi- 
dent, was absent from the city, conducting a campaign against Generals 
Arista and Duran, the representatives of the old Bustamante regime; 
so that Austin explained his business to the vice-president, Gomez 
Farias, and the ministry. In the transcripts made by the University 
of Texas from the Mexican archives there is a copy of the argument 
which Austin used in urging the approval of the petition for separation 
from Coahuila. It has never before been published, and its interest 
warrants its appearance here in full. It will be seen that he confines 
himself to pressing the separation, and says nothing about the accept- 
ance of the constitution which he took to Mexico. He had written 
Perry on the eve of departure for Mexico (April 22) : ''There is, I 
am told, some uneasiness that I shall not insist on the approbation of the 
constitution as formed by the late convention — I shall try and get 
. . a declaration that the people of Texas may legally convene in 
convention to make a constitution." And to this he applied himself in 
ius argument, which follows: 

•*For the better explanation of the representation of Texas, solicit- 
infir that she be admitted as a state of the Mexican Federation, I present 
the following bases on which are founded her rights to be a state. 

''1st. It possesses sufficient qualifications, and the people of Texas 
have manifested their desire to be a state. 

"2nd. The natural right that she has always had of organizing 
herself as a state, and of occupying her rank as such, at the side of her 
sisters, the other states, on account of having been a distinct province 
at the time of the independence. 

"3rd. The guarantee of the law of May 7, 1824. 

Vol. 1—8 


*'4th. The right that is guaranteed to it by the system adopted by 
the Mexican Republic, of promoting her welfare, and of securing her 
interior prosperity and tranquillity by an adequate organization of 
her local government. 

* * 5th. The duty, and the interest of Texas, of cementing and assur- 
ing her permanent union with the Mexican federation. 

* * 6th. The right that all people have of saving themselves from an- 
archy and from utter ruin. . 


Explanation op These Bases 

''1st. The declaration of the people of Texas that they have the 
elements sufficient to form a state, and the fact that they are ready to 
be charged with the expenses and responsibilities of the interior admin- 
istration is proof that they are in a condition to figure as a state, because 
it is very evident that they would not have solicited such a thing if 
they were not satisfied of their capacity, physical and moral, to sustain 
the administration and to fulfill all the duties of a state. For a better 
explanation of this point I refer to the statistical report which is hereto 

"2nd. The provisional union of Texas with Coahuila by the law of 
May 7, 1824, was without the formal or cordial consent of the people 
of Texas, or of her deputy in the general constituent congress; and 
that union could not destroy the natural and primitive right of Texas 
to organize as a state when in the opinion of its inhabitants their neces- 
sities might require it. 

''The natural rights of Texas in this particular are recognized in 
the said law by the fact that the union with Coahuila is conditional and 
provisional, and not positive and permanent. 

"Texas does not recognize, nor can recognize, that she has to ask 
the approbation of three-fourths of the states of the federation in order 
to be admitted as a distinct member of the Mexican family. This right 
always has belonged to her and does belong to her and if the exercise 
of the right has been postponed until now it has been by voluntary con- 
sent of her inhabitants, and not because they have believed, or believe, 
that their union with Coahuila has weakened it in the least particle. It 
is a natural right, and as such it is imprescriptible, sacred, and inviola- 
ble, and cannot be destroyed except in case the people of Texas should 
abandon it, and this they have never done. 

"Texas does not admit the principle that Coahuila has a voice or 
consent in the question of her right to be erected into a state ; nor can 
she ask of Coahuila as a favor what belongs to her by right and by 

"Texas does not desire a hand's breadth of the territory of Coahuila. 
If there is a doubt concerning the division line of the old provinces of 
Coahuila and Texas, or other peculiar questions, they must be settled 
between those two states in a friendly manner or in conformity with 
the laws governing such cases. 

' ' 3rd. The law of May 7, 1824, is very clear and well defined, and 
recognizes the natural right of Texas of erecting herself into a state, 

2 See pages 174 et seq, below. 


and concedes to her the privilege of manifesting to the general con- 
gress her desire to be a state, when in the opinion of her inhabitants 
she has the elements to figare as such. That law does not contain the 
provision of asking the approbation of three-fourths of the states before 
congress shall consider the petition of Texas to be admitted as a state ; 
and Texas considers herself in the same situation as to the formalities 
of her admission as was occupied by Nuevo Leon, Durango and Chi- 
huahua in their time; with the difference that there is a guarantee, a 
solemn contract between the nation and Texas that she shall be formed 
into a state when she possesses the qualifications to figure as such. 

**4th. The glory of the federal system consists in the fact that no 
other form of government invented by the wisdom of men has been able 
to meet the local necessities of each angle of an immense country, and 
at the same time to unite the physical and moral force of all parts in a 
national center in order to work in mass, in defense of their liberty and 
independence. . . . 

''The petition of Texas is sanctioned and supported by all these 
fundamental principles, because it is very evident that Texas cannot 
be governed by Coahuila, and consequently 'the welfare of the asso- 
ciates' imperiously demands that she be made a state. 

''5th. The inhabitants of Texas desire to cement and strengthen 
their union with the Mexican federation, and it is their most important 
interest and their duty to do it. 

"There is no individual in Texas who is not convinced that the 
greatest misfortune that could happen to him would be the separation 
of that country from Mexico; neither is there any one who does not 
know very well that her union indirectly by means of Coahuila is in 
the highest degree precarious and liable to be broken without great 

"It is known by certain things, positive facts, that Coahuila cannot 
govern Texas; and the latter cannot remain, and mU not remain in 
harmony or quietude united ivith the former. 

"Another truth is, that it is useless to try to subject or regulate 
Texas by military force, 

"That country has to be governed by moral force, and her union 
with Mexico strengthened and established by the principles of the fed- 
eral system, and those of the century in which we live. 

"In conformity with these principles the object of the government 
is, the happiness and prosperity of the people, and the welfare of the 
associates! If these objects are fulfilled in Texas, she will be united to 
Mexico by bonds much stronger than those which could result from an 
army of fifty thousand men. 

"Interest is the most i)Owerful bond that operates upon the actions 
and desires of humanity. By the application of this fundamental 
principle to Texas, all erroneous ideas vanish in a moment, and also the 
false rumors that may have existed concerning the danger of the Mex- 
ican territory in that country. 

"The interests of Texas are, to cement her union with Mexico, and 
to have a local government as a state of this federation, 

"These interests are the natural bonds that unite and always will 
unite Texas to the Mexican federation. But the last is of so much 


importance, and so indispensably necessary to the 'welfare' and 'hap- 
piness' of that people, that it cannot be omitted or delayed. Conse- 
quently if there were no way of obtaining it without breaking the bonds 
of the union with Mexico, it would then be the interest of Texas to 
attempt her separation. 

''This point has been discussed and examined with much frankness 
in Texas; and the opinion is formed and established upon very solid, 
unalterable foundations, because it has been the result of much reflec- 
tion ; that opinion is, that it would be a misfortune to be separated from 
Mexico, but that it would be a greater misfortune not to be erected into 
a state, so as to be able to organize her local government. There are 
well founded fears that Texas may have to suffer the first misfortune in 
order to save herself the last; and these fears have had a dominating 
influence in the desire for separation from Coahuila, for the purpose 
of reconciling with one voice all the local interests of Texas with her 
permanent union with the Mexican federation. 

'*! have said, and I repeat it, it is not the interest of Texas to separate 
herself from Mexico, even if she had full liberty to do it. If the Grov- 
emment should wish to know the reasons on which this opinion is 
founded, I will present them in a separate paper, and in this I will 
demonstrate that the true interests of Coahuila and of all the republic 
demands that Texas should be made a state without any delay. 

** Sixth. This is a dark and very gloomy point. Texas is to-day 
exposed to separation from Mexico — to being the sport of ambitious 
men, of speculators and reckless money-changers, of seditious and wicked 
men, of wandering Indians who are devastating the country, of adven- 
turers, of revolution, of the lack of the administration of justice and of 
confidence and moral strength in the government. In short, for the 
want of government that country is already at the verge of anarchy. 

**If one proceeds in accordance with the laws of the state of Coahuila 
and Texas, a respectable man would not be safe either in person or 
property ; nor would the capitalist be secure in his capital. If crime is 
punished, it has to be done extra-jndiciaUy without paying attention to 
the laws and forms established, and this affords a dangerous example 
to society and a subversion of the moral strength which the govern- 
ment and the laws ought to have. On the other hand, if crimes go 
unpunished, the vices are unbridled and all the safeguards of society 
are destroyed. 

''For a long time the people of Texas have rested in regard to their 
personal security and that of their property, rather upon the virtues 
which exist in the honor of the mass of the people than upon the admin- 
istration of the laws. 

"To suppose that such a state of affairs can continue would be to 
venture much ; in short, it would be to suppose an impossibility. 

"If the only radical remedy which these evils admit is not applied 
without delay, that of establishing Texas as a state, it will fall into 
anarchy; and whence it will go from this is not in the power of man's 
judgment to say, or what injury will result to the frontiers of Coahuila, 
Nuevo Leon and Tamaulipas, for it is very certain that the Indians will 
take advantage of the occasion to begin hostilities and depredations, and 
thousands of adventurers will be set in motion. 


**A state of anarchy in Texas would also cause confusion upon the 
frontiers of Louisiana and Arkansas; and in such case the probability 
is great that the Government of the North would take possession of 
Texas in order to preserve order upon their frontiers, as it did in the 
case of the Floridas. 

**A11 this and incalculable other evils would be avoided by establish- 
ing Texas as a state. 

**I cannot imagine anything more urgent for the exercise of extraor- 
dinary power than this, since by its exercise in this matter the integrity 
of the territory may be preserved, Texas and her inhabitants may be 
saved — and a new and strong column may be raised to sustain the great 
edifice of the Mexican federation. 

' * In view of what is set forth in this paper and of the representation 
of Texas, I beg that Your Excellency, the Vice President, may be pleased 
to make use of the extraordinary i)Owers to decree that Texas shall form 
a state of the Mexican federation, and that she may proceed without 
delay to organize as such. 

''Stephen F. Austin. 

''Mexico, August 1, 1833." 
"To His Excellency,' the Minister of Relations, Don Carlos Oarda.'* i 

With this document Austin submitted a statistical view of the con- 
dition of Texas, which was designed to prove that the province was 
ready to sustain the responsibilities of statehood. It will more appropri- 
ately appear in the next chapter, along with the result of Almonte's 
observations in 1834. 

In a report addressed to the Central Committee, dated July 24, 
Austin gave the following full account^ of his movements down to that 

''City op Mexico, July 24, 1833. 
'To the Central Committee: 

"My letter from Vera-Cruz, dated 3d instant, informed you of the 
many untoward circumstances that retarded my journey to that place. 
When I wrote from Matamoras, on the 30th May, I expected to have 
reached Vera Cruz in six days, and this place in six or seven more. I 
left Vera Cruz on the 5th in the stage, and arrived at Jalapa on the 6th, 
where I received information of the siege of Puebla by Arista and 
Duran — and that the road was occupied on both sides of the city of 
Puebla by their troops, and all communication with Mexico cut off. On 
the 8th I was told that the stage was allowed to pass the lines, though 
the danger of robbers was great — and I intended to have proceeded in 
the stage on the 9th. But on that day a new and unexpected diflSculty 
arose — my passport was from the Commandant General, D. Vincente 
Pilisola, and it was therefore necessary to present myself to the military 
authorities on the road. At Vera Cruz I called twice (on the 2d, the 
day I landed, and on the 3d) on the Commandant General of that place, 
and exhibited my passport. He told me verbally I could proceed on my 
journey, but did not endorse my passport. Owing to the want of this 
formality, I was detained at Jalapa by -the commandant, and could not 

8 From a circular printed at Brazoria, October 26, 1833. 


proceed until I sent to Vera Cruz, so that I did not reach this place until 
the 18th inst. Puebla was heroically defended by Qen. Guadalupe Vic- 
toria, with the militia of the city, hastily collected for the purpose. The 
regular troops had all gone over to the other side previously, and left 
Victoria without any resources except the patriotism of the people of 
Puebla. With the militia he defeated Arista and Duran in their attempt 
to get possession of the city; and they retreated to the vicinity of this 
city. They are now within four leagues, on the retreat, in the direction 
of Quer^taro. Santa Anna is in close pursuit of them, and no doubt is 
entertained of a speedy termination of the crusaders and the final tri- 
umph of the liberal party. I presume you have seen the plan of Arista 
and Duran — its basis is Religion and a large standing Army. They will 
fail in toto, and the result will be another triumph for Santa Anna and 
a complete dissolution of the aristocratic party and influence. 

**I called on the Ministers on the 19th, and they appointed the 23d 
(yesterday) to have an interview on the subject of my mission. I also 
called on the Vice-President ; my reception was truly kind and friendly, 
particularly in the interview yesterday with the two Ministers of Rela- 
tions and Justice, Garcia and Arispe. They were fully informed of the 
objects of my Mission by my communication from Matamoras through 
the Commandant Gen. and had received the memorial of the Convention 
which I forwarded from that place. I explained at large and with some 
detail the situation of Texas and the necessity of erecting it into a 
State. The leading points on which I rested our claims were : 

** First — The wish of the people and their declaration that they pos- 
sessed the necessary elements to sustain a State Government. 

** Second — The natural right of Texas to occupy its station along- 
side of its sisters, the other States of the Confederation. It has always 
been a distinct member of the Mexican family and as such fought for 
the Independence, etc., and its being for a time under age did not in 
any manner weaken its rights now that it was in a situation to enter 
upon them, etc. 

* ' Third— The law of the 7th May, 1824. I positively denied the right 
of Coahuila to approve or disapprove of our separation. I also stated 
that Texas did not, and would not, recognize the principle that it was 
necessary to apply to the other states of the confederation for their 
approbation. We were now entering upon a natural and an imprescript- 
ible right, which belonged to us before the formation of the Constitu- 
tion, and one which the provisional union with Coahuila did not, and 
could not, weaken in any manner whatever, etc. 

** Fourth — The duty and the interest of Texas to cement and 
strengthen its union with the Mexican confederation — the indirect union 
as an appendage of Coahuila being very precarious, and liable to be 
broken at any time. 

** Lastly — The right and the duty of every people to save themselves 
from anarchy and ruin ! On this last point I enlarged very much, as I 
also did on the 4th. I distinctly stated as my opinion that self-preserva- 
tion would compel the people of Texas to organize a local government, 
with or without the approbation. of the General Government — that this 
measure would not proceed from any hostile views to the permanent 
union of Texas with Mexico, but from absolute necessity, to save them- 


selves from anarchy and total ruin. How such a measure would affect 
the union of Texas with Mexico, or where it would end, were matters 
worthy of serious reflection. 

' ' I will give the answer of the two Ministers, Garcia and Arispe, as 
nearly verbatim as I can recollect. I do not pledge myself for the 
accuracy of the words, but I do for that of the substance : 

** 'This Government will examine the pretensions of Texas to become 
a State of this Confederation, with the most friendly disposition towards 
the people of that remote section, and in conformity with the broad 
and liberal principles of the federal system, adopted by the Mexican 
Republic. We wish to see every portion of the confederation governed 
in accordance with these principles, and of those of the age in which 
we live. We admit that Texas has just cause to complain of the Legis- 
lature of Coahuila. The people of Texas may therefore expect that their 
application will be considered, and their just requests granted, so far as 
it is within the Constitutional powers of the Government to grant them. ' 

**The interview was long, and frank. I was requested to put my 
ideas in writing. They are pretty much all embraced in the Memorial, 
but I thought it would be better to condense them under separate heads 
or points. 

' ' So soon as I get the Constitution translated and a new translation 
of the Memorial (the first being defective) I will lay the whole matter 
before the Government. 

**I believe that Texas will be a State of this Confederation with the 
approbation of this Government before long. I form this opinion from 
the information of many persons of influence, all of whom confirm the 
friendly disposition expressed by the Ministers. Should I be incorrect 
in this conclusion there will be but one course, one remedy left, and that 
is for Texas to adopt the atlernative I informed the Ministers self- 
preservation would compel it to adopt. The people therefore must 
organize without any more applications or delay. 

*'It is pretty well known in Texas that I have pursued conciliation 
as a system ; some think I have adhered to it too long, and too obstinately. 
I do not think so, placed under the circumstances I was. However, this 
is a mere matter of opinion and is of no consequence. My conciliatory 
course has not compromised any of the rights of Texas; on the con- 
trary, it has settled that country, and in times past saved it from many 
evils. Clamors and importunities could not force me from my old rule. 
You ought, therefore, to believe that my judgment is now convinced that 
Texas, in this question of right to become a State, must be uncompro- 
mising. I am placed in a situation here to form a more correct opinion 
as to what course will be best calculated to secure the prosperity of 
Texas, and its permanent union with Mexico, than I was in that remote 

**I therefore reiterate the opinion, and I place it on the footing of 
a recommendation, that should our application be refused, Texas ought 
to organize a local government with as little delay as possible — ^but always 
on the basis that it is a part of the Mexican Confederation, a younger 
sister who adopts this mode of entering upon her rights, now that she 
is of age, because unnecessary embarrassments are interposed which are 
unconstitutional, unjust, inexpedient and ruinous. 


**I also recommend tranquillity and obedience to the laws — ^these are 
the first duties of a citizen. Wait for a definite answer. The moment I 
get one, or am convinced that delay is the object, I will leave here and 
hasten home to unite in executing the recommendations I have made. 
'^Your Fellow-Citizen and Obedient Servant, 

''Stephen F. Austin." 

A week later, on July 30, Austin wrote his brother-in-law, James P. 
Perry, that he had hope of being completely successful ; but in this he 
was over-sanguine, as the event showed. The petition for state govern- 
ment was referred by the ministry to the house of deputies on August 21, 
with a suggestion that prompt action was desirable ; but at about the same 
time congress adjourned on account of a raging epidemic of Asiatic 
cholera, and was not again in session for nearly a month. Austin said 
that there were forty-three thousand cases in the city at one time, and 
that the deaths were about eighteen thousand. ''I have never witnessed 
such horrible scenes of distress and death. The common people of a part 
of the state of Puebla got an idea that the water was poisoned by the 
foreigners, and massacred seven Frenchmen in one village — all the for- 
eigners in that place." 

On September 11, Austin again wrote to Perry: The cholera had 
somewhat abated, but it was not expected that Congress would convene 
for two weeks. He still felt sure of obtaining the repeal of the eleventh 
article of the law of April 6, the establishment of regular mail service, 
and the reduction of tariff for which the convention had asked; but he 
had become convinced by now that the question of admitting Texas to 
the confederation as a separate state must be submitted to vote of all 
the states, as the constitution required.* This made success more ques- 
tionable, and, in addition, the political situation remained unsettled. 
**The revolution is not yet over, and Qod knows when it will be. I have 
great confidence in the vice-president, (Jomez Farias. If the heroes of 
the Cross [the opponents of Santa Anna, who represented the Church 
and the Army] get the upper hand, it is difficult to say what they will 
do as to Texas matters, and it is very probable there will be a break up 
of the government. But there is no prospect that they will succeed at 
present. ... I intend to persevere to the end and effect what I came 
for if I can, regardless of time or expense. ' ' 

But the uncertainty of the Civil war and the tedious delay amid such 
harrowing conditions were wearing out Austin 's patience. Then toward 
the end of September he heard of the ravages of cholera in Texas. Some 
of his best friends, and his little niece, Mary Perry, had died. Sick at 
heart and impatient of the dilatory methods of the government, he 
called on the vice-president and told him plainly that unless some atten- 
tion were quickly given to the petition of the Texans he feared that they 
would act without the government's authorization.* Farias, interpreting 
this as a threat, became very angry, and Austin left the conference con- 
vinced that no relief was to be expected from that source. Reporting the 

* ''Mexico, October 2, 1833. 
"Dr Bbother: I am so much afllicted by accounts of the deaths by cholera in 
Texas that I can scarcely write anything. I have heard of John Austin, his wife and 
child and of my [dear] sister's daughter Mary. . . . [the letter is here iUegible] 



meeting to his brother-in-law the next day, he said, * * I am tired of this 
government Texas must take care of herself without paying any atten- 
tion to these people or to the government. They always have been in 
revolution, and I believe always will be. I have had much more respect 
for them than they deserve — but I am done with all that. ' ' The same 
day (October 2) he wrote to the ayuntamiento of San Antonio as fol- 

**In the letter that I addressed you on the 14th of August last, I 
expressed the opinion that the affairs of Texas would turn out favorably. 
Since then there have been very few sessions of congress, on account of 
cholera. The events of the civil war also have delayed all public affairs 
in such a way that nothing has been accomplished, and I am sorry to say 
that in my opinion nothing will be done, and that it is difBlcult to form 
an idea of the result of the civil war. 

'^In this state of affairs I recommended that all the a3runtamientos 
of Texas put themselves into communication with each other without 
delay for the purpose of organizing a local government for Texas, in the 
form of a state of the Mexican federation founded upon the law of May 
7, 1824, and have ever3rthing ready to accomplish this in union and 
harmony as soon as it is known that the general congress has refused its 

''This step is absolutely necessary as a preparatory measure, because 
there is now no doubt that the fate of Texas depends upon itself and not 
upon this government; nor is there any doubt that, unless the inhabi- 
tants of Texas take all its affairs into their own hands, that country is 

*'I am firmly persuaded that the measure that I recommend is the 
only one that can be adopted to save us from anarchy and total ruin. 
This being my conviction, I hope that you will not lose a single moment 
in addressing a communication to all the ayuntamientos of Texas, urging 
them to co-operate in the plan of organizing a local government inde- 
pendent of Coahuila, even though the general government should deny 

its consent. 

** Stephen P. Austin." 

'To the niicsirions Ayuntamiento of Be jar." 

Austin's reason for sending this letter to a Mexican body instead of 
to the Anglo-American municipalities has occasioned considerable spec- 
ulation among historians ; and if the premises were true his motive would 
not yet be quite clear. In December, 1832, the ayuntamiento had, as we 
know, petitioned for separate state government^ using pretty much the 
same language in describing the evils of the connection with Coahuila as 
had been employed by the convention of 1832; but in May, 1833, the 

Gap. Martin. Good God what a blow. And whether it has taken you all off ia uncer- 
tain. I am too wretched to write much on this subject or any other. . . . 

"I will try and get home aa soon as I can. There has been no meeting of 
Congress since early in August until a few days since, so that nothing is done. I 
shall wait but a short time longer. I am tired of this government. They are always 
in revolution and I believe always will be. I have had much more respect for them 
than they deserve. But I am done with all that." . . . 

* ' S. F. Austin. ' ' 



citizens had declined to endorse Austin's mission. At the same time; 
however, he gathered the impression that they would welcome a separate 
state government; and it might now have occurred to him that they 
would be willing to take the initial step in opening correspondence with 
the other ayuntamientos. If such a movement could be shown to have 
emanated from the Mexican settlers, it would be less likely to meet 
opposition from the federal authorities, and at the same time it might 
serve to moderate the action of radicals among the Anglo-Americans, 
who, when Austin left Texas, were beginning to talk of separation from 
Mexico as well as from Goahuila. But the fact seems to be that the 
letter of October 2 was a circular letter which was sent to several other 
municipalities at the same time. In a pamphlet published by Austin at 
Mexico in January, 1835, he explained his motives thus: ** Despairing of 
being able to secure the remedies that the people of Texas expected, 
fearing a popular uprising there, and believing that, in the event that it 
should really and actually take place, the public interest would be served 
by having it directed by the civil authorities, he wrote a letter, dated 
October 2, to the ayuntamiento of Bejar, the capital of Texas, whose 
inhabitants are all Mexicans by birth, recommending, in substance, that 
it consult with the other ayuntamientos, in order that they might place 
themselves at the head of the popular movement, providing, by way of 
precaution, a local government under the law of May 7, 1824, in the 
event that the anarchistic tendencies came to a head through despera- 
tion. Austin wished by these purely preventive means to avoid the 
fatal and lamentable consequences that would result from a popular out- 

Continuing, he said: ** Perhaps it will be asked. Why did Austin 
not inform the general government of his letter of October 2 at the time 
when he wrote it or before leaving Mexico in the month of December, if 
his intentions were so good ? Austin might have done it certainly ; but 
his doing otherwise does not belie his good faith; rather the sincerity 
itself with which the letter was written clears him of the charge. And 
this sincerity and his good intentions are corroborated by the fact that 
the author of the letter remained in Mexico two months after writing it, 
urging reforms, and that he returned to Texas by the principal road to 
Monclova, the capital of the state and the residence of the authorities 
of Coahuila and Texas" — in other words, making no attempt to conceal 
himself, as he might have been expected to do if he had felt himself 
guilty of any wrongdoing. 

A few days later, October 7, 1833, Santa Anna won a decisive victory 
over the reactionary forces at Guanajuato, and Austin wrote his brother- 
in-law more hopefully on the 23d. Congress had the day before passed 
the repeal of the eleventh article of the law of April 6, 1830 ; and on the 
arrival of Santa Anna, who was expected in a few days, he intended to 
make a final effort to settle the state question. The United States was * 
making a strong effort, through Colonel Anthony Butler, charge 
d 'affaires at Mexico, to obtain a transfer of Texas ; and Austin had some 
hope that the government would either organize it as a state or transfer 
it to the United States. 


t < 

Mexico, 23 October, 1833. 
Dr Brother: It gives me much pleasure to inform you that the 
decree repealing the 11th article of the law of 6 April, 1830, passed the 
chamber of deputies yesterday almost unanimously, and was discussed 
today in the senate, and two articles were approved (there are three 
articles in the decree) when the senate adjourned. There was strong 
opposition in the senate, on the ground that the Govt, of the U. S. would 
take Texas if any more were allowed to come in from that nation, and 
many other very foolish and absurd objections, but the majority were 
in favor of the law and I am told there is no doubt the other article will 
pass tomorrow. 

** General San tana is expected in the city in three days, and after he 
arrives I will try (a final tryal) on the state question. I told the vice- 
president the other day that Texas must be made a state by the Govt, 
or she would make herself one. This he took as a threat and became 
very much enraged — ^however when he understood that my object was 
only to state a positive fact which it was my duty to state, he was recon- 
ciled. I had told him and the ministers the same thing ever since I 
came here. The fact is this govt, ought to make a state of Texas, or 
transfer her to the U. S. — without delay — ^and there is some probability 
at this time that one or the other will be done. A short time now will 
determine the matter in some way. 

**I have had to draw on Orleans for one thousand dollars. This trip 
will cost me very dear, but I care nothing about that if either of the two 
events above mentioned can take place, or if any good results to Texas 
and its inhabitants. All my desires and ambition are limited to the sole 
object of benefiting that country, tho I must confess that some of the 
good folks thete irritate me very much sometimes with their personal 
animosities and jealousies — but it is of short duration. 
**Love to my beloved Sister and all the children and to your neigh- 

*'Your brother, 

**I have written every mail since my arrival here on the 18 Jaly." 

On November 5, 1833, Santa Anna called a meeting of his cabinet, 
which Austin attended, to discuss the Texas questions. The president 
announced himself as favorably disposed toward Texas, and said that 
the general government would consider all the petitions presented by 
Austin ; and would recommend to the state government a reform of the 
judiciary system, so as to give the colonists trial by jury. He did not 
think Texas was yet prepared for state government, but in the effort to 
help it attain fitness for that end he would take under consideration the 
advisability of sending troops to Texas to protect the settlement from 
the Indians. This, of course, would have been a questionable kindness, 
from the Texan point of view ; but Austin could under the circumstances 
say nothing in opposition. During the conference the suggestion was 
made that Texas be separated from Coahuila and given a territorial gov- 
ernment; but this Austin firmly opposed. As we have already seen, 
Burnet's memorial had argued vigorously against such a measure; and 
Austin's instructions from the convention were even more determined 


on that point : * * It may perhaps happen that the general congress would 
prefer a territorial government, believing it to be more adaptable to 
the circumstances of Texas. Upon this point the convention desires that 
you understand explicitly that a territorial government is not the object 
of our petition, that the country will not be satisfied with it, and in the 
change to it no more will be accomplished than passing from one evil 
to another, leaving future experience and future sufferings on the part 
of Texas to prove which of the two evils is the more fatal to its pros- 
perity. You ought, therefore, to resist, respectfully but firmly, anything 
that tends to impose upon us a form of territorial government." 

Finally, on December 7, Austin was informed by the minister of 
Relaciones of the status of his affairs. The objectionable article of the 
law of April 6 waa repealed, recommendations had been made to the 
state government for reforms to meet the wishes of the Texans, and other 
matters had been referred to the treasury department, from which 
Austin would doubtless hear in due time. The question of separate state 
government was, of course, closed: **The petition that the colonists of 
Texas addressed to the general congress for the formation of that por- 
tion of the Mexican territory into a state absolutely independent of 
Coahuila was referred to the Chamber of Deputies on August 21, last, 
attention being called to the importance of the matter and the desirabil- 
ity of prompt consideration thereof. Thus you have been informed in 
this oflSce, and you have been advised of the measures that the govern- 
ment has taken in regard to that colony. One, among others, has been 
to urge the government of the state to secure for the colonists all the 
privileges of which they are worthy as Mexican citizens, in civil as well 
as in criminal affairs. To this end were indicated the measures that 
ought to be put into execution for the most undeviating and suitable 
administration of justice in each branch. One method was the establish- 
ment of juries, wholly in conformity with the petition of the colonists 
themselves, without the government's being able to do anything else, 
because that was not within the scope of its authority. In regard to 
congress, you are already informed of the law that it has seen fit to pass, 
repealing the 11th article of the law of April 6, 1830, and providing that 
this repeal shall not take effect until six months after its publication. 

'*His excellency, the president, orders me to make this communica- 
tion to you, in order that you, who have been entrusted with securing 
a favorable outcome for the petitions of the colonists, may inform them 
of the result that has now been attained, in the conviction that, since 
the supreme government is disposed to favor their claims in all that 
relates to the development of that colony and to facilitate the admin- 
istration of justice, you may assure them that it will help toward and 
use all its influence to secure this important object, and therefore that 
all improvements and reforms conducive thereto will continue, both for 
the purpose of enabling Texas to become a state or territory of the fed- 
eration, and to secure meanwhile good order in its internal admin- 

* ' In regard to the other petitions that you have urged concerning the 
establishment of mails and the reduction or removal of duties upon 
certain articles, they have been referred to the Treasury Office, and 


through it you should be informed of the decision of the supreme gov- 

With this Austin was forced to be content, and believing that he 
had accomplished all that was possible at that time, he began his home- 
ward journey on December 10. But he was destined not to see Texas 
for nearly two years. The e3q)lanation for this goes back to the letter 
of October 2, which Austin wrote to the ayuntamiento of San Antonio. 
On October 31 the ayuntamiento considered his letter and replied in 
a long letter, declining to take the steps that he urged. At the same 
time it forwarded Austin's letter, with a copy of its own reply, to the 
political chief at San Antonio. That ofScial duly dispatched it to the 
governor, who, on November 11, started it on its way to the president 
with a copy of all the documents concerned, which by now had attained 
considerable bulk — ^Austin's letter to the ayuntamiento, the ayunta- 
miento 's letter to the political chief, the political chief's officio to the 
governor, and the governor's letter of transmittal to the president. The 
letter of the ayuntamiento showed, said the political chief, *'in the 
clearest manner the lively and patriotic sentiments of that body," and 
he assured the governor that the majority of the inhabitants of his 
department felt the same way. "Whether sincere or not, the letter is 
interesting as an official statement of the attitude of the Mexican popu- 
lation of Texas: 

**The honorable ayuntamiento of this town, being advised of the 
official letter which you directed to it, dated the 2d of the month just 
passed, has seen with the greatest regret and surprise the exciting plea 
which you make to them that not a moment be lost in directing a dbm- 
munication to the rest of the department and treating with them in 
order that Texas may separate from Coahuila and establish a local gov- 
ernment for itself, even though the general government refuses its con- 
sent. It is certainly very regretable that you should breathe sentiments 
so contrary and opposed to those of every good Mexican, whose constitu- 
tion and laws prohibit in a positive manner this class of proceedings, as 
you very well know, and when the ephemeral support which it is believed 
to have in the general law of the 7th of May, 1824, is entirely apparent 
to the most moderate political capacity of the country. Thus it is that 
this corporation neither can nor ought, nor even wishes, to follow your 
suggestion, and it begs that you cease writing to it in regard to this 
matter, because you know very well what these communications render 
one liable to, considering the laws and orders of the state which must be 
obeyed, and which up to the present time there is no reason to violate in 
so brusque a manner as you propose — especially as there is wanting any 
reasonable ground which could be sustained, once the enterprise were 

**Much has already been said in what has been written concerning the 
separation of Texas from Coahuila, and much more that you heard here 
personally, showing you clearly that we have none of the elements, 
physically and morally, for sustaining a local government. It is beyond 
all doubt, therefore, that this project neither can nor ought to be enter- 
tained by any citizen of Coahuila and Texas who recognizes the interests 
of his country and of himself. 

"In conclusion, this corporation entreats you, inasmuch as the state 


of revolution in which the colonies of this department, especially that of 
which you are empresario, have been placed since last year seems about 
to be terminated by the measures of leniency and prudence which the 
supreme government of the state has lately decreed, that you bethink 
yourself and do not provoke a new motive for disturbance, which, as you 
will see if you clearly examine it, must be more injurious to the colonists 
than to any one else, and particularly to yourself. We desire the prog- 
ress of this country, and with it our own and that of the colonists estab- 
lished in it, our co-laborers for the attainment of the desired end. But 
we desire that this be attained by legal and peaceful measures which 
shall not jeopardize the tranquillity of the department, and that we 
may assure to ourselves and to our children forever the possession of the 
properties that we acquire in it ; and there is no doubt that the measure 
which you propose is exceedingly rash. 

'*Qod and Liberty. 

''Bejar, Oct. 31, 1833." 

The arrival of this packet of documents in Mexico started a verit- 
able avalanche of official correspondence. In spite of the fact that 
Austin had left the city openly in a public cache, after securing a 
passport and paying formal farewell visits to the vice-president and 
other officers, the government feared that he would escape. The state 
department warned the governors of nearly every state in the confed- 
eration to watch for him and cause his arrest; while the war depart- 
ment sent similar notices to most of the military commandants. Copies 
of these, with the replies of the various officers, form several large and 
historically valueless expedientes in the different departmental archives 
of Mexico. This tremendous, activity was not to go without its reward, 
especially as Austin did not know that he was being sought and made no 
effort to conceal his movements. On arriving at Saltillo on January 3, 
1834, he called on the military commandant, whom he had been making 
forced marches to overtake ever since leaving San Luis Potosi, and re- 
ceived notice that he was arrested and must return to the capital. 

Austin's first thought was for the effect that his arrest would have 
in Texas, and from Monterey, whither he was taken before beginning 
the return journey to Mexico, he wrote a long letter to the ayunta- 
miento of San Felipe, filled with soothing assurances and advice to re- 
main quiet. He asked that it be published, and his request was some- 
what tardily complied with on March 27, 1834, when it appeared in an 
Extra — ^which was also the final issue — of John A. Wharton's paper 
at Brazoria, the Advocate of the People's Bights. 

*' Monterey, Jan. 17, 1834. 
''To the Ayuntamiento of San Felipe de Aiistin: 

'*! have been arrested by an order from the minister of war, and 
leave soon for Mexico to answer to a charge made against me, as I 
understand, for writing an officio to the Ayuntamiento [s] of Texas, 
dated 2d October last, advising, or rather recommending that they 
should consult amongst themselves for the purpose of organizing a 
local government for Texas, in the event that no remedies could be ob- 
tained for the evils that threatened that country with ruin. 


''I do not in any manner blame the government for arresting me, 
and I particularly request that there may be no excitement about it. 

*'I giv.e the advice to the people there, that I have always given, 
keep quiet, discountenance all revolutionary measures or men, obey 
the state authorities and laws so long as you are attached to Coahuila, 
have no more conventions, petition through the legal channels, that is, 
through the ayuntamiento and chief of department, harmonize fully 
with the people of Bexar and Ooliad, and act with them. 

**The general government are disposed to do everything for Texas 
that can be done to promote its prosperity and welfare that is con- 
sistent with the constitution and laws, and I have no doubt the state 
government will do the same if they are applied to in a proper 

''It will be remembered that I went to Mexico as a public agent 
with specific instructions, and as such, that it was my duty to be gov- 
erned by them, and by the general wish of the people as expressed to 
me. Also, that when I left in April, the general wish did express itself 
for the separation from Coahuila and the forming of Texas into a state 
of this confederation. Also, that there was a determination to organize 
a local government at all hazards, if no remedy could be obtained. 

''I have in all my acts conformed to this public wish of the people, 
so far as I was informed of it, and when I despaired of obtaining any 
remedy, as I did the beginning of October, I deemed it to be my duty 
as an agent to inform the people so; and believing as I did, that they 
would organize, I also considered that it would be much better to do 
so, by a harmonious consultation of the Ayuntamiento [s] , than by a 
popular commotion. These were my reasons for the recommendation 
given in that officio; also, the result of the civil war was thought to 
be doubtful. 

''I understand, and I rejoice to hear it, that public opinion has 
settled down on a more reasonable basis, and that the most of the Ayun- 
tamientos of Texas have expressed their wish to proceed in a legal 
manner to seek redress. I ought to have been informed of this change, 
but I was not, and knew nothing of it to a certainty, until the 5th of 
November, so that up to that time I acted under the impressions I had 
when I left Texas in April. Since then I have not moved the state 

''The past events in Texas necessarily grew out of the revolution 
of Jalappa, which overturned the constitution and produced the counter 
revolution of Vera Cruz, which extended over the whole country, and 
involved Texas with the rest. It is well known that it was my wish 
to keep Texas, and particularly the colony, out of all revolution, and 
I tried to do so, but the flame broke out in my absence from Texas, in 
June 1832, and since then all has been completely disjointed. A cur- 
rent was set in motion by the general events of the civil war all over 
the nation, and under the circumstances, Texas could not avoid being 
agitated by it. No one can be blamed in any manner for what has 
happened since June, 1832, in Texas — ^it was inevitable — neither was 
it possible for me to avoid being drawn into the whirlpool. It was 
my duty to serve the country as an agent if requested to do so; and 
as an agent it was my duty to obey my instructions as expressed to me. 


' * I have long since informed the Ayuntamientos of Texas of the re- 
peal of the law of April, 1830, and of the favorable and friendly dis- 
position of the government, and by this, I of course rescinded, or an- 
nulled, the recommendation of 2d October, for that was predicated on 
the belief that nothing would be done, and that the result of the civil 
war then pending was even doubtful, since then all has changed for 
the better, and public opinion in Texas has become sound, and shaken 
off the excitement that necessarily grew out of the past agitations. 

*' Under these circumstances the prospects of Texas are better than 
they ever have been. The national revolution is ended, a constitutional 
government exists, the people are obedient to the government and laws, 
everywhere. Be the same in Texas, and have no more excitements, 
tolerate no more violent measures, and you will prosper and obtain 
from the government all that reasonable men ought to ask for. 

*'The last year has been one of calamities for Texas, floods, pes- 
tilence, and commotions, I hope the present year will be more favor- 
able. I request that you will have this letter published for general 
information, and also the enclosed copy of the answer given to me by 
his Excellency the minister of relations.'^ You will see by this answer 
the very favorable and friendly disposition of the general government 
to make a state or a territory of Texas, and do everything else within 
its constitutional powers for the good of that country. 

'*I consider my agency for Texas as terminated, but this will not 
prevent me from doing all I can for the good of that country, on my 
own individual responsibility. 

** Respectfully your most ob't sert., 

'* Stephen P. Austin.'' 


At the same time (January 17) in a long and intimate letter to Don 
.Rafael Llanos, a member of the national senate, Austin spoke strongly 
of the needs of Texas and of the duty of the government to remedy con- 
ditions. Beginning with the observation that -in times of political turmoil 
it was hard for one who took any part in public affairs to avoid entangle- 
ment in one way or another with individuals, parties, or authorities, he 
told of his arrest, and then entered into a review of the status of Texas. 
The province was exposed to anarchy on account of the want of ade- 
quate government; during the past winter the sentiment had been 
strongly in favor of erecting a state government, as was shown by the 
memorial of Bexar in December, 1832, and of the convention in April, 
1833; since then some of the ayuntamientos had apparently changed 
their minds as to the method of obtaining this organization, but this did 
not mean that they were satisfied with the situation; they still desired 
radical reforms, and only believed that they had not previously adopted 
the best means to obtain them. It should be remembered that in No- 
vember and December, 1832, Texas was almost without a local govern- 
ment; **and perhaps it would not be venturing much to say that the 
whole republic was in the same condition. To such an extent was this 
true that the wisest were divided in opinion as to whether or not there 
was a legitimate government, or whether the constitution still survived.'* 

8 See above pages. 


He did not know of this change of opinion when he attended the cabinet 
meeting on November 5, 1833, and therefore urged measures in con- 
formity with his instructions of April, 1833. He had worked steadily 
for the interest of Texas and was conscious of no wrongdoing. He had 
been dispirited and impatient when he wrote his letter of October 2 to 
the ayuntamiento of Bexar, but even then his advice was conditional, 
''subject to the development of the future — a precautionary measure and 
nothing more.'' Everything that he had done had been done publicly 
and without concealment, he had written ofScially, not privately, he 
had remained in Mexico two months after writing ; had left the capital 
publicly, traveling with one of the deputies of congress; at Saltillo he 
had called on the commandant; and but for his arrest he should have 
gone on to Monclova, where the legislature was in session, in order to 
try to get some laws passed for the relief of Texas, in accordance with 
the suggestions of Santa Anna and the general government * ' It would 
have been easy to go to Vera Cruz and embark for Orleans, if I had be- 
lieved that I had committed an offense that merited punishment. The 
fact is that the hope of effecting some good for the benefit of Texas 
caused me to come by land, though the journey is much harder than a 
voyage to Europe." In what consisted the crime of laboring thirteen 
years to settle Texas, and spending time and money to secure a remedy 
for the evils suffered by it, thereby preventing ruin to it and loss to 
Mexico? ''I have been accused of projecting grand plans for Texas, 
and I confess that I have had such plans. ... I wished to take from 
my native land, and from every country, the best that they contain 
and plant it in my adopted country." He wished to bring artisans, 
farmers, republicans; to subject the Indians, secure the frontier, culti- 
vate the soil, open roads and canals, improve the navigation of the 
rivers and cover them with boats and barges trading with foreign nar 
tions. **You have been my friend since 1821. In this letter I have 
told you all my desires and plans for Texas. I was not bom in a wilder- 
ness^ and have not the patience of the Bexarenos and the other inhab- 
itants of the frontier, who daily endure the same burdens and incQji- 
veniences that their fathers and their grandfathers and perhaps their 
great-grandfathers suffered, without advancing a single step or think- 
ing of advancing. Death is preferable to such a stagnant existence." 
In a long postscript he returned to this theme, and spoke in no uncertain 
terms of the imperative necessity of the government's paying more at- 
tention to the welfare of Texas. * ' I have labored in good faith, shoulder- 
ing all kinds of burdens and responsibilities for the good of my country ; 
but at the same time I owe duties to the people who have emigrated to 
the desert at my solicitation. And they also owe to themselves and their 
families the duty and the right of self-preservation. If there were no 
other way to accomplish this than by separation from Mexico and union 
with the North, or maintaining independence, it is very clear that it 
would be their most sacred duty to attempt it. ' ' Nevertheless, ' ' every- 
thing said by rumor and partial reports concerning the projects in 
Texas to separate from Mexico is false — ^there have been no such projects, 
and there are no such now. What they wish there is a regulation of the 
internal government in order to prevent disorders, tumults, and di- 
visions which would undoubtedly lead to revolution." Finally, said 

Tol. I— » 


Austin to this Mexican statesman, ''I have said and thought that the 
local government of Texas ought to be regulated or the country ought 
to be sold to the United States of the North, in order to get some profit 
from it before losing it (a fin de sacar algun provecho de ello, antes de 
perderlo) ; and the Mexicans with whom I have talked, and who fully 
understand the matter, are of the same opinion." 

Those two letters written the same day well illustrate Austin's 
policy during the next year and a half. To the colonists he continued to 
talk optimistically, urging them to eschew political activity, to attend 
to their personal affairs, and rely confidently on the kind intentions of 
the government ; while to the government he spoke of the patience of the 
colonists under multiplied neglect and abuses, and boldly demanded re- 
forms. If on the one hand he pretended to a confidence in the govern- 
ment which he did not feel, and on the other somewhat exaggerated the 
long-suffering loyalty of the colonists, who can blame him! He wished 
to avoid an outburst in Texas and no doubt he still wished to be loyal 
to Mexico; but at the same time the interest of Texas was paramount, 
and unless the government recognized its obligations no effort of his 
would long be continued to save the province to Mexico. 

Though he was conscious of no wrongdoing, Austin realized that his 
arrest was a serious matter. He knew Mexico too well to think lightly 
of any judicial process. He wrote Perry on January 14 that he would 
probably be detained a year. But, **Qive yourselves no kind of un- 
easiness about this matter. It can do me no other harm than the delay and 
expense. All I can be accused of is that I have labored most diligently 
and indef atigably to get Texas made a state separate from Coahuila, and 
this is no crime, nor no dishonor. It is quite the reverse. ... I hope 
there will be no excitement about my arrest. It will do me harm, and 
no good to Texas ; that is, unless I should be unjustly dealt by. In that 
case there, will be cause for excitement. ' ' The history of his next four 
months can best be told by a letter to Perry of May 10 : 

* * Ex-Inquisicion, Mexico, May 10th, 1834. 

**Db Brother: I improve the first moment that I could write to 
you since I arrived here, which was on the 13th February — on that day I 
was locked up in one of the dungeons of this vast building incommuni' 
cado, that is, I was not allowed to speak to or communicate with any 
person whatever except the oflScer of the guard. I remained in this situ- 
ation until yesterday, when I was permitted to communicate with per- 
sons outside, receive books, writing materials, visits, etc., and to mix with 
the other prisoners — there are about sixty of them, all ofiicers except two 
clergymen (Padres), and all men of good families and respectability 
confined for political opinions in the revolution of the past year. The 
occupant of my dungeon before me was a colonel who was banished. Gen- 
eral Bustaraante, former vice-President, occupied one in July and Au- 
gust last near mine, as I am informed. 

**You may have some curiosity to know how I am lodged and what 
sort of a place an inquisicion prison is, about which so many horrid things 
are said all over the world, and which are no doubt true, and probably 

much worse. 

*'My room is about 15 feet by 13 — very high ceiling — two doors, one 


flush with the outside surface of the wall, the other near the inside 
surface and within the wall, which is about 3 feet thick, of large hewn 
stone. The latter dodr has an oblong hole large enough to admit a 
plate, the other is solid. Both were always locked and bolted until yes- 
terday. No windows, a very small* skylight in the roof which barely 
afforded light to read on very clear days, when the sun was high, asLj 
from 10 to 3 o'clock. Quite free from damp except such as would nat- 
urally result from the want of free circulation of air. There are 19 
similar dungeons in this range, with the difference that some of them 
are a little larger than mine, the most are the same size. They are 
in the interior of this extensive building and the doors open into an 
oblong patio or open court about 120 by 60 feet, which has a veranda 
or gallery all round it supported by pillars and arches, a fountain of 
good water from the aqueduct in the center. This part of the building 
is one story, but is surrounded on every side by other parts of the same 
building that are two stories and present a solid wall above our range 
without windows that work into this patio. On two sides of the base 
of the two-story wall before mentioned there are solederos or sunning 
places, which are spaces about 14 feet square (one is much larger), 
ranged along the back of the dungeons and between them and the be- 
fore-mentioned two-story wall. They are separated from each other by 
high walls. Each has a door, locks, etc., open above for the sun. They 
communicate with the patio by arched passages. 

''When I came in each dungeon had its occupant and all were in 
incommunicado the same as myself. All the doors were locked and 
bolted. No one came into the patio except the sentinel. All was silent. 
Each one was taken out about two hours in the middle of the day and 
put into one of the solederos or sunning places, alone and locked in. In 
time of the inquisicion the prisoners were covered with a kind of sack 
or overgarment with a mask at the top to cover the head space, so that 
they could not be known, even by the guard in going through the patio 
to and from the solederos; nothing of the kind was done with us, we saw 
each other but could not salute or speak. I am told that in the time of 
the inquisicion there were four other patios or open courts that belonged 
to the part of the building that was used as a prison. They formerly 
communicated with each other by obscure passages which are now closed. 
The entrance into each from the street was always separate, as they still 
are, so that if the friend of a prisoner saw him enter one of the outside 
doors he could not from that circumstance form any idea of the patio 
or part of the building where he was confined. The patio I am in com- 
municates with the street by a narrow dark passage about 150 feet 

** Padre Senoneto Mier, a very distinguished patriot, was confined 
in the same dungeon I am in by the tribunal of the inquisicion in its 
time, and also by the Emperor Iturbide. I visited him here in this room 
in October, 1822. He was a member of congress and was arrested the 
20th of August with 14 other members. General Morelos, the most dis- 
tinguished of the generals in the beginning of the revolution, was con- 
fined in a dungeon near mine in this range, from which he was taken to 
be shot. In short, each one of these dungeons has some tradition of the 
sufferings of some victim of the inquisicion or of the revolution. Since 


the independence this building has been used as a prison for political 
offenders only. No one accused of felonious crimes is confined here. The 
prisoners are well treated. 

**The first of April all the prisoners were put in communication ex- 
cept myself and four others. We remained shut up until yesterday. Our 
doors are now open from sunrise to 9 o 'clock at night. We have the free 
use of the patio and can visit another extensive range of dungeons in the 
second story of the main building, which communicates with this patio 
by a dark passage and much darker stone staircase. From this range 
there is a passage onto the asotia or roof of our range of dungeons, which 
is flat, so that we can walk oyer our dungeons and all around our patio 
and have sufficient room for exercise. I was shown a dungeon in the 
second story where a man from Guatamala was confined by the in- 
quisicion 30 yeara He is now living in a hospital of this city and has 
given some account of the treatment of prisoners in those days of super 
stition and despotism. 

'^I have received no personal ill treatment from any of the' officers 
or guards who have had charge of me since my first arrest to this day. 
I received such provisions as I needed through the guard. They were 
handed in at the hole in the inside door. When I left Monterey the 
officer of the guard, Capt. Manuel Barragan, told me that he would 
put no guard over me, except my word that I would not attempt to es 
cape nor speak or write to any one without his permission. I gav^ 
it, of course, for I would have returned to Mexico on the simple order of 
the Government. My conscience told me that I had committed no crime. 
I was imprisoned for urging the claims of Texas that were confided to 
me as an agent with more determination and obstinacy than was con- 
sistent with my personal security or welfare, but nothing more. I ac- 
cepted the agency with reluctance, but in good faith and conformed to 
what I had every right to believe was the general wish of the people so 
far as the convention expressed that wish. Much good will result to 
Texas from my sufferings. The state government has been stimulated 
to apply proper remedies in many things, and some of those who would 
have ruined the country and thrown it into confusion merely from 
personal feelings and low, mean jealousies towards me, are now satisfied 
and rejoicing and are in favor of peace and quietness, because they 
think I am suffering. Others who were restless and dissatisfied with 
me and with everything without knowing why, are more calm and rea- 
sonable, and others who were my enemies a year ago, have no doubt had 
the magnanimity to do me justice. This conduct (if it be true, as I am 
told it is) will do them honor and be remembered to their advantage 
at some future day when all personal feelings have passed. My own 
personal friends (and the mass of the honest and laboring farmers are 
so), have always been in favor of peace and quietness and opposed to 
turbulence. They have no doubt blamed me for suffering violent men 
to involve me as I have done. They have seen that I have permitted my- 
self to be thrown into the mire by others whose sole object was my 
ruin. I was unsuspicious and acted in good faith. The fact is that when 
a few persons combine to ruin another who is unsuspicious and acts in 
good faith and with honest intentions, it is very difficult for him to 


* * Thus, it is, that those who a year ago were the most vociferous for 
a state government, and the most torbnlent, are now for peace. They 
have, in fact, adopted my own principles which always have been peace 
<md submission to the laws and no revolutions. If I ever wandered from 
those principles, it was because public feeling was so disordered and 
things were so disjointed that my opposition would have increased the 
evils and in all probability caused a great deal of confusion. I yielded 
from this motive, and yielded in good faith, and not to undermine or 
counteract. Thus my own principles of peace and quietness are now pre- 
dominate, when, had I attempted to have made them prevail by direct 
opposition to violent measures, the reverse would have been the case. 
It is very evident that Texas must become a state at some future day 
and not very distant. All will be in favor of it. The attempt that has 
been made was premature and totally wrong as to the measures. The 
particular act that involved me in all this was the calling of the con- 
vention in my absence. I yielded after my return. In so far as I am 
to blame in agreeing to these measures I am ready to be censured. They 
grew out of the situation of public feelings at the time. It would have 
been worse than useless for me to have opposed them. The only way I 
could have done it was to enter into them in bad faith, so as to defeat 
and counteract them. Such a course I did not think was correct or hon- 
orable. On my arrival here I could have put the state question to sleep. 
If I had done so those who now blame me for an excess of zeal would 
have been vociferous on the opposite extreme. All those things are mere 
matters of course. In short, it is mankind. The only substantial matter 
in this business that is worthy of consideration is that much substantial 
good unll result to'^Texas from my sufferings, and I am content. As 
to office or public employ, you know that I have always been averse to it. 
I am more so now than ever. I am no ofiScer nor no demagogue seeking 
popularity. I have tried in good faith to do all the good I could to every- 
body. As to enemies and friends, the common acceptance of those words 
amongst mankind in general conveys to the mind the same idea of 
change that the word clouds does — ^not so with true personal friends. 
Of these I shall never want. Such men, for example, as T. P. McEinney. 
These are the only kind of friends I wish for. 

''I have no idea when I shall be at liberty. I think that all depends 
on the report of Almonte, who has been sent to Texas and I presume is 
now there or on his way back. It is much in my favor that all remains 
quiet in Texas. I was confident that no friend of mine would try to get 
up an excitement, but I feared that my enemies would. Such a thing 
would have increased my difficulty, for I would have been blamed for 
it all. My confinement has been very rigid, but I am in good health and 
have borne it with considerable patience. I had no books the first month, 
and it was solitary enough. After that I prevailed on the sergeant to 
go to D. Victor Blanco, who sent some. He and Padre Muldoon have 
been firm and unswerving in their friendship to me in all the business; 
so has Ramon Musquiz and many others in Bexar who have written 
here in my favor. I have never complained of the Vice President 
Farias. He has been deceived. He has been made to believe, as I am 
told, that my object was to separate Texas from Mexico and deliver it 
to the United States of the North, which is absolutely false and without 


the shadow of foundation, besides being a great absurdity. In a mo- 
ment of irritation I said to the vice President that if the evils of Texas 
were not remedied the public there would remedy them of themselves. 
This irritated him very much and my difSculties commenced. The 
truth is I lost patience and was imprudent and of course to blame, for 
patience is necessary in such cases. I hope that no friend of mine will 
blame the vice President or complain of him. I put on one side all 
considerations of personal safety or consequences to myself and thought 
only of suffering Texas and the fevered and excited situation of my con- 
stituents. Had I erred for a want of zeal or industry or diligence in 
the discharge of my duty as an agent, all would have had cause to cen- 
sure me, and my own conscience would have been the first to do it, for 
nothing can be more sacred than a public agency. My conscience is at 
rest. As an agent I did my duty and only erred from excess of zeal to 
do it. Good has resulted even from that error, if it was one. I am 
suffering, but the evils of Texas are remedied. This idea consoles me 
for my misfortunes and enables me to bear them firmly. Remember 
me to McKinney and show him this letter, also H. Austin, and if Moses 
and Brother are there remember me to them. 
* * Love to Emily and all the family. 

''S. F. AUSTIK.'' 

When he started home on December 10, Austin began a diary, and 
after he was imprisoned he whiled away a few minutes each day by 
committing his thoughts to writing. The entry for February 20 argues 
that it is not to the interest of Texas to separate from Mexico ; nor would 
it be well for the United States to incorporate Texas, even if it could 
get it. The true interest of Texas, he thinks, ''is to have a local govern- 
ment, to cement and strengthen its union with Mexico, instead of weak- 
ening or breaking it. What Texas wants is an organization of a local 
government." On April 12 he returned to the same subject and de- 
clared that it would injure the United States to annex Texas or to see 
it made a state of Mexico. Annexation would injure the United States 
because it would extend the territory of that government too widely, 
and because Texas would be isolated from the other states geographically 
and economically. It would be a bad thing for the United States if 
Texas were made a state of the Mexican federation, because such an 
event would bring about the rapid development of Texas and strong 
competition with the southern states in the production of cotton. Whether 
he expected his journal to be read by his attendants, and hoped thereby 
to influence the government on the subject of statehood for Texas is prob- 
lematical. On April 29, the last entry in the book, he expressed himself 
on the judicial system. Father Muldoon had just brought the news 
that Santa Anna had returned to the capital six days before. **I did 
not know it before. I know nothing of what passes outside, no one is 
allowed to speak to me, nor am I with anybody. I am incommufii-' 
cadisimo. What a system of jurisprudence is this of confining those ac- 
cused or suspected without permitting them to take any steps to make 
manifest their innocence or to procure proofs for their trial, they can 
neither consult with counsel, lawyer, friend or anybody. I do not know 
of what I am accused, how can I prepare my defense T Perhaps I will 


have to send to Texas for proofs of my innocence, how can I do. so, being 
shut up — and incommunicated 1 This system may be in conformity with 
law, but I am ignorant of which law, or of what rights the party ac- 
cused has, but it is very certain that such a system is in no wise in 
conformity with justice, reason or common sense." 

Down to the beginning of June, Austin was still uninformed of the 
charge against him, and of whether his case would come before a civil 
or military court. He remained in the prison of the inquisition until 
June 12, when the military tribunal to which he had been assigned de- 
cided that it had no jurisdiction. He was then transferred to the prison 
of the Acordada, and his case was assigned to a civil judge (jtiez de 
letras), '*in whose hands,'' as Austin said, ''it slept until the 12th of 
August — ^when he decided that he had no jurisdiction over it." It was 
then sent to the judge of the Federal District, **who soon dispatched it 
by deciding that he had no jurisdiction over it, as I did not reside in 
his district." The matter was finally referred to the supreme court of 
the nation to determine what court had jurisdiction, and there Austin 
feared, as late as August 25, that it was likely to stay. 

In the meantime Austin was coming to feel that the colonists were 
neglecting him. He thought that a representation from the various 
ayuntamientos to the national government, declaring that he had acted 
only as the agent of the people and that he was not individually culpa- 
ble, would secure his release at once. Moreover, enemies were beginning 
to spread the rumor in Mexico that Texas had repudiated and cut him 
adrift. The fact is that the ayuntamiento of San Felipe had made such 
a representation as early as April 28, and the newly created ayunta- 
miento of Matagorda as one of its earliest official acts drew up a strong 
memorial on the same subject on May 17, but apparently these docu- 
ments were not immediately forwarded to congress. His friends took 
Austin literally at his word -and abstained from anything that might 
be interpreted as insubordination, lest they should injure him. The 
San Felipe ayuntamiento, of which R. M. Williamson was alcalde and 
William Barrett Travis secretary, declared that Austin had consistently 
opposed the project of statehood ; and because of his opposition to that 
plan had failed of election to the presidency of the convention of 1833. 
He had been selected for the mission to Mexico because of his supposed 
influence with the government; and his ofiScial letter to the ayuntamiento 
of Bexar was written in this representative capacity and not as an in- 
dividual. The charge should be against the whole people of Texas, who 
desired separation from Coahuila, and not against Austin, who had al- 
ways counseled moderation. The memorial from Matagorda took the 
same ground. The people recognized in Austin '*the father of a colony 
who had dared the dangers and solitude of a wilderness ; nor feared the 
lair of the beast, nor the track of the savage ; who had planted the foot 
of enterpyise upon the lonely prairie; who had raised the hum of in- 
dustry on the banks of the streams and within the recesses of the forest; 
and who reclaimed from nature an apparent desert that he might de- 
liver to his fellow-man a country abounding in all the sweets and abun- 
dance required for their wants or by their wishes. If the ayuntamiento 
imagined that one who did so much for his country at the commence- 
ment of its existence could meditate such an injury as its separation 


from the Mexican Union, they are convinced the criminal wish was not 
supported by the people." This document was penned by the acting 
secretary of the ayuntamiento, S. Bhoads Fisher. It may not have been 
entirely ingenuous in all its parts, but in its picture of the services of 
Austin to Texas and of his attitude toward the government it did not 
greatly exaggerate the truth. On May 31 the ayuntamiento of Liberty 
adopted an able memorial drawn by David Q. Burnet. Austin's letter 
of October 2 might have been imprudent, it said, but Austin was acting 
as the agent of the people and wrote it as a solemn duty ; it had done no 
harm; and the sovereign general congress was implored to release the 
prisoner. The transmission of this also seems to have been delayed 
through fear of hurting the agent whom it was designed to serve. 

About the beginning of July two letters from Austin, one to Oliver 
Jones, a Texan representative in the state congress, and one to Samuel 
M. Williams, expressed a wish that the ayuntamientos would do this 
very thing. Thereupon the ayointamientos of Mina, Gonzales and Bra- 
zoria drew up memorials and Matagorda prepared a second one. The 
document from Brazoria was drawn by William H. Wharton, between 
whom and Austin unpleasant feeling had existed on account of Austin's 
conservatism. Wharton could not reconcile himself to the deficiencies 
of the Mexican political system, and had no patience with Austin's 
habitual attitude of conciliation. In this document he disclaimed knowl- 
edge of the charges upon which Austin was held. ''But if it be true, as 
has been alleged by some, that he is suspected of having designs upon 
the integrity of the Mexican territory, we reply that the allegation is a 
libel as well upon the people of Texas as upon Austin. . . . His 
motto has universally been, the constitution and laws federal and state, 
and on some occasions he has even aroused the feeling of some of his 
countrymen against him by advising a tame and humiliating submission 
to the indignities which had been heaped upon us. These are facts too 
notorious to be questioned, and to doubt them would be evidence of the 
weakest credulity." 

Peter W. Grayson and Spencer H. Jack volunteered to carry these 
memorials to Mexico and see that they reached Santa Anna and con- 
gress. Colonel Almonte was in Texas at the time, having been sent by 
the government to make an observation of the province, and he en- 
couraged Grayson by saying that he saw no reason for Austin's longer 
detention and would use his influence, when he returned, to help secure 
his release. On their way to Mexico Grayson and Jack went by Mon- 
dova and obtained from the governor a strong letter supporting their 
memorials and urging the release of the prisoner. They arrived at 
Mexico on October 15 and laid their documents before Santa Anna. 
Fortunately we have Grayson's report of the course of Austin's case 
from this time on. It was written in February, 1837, for Vice-President 
Mirabeau B. Lamar, and is preserved in the State Library in the Lamar 
Papers, which the state acquired in 1909: 

**0n enquiring for our friend Genl. Austin, we found that he had 
now been removed to still another prison of the City — where his condi- 
tion was in no material respect different from what it had been in the 
one he had last left. We had no diflSculty in procuring admittance to 


the room in which he was confined ; with some three other prisoners who 
were Mexicans. 

'^The delight he experienced on seeing us may be more easily imag* 
ined than described, as he was now convinced that there was at least 
some sympathy felt for his condition on the part of those from whom 
he had naturally a right to expect it, however poor might be the prospect 
of any relief at their hands. After much conversation on various mat« 
ters, I asked him to inform me what was the nature of the charge or 
prosecution against him, and what the law which it was said .he had 
offended. He replied • • • ethat on that subject he was as entirely 
uninformed as myself, that he had not seen an of&cial paper of any kind 
whatever relating to his case, and that he merely supposed his letter to 
the ayuntamiento of Bexar, before referred to, had been the cause of the 
proceeding against him. It is worth while to observe that he had now 
been confined about nine months. 

**The first thing we thought it most prudent to attempt was merely 
to procure his release on bail. This could only be effected by the exer- 
tion of personal influence with the Judge before whom his case was 
now in some sort pending, jurisdiction of it having been declined pre- 
viously, as I understood, by one or two functionaries of that class. It is 
needless to detail here the various efforts that were made to influence 
the Judge to grant bail to the prisoner. Whilst these means were being 
employed, the papers of the cause as it was called we [re] brought and 
delivered to the accused in compliance with the form usually observed 
in such matters. 

'^On examination they were found to be a huge mass of documents, 
if indeed such stuff deserved the name, a great part of which purported 
to be evidence. Much of this evidence, to our surprise, we saw consisted 
of floating and indefinite rumors that had been reduced to writing and 
thus made to assume a more imposing form. Among other things of 
this sort, I remember there was a letter, which had been written by an 
unknown writer at Matagorda, during the time of Genl. Austin's con- 
finement, to the Editor of a newspaper in New Orleans in allusion to 
his case, as connected with the affairs of Texas generally — now formally 
translated into Spanish and made to cut a serious figure in the prosecu- 
tion. Of a character in no degree more relevant was all the rest of the 
evidence which came under my observation. 

''We looked in vain for any paper in the nature of an Indictment 
which might present the precise form and substance of the accusation. 
Everything was left to be guessed at and gathered, as one best might, 
from the chaos of papers such as I have described them — which had all 
been manufactured in the spirit of the Inquisition, entirely ex parte. 

"The cause, however, had been thus sent to the prisoner, that he 
might be enabled to make out his answer of Defense. This he employed 
an Advocate to do for him — it was accordingly done — ^and as I think in 
a very able manner. 

"Of this Gentleman who was an advocate of much note in the City 
I remember we enquired the Law upon which the prosecution was pro- 
ceeding. He frankly told us that he did not know it himself; remarking 

< At this point there is a bole in the manuscript and a word is lost. 


that neither he or anyone else could say with any certainty what was 
Law in Mexico either in civil or criminal matters. . . . 

** Through all this uncertainty, however, and after much delay, bail 
was granted upon high security on the 25th December and the accused 
set at liberty within the bounds of the City. 

**He who was accepted as security was a wealthy Mexican of the 
City, by the name of Paseual Villar. The American Consul, Doctr. 
Parrot, generously offered his name, which was, however, not required. 

**yhe discharge on bail we were disposed to regard in substance 
as an acquittal; — in a country where mere rumor and suspicion stand 
in the place of legitimate evidence, and imprisonment for an indefinite 
period, at the pleasure of the Government, is the only means relied upon 
for securing the person of any one they expect to punish." 

Austin's joy at the arrival of Grayson and Jack was almost pathetic. 
In a letter to his friend, Thomas F. McKinney, on October 18, he poured 
out his heart as follows: **I sincerely thank you all. No new ties were 
needed to bind my heart and affections to the people of Texas. I can, 
however, never forget this last act of kindness. It came at an interesting 
moment. I had borne all with calm fortitude up to the beginning of 
this month. At that time I heard so many unfavourable rumors, and 
one in particular, that my friends at home (except my own family) were 
careless about me and were indifferent as to my fate. My spirits began 
to sink. The idea of being cast off contemptuously by those whom I had, 
at least, iryed to serve faithfully was worse than death. I am now en- 
tirely relieved from that idea — and am in better spirits than since my ar- 
rest. Nothing could have depressed them but the above idea. 

**I hope the representations brought by Grayson and Jack will have 
a favourable effect. The only objection is that they are in the English 
language. Nothing should be sent in that language. It does great 
harm. I think I now understand the rumors that have reached me of un- 
favourable impressions against me in the cabinet, on account of repre- 
sentations from Texas. Those impressions were made, but they pro- 
ceeded from communications that were intended to benefit me, and had 
quite a contrary effect owing to the high-toned and inflammatory lan- 
guage used. I am convinced that no representations have been made 
against me, and no unfair means used against me by any persons who 
belong to Texas, and I acquit all persons of such a suspicion. I say this 
because in my letter to my brother-in-law of 25 August, I expressed a 
doubt on the subject. I regret that I entertained any such doubt. I 
was induced to believe amongst other things that the minister of relar 
tions, Lombardo, was personally hostile to me, and that Col. Almonte 
had made a very unfavourable report about me and Texas. All this 
I now find to be quite incorrect. Almonte's report was favourable, and 
the minister is not my enemy. 

** Under all these false impressions I wrote on the 6th of this month 
by Capt. Offutt on the subject of representing. All those letters were 
written under erroneous impressions made by false information, and 
I wish Mr. P[erry] and W[illiaras] to destroy all my letters of 6th Oc- 
tober and not to show them to any one whatever. . 

**I am pleased with the representation from Brazoria or Colombia 
signed by Waller and Wharton. I shall return to Texas as a farmer. 


determined to have nothing more to do with the public matters of this, 
or any country. I wish for harmony. This is too important a matter 
for individual and public happiness and prosperity to be suspended or 
jeopardized by stickling etiquette, and under this view I am the first 
to say that no obstacles to personal harmony with all men will be 
raised by me on account of the past political events, altho I am the 
only one who has suffered by them. The Whartons have heretofore 
taken a hostile attitude, or at least an unfriendly one towards me. 
They never had any cause, as I think, to do so. However, be it that W. 
H. W. [W. H. Wharton] is a friend or foe, the representation above 
mentioned is calculated to benefit me and was evidently intended to do so, 
and I therefore thank him so far as he had any agency in it, and au- 
thorize you to tell him so, and also that I look on that measure as a 
step on his part towards personal harmony. If he intended it as such, 
I meet it with corresponding feeling, and if we do not shake hands as 
friends in future it will be his fault, not mine. John [Wharton] is of 
course included in these remarks."^ 

Just as Austin closed this letter, at seven o'clock in the evening, 
notice reached him that he had been elected to represent the department 
of the Brazos in the next session of the state congress. **No event of 
my life has afforded me more gratification, not because I desire officjC, 
nor to have anything to do with public matters, far from it I sincerely 
wish to avoid them — but situated as I now am I should be worse than 
cold-hearted and insensible not to feel the greatest degree of gratitude 
and thankfulness for this distinguished and unequivocal evidence of the 
confidence and esteem of my fellow citizens and fellow laborers. Because 
it is a vindication of what is dearer to me than life or liberty — of my 
reputation, I thank them. I hope it may be in my power to thank them 
by some act, some service more substantial than these word&" 

Austin's release was finally due to the passage of an amnesty law. 
Congress met on January 4, 1835, and this was introduced early in the 
session. When Grayson and Jack left the capital at the beginning of 
February they and Austin thought that it would be published in a few 
days, but by March 10 it had only gotten to the president, who expected 
to return it to Congress for certain changes. "This," said Austin, **is a 
measure in which many thousand are deeply interested, and one that 
the government and three-fourths or more of both houses and all influen- 
tial men are anxious should pass, and yet it has to travel the usual snail 's 
pace of public matters." Austin was detained in the city on one formal- 
ity or another until July 13, when he departed for Vera Cruz, intend- 
ing to embark for New Orleans, where he could get passage to Texas. 
At Vera Cruz, however, the military commandant declined to allow hira 

T Perry warned Austin, in a letter dated December 7, not to attach too much 
significance to the fact that Wharton signed this memorial. It was drawn by W. H. 
Jack at the request of McKinney and himself, said Perry, and Wharton could hardly 
do less than sign. In fact Wharton had as late as November 9 attacked Austin in a 
most violent manner in a handbill which he printed in a reply to a letter which Austin 
wrote Perry on August 25. Perry, yielding to the advice of his own and Austin's 
friends, had published the letter and in it Austin had referred to Wharton as one 
whose radical action had helped to bring Texas into iU-repute with the government 
and Austin himself into his present trouble. 


to ship, and a visit to Santa Anna at his hacienda, Manga de Clavo, was 
necessary to get an order for the commandant to let him pass. After 
a few days in New Orleans he sailed for Texas and arrived at Brazoria 
on September 1, 1835, two years and a half after his departure on the 
mission of 1833. 

Why was Austin so long detained ? He seemed convinced that Santa 
Anna was kindly disposed toward him, but was powerless to hasten the 
slowly moving wheels of justice. Santa Anna had been absent from the 
capital during most of 1833, and was absent when Austin was committed 
to prison in 1834. Two weeks after his return to the capital in April, 
1834, the rigor of Austin's confinement was relieved, and the case began 
its round of the courts. Nevertheless it has been plausibly suggested 
that Santa Anna, planning to overthrow the federal system and establish 
a strongly centralized government, and foreseeing opposition to this 
program from the republicans of Texas, was really holding Austin as a 
hostage. This certainly would not be inconsistent with what w^e know 
of the president's methods, but as yet no direct evidence has appeared 
to establish the fact. Judicial proceedings moved slowly enough at best, 
and perhaps it was sufficient for the president merely to keep hands off, 
and take no step to accelerate the case. 

Austin thought at times that his case was hurt by his personal 
enemies, both in Mexico and in Texas, and by injudicious friends. In 
the glow of grateful emotion aroused by the arrival of Grayson and Jack 
in Mexico with memorials from the Texans designed to free him he wrote 
Thomas F. McKinney that he was sure he had misjudged his enemies; 
he was sure now that no representations had been made against him, 
and that such injury as had been done came from misdirected efforts 
to aid him. Nevertheless there is some evidence that this generous im- 
pulse was wider of the mark than Austin's earlier suspicion. In the 
transcripts made by the University of Texas from the archives of the 
department of Fomento in Mexico there is a letter from Alexander Calvit 
to Colonel J. A. Alexia, dated August 29, 1833, saying that he hoped 
Mexia could hold Austin in Mexico for five years ; and that Austin was 
hurtful (nocivo) to Texas as well as to the general government. This 
letter was evidently turned over to the authorities by Mexia to show the 
estimation in which Austin was held by his own people. And in the 
Van Buren Manuscripts of the Library of Congress there is a letter of 
May 29, 1834, from one J. Gutierrez to Van Buren, then vice-president 
of the United States, saying that certain men, of whom Mexia was one, 
desired to make Texas independent of Mexico and that the only man 
in the province who could thwart their scheme was Colonel Austin 
**of whom they were on the point of getting rid when on the 24th of 
April Santa Anna . . . returned to the capital and took charge of the 
government." And, finally, H. Meigs wrote Austin from New York, 
September 29, 1835, saying that a great interest had been exerted to 
destroy him. ''Truly your escape is most fortunate." 

Among the injudicious things that attracted Austin's attention was 
a letter written from Matagorda on February 17, 1834, and published 
in the New Orleans Commercial Bulletin, ' It was signed "D.," and 
Austin said the writer ''only wanted ears to be a jackass." It declared 
that the low rumble of an earthquake was being heard and felt in Texas 


which might be repressed for some years or break out suddenly with 
fury, fire and destruction; the union with Coahuila was as odious to 
Texas as the embraces of a ravisher; with the legislature of the state 
composed of twelve members, of whom Texas had only two, whatever 
legislation might be passed for the benefit of Texas came as the gift of 
ten enemies; these and other evils Texas had borne in its infant state, 
and had preferred to petition for reforms in moderate language rather 
than seize them by force ; the people had sent Austin to Mexico to urge 
their reasonable request, and it had been refused — on the ground solely 
that **my will is superior to your rights ;" Austin had been arrested and 
accused of treason, but ''if his blood was shed, five thousand swords 
would leap from their scabbards." The writer went on to describe the 
military advantages of Texas in case of war with Mexico, saying among 
other things that the colonists had a naval force superior to that of 
Mexico, with which they could blockade Matamoras and Tampico, thereby 
paralyzing the collection of customs and soon bringing the government 
to ruin, for Mexico had no credit, and ''a nation without money would 
soon find itself without an army." This extravagant document was 
duly translated from the Bulletin and appeared in the record against 
Austin. Its bombastic utterances were not likely to be discounted by a 
people to whom the mere use of the English language in an ofiScial paper 
was cause for suspicion of disrespect and disloyalty. 

At the same time Colonel Anthony Butler was trying in devious ways 
during the whole period of Austin's detention to secure the cession of 
Texas to the United States, and so keeping alive the belief that there 
must be an understanding between his government and the malcontents 
in Texas. In spite of Austin's soothing letters from prison and the 
efforts of his devoted friends in Texas, incidents persisted in happening 
to strengthen this belief. 

The question of how Austin 's attitude toward Mexico was affected by 
his imprisonment 'cannot receive a positive answer. As he wrote to 
Senator Llanos a fortnight after his arrest, he considered it his first 
duty to guard the interest of the settlers who had come to Texas at his 
solicitation, and his observance of Mexican politics at close range during 
the two years of his involuntary residence at the capital may have forced 
the reflection upon him that a large measure of independence or complete 
separation from Mexico was the only thing that could permanently pro- 
tect Texas from the incessant wrangles which there seemed every reason 
for believing would continue. The surest way for Texas to attain this 
favored position, assuming that Austin had such an idea in mind, was 
to so strengthen itself that the government could not safely reject its 
demands when next they were made. While his lettei-s afford no clue 
that he had deliberately thought the matter out iu this way, the advice 
that he gave was consistent with such a conclusion. To his brother-in- 
law he wrote on January 16, 1834: ''My advice to Texas is what it has 
always been — remain quiet — populate the country — improve your 
farms — ^and discountenance all revolutionary men or principles." To 
Oliver Jones, representative of the department of the Brazos in the state 
congress, on May 30, 1834: **A11 you need in Texas is peace, a dead 
calm, and to make good crops;" and nearly a year later, March 4, 1835, 
to his brother-in-law again : * * Calm, a dead calm, and close attention to 


farming, and no excitement nor party divisions, are all that Texas needs 
at present. ' ' On March 10, 1835, he wrote Perry that the feeling toward 
Texas was much better than it had ever been, and he believed that '^if 
the attention of Govt, and of congress was not distracted by the dis- 
jointed state of the times, something material would be done for Texas. 
However, it is really not so very important whether anything is done 
or not if a dead calm and union can be preserved in the country — 
immigration — good crops — no party divisions — no excitements — ^no per- 
sonalities — should be the political creed of every one in Texas.'* The 
legislature had passed a number of laws favorable to Texas during the 
session of 1834, and on March 31, 1835, Williams wrote Austin that 
during January and February two thousand immigrants had landed at 
the mouth of the Brazos alone. Texas could afford to be patient. 

Austin seems to have felt no enthusiasm for a union of Texas with 
the United States. As early as October, 1832, in a letter to General 
W. H. Ashby, of Tennessee, he said that it would probably be better 
for Texas to remain a Mexican state, *' unless we could float into the 
Northern Republic with the consent of all parties.'* It is true that in 
the letter to Llanos of January 17, 1834, already cited, he argued that 
Mexico ought either to establish a state government in Texas and 
remedy existing abuses or sell it to the United States, but he must have 
known very well that Mexico would never consider the second alternative, 
and probably only suggested it to strengthen the argument for the first. 
The entry in the prison journal under February 20, 1834, argued that 
it was not to the interest of Texas to separate itself from Mexico, even 
if it were at liberty to do so. And on July 13, 1834, Colonel Anthony 
Butler wrote the secretary of state of the United States : ' * He is unques- 
tionably one of the bitterest foes to our Government and people that is 
to be found in Mexico, and has done more to embarrass our negotiations 
upon a certain subject than all the rest of the opposition together; and 
I am very sure that he was the principal cause of my being defeated in 
the last effort to obtain a cession of Texas. * ' The assumption that Butler 
was telling the truth is perhaps not too hazardous, though Austin gives 
one the impression that he incurred at least a part of Butler's enmity 
by opposing a territorial government for Texas. Finally, on the eve 
of his departure for home, he appeared not to look beyond a continuance 
of the connection with Mexico as a separate state, and the development 
of the province under the Mexican system. **The affairs of Texas are 
in a much better train for that country to become a state," he wrote 
Perry on March 4, 1835, *Hhan they have ever been. The subject was 
before the House of Representatives last week, and information was 
called for by the house from the executive, which will be given in a 
few days and is very favourable for Texas. The people there must not 
expect a state immediately, but the matter will be put in a train to make 
it a state within a reasonable and even short time. There will be an 
exemption of duties on cotton bagging, iron, steel and some other articles. 
I have also recommended that a premium be given on Texas cotton 
shipped to Tampico and Vera Cruz, also that two companies of mounted 
riflemen be raised in Texas, to be stationed high up on the Colorado and 
Brazos for the purpose of defense, and of opening the road to Chihua- 
hua — ^also new mail routes — one from Goliad by La Baca, Matagorda, 


Brazoria to San Felipe, and thence to Harrisburg, Liberty and Nacog- 
doches, and several other things of interest to Texas, all of which are now 
under consideration by the Govt. 

**Col. Almonte is the true and active friend of Texas in all these 
matters. The present minister of relations — Gutierrez Estrada^ — is a 
very enlightened and good man. As to myself, I have more friends here 
than I ever had before, and so has Texas. Almonte has in the press 
a statistical notice of Texas; it will be out in a few days. I have not 
seen it or any part of it, but he says it gives a favourable view of that 
country and its inhabitants. . . . 

**I think the Chihuahua road very important and have no doubt the 
people of Texas will all unite to open it. I think the Genl. and state 
Govts, will aid and so will the state of Chihuahua. I have spoken to all 
the influential men here from that state about it, and they have written 
home in favor of the project. If the rifle companies are raised they 
will open the way in a few months, and the Govt, at present are in favor 
of recommending to congress that they should be raised. Calm, a dead 
calm, and close attention to farming, and no excitements nor party divi- 
sions, are all that Texas needs at present. 

** Yours affy., 

Again to Perry, on March 10, he wrote : 

''The political character of this country seems to partake of its 
geological features — all is volcanic. If there is sound judgment and 
common sense in Texas, the convulsions here will not affect that country. 
The prosperity of Texas should flow onward like the silent current of 
a river — nothing from this quarter can or will impede its progress. This 
has always been my view of the subject, and hence it is that I have uni- 
formly adopted (when left to my own judgment, or not controlled by 
circumstances) a silent and conciliatory course. That policy has settled 
Texas, and if pursued a few years longer will secure its happiness and 

** Spain I presume will acknowledge the independence of Mexico very 
soon — ^the island of Cuba will then be open to us — it is the best market 
for beef cattle, oxen, hogs, horses, mules, corn, lard, beans, peas, etc., in 
the world. I am trying to get a premium on Texas cotton shipped to 
Vera Cruz and Tampico — an exemption from duties and many other 
things in favor of Texas. The state question was taken up in the house 
of representatives a short time since and information called for from 
the executive — it is now before the cabinet, and gaining friends daily. 
My exposition has had a most salutary influence, and placed Texas on 
high ground. The project of a territory' is now totally dead, so much so 
that its advocates are now in favor of a state. Even Bradburn is now 
an active and warm advocate in favor of a state. There has been a great 
change since Grayson left in favor of Texas. Don Lucas Alaman and 
Gutierrez Estrada, the present minister of relations, are two of the 
best friends Texas has in Mexico. They are educated, honest and honor- 
able men, and as a matter of course have many enemies. Almonte is 
another friend of Texas, and an active one. He is printing an account 


of that country — ^he says it is favourable — I have not seen it, nor any 
part of it. 

** There is a *fuss' at Vera Cruz — the garrison of the castle mutinied 
and tied their officers, and are bombarding the city. All the rest of the 
country is quiet. To say how long it will remain so would be the same 
as to say when Vesuvius will or will not explode. All this is of no con- 
sequence to Texas, if the people there will keep down party divisions ana 
personalities and make good crops. I wish that all the unquiet spirits in 
Texas would organize themselves into a corps and explore a good route 
for a wagon road to Chihuahua. In that way they can be useful to Texas, 
much more so than they or anybody else are aware of at present. 

*'The Chihuahua road is a great object for Texas, a vast link in its 
prosperity, and no efforts should be left untried to open it as quick as 
possible — its influence will be known after it is opened, and not before.'' 

On the other hand, there are in the Austin Papers nine letters fron. 
H. Meigs to Austin, which give one side of an interesting correspondence 
from which we can guess only too vaguely at the other, but they plainly 
suggest on Austin's part a reconnoisance to learn how far the United 
States could be depended on for help in case of a breach between Texas 
and Mexico. In the first one Meigs merely announces that the United 
States government has interceded for Austin, and remarks that he wrote 
to him several months ago and hopes for a favorable reply. In the 
second he repeats that the government is interested in Austin's case and 
adds the information that he himself stimulated the interest through his 
friend Louis McLane and his brother-in-law John Forsyth. These letters 
were dated May 30 and September 27, 1834. The remaining seven were 
written in 1835 — ^May 2, September 1, September 29, November 15 (two 
letters of this date), November 22, November 27. In the earlier ones he 
says that he conceals what Austin writes from everybody except Forsyth, 
who promises to give him all proper aid ; assures Austin that sympathy 
for himself and his colony is almost universal ; and exhorts him to main- 
tain his ''accustomed prudence and fortitude." Later he refers to 
Austin's ''philanthropic and just designs in favor of Texas." November 
15, after the revolution had begun, he writes: "Public sentiment is 
aroused for your cause. We know that you are Bone of our Bone ! and 
Flesh of our Flesh ! That none but a Republican Goverimient can exist 
over you ! . . . Tens of thousands will join you, and with you, lay 
the firm foundations of your Republic." But as yet the law ot nations 
and treaty with Mexico prevented the United States from interfering. 
The letter ends with a significant prayer, "May the Almighty protect 
you and your Republican Brethren in your progress to that glorious In- 
dependence which is in my mind's eye not only Before you but very near 
to you." 

General Filisola, who published his history of the Texas revolution 
in 1848 and 1849, just at the close of the Mexican War, declares that 
Austin returned to Texas by way of New Orleans to buy arms and 
munitions of war; that he was already determined on separation from 
Mexico. But a letter which Austin wrote to his brother-in-law a few 
days before he left the City of Mexico shows that he had no definite pur- 
pose in going to New Orleans, and that he was even undecided whether 


to return home by land or by water : * * I expect to leave here for home 
this week by way of Vera Cruz or Tampico, unless I meet with company 
going by land, in which event I would go that way, as the fever is gen- 
erally bad on the coast and in New Orleans so late in the summer." 
Probably the real explanation of his going to New Orleans is that there 
were no coasting vessels between Mexican and Texan ports. Mail from 
the City of Mexico to Texas that was not sent overland regularly went 
by Vera Cruz and New Orleans. 

Whatever may have been Austin's inmost wishes concerning the ulti- 
mate disposition of Texas it is clear enough that he regarded the rapid 
population of the country from the United States as of fundamental im- 
portance, because with such a population Texas would be master of its 
own destiny. How completely this idea possessed him can be seen from 
some of the extracts already quoted, but it is best shown by a long letter 
that he wrote to his cousin, Mrs. M. A. Holley, on August 21, a few 
days before he sailed from New Orleans for Texas: 

New Orleans^ August 21, 1835. 
My Dear Cousin : I am, as you will see by my date, once more in 
the land of my birth, and of freedom — a word I can well appreciate. I 
shall leave here in a day or two for Texas. I wished to have taken a trip 
up the river, and thence to the North, but shall have to defer it until 
spring. I have been so long absent from home, that my affairs there are 
behind hand, and require my attention. 

**The situation of Texas is daily becoming more and more interest- 
ing, so much so that I doubt whether the Government of the United 
States or that of Mexico can much longer look on with indifference, or 
inaction. It is very evident that Texas should be effectually, and fully, 
Americanized, — that is — settled by a population that will harmonize 
with their neighbors on the Eiist, in language, political principles, com- 
mon origin, sympathy, and even interest. Texas must he a sl<ive country. 
It is no longer a matter of doubt. The interest of Louisiana requires that 
it should be. A population of fanatical abolitionists in Texas would 
have a very dangerous and pernicious influence on the overgrown slave 
population of that state. Texas must and ought to become an outwork 
on the west, as Alabama and Florida are on the east, to defend the key 
of the western world — ^the mouths of the Mississippi. Being fully Ameri- 
canized under the Mexican flag would be the same thing in effect and 
ultimate resiflt as coming under the United States flag. A gentle breeze 
shakes off a ripe peach. Can it be supposed that the violent political 
convulsions of Mexico will not shake off Texas as soon as it is ripe enough 
to fall? All that is now wanting is a great immigration of good and 
eflBcient families this fall and winter. Should we get such an immigra- 
tion, especially from the Western States — all is done ; the peach will be 
ripe. Under this view, and it is the correct one, every man of influence 
in the Western States who has the true interests of his country at heart 
ought to use every possible exertion to induce such an immigration. They 
can get lands ; now is the accepted time, and none too soon. The door 
is still open for them to come in legally. The government of Mexico 
cannot complain — ^it has invited immigration. 

* * General Santa Anna told me he should visit Texas next March — ^as 

Vol. I— 10 


a friend. His visit is uncertain — his friendship more so. We must rely 
on ourselves, and prepare for the worst. A large immigration will pre- 
pare us, give us strength, resources, everything. I do not know the 
state of public feeling in Texas, but presume they mean to avoid all col- 
lision with Mexico if possible to do so, and be also ready to repel attacks 
should they come. This is my opinion. A great emigration from Ken- 
tucky, Tennessee, etc., each man with his rifle or musket, would be of 
great use to us — ^very great indeed. If they go by sea, they must take 
passports from the Mexican consul, comply with all the requirements of 
the law, and get legally into the country, so long as the door is legally 
open. Should it be closed it will then be time enough to force it open — 
if necessary. Prudence and an observance of appearances must there- 
fore be strictly attended to for the present. Here, I figure to myself, 
you start and exclaim, *Dios mio, my cousin Stephen has become a very 
Mexican politician in hypocrisy ! ' Not so ; there is no hypocrisy about 
it. It is well known that my object has always been to fill up Texas with 
a North American population ; and, besides, it may become a question of 
to be, or not to be. And in that event, the great law of nature — self- 
preservation — operates and supersedes all other laws. The cause of 
philanthropy and liberty, also, will be promoted by Americanizing 
Texas. I am morally right, therefore, to do so by all possible, honorable 

**In all countries, one way or another, a few men rule society. If 
those few were convinced of the great benefits that would result to the 
Western world by Americanizing Texas, they would exert their influ- 
ence to promote that object, and in so doing use such arguments as would 
best effect it, without letting anything transpire in the public prints to 
alarm the Mexican government, or place that of the United States in the 
awkward necessity of taking any steps, as a friend of Mexico under the 
treaty, etc. 

*'If there were any way of getting at it, I should like to know 
what the tvise men of the United States think the people of Texas ought 
to do. The fact is, we must and ought to become a part of the United 
States. Money should be no consideration. The political importance of 
Texas to the great western world, from the influence it may one day 
have on Louisiana, is so great that it cannot fail to have due weight 
on all reflecting men, and on Gen. Jackson and the Senate in particular. 
The more the American population of Texas is increased the more readily 
will the Mexican Government give it up. Also, the more the people of 
Texas seem to oppose a separation from Mexico, the less tenacious will 
they be to hold it. This seems paradoxical, but it will cease to appear so 
when you consider that strange compound the Mexican character. If 
Texas insisted on separating, and it should be given up in consequence, 
it would appear as if they had yielded to force, or fear, and their national 
pride would be roused. They are a strange people, and must be studied 
to be managed. They have high ideas of National dignity should it be 
openly attacked, but will sacrifice national dignity, and national interest, 
too, if it can be done in a still way, or so as not to arrest public attention. 
*Dios castiga el ascandolo mas que el crimen' (God punishes the ex- 
posure more than the crime) is their motto. The maxim influences their 
morals and their politics. I learned it when I was there in 1822, and I 


now believe that if I had not always kept it in view, and known the 
power which appearances have on them, even when they know they 
are deceived, I should never have succeeded to the extent I have done, 
in Americanizing Texas. 

' ' To conclude, I wish a great immigration this fall and winter from 
Kentucky, Tennessee, everywJ^re; passports or no passports, anyhow. 
For fourteen years I have had a hard time of it, but nothing shall daunt 
my courage or abate my exertions to complete the main object of my 
labors — ^to Americanize Texas. This fall and winter will fix our fate — a 
great immigration will settle the question. 

** Truly yours, 

"S. F. Austin.'' 

In Texas Austin found the situation critical. The country was di- 
vided between those who believed resistance to Santa Anna's policy of 
centralization was the only course open and those who still counseled 
patience and submission. Austin threw himself into the task of securing 
a full representation of Texas in the consultation which had been called. 
When it met, that body had no option in resisting Santa Anna, because 
resistance had already advanced to the shedding of blood; but through 
Austin's influence it declared not independence, but adhesion to Mexico 
and the republican constitution of 1824. 

Here for a moment it is necessary to pause and review conditions in 




In the latter part of July, 1826, some six or eight persons, among 
whom was Francis White Johnson, a Virginian by birth, but late of the 
state of Missouri, embarked on board the schooner Avrgusta, Captain 
James Lynch master, then lying at New Orleans, for Lynchburg, Texas. 
The vessel dropped down to the mouth of the Mississippi, and there lay, 
in consequence of unfavorable winds, and no winds at all, until the 
1st of August, when she crossed the bar and put to sea. The wind waa 
light and abeam, and so continued two days and then subsided into a 
dead calm — ^the vessel wallowing in the sea and the passengers exposed 
to an almost vertical sun, a situation anything but pleasant, even to old 
salts, and still less so to a set of landlubbers, who composed the pas- 
sengers. Thus the winds and calms continued to alternate for the 
greater part of the voyage. When we had wind, it being abeam, the 
vessel made about as much leeway as headway, in consequence we were 
carried very much off of our course, and the passage prolonged. After 
being out nearly three weeks, the passengers became uneai^, and made 
frequent enquiry to ascertain our latitude. At length they were in- 
formed by the mate that they had no instrument witii which to deter- 
nune the latitude, and they had kept no reckoning or log of their dis- 
tance. This news produced alarm and great excitement among the pas- 
sengers, who had been assured by Captain Lynch at New Orleans that he 
would make the voyage in a week or ten days at most. When they re- 
flected that they had been out more than double the time estimated for 
the trip, fear and excitement possessed all minds, and loud, bitter, and 
fearful were the imprecations and threats of some of the passengers — 
a crisis had arisen 1 Fortunately for all concerned, Wilie B. White, one 
of the passengers, informed the excited crowd that Johnson was a sur- 
veyor and could, he thought, determine our latitude. They caught the 
idea, and immediately waited upon Johnson, who spent but little time 
on deck in consequence of his health, but who informed them that he 
thought, with the assistance of Messrs. White and Porter, another pas- 
senger, both carpenters, that they could fashion an instrument with 
which he could determine the latitude with suf&cient accuracy to allay 
their fears. This was glad tidings, and had a most happy, almost elec- 
trical effect on the spirits of the alarmed and excited passengers. No 
doubt, during the alarm and excitement, their recollection brought viv- 
idly before their minds the stories of shipwreck and the bloody scenes 
enacted by the pirates on the Gulf of Mexico, 

In a short time White and Porter, under the direction of Johnson, 
improvised a quadrant, of the Davis pattern — a most primitive instru- 



ment. The next day, near noon, all things prepared and ready, an ob- 
servation was taken with this primitive instrument, which proved most 
satisfactory, if not correct, and all on board went on well. However 
fortunate the effect of this simple expedient, there was another in store 
for us, in the shape of a strong blow, which relieved us of all further un- 
easiness. Some two or three days after the experiment of the quadrant, 
the vessel was struck by a strong blow, which drove the vessel before it, 
in some thirty or forty hours, to Oalveston Island, the sight of which 
cheered all on board. From thence, on the third day, we made Lynch- 
burg, the place of destination, which is situated on the left bank of the 
River San Jacinto, opposite the mouth of Buffalo Bayou. All were glad 
again to place their feet on the land. 

The arrival of a vessel at that early day, though not the first, was 
of sufficient importance and interest to call forth the population for 
miles around. Hence, we found a number of the lords of the land 
assembled to greet the Captain and such newcomers as he was fortunate 
enough to enlist for Texas, learn the news from the ''old States" and 
have a jollification. We found them a hardy, jovial and hospitable set 
of fellows, and enjoyed ourselves with our new acquaintances. We were 
invited by nearly all to make them a visit, rest and recreate ourselves. 
The next day our little party broke up into several visiting parties 
White and myself accompanied Captain William Scott, formerly of 
Kentucky, to his residence on the lower San Jacinto — ^then called 
"Larkinsink." Here we were kindly received by his amiable lady and 
family, and feasted on the good things of the land for two days. We 
then returned to Lynchburg with a view of making our way to the 

Harrisburg, some thirty miles distant, and at the junction of Bray's 
with Buffalo Bayou, was the next and only port in the direction we 
wished to travel. Our party divided, some determined to go by land and 
others by water. Of the latter I was one, being at that time not sick 
enough to keep my bed, yet not strong enough to perform a journey over 
land on foot. We took passage on a large canoe without fire, and voyaged 
into Harrisburg, each of those able taking a turn at the oars. Having 
made a late start we were on the bayou most of the night, which we did 
not regret, as our captain was an old hunter and frontiersman of the 
good old times and enlivened the passage by anecdote and song. He was 
a character in his way; had experienced many hairbreadth escapes by 
flood and field. A short time after daylight we made what was then 
and still is known as Vince's, on the right bank of Buffalo Bayou, and 
a short distance below Vince's Bayou, a bayou of classic notoriety. Here 
we landed and got a sumptuous breakfast of fresh, rich milk, butter and 
com bread; though there was meat on the table, none partook of it — 
all were surfeited on fat pork, and felt a sort of horror for meats. We 
then proceeded on our way to Harrisburg, where we arrived a short 
time after meridian. The town consisted of a warehouse and tannery 
and few families, viz. : John Taylor and family, Widow Owens and fam- 
ily. Captain Sam C. Hirams and family ; a young man by the name of 
William Laughlin, a tanner, and Captain John R. Harris, owner of th6 
land, and an old log warehouse. The canoe party stopped at Captain 
Hirams, the only public house in the place. 


While here Messrs. Heddy and Moore, or Coates, arrived with a 
wagon and ox-team. They lived near San Felipe de Austin, the capital 
of Austin's colony, and came for the purpose of buying family stores. 
Porter, Anderson and myself arranged with Mr. Heddy to take our 
baggage---light — and to spend the fall and winter at his house. White 
had stopped at Lynchburg and turned merchant on a small venture. 
Jimmy, our fellow passenger, and cook on the voyage, was employed by 
Captain Scott as a blacksmith ; the remainder of our party determined 
to try their fortune in Harrisburg. 

The first day out from Harrisburg we accompanied the wagon and 
encamped near the crossing of Buffalo Bayou, on the road to San Felipe 
de Austin. The weather was lowering, and we had a light rain, or rather 
heavy mist at night. The next morning Porter and myself determined 
to part company with the wagon, first being informed by Mr. Heddy that 
we could reach his house that day, and that we would meet his son, whom 
he had directed to meet him with provisions and to draw on him for 
a part. After we crossed the Bayou it came on to rain, and we were 
drenched to the skin. In this condition we travelled some miles over 
a wet and muddy road, or trail, and lay down in the prairie nearly 
exhausted and with a sharp appetite. Notwithstanding the ground was 
wet and we were wet, we wrapped our blankets around us and fell asleep. 
We were awakened by the sound of a horse's feet, and very soon young 
Heddy made his appearance. We hailed him, of course, informed him 
of where we were going, as well as that we had left his father that 
morning at Buffalo Bayou crossing, and that we wanted something to 
eat. He gave us a couple of pones of combread, of good size, but the 
meal of which they were made was unsifted. However, they were sweet 
morsels, and we ate them with great gusto. Thus refreshed, we took 
up the line of march for our point of destination, which we made late 
in the evening. We made ourselves known to Mrs. Heddy, who soon 
prepared us a good dinner of venison, hot cornbread, butter and milk, 
to which we did ample justice. 

In due time Messrs. Heddy, Moore, or Coates, and Anderson arrived. 
All went well with us. I had nothing to complain of except my pest 
and plague, chill and fever, which stuck to me like a brother. It was 
soon known that Mr. Heddy had returned, and, among other good things, 
had brought two barrels of whisky. This was a sufficient attraction, 
and the denizens df his neighborhood became quite regular in their visits, 
not, however, to their credit be it said, being in the least boisterous or 
uncivil, though they indulged quite freely in the ardent. This afforded 
us an opportunity of making the acquaintance of most of those in the 
settlement, and others from distant settlements who had business at the 

capital of the colony. 

About the middle or latter part of the fall three families, the Messrs. 
McCoy, arrived and encamped near Mr. Heddy 's. They, like myself, 
were from Missouri. We soon formed an acquaintance and, as we were 
from the same state, formed a sort of brotherhood. They, however, 
intended going to DeWitt's colony, and had only stopped for the season, 
believing that provisions could be more readily procured in Austin's 
than DeWitt's colony. The winter proved to be a mild and dry one, 


until the latter part and early spring, when we had frequent and heavy 
rains, which made the streams high and the roads almost impassable. 

In the meantime, however, Porter and myself, in company with Mr. 
Heddy, made several trips to San Felipe de Austin; this, though the 
principal town in the colony, was but a small place. However, it could 
boast a tavern, store and blacksmith shop and a few American and Mex- 
ican families. It is situated on the right bank of the Brazos River, some 
hundred or more miles above its mouth. Here we were both amused and 
edified, not so much from what we saw as from what we heard. On 
entering the tavern we found a number of persons, mostly citizens of the 
surrounding settlements, and a few merchants or traders, the latter 
appellation being applied to all engaged in merchandise or other traffic. 
We were kindly received by the landlord and his guests — all desirous 
to hear the news from the ** Old States." After detailing such scraps of 
news as we were in possession of, the conversation became general, though 
much varied in its subjects. For instance, one gentleman asked the other 
if he had selected his labor; to which he replied affirmatively, and that 
it was the softest plank or puncheon in the house However unintelli- 
gible this was to the uninitiated, we soon learned that all a traveler had 
to expect in Texas was something to eat and shelter, without bed or bed- 
ding other than what he had provided for himself, which consisted of one 
or two blankets for bed and covering, and his saddle, or wallet, for a 
pillow. We had an excellent dinner and good company, both of which 
we enjoyed. Before closing this part of my story, however, I have a 
word to say of *'mine host." He stood six feet and an inch or two in 
his stockings, was full, fat and rubicund, of easy and pleasing manners, 
a fund of anecdote, and a talent for telling them — ^he was a true- type of 
the boniface of olden times. Colonel William Pettus delighted in doing 
good, and was known throughout the length and breadth of the colony 
for his philanthropy and energy. 

We next visited the store, owned and kept by Stephen Richardson 
and Thomas Davis, both good and true men. Their stock consisted of 
two or three barrels of whisky, some sugar, coffee, salt and a few rem- 
nants of dry goods, in value not exceeding five hundred dollars. Here 
we found a number of the lords of Texas. They seemed to be enjoying 
themselves; some were engaged at a game of **old sledge" or seven-up at 
cards; others drinking whisky, eating pelonce (Mexican sugar), pecans; 
and all talking. We were kindly received, and soon felt ourselves at 
home. Here, in the course of conversation, we heard the words cahallada, 
corral, rieto, mustang, etc., etc. — all of which were Greek to us, though we 
had heard the same words used time and again, but felt too diffident to 
ask their meaning. The party intuitively concluded that we were ** green 
from the states" and enlightened us as to the meaning of the different 
phrases used. After spending an hour or more very pleasantly we 
wended our way back to Mr. Heddy 's with our stock of knowledge con- 
siderably increased, and highly pleased with our visit to the capital 
of the colony. 

In the latter part of the winter of this year, the colonists were startled 
by the news of a movement by Colonel Edwards, of Nacogdoches, who 
had obtained permission from Coahuila and Texas to introduce and settle 
a certain number of families in Eastern Texas, but his contract being 


declared void, he was ordered to leave the country, by proclamation of 
the governor; feeling himself ill used by the authorities, he raised the 
standard of revolt, and allied himself with certain of the Cherokee chiefe 
who had settled or ** squatted'' in Texas. This news was communicated 
to the ^lexican authorities at San Antonio de Bexar, who called on 
Colonel Austin to raise such colonial force as he could to assist in put- 
ting down the rebellion and in maintaining the dignity and supremacy 
of the Mexican Government. 

Austin, foreseeing the consequence of this ill advised movement of 
Edwards, dispatched commissioners to confer with him and dissuade 
him from his rash undertaking. The mission was unsuccessful. Captain 
William S. Hall, one of Austin's commissioners, reported that Edwards 
had but a small force and would not be able to increase it to any con- 
siderable number. 

During this time I visited San Felipe de Austin frequently. In early 
spring, some three hundrpd Mexican troops arrived on their march to 
the seat of war. The colonists, to nearly an equal number, assembled and 
joined the Mexicans, who showed no disposition to march further with- 
out them. The Mexican troops were well provided, drilled regularly, 
and seemed to be under good discipline. When not on duty, both of- 
ficers and men indulged in their favorite game at cards — Monte, Not- 
withstanding the martial appearance of the Mexican troops, I could not 
but feel that half their number of Americans would put them to flight ; 
not that the Mexicans are deficient in courage, but, it may be safely said, 
that they are badly commanded, though many of the officers are not only 
brave but gallant men. 

All things necessary for a forward movement being provided, the 
troops took up the line of march, in all the pride and circumstance of 
war, for Nacogdoches, with the beat of drum and sound bugle. The 
march wai^ long and fatiguing, on account of the bad state of the roads. 
Nothing happened on the line of march worthy of note, except, perhaps, 
the blowing off of a part of the muzzle of a four-pounder gun belonging 
to the colonists, which happened in this wise: The Mexicans on the 
second morning of the march fired a morning gun, the colonists, not to 
be outdone, fired the four-pounder, with the result mentioned; fortu- 
nately no injury was done except that to the gun. The people of the 
Trinity hearing of the movement against Nacogdoches, joined the com- 
bined force on the march. In the meantime, Edwards being disappoiated 
in receiving such forces, American and Indian, as he anticipated and 
hoped, disbanded his small force, abandoned the plan, and retired to 
the United States. The Federal forces were met near Nacogdoches by a 
courier, who informed them that the enemy had fled and that all was 
peace. The troops entered the place with flying colors and martial 
music as victors. Though bloodless, it was blazoned in the Mexican 
journals as a feat highly honorable to the troops engaged. Through the 
advice and influence of Colonel Austin, who accompanied the Mexican 
troops, and commanded the colonists, perfect immunity was granted to 
all ; the civil authorities reinstated ; and the people requested to resume 
their peaceful occupations. In this connection, I must mention John A. 
Williams, who tacitly favored the rising, but remained neutral until 


Edwards abandoned the place. He then at once became not only loyal to 
the Mexican government, but quite patriotic, and recommended meas- 
ures of severity against all who had favored and participated in the 
cause of Edwards. Williams was a man of some acquirements, and was 
held in esteem by a few of his neighbors. He was thoroughly Mexican 
in feeling and principle. He subsequently left Eastern Texas and set- 
tled on the lower Trinity, but, as I shall have occasion to speak of him 
at a later period, I forbear saying anything more at present. 

This ended what is known as the Fredonian War. Edwards's de- 
clared object was to establish a new republic, to be styled the ** Republic 
of Fredonia/' Yoakum,, in his history of Texas, while giving the facts 
correctly which led to the abrogation of Edwards's contract, and the 
order expelling him from the country, does not only misstate facts in 
regard to Colonel Austin and his colonists, but does them gross injustice. 
Colonel Austin did. not favor or countenance the project, but did what 
he could to prevent an open rupture, as is evidenced by the corre- 
spondence between him and B. Edwards, the brother of the Empresario. 
Indeed no one then, or now, who knew the high standing Colonel Austin 
occupied, and the influence he exercised with the state and Federal au- 
thorities, will doubt for a moment that, had Edwards been governed by 
his advice, all would have ended well. Unimportant, insignificant if you 
will, as was the Fredonian movement, it may be termed the germ seed 
of that distrust, jealousy, fear, and injustice of the Mexican Govern- 
ment towards the Anglo-American colonists which culminated in sepa- 
ration and independence. 

Of those who joined Edwards's standard we will mention Colonel 
Martin Parmer, Major John S. Roberts, and Captain Francis Adams. 
The first followed the fortunes of his leader, and did not return to the 
country for several years. The two latter abandoned the cause as soon 
as they became satisfied of its object and probable result. All, subse- 
quently, took an active part in the early and final struggle of Texas to 
maintain her rights, and ultimately her independence. 

In the spring of this year, 1827, being invited and solicited by the 
Messrs. McCoy to accompany them to DeWitt's colony, and, being de- 
sirous to see more of the country, though still subject to chill and fever, 
I accepted the invitation. Our first day's travel brought us to San 
Bernard, some fifteen miles distant from San Felipe de Austin, and on 
what is known as the Atascosito road. From thence we proceeded to 
the Colorado, which stream we crossed above the road. The weather, 
though cloudy, with an occasional shower, was quite pleasant, and we 
pursued our journey without accident or incident until within some 
ten miles of DeWitt's station on the La Baca. Though the day had 
been fair it became cloudy at nightfall. We had built a large log fire 
and got our suppers ; soon after we discovered a portentous cloud in the 
northwest, and occasional peals of thunder — it had been lightening in the 
north for some time before we heard the thunder. The cloud formed 
rapidly, and soon darkened the heavens, and sent down torrents of rain. 
So heavy was the rain that it not only wet us to the skin, notwithstand- 
ing we were wrapped in our blankets, but extinguished our fire. After 
an hour or two the rain ceased and the clouds broke up. The storm was 
accompanied by a heavy blow from the north and was quite cold. 


After the rainstorm the wind continued to blow fiercely, but we re- 
kindled the fire and dried our clothing and blankets, and spent the 
remainder of the night quite comfortably. While enjoying the fire and 
drying, I observed to the elder McCoy that I thought that the drenching 
I had received would either kill or cure me; to this he Replied that I 
need be under no apprehensions of ill consequencea In this opinion he 
was right. I improved in health and strength from that day forward. 

At De Witt's Station we were kindly received by Colonel De Witt, 
his family and settlers. Here I made the acquaintance of Hon. James 
Kerr, principal surveyor of De Witt's colony. Kerr was a gentleman 
of the old school, social, frank, and hospitable. Our acquaintance 
ripened into friendship and intimacy, and so continued during his life- 
time. Peace to his manes! 

We arrived at the busy season of preparing for and planting. Those 
of the settlers who had sufficient teams were breaking prairie, others 
were clearing what was called weed prairies, and bottom lands sparsely 
timbered, but with a thick growth of weeds. When the ^ound is cleared, 
holes are made at proper distances with a stick, and a comnseed put in 
the holes and covered. This done, it is left to grow and ripen and 
receives no other work, except to knock down the weeds ; the ground thus 
prepared and planted will yield twenty-five or thirty, sometimes forty, 
bushels per acre. For want of teams and necessary implements, the set- 
tlers were planting in various directions, and at short distances from 
the station, and consequently were scattered and separated for several 
miles from each other. My health much improved, and improving daily, 
I began to feel an interest in the exertions of the settlers to provide for 
their families, as well as newcomers, a sufficiency of com for bread; as 
to meat, game was abundant. I visited the various planting grounds, 
hunted, etc., and enjoyed this sort of life very much. At the station a 
blockhouse had been erected to give protection to the women and chil- 
dren in the event of an attack on the settlement by the Indians. Hence, 
all the families remained at the station. 

Whilst visiting one of these planting camps, and on a hunt one 
morning, I fell in with a party of Carankawa Indians, whom I conducted 
to the camp. Being in sight and speaking distance of some of the work- 
ing parties, I communicated the fact of our new visitors, and requested 
them to give notice to the other working parties and to come to camp 
quietly and without disclosing the least excitement or alarm. The whole 
force was soon in, and a messenger dispatched to the station to inform 
Colonel De Witt of the presence of the Indians, and to request him, 
with such others as he might deem necessary, to come to our camp. 

In due time Colonel De Witt, with others, arrived. In the meantime 
we endeavored to make the Indians easy. They built a small fire within a 
few yards of our camp. On the arrival of Colonel De Witt and party a 
taUc was held in which the Indians were assured of the peaceful and 
friendly disposition of the colonists. Soon after the talk, games of 
cards were introduced, and the Indians began to mix among us. Up to 
this time they had not unstrung their bows. Now they unstrung their 
bows and put aside their arrow cases. Thenceforth all went on well. 
The next morning the Indians were invited to the station, and there 
feasted on bread, meat and milk. They were much pleased with their 


reception and kind treatment, and declared themselves the friends of 
De Witt's settlement, and thenceforth observed their plighted faith. 

The Carankawa Indians, though but few in numbers on account of 
their war with freebooters, General Long, Austin's colonists, and other 
tribes of Indians, are a noble looking race of men. They are of a light 
copper color, six feet and upwards in height, well formed and muscular. 
They are esteemed the best bowmen in America. They are now nearly 
or quite extinct. They inhabited the Qulf shore. 

Having spent some month or six weeks in De Witt's colony, and 
having entirely regained my health, I returned to San Felipe de Austin 
in company with W. B. White, who made his way to De Witt 's Station 
while I was there. As will be recollected, I left White at Lynchburg, in 
charge of and to make sale of our venture, which he had disposed of, 
with what profit I will not pretend to say, further than that when he 
joined me at the station, all he had to show was a mustang stallion and 
a few dollars, a thing by no means abundant at that time. True the 
Mexican officers and soldiers had dropped a few dollars. The circulating 
medium at the time being horses, cows, and calves at a fixed value, 
according to class, deer, bear and other skins. On my arrival in San 
Felipe de Austin, it was with difficulty that my acquaintances could 
recognize in me the Frank Johnson they had parted with but a few 
weeks before. From San Felipe I proceeded to Harrisburg, where I em- 
ployed myself in hunting and surveying when occasion offered. Now, 
for the first time, I began to think seriously of making Texas my home. 
True my new resolve was much shaken by news of the death of my father. 
Had I been in possession of, or could I have raised, means for a trip to 
Missouri, the chances are that I should not have settled in Texas. In 
1828 I received the news of the death of my mother. This removed aU 
wish or desire to return to Missouri. White, however, returned in the 
fall of 1828. 

* Thus orphaned, though of full age, in the world, as it were, I began 
to think seriously about doing something for myself, a thing about which 
I had thought but little previously. 

In the early spring, 1828, 1 made a trip to San Antonio de Bexar, in 
company with William B. Moore, of Tennessee, and brother of John H. 
Moore, of Texas. John H. Moore accompanied us one day's travel be- 
yond Bumham's on the Colorado. We then struck down the country 
to the Atascosita road, followed the road to where it crossed the La Baca, 
and thence up that stream to the road leading to Oonzales, on the Guad- 
alupe. On my way up we fell in with a party of Tonkawa Indians — 
friendly. At the crossing of the upper road to Goliad, and that to 
Gonzales, I lost my horse in consequence of a gang of mustangs passing, 
which caused him to break loose and follow them. However, the next 
morning we proceeded on our journey ** riding and tying" as it is 
called, to Gonzales, where I obtained a pony. The settlement here had 
but recently been formed by Colonel De Witt and settlers. Here was 
the first house we had stopped at since leaving Burnham's on the 
Colorado. We were hospitably entertained by Colonel De Witt, and 
others, whom I met with before at the Station. Here I met with Mr. 
Porter, my ship-mate in '26. After resting two or three days at Gon- 
zales, and procuring a small quantity of bread, being otherwise well 


provided with sugar, coffee, and salt, we proceeded on our way to San 
Antonio de Bexar, which we reached the fourth day, though only dis- 
tant seventy-five Mexican miles from Gk)nzales. We had abundant time, 
gave our horses ample time to rest and feed on the young rich grass, 
amusing ourselves in killing deer and turkeys, in excess of our wants. 
On arriving at San Antonio, we met and stopped with John W. Smith, 
an American who had married a Mexican lady. Smith waa living on 
the east side of the River San Antonio, in what may be termed the 
suburb of the town. 

San Antonio de Bexar is situated on both banks of the San Antonio 
River, some three miles below its source — two springs that break out at 
the foot of a range of hills. The town is in the form of an oblong 
square. The principal part of the town lies between the San Antonio 
River and the San Pedro which has its source in the same range of 
hills, and near the springs of the San Antonio. The Alamo is on the 
east bank enclosed by a high and strong wall. Though bxdlt for a mis- 
sion, it was a place of considerable strength, and of capacity to quarter 
at least one thousand troops, and was occupied as a fortress. Though 
the main town is in the valley of > the San Antonio, the site is a good 
one, and remarkably healthy. Here we met William Cheves, whom I 
had met at San Felipe de Austin on my first visit to that place, Messrs. 
Lacock and P. Dimmit, the two first, merchants, and the latter a sort of 
commissary to the troops, as well as butcher of the town. 

Dimmit's was a sort of head-quarters where Cheves, Lacock, Moore 
and myself met for conversation. After being there two or three days, 
in conversation I mentioned an idle story that was circulating in the 
colony, that A. LeOrand was raising troops — ^Americans and Creek 
Indians — for the purpose of revolutionizing Mexico. Lacock and Cheves 
understood it as an idle story, not so Dimmit, who, as we soon discovered, 
took a deep interest in the recital. Cheves, from a spirit of mischief, 
said that he knew LeOrand, that he was a desperate character, and, 
that the most serious consequences were to be feared from this move- 
ment ; that he had been badly treated by the authorities, civil and mil- 
itary, at Matamoras, and that if he invaded the country devastation, and 
ruin would mark his footsteps ; that San Antonio de Bexar would be his 
first point of assault; and, finally, that the Mexicans and all connected 
with them would be subject to his fury. Dimmit had married a Mexican, 
and was in high favor with the authorities. Cheves 's account of Le- 
Orand not only excited but alarmed him. We all enjoyed his excite- 
ment and alarm, and thought nothing more of the matter. However, 
after we separated, Dimmit waited upon the civil and military author- 
ities of the place and made known to them what he considered impor- 
tant news, the story of LeOrand 's intention to revolutionize Mexico. 
Mistaking the word Creek for Oreek, the authorities considered the 
news of the highest importance, and pregnant with evil to the republic. 

The next morning, to my surprise, I was waited upon by a sort of 
sheriff, or constable, called alguazil, with the alcalde's silverheaded cane 
as his writ of authority, who requested me to accompany him to the 
ofSce of the alcalde. 

On arriving at the ofiice I was received and requested by a sign to 
be seated, as I could not speak Spanish. Lacock, who spoke the Ian- 


gaage fluently, was sent for and requested to come to the o£Sce. On his 
arriving there, and being informed of their object, he told me that they 
wished to examine me in relation to the Le Grand sto;*y. I was first asked 
the place of my nativity, age, profession or occupation, and religion. 
In answer to the last I informed them that I professed no religion ! This 
seemed to take them all aback. After consulting the political chief and 
other officials of the civil department and commandant of the post — they 
concluded to take my statement without first administering the oath in 
such cases, deeming, perhaps, that it would be sacrilege to allow a heretic 
to touch the sacred volume. Thus free to give my own version I did not 
take advantage of it further than to not correct Dimmit's misstatement 
of Oreek for Creek. With this exception I stated substantially, if not 
literally, the story as I had told it at Dimmit's. That the authorities 
were both interested and alarmed is evidenced by the fact that they 
kept me before them from an early hour in the morning till candle-light 
in the evening, their secretary taking down my statement in writing. 
A courier was kept in readiness to carry the communication to the 
proper authority in the City of Mexico. During this long examination 
we had several short intervals of rest and for refreshments, which, to 
their credit be it said, were both abundant and good. As before stated, 
I simply related the story as first told, and without expressing any opinion 
pro or con. This was fortunate for me. Had I indulged in romance it 
might have cost me months of imprisonment. The examination con- 
cluded and the courier dispatched to the City of Mexico, the curtain 
was dropped. Thus ended this laughable farce, of which I heard noth- 
ing more. 

A few days after these occurrences we were startled by the report 
that a Mexican had been killed near town by Indians. The Mexican 
was out getting wood, and was killed by a band of Comanche Indians 
who passed in sight of town. There was great excitement, the drums 
beat to arms, the military paraded and formed in the square, the citizens 
stood in groups about the comers of streets. Guards were posted to 
prevent surprise, and the troops marched to church, where prayers were 
offered for the safety of the people and the place. This done, the troops 
were dismissed and retired to their quarters, with orders to hold them- 
selves in readiness at a moment's warning. The killing happened about 
the middle of the afternoon. The conduct of the military to me was 
most astonishing and confirmed me in the contempt I entertained in 
1827. However, in justice to a part of the Mexican officers, I must say 
that they are not only gentlemen, but gallant soldiers. About 10 o'clock 
the next day, first having attended prayers and received the benediction 
of the Padre, they moved forward in pursuit of the Indians, then far 
in advance. They returned in the morning of the next day and reported 
that they could not overtake the Indians, a thing neither they nor any- 
body else present supposed they would do. 

Satisfied with a sight seeing, we took leave of our friends and turned 
our faces homeward. We made the Cibolo, some twenty-five miles dis- 
tant, about dusk and camped for the night. At daylight next morning 
we started out to kill a turkey or two. Moore went down, and I up the 
creek. As it became lighter, I noticed many trails and the grass beaten 
down. On examination I found it had been done by Indians and their 


horses, their tracks quite fresh. Around our camp we discovered the 
ashes of their fires, from which we supposed the number to have been 
at least one hundred, and concluded that they had been there not longer 
ago than the night before. This discovery, however, gave us no uneasi- 
ness, as it was known that the Comanches, thus far, had not molested 
any of the American settlers. In this connection, I will mention that 
there were several Comanche chiefs in San Antonio when we arrived 
there, who had come down to hold a talk. They seemed to seek and 
court the favor of the few Americans in that place. Lacock's store was 
a sort of rendezvous. A very old chief, who seemed to take great 
pleasure in talking with us, on being asked why they did not take the 
town replied that it was their rancho; that the Mexicans raised horses 
and mules for them. We then informed him that the Mexicans were 
going to make a campaign against them unless they made peace. To 
this, he remarked : The Spaniards had been talking of making a cam- 
paign against them ever since he was a little boy, but had never done it. 
He, and the other chiefs, manifested great contempt for the Mexicans, 
and treated them more like slaves than equals. 

On the third day after leaving San Antonio de Bexar we got to 
Gonzales, where we remained several days, enjoying the hospitality of 
Colonel De Witt and his settlers, the Colonel and his family in par- 
ticular. From here we took the direct road to San Felipe de Austin, 
stopping a day with John H. Moore on Cummings' Creek. On my 
arrival at San Felipe I was informed that White had gone west with 
J. C. Peyton's team. Peyton expressed considerable uneasiness about 
White, who had been gone double the length of time anticipated when 
he left. Peyton offered me a horse, saddle, and bridle, and money for 
expenses of the trip if I would go in search of White. Being anxious to 
learn if any misfortune had befallen him, I agreed to go. Darius Qregg 
joined me, as he wished to go to Gonzales. The weather being warm 
and the green-head flies bad, we took the Atascocito road, instead of 
the direct road to Gonzales, the first passing through timber most of 
the way to LaBaca, and thence up the Guadalupe, while the second was 
through prairie generally. In consequence of heavy rains and high 
water, we spent a couple days on Navidad, with Hon. James Kerr. 
From Gonzales I journeyed alone part of the way, and then was aecom 
panied by some Mexicans to San Antonio. Here I found White well 
and the team safe. He was preparing to leave. There was a man who 
called himself Parker, whom I had seen at San Felipe some months 
before, but who had been spending some time in San Antonio. He 
wished to return to San Felipe, but not having a horse, requested White 
to allow him to ride in the wagon, which he did. There was also a 
Mexican, a cigarmaker, who wished to go with us and did. We arrived 
at San Felipe without accident or incident worthy of note. Soon after 
arriving there, however, suspicion fastened upon Parker as the murderer 
of a Mr. Early, with whom Parker had come to Texas. Parker was 
arrested and confined. Upon enquiry and search being made, the body 
of Early was found, clothing, saddle, etc. ; also proof that Parker passed 
through Gonzales with a horse answering the description of the one 
ridden by Early, and without a saddle ; and further, that Parker had 
sold the horse in San Antonio, played at monte, and seemed to have 


plenty of money in gold. It was also proven that Early left the United 
States to come to Texas to buy horses and mules, and had brought a 
considerable amount of money in gold — Spanish doubloons. In New 
Orleans he found Parker, who expressed a wish to go to Texas, but 
had no means. Early informed him of the object of his visit to Texas, 
and proposed to pay his passage if he, Parker, would accompany and 
assist him with the horses and mules he intended to purchase. This 
Parker readily agreed to. On arriving at San Felipe, Early could pur- 
chase but one horse, saddle and bridle, though he tried for some time 
to get one for Parker. Early told Parker they would **ride and tie" 
until he could get a horse for him. They left together and nothing 
more was known of Early until his body was found. So strong were the 
facts and circumstances, that no doubt remained of Parker's guilt. 
While confined, he was attacked with fever, of which he died, before he 
could be brought to trial. Before his death, however, he made a full 
confession to Thomas M. Duke, Esq., alcalde of the jurisdiction of 
Austin, and Dr. James B. Miller of San Felipe, both Kentuckians, that 
he had not only killed and robbed Early, but that he had killed two men 
in Kentucky. For the murder of the last he was convicted and sen- 
tence of death passed upon him, but he had been pardoned by his 
father, the then governor of Kentucky; had made his way to New 
Orleans, where he had grown old and spent all of his money when 
Early found him, as before stated. He also confessed that he had 
spent and gambled away nearly all the money he had robbed Early of 
when he joined White to come to San Felipe; that his intention was 
to kill White, myself, and the Mexican, and take what money White 
had — several hundred dollars in silver — ^but that he was prevented from 
making the attempt by the watchfulness of the Mexican. While im- 
prisoned in Kentucky and under sentence of death he attempted suicide 
by cutting his throat, in consequence of which he wore a silver tube 
and could only make himself heard by a loud whisper. Parker was 
an assumed name. His true name was Isaac B. DeShay. 

After spending a few days in San Felipe, I returned to Harris- 
burg and laid out that town. In the fall I went up to San Felipe and 
engaged as a merchant's clerk in the house of White and Harris. 

1829. — In the spring of this year I went down to Bell's Landing on 
the Brazos, and took charge of a mercantile house established by White 
and Harris. Harris died during the siunmer of this year, and I was 
requested by White to assist him in closing up the business of the con- 
cern. While here I made the acquaintance of Capt. John Austin, of 
Brazoria, who was engaged in merchandize and running a vessel in the 
New Orleans trade. I had made the acquaintance of Samuel M. Wil- 
liams, Esq., secretary of Austin's colony, of whom I shall speak more 
at length hereafter, also that of George B. McKinstry. In December 
I received the appointment of deputy surveyor for one of the districts 
in Eastern Texas. 

I should have before stated that I made the acquaintance of Hon. 
David G. Burnet, Colonel Stephen F. Austin, James B. Austin, an 
only brother of the colonel's, Hon. Robert M. Williamson — three- 
legged Willie — Hon. Richard Ellis, in fine, most of the settlers of 
Austin's colony. During the summer of this year. Colonel Austin made 


a campaign against the Waco and Tehnacana Indians on the upper 
Brazos. The expedition resulted in the killing of a squaw by accident, 
the burning of their village, and the destruction of their crops. They 
had been very troublesome for some time and had made frequent raids 
on the settlements. 

In the summer of this year a Dr. Dayton, who had but recently 
arrived, produced considerable discontent by informing Austin's set- 
tlers that they were being imposed upon; that Austin was imposing a 
tax of twelve and a half cents per acre on all the lands that had been 
granted to them, without authority of law, and for the purpose of 
enriching himself. Unfounded and silly as this report was, there were 
those who were weak enough and wicked enough to believe it. Encour- 
aged by those who lent him a willing ear and the excitement which the 
story created, he gave notice of a public meeting, to be held at San 
Felipe de Austin at a certain hour, for the purpose of investigation 
and discussion. The people assembled at the appointed time, but to 
the astonishment of the Doctor, he found but few who had listened to 
and pledged him their support. A committee was appointed by the 
meeting and directed to hear and decide upon the charges preferred, 
and to recommend such further, if any, action should be taken in the 
matter. After a full hearing and investigation the committee reported 
the charges unfbunded and false; that they regarded Dr. Dayton as a 
disturber of the peace aiid quiet of the colony and unworthy to be 
received as a colonist; and lastly that he should be tarred, feathered, 
ridden on a rail through the town, and ordered to leave the colony on 
a day named, on pain of being turned over to the Mexican authorities. 
The recommendation was accepted, and promptly carried into execu- 
tion, since which time nothing further has been heard of the Doctor 
Thus ended the Dayton excitement and the first trial, judgment, and 
execution under Judge Lynch. 

In the latter part of December I went to Nacogdoches, where I 
found the commissioner, Juan Antonio Padilla, and Thomas JeflPerson 
Chambers, surveyor-general, both of whom had established their offices 
in that old town. Empresario contracts covered most of this territory. 
Some had forfeited their contracts; others had sold to companies in 
the United States, who had done nothing to comply with the original 
contract. Settlements had been made at an early day from the Sabine 
to the Trinity River. Through the influence of Colonel Austin a com- 
missioner was appointed by the state government to extend titles to 
these people. On reporting to the commissioner, I was assigned to the 
Ayish Bayou district. I found there Thomaa H. and John P. Borden, 
B. Simms, and several other surveyors; the first three from Austin's 
colony. Here I became acquainted with Thomas F. McKinney, of whom 
I shall speak hereafter. John S. Roberts, Colonel Frost Thorn, Charles 
H. Sims, Charles S. Taylor, Adolphua Sterne, George PoUitt, and many 
others of Nacogdoches. I also met William Moore of Kentucky, but 
then of Ayish Bayou, and Elisha Roberts, with whom Moore was living. 
Moore was anxious to engage in surveying, but wished to join some one 
who was a practical surveyor, as he had no practice other than that 
given at school. We formed a partnership and surveyed our district in 
part, but stopped work in consequence of the arrest and imprisonment 


of the commissioner on false charges. After months of confinement he 
was released without a trial. He was soon after made secretary of 
state. He was a man of talent, and devoted patriotism. Before leaving 
Nacogdoches Johnson met with Qeorge W. Smythe, who had just arrived 
in the country. Smythe soon after was appointed to survey the Neches 

1830. — ^After quitting work in the district, I returned to Nacog- 
doches. Moore remained to close up our business and make collections 
of our fees. In July or August, accompanied by Charles S. Taylor, I 
returned to San Felipe de Austin, where a short time before our 
arrival a man had been killed — Holcomb, a lawyer of eminence, by H. 
H. League and Seth Ingram. Moore came to San Felipe in the fall, 
and soon after was made deputy sheriflE. While I had been absent, 
William H. Jack, Esq., a prominent lawyer, had arrived. Luke Lesas- 
sier, another prominent lawyer, had arrived in 1829. 

In the fall Thomas Barnett, alcalde of the jurisdiction, authorized 
Captain Abner Kuykendall to raise a company for the purpose of break- 
ing up a lawless gang whose headquarters were supposed to be in 
Gonzales. Before leaving, however, I, having joined the company, was 
out in search of Hiram Friley, the reported leader, who had killed a 
man — ^Fielding Porter, my ship companion — ^but recently in Gonzales, 
and was keeping out of the way of the law, and known to be in Austin's 
Colony. A man by the name of Little, after being severely ** lynched," 
confessed that he had been harboring and feeding Friley. Eli Mitchel 
and myself visited Mrs. Little, who informed us that Friley was to meet 
her at their spring, some hundred or two yards distant, and that if we 
would secrete ourselves she would invite Friley to the house. At the 
time agreed on she went to the spring, and Friley came up with her. 
As soon as we were discovered he halted, brought his gun to his shoulder. 
In the meantime I hoisted my gun and took aim, but she missed fire. 
I dropped my gun and reached back and told Mitchel to hand me his 
gun, which he did. I raised and fired, the load entering Friley 's breast, 
and knocking off the hammer of his gun ; he ran some six or eight steps 
and fell dead on the porch. Having ordered Little out of the colony we 
then proceeded to Gonzales. 

The Bolms of that place were known to be connected with the gang. 
After a strict and close examination of the old man and his son, without 
gaining any information, it was decided to subject the son to the ordeal 
of lynching He confessed his and his father's complicity and said he 
would conduct us to the camp of the outlaws, some thirty or forty 
miles above Gonzales, on the Guadalupe River, where he said they had 
a considerable number of horses and mules In the meantime Colonel 
Austin arrived, being on his way to Saltillo, the capital of the state, 
to attend the session of the state congress of which he was a delegate. 
The next morning we received the news of the killing of Boark and one 
or two others by Indians, near the landing on the San Antonio road. 
A party was sent out as an escort, with Colonel Austin, and to bury 
the dead. The next day Captain Kuykendall moved up the river, 
guided by young Bolm. We found a place where horses and mules 
had been kept either by Indians or white men, but they had been re- 
moved. We pursued our course north for some distance without mak- 

Vol. I— 11 


ing any discovery. We then turned to the eastward, to near the divide 
between the waters of OuadaLupe and Colorado rivers. Having stopped 
for breakfast and to kill game, one of our hunters returned and reported 
seeing two Indians below our camp. Thus things remained, and the 
men were engaged in cooking, when I suggested to Captain Kuykendall 
the necessity of sending out a party to ascertain the number and posi- 
tion of the Indians, and to order the horses caught and made ready for 
removal or use. He requested me to take such number of men as I 
thought necessary, and scan the country in the direction where the 
Indians had been seen. The Indians had evidently heard the reports of 
our guns, and had been sent out to discover our numbers and positions, 
but had returned when they saw our hunters. I selected five or six men 
for the purpose indicated. Before leaving, I requested Captain Kuy- 
kendall to keep his men in camp; telling him that if I discovered the 
Indians and could draw them out in pursuit of us, I would dispatch a 
man to him, and that he should have all the horses removed out of 
eight, and take position in a ravine near by, which ran down to a small 
creek not more than a hundred yards from our fires. I then moved 
forward, keeping down the small creek some three miles to a consider- 
able bluff, which commanded a bottom prairie some half mile in width 
and running to the timber of another creek. Here we saw two 
or three Indians come out of the timber, and they were soon followed 
by others. They soon saw us, hallooed and beckoned us to them. Some 
twenty or twenty-five had got into the prairie; all on foot except one, 
the chief, who was mounted on a horse. When they saw we would not 
advance they came forward at a run. When they had made about half 
the distance across the prairie they fired several shots, one of which 
struck one of our horses, and wounded him slightly. After being satis- 
fied that they would pursue us if we retreated slowly, I dispatched a 
man to Captain Kuykendall to inform him that we would bring the 
Indians into the ambush. The Indians pursued, firing an occasional 
shot, and we retreated slowly before them. Unfortunately, the firing 
so excited the men at camp that they set forward without regard to 
order, and came rushing to our assistance. We requested them to return 
to the camp, which they did, but not before they were seen by the 
Indians. The Indians, after this discovery, moved more slowly and 
cautiously, and when within a quarter of a mile of our camp, took 
position in a cedar thicket, with a small prairie intervening it and the 
post oaks. Seeing that they did not intend to advance further, and, as 
they opened fire from the thicket, the main body of the men rushed 
forward and formed near the edge of the prairie in the post oaks. 
They were ordered not to fire without orders. Regardless of this order, 
several shots were fired, but without effect, as the Indians were some 
three hundred yards distant. It was apparent that they could not be 
dislodged or driven from their position without exposing our men to 
a destructive fire, and a cost of many lives. The captain then asked 
what was best to be done. He was advised to draw off his force at a 
quick pace in the direction of our camp, the ravine in rear, and the 
creek on our right flank, hoping thus to draw the Indians from their 
cover, and attack them at advantage. They advanced slowly and cau- 
tiously under cover of the timber and brush of the creek and out of 


range of our guns. We then crossed the creek and took up a position 
from which we could observe their movements. Thus foiled by our own 
imprudence we lost an opportunity of chastising, if not destroying, 
this band of savage marauders. After manoeuvering to get advantage 
of these wily sons of the forest and prairies to no effect, we took up the 
line of march for Gonzales. The night of the day of our arrival, Indians 
entered the town and stole several horses, shot at some of the citizens, 
and attempted to lasso another. The next morning, it was discovered 
by their fire, and other signs, that the party did not consist of more 
than five or six Indians. Pursuit was useless. 

After ordering the Bolms out of the colony, the company returned 
to San Felipe. This little expedition had the effect of breaking up the 
outlaws, and giving quiet to the Austin and De Witt colonies. In the 
meantime, an election had been ordered for alcalde and members of the 
ayuntamiento of the municipality of Austin. My name was offered for 
the ofl&ce of alcalde. I was elected by a large majority over my com- 
petitor, qualified, and entered upon the duties of the office. This is an 
important and responsible office, with jurisdiction in all civil and crim- 
inal proceedings. 

In 1831, the state congress passed a decree requiring all merchants 
and traders to take out and pay a license tax. The national govern- 
ment, during the same period, established three additional posts in 
Texas — one at Tenoxtitlan, upper Brazos, Colonel Francisco Ruiz, com- 
mander; one at the mouth of the Brazos, commanded by Colonel 
Ugartechea, and one near the mouth of the Trinity, Anahuac, com- 
manded by Colonel Juan Davis Bradbum. The declared object for 
establishing the military posts was to give protection to the frontier, 
and to insure the better collection of custom duties, but the real object 
was to hold in check if not overawe the colonists, of whom they were 
both jealous and afraid. A kindred measure more insiQting and unjust 
and calculated to effect the colony disastrously was the decree of the 
6th of April, 1830, by which all North Americans were prohibited from 
coming to and settling in Texas. 

In the early part of Johnson's administration complaint was entered 
by Colonel Ruiz against a Mr. Millican, whom he charged with seizing 
and whipping one of his soldiers. This Millican denied, and charged 
that he found the soldier with one of his beeves. To avoid turning 
I^Iillican over to the Mexican authorities as long as possible, the case 
was submitted to the political chief at Bexar, and a correspondence at 
once took place between the alcalde and chief, which was continued 
until near the end of his official term, and for once beating them with 
their own weapons. For this success the alcalde was indebted to Samuel 
M. Williams, Esq., colonial secretary, and also of the ayuntamiento of 
Austin, who conducted the correspondence. But our troubles were not 
to end with the Millican affair. Colonel Martin Parmer, a prominent 
actor in the Fredonian affair, who had left the country in consequence, 
returned, and as if to beard the lion in his den, in company with Colonel 
James Bowie visited San Antonio. Popular as Bowie was at that time 
with the Mexicans, he could not disabuse them of the jealousy and fears 
of Parmer. Parmer, finding his situation unpleasant if not dangerous, 
soon returned. An order was immediately directed to the alcalde ask- 


ing the arrest of Parmer. Accompanying this was a subaltern officer 
and file of men, who reported themselves to the alcalde and held them- 
selves subject to his order. Without unnecessary delay, yet sufficient to 
enable Parmer's friends to give him notice of the unfriendly intention 
of the Mexican authorities, the necessary writ for the arrest of Parmer 
was placed in the hands of the deputy sheriff, Captain Francis Adams, 
friend and associate of Parmer. Accompanied by the officer and his 
squad of men Adams proceeded to make diligent search for Parmer, 
but the bird had flown, the search was unsuccessful, the party returned 
and reported, much disappointed, and the officer somewhat chopfallen. 
Thus, again, were the colonists relieved of another unpleasant affair. 
Small as these things were in themselves, they were fair and true 
instances of the feelings indulged toward the Anglo-Americans by the 
Mexican authority. They first took alarm at the rising at Nacogdoches 
in 1826 under the lead of Edwards, which may be said to be the germ 
seed of their subsequent troubles, and the war of independence. 

In the early part of '31 Francisco Madero, accompanied by J. M. 
Carbajal, arrived at San Felipe de Austin, on his way to the lower 
Trinity in Eastern Texas. Madero had been appointed commissioner 
for the purpose of extending titles to the settlers in that region and 
to establish and organize a jurisdiction and cause to be elected an 
alcalde and other municipal officers. After spending a few days at 
San Felipe, the commissioner, with his surveyor, Carbajal, proceeded to 
Liberty, on the Trinity, and entered upon his duties with promptness 
and efficiency; organized a municipality, and ordered an election for 
the necessary officers, who were duly installed and immediately entered 
upon their several duties. 

Madero, by his independence and manly course, soon drew upon him- 
self and the surveyor the prejudice, distrust, and jealousy of Bradburn, 
the military commander of the post of Anahuac. Under one pretext 
and another, Bradburn caused Madero and Carbajal to be arrested and^ 
confined, thereby suspending their official functions. 

The gross illegality of this act is too manifest to require argument 
or comment. Madero was acting under the authority of the state 
government, and in strict conformity to both the decree and the laws 
of the state of Coahuila and Texas. Not satisfied, however, Bradburn 
abolished the municipality, and established one at Anahuac, without the 
sanction or knowledge of the state government. 

As if not satisfied with these acts of lawlessness and violence, he 
next arrested and imprisoned a number of the citizens in the fort, under 
one pretext or another. Of those arrested and imprisoned William 
Barrett Travis, Patrick C. Jack, Samuel P. Allen and Monroe Edwards 
were of the number. These arrests and imprisonments were made in 
the latter part of the spring of 1832. In the meantime, the constituted 
authorities of Liberty continued to exercise their several offices, not- 
withstanding the orders and threats made by Bradburn. 

Having served out my term of office, I was succeeded by Horatio 
Chriesman, as first, and John Austin, as second alcalde, in 1832. In 
the latter part of May of this year, we received the news of the arrest 
of Travis, Jack, and others. William H. Jack, a prominent lawyer of 
San Felipe, and brother to P. C. Jack, hastened to Anahuac to interpose 


in behalf of the prisioners. [A brief account of the attack on Anahuac, 
previously described, is here omitted, but additional details follow con- 
cerning the intervention of Colonel Piedras in the aflfair.] 

We were visited by two oflScers belonging to Colonel Piedras 's com- 
mand, who had marched down with some one hundred and fifty men 
and encamped some fifteen or twenty miles above Liberty. We were 
informed by these oflScers that Colonel Piedras desired to arrange an 
accommodation between the colonists and Colonel Bradbum. They 
were informed that we would meet Colonel Piedras at such point as he 
would name, or at his camp. They promised to return in a day or two, 
and inform us of Colonel Piedras 's resolution. Before they left we 
desired them to inform their chief that he must remain in his then 
position, as we should regard any movement on his part as hostile ; that 
our scouts would observe him closely. They had been stopped by our 
picket, and there held one conference. Under the circumstances it was 
deemed prudent to move higher up the country, the better to observe 
the movements of both Bradburn and Piedras, and, accordingly we 
moved up to Morse's Spring, about midway from our camp to Liberty. 
It is proper to state, however, that in the first interview with Piedras 's 
oflScers it was agreed that we would meet at James Martin 's, in Liberty. 
We accordingly met at that place, where they informed us that Colonel 
Piedras desired the meeting to take place at his camp. Before the time 
of meeting agreed on, we moved up to Liberty, and took up a strong 
position flanked on two sides by a large pond or lake, with post oaks in 
our rear and prairies in front. We kept scouts out constantly, with 
instructions to scan the country above Anahuac, and in the direction 
of Piedras 's camp. 

Accompanied by Captains Randall Jones and 'James Lindsey, as 
commissioners, and Captain Francis Adams, as interpreter, I went up 
to Piedras 's camp. We were courteously received, and at once entered 
upon the consideration of our business, explaining briefly our causes 
of complaint against Bradbum. Colonel Piedras at once agreed to 
accompany us, go to Anahuac, place Bradbum under arrest, and turn 
the citizen prisoners over to the alcalde of the municipality. After 
refreshments furnished by the colonel we returned. Colonel Piedras 
stopped with Captain George Orr, an acquaintance and friend, who 
resided a mile or two above our camp. It was agreed before we parted 
with him that the alcalde, Hugh B. Johnson, should join him at Captain 
Orr's the next morning; all of which we communicated to the alcalde, 
who met Piedras as arranged, and accompanied him to Anahuac. 

At an early hour next day Piedras and Johnson were reported to 
be nearby. The troops were formed in line, and saluted them as they 
passed by. It was late when they arrived at Anahuac, but Piedras at 
once put Bradburn under arrest, and turned over the command to the 
next senior oflScer. The prisoners were released with the privilege of 
the fort, but not delivered up to the alcalde, owing to the lateness of 
the hour. At a late hour of the night Bradburn escaped the guards. 
This caused considerable stir. Johnson became alarmed, fearing 
treachery, and escaped in his sock feet and without coat. A little after 
sunrise he arrived at our camp and reported. Soon after, William B. 
Harden came into camp, having become alarmed as Johnson had, and 


made his escape from the place. Their arrival in camp created consid- 
erable excitement. Captain Martin proposed to break camp, cross Trinity 
River, and take up a position on the west side, and wait events. This 
I was opposed to for two reasons : First, it would expose our friends of 
Liberty to the fury of Bradbum, and, secondly, I deemed our position 
and numbers sufficient to successfully resist the combined force of Brad- 
burn and Piedras, if attacked. I could not believe that Piedras had 
acted in bad faith, though circumstances were against him. The troops 
favored Captain Martin's proposition. After detailing scouts to scan 
the country in the direction of Anahuac and Piedras 's camp, and to 
report any movement that might be made by either, we crossed the 
Trinity and established a camp at the edge of the prairie, distant a 
mile from the river, and posted a guard at the ferry. The next day we 
were informed of the facts, as before detailed, and the arrival of the 
citizen prisoners at Liberty. It is proper to remark that before these 
occurrences we had been joined by parties from the Neches and other 
points East, and by Captain Kuykendall's company from Mill Creek, 
Austin's colony. Upon the receipt of the news of the release and arrival 
of the prisoners at Liberty, the troops were disbanded and returned 
to their several homes.- 

This was regarded as a favorable time to separate from Coahuila, 
and apply for a state organization. With this view a convention of all 
Texas was called, and met at San Felipe de Austin. The representa- 
tion, though large, was not entirely full. After a harmonious session 
the convention adjourned. Committees of safety and correspondence 
were created throughout the American settlements, and a memorial 
praying a state organization prepared, and commissioners appointed 
to present the same to the Mexican Congress, and urge that it be 
granted. It was also provided that the Central Committee at San 
Felipe, should have power to call a convention whenever in their opin- 
ion the interests of Texas might require. 

The representation in the convention of 1832 not being full, the 
Central committee called a convention to meet in the spring of 1833. 
An additional motive for this call was that the commissioners had not 
gone to the federal, capital. This convention confirmed all that had 
been done by the former, and drew up a memorial and a constitution 
for the New State, 

Of the three commissioners appointed only one. Colonel S. F. Austin, 
proceeded to the city of Mexico. He presented the memorial, and urged 
the action of Congress. He was arrested and held a prisoner for 
eighteen months, or two years, under one pretext and another. 

To go back and bring up my own history, it is necessary to state that: 

In the fall of 1832 I was appointed principal surveyor of Austin's 
Colony. In the latter part of the fall, in company with my friend and 
partner, William Moore, I proceeded to Tenoxtitlan on the upper Brazos, 
and commenced work in what was known as the Nashville Grant, or 
Robertson Colony, where we continued to work until the early part of 

July, 1833. 

This year marks two remarkable occurrences — the great overflow and 
cholera, Moore was engaged on the Upper Brazos and I on San Andres, 
or Little River. Tenoxtitlan was the highest settlement on the Brazos, 


except a trading post established by Francis Smith at the falls of the 
Brazos. In the spring of this year I found myself and party one morn- 
ing surrounded by Indians. We had noticed fresh ''signs" the evening 
before. However, as our position was a secure one, and the Indiana 
perceived us prepared to defend ourselves, they declared themselves 
friends ; held a talk and departed, apparently well satisfied. They were 
a hunting party, and encamped on a creek some two miles distant, 
where they remained some time, but gave us no trouble. They were 
quite a strong party, numbering some hundred and fifty. In the latter 
part of June, while engaged making surveys on the San Antonio road, 
the road being the line between the lower and upper colony, I, with a 
boy whom I had with me, and a Mr. Council, was meandering the road 
and establishing the courses of various tracts, and Thomas A. Qraves, 
with the main party, was running the extension line, we fell in with 
a small party of Tonkawa Indians. Connell and the boy had made a 
miscount in measuring the last line, and, Connell being in bad health, 
the boy and myself went back to the last station to correct the distance. 
I saw that the boy was excited, alarmed, and assured him that there 
was nothing to fear from the Indians, that I knew them to be friendly. 
While we were measuring the line ConneU sat down, and on turning 
around we could not see him ; this greatly alarmed the boy, but I reas- 
sured him, and we started back. How far he followed me I do not 
know, but on arriving where I had left Connell and the Indians, Con- 
nell asked me where the boy was; not seeing him, I hallooed several 
times, but received no answer. We concluded that in his fright he had 
run to our camp, which was on the road. The Indians made us under* 
stand that they wished to go to Tenoxtitlan; we accompanied them to 
our camp, gave them something to eat, and a letter to the citizens of 
that place, and cautioned them in approaching the place to hold up 
something in token of friendship, as the hostile Indians made occasional 
raids on the settlement. As soon as the Indians departed, we went in 
search of the boy, the only trace of whom was his track in a deep ravine. 
According to his own account, which he gave later, he kept in ravines 
and thickets most of the day, but all the time making his way towards 
Tenoxtitlan, where he arrived the next morning, and reported us killed 
by the Indians. This produced great excitement and alarm ; an express 
was immediately sent to the lower settlements to request aid, in the 
meantime keeping up a strict watch. The call was responded to 
promptly, and on the fourth day some fifty men arrived at my camp 
to perform the last act of sepulture. You may well imagine their sur- 
prise and joy at finding us not only alive, but ready for our allowance 
and daily labor. They spent the day with us in a manner highly satis- 
factory to all. They departed, after receiving our hearty and heartfelt 
thanks, to their several homes. Soon after, I was joined by my friend 
Moore, who had quit work some time before. I sent the boy in with 
him. On my arrival at San Felipe I was informed that so confident 
were they of the truth of the first report that a meeting was called, 
resolutions adopted, and a eulogy prepared by Patrick C. Jack, which I 
doubt not was more complimentary and laudatory than either true or 

In the fall of this year Captain Horatio Chriesman and John H. 


Money joined Moore and myself in surveying. We continued our 
work until the beginning of the summer of 1834, when we stopped on 
account of the season. In the meantime, Robertson had applied for 
and obtained an extension of time within which the families contracted 
for by the Nashville Company were to be introduced. Hence operations 
in the Upper Colony were suspended for the time by Austin and Wil- 
liams, who had, in 1832, obtained the colony. 

In December, 1834, I accompanied S. M. Williams, 'Esq., Dr. Robert 
Peebles, and Major B. P. Smith, to Monclova, the seat of government, 
where the state congress, or legislature, was then in session. On our 
way we were joined by Colonel De Witt at Gonzales. We spent a day 
or two at San Antonio de Bexar, where we were treated with marked 
consideration and respect. On our first day's travel from San Antonio 
we encamped some ten or fifteen miles west of the Medina. After cross- 
ing the river we noticed some persons on the hills, whether Mexicans or 
Indians we could not determine, they being so distant. Being in a 
region known to be visited by hostile Indians, we detailed a guard 
for our own safety as well as that of our animals. After partaking of a 
bountiful supper, we were enjoying ourselves around our camp fire 
when a hooting, or yelling, was commenced by owls, a species, I believe, 
peculiar to the South, and in many of their hootings or notes they very 
much resemble the human voice. On hearing this hooting or yelling. 
Major Smith, who had contended stoutly that the persons we had seen 
on the Medina hills were Indians, rose to his feet and exclaimed, * * there ! 
did I not tell you that the persons we saw on the hills were Indians? 
I have served too long with General Jackson in his Indian campaigns 
not to know the difference between the whoop of an Indian and the 
hooting of an owl." Though I had not served with the *'01d Hero'' 
against Indians or others, I had some experience in wood-craft, and 
was quite familiar with this species of owl, yet I did not, nor did any 
of the others, think it worth while to argue the question with the Major. 
The Major had scarcely concluded his remarks, when we heard the report 
of a gun nearby. This was proof positive as well as satisfactory to the 
Major that we were about to be set upon by Indians. Colonel De Witt, 
who was on duty, soon after came in and reported that he was ap- 
proached by either an Indian or wolf and that he had fired at it. Upon 
examination, we found that several of our horses had strayed beyond 
the line of the guards. Under these circumstances all hands were put 
on duty, and took post at the most suitable points. Williams and myself 
were placed in a ravine, when Williams soon after said to me, **I cannot 
remain here inactive without falling asleep;'' to which I replied that, if 
he felt disposed to sleep, he could do so without the least apprehension 
of an attack by Indians. He took me at my word, wrapped himself in 
his overcoat, and slept until daylight, when we went in search of and 
found our missing animals and drove them to camp. After this, when- 
ever we heard the hooting of an owl Major Smith was appealed to to 
decide whether it was an Indian or an owl. This deference to his better 
judgment, the Major would gladly have dispensed with, but we main- 
tained it to the end of our journey. 

On our arrival at Monclova, we found a number of Colonists, among 
whom I may name Colonel B. R. Milam and James Bowie, J K. Allen, 


A. J. Yates, W. H. Steele, James Carter, together with several others. 
I also made the acquaintance of Colonel James Grant, a deputy in the 
legislature; Dan J. Toler, Dr. John Cameron, General John T. Mason, 
and Alexander Newland. Here we remained until the early part of 
May ^ when the legislature adjourned to meet at San Antonio de Bexar, 
and to prevent being dispersed by military force, which was threatened 
by General Cos, the military commander, with headquarters at Saltillo. 
All Mexico was in a ferment; the Vice-President, Gomez Farias, had 
been arrested and thrown into prison but escaped and Arrived at Mon- 
dova, where he was secreted by his friends until necessary arrange- 
ments could be made for his escape to the United States of the North. 

Among the most important acts of this Congress was a decree author- 
izing the appointment of commissioners for Texas, to issue titles to 
such of the settlers as had not received them, also commissioners for 
Austin's and De Witt's Colonies and for Colonel Milam's colony. 

XTnder this decree George A. Nixon, George W. Smyth, and Charles 
S. Taylor were appointed for Eastern Texas; Colonel Talbot Chambers 
for Milam's colony, Doctor Robert Peebles, for Austin and Williams's 
upper colony, and Johnson for Austin and Williams's colony. Bowie 
was appointed commissioner for General Mason's purchase. 

The best account of the progress of Texas under Anglo-American 
colonization is afforded by Colonel J. N. Almonte's Statistical Notice* 
published in 1835. Almonte was commissioned to make a general inspec- 
tion of Texas, and after a hasty tour of observation during July and 
August of 1834 he returned to Mexico and made a very favorable report, 
which Austin thought helped his case and caused the government to 
regard Texas more kindly than it had previously been inclined to do. 
The following extracts are from a translation published in Kennedy's 

**The population of Texas extends from Bexar to the Sabine River, 
and in that direction there are not more than twenty-five leagues of 
unoccupied territory to occasion some inconvenience to the traveller. 
The most difficult part of the journey to Texas is the space between the 
Rio Grande and Bexar, which extends a little more than fifty leagues, by 
what is called the Upper Road, and above sixty-five leagues by the way 
of Laredo. These difficulties do not arise from the badness of the road 
itself, but from the absence of population, rendering it necessary to 
carry provisions, and even water during summer, when it is scarce in 
this district. This tract is so flat and rich in pasturage that it may be 
travelled with sufficient relays, and at a suitable speed, without the fear 
of wanting forage. 

"In 1806 the department of Bexar contained two municipalities; 
San Antonio de Bexar, with a population of five thousand souls, and 
Goliad, with one thousand four hundred ; total six thousand four hun- 
dred. In 1834 there were four municipalities, with the following popu- 
lation respectively : San Antonio de Bexar, two thousand four hundred ; 
Goliad, seven hundred ; Victoria, three hundred ; San Patricio, six hun- 
dred ; total four thousand. Deducting six hundred for the municipality 
of San Patricio (an Irish settlement), the Mexican population had de- 

1 The legislature seems to have adjourned on May 21. 


clined from six thousand four hundred to three thousand four hundred 
between 1806 and 1834. This is the only district of Texas in which there 
are no negro laborers. Of the various colonies introduced into it, only 
two have prospered; one of Mexicans, on the river Guadalupe, by the 
road which leads from Goliad to San Felipe; the other of Irish on the 
river Nueces on the road from Matamoras to Goliad. With the exception 
of San Patricio, the entire district of Bexar is peopled by Mexicans. The 
greater part of the lands of Bexar can easily be irrigated, and there is 
no doubt tliat so soon as the Government, compassionating the lot 
(suerte) of Texas, shall send a respectable force to chastise the savages, 
the Mexicans will gladly hasten to colonize those valuable lands which 
court their labor. 

''Extensive undertaKings cannot be entered on in Bexar, as there is 
no individual capital exceeding ten thousand dollars. All the provisions 
raised by the inhabitants are consumed in the district. The wild horse 
is common, so as rarely to be valued at more than twenty reals (about 
ten shillings British) when caught. Cattle are cheap; a cow and a calf 
not being worth more than ten dollars, and a young bull or heifer from 
four to five dollars. Sheep are scarce, not exceeding five thousand head. 
The whole export trade is confined to from eight thousand to ten thou- 
sand skins of various kinds, and the imports to a few articles from New 
'Orleans, which are exchanged in San Antonio for peltry or currency 
(peleteria y metdUco), 

"There is one school in the capital of the department supported by 
the municipality, but apparently the funds are so reduced as to render 
the maintenance of even this useful establishment impossible. What is 
to be the fate of those unhappy Mexicans who dwell in the midst of sav- 
ages without hope of civilization? Goliad, Victoria, and even San Pa- 
tricio, are similarly situated, and it is not difficult to foresee the conse- 
quences of such a state of things. In the whole department there is but 
one curate {cura) ; the vicar died of cholera morbus in September last. 

' ' The capital of the department of the Brazos is San Felipe de Austin, 
and its principal towns are the said San Felipe, Brazoria, Matagorda, 
Gonzales, Harrisburg, Mina, and Velasco. The district containing these 
towns is that which is generally called 'Austin's Colony.* 

"The fpllowing are the municipalities and towns of the department, 
with the population : San Felipe, two thousand five hundred ; Columbia, 
two thousand one hundred ; Matagorda, one thousand four hundred ; Gon- 
zales, nine hundred; Mina, one thousand one hundred; total, eight 
thousand. Towns : Brazoria, Harrisburg, Velasco, Bolivar. In the pop- 
ulation are included about one thousand negroes, introduced under cer- 
tain conditions guaranteed by the state government; and although it is 
true that a few African slaves have been imported into Texas, yet it 
has been done contrary to the opinion of the respectable settlers, who 
were unable to prevent it. It is to be hoped that this traffic has already 
been stopped ; and it is desirable that a law of the General Congress and 
of the State should fix a maximum period for the introduction of negroes 
into Texas, as servants to the empresarios, which period ought not, in ray 
opinion, to exceed ten or twelve years, at the end of which time they 
should enjoy absolute liberty. 

''The most prosperous colonies of this department are those of Austin 


and De Witt. Towards the northwest of San Felipe there is now a new 
colony under the direction of Robertson; the same that was formerly 
under the charge of Austin. 

**In 1833, upwards of two thousand bales of cotton, weighing from 
four hundred to five hundred pounds each, were exported from the 
Brazos ; and it is said that in 1832 not less than five thousand bales were 
exported. The maize is all consumed in the country, though the annual 
crop exceeds fifty thousand barrels. The cattle, of which there may be 
about twenty-five thousand head in the district, are usually driven for 
sale to Natchitoches. The cotton is exported regularly from Brazoria to 
New Orleans, where it pays 2i/^ per cent, duty, and realizes from 10 to 
lOV^ cents per pound for the exporter, after paying cost of transport, etc. 
The price of cattle varies but little throughout Texas, and is the same 
in the Brazos as in Bexar. There are no sheep in this district ; herds of 
swine are numerous, and may be reckoned at fifty thousand head. 

''The trade of the department of the Brazos has reached six hundred 
thousand dollars. Taking the estimate for 1832 (the settlements having 
been ravaged by the cholera in 1833), the exports and imports are 
estimated thus : five thousand bales of cotton, weighing two million two 
hundred and fifty thousand pounds, sold in New Orleans, and producing 
at 10 cents per pound two hundred twenty-five thousand dollars net; 
fifty thousand skins, at an average of eight reals each, fifty thousand 
dollars. Value of exports, two hundred seventy-five thousand dollars 
(exclusive of the sale of live stock). The imports are estimated at 
three hundred twenty-five thousand dollars. 

'*In this department there is but one school, near Brazoria, erected 
by subscription, and containing from thirty to forty pupils. The 
wealthier colonists prefer sending their children to the United States; 
and those who have not the advantages of fortune care little for the 
education of their sons, provided they can wield the axe and cut down 
a tree, or kill a deer with dexterity. 

''The Department of Nacogdoches contains four municipalities and 
four towns. Nacogdoches municipality has a population of three thou- 
sand five hundred; and of San Augustine, two thousand five hundred; 
Liberty, one thousand ; Johnsburg, two thousand ; the town of Anahuac, 
fifty ; Bevil, one hundred forty ; Teran, ten ; Tenaha, one hundred ; total 
population, nine thousand, in which is included about one thousand 
negroes, introduced under special arrangements {convenios pan^ticulares.) 

"Until now it appears that the New York Company are only begin- 
ning to interest themselves in settling their lands, bought or obtained 
by contract with Messrs. Zavala, Burnet, and Vehlein, empresarios, who 
first undertook the coloni.-^ation of the immense tracts which they ob- 
tained of the state of Coahuila and Texas, and which are laid down in 
the maps of the North as lands of the 'Qalveston Bay Company.' In 
consequence of that transaction, the Company are proprietors of nearly 
three-fourths of the department of Nacogdoches, including the twenty 
leagues of boundary from that town to the Sabine. Of the contracts of 
Zavala,. Burnet and Vehlein, some expired last year, and others will ex- 
pire during the present year. The Supreme Government, if at all anx- 
ious to do away with a system of jobbing so ruinous to the lands of the 


nation, at the hands of a few Mexicans and foreigners, ought, without 
loss of time, to adopt means to obviate the confusion daily arising out 
of contracts with the speculators, which create a feeling of disgust among 
the colonists, who are dissatisfied with the monopoly enjoyed by com- 
panies or contractors that have acquired the lands with the sole object 
of speculating in them. 

''The settlements of this district have not prospered, because spec- 
ulators have not fulfilled their contracts, and the scattered population is 
composed of individuals who have obtained one or more leagues of land 
from the state, and of others, who, in virtue of the law of colonization 
inviting strangers, have established themselves wherever it appeared 
most convenient. But the latter have not even the titles to their 
properties, which it would be only fair to extend for them, in order to 
relieve them from that cruel state of uncertainty in which some have 
been placed for several years, as to whether they appertain to the 
United States or to Mexico. And as these colonists have emigrated at 
their own expense, it seems just that the contractors on whose lands 
they have settled, and who were not instrumental to the introduction 
of their families, should not receive the premium allowed by law. In 
stipulating with those contractors (empresarios) both the Oeneral and 
State Government have hitherto acted with too much negligence, and 
it would be well that they should now seriously turn their attention to 
a matter so deeply important. 

' ' There are three common schools in this department : one in Nacog- 
doches, very badly supported, another at San Augustine, and the third 
at Johnsburg. Texas wants a good establishment for public instruction, 
where the Spanish language may be taught ; otherwise the language will 
be lost; even at present English is almost the only language spoken in 
this section of the Republic. 

**The trade of this Department amounts for the year to four hundred 
and seventy thousand dollars. The exports consist of cotton, skins, of the 
deer, otter, beaver, etc., Indian com and cattle. There will be exported 
during this year about two thousand bales of cotton, ninety thousand 
skins, and five thousand head of cattle, equal in value to two hundred 
five thousand dollars. The imi)orts are estimated at two hundred 
sixty-five thousand dollars; the excess in the amount of imports is 
occasioned by the stock which remains on hand in the stores of the 

** There are abqut fifty thousand head of cattle in the whole depart- 
ment, and prices are on a level with those in the Brazos. There are no 
sheep, nor pasturage adapted to them. There are above sixty thousand 
head of swine, which will soon form another article of export. 

''There are machines for cleaning and pressing cotton in the depart- 
ments of Nacogdoches and the Brazos. There are also a number of saw- 
miUs. A steam-boat is plying on the Brazos river, and the arrival of two 
more is expected ; one for the Neches, the other for the Trinity. 

"The amount of the whole trade of Texas for the year 1834 may 
be estimated at one million four hundred thousand dollars. 


Departments Imports. Exports. Total. 

Bexar 40,000 20,000 60,000 

Brazos 325,000 275,000 600,000 

Nacogdoches 265,000 205,000 470,000 

Approximate valuation of contraband trade with the 
interior, through the ports of Brazoria, Matagorda, 

and Copano 270,000 


Money is very scarce in Texas; not one in ten sales is made for 
cash. Purchases are made on credit, or by barter; which gives the 
country, in its trading relations, the appearance of a continued fair. 
Trade is daily increasing, owing to the large crops of cotton, and the 
internal consumption, caused by the constant influx of emigrants from 
the United States." 

Concerning the future of Texas Almonte was almost enthusiastic. 
"If we consider the extraordinary and rapid advances that industry has 
made ; its advantageous geographical position, its harbors, the easy navi- 
gation of its rivers, the variety of its productions, the fertility of the soil, 
the climate, etc. — the conclusion is, that Texas must soon be the most 
flourishing section of the Republic. There is no difficulty in explaining 
the reason of this prosperity. In Texas, with the exception of some dis- 
turbers, they only think of growing the sugar-cane, cotton, maize, wheat, 
tobacco; the breeding of cattle, opening of roads, and rendering the 
rivers navigable. Moreover, the effects of our political commotions are 
not felt there, and often it is only by mere chance that our dissensions 
are known. Situated as Texas is, some four hundred and fifty leagues 
from the capital of the Federation, it is easy to conceive the rapidity of 
its progress in population and industry, for the reason that Texas is out 
of the reach of the civil wars that have unfortunately come upon us. The 
inhabitants of that country continue, without interruption, to devote 
themselves to industrious occupations, giving value to the lands with 
which they have been favored by the munificence of the government. 

"If, then, the position of Texas is so advantageous, why should not 
the Mexicans participate in its benefits? Are not they the owners of those 
valuable lands? Are they not capable of encountering dangers with 
firmness and courage? Let small companies be formed; enter into con- 
tracts with agricultural laborers; appoint to each of the companies its 
overseer, agent, or colonial director; and I will be the surety that, in 
less than one or two years, by the concession of eleven league grants of 
land, which will not cost perhaps more than a trifle for the stamped paper 
on which the title is made out, the grants will be converted into a prop- 
erty worth more than from fifteen to twenty thousand dollars. Let 
those who wish to test the worth of this assurance visit the plantations of 
the colonists, and they will perceive I am no dreamer." 

Almonte estimated the total population of Texas at thirty-six thou- 
sand three hundred — civilized inhabitants, twenty-one thousand and In- 
dians, fifteen thousand three hundred. Kennedy thought this an under- 
statement. He says: "Although the Anglo-Texans had suffered griev- 
ously from cholera in 1833, their numerical strength is evidently under- 
rated. The scattered settlements rendered it extremely difficult to num- 


ber the colonists with accuracy, and it did not accord with the policy 
of the Mexican government to represent them as formidable in any re- 
spect. They probably amounted to about thirty thousand, exclusive of 
the two thousand negroes. ' ' 

With Almonte's report should be compared the statement that Ste- 
phen F. Austin presented to the government in 1833 as a basis for the 
demand of the Texans ^o be erected into a state. This is taken from the 
transcripts made by the University of Texas from the archives of the 
department of Famento in Mexico City.^ 

"Statistics op Texas" 

Number op Population. Municipality of Bexar, including the four 
missions of San Jose, San Juan, Espada, Concepci6n, and the Ranches 

upon the Bejar River 4,000 

''Municipality of Goliad, including the towns of San Patricio and 

Guadalupe Victoria 2,300 

''Municipality of Gonzales 1,600 

"Municipality of Austin, including the towns of Bastrop, Mata- 
gorda and Harrisburg, and settlements upon the Colorado and 

San Jacinto Rivers, and the new town of Tenoxtitlan 12,600 

"Municipality of Liberty, including the settlements of Anahuac, 

Galveston and Bevil 4,500 

"Municipality of Brazoria, including the town of Velasco 4,800 

"Municipality of Nacogdoches, including the settlements of the 
Ayish, Trinity, Neches, Attoyac, Tamija, Sabine and Pecan 
Point 16,700 

"Total number of population 46,500 

"The wandering tribes of Indians and half civilized persons, whose 
number passes twenty thousand, are not included in this enumeration. 

"Products. Those of Texas are: Cotton, sugar, tobacco, indigo, 
edible grains and vegetables of various kinds ; flocks, lumber and boards, 
leather goods and hides. 

"Mills. In the municipalities of Austin and Brazoria there are 
thirty cotton-gins, two steam sawmills and grist mills, six water-power 
mills, and many run by oxen and horses. 

'*In Gonzales there is a water-power mill on the Guadalupe River 
for sawing lumber and running machinery (mover nuiquiiias), which 
is of much importance, since this mill supplies the towns of Gonzales and 
Goliad and the city of Bexar with boards (tablas). 

"The municipalities of Liberty and Nacogdoches are very well pro- 
vided with mills and gins, and there is great progress in this industry 
in all parts of Texas. 

"General Observations. The planting of cotton is very general 
and well advanced in all parts, and the yield this year will be more 
than one hundred and fifty thousand arrobas ginned and clean,^ equal to 
six hundred thousand arrobas with the seed. 

2 It is added to this discuBsion by the editor. 

8 An arroba is about twentj-five pounds. A hundred and fifty thousand arrobas 
would be equal to about seven thousand five hundred bales in figures of the present day. 


''The raising of cattle and hogs has increased with so much rapidity 
that it is difScult to form a calculation of their number. The price for 
which they sell will give you an idea of their abundance. 

"Fat beeves of from twenty to thirty arrobas are worth from eight 
to ten dollars. Pat hogs of from eight to twelve arrobas are worth three 
and a half to five dollars each, and lard in proportion. 

"Butter and cheese, com, beans, aiid all kinds of vegetables abound. 

"The sowing of wheat has not progressed so much, because the cli- 
mate is not suitable for this grain in the settled region near the coast. 

"The raising of horses and mules has progressed a good deal, al- 
though not in comparison to what it will do when the country is settled 
in the interior and the Indians subdued, who now make their raids to 
steal horses. 

"In the Bay of Oalveston there is a steamship, and a company has 
been formed in Austin and Brazoria for the purpose of bringing one to 
the Brazos River. There is also a plan to open a canal to join the 
Brazos Biver with the Port of Galveston, and another to join the two 
Bays of Matagorda and Galveston. 

"The settled part of the country is provided with good roads and 
there are various new projects and enterprises for bettering the naviga- 
tion of the rivers with oar-boats and steamboats for the purpose of 
facilitating the transport of the agricultural products of the interior of 
Texas to the coast. 

"There are no schools or academies in Texas endowed or established 
by the state, but there are private schools in all parts and very good 
ones ; and as soon as there is a local government to give form and pro- 
tection to education there will be much progress in this direction. 

"The inhabitants of Texas are in general farmers who own their 
lands; there are few among them who do not know how to read and 
write, or who do not understand very well the importance of protecting 
their property and person by means of a local government, well organ- 
ized and well supported. 

"The fact ought to be presented that the resources and qualifica- 
tions of Texas to sustain a state government are augmented in the 
highest degree by the enterprising and industrious character of her 
inhabitants. Their progress is rapid, even in their present situation; 
but with a state government to enlarge and protect industry it would be 
much greater, because then there would be security and confidence, which 
do not now exist. 

"Proof that the inhabitants of Texas have confidence in their re- 
sources to defend themselves against the Indian savages is to be found 
in the fact that they have not asked troops nor companies of soldiers 
or money, and they do not need to." 

There are no exact figures by which to check these estimates of 
Almonte and Austin. It is probable that the truth lies between the 
two. Austin undoubtedly knew more about the actual condition of 
Texas than anyone else, and much more than Almonte could have 
learned in the short time at his disposal, but he had a strong motive 
for exaggeration. Immigration was very rapid during the latter part 
of 1834 and the first half of 1835. 

Before closing the occurrences of this year, we will record the 
scalping of Josiah Wilbarger, and the killing of two men Strother and 


Chrifltian. Though there is nothing remarkable in the killing of two 
men, and the scalping of another, supposed to be dead, there is a cir- 
cumstance connected with this occurrence that carries it out of the 
ordinary occurrences of the sort. The account of this affair is given 
by a gentleman whom we have known for some forty years, and whom 
we know to be a gentleman of undoubted veracity, and one, too, who 
knew the parties who were the sufferers. James R. Pace the narrator, 
had the statement from Wilbarger, and those who visited the scene of 
disaster, buried the dead, and brought in Wilbarger. The narration 
is as follows: 

**In the autumn of 1834, a party of five men left Wilbarger's 
prairie, six miles above the town of Bastrop — ^their names were Josiah 
Wilbarger, Thomas Christian, Haynie, Strother, and King. The party 
moved up the east margin of the Colorado River to Mr. Reuben Homs- 
by's; from thence they continued up to the foot of the mountains, just 
above the [present] city of Austin. 

**Here they remained a day or two; and, on the evening previous 
to the disaster, which well-nigh destroyed the party, they discovered 
an Indian in the prairie on horse-back about three-fourths of a mile 
from the foot of the mountain and gave chase to him, but being well 
mounted he made good his escape unharmed. 

''The party continued their examination in the neighborhood of 
Pilot Knob and the Colorado until the following day, up to noon, when 
they halted on a small stream which now passes through Mr. Steel 
Mathew's pasture, to get their dinner. Haynie and King protested 
against stopping, as they were in the neighborhood of Indians, but 
numbers ruled. Wilbarger, Christian, and Strother hobbled their 
horses, while King and Haynie tied theirs within a few feet of where 
they had stopped. They were not long in making ready their frugal 
dinner. While eating, a noise or roaring, such as is made by a large 
herd of buffalo, was heard. Haynie, who had never been in an Indian 
country before, was alarmed, jumped up, and saw a lai^e body of 
Indians coming down through the timber, and, in their direction. He 
gave the alarm and, upon turning his head, still further to the left, he 
saw an Indian within some twenty yards of them, he immediately raised 
his gun, a small squirrel rifle, and shot him in the head, which produced 
instant death. 

**The Indians on horseback by this time had come down on the north 
side of the creek and nearly surrounded them ; while those in the timber 
had got in close range, and opened fire. Strother, who was near the 
mouth of a small ravine, received a mortal wound, of which he informed 
his companions. Christian up to this time had sheltered himself behind 
a post-oak tree, where he had his powder-horn shattered by a ball; he 
soon after received a* ball that produced death. Wilbarger also had 
taken position behind a tree, where he was shot. 

*'King and Haynie now cut the stake ropes of their horses, mounted, 
and passed out at the only opening not yet occupied by the Indians. 
The Indians, in the meantime, captured the three hobbled horses. Thus, 
Wilbarger was left alone with his dead companions, on foot, and 
wounded, with some two hundred and fifty Indians around him! Es- 
cape seemed next to impossible, yet he essayed it, but did not get more 
than a hundred yards when he received a ball in the neck, fracturing the 


bone; he fell, and was unconscious for a time. While in this state, he 
was stripped and scalped, the Indians supposing he was dead. To escape 
by crossing the creek was impossible, as the bluff was occupied by some 
hundred Indians on foot. With such fearful odds, the wonder is that 
he got away at all. 

'^Ha3aiie and King made good their escape, and arrived, in less than 
one hour, at the house of Mr. Reuben Homsby. The news was com- 
municated from thence to the lower settlement as rapidly as it could 
be conveyed on horseback. 

**The settlers below, John B. Walters, Wells, and others, whose 
names I do not now recollect, collected and went up that night to 
Homsby 's. All was excitement, for they knew not at what moment 
an attack would be made on the settlement. But little sleep was indulged 
in ; however, late at night, all being quiet, the party spread their pallets 
and enjoyed a sound sleep for a time. While thus asleep the party was 
aroused by the screams of Mrs. Homsby who called upon the men to go 
and bring in Wilbarger, who she declared was not dead but lying under 
a post-oak tree, about one mile from the place of disaster ! Mr. Hornsby, 
and the company, ridiculed the idea of Wilbarger's being alive, and 
ultimately persuaded Mrs. Homsby to go to sleep again, which she did. 
Sometime before dawn the whole party were again aroused by the screams 
of Mrs. Homsby, who reiterated her former declaration, and jumped • 
out of bed. 

''Preparations were at once made, and the party, as soon as they 
could see their way, set forward on their sad and painful journey. 
They took the route for the place of attack ; and, about one mile before 
reaching it, Joseph Martin, I think, said to Walters, 'shoot that d — d 
Indian,' Walters being on the side next to the supposed Indian. He 
instantly raised his rifle, when Wilbarger, a pitiable and hideous sight, 
and almost exhausted, called in a feeble voice 'Walters* don't shoot, it 
is me' which was heard, and the voice of Wilbarger recognized. At 
this discovery, the party, wild with excited joy, sent up a shout, which, 
could the savages have heard it, would have caused them to beat a hasty 

"Here the party divided; some employed themselves in making a 
litter on which to convey Wilbarger to the settlement. The others went 
to the scene of disaster, which they had no difficulty in finding. They 
gave to the dead such sepulture as their limited means would admit of; 
returned to their friends, and made their way back to the settlement 
On arriving at Mr. Hornsby 's, a physician was immediately sent for, 
and all that kindness and the generous feeling of a hospitable people 
could do to alleviate the sufferings and minister to the comforts of 
Wilbarger were extended." 

The part of Mrs. Homsby in this tragic affair is, to say the least, a 
most remarkable case. Her declaration is verified by all who performed 
the last rites for the dead — even to the post-oak tree, and the distance 
from the scene of disaster where Wilbarger was discovered, were found 
to be substantially correct. 

In the latter part of this year, the ayuntamiento of the municipality 
of Austin, elected Francis W. Johnson judge of the first instance, and 
Qeorge Ewing, judge of the second instance, for that municipality, her 
population entitling the jurisdiction to these two officers. 

Vol. I— 1 J 



The year 1833 was a hard one for Texas. Disastrous floods and a 
sweeping epidemic of Asiatic cholera laid heavy toll of suflfering and 
sorrow upon the land. James F. Perry warned Austin that he would 
find on his return many vacancies in the ranks of his friends; eighty 
died in Brazoria alone, he thought, and the dead sometimes lay unburied 
because of the terror of the survivors. In some cases whole families 
were wiped out. John Austin, one of the alcaldes of San Felipe, and 
leader of the attack on Velasco in 1832, D. W. Anthony, editor of the 
Brazoria paper, and the empresario Martin de Le6n, were among the 
conspicuous losses to Texas during this memorable year. 

But after the passage of the cholera the chief interest of the Texans 
shifted to state politics, the trend of which offered many additional rea- 
sons for desiring separation from Coahuila. The trouble here was due 
partly to a local quarrel between Saltillo, in the southeastern corner of 
Coahuila, and Monclova in the northwest, and partly to the disturbed 
condition of national affairs. On March 9, 1833, the legislature of Coa- 
huila and Texas passed a decree removing ''for the present'' the capital 
of the state from Saltillo to Monclova, and requiring the governor and 
other members of the executive department to take up their residence 
there by April 1. The decree was signed by J. M. Viesca, president of 
the permanent deputation, and J. M. de Uranga and M. Borega, mem- 
bers of the deputation. The reason for the action is not given and is 
unknown. On April 3 the governor approved a decree of abolishing a 
militia company of thirty men at Saltillo which had been paid from the 
state funds since 1829 ; and at the same time or shortly afterward the 
words *'for the present'' were stricken out of the decree which estab- 
lished the capital at Monclova, thus indicating an intention to make that 
the permanent capital. These measures were extremely irritating to 
Saltillo, but open disturbances were held in check until the following 

The legislature that met at Monclova on January 1, 1834, was un- 
usually liberal in its treatment of Texas. Four new municipalities were 
created, Matagorda, San Augustine, San Patricio, and Mina; the depart- 
ment of the Brazos was established between the former departments of 
Bexar and Nacogdoches ; Texas was allowed an additional representative 

1 This chapter was written by the editor. The material for it was drawn largely 
from manuscripts in the Austin Papers and the Bexar Archives at the Universitj of 
Texas, and the Lamar Papers and ' ' Domestic Correspondence ' ' at the State Library. 
The account of the land speculations of 1834 and 1835 is taken substantially from an 
article by the writer published in The Quarterly of the Texas State Historical Asso- 
ciation for July, 1906. 



in the legislature ; the use of English in official documents was legalized ; 
and the judiciary system was revised so as to allow Texas an orderly 
series of courts with trial by jury in criminal cases. All these measures 
tended in the direction of a greater degree of local self-government 
for the Anglo-American portion of Texas, and may have been influenced 
in part by the recommendations of Santa Anna and the general govern- 
ment, growing out of the conference with Austin on October 5, 1833. 
The judiciary reforms have been previously discussed, and the other de- 
crees need no further treatment here. Henry Smith was appointed po- 
litical chief of the new department. 

Toward the end of April the legislature adjourned, leaving the gov- 
ernment in the hands of the acting governor, Villasenor, and the per- 
manent deputation. On May 23 some of Santa Anna's adherents in the 
state of Morelos proclaimed the plan of Cuernavaca, which declared 
null liberal reforms recently adopted by Congress, protested against 
changes in the state religidn, and -called on Santa Anna to dissolve Con- 
gress and defend the constitution. On June 24, the permanent deputa- 
tion of Coahuila and Texas called the legislature to meet at Monclova on 
August 9 to take measures for the ** safety of the federation" and ^*for 
the permanent restoration of the public tranquillity, at present inter- 
rupted by the collision of the supreme national authorities, and by 
pronunciamentos which as a pretext invoke religion, which is really free 
from danger; and for the avoidance of any internal disturbance which 
such events might occasion." At the same time, declaring that the 
state would not permit **the exalted name of religion to be wantonly 
invoked within its territory," it authorized the governor to banish from 
the state anyone who showed a disposition to disturb the public peace 
in such manner. A month later, however, the opposition to the plan of 
Cuernavaca was withdrawn, because, as it was said, the nation seemed to 
concur in accepting it, and Coahuila and Texas would never stand in 
the way of the will of the majority of the states. The legislature was 
prevented from organizing by the failure of some members to attend and 
by the withdrawal of the two members from Saltillo. 

In the meantime, Saltillo, hoping to regain its old position as capital 
of the state by supporting Santa Anna, had forestalled Monclova by 
pronouncing in favor of Santa Anna and the plan of Cuernavaca on 
July 19. It then proceeded to set up a rival government and declared 
all acts of the legislature since January 1, 1834, null and void. Civil 
war threatened between Saltillo and Monclova, and Acting Governor 
Villasenor was deposed at Monclova to make way for a military executive 
in the person of Juan Elguezabal. Hostile preparatiors went on a-pace 
and on September 2, 1834, Oliver Jones, the representative of the depart- 
ment of the Brazos at Monclova, wrote pessimistically to Political Chief 
Henry Smith that the Saltillo government was gaining strength daily. 

*' Monclova, September 2, 1834. 
**Dear Sib: The political affairs of this section of the country are 
in a state of perfect anarchy and confusion. The state government has 
fallen into pieces, without leaving a foundation on which another can 
be constitutionally erected ; on the 30th of last month, an officer of the 
permanent army was proclaimed governor of the state by fifteen officers 


of the army, two members of the ayuntamiento of this place, and three 
of the deputies of the congress ; and the former governor turned out of 
office. There is not, nor will there be, any congress or permanent depu- 
tation in this place during the present year. At one time since my 
arrival in this city there were seven members present, two of whom were 
of the Saltillo party, and refused to serve ; and immediately left for that 
place. Bascas left this morning for Texas. I shall, if permitted, remain 
here a few weeks longer. The government established in Saltillo still 
exists and is gaining ground. The towns of Bio Grande, Morales, San 
Juan de Mat and Santa Bosa, have declared in favor of Saltillo. There 
are about five hundred militia and permanent troops in this place, but 
up to the present time they have remained inactive. The government of 
Saltillo appears to be on an equal footing with that of this place, and has 
an equal number of supporters in this part of the state. Is not Texas as 
much entitled to a government as the former? She is without one, in 
fact none exists in the nation of which she forms a part ; I am of opinion 
this is a subject worthy your deliberation at this critical moment. 

**The state of Vera Cruz has, I am informed, declared in favor of 
a Central Government; and I have no doubt of Santa Anna's intention 
to establish that form of government. 

** Chambers will leave in a few days for Texas. 

** Yours, etc., 

** Oliver Jones." 

After some skirmishes had occurred between the forces of the rival 
towns civil war was averted by an agreement on November 6 to refer 
the quarrel to the arbitration of Santa Anna. The president's decision 
was rendered December 2, and declared that Monclova should remain 
the capital ; that Elguezabal should continue to hold the executive office 
until a new election could be held; and that an election should imme- 
diately be called to choose a full corps of state officials. This election 
should have taken place in the fall, but it had been prevented by the 
confusion in Coahuila. The election was now held on February 9, 1835, 
and the legislature convened on March 1, 1835. 

By many the omission of the elections in the fall of 1834 was re- 
garded as putting both governments outside the law, and as leaving 
Coahuila and Texas entirely without government. Some of the Coa- 
huilans gathered at Bexar and induced the political chief of that depart- 
ment to issue on October 13 a call for a convention to meet at Bexar on 
November 15 to organize a provisional government, pending the settle- 
ment of the quarrel. A portion of the address, which is translated in 
Edward's History of Texas, presents a graphic picture of the political 
situation: **The disastrous events which have lately taken place in the 
great Mexican nation, of which you are a part, and the deplorable and 
perilous situation in which the state is now placed, demand imperiously 
your exclusive and most serious attention. The baleful and portentous 
spirit of revolution has torn the republic into pieces, and threatens in 
the most alarming manner the liberal and republican institutions which 
you have sworn to maintain. . 

''The congress of the state has ceased to exist; the elections have 
not been made; the state is dissolved. Two governors, equally illegiti- 


mate, contend with each other for the exercise of executive power of the 
state; and its inhabitants are under no legal and constitutional obliga- 
tion to obey either the one or the other; as you have been made fully 
sensible of, by your returned representatives. This monstrous phenome- 
non which has appeared in the political horizon of the state, has caused 
a universal and frightful disorder and confusion ; convincing us that we 
have no time to lose. Therefore, we the undersigned entreat the people 
of Texas to unite with their fellow-citizens of Bexar, in deliberating upon 
the means which it may be expedient to adopt, in order to save the 
country from such unparalleled anarchy and confusion!" 

This address, with characteristic Mexican sluggishness, reached the 
political chief of the Brazos on October 28, after he had already been 
moved to action on his own account. On October 20 he issued a broad- 
side of four columns entitled ** Security for Texas," which was reprinted 
in the Texas Bepitblican of the 25th. Quoting Oliver Jones's letter of 
September 2, already given, he said that the necessity of organizing a 
government in Texas must be admitted by all. Since both state and nar 
tional governments had yielded to anarchy, some would be in favor of 
organizing as a separate state, independent of the Mexican confederation. 
But it would be more prudent merely to consider the union with Coa- 
huila dissolved and organize as a Mexican state: ''Her unnatural con- 
nection with Coahuila, a dissolution of which has been so much desired 
by Texas, is now by the act of the former dissolved; let Texas then 
abandon her to her fate ; she has withdrawn herself by her own wilful 
and unlawful act, forfeiting all claims to protection from the civil 
compact ; let her, then, quietly enjoy the blessings of anarchy. . 
She has by her own willful and abandoned conduct thrown herself with- 
out — let Texas, then, keep herself within — the pale and provisions of the 
constitution which she has sworn to support and protect. Let the sepa- 
ration caused by the act of Coahuila be responded to by Texas and de- 
clared perpetual." He suggested that each a3rantamiento should issue 
the usual writ for an election, and fill all vacancies in the municipal 
offices. At the same time let the Central Committee, exercising the 
power vested in it by the conventions of 1832 and 1833, "immediately 
convoke the people of all Texas through their representatives to meet 
in public council and formally protest against the further interference 
of Coahuila within her domain," declare the two provinces separated, 
and nullify all laws passed by Coahuila since ''her innovation" which 
were calculated in any way to interfere with the local political affairs of 
Texas. Texas could thus put herself in the attitude of maintaining the 
legitimate government of the state, while Coahuila, torn by revolution, 
would be left without organization. 

This proclamation was effectively answered in another broadside is- 
sued from San Felipe on October 28 by the Central Committee. This 
committee was now composed of James B. Miller, Wily Martin, Robert 
Peebles, William Pettus, William B. Travis, William H. Jack, and F. 
W. Johnson. They argued that it was absurd to contend that because 
revolution had temporarily overtaken Coahuila the constitution was over- 
thrown and the union with Texas dissolved. "Because one part of a 
state or community has lawlessly violated the constitution, is that a jus- 
tification, or even an excuse, for another for doing the same? If this 


political doctrine be true as to a state, it is equally true as to individuals; 
and when applied to men it becomes [so] preposterous and absurd that 
the weakest minds will easily detect its folly." There was every as- 
surance that the conflict between Saltillo and Monclova was in a fair 
way of settlement; the state legislature had recently removed many of 
the evils that had annoyed Texas, making it possible for the people to 
enjoy most of the advantages of separate state government without the 
expense of maintaining a state administration; and the good will of the 
general government was proved by the repeal of the 11th article of the 
law of April 6, 1830, and the continued exemption of Texas from import 
duties. Finally, the situation of Colonel Austin, who had gone to Mexico 
as the agent of the people and suffered imprisonment for them, demanded 
tranquillity in Texas, and the people were in honor bound to do nothing 
that might aggravate his difficulties. The committee desired nothing 
more earnestly than a state government, but it was ''equally anxious 
that none but constitutional measures should be adopted for the purpose 
of obtaining it." 

On receiving the communication from Bexar, Smith had written to 
the political chief, saying that he was entirely in accord with the move- 
ment for a local provisional organization, but that he feared there was 
not sufficient time before the meeting of the convention for the scattered 
and somewhat disorganized ayuntamientos of the department of the 
Brazos to order the election of delegates. He suggested, therefore, that 
the convention adjourn from day to day until the elections were held 
and the delegates could arrive. On November 6 he wrote again to say 
that the plan had met with much opposition, ''principally instigated by 
what I can call nothing but a violent party spirit which has unfortu- 
nately been of long standing, and the party are now invigorating them- 
selves by working on the sympathies of the people, owing to the confine- 
ment of Colonel Austin in the City of Mexico — ^telling them that it is on 
their account he has been doomed to suffer so much, and that any move 
on their part would only tend to accumulate his sufferings; and to re- 
main quiet, that everything wUl soon be right, oi*, in fact, that nothing 
is now wrong. This party is ever vigilant, and, as it were, on the wing, 
endeavoring to counteract every popular move in the people except it 
should be recommended by Colonel Austin, considering him as their 
God." The prime movers in this party dreaded organization, said Smith, 
because they feared investigation. He urged the authorities at Bexar 
to continue the movement for organization, and promised to persist in 
his efforts to get the department of the Brazos to co-operate. 

At about the same time — the document is undated — Smith issued as a 
broadside, "Explanatory Remarks on the Official Document, under the 
Title of ' Security for Texas, ' with a Fair View of Her Present Political 
Situation." This was really an answer to the Central Committee's 
proclamation of October 28, and was designed to convince the people 
of the necessity for the convention and the organization of state govern- 
ment. His previous communication was based, he said, on information 
from the representatives of Texas in the legislature certified by the supe- 
rior judge of Texas, Judge T. J. Chambers. This information showed in 
substance "that our constitution was violated and scattered to the four 
winds of Heaven. That the constitutional time for renovating all the 


important officers of the state had passed by and no election was had, 
as such the constitution became ipso facto a dead letter, and now exists 
only in name; and that independently of mob government which had 
been established in the city of Saltillo for some time and exercising its 
functions in direct opposition to the constituted authorities, on the 30th 
day of August an officer of the permanent army assumed the executive 
chair in Monclova — tissued his proclamation as governor — ^and completely 
dissolved all the legitimate authorities of the state." While lus procla- 
mation was issued hastily, before the people were sufficiently informed of 
the need of action, he felt justified from the fact that the Mexicans of 
Bexar, who were not given to radical measures, had come to the conclu- 
sion that local organization was essential to prevent the spread of an- 
archy to Texas. Could he view the reply of the Central Committee in 
the spirit in which he considered it to have been written, he '* should have 
no hesitancy in pronouncing it as the crude and loathsome abortion of 
bad heads and bad hearts in a bad cause combined;" but he knew that 
some members were honorable men and must conclude that, though their 
views were illiberal, they were intended to promote the general welfare. 
Time would expose their fallacy. His argument was briefly this : It was 
the duty of the Texans to restore constitutional government in the state ; 
this they were physically unable to do in Coahuila; if they remained 
quiescent they became equally guilty with Coahuila; therefore it was 
necessary to set up a provisional government, with due regard for all 
the constitutional forms, in Texas. ''I insist upon it, then, that it is 
certainly the interest and duty of Texas, if she intend to retrieve and 
sustain her constitution and keep herself from collision and difficulty 
to organize herself before she feel the entire want of the governmental 
rein. There is no reason why she should remain in anarchy or subject 
herself to the whims and caprices of lawless mobs. She has a good and 
sufficient plea, if timely pled, before the proper tribunal [the general 
government]. That plea is physical inability on her part to directly 
punish the aggressors and to reinstate and sustain the constitutional au- 
thorities while located in Coahuila. This is the only legal plea which 
Texas can have to excuse her citizens from being equally guilty with 

* * Some there are, ' ' he continued, * * who say that Texas is not capable or 
able to sustain herself in a separate government ; that she lacks numbers, 
talent, and finally means. I can with propriety say to such that she has 
so far been self -governed ; and a great part of the expenditures of the 
whole state have been, in one way or another, drawn from her resources. 
Her inhabitants are rated at forty thousand — and whether that be under 
or over a fair estimate — ^that no section of the civilized world comprising 
her own numbers can produce more intelligence and general information 
than will be found among her settlers." 

The strongest practical argument against Smith was that Texas was 
prosperous and the people as yet felt no personal inconvenience from the 
disorganization in Coahuila. This he naively reveals himself: *'I have 
now given you the true situation of the government ; but what is that of 
the people ? They are indeed, as in the days of Noah, marrying and giv- 
ing marriage, eating and sleeping, and selling their cotton forsooth at a 


tolerable price; and this, the committee would persuade them, is irre- 
fragible proof that all is well." 

Smith issued his proclamation from Brazoria, and his opponents, 
evidently fearing that the counter-proclamation of the Central Commit- 
tee might need additional support, prepared a strong ''public declara- 
tion" against his proposal, which was to be circulated in the Brazoria 
district for signatures. A manuscript copy is preserved in the Austin 
papers. The handwriting is as yet unidentified, and it is without signa- 
ture, which probably indicated that it was found unnecessary to put it 
into circulation. It undoubtedly represents the opinion of all but a 
handful of the settlers, and for that reason it is given in the note below.^ 

2<<By this Public declaration 
''Be it known 
that we the undersigned citizens of the Mexican Bepublic, and of the state of Coahuila 
and Texas; resident in the municipality of Columbia, (heretofore called of Brazoria) 
being seriously alarmed by the late unauthorized call of an election of members to a 
revolutionary congress; jeopardizing as we believe the security of our families and 
our dearest rights and interests, and tending, if acquiesced in by the people to the 
utter ruin of all our hopes in Texas ; feel it incumbent upon us to make this our public 
protest against, and declaration of dissent to, the unauthorized doings of a few 
ambitious agitators of revolutionary measures, 

"As Bepublicans, we hold to the immutable republican principle, that in a re- 
publican community, no measure involving the peace, security and happiness of the 
people, should be adopted without the assent of a majority of the people fairly — 
called for and distinctly expressed — 

' ' Yet we have seen as we conceive our most sacred rights and privileges usurped, 
and sentiments expressed upon our responsibility, which we do not, nor ever have 
subscribed to. 

''We therefore deem it our duty to ourselves, and to our fellow-citizens of the 
other municipalities of Texas, to permit no longer — by our silence, a few aspiring 
ambitious men, zealous to promote their own elevation and individual advantage, but 
reckless of consequences to the great body of the people, to use our names or to 
assume the right of thinking for, or dictating to us the political course we shall pursue, 
without our knowledge or consent. 

"We distinctly avow our decided disapprobation of the attempt, made by the 
political chief, to obtain an election of members to a revolutionary congress — ^without 
calling for the sense of the people, or even consulting the central committee, appointed 
by a convention to warn the people of political danger. 

"Because we view the measure as an unwarrantable assumption of authority to 
dictate to the people; 

' ' Because we deem the measure to be fraught with the most ruinous consequences 
to the people of Texas; as directly at variance with the true interests of our adopted 
country, tending to confirm all the unfounded suspicions (which have been created by 
evil minded persons), of our revolutionary and rebellious dispositions, and distructive 
of all confidence, both at home and abroad, in the stability and security of political 
rights and in the rights of person and property in Texas ; which we consider to be the 
basis of all public and private prosperity — 

"Because we conceive that the Genl Govt by the repeal of the 11 art. of the 
obnoxious 6 April law and leaving us until this late period exempt from the payment 
of import duties, paid by the people of all other parts of the republic, has shown a 
most paternal regard for our prosperity — 

"Because we believe that the state congress has given us all the elements of 
good government, order and security under the law, by enacting laws establishing a 
system of jurisprudence adapted to our situation with tryal by jury, which if carried 
out according to the provisions of the law and sustained by the people, would place 
justice within the reach of every citizen, according to the judgment of his own peers; 
his own neighbors or equals: 

"Because we believe that the arrest and cruel imprisonment of our envoy to the 
Genl Govt (Col. Austin) has been occasioned not by any hostile feelings on the part 


In a letter of December 7 James F. Perry gave Aiistiii an account 
of this affair, saying that the people ''almost with one voice opposed 
the measure in ioto,'* He had heard of but three elections in accordance 
with Smith's proposal — ^at Brazoria, Columbia, and Velasco. At Bra- 
zoria the returns showed fifty-seven against and sixteen in favor of a 
convention; at Columbia twenty-four against and three favorable; at 
Velasco, according to Perry, ** there was actually not more than from 
seven to ten legal votes to be given, but at the time of the election there 
was two or three vessels lying there with their crews and passengers, 
and to accommodate, I suppose, Mr. Wharton and Dr. Archer, they all 
went forward and voted for their candidate, and I have been told there 
were .between fifty and sixty votes there when there was not more than 
ten in the precinct.** Perry, of course, was a peace party man, and his 
statement of the general opposition to Smith's proposal needs to be 
weighed with some care. The election returns, which are preserved in 
the Austin Papers, seem to bear him out. 

There was a lull in state politics after Santa Anna rendered his de- 
cision concerning the location of the capital, but it lasted only until the 
meeting of the legislature on March 1, 1835. The deputies from Saltillo 
contended that the election of February 9 was not legal and took advan- 
tage of the passage of an unpopular land law to withdraw from the 
legislature. Saltillo thereupon called on Qeneral Cos, commander of the 
Eastern Provinces, to disperse the illegal body. Cos responded, and 
thus increased the confusion by introducing the federal military into the 

There appear to have been two main reasons for the interference 
of General Cos: One was the passage by the legislature of some land 
laws of which speculators took advantage to obtain large grants of land 

of the members of Govt but by false and malicious charges made by evil minded, 
malignant persons, resident in Texas and laid before the Qovt in such a shape that 
it became its imperious duty to take notice of them 

"Because we are convinced that however desirable a state Govt may be if oh- 
iained by moral force (constitutional and legal means) that it has become less neces- 
sary to our prosperity since the establishment of a system of jurisprudence which is 
calculated to give us most of the benefits without the enormous expense of sustaining 
a state govt — 

''Because we conscientiously believe, that the frequent agitations of political 
revolutionary measures in Texas, tends not only to bring us into collision with the 
state and genl govts without a chance of success in a contest in arms; but by passing 
to the United States of the north with exaggerations destroys all confidence there in 
the security of property in Texas, prevents the immigration of men of capital and 
force, renders property valueless, and blights forever the hopes we have entertained 
of seeing *ihe wUdemess blossom as the rose,' 

' ' Therefore we feel it to be a duty from which we can no longer abstain to take 
this method of making known our disapprobation of any and all revolutionary meas- 
ures and our dissatisfaction with 'the choice spirits* who arrogate to themselves the 
right of thinking and acting for us; sincerely hoping that hereafter they will have 
the modesty to leave it to the people to discover their virtues and talent, and to wait 
for a call upon them, whenever their aid or counsel may be required. 

"And to the end that this expression of sentiment may not be taken to be that 
of a small number of citizens, we have adopted this mode of defining the public feel- 
ing by circulating this declaration that every man's name may stand in evidence of 
his views and wishes. 

"Dated in Columbia this day of November, 1834." 


in Texas, contrary, as it was alleged, to the federal colonization law; 
the other was the passage of a vigorous protest against the changes that 
Santa Anna was effecting through congress in the national constitution. 
Cos urged the first as his excuse, but it is likely that he was much more 
deeply moved by the protest than by the sale of Texas lands. For a 
clear understanding it is necessary to go somewhat fully into these two 

It will be remembered that the state colonization law reserved to the 
state the right to sell, to Mexicans only, land in eleven league blocks at 
the nominal price of $100, $150, and $200 a league, according to whether 
it was grazing land or unirrigable or irrigable farming land.^ The spec- 
ulation in Texas lands seems to have grown out of this right of the gov- 
ernment to sell to Mexicans. The first sale by the government was made 
to Juan Antonio Padilla, in 1828. During the next two years only a few 
sales were made, but in 1830 James Bowie went to Saltillo, at that time 
the capital of Coahuila and Texas, and returned with fifteen or sixteen 
eleven-league grants, which he had induced Mexican citizens to apply for 
and had then purchased from them. Other Mexicans, some of them as 
far away as the City of Mexico — perceiving a chance of profit — also ap- 
plied for eleven-league grants, and received them. Doubtless from this 
time dated a considerable trafiSc. This may be inferred from a letter 
written by Dr. Asa Hoxey to R. M. Williamson in December, 1832. 
Writing from Montgomery, Alabama, whither he had gone on business 
from Texas, Dr. Hoxey said:. **You mentioned in your last letter that 
you believed Mexican grants of eleven leagues could be procured for a 
reasonable sum, if so you will perceive by the enclosed proposition that 
Mr. Edward Hanrick, George Whitman and myself are disposed to pro- 
cure some of them." Later testimony shows that the traffic became very 
sxtensive. In February, 1835, B. R. Milam petitioned the political chief 
to ask the governor to appoint special commissioners to assign lands and 
titles to isolated families in Texas, and gave as the reason for his 
request that many people who had come to Texas eight or ten years be- 
fore under the terms of the colonization law and had settled on vacant 
lands and taken the oath of allegiance to Mexico had, during the last 
year, **been surveyed in and attempted to be dispossessed by foreig^iiers 
and others under pretended eleven-league grants." His efforts as emr 
presario and those of the state **to colonize designated portions of the 
lands of Texas," were, he said, **in great danger of being defeated by the 
claimants of eleven-league grants." And Thomas F. McKinney, writing 
in October, 1835, said that the government had been in the habit of is- 
suing great numbers of these eleven-league grants at from $100 to $150 
a league. There had never been any **hue and cry" raised against it, 
many of the best citizens had engaged in the business, and some of them 
held grants in their name for friends residing in the United States. 

But in 1834 and 1835 a bewildering series of laws was passed which 
opened wide the gates to speculation on a wholesale scale. The first law 
(March 26, 1834), decreed that the vacant lands of the state should be 

s The discussion of the land speculations which follows is taken substantially 
from an article by the editor that appeared in The Quarterly of the Texas State His- 
torical Association in July, 1906. 


surveyed in lots of 177 acres each, and sold at public auction to the 
highest bidder at a minimum in Texas of ten dollars a lot. Payments 
were to be made in three instalments, one-third down and the balance 
in one and two years. Nobody was to be permitted to buy more than 
eleven leagues, but the law was particularly liberal in that it allowed 
foreigners to purchase and gave them a year in which to move their 
families to the state and become naturalized — which was necessary for 
the perfection of their titles. Another liberal feature provided that no 
one should be molested for religious or political opinions so long as he 
kept the peace. And, finally, it was decreed that no further colonization 
contracts should be entered into, which meant, of course, that the profits 
formerly accruing to the empresarios in premiums would now go to the 
government. By a supplementary law of April 23, 1834, it was decreed 
that after the lands had been ''once exposed at public sale with all the 
formalities," if no offer were received as high as the minimum, they 
might later be sold to any person offering the minimum price ''without 
the necessity of again opening the auction." 

That advantage was taken of this law for speculative purposes does 
not positively appear — ^perhaps the eleven-league limit made it unattrac- 
tive, — but the supplementary decree certainly does suggest a clearing 
of the decks for rapid action. And Judge T. J. Chambers, writing in 
1837, declared that only by his efforts was defeated the proposal of a 
•'foreign millionaire company," whose agent was Gen. John T. Mason, 
to purchase for a "pittance" some twenty million acres of land on the 
eastern frontier. "He was informed by several means," he said, "that 
members of the legislature and the governor were offered large bribes to 
pass the measure; the governor was pledged to him to veto the bill if 
it passed, but fortunately a majority of the members were honest and 
killed it. ' ' Mason did, however, secure a large grant during this session 
of the legislature, and after reviewing all the evidence it is not alto- 
gether clear that he did not get it under some extension of this law. 
Stephen F. Austin, writing from prison to Oliver Jones, expressed sat- 
isfaction with the system of public sale — "such a law is necessary — ^pub- 
lic sale is the best and only true basis for a land law. It will benefit the 
state of Coahuila and Texas greatly and fill its treasury, and also benefit 
Texas. I recommended this system to the ministers here." Austin wrote 
from rumor, and did not know the details of the law, so that it is not 
certain that he would have endorsed this law so freely. 

The second law affecting the public lands was passed April 19, 1834. 
"With the intention," runs the preamble, "of protecting the lives and 
property of the citizens, constantly sacrificed to the perfidy, rage, and 
barbarity of the hostile Indians, and desirous that so important and sa- 
cred an object may be accomplished without giving additional care to the 
general government, . . . the congress of the state . . . has 
thought proper to decree : 

"Art. 1. The executive, availing himself of the resources of the 
state, shall repress the ferocity of the savages. . . . 

"Art. 2. For said object the executive may dispose of such num- 
ber as he shall consider necessary of the militia which the state has in 
the departments wherein hostilities are committed, and for paying or 
remunerating the militiamen, he may take of the vacant lands to the 


amount of four hundred sitios, distributing them agreeably to the rules 
and conditions he shall establish. 

**Art 3. For the present twenty thousand dollars are hereby appro- 
priated, of the first receipts of the state treasury for sales of lands made 
by virtue of the law on the subject." Just a year later, April 14, 1835, 
another law declared that the executive could not dispose of the four hun- 
dred sitios of land mentioned in article 2d of this law, ** except polely 
for the object which said law determines"; but ''agreeably to the afore- 
mentioned law the executive has been, and is, authorized to contract the 
afore-mentioned lands, or to distribute them, as he shall think most 
proper, among the militiamen, who prosecute the war against the sav- 

Under this law of April 19, 1834, S. M. Williams, Robert Peebles, 
and F. W. Johnson obtained a grant for four hundred leagues, as will 
later appear. But Chambers declares that Mason also manipulated it 
to accomplish on a comparatively small scale what CShambers had 
previously prevented his doing on a very large one. Chambers's state- 
ment, in brief, is, that the Indians really were troubling the frontiers 
and that the law was passed in good faith to provide a means of sup- 
pressing them. It was the intention of the law that the land should be 
distributed to the militia, and not sold, but by a trick in the enrolment of 
the bill it was so changed as to authorize the governor to sell it to any- 
body,^ and he implies that Mason took it all. Mason did get hold of some 
land — ^how much is uncertain — in 1834, under a contract dated June 
19, but that it was granted by authority of this law is not clear. Cham- 
bers's story of the trick of enrolment, though it is clever and may be 
true, is, in view of the evidence, somewhat improbable. If the land was 
to be distributed only to the soldiers, and not sold, what is the meaning 
of article 3, which appropriates $20,000 **of the first receipts of the state 
treasury for sales of lands made by virtue of the law on the subject"? 
And does not the supplementary law of April 14, 1835, declaring that 
the governor shall only dispose of the lands for the purpose designated 
in the original law, suggest the inference that the four hundred leagues 
had not up to that time been sold at all ? The whole matter is extremely 
confused and the only positive statement that one feels warranted in 
making, until further evidence develops, is that Mason got a grant in 

* Pamphlet of Wm. N. Chambers, 37 ; Yoakum, History of Texas, 1, 321, not«. 
Chambers ^s own explanation of the trick is as follows : ' * The article of the decree 
relating to the subject • • • provided that the troops should be paid, or rewarded, 
with vacant lands, in the following terms : **Y para pagar o premiar d los mUicianos 
podra hechar mano de las iierras valdias hast a in cantidad de cuatro cientos sitios, 
repartiendoselos hajo las reglas y condiciones que estahlesca," These were the terms 
in which it received the sanction of Congress, and, if it had remained thus expressed, 
the executive could never had sold the land to speculators. For repartiendoselos is a 
compound word, composed of the participle of the verb repartir (to divide among), 
and the two pronouns se and los, one of which refers to the land and the other to the 
troops; making it obligatory upon the executive to divide the land among the troops. 
But the ingenious member caused the pronoun se, referring to the troops, to be 
omitted in engrossing the decree; and it received the sanction of the executive, and 
was published as a law, with the compound word changed into repartiendolos, leaving 
the executive free to dispose of the four hundred leagues of land, by dividing then 
out, without determining among whom. 


June, 1834, for ninety-five leagues, certainly; probably for three hun- 
dred leagues, and possibly for more. He may have obtained it by a 
manipulation of the law of March 26, or by the law of April 19 — ^though 
the latter is improbable — or, finally, he may have gotten it by some 
private arrangement of which we do not know. 

The next law in the series, passed March 14, 1835, authorized the 
governor, in order to meet **the present exigencies of the state," to 
dispose of the public land to the amount of four hundred leagues. 
Article 2 allowed him to regulate the colonization of this land on such 
conditions, aa he thought proper, ''without subjection to the provision 
of the law of the 26th of March of the year last past." As an after- 
thought, it occurred to the legislature that this might be interpreted 
too liberally, and two weeks later (March 30) another decree explained 
that the governor was, of course, to consider himself ''subject to the 
general laws of the luiion." 

Under this act S. M. Williams and John Durst obtained a hundred 
and twenty-four leagues, and we have it on the authority of the legis- 
lature that other contracts were made for the remainder of the four 
hundred leagues, but by whom we do not know, since the grants appear 
never to have been located. Williams and Durst immediately re-sold a 
hundred and twenty-one leagues of their grant to fourteen persons, 
mainly in blocks of ten leagues each, which were located principally 
in the present counties of Harrison, Nacogdoches, and Bed River. 

The national congress hearing of this law of March 14, annulled 
it by a decree of April 25. The reason assigned was that the law was 
contrary in articles 1 and 2 to the national colonization law of August 
18, 1824. The decree declared moreover, that "by virtue of the author- 
ity reserved to the general congress in article 7 of the law of August 
18, 1824, frontier and coast states were forbidden to alienate their vacant 
lands for colonization until rules could be established to govern the 
same. In the meantime, if any state wished to sell a part of its vacant 
domain, it must first secure the approval of the general government, 
which should in every case have the right to take the land for itself 
and pay the state a suitable indemnity for it. Therefore, in conformily 
with articles 3 and 4 of the law of April 6, 1830, the general govern* 
ment might buy from the state of Coahuila and Texas the four hundred 
leagues of land which it was said to be necessary to sell.'' Bepljdng^ 
May 13, the legislature expressed its ' extreme regret" at the "impos- 
^bility of fulfilling the decree of the general congress." Not an article, 
it declared, in the whole law of August 18, 1824, applied to article 1 
of the law in question, and, as regards article 2, the governor had been 
expressly instructed to guide himself in his rules for the settlement of 
the lands by the national law. Continuing, the memorial said: "This 
legislature has read and deliberately weighed the literal text of article 
7th of the general law [referred to by the law] of the 25th of April 
last, and does not find, either in the letter or the spirit of the former, 
the reasons of the latter for prohibiting the border and literal [littoral] 
states from alienating their vacant lands for colonizing thereon." The 
land was already sold and part of the purchase price had been received, 
the contracts were made in good faith and were not opposed to the gen- 
eral law; therefore the legislature prayed congress to repeal its decree 


of April 25. Here the matter rested until the approach of federal 
troops put the legislature to flight. 

In an opinion of some four thousand words David G. Burnet, late 
in 1835, upheld the right of the general government to annul these sales. 

The next and final law of which advantage was taken to seU Texas 
land was passed April 7, 1835. News had been received that General 
Cos had ordered troops to march on Monclova and suppress the legis- 
lature, and that body forthwith authorized the governor "to take of 
himself whatever measures he might think proper for securing the 
public tranquillity and sustaining the authorities in the free exercise 
of their functions." Article 4 declared that ''The executive is hereby 
competently authorized to contract loans upon the state rents for the 
purpose of discharging the expense incurred in the execution of this 
decree." It is somewhat surprising to find that the governor consid- 
ered this as sufficient authority to dispose of more Texas land. Perhaps 
he thought that at all times a ''proper measure." At any rate, on May 
2d, Dr. James Grant was allowed to contract for a quantity of certificates 
for one league each. One hundred of these he sold in Nacogdoches 
through his agent, Alexander Newlands, and the titles were issued by 
John Cameron after the closing of the land offices. Besides these, James 
Ogilvy, an attorney of New Orleans, wrote in 1839 that Grant's heirs 
had in their possession three hundred similar certificates, and that he 
had been interested in five hundred altogether. The face of the certifi- 
cates shows that the price was paid in full but does not specify what it 
wasi Ogilvy intimates, however, that Grant paid $100 a league. It is 
possible that some of the certificates referred to by Ogilvy were pur- 
chased under the law of March 14. 

Enough has been said to show that the transgression of Williams, 
Peebles, and Johnson in the final speculation was by no means unique. 
It was not even novel in its magnitude, though it may have been some- 
what original in method. On the 11th of May, 1835, they addressed 
a note to the governor, saying that they had "informed themselves of 
the tenor of the law of April 19, 1834, empowering him to dispose of 
four hundred leagues of land and restrain the arrogance of the wild 
Indians." We "have conceived the idea," they continued, "of blending 
the object of this benevolent design with the augmentation of the pop- 
ulation by means of a contract, which we offer your Excellency, strictly 
and literally to fulfill. We obligate ourselves to place, subject to the 
orders of your Excellency, one thousand able-bodied men, with all their 
equipments of war for the term of one year, and we will cause them to 
rendezvous at the place which may be designated to us within the term 
of four months at most, on the condition that, in compensation for our 
labors, the four hundred leagues of land be granted to us." The gov- 
ernor approved the proposal, and two days later a formal contract 
was signed. The petitioners were required to raise by voluntary enlist- 
ment within two months five hundred men, and within four months the 
whole number of one thousand. They were to be provided by the con- 
tractors with good arms and an abundance of ammunition at all times; 
but the government would furnish them food and horses. Article 12 
declared that failure to fulfil any of the stipulations would render the 
whole contract void. No pecuniary consideration is mentioned in the 


contract, but it is not certain that the contractors were not also required 
to pay a nominal sum for their grant. For D. B. Edward declares that 
^'A committee [headed by S. M. Williams] from a company of Land 
speculators, whose plans were well laid and whose funds were com- 
pletely organized, presented themselves before this . . Legisla- 
ture ; who immediately passed a decree to sell the vacant lands of Texas, 
and otherwise arranged it to be done as soon as bidders should present 
themselves. Of course they were there — and purchased this already 
surveyed land, of 411 leagues, for 30,000 dollars in hand, to the Govern- 
ment." This statement, with slight variations, appears in most of the 
subsequent histories of Texas. It may refer to this contract by Williams, 
Peebles, and Johnson, or to some of the other purchases that were made 
in 1835. Johnson himself, in a review (MS.) of Edward's History of 
Texas, replied to this charge with an emphatic denial that either he or 
his associates '^ bought one acre of land or were in any way interested in 
the purchase of said land." A natural inference to be drawn from this 
statement would be that they got no land at all, which, of course, is 
untrue. To save Johnson's veracity, therefore, the possible explanation 
presents itself that no money passed in this deal, and that the contract- 
ors viewed themselves merely as empresarios, who were to get their 
premium by selling the lands to militiamen. 

Johnson's own account of his presence at Monclova upon this oc- 
casion is interesting, but throws little additional light on the land 
speculations. He says: '* Desiring to be present and witness the pro- 
ceedings of the State Congress, Johnson, with Samuel M. Williams, 
Doctor Robert Peebles, Major Benjamin F. Smith, Colonel Green De- 
Witt, together with some Mexican scouts, left in the latter part of 1834 
for the seat of government, Monclova, where they arrived in the early 
part of 1835. . . . [Here] we found Colonel Benjamin B. Milam, 
Thomas J. Chambers, W. H. Steel, Haden Edwards, Jr., James Carter, 
and many other colonists. Here Johnson first made the acquaintance of 
Doctor James Grant, of Parras, Coahuila who was a delegate. Doctor 
John Cameron, Messrs. Almy and Newlands; also that of David J. 
Toler, a most estimable gentleman. . . . General John T. Mason, 
of the United States, arrived about this time for the purpose of having 
confirmed a sale made by the Legislature or executive the year previous. 

''Among the most important acts of this Congress was a decree 
authorizing the appointment of commissioners for Texas. 
Under the decree George A. Nixon, George W. Smyth, and Charles S. 
Taylor, were appointed for Eastern Texas; Colonel Talbot Chambers, 
for Milam's Colony; Doctor Robert Peebles, for Austin and Williams' 
upper Colony; and Johnson for Austin and DeWitt's Colony. Bowie 
was appointed commissioner for General Mason's purchase. The State 
Treasury then being empty, the executive was authorized to sell a large 
quantity of the public lands of the State to meet the current wants of 
the government ; and another decree [was passed] placing at the disposal 
of the governor four hundred leagues for frontier defense and protec- 
tion. These acts gave great offense to the Federal authorities, and the 
Congress declared them null and void. To this, the state authorities 
simply protested, and left the matter to take its course, pursuing, how- 
ever, the policy inaugurated." 


News now arrived that troops were marching toward Monclova, and 
there was a hasty exodus of the Texans and other lobbyists. Williams 
arrived at Bexar June 3 and Peebles and Johnson reached San Felipe 
a few days behind him. Williams, as we have already seen, had ac- 
quired with John Durst a hundred and twenty-four leagues under the 
law of March 14, 1835, and apparently devoted himself principally to 
the sale of that grant, while Peebles and Johnson assumed the task of 
disposing of the four hundred leagues in which all three were interested. 
A hundred and twenty-one leagues of the Williams and Durst grant, 
as has already been shown, were soon sold, and Peebles and Johnson 
worked with equal celerity. By August 20, certificates had been issued 
to forty-one persons for the full four hundred leagues. Fifteen of the 
certificates were issued by Jo)inson and the remaining twenty-six by 
Peebles. They merely state that Citizen So and So **has voluntarily 
entered the service of the state of Coahuila and Texas as a soldier for 
the term of one year, and Williams, Peebles, and Johnson are by their 
contract authorized to receive his enlistment and designate a portion 
of the vacant land as a reward for the services which he will render, 
therefore they give their consent for him to select for himself such land 
as he likes — ^usually ten leagues of it." Their contract to place a thou- 
sand men in the field was entirely ignored. 

The effect of the speculations upon the Texans must now be briefly 
noticed. The large grants of 1834 appear not to have attracted particu- 
lar attention in Texas, but the deals of 1835 — especially under the law 
of March 14 — ^aroused great indignation. Little authority appears, 
however, for the statement frequently met with in the histories of 
Texas, that the legislature thought the separation of Coahuila and Texas 
imminent and determined to plunder the latter while there was yet 
time. The earliest expression of this theory is in a pamphlet printed 
by T. J. Chambers in 1837, but in all the discussions aroused by the 
act of March 14, 1835, this explanation is absent. Austin, indeed, 
writing to D. C. Barrett, December 3, 1835, declared the acts of 1834 
and 1835 all of a piece with general Mexican policy, both national and 
state. The Mexicans, he said, considered the lands valueless — ^this was 
evidenced by the whole history of the colonization period, — ^the treasury 
was empty, and the sale of the land promised the only relief. He 
blamed neither the legislators nor the speculators for the sale itself, 
but the sale certainly did illustrate the defectiveness of the government 
from the Texan point of view. 

The earliest expression of disgust with the wasteful policy of the 
government is found in The Texas Republican of May 9, 1835. An 
address from Governor Viesca, calling upon the people of Texas to rally 
to his assistance against Santa Anna, was printed in this issue, and the 
editor introduces it with the remark that he prints it as a news item 
solely, and not with the view of endorsing the governor's call for troops 
"to sustain him and a vile congress that have bartered our public lands 
for a mere song." In the same paper is also the answer of the political 
chief of the Brazos department to the governor's appeal. He says: 
'*The people view with equal horror and indignation the acts of the 
present State Congress who have manifested a determined disposition 
to alienate all the most valuable lands of Texas at a shameful sacrifice. 


and thereby utterly ruin her future prospects. The law of the 14th of 
March past is looked upon as the death-blow to this rising country. In 
violation of the General Constitution and laws of the Nation — ^in viola- 
tion of good faith and the most sacred guarantees — Congress has 
trampled upon the rights of the people and the Government, in selling 
four hundred leagues of land at private sale, at a price far below its 
value ; thereby creating a monopoly contrary to law and the true inter- 
ests of the country." Accompanying the governor's proclamation was 
a rather alarmist postscript signed by CodhuUtexanus, and Henry 
Austin, in referring to it, suggested that ' ' this firebrand has been thrown 
among us to promote the views of designing speculators." 

Further details of the indignation aroused in Texas by the land 
speculations will be given later. Enough has been said to show that 
General Cos ran little risk of antagonizing the average citizen when he 
explained that his object in marching against Monclova was to enforce 
recognition of the federal decree annulling the most objectionable of 
these land laws. But, as has already been intimated, Cos was probably 
more concerned about the protest which the legislature made against 
changes in the constitution and against a federal law reducing the 
strength of the militia. 

The memorial of April 22 deprecated the unfortunate policy from 
which Mexico had suffered so much in trying to mend one revolution 
by another, summarized the changes wrought under pretext of the Plan 
of Cuemavaca, and asked, ''If this alone caused a general and simul- 
taneous movement throughout the republic, what may be expected from 
the violent reforms that now occupy the attention of your honorable 
body?" The manner in which it was proposed to effect these reforms 
had especially attracted the attention of the legislature. That body 
represented a people ''proud of having always sustained the immu- 
tability of the fundamental principles of the constitution," and "it 
would be wanting in its most sacred duty were it to refrain from mani- 
festing ... its ardent desires for their preservation and its de- 
termination firmly to sustain them." "For effecting these reforms, ideas 
and opinions have been advanced in your honorable body," it pro- 
ceeded, "as unreasonable as if the present general congress considered 
itself possessed of unlimited power to alter the constitution." In fact, 
however, Congress had no other power than certain articles of that same 
constitution delegated to it, "Therefore, the state of Coahuila and 
Texas, lawfully represented by its legislature, protests in the most 
solemn manner that, having joined in the confederacy by virtue of the 
fundamental pact, and on the basis therein established, it neither does, 
or ever wiU, recognize the acts and measures emanating from the gen- 
eral congress, should they not conform to the plain meaning of the 
aforementioned articles: It will admit no other amendments of the 
constitution than those effected conformably to the steps and requisites 
provided in the same." It pointed out that a portion of the state was 
settled by inhabitants whom the policy of change did not suit, and that 
"the contemplated reforms would highly compromit not only the in- 
ternal order and tranquility, but also the very integrity of the national 
territory." The unwise policy of abolishing the militia was condemned, 
as was also the president's expedition against the patriotic state of 

Vol. 1—18 


Zacatecas, when he ought rather to have been suppressing the revolu- 
tion of Alvarez in the South; and finally attention was turned to Gen- 
eral Cos, who, it was declared, was interfering ''in the most turbulent 
manner in the internal administration of the state," and was approach- 
ing the capital with the evident intention of ''overawing the civil 

Following the memorial a resolution was adopted asking for the 
repeal of the law abolishing the militia: 

"This body would fail in its duty were it to be indifferent to the 
serious evils that the fulfillment of that decree would cause to the 
entire nation and to the state it represents. 

' ' Coahuila and Texas suffers a cruel and desolating Indian war. The 
garrisons destined to pursue and chastise the savages, besides being 
incapable of acting, from absolute neglect, are separated from the pur- 
pose for which they were established at the pleasure and caprice of the . 
general commandants, who withdraw them from the frontier when they 
choose, as is actually the case in this state, in which the commandant Don 
Martin Perfecto de Cos has considered it more proper and beneficial 
to coerce the supreme authorities, and favor the disturbances of one 
town, than to pursue the savages, although they are destroying the 
lives and property of the citizens. 

"In so perplexed and difficult a state of affairs, can the congress of 
' Coahuila and Texas be desired not to remonstrate on seeing the civic 
militia disappear, its sole support and defence — the only force that can 
apply itself to the preservation of order, and support of the lawsT 
What would be its condition in such an event? The most deplorable and 
abject that could occur. 

"The cause of the revolutions we have suffered is in vain imputed 
to the militia. Recourse has been had to this as a pretext for impugning 
the militia, but it is impossible not to know and to discern that they 
have all been occasioned by the standing army. We should remember 
that in Quanaxuato the institutions were saved by the civic militia. 

"The congress of the state of Zacatecas, in the exposition it directed 
to your honorable body, on the 7th instant, completely refutes all the 
artifice that has been resorted to against the national local militia, 
clearly manifesting the propriety of its conduct, the necessity of its 
existence, and that it has not caused the evils which the enemies of 
liberty have been willing to suppose. 

"The state of Coahuila and Texas being of the same opinion, and 
in the situation above represented, supports the aforementioned exposi- 
tion in all its parts, and requests that your honorable body will revoke 
the decree diminishing the civic militia in the states. 

"The well known wisdom of the national representatives induces 
the belief that the remonstrances of this legislature will be dispassion- 
ately heard, and that, in consideration of the public good, the revoca- 
tion it requests will be enacted." 

On the assembling of this legislature (March 1, 1835) a canvass of 
the vote for governor had shown the election of Augustin Viesca. 
Neither he nor the vice-governor, Ram6n Musquiz, was present, and 
the resignation of Elguezabal, the military officer who had been invested 
with the office since August, 1834, made it necessary to appoint an 


acting governor. Job6 M. Cantn was selected for the place, which he 
held nntil Yiesca was inaugurated about April 15. One of Yiesca's 
first acts was to call for a hundred militiamen from each of the depart- 
ments of Texas to help sustain the government, but it met with no 
response. The Anglo-American departments of Nacogdoches and the 
Brazos were angry over the land speculations and Colonel Ugartechea 
succeeded in preventing the militia of Bexar from marching. 

In the meantime Cos was pushing forward with his plan of crush- 
ing the state government. On March 10, 1835, he wrote to the com- 
manders of the garrisons at Laredo, Santa Rosa, and Bio Grande that 
he had learned that the state authorities intended ''to attract the atten- 
tion of the supreme government by proclaiming anarchy in imitation of 
the state of Zacatecas," and he instructed them to arrest any of the 
o£Scials or legislators who might attempt to cross the frontier. The 
next day he wrote Ugartechea at Bexar: ''The legislature at Mondova 
has determined to imitate Zacatecas. It has called for civic troops on 
the specious pretext of reducing the department of Saltillo, thus con- 
travening the law of March 31 last" for abolishing the militia. The 
legislature adjourned on May 21, after passing a decree authorizing the 
governor to shift the government to a safer place. The Texans at Mon- 
clova persuaded Governor Yiesca to establish the capital at Bexar, and 
with them and a body of militia he began the march on May 25. John- 
son's account is available for what followed: 

' ' The party was detained for several days in consequence of Colonel 
James Bowie having been despatched to Matamoras by General John 
T. Mason for money to make a payment on the four hundred leagues 
he had purchased of the state. On the return of Colonel Bowie the 
camp was broken up, and the several parties set out on their journey. 
Governor Yiesca, accompanied by Colonel Benjamin R. Milam and Dr. 
James Grant, — ^not John Cameron, who had left Mondova before the 
adjournment — set out for Texas, intending to avoid the several cross- 
ings on the Rio Grande which were known to be guarded. A few days 
after their leaving the rancho, they were arrested by some of Cos's 
troops and taken to Monterey, where they remained some time. In 
pursuance of orders of the national authorities, Yiesca and Grant were 
sent under guard to the capital. However, on the way, at Paso del 
Rinconada on the Saltillo road, they were overtaken by Colonel Gon- 
zales with a republican force, who overpowered the guard, released the 
prisoners, and conducted them into Texas. Milam, who had acquaint- 
ances and friends in Monterey, where he was left a prisoner, soon got 
the friendship of the guards, by whom he was allowed privileges not 
usually allowed a state prisoner. Through his friends he made neces- 
sary arrangements to escape. He had for some time been allowed, unac- 
companied by his guards, to go to the river and bathe. All things being 
made ready, he made his escape and reached Texas some time before 
his friends, Yiesca and Grant. 

"A short time before the adjournment of the legislature. Dr. Robert 
Peebles, who was in attendance in the legislature, left for his home in 
Texas; where he arrived unmolested. Samuel M. Williams, John K. 
Allen, and A. J. Yates started in advance of the Texas party, but on 
their arrival at Presidio they were stopped by Captain Barragan, com- 


mander of that fort, he having received orders to stop the Texans and 
others of the governor's party. Williams, however, succeeded in getting 
the permission of Barragan to proceed on his journey accompanied by a 
Mexican servant. Williams made good time, and not wishing to en- 
counter the military at San Antonio de Bexar, which was on his direct 
route to San Felipe de Austin, his home, he gave that place a wide 
berth. However, in this connection, we will mention the case of Hon. 
John Durst, of Nacogdoches, and a deputy of the legislature. The time 
being fixed for adjournment, Durst, smelling danger afar, took time by 
the forelock and left, and made the best time to Nacogdoches on record 

*'We will now return to the main party of Texans at the rancho 
Hermanos. Before leaving there James Carter, who had accom- 
panied Williams, Allen, and Yates to Presidio, returned and informed 
the party of the state of affairs; and said that Allen and Yates re- 
quested him to say that the party ought not to separate, but to come in 
together; that at farthest, the detention would only be for a few days. 
Almy of Parras, Coahuila, and F. W. Johnson of San Felipe de Austin, 
Texas, not being willing to be detained at all, determined to seek an 
unguarded crossing of the Bio Qrande and wend their way to Texas. 
This resolution they made known to their companions, who determined 
to proceed to Presidio, and all set forward. Almy and Johnson, with a 
Mexican servant, made their way to the hacienda of Madero, whose 
widow received them kindly and treated them hospitably. The main 
party in the meantime had reached Presidio, where they gave notice of 
Almy's and Johnson's separation from them. Barragan immediately 
dispatched an ofScer and squad of men in search of Almy and John- 
son, with orders to bring them to Presidio. 

*' About the middle of the afternoon Almy and Johnson arrived at 
the rancho of Mrs. Madero, and while enjoying the good things pre- 
pared by that kind and amiable lady, Barragan 's officer and soldiers 
rode up, and enquired if there were any Americanos there; being 
answered that there were two, the officer requested the lady to inform 
them that he wished to see them. Almy and Johnson went out to the 
gate of a strong stone wall that enclosed the buildings and yard, in 
whichi were the animals of Almy and Johnson. The officer made known 
his business, and requested them to prepare to accompany him. To this 
they replied that they would do so the next morning. He insisted on 
their leaving at once, but they positively refused, telling him that he 
could encamp his men at a small stream close at hand. Finding the gate 
well armed he did not attempt to force an entrance, and agreed to wait 
until the next morning. With this understanding he encamped his 
men; and, by invitation, paid them a visit, partook of their liquor, 
coflfee, and cakes, and returned well pleased to the camp. 

**The next morning at an early hour the party set forward for 
Presidio. The officer was polite and kind. When the party stopped for 
dinner, the officer by invitation, dined with Almy and Johnson. On 
their arrival at Presidio, about the middle of the afternoon, they were 
welcomed by their friends, who were quartered in a large building, in 
the yard of which their animals were kept. Though detained, they had 
not been disarmed, and were at liberty to go through the town. That 
evening Hon. J. M. Carbajal and Captain Juan N. Seguin arrived. 


Captain Seguin, on the call of the governor for troops, had raised a 
company in San Antonio de Bexar and vicinity, and marched to Mon- 
dova. The arrival of Carbajal and Seguin with his company, was 
quite an addition to the Texan party. Carbajal and Seguin called 
upon the Texans, most of whom they were acquainted with. Johnson 
suggested to them a plan for getting away, peaceably if they could, but 
forcibly if they must, and requested them to meet there the next day. 

'^Accordingly the next day, Carbajal and Seguin came to the quar- 
ters of the Texans and informed them that the sentinel of the small 
garrison was a kinsman of one of them and, when requested, would give 
the countersign by which the Texans could capture the garrison with- 
out bloodshed or the fire of a gun. This was welcome news, for the 
Texans did not wish to resort to force. It was then settled that on the 
night of the next day the garrison should be taken, and the party pro- 
ceed on their way to Texas. The next morning. Captain Barragan 
visited the Texans and informed them that they were at liberty to 
proceed on their journey whenever they thought proper. This was a 
welcome surprise. Why he thus consented to their departure cannot 
satisfactorily be explained. The fact of the friendly intercourse be- 
tween his troops and those of Seguin, and the news of the capture of 
the governor and party, and that of several of the deputies of the state 
legislature, may have influenced him. 

*' Preparations were at once made for a departure; but before they 
were- completed Francisco, the Mexican servant who had accompanied 
Williams to San Felipe de Austin, and where Williams and Johnson 
had employed him to go with them to Monclova, sought an opportunity 
and handed Johnson a slip of paper, which he had concealed between 
the soles of one of his shoes; on examining it Johnson found it to be 
from Williams, who informed him of his safe arrival at home. Know- 
ing Francisco to be faithful, and having no servant Johnson induced 
Francisco to go with him to Bexar. That evening the Texan party 
took leave of Captain Barragan, and went on their way rejoicing. They 
camped at a water hole east of the Bio Grande. From thence to San 
Antonio de Bexar neither accident nor incident occurred worthy of 
note. On their arrival in that ancient and historic town they were 
welcomed by their friends and the citizens generally. Here they re- 
mained several days. Colonel Domingo Ugartechea, a gentleman and 
soldier, the commandant of that place, did not interfere with them or 
intimate that he had orders from the commanding general to do so. 
After resting and refreshing themselves, the party proceeded on to 
San Felipe de Austin. 

''On reaching San Felipe, we learned that the colonists were both 
excited and alarmed by the political state of things in Mexico, and 
divided in opinion in regard as to the course that should be pursued. 
Our report and representation greatly increased the excitement if it 
did not tend to cause a greater diversity of opinions. Public meetings 
were held and various propositions made; among which was one to 
raise an armed force and rescue the governor and his companions, who 
were known to be imprisoned. Considerable prejudice was created in 
the minds of the colonists in consequence of the large sales of the public 
domain in Texas, and but little ^nnpathy was felt for the state author- 


ities. The people were soon divided into two distinct and separate 
I>artie8 — ^the peace and war parties." 

"Yoakum says of Qovemor Yiesca and Yiee-Govemor Bam6n 
Musqniz: 'It may be stated in advancei that, however patriotic these 
gentiemen assumed to be, they were men of easy virtue ; and, in escaping 
from under the ruins of a falling government, they managed to carry 
off more plunder than belonged to them/ This charge against Gov- 
ernor Yiesca and Yice-Gk>vemor Musquiz is gratuitous, to say the least, 
Without entering the lists as the defender of these gentiemen, we can- 
not in strictness of truth and even-handed justice permit this slander 
to go unnoticed. In the first place, both were regarded and known to 
be gentlemen; if Yiesca, in leaving Monclova, 'carried off more plunder 
than belonged to him,' which is untrue, he would have been despoiled 
of his ill-gotteni gains by the military who arrested and imprisoned hint 
As to his installation, it occurred a few days after the meeting of the 
legislature. Of Musquiz it is sufScient to say that he did not attend 
the session. The writer knew both gentlemen, the latter for years, and 
was present during the session in question, and with other colonists 
accompanied the governor and party until it was determined to 

General Cos appointed Jos6 M. Falcon provisional governor, but 
shortly afterward replaced him with Rafael Eca y Musquiz. The 
Texans had no respect for the state government, but its overthrow by 
federal troops helped to bring home to them the danger that threatened 
from Santa Anna's machinations. In general they refused to recognize 
the military government established by Cos, and considered the state 
entirely without a civil head. 

The First CiiASH ^ 

As we have seen, one of the measures that Santa Anna proposed in 
both of the conferences that he held with Austin concerning Texas — in 
November, 1833, and October, 1834 — ^was to send enough soldiers to 
Texas to protect the colonists from the Indians. At the second con- 
ference he proposed specifically to send to the province four thousand 
infantry, cavalry, and artillery. The first step toward carrying out 
this program was the appointment of General Martin Perfecto de Cos 
Commander of the Eastern Internal Provinces, in October, 1834, in 
place of Colonel Pedro Lemus. The next was the arrival of Colonel 
Domingo de Ugartechea at Bexar, December, 1834, to become ** prin- 
cipal military commandant of Coahuila and Texas." 

Ugartechea immediately began calling on Cos for reinforcements 
and for money and supplies. Cos was anxious to respond, but the dis- 
turbed condition of Mexico, the insurrection in Zacatecas, and the 
threatening outlook elsewhere made it difScult to find troops for a dis- 
tant province like Texas. On December 28, 1834, he wrote Ugartechea 
from Matamoras that Captain Antonio Tenorio would sail in a few 
4ays with forty men to garrison the customhouse at Anahuac; and 
February 23, 1835, he wrote that the battalion of Morelos, five hundred 
strong, would embark for Copano about the first of April. Tenorio 
duly arrived at Anahuac in January, but the Morelos battalion was 
delayed so that it only embarked on July 4, and it had then shrunk 
from five hundred to a mere handful. In the meantime, however, other 
reinforcements were reaching San Antonio from Lampasos, Nuevo Le6n, 
and Agua Verde. 

Pending the actual arrival of reinforcements at San Antonio, Cos 
tried to encourage Ugartechea by telling him what the government 
intended to do in Texas as soon as conditions were more tranquil in 
Mexico. On May 4 he quoted a letter from the minister of war and 
marine, dated April 14, which said: ''The supreme government is 
seriously occupying itself with sending a strong expedition to regulate 
the affairs of Texas. This will take place as soon as the disturbances 
of Zacatecas are terminated." On May 20 he quoted another letter 
8a3dng that at least two thousand men would be sent ''to settle the 
affairs of Texas." 

The demands of Ugartechea for reinforcements and the expressed 

1 This chapter is contributed bj the editor. In its preparation the various col- 
lections accessible in Austin have been drawn upon, and use has been made of an 
article published by the editor in The Quarterly of the Texas State ]^istorical, Janu- 
ary, 1901. 



intention of the government to send a large force to Texas were not 
lost on the colonists. They were very much opposed to having gar- 
risons established in Texas, and at the same time they distrusted Santa 
Anna's motives. They believed that his avowed purpose of protecting 
the settlements from the Indians was merely a pretext; that he really 
wished to get possession of the province, under this benevolent excuse, 
to prevent opposition to his plan of establishing a centralized govern- 
ment in Mexico. They began defensive preparations, and these nat- 
urally increased the fears of Ugartechea and caused him to redouble 
his pleas for reinforcement. Cos issued proclamations saying that the 
troops destined for Texas had no hostile object, but the colonists did 
not believe him. In turn, the colonists declared that they were loyal 
citizens of Mexico, willing and anxious to perform their duty as such, 
but Cos probably could not have believed them if he had tried. The 
distrust was mutual, racial, and probably inevitable and ineradicable. 

As a companion measure to the establishment of the garrisons in 
Texas it was the plan of the government to re-establish the custom- 
house. Colonel Almonte estimated the value of contraband trade 
through Texas in 1834 at two hundred and seventy thousand dollars, 
and Ugartechea wrote Cos on December 11, 1834, that the smuggling 
going on through the ports of Galveston, Brazoria, and the mouth of 
the San Bernard River was greater than the importations through 
Matamoras. In fact, merchants of Tamaulipas, Nuevo Leon, Coahuila, 
and Chihuahua who ordinarily imported through Matamoras or Tam- 
pico now frequently got their goods through these Texas ports duty 

With Tenorio, in January, 1835, came a collector and several deputies 
to resuscitate the customhouse at Galveston, or Anahuac. The collector, 
Jose Gonzalez, stopped at Brazoria, and made some effort to establish an 
oflSce there, but in April he moved down the Brazos to Velasco and is 
said to have collected there for a time tonnage duties on vessels entering 
the river. Deputies Martin de Alegria and Gil Hernandez accompanied 
the soldiers, and established themselves at Anahuac — Tenorio explained 
that there were no buildings at Galveston, and that he thought it best 
to go on to Anahuac, where his detachment could find convenient quar- 
ters. At the same time it must be remembered that the customhouse at 
Matagorda was already in operation, its proceeds being devoted to the 
maintenance of the soldiers at Goliad and San Antonio. 

Anahuac was the principal port of the department of Nacogdoches, 
whose imports Almonte valued in 1834 at two hundred and sixty-five 
thousand dollars. For some time after the departure of Bradbum's 
garrison in 1832 the customhouse had been maintained by Sergeant 
Juan Cortina, but it was declared in 1835 that no duties had been 
collected there for several years. The settlers of that section retained 
unpleasant memories of Mexican soldiery, and they further resented the 
re-establishment of the customhouse, so that from the beginning 
Tenorio *s path was strewn with thorns. At first, however, his diffi- 
culties were due rather to deficient equipment than to colonial opposi- 
tion. He complained that his force was too small **to compel respect 
for the national honor," that he could not prevent smuggling because 
he had no small boats, that he had no cavalry to use for couriers, and 



that the uncertainty of the mail service between San Antonio and 
Nacogdoches left him almost entirely isolated. By the middle of March 
his supplies were almost exhausted, and the merchants of Anahuac 
refused to make advances because, as Tenorio said, they ** justly feared" 
that the government would not repay them. Moreover, the force that 
he had was only partially armed. An inventory of April 23, 1835, 
showed **in good condition:" twenty muskets, twenty-nine bayonets, 
five short carbines, fifty flints, and three hundred cartridges; ** semi- 
useless," six muskets, twenty flints, and ninety cartridges; ** useless," 
three muskets and two carbines. Finally the hardships of the garrison 
began to tell on the morale of the soldiers. Two of them went into the 
pay of the enemy, informing them of everything that went on in the 
quarters, and trying to induce their comrades to desert. Under their 
persuasions several of the soldiers did desert — five at one time, and 
others in smaller numbers — ^and Tenorio complained bitterly that not 
only would the civil authorities not help him to recover them, but that 
they actually had furnished them passports through the colonies. 

On May 1 Tenorio was temporarily encouraged by the arrival of 
Lieutenant Ignacio Duran with nine men to reinforce the garrison, 
some muskets and ammunition, and $2,310 to pay the troops, but his 
satisfaction was short-lived. 

For a time the discomforts of the garrison were due mainly to the 
original lack of equipment and to subsequent neglect by the govern- 
ment ; while the semi-passive hostility of the colonists had been only a 
vague cause of uneasiness in the background. Some of the colonists 
for a time paid the duties levied on their goods; others promised to 
pay and often never redeemed their pledge; while still others were 
considerate enough to bring in their cargoes under cover of night 
without disturbing the oflScers, and thus there was no occasion for fric- 
tion. But in this arrangement lay the seed of discord. Those who paid 
began to murmur that the illicit trade of their less conscientious neigh- 
bors should be suppressed, and the latter probably grew envious of those 
fortunate individuals whose credit was good at the customhouse and 
who were thereby enabled to introduce their merchandise free, without 
undergoing the inconvenience of smuggling. The result was that many 
soon refused openly to pay duties at all. 

The discontent of the colonists was increased, too, from the fact 
that the revenue laws were not enforced consistently in different parts 
of the same section. While Gonzales at Velasco was collecting only 
tonnage duties, Alegria and Hernandez at Anahuac were enforcing the 
tariff to its fullest extent. The opposition of the merchants of Anahuac 
had reached such a point by the middle of April as to induce the loyal 
a3nintamiento of Liberty to issue a proclamation (April 17) informing 
**all the good citizens of this Jurisdiction that a proper obedience to 
the Laws is the first duty of a good citizen," and that *'the revenue laws 
like all other political laws are to be respected by those who come within 
the legitimate scope of their action." The ayuntamiento was of the 
opinion that the tariff was ** disproportionate in some particulars and 
oppressive in others," and stood in ** great need of modification;" but 
thought this modification could only be effected by the national Con- 


gress, and in the meantime urged all good citizens to observe, and all 
military ofiScers to enforce the revenue laws. 

This document, which is given in full below, was erroneously printed 
in Edward's history of Texas in 1836 under date of June 1, and suc- 
ceeding historians have followed Edward. The present copy is taken 
from The Texas Republican of May 30, 1835. It was no doubt mainly 
the work of John A. Williams, the alcalde and president of the 


Department op Nacogdoches, Jurisdiction of Liberty. 

**We the members of the Ayuntamiento of Liberty having been in- 
formed of the difiSculties existing between some merchants and the 
Collector of the Maritime Custom House at Galveston in relation to the 
collection of duties imposed on foreign wares, goods and merchandise, 
and being desirous to put a speedy period to these dissensions, we have 
therefore, in conformity to the 156th article of the state constitution 
thought proper to issue this manifesto, indicating to all the good people 
of this Jurisdiction that a proper obedience to the Laws is the first duty 
of a good citizen, that every Nation enjoys the undoubted right to 
establish its own system of revenue, that the revenue laws, like all other 
political laws, are to be respected by those who come within the legiti- 
mate scope of their action, and although these laws may be unwise yet 
to resist them by force is more unwise and illtimed than the laws them- 
selves: Besides it would be criminal. If a few individuals forcibly 
oppose the collection of the customs what will be its tendency? Will 
not others fall in their train! which, if continued, will ultimately 
produce a state of things the injurious consequences of which are 

''It is not our business to estimate the intrinsic justice or injustice 
of our system of import duties, yet we might be permitted to give our 
decided opinion that when applied to the peculiar condition of these 
Colonists they are disproportionate in some particulars and oppres- 
sive in others and stand in great need of modification. But this mod- 
ification is only to be effected by the national Congress. Our murmuring 
at home or wrangling with the Collector serves only to fan the fiame and 
augment the diflSculties in obtaining the much desired modification 
of the tariff. The Mexican Congress can have no motive in oppressing 
the Mexican Citizens with burdensome imposts, nor do we believe that 
they desire it; yet we believe that the enormous duty on a few indis- 
pensible articles and the prohibition of others of equal importance to 
our well being, has a very pernicious tendency, when applied to those 
who have recently settled here under the colonization law at a time 
when the great scarcity of the essential means of subsistence (saying 
nothing about the luxuries of life) is the unavoidable consequence of 
the great influx of population and which alarming scarcity must con- 
tinue to increase until the contracts of colonization be filled and until 
the new Colonists have sufficient time to put their land in a proper 
state of cultivation. If the general Congress were memorialized on 
this subject in a proper and respectful manner we have no reason to 
doubt that they would apply the proper remedy. This measure should 
be adopted without delay, to which we would with pleasure tend our 
hearty co-operation. In the meantime let us abandon the introduction 


of foreign articles burdened with heavy duties and those that axe pro- 
hibited, let us endeavor to do without them, and depend for a time on 
our own resources. 

''This is more praiseworthy, more patriotic than any recourse to 
arbitrary measures. We are well aware that the great body of the 
people in this municipality are too sensible of their duty and allegiance- 
to the republic of Mexico to be precipitately drawn into collision with 
its constitutional authorities. But perfect subordination extends to 
something more than to the upright conduct of the citizens ; the respect- 
ful deportment of strangers who are not citizens and their obedience to 
the laws are included. This is the only condition upon which they are 
permitted to enter our territory or remain within its limits. The sub- 
ject of having duties or prohibiting Statutes are matters about which 
they have no right to interfere. Every intelligent merchant before he 
enters into Foreign commerce takes care to inform himself of the par- 
ticular Laws of the place to which he intends to trade; he ought to 
know the customs due on importations and exportations, what goods 
are admissible and what prohibited, according to the usages of the 
tariff and the regulations of the place to which he extends his trade. 

''If he blindly participates [precipitates] himself into difficulties 
for want of that necessary information which he might have had and 
gets his cargo seized for violation of the prohibitory law, which he as 
a merchant is presumed to know, what reason has he to complain, the 
fault is his own, the plea of ignorance will not avail him, he only suf- 
fers the penalty of his temerity ; to resort to force would only augment 
the mischief, and all those who might be drawn into the affair would 
incur heavy penalties. This Ayuntamiento therefore, with great solici- 
tude, caution all persons against using any force, violent threats, or 
illegal means, aiding or assisting those who may use force, violent or 
illegal means against the Collector of the maritime customs of Qalves- 
ton, in the discharge of his official duties or against any of his officers, 
or other persons lawfully employed in the custom house department, 
and we call upon all officers, both civil and military, to lend their aid 
if required to sustain the revenue officers residing at Galveston and 
Anahuac in discharging their respective official duties; and we more- 
over enjoin it as a duty incumbent upon the Commisaries and other 
officers of Police of this municipality to use their best exertions to 
suppress all mobs, riots, threats or other disorderly conduct against 
the good order and public tranquility, or against any of the public 
functionaries or other individuals of this municipality, and to give 
timely notice of any such mal-conduct, together with the names of those 
who may be engaged therein to the competent authorities. Ordered 
that a copy of the foregoing be served on the Comisaries of Anahuac, 
that a copy be furnished to the Collector for the Custom house at Gal- 
veston, that another be sent to the editor of the Tex(is Repiiblican, for 
publication, and that a copy be posted up at the Court house door at 
this place. 

"Done in the town of Liberty, this 17th April, 1835. 

"John WhiLiams, President. 

"N. Duncan, Isi Regidor, 

"H. B. Johnson, 2nd do. 

"J. N. MoBELAND, Member and Citizen.** 

I (( 




Whatever the discontented tax payers may have thought of the 
aynntamiento's appeal for obedience to the laws, the suggestion that 
the laws might be modified by a petition to the government seemed 
worth trying. On May 4 some twenty or twenty-five men gathered at 
the house of Benjamin Freeman and framed a memorial to the gov- 
ernor of the state, asking him to intercede with Congress for a remis- 
sion of the tariff in Texas. They gave as their reason for this request, 
* ' That for several years past no duties have been demanded in any part 
of these colonies, and even now none are demanded at any port but 
that of Galveston; that this Jurisdiction is the poorest and least im- 
proved of any in all Texas; that though any part of these colonies are 
too poor to pay the regular duties according to the Mexican Tariff, 
this is the least able of any. . . . And though they have so pa- 
tiently submitted for so long a time to this injustice, they have at length 
resolved to pay no more till custom houses shall be organized and duties 

collected throughout all the other parts of these colonies 

The poverty of the citizens of these colonies, and of this Jurisdiction 
in particular, their increasing population, the scarcity of provisions in 
the country, and the difiSculty of securing supplies make it absolutely 
necessary that all kinds of provisions and groceries, and all other articles 
of absolute necessity, should be imported duty free, it being impossible 
to procure these things in a Mexican market, a suflftciency not being 
made in this country, and there being an insufficiency of money in the 
country to pay the duty on half the articles of absolute necessity to the 
existence of these colonies." 

The formal resolutions of the meeting, which were to accompany the 
memorial to the governor, recited that ** whereas there is no Custom 
House organized in any other part of the colonies of Texas, nor any 
duty upon importations collected, and whereas duties have been col- 
lected here for the last three months, this being the poorest part of a 
poor country, there being an insufficiency of money to pay the duties 
on what importations have been made, trade every day decreasing, 
. . . Therefore: 

** Resolved, that the proceedings of the individuals claiming to be 
Custom House officers at this place have neither been reasonable, just, 
or regularly legal; it being unreasonable and unjust to demand the 
whole duties of one small settlement, while the whole coast and border 
besides is free and open ; and illegal because they have never presented 
themselves or their credentials to the civil authorities for their recogni- 
tion, nor have the said authorities ever been notified by the Grovem- 
ment that any such officers have been appointed for this port. 

Eesolved, that the countrj' as we believe is not able to pay the 
regular duties according to the regulations of the General Tariff. 
Therefore it is resolved that we send to the Political Chief of this de- 
partment, by him to be forwarded to the Governor of the state, the fore- 
going memorial expressive of our opinion with regard to the situation 
of this part of the country and its inability to comply with the Tariff 
law, and praying him to intercede with the General Government for an 
exemption for these colonies for five or six years from the restrictions 
upon commerce imposed by the General Tariff. 

''Resolved, that until the object of the preceding resolution can be 


carried into effect, no duties should be collected in this port unless the 
collection is also equally enforced throughout the province, nor until 
then will we pay any duties on importations into this port." 
' William Hardin was chairman of this meeting and J. N. Moreland, 
who had signed the manifesto of the ayuntamiento of Liberty, was 
secretary. It is worthy of noting that while the a3nintamiento recom- 
mended non-importation until the laws were amended, the Anahuac 
meeting ignored this suggestion and resolved to pay no duties until 
collections were equally enforced throughout the country. The pro- 
ceedings of this meeting are chiefly important for their expression of 
opinion, for it seems that the documents were never forwarded to the 
authorities. Andrew Briscoe, a leading member of the meeting, later 
explained that the chairman departed for the United States immediately 
after the meeting without signing the resolutions, and that they were 
never sent. Nevertheless the collector and all his deputies abandoned 
Anahuac on May 9, five days after the meeting. 

There was a strong hint in the manifesto of the ayuntamiento of 
Liberty that the malcontents were foreigners, and not citizens of Texas ; 
and a public meeting of the people of Columbia on June 28 condemned 
the resolutions just given as the work of foreigners. Briscoe replied 
to this in The Texas RepubUca/n of August 8, 1835, by saying that all 
those who participated in the Anahuac meeting of May 4 were citizens 
except two, and that these two owned land in Texas and intended to 
become citizens. 

After the abandonment of his post by Gonzalez, Tenorio exercised 
the duties of collector for a time — without authoritty, as he himself 
admitted, but he thought it would establish a disastrous precedent to 
allow ships to land their cargoes without any attempt to collect the 
duties, and felt that the end justified the means. He must have been 
soon relieved by an authorized collector, however, for he tells us that 
on the eleventh of June the collector asked him for a guard of four 
soldiers and a corporal, giving as his reason for the request that Mr. 
Briscoe was going to call during the day to pay some duties he owed 
and might attack the ofSce. 

*'The office received no insult" on this occasion, writes Tenorio, 
but on the ' ' night of the 12th the same Mr. Briscoe took from his house a 
box, and went to the sea shore to embark it ; but the collector and the 
guard also went to the sea shore, and when they tried to arrest Briscoe 
and two other Americans they resisted with arms, and one of them — 
named Smith — was shot and wounded by one of the soldiers. . . . 
Mr. Briscoe was simply making fun of the collector with all this busi- 
ness, for when the box was opened, it was found to be full of mere 
rubbish." To Tenorio this seemed a maliciously planned joke, but the 
account of DeWitt Clinton Harris, one of the '*two other Americans" 
with Briscoe, gives another view of it. 

Harris says: ** About eight o'clock a young man came 

to the store and asked Briscoe for a box to put ballast in; this Mr. 
Briscoe gave him, and he placed it in a wheelbarrow filled with brick 
and started for the beach; after he left the store I observed to Mr. 
Briscoe that we could now ascertain whether my goods would be 
stopped or not. Shortly after, we heard the young man calling for Mr. 


Smith, the interpreter. Mr. Briscoe and I then walked up to the young 
man, and found that he had been stopped by the guard. Mr. Smith 
soon came up and informed the guard of the contents of the box; this 
appeared to satisfy him, and the box was taken to the beach, Mr. 
Briscoe and I going with the young man. After the box was put in 
the boat and we were about returning, ten or twelve Mexican soldiers 
came on us and ordered us to stand. Mr. Briscoe and I were taken 
prisoners. As we were ascending the bank a young man named Wm. 
Smith came down the hill, and when within ten feet of us was shot 
down. . Mr. Briscoe and I were then put in the calaboose, 

where I remained until next day at 11 o'clock, when I was liberated, 
Briscoe still being detained." On his return to Harrisburg, Harris 
sent a report of this trouble to San Felipe, and his statement, together 
with other events which soon occurred there, hastened the climax of 
Tenorio's difSculties. 

. News of this affair reached San Felipe at an interesting conjunc- 
ture. The Texans who had been in Monclova during the session of the 
legislature had just returned and reported the dispersion of the legis- 
lature and the arrest of the governor, along with numerous rumors of 
the unpleasant designs that Santa Anna had upon Texas. Then, on 
the afternoon of June 21, a courier arrived from General Cos with a 
letter for the political chief, Dr. J. B. Miller. This letter, written 
from MatamorBs on June 12, notified the political chief of the arrest 
of the governor and requested him, pending the appointment of new 
officials, to ''take special care of the administration and internal order" 
of his department. In doing this he was to subject himself to the laws 
of the state ** without making any innovations whatever. Never- 
theless, yotir honor will dictate such measures as are in your power, to 
prevent under any circumstances a disturbance of the tranquillity of 
the department, placing yourself for that purpose in communication 
with the nearest military chief, who will afford you every assistance." 

As we have seen, the mass of the colonists felt no particular resent- 
ment at the dissolution of the state government, and Cos's letter was 
nQt necessarily alarming. It has long ago appeared from this narra- 
tive, however, that there was a small party in Texas ready to make the 
most of any occasion for friction with Mexico, and some members of 
this party now determined to search the courier who brought the letter 
to the political chief and see what else he had in his pack. He tried to 
save his dispatches by secretly passing them to a friendly American, 
but this movement was detected and they were soon in the possession of 
the enemy. ; 

The package was found to contain several letters to Captain Tenorio 
at Anahuac. One from Cos, dated at Matamoras on May 26, acknowl- 
edged the receipt of letters from Tenorio of May 2 and 4 complaining 
of the ** impudence" of some Texans who appeared **to have persuaded 
themselves that the ports of the republic were exclusively for the pur- 
pose of carrying on. a criminal and clandestine commerce." Cos said 
that he had forwarded the letters to the government with others of his 
own urging strong measures to enforce upon the Texans obedience to 
the law. He had no doubt that the government would attend to the 
matter with the promptness which its importance demanded, and in the 


meantime he had ordered the Morelos battalion to Copano, whence it 
could be distributed through the province as needed. ''You will 
operate in every case," said Cos, **with extreme prudence, but if by any 
fatality the public order should be overturned, you are to proceed 
without any deliberation against whomsoever may occasion it; without 
permitting for any cause the national arms to be tarnished." There 
were two letters from familiar friends assuring Tenorio that he was 
soon to receive strong reinforcement; and a letter from Ugartechea at 
San Antonio dated June 20. Ugartechea said: ^'In a very short time 
the affairs of Texas will be definitely settled, for which purpose the 
government has ordered to take up the line of march a strong division 
composed of the troops which were in Zacatecas, and which are now in 
Saltillo. . . . These revolutionists will be ground down, and it 
appears to me we shall soon see each other, since the government takes 
their matters in hand." 

The first fruit of these disclosures at San Felipe was a proclamation 
the same day (June 21) from the political chief, Dr. J. B. Miller, to 
the people of his department. It was his duty, he said, to inform the 
people of the critical situation in which their constitutional rights were 
placed by the usurpations of the military authorities; and after enum- 
erating some of the recent encroachments upon the constitution, he 
asked: ''Are you prepared to receive such a government as it may 
please the. Commandant General Cos and his masters to give you and 
again receive a military ofScer as your governor; or will you support 
and maintain the officer your own voluntary vote placed in office and 
who now lies in prison on account of the vote made in his favor. 
I think by the feelings which I have that I can answer, you will 
never submit tamely to such a course. The object is to establish the 
Supreme Executive authority of the State in Texas. This is highly 
important and it behooves every man to strain every nerve to ac- 
complish so desired an object, and in obedience to the orders we have 
received, to turn out immediately, ORGANIZE, and march to his 
relief, and bring him to a place of safety in this favored Texas ; . . . 
You will march to this place as soon as possible and wait for further 

The next result of the intercepted correspondence was a public 
meeting at San Felipe on June 22, presided over by R. M. Williamson, 
which issued an address to the citizens of Coahuila and Texas rallying 
them to the support of "Liberty, the Constitution, and Federation." 
The jurisdiction of San Felipe grieved to see that "the hopes of 
patriots and the lively desires of a numerous people, scarcely free 
from the horrible bond that subjected them to the Spanish govern- 
ment, are frustrated so abruptly and unexpectedly, and that a system 
equally despotic is imposed upon them anew." For a long time 
the people of Texas had been convinced that the government was 
tending toward the destruction of the constitution; but "being such 
recent settlers, and citizens only by adoption, taught since childhood 
to reverence and respect the national legislation," they had looked 
in silence upon unjustifiable and dangerous aggressions, leaving it to 
native citizens to raise the voice of protest. Even now they would 
not protest but for the fact that the usurpations of the general gov- 


ernment had reached the state of their adoption. They had always 
adhered religiously to the constitution as they understood it, and would 
continue to do so ^' as long as memory called to mind its excellence 
and worth." As they understood it, the constitution fixed the sphere 
of authority for the state and the general governments. **We con- 
sider that the general government was created for objects wholly ex- 
terior, and that the regulation of their internal affairs was left to 
the states. An invasion of the rights of another by whatever power 
is uniformly dangerous, and uniformly to be resisted. Such invasion 
has been committed by the general government against the state of 
Coahuila and Texas: (1) In the persons of the representatives in 
the national congress, when they were prevented by military force 
from discharging the duties of their office; (2) by the decree of the 
president ordering a new election of officers in opposition to a reg- 
ular and constitutional election previously held; (3) by the decree 
of the general congress disbanding the civil militia and requiring the 
states to surrender their arms; (4) by the decree of the general con- 
gress prohibiting the state of Coahuila and Texas from issuing let- 
ters of citizenship to its colonists; (5) by the arrest by regular 
troops of Don Augustin Viesca, the constitutional governor of the 
state; (6) by the overthrow of the state authorities by regular troops: 
(7) by the recent resolution declaring that the general congress has 
the right to alter the constitution and form of government at its 
pleasure without pursuing the mode pointed out by that sacred instru- 
ment; (8) by the creation of a dictator with absolute power whose 
only rule of conduct is his own will and pleasure; and (9) by numerous 
other acts, all manifesting a total disregard for the rights of the states, 
and a determination of the present ruling authorities of the nation 
to prostrate the republican federative principle." 

Against all this the people of Texas protested. They would main- 
tain the federal and state constitutions as originally adopted, and they 
would maintain the governor and all other state officials in the dis- 
charge of their duties. In these two resolutions they thought were con- 
tained every obligation that could be demanded of citizens. In carry- 
ing out these obligations they pledged their ** lives, fortunes and sacred 
honor" never to abandon the contest until the last drop of blood of the 
last man in Texas was spilled. Texans and Coahuilans were separately 
urged to stand firm in support of the constitution, and thereby stimu- 
late into activity the liberals of ^lexico. The Texans could muster 
ten thousand rifles for their defense, and there was not power enough 
in the Mexican government to drive them from the country. "Whatever 
force might come against them would come only to meet the victorious 
vengeance of a people who alwayB had been brave and always would 
be free; they were invincible in Texas, but desired also that the Coa- 
huilans should be free. Moreover, the people of the United States 
were interested in the fortunes of the Texans and in the hour of danger 
thousands would flock to their aid. 

This proclamation was printed in English and Spanish and cir- 
culated. The summary just given is from the Spanish copy in the 
Austin Papers. Ugartechea forwarded a copy to General Cos on July 
15, and one can easily imagine his opinion of the professed loyalty to 


the constitution. The somewhat highflown, bombastic style of the ad- 
dress was aimed at the Coahnilans, bnt it is likely that they, too, re- 
sented the hint of assistance from the United States and the boasted in- 
vincibility of the Texans. 

The English of D. B. Edward, a queer old pedant who published 
in 1836 his history of Texas, is frequently beyond comprehension; but 
so far as it is possible to interpret his account of this incident, it 
seems that some of the radicals who attended the meeting of June 22 
assembled later on the same day, with the political chief in the chair, 
and adopted resolutions authorizing volunteers to expel Tenorio's gar- 
rison from Anahuac before the arrival of the expected reinforcements. 

William Barrett Travis immediately began the formation of a vol- 
unteer company, and in San Felipe and Harrisburg thirty men signed 
an agreement to meet at L3rnch's ferry and march against the garri- 
son. Ten of these failed to start on the expedition, and three of the 
Harrisburg contingent withdrew at Vince's Bayou; but by the addition 
of eight men from Lynchburg and Spilman's Island the party was again 
increased to twenty-five. A halt was made at Clopper's Point, and an 
election held, the result of which made Travis captain, Betson Morris, 
first lieutenant, and Ashmore Edwards, second lieutenant. The cap- 
tain then appointed John W. Moore orderly sergeant. 

The sloop Ohio, belonging to David Harris, had been chartered 
at Harrisburg, and in this they all now embarked and proceeded to- 
ward Anahuac. When within about half a mile of the shore, the sloop 
was grounded, and Captain Travis ordered a shot to be fired, by way 
of warning, from the small cannon which they had on board, mounted 
on a pair of sawmill truck wheels. The gun was then placed in one 
of the small boats, and they all rowed ashore, where Travis was met 
by a note from Tenorio asking the purpose of his visit. Travis replied 
that he had come to receive the surrender of the garrison. Tenorio 
asked that he be allowed till the next morning for consideration; but 
Travis informed him that he could have only one hour, and then, without 
waiting for the expiration of that, since it was growing dark, ordered 
an advance. But the Mexicans had made use of the delay to fiee to 
the woods, and the Texans found the fort deserted. Travis soon re- 
ceived a message from Tenorio, however, asking for an interview on 
the river bank; and this being granted him, he held a council and de- 
cided, by his own account, ''in view of the difficulty and uselessness of 
making a defense, that a capitulation should be made." 

On the next morning (June 30) the terms of the surrender were 
arranged. Twelve soldiers were to be allowed to retain their arms, as 
a protection against the Indians in their march toward Bexar, and the 
Mexican officers pledged themselves not to take up arms again against 
Texas. Captain Harris says there were forty-four Mexicans in the 
garrison, and that the Texan force had been increased by several 
accessions at Anahuac to about thirty. Travis, writing toi Henry 
Smith about a week after the capitulation, says, ''I received sixty-four 
stands of arms (muskets and bayonets).'! 

The Mexicans and the Texans returned together in the Ohio to 
Harrisburg, which they reached in time for a barbecue on the fourth of 
July. One may well imagine that Tenorio was rather glad than other- 

Vol. I— 14 


wise to be relieved of his tr3ring duties at Anahuac; for, at the bar- 
becue, he is said to have ''walked among the people, shaking hands 
with the men and acting as if he was the hero of the occasion." 

By July 17, Tenorio had reached San Felipe ; but being very kindly 
received by the authorities there, — ^Wily Martin having superseded 
J. B. Miller as Political Chief — he remained some seven weeks in the 
hope that Ugartechea would send him horses and money with which to 
complete his journey to San Antonio. He arrived at Bexar about 
September 8. 

The attack on Anahuac was condemned generally throughout Texas, 
except by the most radical of the war party, which was still com- 
paratively small. Town after town adopted resolutions of protest 
against the precipitate action of a few rash men which might involve 
the province in serious trouble. Travis, indeed, found the general senti- 
ment against him so strong that for several weeks he published a card 
in The Texas Bepubliccm asking the people to suspend judgment upon 
him until he could publish an explanation and justification of his act. 
This was tardily written on September 1 and forwarded to his friend 
Henry Smith for publication, but Smith apparently thought best to 
withhold it from the press. The original is now in the Lamar Papers 
in the State Library. It reads as follows: 
''To the Public: 

''The undersigned published a card some time since, stating that he 
would give the public his motives in engaging in the expedition to 
Anahuac which resulted in the capture of the garrison of that place 
on the 30th of June last. Circumstances beyond my control have 
hitherto prevented me from redeeming the pledge therein given. I 
will now do so in a few words. 

"I refer the public to the following documents to show what were 
my motives in that affair. At the time I started to Anahuac, it seemed 
to be the unanimous opinion of the people here that that place should 
be reduced. The citizens about Galveston Bay, who had formed a vol- 
unteer company for the purpose, sent to this place for aid. The Politi- 
cal Chief approved the plan and presided at a meeting of about two 
hundred persons who adopted the resolutions which appear below. 

"Being highly excited by the circumstances then stated, I volun- 
teered in that expedition, with no other motives than of patriotism and 
a wish to aid my suffering countrymen in the embarrassing strait to 
which they were likely to be reduced by military tyranny. I was casu- 
ally elected the commander of the expedition, without soliciting the 
appointment. I discharged what I conceived to be my duty to my 
country to the best of my ability. Time alone will show whether the 
step was correct or not. And time will show that when the country is 
in danger that I will show myself as patriotic and ready to serve her 
as those who to save themselves have disavowed the act and denounced 
me to the usurping military. 

"W. Barrett Travis. 

"San Felipe, September 1st, 1835." 

The documents that Travis intended to publish with this statement 
were no doubt the proceedings of the meeting that authorized the at- 
tack; but they have never been found. 


The attack on Tenorio conyinced the government even more strong- 
ly than before of the importance of hastening troops to Texas. The 
people were firmly opposed to the establishment of a strong military 
force in Texas, and to prove their loyalty passed resolutions in nnmer- 
ons local meetings condemning the attack on Anahuac. And in gen- 
eral their condemnation was sincere. The government had no inten- 
tion of suspending the military movement to Texas, but TJgartechea 
and Cos took advantage of the pacific tone of these resolutions to de- 
mand the surrender of the leaders of the war party for military trial. 
The people refused, and to the Mexican mind this was good evidence 
of the revolutionary intentions of the colonists. The attack on Ana- 
huac was an important step in the development of distrust and mis- 
understanding that led to the revolution. 




By the arrest of the governor and difisolution of the legislature 
Texas was left virtually without a government What was best to be 
done under existing circumstances was the all absorbing question. But 
few, if any, thought for a moment of submitting to the usurpation and 
tyranny of Santa Anna. While some favored immediate resistance, 
others favored a temporising policy, by which time would be gained, 
and preparations made for the worst Texas was without a treasury 
and the appliances of war. It was proposed to raise a force and rescue 
the governor but it failed. The people were indignant at the course of 
the late legislature ; they were also grieved and alarmed at the fate of 

Previous to these occurences, however, a meeting of the citizens of 
Mina, now Bastrop, had assembled on May 17 and appointed a com- 
mittee of safety, composed of Edward Burleson, D. C. Barrett, John 
McGbhee B. Manlove, and Samuel Wolfenberger. Wolfenberger was 
the chairman of the meeting, and John W. Bunton secretary. This 
action was made necessary by the frequent inroads of the TniliATm on 
the settlements of the Colorado, and not in view of a conflict with 
Mexico. The example of the citizens of the municipality of Mina 
was soon followed by all the municipalities. 

The political chief's proclamation of June 21 urging an expedi- 
tion to rescue the governor was the occasion of a number of public 
meetings. The first of these was held at Columbia on June 23. The 
proclamation had reached that place on the 22d, and a private letter 
from Henry Austin to James F. Perry written on the 23d gives some 
of the intimate history of what followed. He says: 

''An attempt has been made here today to involve us in an imme- 
diate Revolution by sending troops forthwith in obedience to a call by 
the chief of police to fight the federal forces — a report and resolutions 
were produced cut and dried in caucus last night, compromitting us 
at once — ^I moved as an amendment — That the further consideration 
of the subject matter before the meeting should be postponed until the 
great body of the people of this municipality could be convened to 
express their sentiments as to the expediency of a measure involving 
the security of the rights, and property and the safety and lives of the 
families of the people; this was not admitted by the agitators as an 
amendment, when it was determined to put the report and resolutions 

1 In this chapter the proceedings of the pubUe meetingB are in general supplied 
bj the editor. 



to vote first and then take the vote upon my motion; on division two- 
thirds were against their report. They then without taking a vote upon 
my motion so modified their resolutions as to effeet the same purpose, 
which, being agreed to, they appointed a committee to draft a report 
and resolutions to be proposed to the meeting on Sunday. It was pro- 
posed to add me and B. WiUiama I declined to aid in forestalling the 
sentiments of the people, wishing the meeting on Sunday to be left 
free to appoint their own committee, and the people will reject their 
report on that ground if it be put to them. You and Pleasant McNeil 
must be here . . . every one who can give a vote, for the cast is 
to be made which will lose or win all our hopes in Texas. '^ . . . 

The official proceedings of the meeting, published in The Texas 
Repttblican of June 27, 1835, state that: ''At a meeting of the citizens 
held in the town of Columbia, on Tuesday the 23d of June, 1835, Silas 
Dinsmore, Jr., was called to the chair. On motion of John A. Wharton, 
seconded by Wm. H. Jack, Esq. (the letter of the Political Chief be- 
ing under consideration) the following resolutions were unanimously 
adopted : 

''1st. Resolved. That in the sense of the present meeting it is in- 
expedient to adopt any measures of committal, until all the citizens of 
this Jurisdiction can be consulted in general meeting. 

"2nd. Resolved. That the Political Chief be requested to take 
the sense of the citizens of his Department, in regard to the most 
proper political measures to be adopted on the present occasion. 

"3rd. Resolved. That we recommend to the citizens of Texas, 
union, concert, and moderation in the adoption of measures to meet the 
present crisis; and that we pledge our fortunes, lives and honors in 
support of such measures as the majority may adopt. 

"4th. Resolved. That a general meeting of the citizens of this 
Jurisdiction be called to take place in the town of Columbia, at 12 
o'clock on Sunday, the 28th inst. 

"5th. Resolved. That the Chairman be requested to address a 
letter to the Political Chief, enclosing him a copy of these resolutions^ 
and assuring him that he will find us at all times ready and prompt 
to discharge our duty as good citizens. 

"6th. Resolved. That the proceedings together with the Political 
Chief's letter be published in handbill form, and in the Texas Re- 

"On motion of Wm. J. RusseU, 

"Henry Smith, Branch T. Archer, Silas Dinsmore, Jr., Robert H. 
Williams, W. H. Sledge, William H. Jack, and John A. Wharton, were 
appointed to draft a report for the next meeting. 

"On motion of Branch T. Archer, the thanks of the meeting were 
presented to the Chairman. 

On motion the meeting adjourned until Sunday next, at 12 o'clock'. 

Snjus DmsMOBB, Jr., Chairman/' 

The Columbia meeting of June 28 was important because it became 
the model for several other muncipalities, some of which endorsed its 
resolutions en bloc. With the hope, no doubt, of influencing this meet- 
ing an alarmist article was published in The Texas RepvJ)li(Um of 


June 27. It was headed ''Important," and declared that ''Facts new, 
and than which none can be more important, have been developed 
since the meeting of the people, at Columbia, on the 23d instant. 

"At that time it was merely anticipated from circumstances, that 
Texas was threatened with impending ruin. Now, these anticipations 
are about to be but too well realized. 

"That a law has been passed by the General Congress, by which 
the Colonists of Texas are disfranchised, is a matter that admits of no 
doubt. The object is easily seen by the most indifferent observer. 
We are virtually made aliens by its operation, and all the rights of 
citizens heretofore vested in us by law, are at one single blow pros- 
trated. Under this pretext their soldiery will assume the right of ex- 
pelling the inhabitants, and all the benefits resulting from years of 
toil and hardships are in a moment sacrificed. 

"From information received last night, which is entitled to the 
utmost credit, we understand that the troops under the command of 
General Cos are now embodying with the avowed intention of making 
a descent on Texas. Their numbers will be about three thousand ; with 
Santa Anna probably at their head. They have been for some time 
making preparations for this movement and a large amount of public 
stores are now deposited at La Bahia. 

"The foreign vessels in the port of Matamoras have already been 
pressed into service for the purpose of transporting the troops. 

"It is contemplated that they will land at Labaca, in twenty or 
thirty days, and their headquarters will be established at Bexar. 

"There have lately been transported from Orleans to La Bahia 
about six hundred barrels of fiour and a quantity of powder. 

"These facts are submitted without comment. They speak loudly 
for themselves. Their language cannot be misunderstood. Let the 
people think and act for themselves. Let them ask what is to be donet 
The answer seems to be obvious. Organization can only be effected by 
the immediate establishment of a provisional government." 

Despite this effort to stampede it, the meeting on the next day was 
conservative, and while advising defensive preparations urged strict 
adherence to the laws and constitution of the nation. Its proceedings 
follow in full : 

"At a very large and respectable meeting of the citizens of the 
Jurisdiction of Columbia, on the 28th day of June, 1835, held in pur- 
suance of a previous call for the purpose of considering the present sit- 
uation of the country, and determining upon the course of conduct for 
the people of this Jurisdiction to pursue in the present and appalling 
crisis. — Col. W. D. C. Hall was called to the chair and Bjnrd B. Waller 
elected Secretary. 

"The letter of the Political Chief of this department together with 
a number of documents throwing light upon the situation of the coun- 
try having been read to the meeting, Messrs. John A. Wharton, W. D. 
C. Hall, H. Smith, J. F. Perry, J. H. BeU, S. Whiting, Q. B. McKinstry, 
W. C. White, P. B. McNeel, F. Bingham, J. A. Phelps, Edwin Waller, 
E. Andrews,' J. P. Caldwell, and E. 6. Head were unanimously chosen 
to prepare a report and resolutions to be submitted for the oonsidera- 


tion of the meeting. The committee retired but shortly returned with 
the following report and resolutions which were unanimously adopted: 

''To the citizens of the Jurisdiction of Columbia: Your committee 
having given the subject upon which they were to report as thorough 
an investigation as the time and circumstances will permit, beg leave to 
submit the following report: 

''Your committee view with the deepest regret and greatest alarm 
the present political situation of Texas, and recommend to this meet* 
ing, and their fellow-citizens generally, union, moderation, organiza- 
tion, and a strict adherence to the laws and constitution of the land 
Your committee protest against the acts and conduct of any set of in- 
dividuals (less than a majority) calculated to involve the citizens of 
Texas in a conflict with the Federal (Government of Mexico, and par- 
ticularly protest against the proceedings of those persons at Anahuac 
who gave the collector of customs, Don Jose Gonzalez a series of reso- 
lutions declaring that they would not obey the revenue laws of Mexico. 
They denounce such persons as foreigners, and disclaim all participa- 
tion in the act whatever. Your committee further declare that they 
are the faithful and loyal citizens of Mexico, and that they are dis- 
posed and desirous to discharge their duty as such and that it is their 
wish and interest to remain attached to the Federal Government of 
Mexico. Your committee recommend to the Political Chief the adop- 
tion of the most prompt and energetic measures to chastise the sav- 
ages that have lately committed depredations on our frontier citizens; 
and beg leave to present the following resolutions: 

''Resolved, That inasmuch as Texas is left in a state of anarchy, 
and without governor, vice-governor, or council, that we recognize the 
Political Chief as the highest executive ofSce, and that we earnestly 
recommend an immediate organization of the militia for the protection 
of the frontier, and that he suspend further orders until the whole 
people are consulted, and also that he recommend a similar course to 
the Chiefs of the other departments of Texas. 

"Resolved that the Political Chief be requested to correspond with 
the other Chiefs of departments in Texas, and request them to co- 
operate with him in electing three deputies from each Jurisdiction of 
their several departments to meet the Chiefs of departments in public 
council, with full powers to form for Texas a Provisional Oovemment, 
on the principles of the constitution, during the reign of anarchy in 
the state, and that they meet as soon as circumstances will possibly 

"Resolved, That a committee of five be chosen to wait on the Politi- 
cal Chief with the views of this meeting, and that they remain a per- 
manent committee of vigilance, correspondence, and safety. 

"Resolved, That the Political Chief be requested to address the 
Executive of the Federal Government of Mexico, representing to him 
the peaceable and loyal disposition of the citizens of Texas, and their 
great desire to remain attached to the Federal Government. 

"Resolved, That the Political Chief be requested to address the cit- 
izens of this department, commanding them to adhere strictly to the 
laws and constitution of the land. 


** Resolved, That we will support the Political Chief in the dis- 
charge of all constitutional duties. 

'' Resolved, That the chairman of the meeting be requested to ad- 
dress a letter to the Political Chief, enclosing him a copy of the pro- 
ceedings of this meeting. 

'* Messrs. W. D. C. Hall, J. A. Wharton, W. H. Jack, J. G. McNeel, 
and 6. B. McKinstry, were chosen by the meeting the committee of vig- 
ilance, correspondence and safety, and to wait on the Political Chief 
with the views of this meeting. 

''On motion it was resolved that the thanks of this meeting be 
given to the chairman and secretary. And then the meeting adjourned. 

W. D. C. Hall, Ch'n. 
Byrd B. Waller, Secretary." 

On July 4 the district of Lavaca adopted these Columbia resolu- 
tions, and appointed a committee of ''vigilance and correspondence'' 
consisting of William Millican, John Alley, Samuel Rogers, Elijah 
Stapp, Francis P. Wells, and Sam A. White. Its duties were "to use 
all possible exertions to obtain any intelligence which may have any 
bearing on the well being of Texa3, and communicate the same to the 
political chief and inhabitants of the precinct." 

A meeting at Mina on the same day declared "that we feel an en- 
tire confidence in the constitution and laws of our adopted country, 
and will at all times sustain the legal authorities in the exercise of 
their constitutional duties." The next day the committee of safety and 
correspondence, after approving the Columbia resolutions, issued an 
address to the ayuntamientos of the department of Brazos giving its 
views of the alarming situation. The citizens of Mina, it said, "after 
the maturest deliberation came to the conclusion that there was cer- 
tainly some reason to expect a movement of the government forces to- 
wards the colonies, and the greatest difficulty was to divine the precise 
object and intention of that advance. But they are aware that it would 
be the blindest credulity to believe, to its full extent, the idle exaggera- 
tions that have for some time past agitated the public mind. They 
forbear to express any opinion whatever as to the immediate cause 
that wrought the present excitement, but deplore the evils that may 
result from the schisms which have taken place in consequence; they 
feel, and deeply feel, the necessity that there is for the existence of 
some medium through which public opinion can be ascertained and 
wielded with effect against the irregularities of those whose disregard 
to the laws of the country has destroyed the mutual confidence as well 
as the mutual respect between them and their fellow-citizens of the 
Mexican Republic, inasmuch as the misconduct of a few designing men 
is attributed to the whole community, and contrued into disaffection 
to the General Government. They are by no means of opinion, while 
making their own feelings their standard, that the whole of Texas gen- 
erally cherish a hostile disposition to Mexicans or to the Mexican 
Oovemment when administered on its constitutional principles. They 
are voluntarily citizens of the same republic ; have sworn to support the 
same constitution, and are by inclination and interest, as well as the 


most solemn obligation, bound to cherish and sustain the liberal and 
free institutions of this Bepublic.'^ 

To meet the situation the committee could think of '*no better mode 
of meeting the. exigencies of the times than by an assemblage of dele- 
gates from each municipality, at San Felipe, or some other central 
place, whose duty it shall be to act in council for the people, and in 
concert with the executive power still existing in Texas, in providing 
for the general welfare of a misrepresented but a determined people. '^ 
And the co-operation of the ayuntamientos was asked in bringing about 
such a meeting. 

On July 7 a meeting at Qonzales was addressed by Mr. Edward 
Gritten, who declared that he was familiar with the purposes of the 
government in regard to Texas, and said that they were favorable. 
He earnestly recommended '^ quietude, obedience, and submission to 
the authorities , of the nation," and after deliberate discussion the 
meeting adopted conservative resolutions avowing loyalty to the gov- 
ernment : 

**l8t. On motion of Mr. Mitchell it was resolved that we protest 
against the late sale of 400 Leagues of our Lands, as an act of corrup- 
tion in all parties concerned, and we will not support such men nor 
measures, but on the contrary aid the Government in maintaining the 
integrity of the constitution and laws of the Mexican nation. 

**2nd. On motion of Mr. Masson, it was resolved that we protest 
against those acts which tend to a resistance to the revenue laws of 
the government, and sincerely invite the Supreme executive to carry 
them into effect, — Suggesting at the same time a modification of those 
laws, in order that the duties shall all be collected; we believe reason- 
able duties received by Collectors understanding both languages, with- 
out favour or collusive arrangement would be cheerfully submitted to 
by the Merchants, — ^but in contrary case we pledge ourselves to aid the 
Federal Government in their collection. We further suggest, that a 
court with admiralty Jurisdiction to hold its sessions in Texas would 
greatly facilitate the object of collecting those duties, while at the same 
time it would relieve Texas from the embarrassment of tedious foreign 

'*3rd. On motion of Mr. John Fisher it was resolved that we 
Protest against any provisional government or organization contrary 
to the true intent and meaning of the Constitution and laws — tending 
to estrange the Jurisdiction of Texas from that of Coahuila as estab- 
lished by the constitutional act, unless the Federal Congress shall sanc- 
tion the separation, and the loyalty and patriotism of the citizens of 
Texas shall challenge this benefit for us at their hands; and every act 
and deed, tending to interrupt the harmony and good understanding 
existing between Texas and the Federal Government, deserve the 
marked disapprobation and contempt of every friend of constitutional 
order in the country. 

"4th. On motion of E. Mitchell, Esq., it was resolved that we have 
full confidence in the favorable disposition of his Excellency the Presi- 
dent and the General Congress towards Texas, and we believe that 
when the wants of Texas are fully made known to them they will be 
provided for. 


*'5th. On the suggestion of the Chairman, it was resolved thai tho 
course pursued by the Citizens of Texas when called on by the Gov- 
ernor of the State to move against the Federal troops, with offers of 
reward to those who should obey the order, in refusing to leave Texas 
to interfere in the quarrels of the Republic, if duly considered, furnish 
conclusive proof of the loyalty of the inhabitants of Texas towards the 
nation, and their unwillingness to become embroiled with them. 

''6th. On motion it was resolved that the Secretary shall transmit 
to his Excellency the President of the United Mexican States, and to 
each of the Jurisdictions of Texas a copy of these proceedings. 

B. D. MoClubb, Chairman." 
James H. G. Miller, Secretary." 



A subsequent meeting of the ayuntamiento and citizens of Gonzales 
on July 19 explained that these resolutions were based on a firm belief 
in ''the good faith of the General Government towards Texas, and its 
strict observance of the laws and constitution of the United Mexican 
States." So long as the actions of the government justified this faith 
in its integrity, the people of Gonzales would continue their "unqual- 
ified allegiance," as expressed in the resolutions, but "if it be discov- 
ered that the numerous reports are correct, that the government con- 
templates a formidable invasion of the rights and properties of the 
citizens of Texas, they hereby declare for themselves resistance to such 
measures a virtue." At the same time the ayuntamiento was author- 
ized to organize the militia and prevent the approach of spies; and it 
was agreed to send delegates to San Felipe on August 1 to confer with 
the political chief and delegates from other municipalities 

On July 11 the ayuntamiento of Columbia, of which Asa Brigham 
was alcalde and president and W. H. Sledge was secretary, appointed 
a committee of five to represent the municipality at a meeting which 
was to be held at San Felipe on the 14th. They were instructed to 
"take such measures as to open a correspondence with the authorities 
(either civil or military) of the Federal Government of Mexico, par- 
ticularly to the Ayuntamiento of this Department and Political Chieft 
of other Departments of Texas, and adopt such other measures as they 
may think best calculated to promote the welfare of Texas, always 
bearing in mind that we earnestly desire peace — ^they will further 
bear in mind that we are satisfied that the present commotion cannot 
be quieted, nor any lasting good obtained except by a commutation of 
all the people of Texas in general council, which they will earnestly 
endeavor to bring about with the utmost expedition ; also that we deem 
it necessary that the most prompt steps be taken to procure peace 
provided it can be obtained. They will correspond with this body from 
time to time as they may think necessary — and if practicable a ma- 
jority of their number will remain in the capital of this Department 
until some definite plan is adopted." 

A letter drafted by the ayuntamiento to be presented by its com- 
mittee to the chairman of this San Felipe meeting casts further light 
on the attitude of the Columbia authorities: 


Ayuntamiento of the Jurisdiction op Columbia 

*'To the Chairman of the meeting in San Felipe on the 14th of Jvlf/, 

'^The Ayimtamiento of Columbia has thought proper to address 
you this communication and to send you five confidential citizens (viz., 
John A. Wharton, Sterling McNeel, James F. Perry, Josiah H. Bell, 
and James Knight) to represent this Jurisdiction and to confer with 
you touching the matters of public concern, which now agitate the 
country, confidently hoping that your united efforts will devise some 
plan to secure to this (thus far) ill-fated country the substantial bene- 
fits of peace, law, and government. 

''This Ayuntamiento would represent to you that the citizens of 
this Jurisdiction hold themselves to be true, faithful, loyal, and un- 
offending Me:dcan citizens; that they do not violate the laws and con- 
stitution of the land, nor will they countenance others in doing it 
This Ayuntamiento can see no end to present commotion until the peo- 
ple of Texas are consulted in General meeting, which said meeting 
they earnestly recommend to be called without further cause of delay. 
They believe from recent events and from the many false rumors that 
have abused the ears of the Mexican authorities that there is a great 
danger of the citizens of Texas being brought into conflict with the 
Federal Troops of Mexico, an event which they view with feelings but 
little short of horror. They believe it highly necessary, in order to 
secure the peace, that a deputation should be sent to the Mexican 
authorities, bearing communications from the people of Texas, and to 
make every honorable effort to secure peace. They are willing to 
raise their part of the funds to defray the expenses of the deputation ; 
and in conclusion tender you their most hearty co-operation in support 
of measures calculated to promote the public weal. . . . 

**God and Liberty. 

Asa Bbioham, President of tht> Ayuntamiento,'* 
W. H. Sledge, Secretary." 


The San Felipe meeting of the 14th, after calling Major Jesse 
Bartlett to the chair and choosing Thomas B. Jackson, secretary, ap- 
pointed a committee of five to draft resolutions. This committee con- 
sisted of Martin Allen, J. Urban, John Bice Jones, Joshua Fletcher, 
and C. B. Stewart; and its resolutions, which were in a conservative 
tone, were unanimously adopted: 

''1. Besolved, that this meeting view with the deepest regret the 
excitement which it is believed has been precipitately produced in these 
colonies, and that the meeting disapprobates all hostile proceedings 
which may have been made for offensive operations against the govern- 

''2. Besolved, that this meeting earnestly desire peace and tran- 
quility, and that it recommend to the people a quiet submission to the 
constitution, laws, and proper authorities of the country. 

''3. Besolved, that owing to the alarming situation of the colonies, 
it is necessary that the colonists organize and be prepared for defensive 


'^4. Resolved, that this meeting recommend unanimity and con- 
cert of action to their fellow-citizens on this highly important occa- 

'^5. Resolved, that the affairs of Texas have approached a crisis 
which requires a consultation of all her citizens in their representa- 
tive capacity and that we therefore recommend a meeting of the same 
in General Council. 

''6. Resolved, that a committee of three be elected to confer with 
the committee from Columbia and other committees with full power 
to call a meeting of all the citizens of Texas in their representative ca- 
pacity in general council, and to adopt such other measures as they 
deem best calculated to promote the general interest of Texas. 

^^7. Resolved, that we concur heartily in unanimity of purpose and 
feeling with the resolutions of the meeting of the Jurisdiction of 
Columbia, and that we invite the citizens of the other Jurisdictions of 
this department to concur with us in the adoption of measures tending 
to the same end.'' 

For the purpose expressed in the sixth resolution, the meeting ap- 
pointed John Rice Jones, J. W. Kinney, and A. Somervell; and the 
next day these gentlemen joined the Columbia committee in a letter to 
the Columbia ayuntamiento saying that they would in a few days make 
a full exposition of the affairs of Texas. In the meantime, they rec- 
ommended to all ^^ peace, union, moderation, and a strict adherence 
to the laws and constitution of the land." They were shortly joined by 
D. C. Barrett, representing the municipality of Mina, but, although 
they were expected, other delegates did not arrive. An account of the 
activities of these committeemen is for the present deferred, in order 
to continue the work of the public meetings. 

Three other meetings were held on the 14th, the day of the San 
Felipe meeting. In the precinct of Alfred a committee consisting of 
R. J. Moasley, B. Reason, J. Bumham, William Alley, and J. Betts 
reported resolutions, which were unanimously adopted, declaring a 
faithful adherence to the laws and the constitution, protesting against 
a march on San Antonio for the purpose of establishing there a pro- 
visional government, condenming **all or any participation in the cap- 
ture of any garrison or garrisons in Texas at present;" and recom- 
mending ''union, organization, and moderation." At Caney Creek 
Robert McNutt and Charles Bachmen were chosen respectively chair- 
man and secretary of the meeting and resolutions were adopted, re- 
vealing a somewhat amusing bewilderment as to what the excitement 
was all about: (1) ''Resolved that we do not deem it necessary to take 
up arms against the General Government without first knowing that we 
are really oppressed. We are desirous to have peace, if we can have it 
on favorable terms, if not we are willing to defend our rights and 
liberties." (2) "Resolved that we will support the constitution and 
laws of our country." (3) "Resolved that inasmuch as we are satisr- 
fied with the government under which we have formerly lived, we are 
ready to defend our rights under that government." At Harrisburg 
Captain John W. Moore presided and Meriweather W. Smith was sec- 
retary of the meeting. Dr. David Gallaher, Edward Wray, Nathaniel 
J. Dobie, Thomas A. S. Pratt, Isaac Batterson, and the chairman and 


secretary were appointed to draft resolutions. After a stirring speech 
by the secretary, reviewing the encroachments of Santa Anna upon the 
constitution, the meeting recessed until five o'clock for the committee to 
prepare the resolutions. These declared that the colonists had been 
invited to Texas by the free people of Mexico to participate in their 
rights and liberties, guaranteed by the federal constitution. Trusting 
in this charter of rights and taking an oath to support it, the Texans 
accepted the invitation. They believed that the constitution was being 
violated, and considered it their duty to sustain its principles. In 
the performance of this duty it was resolved that citizens who left Texas 
to avoid participating in **this, her struggle," should forfeit their 
property for the public good; and that foreigners who volunteered and 
served during the struggle should be rewarded with a thousand acres of 
land. The chairman and secretary and Dr. G. M. Patrick were then 
chosen to act as a committee of correspondence and the meeting ad- 

John Henry Brown gives in his history of Texas an account of a 
meeting held at William Millican's gin house on July 17 by the set- 
tlers along the Navidad and Lavaca Rivers, which adopted resolutions 
somewhat similar to those of the Harrisburg meeting. In his summary 
of the proceedings Brown says that the people unanimously declared 
^' Their belief that Santa Anna was hostile to State sovereignty and 
the state constitution: 

**That they would oppose any force that might be introduced into 
Texas for any other than constitutional purposes: 

"That, whereas, there were then at Qoliad two hundred infantry 
en route to reinforce the garrison at Bexar (as promised by Cos in his 
letter to Tenorio), they called upon the Political Chief to intercept 
them, and as a greater guaranty against invasion, to take the necessary 
steps to capture and hold Bexar. 

"That they favored a general consultation of delegates from all the 
municipalities of Texas. 

"They concluded by calling on the militia to hold themselves in 
readiness to march at a moment's warning, which the militia did, as was 
proven by the alacrity with which, when the emergency arrived, the 
companies of Captains Alley and Sutherland marched to the seat of 
war at Gonzales and San Antonio de Bexar." 

At Nacogdoches a meeting was held on July 19, Colonel Frost 
Thome in the chair and Colonel Thomas J. Rusk acting as sec- 
retary. A resolution was unanimously adopted asking the political 
chief to call a meeting of his department for the purpose of adopting 
measures for acting in unison with other parts of the province, and 
a committee of vigilance and correspondence was appointed consisting 
of John Forbes, George PoUitt, Thomas J. Rusk, Frost Thome, and 
J. Logan. In writing of this meeting on the 21st, Forbes said: "Not- 
withstanding the efforts of a few tories here who are untiring in their 
efforts in misrepresenting matters and keeping back expression of the 
people's sentiments, the Red Landers will not be a whit behind the 
people of the Brasses and other parts of Texas in the maintenance of 
their liberty arrd rights, and will stand shoulder to shoulder in the 


defence of the Republican institutions and support of the laws of their 
adopted country." 

On August 8 the citizens of the San Jacinto community held a meet- 
ing. Captain William Scott was chairman and David B. Macomb sec- 
retary. A committee on resolutions was appointed to ** express the sense 
of this meeting in relation to the present condition of the country and 
the propriety of calling a General Convention as soon as practicable." 
David O. Burnet was chairman of this committee and the very able and 
conservative resolutions which were adopted by the meeting were chiefly 
his work. Other members of the committee were James Ruth, Philip 
Singleton, Doctor Gallaher, and David B. Macomb. The resolutions 
declare that ** Whereas we have heard with profound regret, that the 
federal republican government of Mexico has been violently dissolved; 
that the constitutions of the several free and independent States com- 
posing that confederation have been declared abrogate and void; that 
the late President of the Republic, Oeneral Santa Anna, has been in- 
vested with extraordinary, dictatorial powers, and a central consol- 
idated government has been established at the City of Mexico ; that the 
civic militia of the nation has been disarmed and disbanded; that some 
of our Sister States have been invaded by military force and the blood 
of their citizens profusely shed [to] coerce them into submission to 
the new administration; and that a similar invasion is contemplated, 
and is now in preparation to be made upon Texas; therefore the citi- 
zens of the precinct of San Jacinto assembled to deliberate upon the 
solemn crisis in our public affairs have adopted the following resolu- 
tions as indicative of our views and feelings, and we do earnestly rec- 
ommend the mature consideration of the same subject to our fellow- 
citizens of Texas generally: 

** Resolved, That the original, proper and legitimate objects of gov- 
ernment are the convenience, the happiness and the prosperity of the 
people. That where a form of government shall be manifestly proven 
inadequate to the attainment of these objects, it is competent for the 
people to modify, amend or radically change that form of govern- 
ment. These we hold to be obvious and irrefragible truths, and we 
also hold it to be equally true, whenever a portion of a people think 
proper to subvert an established Qovernment and to substitute a mere 
dynasty, it belongs of right to another portion of the same people to 
reject the new system and adhere to the old, or to adopt such other 
form of Qovernment as their circumstances or predilections may 
recommend. That the dissolution of the government is virtually a dis- 
solution of the political union; and the parts that compose that union 
being sundered, each one reverts to its original sovereignty. That this 
is emphatically true of an association of free and independent States, 
as was the late confederation of Mexico. 

*^ Resolved, That confiding in the correctness of the information we 
have received from various quarters, we consider the federal Republi- 
can Government of the Mexican United States as subverted, dissolved, 
annihilated ; and that the allegiance of every citizen to that Government 
is, necessarily, absolved and of no more political or moral obligation. 

** Resolved, That although we consider it prematuite to pronounce 
definitely upon the new Government, established or to be established, at 


the city of Mexico, because the particular constitution of that govern- 
ment has not been made known to us, we are ready now and at all times 
to declare our utter abhorrence of any Government that is purely mili- 
tary in its character; and are now and at all times ready to resist the 
imposition of such a Oovemment with all the means and all the en- 
ergies that Providence has conferred upon us — That we consider even 
the turbulence of a distracted republic incomparably preferable to 
that sickly quietude of a military despotism, or to the still more odious 
domination of a secularized and ambitious priesthood. 

** Resolved, That we nevertheless entertain a cheering confidence in 
the distinguished leading citizens of our adopted country that they 
will not permit the land of their birth and their affections to lose the 
dear bought benefits of so many revolutions, by one inglorious revolu- 
tion retrograde by a sudden transition from light to darkness, from 
liberty to despotism. That they will organize a system of Oovemment 
in accordance with the spirit of the 19th century; a Government based 
upon wise and equitable laws, with such a distribution of the three 
cardinal powers as will assure to each individual all the guarantees 
necessary to rational political liberty. 

''Resolved, That we have marked with surprise a disposition to at- 
tribute the late movements of the General Government to a recent re- 
ported speculation in the lands of Texas, and to charge the speculators 
as the authors of the present disquietude. That we reprobate all ne- 
farious and fraudulent speculations in the public domain as warmly as 
any portion of our fellow-citizens can do; but we can procure only a 
short-sighted puerility in attributing radical changes in the Government 
of Mexico to the intrigues of a few speculators in the town of Mondova 
— That we hope and believe that the laws are adequate to the redress 
of any wrongs the State may have sustained, the corruption of its 
functionaries, or the no less culpable frauds of its citizens in relation 
to its vacant territory. 

** Resolved, That we deem it altogether inexpedient and highly in- 
jurious to court a contest with the Government of Mexico. That we 
have always considered and do still consider the aggregate Mexican 
Nation the rightful sovereign of the territory we occupy — That nothing 
short of an absolute determinate violation of those essential, sacred 
and imprescriptible rights which pertain to us as members of society 
should induce the Anglo-American citizens of Texas to abstract them- 
selves and the noble soil which the Mexican nation has so liberally con- 
ceded to them from the sovereignty of that nation. That while we feel 
it a just duty to guard our just rights and vital interests from all in- 
fringement; we also feel it a sacred obligation to preserve our names 
untarnished by the imputation of parricidal ingratitude. 

** Resolved, That we consider names as the mere signification of 
things : — and that we are not so obstinately prejudiced in favor of the 
term, ** federal republic" as peremptorily and without inquiry to re- 
ject another Government purely because it has assumed a different ex- 
ternal sign or denomination. 

''Resolved, That there are certain essential, sacred and imprescripti- 
ble rights which must be guaranteed to every citizen, under any form 
of government that can or ought to be tolerated by an intelligent peo- 


pie who know how to estimate the inherent dignity of their nature. — 
That we believe those rights may be as well secured under a consolidated 
as under a federative government, provided that government be wisely 
and liberally organized. — 

** Resolved, That frequent revolutions in a nation are greatly to be 
deprecated — That experience has clearly demonstrated that the fed- 
eral republican system of Mexico has been utterly insufficient to re- 
strain the corrupt ambition of turbulent and factious men, to preserve 
the internal happiness, or to advance the prosperity of the nation. — 
That that form of government is intrinsically complex, requiring for 
its harmonious and efficient operation an unusual degree of general 
knowledge and sound moral sentiment in the people at large. That 
in our native country which justly boasts of its diffused intelligence 
and high moral feeling, illustrious patriots differ in their construction 
of the relative powers of the general and state governments and find 
the involvments of the federal system too intricate for coincidence of 
opinion and too perplexed for unity of action. 

** Resolved, That although we hold the proposition set forth in the 
preceding resolutions to be true and of special application to our 
present political condition, we do not feel prepared, with our imperfect 
knowledge of facts, to make any definite and conclusive election touch- 
itig the new form of government that may be established at the city of 
Mexico ; either to accept, or to reject thereof. 

*' Resolved, That the dissolution of a government does not of neces- 
sity requisite that the constituent parts of the nation should separate 
finally. That the abstract right to do a thing does not always render 
the doing of it wise or commendable. That although the citizens 
of Texas may have the political right to reject the new Government of 
Mexico, and to adopt one more consonant to their habits and feel- 
ings, we do very seriously question the policy of doing so, unless con- 
strained by imperious circumstances, such as, we trust, do not and will 
not exist. That as adopted citizens, we ought to exercise even our ab- 
solute rights with some diffidence, and with a peculiar regard to the 
moral obligations that may rest upon us. 

** Resolved, That inasmuch as it is impracticable for a people so 
dispersed as are the people of Texas to act collectively and in unison 
in any public exigency requiring deliberation and interchange of opin- 
ions, we conceive it expedient that a convention to consist of two dele- 
gates from each precinct be elected, and to assemble with all convenient 
expedition at the town of San Felipe de Austin, or some other con- 
venient point, to confer on the state of public affairs to devise and carry 
into execution such measures as may be necessary to preserve good 
order, and the due administration of the laws; to collect and distribute 
information relative to the nature and the operation of the new Govern- 
ment of Mexico; to communicate with the authorities of that Govern- 
ment ; and to adopt and to carry into execution such ultimate measores 
as in their wisdom may seem meet and proper; and conducive to the 
substantial, permanent welfare of Texas. Strictly enjoining it upon 
each and all of the delegates so to be convened, to preserve by all 
possible means, compatible with the character of a free people, the 
peace of Texas and the unity of the Mexican nation. 


''On motion it was Resolved, That this meeting nominate and ap- 
point two suitable individuals to represent this precinct in General 
Convention; whereupon the following gentlemen were appoited: David 
G. Burnet, David B. Macomb. 

' ' On motion it was Resolved, That a copy of these proceedings with 
the preamble and resolutions be transmitted to the Political Chief of 
the Department, and also to the Editor of the Texas Republican, with 
a request that they be published in that paper.'' 

In The Texas Republican of July 25 there appeared a notice signed 
by WiUiam H. Wharton, W. H. Bynum, W. D. C. HaU, A. Calvit, S. 
Whiting, P. Bertrand, W. T. Austin, and W. G. HiU calling a meeting 
at Columbia on July 30 to express the sentiments of the people ''in 
regard to the importance of having a convention of all Texas, through 
her representatives, for the purpose of restoring peace and confidence." 
The issue of this paper for August 8 says that the meeting of the 30th 
dissolved without doing anything, and that another meeting was to 
be held on August 15 for the purpose of calling the convention. 
Mosely Baker and Johnson attended the meeting of the 30th. The 
majority of those present were of the peace party, headed by the 
most influential men in the jurisdiction. Fearing the unfavorable ac- 
tion of this meeting, Johnson, an intimate and personal friend of Josiah 
H. Bell, held a long conversation with him, urging harmony of action, 
and suggested that no definite action should be taken, and that the meet- 
ing should adjourn to meet on a day named in August. To this BeU 
consented, and said he would consult his friends. We were advised by 
him that his friends, the heads of his party, had consented ; whereupon 
Wm. H. Wharton of the war party, was selected to address the meeting. 
Then adjournment was taken to a day in August. Thus an important 
point was gained. 

Baker and Johnson were selected by their friends to visit East 
Texas and solicit the people to unite with the party in Austin's colony 
and endorse the proceedings held at San Felipe in June. With this ar- 
rangement and understanding. Baker and Johnson, a few days after, 
set forward for Nacogdoches. On their arrival they met, at the house 
of J. K. and A. C. Allen, General Sam Houston and Thomas J. Rusk, 
the latter having but recently arrived in Texas. This was the first time 
that Johnson had seen Houston and Rusk. All were alike anxious to 
hear the news of the two sections of Texas. Baker and Johnson gave 
them an account of what had been and was being done by the people 
in that section. General Houston replied that they were, with but few 
exceptions, submissionists ; that he had left San Augustine but a few 
days before where a public meeting had been held to consider the 
state of the country. That he had attempted to address the meeting and 
that he had been literally hissed down! That the people of Nacog- 
doches, and the jurisdiction generally, entertained a like feeling, and 
were submissionists. Baker and Johnson informed him and Rusk of 
their object in visiting East Texas. They were both of opinion that 
the time was inauspicious ; that the people must be made to understand 
the true situation of public affairs, and to choose between submission or 
resistance to the usurpations of Santa Anna and the general congress. 
Discouraging as this news was, Johnson did not despair of rousing the 


people to a proper sense of the dangers by which they were threatened 
and to their duty. He had influential acquaintances and friends in 
Nacogdoches and San Augustine. On parting with these gentlemen, 
Oeneral Houston said to Baker and Johnson that he was with them in 
feeling, and would do what he could to assist them to the utmost of 
his ability. 

The next morning, at an early hour, Johnson called upon his old 
friend. Major John S. Roberts, who at the time was engaged in the 
mercantile business with Henry Bueg, political chief of the department 
of Nacogdoches. After a warm greeting, Johnson informed him of 
the object of his, and his friend Baker's visit to that section, and gave 
a full account of what had been done in Austin's colony. He said 
the people of that section, owing to the contradictory reports, were in 
doubt as to what they should do, and determined to remain quiet until 
better informed of the true state of public affairs ; but for one, he said 
he was with the war party of Austin's colony; and that he believed 
that when the people of the East were made acquainted with the action 
in that colony, which was considered the head and center of Texas, 
there would be no difSculty in uniting the people of that section. John- 
son then enquired of him what view the political chief took of the situa- 
tion. He answered that the chief was all right, that he was a firm sup- 
porter of the constitution of 1824, and opposed to the change being 
attempted by Santa Anna and his congress. Johnson then requested 
him to say to the chief that he desired an interview at the earliest time 
that would suit his convenience. Soon after breakfast Major Roberts 
called upon Johnson and informed him that the chief was ready to re- 
ceive him ; whereupon they proceeded together to the oflSce of the chief, 
to whom Johnson was introduced. Johnson explained what had oc- 
curred in the -West, discussed the course and policy of Santa Anna, 
and concluded by suggesting the call of a public meeting of the munici- 
pality of Nacogdoches, which he approved. It was then agreed that a 
move should be made to call a meeting on the following day. Baker 
and Johnson then called upon Colonel Frost Thorn, Major John 
Forbes, and other influential men of the place who heartily approved of 
the call and went actively to work. 

In the evening of the day fixed for the meeting a large number of 
the citizens assembled at the ''Old Stone House" and organized. By 
request, General Houston addressed the meeting, in an able and eloquent 
speech, recounting the wrongs Texas had suffered and was suffering 
at the hands of the federal government, during the delivery of which he 
was frequently cheered. At the conclusion of his speech, a preamble 
and resolutions, which had been previously prepared, were read, and 
on motion were unanimously adopted — Rusk not voting. A committee 
was appointed to visit San Augustine and present to the people of that 
municipality a copy of this preamble and resolutions and invite them 
to unite with their fellow-citizens of Nacogdoches and Austin. 

A copy of these resolutions preserved in the Austin Papers of the 
University of Texas show that this meeting was held at Teal's Tavern 
on August 15, with James Bradshaw in the chair and William G. Logan 
acting as secretary. The resolutions, which were presented by Solomon 
R. Peck, were preceded by a preamble stating the compact theory of 


government. Governments were declared to be ** designed for the ra- 
tional control of human actions and for the preservation of human 
rights ; when these objects are disregarded or abused the ends of associa- 
tion are disappointed, and the compact is virtually dissolved." A state 
of nature resulted from this dissolution and men might then form a 
new association to secure the ^'unalienable rights of life, liberty, and the 
enjoyment of property." The federal constitution constituted such a 
compact, to which the colonists became a party when they came to 
Texas. It had now been destroyed by numerous abuses, which they 
enumerated, and the Texans must take measures to preserve it from 
anarchy. James Bradshaw, General Houston, Colonel Thomas J. Rusk, 
and Colonel Richard Sparks were appointed to treat with the various 
tribes of Indians in Texas, '^ according to the promises made to them 
by the Mexican government, and whatever else they may deem proper 
to do the Indians justice and preserve peace with them." Persons 
who should flee from the country in the event of invasion were declared 
unworthy **to enjoy the rights of citizenship or hold any property in 
the country." Though they viewed war **in no other light than that 
of a most fearful scourge," and though it would be their steady aim 
to preserve peace while war could be avoided, the people of East Texas 
were opposed to despotism and monarchy and would sustain their 
brethren of the exposed parts of Texas should they be invaded by an 
armed force. They thought that a general convention of all Texas 
should be assembled without delay, and on motion of General Houston 
the ayuntamiento of San Felipe was requested to caU it.^ 

The committee proceeded to San Augustine and made known their 
object. After a public meeting was called, to which, on organizing, 
the action of the meeting at Nacogdoches was read and approved, a 
preamble and resolutions of approval were unanimously adopted, and 
the people pledged to the support of their fellow citi2;ens of East and 
West Texas. Thus was the mission of Baker and Johilson successful, 
and all that their friends could wish. 

The tone of most of the public meetings just described is very 
similar. They declared loyalty to the constitution and laws, called for 
the organization of the militia, suggested a convention, and urged 
steps to convince the authorities of their fidelity to the country. The 
suspicion may occur to the reader that, since the constitution was 
already practically set aside by Santa Anna, professions of loyalty to 
it were little short of declarations of independence, but a careful study 
of the available evidence leads to the conclusion that the majority of 
the colonists were anxious to avoid trouble, and would have welcomed 
a continuance of peaceable relations with Mexico on terms that secured 
them from the abuses of a military occupation. While the organization 
of the militia and the collection of munitions undoubtedly looked toward 
organization for defense from Mexico, they were needed for protection 
from the Indians, and defensive preparations were by no means incon- 
sistent with sincere desire for peace. The convention was highly desir- 
able in any event to enable the Texans to settle upon a definite policy. 

2 This summary of the resolutions of the Nacogdoches meeting is inserted by the 


The meetings at Harrisburg, Navidad, and Nacogdoches show little of 
this spirit of hesitation, but it is clear from Johnson's narrative that 
much the larger element in the population of East Texas was really in- 
different. The San Jacinto resolutions, on the other hand, framed by 
David G. Burnet, plainly urged acceptance of any government that 
guaranteed the country from oppression. Other meetings will be de- 
scribed later in connection with the calling of the convention.' 

* This paragraph ia added by the editor. 


As we have seen, the war party was first in the field. Before the 
peace party men and the conservatives were aware of what was happen- 
ing, it had began the expedition against Anahuac and had induced Dr. 
J. B. Miller, the political chief, to issue his proclamation calling for 
volunteers to capture San Antonio and to march to the rescue of the 
governor. The peace party rallied quickly, however, and most of the 
public meetings of June, July, and early August were dominated by 
it. The Columbia meeting of June 23 declined to take action until 
a more general expression of the public will could be obtained, and the 
meeting of June 28, which became the model for most of the other 
meetings down to the middle of August, condemned aggressive move- 
ments and urged the political chief to exert his strongest influence to 
tranquilize the people and to convince the Mexican authorities that the 
Texans were loyal. 

A special committee placed the resolutions of this meeting before 
Miller on July 3, and he declared himself in cordial agreement with 
all of them, except the recommendation to open correspondence with 
Ugartechea and Cos. The fact is that Miller had already written a 
letter to Cos the day before, explaining the interception of the courier 
at San Felipe on June 21 and the resultant attack on Anahuac. The 
people had been excited, he said, ''by an apprehension that the general 
government, being misinformed as to the loyalty of the people of 
Texas," was ''disposed to pursue a course of rigor towards us which 
would be extremely unfortunate." To show, however, the loyal feeling 
of a large majority of the people of the department he enclosed a copy 
of the proceedings of the Columbia meeting of June 28. In closing, he 
assured Cos that he would exert all his powers to preserve the public 
order and tranquillity. For some reason Miller did not forward this 
letter after it was written, and it was not until July 20 that it was 
translated by Edward Oritten and despatched to Cos. 

The committee's request that Miller try to quiet the fears of the 
people was more immediately complied with, and on July 10 he pub- 
lished the following proclamation : 
**To the Inhabitants of the Department of Brazos. 

"Fellow CmzENS: Feeling duly impressed with the importance 
of the present crisis in the affairs of Texas, and the alarming extent to 
which anarchy seems likely to prevail, I deem it my duty as the highest 
constitutional officer of the department to call upon you in the name 
of the constitution and laws of the land which we have sworn to sup- 



port, to remain quiet and tranquil. In the present condition of our 
country, it is alike important to the common safety of all that no other 
orders should be obeyed but those issuing from the proper officers and 
that no movement should be made but a common one, in a common 
cause. I have therefore thought proper to issue this proclamation, 
commanding and exhorting all the good citizens of this department to 
remain strictly obedient to the constitution and laws of the land and to 
engage in no popular excitement not expressly authorized by this 

'^ These orders are necessary to prevent anarchy and confusion, 
which are the worst enemies that Texas can have. They have been 
dictated for the general good of the inhabitants and I entertain the 
most sanguine hopes that they will be obeyed." 

Some days later — the document is undated, but it was probably 
issued toward the end of July — ^Miller wrote for the public a full 
explanation of the causes that had led to his hasty proclamation of 
June 21. He was evidently convinced that he had been alarmed by 
''unfounded rumors," and his explanation can hardly have failed to 
have a tranquillizing effect upon the people. He said: ''I deem it 
my duty to say a few words in explanation of my course. Having no 
interest separate from the people's interest and no design but to dis- 
charge my important duties with honesty, I trust that the public will 
understand and justify my whole proceedings. 

''During the late excitement at an early period I received orders 
as the Political Chief from the Governor of the State, to proceed with 
men and arms to his rescue. At that time also it was reported that 
besides the arrest of the Governor and others, an army of some thou- 
sand men were then marching to Texas for its subjugation. This request 
from the Governor of the State, and very unpleasant reports of the day, 
had the same effects on myself that they had on the people generally. 
We were all overwhelmed with surprise, and for a moment lent an 
ear to unfounded rumors. In this state of things and in obedience of 
the legal head of the State, and in obedience to the earnest protestations 
of a number of influential citizens around me, I proceeded to call on 
the people to come forward at the request of the Governor. It was not 
designed by me to proceed to any hostile measures; my inclination was 
to obey orders, or if reports proved true, defend ourselves. 

"At a meeting of citizens in June last, I was called to sit as chair- 
man. My fellow-citizens will readily understand that I sat on that 
occasion not as political chief, but as any other individual to keep order 
and perform the ordinary office as Chairman. My taking the chair 
cannot even be made to appear as giving sanction to the proceedings 
of the day. Tet some intimation has been given that inasmuch as I was 
Chairman of the meeting I have given sanction to all that was done, 
nay, even more, it is asserted that the political Chief gave orders in 
reference to Anahuac as well as to other matters, which were merely 
voted on by the citizens assembled at the meeting aforesaid in the first 
emotions of their surprise. It may appear unlucky that I should have 
been named to preside at such a meeting, since the duties I had as 
Political Chief are so responsible and so important; but I fear not for 
a moment that my motives will be misrepresented by the public. 


** Fellow citizens, my temper and inclinations have always been for 
peace. I have no hope but public tranquillity and order ; I stand before 
you in the unenviable position of one who loves quiet but who is forced 
by a high and honorable office into the turmoils and contentions of 

''Having said thus much for myself, allow me to close this appeal to 
my fellow citizens and friends by expressing the felicity which I feel 
at the new and happy appearance which our political affairs have 
assumed. . . . And your Political Chief is happy to be able to 
proclaim to the world that the people of Texas in general everywhere, 
and in the most honorable and warm hearted manner, on this as on all 
former occasions, declare themselves grateful to the Mexican Govern- 
ment for the indulgence and various bounties which they have received. 
None of the citizens of the Mexican Confederacy can be more attached 
to the Constitution and peace and order than those of Texas. They 
feel no inclination to intermeddle with the difficulties of the other 
states, much less with the jealousy of discontented and fractious 

''Fellow citizens, I shall close with one single suggestion; it is that 
we always act with caution. The late unnecessary alarm, proceeding 
out of false information, has taught this salutary lesson of caution and 
moderation. To profit by experience is the high purpose of wisdom: 
and patriotic wisdom, combined with a patriotic attachment to the 
laws and the love of peace, will be sure in all events to lead to the 
felicity of each individual and all the citizens of Texas." 

On July 7 Ugartechea wrote Miller a letter, which he no doubt 
expected to be made public, assuring him that the troops which had 
been ordered to Texas were coming for no hostile purpose, but merely 
to garrison the ports and protect the country from the Indians. He 
had already written Cos on July 1 suggesting that Cos issue a proclama- 
tion to that effect, and on July 12 Cos followed his advice by writing 
a long circular letter to the three political chiefs of Texas. It is an 
interesting diplomatic document and is reproduced in full from the 
translation which appeared in The Texas Republican of August 22, 

**Oeneral Commandancy amd Oeneral Inspection of the Interior of the 

"Under this date I have to say to the Political Chiefs of the Depart- 
ments of Bexar, Brazos, and Nacogdoches, the following: 

"The entire want of police for sometime past in Texas has neces- 
sarily contributed to the introduction of many men without country, 
morality, or any employment to gain a subsistence, who having nothing 
to venture in a revolution, are continually occupied in fanning the 
flame of discord and endeavoring to persuade the honest people of Texas 
that the Supreme National Government entertain views and intentions 
hostile and fatally prejudicial to their interests. 

"As this unheard-of falsehood might precipitate good citizens to 
confound themselves with the perverse, I believe it to be my duty to 
save them appealing to their good judgment for the rejection of those 
Tile suggestions, and entreating them to think only of the augmenting 
of their property, respecting always the Laws of the land ; in this case 


they always have the support of the General Govemment and every 
kind of guarantee which the General Commandancy can give. 

''I have been informed that seditious persons in order to gain their 
ends endeavor to make the entrance of troops, from the President of 
the Republic, thither to be looked upon as the commencement of military 

''If this extravagant idea has blinded the incautious, the sound 
part of the people must have rejected it as it deserved, because it is 
not credible that assent can be given to an imputation so unjust. 

''As the principles are well known which guided the march of the 
Mexican Government, and their desire for the prosperity of Texas, 
to whose inhabitants it has made every kind of concession, and if it be 
necessary in order to establish the Custom House to station military 
detachments among us: this should in no wise alarm the people of 
Texas; since far from being prejudicial to their interests they will 
serve as a support and the people will have a guard more in favor of 
than against their security. 

"On the other hand it is evident that some badly disposed persons 
have been able to induce the belief that the Mexican Govemment has 
no right to send its troops to those places where they think it necessary. 

"Texas is an integrant part of the Republic and as the troops are 
ordered, for example, to garrison the state of Oaxaca or Vera Cruz, 
tomorrow they may be necessary in Galveston, or some other port and 
there they will be received without any resistance, as it would be very 
opprobrious to the Mexicans for the new inhabitants of Texas to con- 
template the national army in the same way as the Egyptians looked 
upon the Mamelukes, their continual depredators. 

"You will please make the honest residents of this department under- 
stand that so long as they remain attached to the Govemment and the 
Laws they have nothing to fear; as an armed force is sent to no part 
of the Republic with any other object than to maintain the peace and 
security of the citizens. 

"Whatever pretensions the inhabitants may have they will please 
manifest them by legal means to the Government, and I offer to sup- 
port them, provided they be such as can be realized, as to me is entrusted 
the tranquillity of the State of the East. 

"I cannot fail to stimulate your patriotism and your zeal to pre- 
vent your influence and your persuasion to any alteration whatever, 
as this General Commandancy . . . will be obliged to proceed 
against those who overturn the peace which is now fortunately enjoyed 
in every part of the union. 

"You will please proceed as I have indicated, and be assured of the 
particular consideration and esteem which I profess. 

"Circulated to you for your knowledge. 

* ' God and Liberty. 

"Martin Perpeoto db Cos." 
"Matamoras, July 12th, 1833. 

''To the Illustrious Ayuntamiento of Brazoria,'* 

While Ugartechea and Cos were thus assuring the colonists of the 
beneficent intentions of the govemment, the Texans on their part had, 
as we know, begun a determined effort to convince the govemment of 


their loyalty and desire for peace. The committee of five appointed by 
the ayuntamiento of Colombia on July 11 was joined by a similar com- 
mittee appointed by the San Felipe meeting of the 14th, and these 
were joined in turn on the 16th by D. C. Barrett, representing the 
municipality of Mina. Other representatives were expected, but did 
not arrive.^ 

The object of the conunittee was to take into consideration the 
political state of Texas. On the 15th they addressed the following 
letter to their constituents and to the other inhabitants of the depart- 
ment of the Brazos: 

** Committee Boom, San Felipe, July 15, 1835. 
"To the Citizens of the Department of Brazos, 

''Fellow Citizens: The committee of the jurisdiction of Columbia, 
in conjunction with the committee of San Felipe, have thought proper 
to address you and lay before you a report of the information now in 
their possession with a view of quieting all alarm that may exist in 
regard to the descent of the Federal Troops upon Texas. The official 
communication from the committee of safety at Qonzales to the com- 
mittee of safety of Mina, contains information that can be relied on. 
Mr. Gritten, the gentleman mentioned in that communication, is the 
same person who visited Texas last summer in company with Colonel 
Almonte. The letter of Judge Chambers confirms the statements of 
Mr. Oritten, and in the estimation of this committee can be confidently 
relied on. We therefore take great pleasure in informing our fellow 
citizens that there is no just cause of immediate alarm, and at the same 
time of assuring them that they have the most sanguine hopes that the 
present commotion will be quieted and good restored without any col- 
lision with the Federal Troops. They pledge themselves to the public 
that their exertions will be earnest and unremitting to effect this much 
desired end. 

''In a few days they will be joined by committee from other parts 
of this department, at which time they will make a full exposition of 
the affairs of Texas, and recommend such a course as they will deem 
best calculated to promote the Oeneral Good. In the meantime we 
recommend to our Fellow Citizens peace, union, moderation, and a 
strict adherence to the laws and constitution of the land. In conclusion 
we subscribe ourselves your friends and fellow citizens.'' 

"commrttee op columbia, 
"Committee of San Felipe." 

On the 17th a reply was made to Colonel Ugartechea's letter assur- 
ing the Texans of the good will of the central government, in which they 
declared a like conciliatory spirit, and expressed regret for the capture 
of Fort Anahuac and its little garrison. They also requested Colonel 
Ugartechea to interpose with Generals Santa Anna and Cos. The letter 
follows in full: 

"Department of Biuzos, San Felipe, July 17th, 1835. 
"To Col, Comdt, at Bexar, 

"Sm: We whose names are undersigned are chosen by the people 
of the jurisdiction we severally represent, to investigate the truth of 

1 Down to this point the present chapter is the work of the editor. 


certain rumors, and recent occurrences, which tend to place the citizens 
of Texas in an attitude of hostility to the general government. Time 
will not now admit of a detailed account of the aUeged reasons for the 
acknowledged insult upon the government agents, and officers, at this 
place, and at Anahuac. Hereafter, and as soon as a full and free 
expression of the people of Texas can be obtained, every explanation 
will be given which justice, and the honor and dignity of all concerned, 
may require. The people at large we know, . have not participated 
either in the feeling which prompted the aggressions, or in any acts 
opposed to the legal authorities of the Mexican republic, — ^and do, and 
ever will, disavow the course pursued by a few impetuous and mis- 
guided citizens, whose conduct, unexplained, might implicate the whole 

** Accompanying this communication you will receive Capt. [Tenor- 
io's] statement of recent transactions among us. We are ignorant of 
the views this gentleman entertains, or the representations he may 
choose to make of the late affair at Anahuac, where he commanded, or 
the disposition of the people generally, of this province. But presume 
from his being honored with a station so important under the govern- 
ment, that he is an honorable man, and a gentleman, and as such has 
been received and treated here, since the unfortunate occurrence which 
placed him in his present situation. So far as his imperfect knowledge 
of our language and every possible manifestation of the people will 
admit, he cannot but feel sensible of the general confidence of Texas 
citizens in the purity and justice of our constitution and laws, — and 
respect for the government which the Mexican states have chosen. 

**You are respectfully requested to transmit this communication, or 
a copy of it, to Genl. Cos, and the President of the U. S. [of Mexico], 
with a concluding assurance from us that the citizens of Texas gen- 
erally have become adopted citizens of the Mexican Republic from 
choice, after a full knowledge of the constitution and laws — ^that they 
entertain a grateful sense of the liberality of the government towards 
her colonies in the distribution of lands to settlers, and other advantages 
tending to their convenience and prosperity, in agriculture and manu- 
facture,— that they will be prepared on every constitutional caU to do 
their duty as Mexican citizens, in the enforcement of the laws and 
promotion of order, and respect for the government and its agents — 
that they will cherish those principles which most clearly demonstrate 
their love of peace, respect for their Mexican fellow-citizens, and attach- 
ment to the free liberal institutions of their adopted country. 
**WiLY Martin, President. **J. H. Bell, 

'*JoHN R. Jones, **Jas. H. Perry, 

A. Somervell, **John A. Wharton, 

C. B. Stewart, *^ Jurisdiction of Columbia, 

Jesse Bartlett, **D. C. Barrett, 

*' Jurisdiction of Austin. ^'Jurisdiction of Mina. 

''Sterling McNeil, **C. B. Stewart, Secretary. 

** James Knight, *'J. B. Miller, Political Chief." 

On the second day of the meeting John A. Wharton moved for a 
call of a general convention of all Texas, but the motion was voted down. 



A committee of five was appointed to draw up a statement of facts 
relative to the late disturbances, but it was dismissed the next day 
without reporting. D. C. Barrett and Edward Gritten were appointed 
commissioners to wait upon General Cos and explain the recent occur- 
rences in Texas, and to assure him of the fidelity of the people to the 
government. The meeting then adjourned to meet again on the first of 
August, leaving all unfinished business in the hands of the political 
chief. Captain Tenorio was present at this meeting, and was soothed 
by the restoration of his private papers, which had been taken from him 
at Anahuac. 

Yoakum, in his history of Texas, in speaking of Gritten says: 
'^Edward Gritten was an Englishman who had been for some time 
domiciliated in Mexico, and had come to Texas in 1834, in company 
with Colonel Almonte. There remains now but little doubt of his 
treachery. The meeting raised by subscription five hundred and forty- 
seven dollars, and paid it over to the commissioners as an outfit. Gritten 
was a brother-in-law of Colonel Carbajal. ' ' Upon what evidence or upon 
what authority Yoakum charges Gritten to have been a traitor, we are 
at a loss to imagine. He proved true and took part with the Texans in 
their struggle foi: their rights, and for independence. ^ The proceedings 
of this meeting gave the peace party the ascendency and all awaited 
the result of the commission to Cos. 

About the first of July, Don Lorenzo de Zavala, late governor of 
the state of Mexico and minister to France, arrived in Texas. De Zavala 
was a true patriot and supporter of republican institutions. Informed 
of the treason of Santa Anna, he resigned his office as minister, and 
sought refuge in Texas, where he was heartily welcomed. On receipt 
of the news at the capital of the arrival of De Zavala in Texas, an 
order was issued for his arrest. At that time, the following persons 
were proscribed and ordered to be arrested: Francis W. Johnson, R. 
M. Williamson, William Barret Travis, Samuel M. Williams, Mosely 
Baker, John H. Moore, J. M. Carbajal, and Juan Zambrano. 

On the arrival of the commissioners, Barrett and Gritten, at Gten- 
zales, they met a courier from Colonel Ugartechea with an order for 
the arrest of De Zavala and the other proscribed persons. The com- 
missioners detained the courier until they could go to San Antonio de 
Bexar and try to get the order countermanded. They arrived at San 
Antonio on the 5th of August, and had several interviews with Colonel 
Ugartechea, but he assured them that the order could not be rescinded 
and that General Cos would not receive the commissioners until the 
colonists had proved their fidelity by making the arrests. This proved, 
in fact, to be the case; for a letter arrived from Cos at this moment 
sa3dng that he was greatly pleased with the accounts that had reached 
him of the proceedings of the joint committee at San Felipe, and that 
the arrests must be insisted upon. At the same time he forwarded to 
Ugartechea an additional order which he had just received from the 
Minister of War and Marine for the apprehension of De Zavala. In 
transmitting this order to Colonel Ugartechea on the 8th of August Cob 

2 For corroboration of Jolmson 's eonelusion about Gritten, see an article by the 
editor in The Quarterly of the Texan State Historical Association, XIII, 145152. 


instracted him, if De Zavala was not given up to proceed at the head 
of all his cavalry to execute the command, and to give the local authori- 
ties on the route information as to his sole object. Cos also, approved 
of Ugartechea's requisition upon the alcaldes for the other obnoxious 
individuals previously mentioned, and especially Travis, whose arrest 
he ordered, that he might be conducted to Bexar, to be tried by a 
military court. In the face of this demand Barrett and Qritten deter- 
mined to suspend their mission until they could get additional instruc- 
tions, and for that purpose Gritten returned to San Felipe to consult 
the joint committee. Before taking this step, however, he and Barrett 
despatched the following letter to General Cos in the hope of convinc- 
ing him of the earnest desire of the Texans for peace. 

Bexar, August 9, 1835. 
You have already the notice of uor mission to this com- 
mandancy as a canal of communication to the General Government from 
the Political Chief of the Brazos. And thus it is that the object of this 
communication is to let you know that in spite of the great desire that 
we have to come and de^troy in your mind, and through you, in the 
mind of the General Government, the idea which you have formed that 
the unlawful proceedings of certain citizens of Texas came from the 
majority, we are now sorry to inform you that our departure will 
not take place until Mr. Gritten returns from San Felipe. The object 
of his journey is to get instructions sufiSciently extensive to cover all 
cases that may arise, or may be considered as belonging to our mission, 
which is to solidify the work of conciliation, interrupted before, but 
which we rejoice to see from the last advices directed by you to Colonel 
Ugartechea, has begun again. You may well believe that all the TexanA 
are not revolutionists, nor bad, and that the greater part of them are 
pacific, and we desire very much to confirm personally this assertion. 
And that we will have the honor to do as soon as Mr. Gritten comes to 
the Mission La Bahia on his return from San Felipe. In the mean- 
time we anticipate an interview by means of this communication in 
the hope that it may serve to predispose you in favor of our mission, which 
is to promote the best interests of Texas, and to preserve with the 
supreme federal government the good understanding that ought to 
exist in an advantageous manner between the Texans and the other 
integral parts of the Republic. 
**God and Liberty. 

''D. Carlos Barrett, 
Edward Gritten." 

The following letter written by Ugartechea to Cos on August 8 gives 
some additional points concerning the suspension of the mission tn 
Matamoras : 

** Since I directed to the Political Chief of the Brazos and th«i 
Ayuntamientos of the same the communication which I ren^tted to yon 
in copy, dated the first instant, demanding the arrest of Zavala and of 
the other foreign ringleaders of the revolution in the colonies, Don 
Edward Gritten and another person have presented themselves to me 
in the character of the Department of Brazos, for the purpose of going 


to you and holding an interview upon the matters contained in tb^ 
copies annexed which Senor Qritten has made for me. 

"While I did not prevent their going to Matamoras I made it clear 
to them that so long as they did not make the arrest of the said persons 
they could not succeed with you. Consequently Gritten and his com- 
panion, Don D. C. Barrett, agreed that one of them should return to 
San Felipe to explain this to the political chief and ayuntamientos. At 
the moment when he was preparing to leave, I received your letter in 
which you inserted the one you wrote the said political chief on the 
1st inst., which corroborated all that I had said. After allowing them 
to see this they decided that one of them should go back immediately 
to urge effectively the compliance with your orders and for this reason 
I have sent him back to San Felipe by special express, according to your 

"At the same time I improved the opportunity to demand of the 
political chief the arrest of the deputy Carbajal and Don Juan Zambrano 
who have taken a prominent part in the political disturbances. And 
I do not doubt but that in accordance with the necessity which they are 
imder of showing the good intentions of the colonists they will make 
the arrest not only of those individuals but of the others already men- 
tioned as well. I am the more of this opinion because their greatest 
desire is to avoid the introduction of troops into the colonies." . . . 

The meeting by which Barrett and Gritten were appointed had 
adjourned to meet on the first of August. On that day only three 
municipalities were represented. No other delegates appearing, on the 
third of the month the political chief prorogued the meeting and in- 
formed the members that if anything should occur making it necessary, 
he would call another meeting. When Gritten arrived and called upon 
the chief, Wily Martin, he was informed that the meeting which had 
appointed him and Barrett no longer existed; and that a new election 
for members would require considerable, time, which would defeat the 
object of their mission. The chief expressed regret at the delay, believ- 
ing, as he did, that their powers were sufBicient for the object in view. 
He concluded by informing Gritten that the persons proscribed had 
left the department of Brazos, that the balance of the war party were 
still urging Texas to her ruin, by urging a convention of all Texas. 
Gritten returned to San Antonio and reported these facts to Ugar- 
techea, who seized upon the information that the proscribed persons 
had left as an excuse for not marching at the head of his cavalry and 
making the arrests as ordered. 

Another attempt of the joint committee to conciliate the government 
deserves some attention at this point. Feeling that the political chief's 
precipitate proclamation of June 21 calling for the expedition to rescue 
the governor and his connection with the meeting that authorized the 
attack on Tenorio at Anahuac gave ground for suspecting the sincerity 
of their professed desire for peace, the members of this committee per- 
eniaded Miller to yield the office to a substitute. The committee first 
requested the first alcade of San Felipe, J. H. Money, to assume the 


ofiBce; but upon his refusal it passed to Wily Martin. Miller's letter 
to Martin asking him to assume the office follows: 

** Chieftaincy op the Department op Brazos. 
*^To Citizen Wily Martin, Constitutional Begidor of the jurisdiction 

of Austin. 

**My health at this time is such that prevents me from discharging 
my duties as political chief of this, department, and as the other officers 
refuse to act, I call upon you to take immediate possession of the office 
of Chief until my health will permit me to resume my duties. 

**God and Liberty 

*'Jas. B. Miller." 

**JuLY 19. 1835.'' 

There is little doubt that the peace party was in the ascendency down 
at least to the middle of August. All parties were apparently of this 
opinion during the month of July. Gritten, who originally belonged 
to neither party, but who earnestly strove to prevent the outbreak of 
war, kept up a correspondence with Ugartechea during that month and 
assured him that the people desired peace; and we have expressions 
from both peace and war party men to the same effect. Some of the 
letters quoted below illustrate this conclusion.^ 

** Gonzales, July 5, 1835. 
'*To Colonel Don Domingo de Ugartechea, Bexar. 

**My Dear Friend: Here goes the post in accordance with your 
desire. According to what Dr. Miller has told me, you want me to give 
you a description of public opinion in this district; and I shall also 
indicate to you the rumors that circulate here. This I do, thinking to 
render a service to my country. And I shall be very happy if I am 
able to avert in this part of the republic fighting and blood shedding, 
which would be regretable as much for the nation in general as for 
Texas in particular. 

"The inhabitants of this municipality and of that of Mina are very 
much against the measures adopted by the men of San Felipe, and 
condemn them, protesting their desire to liye in tranquillity and in 
peace with their brothers the Mexicans, with whom they by no means 
wish to have war, on account of the bad consequences it would have. 
By what I have observed and the conclusions that I have drawn, the 
[ greater part of the colonists desire to avoid any break with the govern- 

ment; but it seems to me that all of them will oppose the entrance of 
troops. Such a measure would be alarming and provocative of revolu- 
tion. If the executive could adopt a conciliatory conduct it would meet 
the support of the sane portion of Texas — ^which is truly numerous — 
and would be able then to carry forward the establishment of the 
customhouses. At the same time a more equitable tariff and other 
reforms ought to be granted to them. . . . 

"In the service of my country I have worked much to convince this 
part of Texas of the convenience 'of keeping order ; that the supreme 

8 This para^aph and the letters of Gritten, which follow, are inserted by the 
editor. The originals of Gritten 's letters are in the Bexar Archives. 



government has no intention of sending troops to attack them, and that 
their constitutional reclamation will be heard by you and by the 

**A11 that I write here is for your private information, because if 
others knew it, it would occaaion me a great deal of inconvenience in 
the colony. 

'*I am respectfully your friend, 

''Edward Gretten." 

''P. S. Before I start from this place I shall write you again. It 
has rained a great deal and for the present I am detained by the weather. 
In order to destroy the bad effects of the specious versions given by 
those who wish to provoke the people of Texas to revolution, assuring 
them that a Mexican army is coming to devastate their fields and exter- 
minate all the Anglo-Americans, I believe it would be expedient for the 
supreme government and the military commanders to say publicly 
and officially that such intentions do not exist, and that no prepara- 
tions of that nature are being made. For I repeat that, considering the 
good sense of many of the inhabitants of this country, all that can be 
done to content them by conciliatory measures shotdd be done, one of 
which would be a frank publication of the intention to send no troops 
to Texas." 

The next day Gritten wrote again from Gonzales. Captain McCoy 
had reported that a Mexican had recently been killed on the Colorado, 
because he was suspected of being a spy, and news had just reached 
Gonzales of the expedition that had marched against Anahuac. ''There 
is much agitation in Texas," he said, "resulting from the alarming 
rumors which are, with evil intentions, circulated among its inhabitants ; 
but I am sure that the sane part of the inhabitants do not wish to 
break with the Mexicans, but wish to preserve peace and union with 
them. And the affairs of Texas may be improved by means of these 
very persons, for if they were assured by the competent authorities 
that there is no intention to send troops to attack them, all would be 
quiet. I have been informed that many of the reasonable ones declare 
that if what has been said to them about the troops is not true, they 
themselves will seek the authors of the resolution for the attack on 
Anahuac and punish them as examples. Have the kindness, in the 
interest of order and peace, to allow me to assure them in your name that 
troops are not coming, and I am sure that all the trouble will cease." 
Prom San Pelipe on July 17 Gritten wrote again to Ugartechea saying 
that all the inhabitants, even to the Sabine, unanimously desired to 
pi^erve peace. "In my understanding, and in view of the good dis- 
position of these people, no more is needed to consummate the work 
already begun of pacifjdng this country than to abstain from bringing 
troops into it for hostile purposes." Since Gritten was not at this time 
identified with either party in Texas, his disinterested opinion is worthy 
of considerable weight. 

Travis, too, thought that the peace party was the strongest, and 
his opinion is all the more valuable because he was a leading member 
of the war party. In a letter of July 30 to James Bowie he said: 
"The truth is, the people are much divided here. The peace party as 


they style themselves, I believe are the strongest, and make much the 
most noise. Unless we could be united, had we not better be quiet and 
settle down for a while? There is now no doubt but that a central 
government will be established. . . . What will Texas do in that 
casef Dr. J. H. C. Miller, and Chambers, from Gonzales, are, I believe, 
for tinqualified submission. I do not know the minds of the people 
upon the subject, but if they had a bold and determined leader, I am 
inclined to think they would kick against it. . . . General Cos 
writes that he wants to be at peace with us; and he appears to be dis- 
posed to cajole and soothe us. Ugartechea does the same. . . . 
God knows what we are to do! I am determined, for one, to go with 
my countrymen: 'right or wrong, sink or swim, live' or die, survive or 
perish,' I am with them." Other letters from Travis during this period 
express the same opinion. 

From the peace party, on the other hand, we have the following 
expression from Dr. J. H. C. Miller. Writing from San Felipe on July 
25 to John W. Smith of San Antonio, he said : 

''All here is in a train for peace. The war and speculating parties 
are entirely put down, and are preparing to leave the country. They 
should now be demanded of their respective chiefs — a few at a time. 
First Johnson, Williamson, and Williams; and perhaps that is enough. 
Captain Martin, once so revolutionary, is now, thank Gk>d, where he 
should be, in favor of peace and his duty; and by his influence, in a 
good degree, has peace been restored. But now they should be de- 
manded. The moment is auspicious. The people are up. Say so, and 
oblige one who will never forget his true allegiance to the supreme 
authorities of the nation, and who knows that till they are dealt with 
Texas will never be quiet. Travis is in a peck of trouble. Dr. J. B. 
Miller disclaims his act in taking Anahuac and he feels the breach. 
Don Lorenzo de Zavala is now in Columbia, attempting to arouse the 
people. Have him called for, and he also will be delivered up. Wil- 
liams, Baker, and Johnson are now on a visit to him and no doubt 
conspiring against the government." 

As requested, Smith immediately showed this letter to Colonel 
Ugartechea, who, misled by it, and believing that the people of Texas 
would give up their leading men, issued the order for the arrests, as we 
have already noticed. During the absence of Baker and Johnson in 
Eastern Texas Wily Martin as acting political chief, issued writs to 
the several chiefs commanding them to arrest all who were named in 
Ugartechea 's request. On their arrival at Washington at the La Bahia 
crossing of the Brazos, Baker and Johnson were informed of these pro- 
ceedings, and that Travis and Williamson had left San Felipe and were 
secreted in the neighborhood of Captain Chriesman's on the La Bahia 
road. From Washington Baker and Johnson proceeded to Colonel 
John T. Coles's near Independence, west of Washington, and near the 
residence of Dr. James B. Miller, the political chief of the Brazos 
department. After conferring with Colonel Coles, they agreed that 
the Colonel and Baker should visit Miller and urge him to return to 
San Felipe de Austin, and resume his duties as chief. Accordingly, 
the next day they waited upon the chief and made him acquainted with 
the action of the people of East Texas, and with the unpopularity of 


Captain Martin, the acting chief of the department. Miller, at once, 
consented to return to the capital of the department, resume his office, 
and countermand the execution of the writs of arrest. Baker and John- 
son then proceeded to Captain Chriesman's, hoping to learn the exact 
whereabouts of Williamson and Travis and invite them to accompany 
them to San Felipe de Austin. But Captain Chriesman, although he 
knew they were in the neighborhood, could not designate the exact 
location, hence Baker and Johnson proceeded to the house of Colonel 
William Pettus, spent a night with him, and communicated the good 
news. The next morning Pettus accompanied them to San Felipe. 
On their arrival they were hailed with joy and cheered. A few hours 
later, Travis and Williamson arrived in town, and received a like 
greeting. Thus was the chief bearded in his den ! The next day Miller 
arrived, resumed his office, and all went well. 

More particular attention must now be given to the activities of 
the war party. ' These consisted chiefly of spreading through the coun- 
try reports of the progress of centralization in Mexico and of the de- 
termination of the government to overwhelm Texas by a military occu- 
pation and expel from the country all who had not fully complied with 
the colonization regulations. In general, the men from whom these 
reports were obtained had but recently returned from Mexico, and were 
therefore in a better position to guess at the intentions of the govern- 
ment with regard to Texas than were those who remained at home. 
A few extracts from letters and documents of the time will illustrate 
the character of these reports.^ 

James Bowie wrote J B. Miller on June 22 from Hatch's Planta- 
tion on the Lavaca: ^'I have just arrived here from Matamoras and as 
all communication is cut off between Texas and all other parts of the . 
Republic I take this opportunity of giving you some information that 
may be useful to Texas. I left Matamoras on the 12th of the present 
month. All the vessels in the port were embargoed for the purpose of 
transporting Troops to the coast of Texas. The commandant Qen. 
Cos forbid all foreigners from leaving the city under any circumstances. 
I run away and succeeded in getting this far safe. Three thousand 
Troops had reached Saltillo on their way to Texas. All this may or 
may not be news to you. I will be with you in a few days by the way 
of Brazoria.'* 

On July 4 J. M. Carbajal wrote Philip Smith: ''On the 15th [of 
June] I arrived here in great haste. Things in the interior are in a 
great confusion. The government and a part if not all of the permanent 
deputation, etc., are prisoners, because they tried to come to Texas and to 
be free from the military intervention of the supreme authorities of 
this state. Our only hope as well as that of the whole nation depends 
upon the intrepidity of the free and enlightened and noble resolution 
pf the people of Texas. The liberties which our farthers gave us are 
now usurped by the military despots; and the rights and privileges of 
citizenship of those not fortunate enough to have been bom in the re- 
public have been destroyed by acts of the general congress. Thus goes 

* This paragraph and Beveral of the documents which follow are inserted bj the 

Tol. I— 1« 


our political world, the strong man has justice on his side. I hope 
to see you soon." 

Ben Milam wrote Johnson from prison at Lampasas on July 5: 
**The whole of this part of the state has and will support the central 
Government. The Interior, from the last information we have, has 
fallen into the central system, Santa Anna is Dictator. The con- 
stitution is thrown away, and ridiculed by those who used to call them- 
selves Federal Republicans. 

**The plan for the dissolution and destruction is laid, and every 
preparation is making for its execution. In the last ten days two hun- 
dred troops have left this quarter for San Antonio ; and from the best in- 
formation I can collect two thousand more wiU be on their march in a few 
weeks. Their intention is to gain the friendship of the different tribes 
of Indians, and if possible to get the slaves to revolt. These plans of 
barbarity and injustice will make a wilderness of Texas, and beggars of 
its inhabitants, if they do not unite and act with promptitude and de- 
cision. If the Federal system is lost in Texas, what will be our situa- 
tion? Worse than that of the most degraded slaves. The hopes of the 
Republican party here are all on Texas. I trust they will not be de- 
ceived. The people of Texas will never submit to a Dictator." 

On July 19 J. J. Linn wrote Miller from Victoria in De Leon's 
colony : * * The general current of opinion seems to look to you, as may 
be said, as principal for guidance in the momentous question that now 
must soon be determined, either by putting our necks in the yoke of 
military despotism, or bravely stand, and defend our just rights, for 
it is beyond doubt that Santa Anna is determined to try his fortune 
by endeavoring to subdue Texas, as he has Zacatecas, and despoil her 
also ; it is true that Santa Anna has not declared himself openly, but look 
to the acts of his minions, and particularly the principal one, Qeneral 
Cos, who has imprisoned our Oovemor and some of the members of the 
assembly, and holds them, to be tryed by a military tribunal, as soon as 
one can be formed, or as soon as they are sure of the reduction of Texas. 
General Cos has caused the authorities of Matamoraa, Reynosa, Cam- 
argo, Mier, and Reveillia to declare for a central Covernment, and 
Santa Anna supreme dictator. As soon as he obtained this, he gave an 
order for a portion of the militia of each place, but fortunately, the 
people were advised of this, and fleed their towns, and a great portion 
of them are in this district; so much for the intentions of Santa Anna, 
and from all the orders that have come to Goliad, Santa Anna is in Mat- 
amoras this day, and will embark as soon as possible all his disposible 
troops for the Copano, with the exception of four hundred for Anahuac, 
the latter I expect are, or will be landed in a few days ; the whole amount 
of troops will be from four to five hundred, and Bejar, is to be the prin- 
ipal depot; the last news that came, which have disturbed the people 
very much, is that it is the intention of Santa Anna to billet the 
soldiers on the people, by placing five in each family, in rotation, with 
the boarding, washing and lodging at the expense of the individuals. 
Two hundred has actually arrived and is now in Goliad, and will march 

for Bejar in a few days under the command of Colonel , who 

is to replace Ugartechea ; the latter, I was informed by the commandant 
of Goliad, was not considered by Santa Anna a whole hog man, which 


caused his removal, — thus stands the affairs, as far as certain informa- 
tion has been made known to me. I have been requested to write to 
you to state the views of the majority of the people of this district who 
have come to the resolution thai, if they are assisted by the other col- 
onies, to march immediately and take those two hundred men, Goliad, 
and Bejar, before any more reinforcements comes; and cut the remain- 
der off in detail. As they have to come in small number, the object 
can easily be effected, as the situation of the country, and the passes 
affords the greatest advantages for our defence. Let it be no longer 
said that the land speculations were the primary cause of the arrest 
of our public authorities, for let any dispassionate observer look at the 
letters of Cos, he will see that he had orders to arrest, and had given his 
orders accordingly to the oflScers of the different stations, to arrest them 
so soon as they attempted to move, for, like Zacatecas, Durango, and 
Chihuahua, Texas would not consent to have the militia disbanded, 
which was the object intended to pave the way to the intentions to 
Santa Anna's Dictatorship with less opposition." 

Similar reports were published on August 22 and 28 by the com- 
mittee which drafted the call for a convention, and on August 28 
the same committee issued in handbill form the following statement 
hy Horatio A. Alsberry : 

''Arriving this day from Monterey, the capital of the state of New 
Leon, which place I left on the 10th inst. and being requested by the 
chairman of the committee of Safety and Correspondence for the juris- 
diction of Columbia, to detail the information which I possess in regard 
to the designs of the Mexican Government towards the people of Texas, 
I make the following statements, for the truth of which I stake my rep- 
utation, and appeal to time to establish every fact herein stated: I 
left the state of New Leon on the 10th of this month with a request 
from our republican friends to say to the citizens of Texas that our 
only hopes of future liberty and security depended upon our imme- 
diately taking steps to oppose the military in their establishing a Cen- 
tral Government of an arbitrary despotism which is without doubt their 

. "I have frequently conversed with their principal men, 
Civil, Military and Ecclesiastical, I may say almost daily for years, 
and particularly since the downfall of Zacatecas, about their intentions 
towards Texas, and I can assure you that this is their intention; first, 
to move large numbers of troops, at least thousands, to Texas . . . 
2nd to establish their ports on Custom Houses; 3d. Using their own 
language, to bum the houses and drive from the country a number of 
our principal citizens, which they have, and have had on a list for a 
year past, principally those that were engaged with the soldiers three 
years since; 4th put their slaves free and let them loose upon their 
families, as they express themselves ... I pledge ray life and honor 
that these statements are correct." 

At the same time, war-party orators were making the most of such 
rumors and scraps of information as reached them. On July 4 R. M. 
Williamson published an address to the people of Texas, explaining the 
motives of the public meeting at San Felipe on June 22 and warning 
them of the dangers that threatened the country. He said in part: 


''I have been your fellow-citizen for years and you cannot believe that 
I am influenced by speculation. On the honor of a man I assure you 
that I have all to lose and nothing to gain by the disturbances of our 
country ; and I am in no way connected with the speculation or the sx>ec- 
ulators. Fellow-Citizens: You are in the midst of a revolution that 
threatens your destruction, and without knowing it, you stand on a 
precipice that crumbles beneath you, and threatens to precipitate you 
in the abyss below. You are lulled to sleep in the belief that specular 
tion alone has created the present excitement. But be entreated no 
longer to indulge in this dangerous belief, but to examine for yourself 
the true situation of affairs Examine for yourselves the late move- 
ments of the general government. Look into their ulterior designs as 
avowed by congress, and you will perceive that so far from speculation 
having anything to do with the present subject that the troops of the 
.general Gk>vemment are on their march to Texas, for the purpose of com- 
pelling you to either leave the country or submit to an imperial govern- 
ment with strong military stations in your country to awe and keep 
you in subjection. 

''Your republican form of government is broken down, your state 
authorities have by the military been driven from the exercise of their 
constitutional duties, and [they] detain in custody the Qovemor of 
your state, and of your choice. Not only in Coahuila has this arbitrary 
and despotic course been pursued, but other states of the federation 
mourn the loss of their constitutions and their liberties, and at this mo- 
ment the proud and gallant and republican state of Zacatecas mourns 
the loss of two thousand citizens, slain in battle by the troops of Gen. 
Santa Anna, and the survivors now endure the galling chains of mili- 
tary rule. Durango and other states have fallen beneath the role of 
military power, and every state and province of the Mexican Bepublie 
(excepting Texas) have submitted to the Dictator.'' 

Williamson then recounted the encroachments of Santa Anna upon 
the constitution, the dissolution of the state government of Coahuila 
and Texas, the suppression of Zacatecas and other states that opposed 
Santa Anna's plan, and dilated at length upon the law abolishing the 
state militia. 

''All the states have succumbed to the military, and as Texas is the 
only spot unconquered, Santa Anna is marching his troops here to com- 
pel a submission to the new Government. And the people have to de- 
termine whether they also will yield to the power of the Dictator. Qive 
up their arms, suffer their country to be garrisoned with strong military 
posts, and live under the rule and sway of the military. They must 
do this or they must prepare for war ; they must submit to the military 
government or they must defend their province and their rights with 
the sword and the bayonet, and they must do this without delay for 
the enemy is fast advancing on our country. 

"Fellow-Citizens, Let me again assure you that this is the true 
state of affairs. These the reasons that actuate the Qeneral Qovermnent 
The sale of the four hundred leagues of land has nothing to do with 
the subject. You are justly indignant at that sale, so also am I, so also 
is the meeting which I represent; but that can and ought to have no 
weight with the public mind at this time. It is too inconsiderable 


to be noticed when compared to the importance of our country^ our 
property, our liberty and our lives; which are involved in the present 
contest between the states and the military. Two spies from Colonel 
Ugartechea, stationed at San Antonio, were arrested at San Felipe, and 
in their possession the official correspondence of Ugartechea and Gen- 
eral Cos was found. General Cos writes to the commandant at Anahuac 
that the two companies of New Leon, and the Morales Battalion would 
saU immediately for Texas and that they would be followed by another 
force, which he had solicited the government for, and which he had no 
doubt would be obtained. Colonel Ugartechea says that the business 
of Texas will be soon regulated, as the government has ordered a large 
division composed of the troops that were sent against Zacatecas to 
Texas and which are now at Saltillo ; that force is three thousand four 
hundred men. 

*'Por what, Fellow-Citizens, are they coming t in the name of GOD, 
say not speculation; they are coming to compell you into obedience to 
the new form of Government; to compell you to give up your arms; 
to compell you to have your country garrisoned; to compell you to lib- 
erate your slaves; to compell you to swear to support and sustain the 
government of the Dictator; to compell you to submit to the imperial 
rule of the aristocracy, to pay tithes and adoration to the clergy. For 
these purposes, Fellow-Citizens, they are coming, and for this purpose 
a parly of soldiers it is said have already landed at Copano . . . 
Five hundred troops can so fortify San Antonio as to resist the united 
attack of all Texas. In that situation they have only to send out their 
parties of men and harass and destroy the country, without ever com- 
ing to a pitched battle; they will so annoy and harass the country by 
continual depredations and alarms that, wearied out, dispirited, and 
disheartened, the people will gladly retreat beyond the Sabine. When 
you least expect it they will descend upon you and call you from yoitr 
fields to battle and before you can rally, they will kill and burn and 
destroy. In the depths of winter they will call you by their depreda- 
tions to the field, and a thousand attacks and a thousand false alarms 
will destroy your patience and your property and make your country 
not worth contending for. But, if possible, even worse than all this, 
you permit an enemy to be there stationed that will send the Indians 
continually upon you. 

'^ Inhabitants of the Frontier: Your situation will be deplorable; 
instigated and protected by the Mexicans, the Indians will be your 
constant enemies; they wiU be the continued ravagers of your country 
and destroyers of yourselves. If you drive them from your neighbor- 
hood, they will seek refuge and protection under the troops of San 
Antonio, and will retire only to return with renewed violence and des- 
truction. You will hear around your habitations the Indian yell ming- 
ling with the Mexican cry, and the shrieking of your murdered wives, 
rousing the slumbers of the cradle from the midst of your burning 
dwellings will tell you, when too late, of the error of your policy in 
permitting San Antonio to be garrisoned by Mexican troops. Fellow- 
Citizens, depend upon it your policy is wrong and the danger great. If 
you would save the country and protect the frontier, San Antonio 
must be taken. 


*' Three-fourths of the people are new comers and have as yet re- 
ceived no titles to their lands, the last legislature passed a law decree- 
ing that every person in Texas should receive their land, but before 
the commissioners were appointed the Governor was arrested. In what 
manner are these citizens to get the titles to their lands! The intention 
and policy of the present ruling authorities of the nation is to destroy 
the system of colonization and so soon as the military become possessed 
of Texas that soon will the last league of land be given to North Ameri- 
cans ; instead of receiving the titles they will be declared foreigners and 
driven from the land. . 

'^FMaW'Citizens of Texas, our interests are common, and no possi- 
ble reason can exist for a difference of opinion. We may differ as to the 
mode to be pursued, but one sentiment can pervade every breast ; which 
is the safety and protection of our country. Let us by all means har- 
monize and act in concert, for it is only in union that we are strong, 
only united can we succeed. Let us no longer sleep in our posts, let 
us resolve to prepare for War; and resolve to defend our country 
against the danger that threatens it. A sacrifice has to be made. Let 
us sacrifice a portion at once in order to secure the remainder. Already 
we can almost hear the bugles of our enemies; already have some of 
them landed on our coast; and you must prepare to fight. Liberty or 
Death should be our determination and let us one and all unite to 
protect our country from -all invasion, and not lay down our arms so 
long as a soldier is seen in our limits." 

On the 8th of August a meeting was held at L3aich's on the San 
Jacinto, to which Don Lorenzo de Zavala was invited. He did not 
attend, on account of indisposition, but addressed a letter to the meet- 
ing, in which, among other things, he recommended the caU of a council 
or convention of all Texas. Zavala is entitled to the second honor in 
this respect, and John A. Wharton to the first. De Zavala says : 

'' Having been invited to attend the meeting of citizens to be held 
on the 8th inst. to take into consideration the important subjects which 
produce the present excitement, I regret that I am prevented from 
attending in person by an attack of the intermittent fever. 

''But, as I consider that a simple manifestation of my opinions on 
the subject might be of much service in establishing those of the citi- 
zens, a majority of whom must declare the fate of the country, I submit 
to the examination of the meeting the following reflections. 

''In the first place, I must say of myself that in this I have no in- 
dividual view or motion — ^that I have occupied in the Mexican na- 
tion the most honorable stations; that I have written a history of the 
revolutions of the country with such impartiality that even my enemies 
have acknowledged it the only monument of the kind worthy of atten- 

"In the second place, that, having received from Gen. Santa Anna 
the appointment of minister plenipotentiary to the court of his majesty 
the king of France, I resigned this charge as soon as I learned that he 
had dissolved the congress and taken all authority into his own hands. 
Third, that having resigned this station, I have come to Texas to estab- 
lish myself among free citizens, to cultivate the lands which I had pre- 
viously purchased. 


^'Having made these preliminary remarks I proceed to express my 
opinions respecting the nomiiuU Mexican Republic. 

*' First. The regulating power in Mexico is the military. Certain 
generals, at the head of whom Santa Anna happens now to be placed, 
and who have under their control from fifteen to twenty thousand 
hireling soldiers, have destroyed the federal constitution, of which Qen- 
eral Santa Anna, in order to be promoted to the presidency of the re- 
public, pretended to be the defender, when, with a show of patriotism 
he alleged that it was attacked by General Bustamante. 

' ' Second. The present situation of the Mexican nation is that of the 
greatest confusion and disorder, because all the constitutional authori- 
ties having ceased, their places have been supplied by military chiefs, 
who know no other law than that of the sword and of violence, by 
which they have put down the civil authorities. The consternation 
which this has produced among the Mexican citizens has reduced them to 
a momentary silence and this silence the military chiefs of Mexico call 
tranquillity, peace and order in the republic. 

** Third. To pass over the acts of usurpation committed by General 
Santa Anna, such as the dissolution of the congress and council — the 
unconstitutional and violent deposition of the vice-president, Farias 
— »the extension of the powers given to the electors to reform the consti- 
tution — the destruction of the civic militia — ^and others of equal magni- 
tude which in the United States of the North would be sufficient to con- 
vict the president of treason — ^the final blow aimed at the institutions in 
the capital, on the 12th of June, the day on which was declared the 
destruction of all the state legislatures, an act committed under the 
auspices and protection of the president Santa Anna, and of the vice- 
president Barragan, would of itself be sufficient to destroy all claims 
to obedience which exist, and which can only continue in virtue of the 
federal compacts. 

** Fourth. While in the capital they were thus destroying the in- 
stitutions, and issuing orders to the military commanders of the states, 
that others should be established, the latter published official notes, 
swearing in their usual manner that they would sustain the constitu- 
tion and laws, and that their only object was to punish certain func- 
tionaries who had trangressed them, thus availing themselves of the 
power of destroying the constitution under the pretext of punishing de- 
linquents. This may be seen from the official notes of General Cos 
and Colonel Ugartechea, in which they seize upon the inexplicable sale 
of lands as a pretext to justify the imprisonment of the governor of this 
state, Viesca, proceeding immediately to put down the legislature and 
other authorities of the state, with the exception of those only estab- 
lished in San Felipe and Nacogdoches which were out of the reach of 
their power. To make up for this, General Cos thought proper to make 
these authorities dependent upon himself, thus making those of pop- 
ular origin subservient to the military. 

''Such is the actual relation in which Texas stands to the Mexican 
republic. I might make conjectures as to the development of this politi- 
cal labyrinth ; but I propose to myself to speak only of facts. 

''The fundamental compact having been dissolved and all the guar- 
antees of the civil and political rights of citizens having been destroyed, 


it is inevitable that all the states of the confederation are left at liberty 
to act for themselves, and require Coahuila and Texas to provide for 
their security and preservation as circumstances may require. Coahuila 
and Texas formed a state of the republic, and, as one part of this is 
occupied by an invading force, the free part of it should proceed to 
organize a power which would restore harmony, and establish order 
and uniformity in all the branches of the public administration, which 
would be a rallying point for the citizens, whose hearts now tremble 
for liberty! But as this power can be organized only by means of a 
convention, which should represent the free will of the citizens of 
Texas, it is my opinion that this step should be taken, and I suggest 
the 15th day of October as a time sufficient to allow all the depart- 
ments to send their representatives. 

"Lorenzo De Zavala." 

"Postscript. — ^As among the grounds on which the Mexican officers 
require the obedience of the inhabitants of Texas there is one which 
might influence some by the gratitude occasioned by the recollection of 
the act, I cannot pass it over in silence. It is said that the inhabitants 
of Texas are indebted to the supreme government of Mexico, and to 
those of the state for the laws giving them the land which they culti- 

"This is true; but it must be remembered that those governments 
were formed of the same men who are now persecuted, among whom 
I have the honor to count myself one. A party composed of the mili- 
tary, ecclesiastics, and Spaniards, would never have thrown open their 
country to foreigners. ' ' 

This letter was dated at Sloop Point, Texas, August 7th, 1835. 

The activities of the war party produced little effect at first because 
the people believed that the alarming rumors were being spread by 
land speculators who hoped in some way to profit by an agitation of 
the public. This belief has been shown by a number of the documents 
which have already appeared in this narrative, notably by Williamson's 
address of July 4. It is more strikingly shown by the following letter 
written by James Kerr, from Gonzales, on July 5, to Judge T. J. 
Chambers : ' 

"Williams, Johnson, Carbajal, Bowie, and others cry, 'wolf, wolf, 
condemnation, destruction, war, to arms I' Williams says, 'I have bought 
a few leagues of land from the government; but if they don't bring the 
governor to Bexar, I shall not be able to get my titles.' What a pity; 
and with his terrible tales I am astonished to see that they have had 
the cleverness to excite some persons of that colony to a high degree. 

"In regard to those delinquents against the laws of the country and 
against honor and morality who were concerned in the illicit bujring 
and selling of the 650 sitios of land in Monclova, there is not in my 
opinion, in all the country one single person, with the exception of the 
interested ones, who would wittingly seek his own ruin in order to 
save thousands like Williams and the others. But they have been able 
perhaps to deceive many persons and make them believe that an army 

B ThiB paragraph and the reinainder of the chapter are inserted by the editor. 


is coming to destroy their properties and amaUhilate their rights in 

' ' Carba jal has taken flight to San Felipe. When he paased through 
my neighborhood he spoke with words full of alarm; but the inhabi- 
tants of La Vaca and Navidad are inclined to attend to their ranches 
and estates, and they say that if the government wishes to seize those 
criminals and collect the legal duties in its custom houses, it may do so. 
It is my opinion that if an armed force were sent to Texas, it would 
be very prejudicial and ruinous to the nation. Imagine for a moment 
the number of officers — to say nothing of the soldiers — ^who would fall 
under the fire of the muskets. Nevertheless, a war would inevitably 
be disastrous for Texas, and what would the nation not lose by it! 
Imagine it yourself, some 20,000 or 30,000 men. What, all that for some 
ten rascals who have fraudulently taken from the government and 
from the towns 650 sitios of landT God forbid such a thing!" 

Even the peace party, however, was opposed to the military occu- 
pation of Texas and most of its members were unwilling to surrender 
the citizens demanded by Ugartechea and Cos. When it became evi- 
dent, therefore, that the troops would not be withheld from the country 
nor the demand for the arrests withdrawn, many who were indifferent 
to the political changes began to think of resistance. The change 
of public opinion which took place toward the close of August is well 
shown by an extract from a letter written by Travis to his friend 
John W. Moore on August 21. Writing from San Felipe he said: 
**When I returned from your place I found the tories and cowards 
making a strong effort, and for a time they were but too successful. 
I was, therefore, disgusted, and wrote you but little, as I had nothing to 
communicate but what I was ashamed of, as a free man and a friend of 
my country. It is different now, thank Qod! Principle has triumphed 
over prejudice, passion, cowardice, and slavery. Texas is herself again. 
The people in the whole upper country are unanimous for a convention 
in which the voice of the people will be freely expressed. ... A 
tremendous reaction has taken place and the tories are almost as bad 
off as they were in 1832." The people were already working around 
to this state of mind, said Travis, when the demand for the arrests 
completed the revulsion of feeling. 


As we have previously seen, on July 25 William H. Wharton, W. 
H. Bynum, W. D. C. Hall, A. Calvit, S. Whiting, P. Bertrand, W. T. 
Austin, and W. G. Hill circulated a petition for a meeting at Columbia 
on July 30 to consider ''the importance of having a convention of all 
Texas, through her representatives, for the purpose of restoring peace 
and confidence." When this meeting assembled it became apparent to 
Johnson that the sentiment of a majority was averse to calling the con- 
sultation at that time for fear of interrupting the peace commission 
of Barrett and Gritten, and to avoid an adverse vote he induced Josiah 
H. Bell, a leader of the peace party, to use his influence to get an ad- 
journment without action. In adjourning it was agreed that another 
meeting should take place at Columbia on August 16. But as their 
proceedings show, nearly all of the public meetings held during July 
and early August strongly urged a general convention, and on August 
9 a printed circular subscribed by a hundred and thirty-four citizens 
was issued from Brazos urging the convention: ''We whose names are 
hereunto subscribed are of opinion that a convention of the people of 
Texas is best calculated to quiet the present excitement and to pro- 
mote the general interest of Texas; we acknowledge the doctrine of 
'The Right of Instruction,' and we therefore recommend to our fellow 
citizens the call of a convention, and we further recommend that the 
delegates to said convention be instructed, so that no party may rule, 
and that the people be fairly represented." 

The final procedure in the calling of the convention can be given 
in the words of William T. Austin, secretary of the Columbia meeting 
of August 15. The minutes of this meeting with other documents were 
published in The Texas Republican of August 22 and 29 and were also* 
widely circulated in hand-bill form. "At an adjourned meeting of 
the citizens of the town of Columbia held in Columbia, on Saturday 
the 15th day of August, Wm. H. Wharton, Esqr. was called to the 
Chair, and Wm. T. Austin appointed Secretary, when the following 
resolutions were adopted: 

"Resolved. That a Consultation of all Texas through her represent- 
atives is indispensable. 

"Resolved. That a committee composed of fifteen persons, to be 
called a Committee of Safety and Correspondence for the Jurisdiction 
of Columbia be elected and that they be instructed to prepare an ad- 
dress to all the Jurisdictions of Texas requesting them to co-operate 
with us in the call of a consultation of all Texas. 

"Resolved. That the Committee communicate with all Texas in the 



most prompt manner by sending confidential agents to each Jurisdic- 
tion and that said committee keep the people correctly advised of all 
political intelligence of general interest and that they continue to act 
until displaced by the people or the consultation. 

"'Resolved. That we hold ourselves bound to pay our proportion of 
all expenses incurred by said committee in sending expresses, print- 
ing, etc. 

** Resolved. That we invest the committee of safety and correspond- 
ence as our agents with full power to represent the Jurisdiction of 
Columbia, to use the most efficient means to call the consultation, and 
to use all means in their power to secure peace and watch over our 

''Resolved. That we will not give up any individual to the Mili- 
tary authorities. 

''In complyance with the second resolution the following gentlemen 
were elected a committee of safety and correspondence : John A. Whar- 
ton, W. D. C. Hall, Henry Smith, Silas Dinsmore, James P. Perry, 
John Q. McNeel, Robert H. Williams, W. H. Jack, P. A. Bingham, 
John Hodge, Wade H. Bjmum, B. T. Archer, Wm. T. Austin, P. Ber- 
trand, and Isaac T. Tinsley." 

Wm. H. Whabton, Chairman, 
Wm. T. Austin, Secretary/' 



Committee Room, Velasco, August 18th, 1835. 
Pursuant to the second resolution adopted by the meeting held in 
the town of Columbia on the 15th inst. a meeting of the committee of 
Safety and correspondence was held in the town of Velasco, on the 18th 
inst. Members present, John A. Wharton, Wm. H. Jack, Warren D. C. 
Hall, Branch T. Archer, Isaac T. Tinsley, Henry Smith, Robert H. 
Williams, Prancis A. Bingham, Peter Bertrand, John Hodge, Silas 
Dinsmore, W. H. Bynum, and William T. Austin, when Branch T. 
Archer was called to the Chair and Wm. T. Austin elected Secretary. 

"A committee was appointed to address the Citizens of all Texas 
for the purpose of bringing about a Consultation as resolved by the 
Columbia meeting. 

"The chairman was authorized to appoint delegates to the different 
Jurisdictions of Texas. 

"Resolved, That the address submitted by the select committee in 
complyance with the first resolutions be adopted and that John A. 
Wharton, Esqr. be requested to superintend the printing of the address 
and also to collect and publish the facts and evidence which may be 
deemed necessary and that one thousand copies of the address be pub- 

"Resolved, That this committee recommend a suspension of all ju- 
dicial proceedings of a civil character except in cases of urgent neces- 

"Resolved, That P. A. Bingham, John Hodge, Henry Smith, Branch 
T. Archer, Robert H. Williams, and Peter Bertrand, be appointed a 
committee to open subscriptions and receive contributions of money 
for the purpose of defraying the costs of printing, sending expresses 
and other necessary expenses. 


The Address of the Goumittee 

' ' Fellow-Citizens : 

''The undersigned have been elected by the people of the Jurisdic- 
tion of Columbia, a Committee of Safety and Correspondence, and have 
been instructed to address you for the purpose of obtaining your co- 
operation in endeavoring to produce order, confidence, and government 
out of the present deplorable chaos and anarchy. It is unfortunately 
too true that Centralism with the rapidity of magic, has succeeded our 
late confederated form of government. Our governor is in captivity 
and our legislature dispersed by the bayonets of the soldiery. The 
Constitutions which we have sworn to support are thereby trampled un- 
der foot — in short we occupy the unenviable attitude of a people who 
have not a shadow of legitimate government. The loss of all confidence 
at home and abroad is, and will continue to be, the consequence of 
this state of things. Immigration will entirely cease. The law of the 
strongest will be the only law that will prevail and nothing but doubt, 
confusion and violence will overshadow the land. After the most grave 
and mature deliberation the people of this Jurisdiction have conceived 
that a Consultation of all Texas through her representatives is the 
only devised or devisable mode of remedying the above recited evils 
and have instructed us to urge upon you to unite in bringing about such 
Consultation as speedily as possible. Some persons object to a Oeni 
Consultation on the ground that it is unconstitutional; admitting it 
unconstitutional we would ask if the Constitution authorized the con- 
sultations that formed the plans of Jalapa and Vera Cruz by which 
Bustamente and Santa Anna worked out their elevations; or if it au- 
thorized the late consultations of the city of Toluca and of the hundred 
other towns which have declared in favor of Centralism. A Consulta- 
tion is more indispensable to us than to any other portion of the Re- 
public, for since the imprisonment of our governor, the dispersion of 
our legislature, and the adoption of Centralism we have no constitu- 
tional organ through which to speak. 

''It is too evident to admit of argument that the state of which 
Texas is a part being recognized as one of the contracting parties on 
forming the constitution, we are not bound by any change of govern- 
ment or infraction of the constitution until our assent is obtained. 
How is that assent to be arrived at t We contend only by general Con- 
sultation, the constitution and all officers under it having perished in the 
Anarchy that at presents surrounds — and that unless something is 
done is likely soon to overwhelm us. 

"Some seem to imagine that the present difficulties can be quieted 
by remaining inactive and venting their endless and unavailing curses 
on the heads of the land speculators, and war party, as they are 
termed. We profess ourselves as a matter of public policy diametrically 
opposed to all large monopolies of the public domain like the late laud 
speculation; and equally opposed to the principle of any person or 
party rashly involving us in difficulties against the consent of the ma- 
jority and we wish a consultation among other things for the purpose of 
devising some plan to prevent the remainder of our public lands from 
being trifled away; and also to prevent a few rash individuals from 


deluging ns with all the horrors of a war without our consent, and 
before we are prepared. Unless some concerted plan of action is de- 
termined on in general Consultation such involvment is inevitable, 
for a great many believe in the hostile intentions of the government 
and have sworn to resist with their lives the introduction of armed 
force. Some seem to imagine that everything can be done by neigh- 
borhood or Colony meetings, suddenly assembled, as suddenly dis- 
persed, and always acting under excitement. 

"We would ask if a Consultation of all Texas composed of mem- 
bers selected for their wisdom and honesty and their deep interest in 
the welfare of their country, who would deliberate calmly and in full 
possession of aU the necessary information, we ask would not a body 
like this be apt to restore order and peace and confidence and would 
not its acts and its doings be more respected by the government, the 
people of Texas, and the world than the crude conceptions and rash 
determinations of a hundred or a thousand hastily convened meet- 
ings f We conceive it anti-republican to oppose a consultation. It is 
tantamount to saying that the people cannot and shall not be trusted 
with their own affairs. That their voice shall be stifled and that a few 
shall rule and dictate and lord it over us as is now, and always has been 
the case in this land of our adoption. What the Consultation may do 
when it meets we cannot venture to predict. Knowing however that 
it will speak the voice of the majority; and recognizing the republican 
principle that the majority are right, on its decisions we will fear- 
lessly stake our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor. If (which 
we believe impossible) that majority should require us to yield servile 
submission to a form of government or to ianything else that would 
disgrace us as free bom men we would not counteract its decision — 
but would claim the privilege of removing ourselves from a land where 
such base and abject doctrines prevail. 

''The only instructions which we would recommend to be given to 
our representatives is to secure peace if it is to be obtained on con- 
stitutional terms, and to prepare for war — ^if war be inevitable. We 
herewith send you information for the truth of which we voiLch cal- 
culated to convince the most incredulous that there is every prospect 
of our being soon invaded, the bare probability of which is certainly 
sufficient to make any prudent people meet together and provide for 
their protection. Those who are in favor of peace, as no doubt all of 
us are, should earnestly recommend a consultation, for whether the 
government is hostile or not many believe it and will predicate on that 
belief such acts of violence as will most undoubtedly involve us in war 
— ^in short a Consultation is the only mode of securing peace promptly 
and permanently — or of carrying on war efficiently and successfully. 

**We propose, fellow-citizens, that each jurisdiction elect five in- 
dividuals, the elections to be ordered and holden by the Committees 
of Safety and Correspondence, on the 5th October and the Consulta- 
tion to convene in Washington on the 15th of the same month. We 
propose that each member use every exertion to ascertain the popula- 
tion of his jurisdiction. And we propose and request that each juris- 
diction hold public meetings and elect committees to correspond with 
the committees of all other parts of Texas. In conclusion, fellow- 


citizens, we trust and implore that all party feeling and violence may 
be buried in oblivion and that we may go on together in harmonious 
concert prospering and to prosper. We all have a common interest 
and are desirous to accomplish a common object — ^namely the welfare 
of Texas with which our own is indissolubly identified. We are now 
travelling different roads and devising different plans because we do 
not understand each other on account of our dispersed and scattered 
settlements, on account of the impossibility of disseminating correct 
information, and on account of the universal prevalence of faction, 
party spirit, rumor, and violence in every comer of the land. With 
the hope and the belief that you will co-operate with us in bringing 
about a consultation and that the happiness of all Texas may be pro- 
moted by its deliberations we subscribe ourselves your friends and 
fellow-citizens. Done in the committee room, in the Town of Velasco, 
on this the 20th of August, 1835. 

**B. T. Archer, Chairman. **W. H. Bynum, 

' ' John A. Wharton, ' ' Henry Smfth, 

* * Selas Dinsmore, * * Wm. H. Jack, 

* ' I. T. Tinsley, ' ' Francis Bingham, 

* * Robert H. Williams, * * John Hodge. 

* * P. Bertrand, * ' Wm. T. Austin, Secretary. ' ' 

''Warren D. C. Hall, 


'*The Committee of Safety and Correspondence for the Jurisdiction 
of Columbia have no additional information to offer the public, in 
regard to the present crisis than the statements of individuals who 
have lately arrived from the Interior. Those statements would not be 
made public but the source from which they are derived is unques- 
tionable. We are informed that the idea of flooding Texas with troops 
has long since been formed, and that Santa Anna has been heard to 
declare that he would drive every Anglo-American beyond the Sabine. 
That the plan adopted for the introduction of Troops into Texas as 
formed was this — they were to be introduced in small numbers, so as 
not to excite the apprehension of the Colonists, and for the 'express 
purpose' of enforcing the revenue laws. And that in accordance 
with that plan, in addition to the troops now at Bexar, five hundred 
more in the month of May last actually embarked at Tampico for 
Matagorda, and that after the vessels which were to have transported 
them had weighed anchor, a courier arrived bringing news of the break- 
ing out of the revolution in Zacatecas, and that they were disembarked 
immediately, and proceeded forthwith to that place to crush the spirit 
of republicanism in that unfortunate state, — the result of that expedi- 
tion will never cease to be regretted whilst liberty has a votary. That 
that plan is now abandoned, and that the present plan is to introduce 
an overwhelming force; and at one blow to prostrate Texas, They 
boast that they will bring 10,000 Soldiers, and that they will be here this 
fall, or early this winter. The young of&cers of the army are parti- 
cularly chivalrous; and manifest great anxiety to flush their maiden 
swords in the blood of the citizens of Texas. 


**This information, coming before the Committee of Safety and 
Correspondence for the Jurisdiction of Columbia, from authentic 
sources, they have thought proper to lay it before their fellow citizens 
of Texas; in order that none may be imposed upon by the specious 
declarations of lurking spies, or Military Commandants: 

. **A gentleman just from Bexar and Goliad on whose in- 
formation the most perfect reliance can be placed, assures us that on 
the 15th of June there were but sixty soldiers at the former place ; on 
the 1st of August about 300; on the 2nd of August he met about 300 
more near Bexar designed for that place; on the 5th of August he 
heard the Pilot at Copano say that he had received orders to be at his 
post to bring in some vessels expected hourly with from six hundred to 
a thousand troops from Matamoras, destined for Bexar. 

**In every respect the information in the tetter is confirmed by the 
Gentleman from the Interior. We do not use the name of the gentle- 
man who wrote the letter because it may be used to his prejudice ; but 
so far as his character for veracity is concerned, no person stands 
higher. ... I now ask, if the statements contained in the letter 
be true, do they not afford just cause of alarm to the weak and to the 
strong, to the old and young, to the brave and the timid." 

''August , 1835. 

'*Deab Sm: 

**By my man , I received yours and noticed its contents, 

since that the Political horizon has so changed that it engrosses all other 
considerations; we are here in a continual state of alarm and, indeed 
there is good reason to be so, our new would-be styled government or 
its minions have commenced, I think, a little too fast to show the cloven 
foot. The new Colonel, (Nicholas Condey) commenced in Gtoliad by 
putting the Alcalde in the Calaboose, made the Administrador give him 
$5,000 in ten hours' notice or go to Bexar prisoner and on foot. He 
threatens to be in San Felipe in a month for the purpose of burning 
it, etc. They have taken the arms that formerly belonged to the town, 
and always were deposited with the town authorities, and issued an 
order to press all those that can be got at to enter the ranks of the 
soldiers; it was given officially that the troops would have to be sup- 
ported by the people, by five in a family with all its concomitants, etc. 
I have, as well as others, to keep my horse constantly ready to put off, 
as it is said that I am a liberal, and not in favor of a Military Gk)vem- 
ment; as for myself I know of no other fault, I have taken no other 
part but expressed my opinion as though I had a right to do so. It 
cannot be said of me that I am a land speculator, for I have been 
so lucky, or unlucky, that I have not drawn one inch of land but my 
lot whereon now stands my house, and for which I paid the former 
owner $50 ; nor have I had any other transaction directly or indirectly 
to the alledged injury to the government, except through the Custom 
House, to which I have paid more duties than all Bexar and Goliad 
put together, but the land speculation is all a hoax. This is only 
a pretext; let any man that is not blind or has common sense look at 
the acts in all the interior and say if it is not a fact that this plan of 
Military Government, but under the mask of Centralism was actually 
out in a state of forwardness a year ago. 


''The fact is a part of the coloniats have acted very strangely by 
permitting the military to insult us in the arrest of our Qovemor, etc. 
Three years since they drove the military out of the country, as they 
alleged for the same act, and now they suffer them actually to commit 
this act with impunity. But you must now come to one of three con- 
clusions, which are: 

''1st. Submit to the military Government with all its grievances. 

' ' 2nd. Or to pack and get beyond the Sabine to the eastward. 

"3d. Or to fifirht and drive [back] those robbers of Zacatecas, whose 
orders on entering that unfortunate place were to kill all foreigners, 
one of whom they would not shoot like a soldier, as he desired, but shot 
him in the back like a traitor. 

"There are about 500 troops now at Bexar, and in about fifteen or 
twenty days there will be three or four hundred more, the people of 
Bexar are waiting anxiously to have us join them in reducing that 
place and it is confidently reported that the two companies of Bexar 
will join the citizens against the foreign troops, Ooliad has but thirty- 
five men, as an apology for soldiers; I need not describe them to you, 
you know the principal part of them; they have intimated that they 
would be a missing when the Americans would let one or two of their 
rifles crack. The people as well as the authorities of Bexar, Ooliad, and 
this town have had several invitations to proclaim for Centralism,but 
have not, nor will they until they are compelled by military force, but 
they are strongly in the belief that they will be forced to do so. I could 
fill two or four pages with various information but must conclude by 
wishing that the Orand Disposer of all events may in his infinite wisdom 
parry the blow that is at this time aimed at our total destruction." 

"Yours respectfully, 

*'Mr. " 


"The writer of this has thus far taken no active part in the politi- 
cal excitements and discussions which of late have so much agitated the 
people of Texas. His habits of life have inclined him to quiet and re- 
tirement, and nothing but the clearest conviction of duty at this time 
force him before the public. 

"Although he has thus far been silent, he has been by no means in- 
different; every plan, proposition, suggestion, or movement has been 
closely examined without reference to the man who may have proposed 
it. With an earnest desire to adopt that course best calculated to pro- 
mote the welfare, safety, and happiness of Texas, he has scrutinized 
closely the ailments of all parties, with the hope that all might be 
reconciled. Convinced that ruin and disgrace would be the necessary 
consequence of disunion amongst ourselves, he has felt the most intense 
anxiety to see such a course pursued as would produce concert and 
harmony. While at the same time he is disposed to be charitable to- 
wards all, yet it must be admitted that our councils and discussions 
have not been characterized by that degree of temper, liberality, and 
forbearance which is of the last importance in times like these. 

"The people of Texas, sir, have but one common interest. Although 
some may be more deeply interested in its prosperity than others, it is 



preposterous to say that there is a single man in the whole community 
who would be willing to take any step that he believed would be in- 
jurious in its consequences: We all aim at the same great end, but 
there must necessarily be great difference of opinion, as to the most 
successful mode of effecting it. 

The people may be said at this time to be divided into three parties. 
The first has been denominated the war party. These compose 
a large and very respectable portion of the community, and they urge 
with very great plausibility that Texas is now by the repeated acts of 
the general Government entirely released from her allegiance to the 
late republic of Mexico, that she is thrown back into a complete state 
of nature, and that by the laws of nature and of nations she has an 
indisputable right to take care of herself. If the premises be admitted, 
the conclusion is irresistable. If the constitutions, state and federal, 
have been annulled by the establishment of a new form of government 
nothing can be more clear than that the integral parts which compose 
the old compact have the right to determine for themselves whether 
they will adopt the new. But it is no part of the writer's present in- 
tentions to discuss the merits or pretensions of either party ; those who 
hold the afiSrmative can doubtless sustain themselves by more plausible 
arguments than into the whirlpool of politics. 

**The second party (and that which the writer believes to be the 
largest) is composed of those men who are willing to pledge their lives 
and fortunes for the good of their country, but before any final or de- 
cisive step is taken these conceive that the whole of Texas ought to be 
consulted; that the majority in all states or communities ought to 
control and that where the opinion of the majority is clearly expressed 
it should then be acquiesced in by the minority. 

^' These sentiments do honor to the head as well as the heart. They 
urge that 'the welfare and happiness of Texas' is their motto, and that 
they are willing to unite heart and hand in promoting that object, so 
soon as the voice of the people can be heard. 

'*The next party may be denominated the Neutralist. Their name 
gives a sufficient definition. They are as contemptible in numbers as 
in character. 

**The last classification has been styled the submission party. This 
embraces a large number of very good men, but who, either alarmed or 
misguided, are willing to lie supinely on their backs, declaring that 
there is no cause of alarm, and tamely submit to all the insults and in- 
dignities which military despotism may think proper to heap upon us. 
They allege that the general government has the right to introduce 
troops into any part of Texas in any numbers which it may think proper. 
The Federal Government of Mexico once had the right to introduce 
troops amongst us; but that right most unquestionably ceased when 
the federal system was prostrated, and by the laws of nations it is a 
virtual declaration of war for Mexico to send troops until Texas has 
acceded to the new plan of government. She cannot accede to the new 
plan until all the people are consulted. 

''This brings me to the consideration of the main object of this 
communication. If my classification of parties has been correct, it 
must be obvious that while things remain in this state nothing can be 

Vol. I— II 


hoped for. Each will closely adhere to his own opinions and being 
torn and divided amongst ourselves we become an ea^ prey to the 

''It is admitted by all that Texas united has nothing to fear. We 
should then adopt without further delay, the most prompt and decisive 
measures to produce union, concert and harmony. 

'*A minority should never by their acts control or compromise the 
rights of a majority. And while each jurisdiction or department is 
acting for itself we must calculate to suflfer all the evils of petty feuds 
and factions. 

''If a plan can be adopted, from which much good may, and no 
harm can possibly, result, all will agree that it should be pursued. The 
writer conceives that a General Convention of all Texas through their 
representatives is just such a plan. From it we have everything to 
hope and nothing to fear. 

"The people of the jurisdiction of Columbia, on the 23rd of June 
last, approved of, and recommended this. The Ayuntamiento, at the 
same time they raised their special committee recommended a consulta- 
tion of all Texas in general council. But yet it seems that no decisive 
steps have been taken to bring about this object, on which the wishes 
of the people have been so clearly expressed. On the contrary we are 
told that there is no cause of alarm, and that a still dead calm should 
prevail. Again, Sir, late movements at San Felipe have produced very 
great dissatisfaction. The late Political Chief, J. B. Miller, seems to 
have abandoned his ofSce, and the present incumbent is Capt Wyly 
Martin. There are many who insist that Capt. Martin is not a con- 
stitutional Chief. The writer is not prepared to discuss that question. 
From his acquaintance with Capt. Martin he is constrained to believe 
that he would not take upon himself to exercise the duties of an office 
unless he believed he had the right to do so. But it is clear beyond 
a doubt that in times like these no man should hold an office the right 
to which is in the least questionable. 

"And now with all these parties, with all our jarring discords and 
discontents can it be questioned that a convention is absolutely neces- 


At the beginning of September, just as the committee was launch- 
ing the campaign for the consultation, or convention, Stephen F. Austin 
arrived from his long detention in Mexico ; and his attitude toward the 
movement became immediately of great importance. A meeting of some 
of his friends was held at Brazoria on September 4 to arrange plans 
for showing him appropriate honor. They decided to entertain him at 
a public dinner on the 8th, and here, in response to a flattering toast, 
he made known his views concerning the political situation in Mexico, 
Santa Anna's intentions toward Texas, and the method of procedure 
which should be adopted by the Texans. He said: 

"I cannot refrain from returning my unfeigned thanks for the 
flattering sentiments with which I have just been honored, nor have 
I words to express my satisfaction on returning to this my more than 
native country. 

"I left Texas in April, 1833, as the public agent of Texas, the 


people of Texas, for the purpose of applying for the admission of this 
country into the Mexican confederation as a state separate from Coa- 
hnila. This application was based upon the constitutional and vested 
righte of Texas, and was sustained by me in the City of Mexico to the 
utmost of my abilities — ^no honorable means were spared to effect the 
objects of my mission, and to oppose the forming of Texas into a terri- 
tory which was attempted. I rigidly adhered to the instructions and 
wishes of my constituents so far as they were communicated to me — 
my efforts to serve Texas involved me in the labyrinth of Mexican 
politics. I was arrested and have suffered a long persecution and im- 
prisonment. I consider it to be my duty to give an account of these 
events to my constituents, and will therefore at this time merely ob- 
serve that I have never in any manner agreed to anything, or admitted 
anything that would compromise the constitutional or vested rights of 
Texas. These rights belong to the people, and can only be surrendered 
by them. 

''I fully hoped to have found Texas at peace and tranquillity, but 
regret to find it in commotion, all disorganized, all in anarchy, and 
threatened with immediate hostilities. This state of things is deeply to 
be lamented — it is a great misfortune, but it is one that has not been 
produced by any acts of the people of this country — on the contrary it 
is the natural and inevitable consequence of the revolution that has 
spread all over Mexico, and of the imprudent and impolitic measures of 
both the general and State Governments, with respect to Texas. The 
people here are not to blame, and cannot be justly censured, they are 
farmers, cultivators of the soil, and are pacifick from interests, from 
occupation, and from inclination. They have uniformly endeavored to 
sustain the constitution and the public peace by pacifick means, and 
have never deviated from their duty as Mexican citizens. If any acts 
of imprudence have been committed by individuals they evidently re- 
sulted from the revolutionary state of the whole nation, and imprudent 
and censurable conduct of the State authorities, and the total want of a 
local Government in Texas. It is indeed a source of surprise and 
creditable congratulation that so few acts of this description have 
occurred under the peculiar circumstances of the times. It is however, 
to be remembered that;, acts of this kind were not the acts of the people, 
nor is Texas responsible for them. They were, as I before observed, the 
natural consequence of the revolutionary state of the Mexican Nation, 
and Texas certainly did not originate that revolution, neither have the 
people, as a people, participated in it. The consciences and the hands 
of the Texans are free from censure, and clean. 

"The revolution in Mexico is drawing to a close. The object is to 
change the form of Government, destroy the federal constitution of 
1824, and establish a central or consolidated Government. The states 
are to be converted into provinces. 

** Whether the people of Texas ought, or ought not to agree to this 
change, and relinquish all, or a part of their constitutional and vested 
rights under the constitution of 1824, is a question of the most vital im- 
portance, one that calls for the deliberate consideration of the people and 
can only be decided by them fairly convened for that purpose. As a 
citizen of Texas I have a right to an opinion on so important a matter, 


I have no other right and pretend to no other. In the report which I 
consider it my duty to make to my constituents, I intend to give my 
. views on the present situation of the country, and especially as to the 
constitutional and natural rights of Texas, and will therefore at this 
time merely touch this matter. 

''Under the Spanish Government Texas was a separate and distinct 
province, as such it had a separate and distinct local organization. It 
was one of the unities and composed the general mass of the Nation, 
and as such participated in the war of the revolution, and was represented 
in the constituent Congress of Mexico that formed the Constitution 
of 1824. This constituent Congress so far from destroying this unity, 
expressly recognized and confirmed it, by the law of May 7, 1824, which 
united Texas with Coahuila provisionally under the special guarantee 
of being made a state of the Mexican confederation so soon as it possessed 
the necessary elements. That law and the federal constitution gave 
to Texas a specific political existence, and vested in its inhabitants 
special and defined rights, which can only be relinquished by the people 
acting for themselves as a unity and not a part of Coahuila, for the 
reason that the union of Coahuila was limited, and only gave power 
to the state of Coahuila and Texas, to govern Texas for the time being, 
but always subject to the vested rights of Texas. The state therefore 
cannot relinquish those vested rights by agreeing to the change of 
Government or by any other act, unless expressly authorized by the 
people of Texas to do so, neither can the general Government of Mexico 
legally deprive Texas of them, without the consent of this people. 
These are my opinions. 

''An important question now presents itself to the people of this 

"The federal constitution of 1824 is about to be destroyed, the 
system of Government changed, and a central or consolidated one estab- 
lished. Will this act annihilate all the natural rights of Texas, and 
subject the country to the uncontrolled and unlimited dictation of the 
new Government? 

"This is a subject of the most vital importance. I have no doubt 
the federal constitution will be destroyed, and a central Government 
established, and that the people here will soon be called upon to say 
whether they agree to this change or not. This matter requires the 
most calm discussion, the most mature deliberation and the most per- 
fect union. How is this to be obtained? I see but one way, and that 
is by a general consultation of the people by means of delegates elected 
for that purpose, with full powers to give such an answer in the name 
of Texas to this question as they may deem best, and to adopt such 
measures as the tranquillity and salvation of the country require. 

"It is my duty to state that Gen. Santa Anna verbally and expressly 
authorized and requested me to say to the people of Texas that he was 
their friend, that he wishes for their prosperity, and would do all he 
could to promote it, and that in the new constitution he would use his 
influence to give to the people of Texas a special organization suited to 
their education, habits, and situation; several of the most intelligent 
and influential men in Mexico, and especially the ministers of relations 
and war expressed themselves in the same manner. These declarations 


afford another and more urgent necessity for a general consultation of 
all Texas in order to inform the general Government and especially Gen. 
Santa Anna what kind of an organization will suit the education, 
habits and situation of this people. 

'*It is also proper for me to state that in all my conversation with 
the President and ministers and men of influence, I advised that no 
troops should be sent to Texas, and no cruisers along the coajst. I gave 
it as my decided opinion that the inevitable consequence of sending an 
armed force to this country would be war. I stated that there was a 
sound and correct moral principle in the people of Texas that was 
abundantly sufScient to retain or put down all turbulent or seditious 
movements, but that this moral principle could not, and would not 
unite with any armed force sent against this country; on the contrary 
it would resist and repel it, and ought to do so. This point presents 
another strong reason why the people of Texas should meet in general 
consultation. This country is now in anarchy, threatened with hos- 
tilities, armed vessels are capturing everything they can catch on the 
coast, and acts of piracy are said to be committed under cover of the 
Mexican flag. Can this state of things exist without precipitating the 
country into a war? I think it cannot, and therefore believe it is our 
bounden duty as Mexicans, and as Texans to represent the evils that 
are likely to result from this mistaken and most impolitic policy in the 
military movements. 

'*My friends I can truly say that no one has been, or now is, more 
anxious than myself to keep trouble away from this country, no one 
has been or now is more faithful to his duty &s a Mexican citizen, and no 
one has personally sacrificed or suffered more to discharge this duty. I 
have uniformly opposed having anything to do with the family political 
quarrels of the Mexicans. Texas needs peace and a local Government; 
its inhabitants are farmers, they need a calm and quiet life. But how 
can any one remain indifferent when our rights, our all appear to be in 
jeopardy, and when it is our duty as well as our obligation as good 
Mexican citizens to express our opinions on the present state of things, 
and to represent our situation to the government? It is impossible. 
The crisis is certainly such as to bring it home to the judgment of every 
man that something must be done and that without delay. The ques- 
tion will perhaps be asked, what are we to do? I have already indi- 
cated my opinion. Let all personalities, or divisions, or excitements, 
or passion, or violence be banished from amongst us. Let a general 
Consultation of the people of Texas be convened as speedily as possible, 
to be composed of the best, and most calm, and intelligent, and firm 
men in the country, and let them decide what representations ought to 
be made to the general government, and what ought to be done in the 

**With these explanatory remarks, I will give as a toast: The con- 
stitional rights and security and peace of Texas, they ought to he 
maintained; and jeopardized as they now are, they demand a general 
consultation of the people,' * 

The arrival of Colonel Austin at this critical period of the affairs 
of Texas was alike timely and fortunate. Four days after the banquet 
at Brazoria a public meeting was held at San Felipe (September 12). 


This resolved to support the constitution of 1824, recommended a 
consultation and appointed a committee of vigilance and safety to 
''order and superintend the election for delegates of this jurisdiction^ 
and to correspond with the committees of the other jurisdictions." 
Those appointed upon this committee were Wily Martin, Randall Jones, 
William Pettus, Gail Borden, Jr., and Stephen F. Austin. But Austin 
assumed by common consent entire direction of the work of the com- 
mittee, and turned all efforts for a time toward assuring the success 
of the consultation. 

The way was already prepared for the convention, and nothing was 
needed but Austin's endorsement to remove any hesitation that still 
existed in the minds of the conservatives concerning its wisdom. Sev- 
eral things occurred, however, to cause confusion before the delegates 
were elected and assembled. The first was uncertainty as to the place 
of meeting. The Columbia committee had suggested Washington on 
the Brazos in its call for the convention, but the San Felipe meeting 
of September 12 substituted San Felipe as the place of meeting. Some 
municipalities now elected delegates to meet at one place and some at 
the other, and when the day of meeting arrived there were some mem- 
bers at both places, which helped to prevent the gathering of a quorum 
at either place. Some of the East Texas municipalities recommended 
the election of seven representatives instead of five from each electoral 
district, and this was later approved by the Columbia committee, but 
there was not sufficient time before the election to issue notice of the 
change. Finally, before the elections were held war had already begun. 
In some districts the polls were opened earlier than October 5, the day 
originally set for the election, and this gave occasion for irregularities 
which led to some vigorous protests from defeated candidates. A more 
important result of the outbreak of hostilities, however, was the fact 
that many of the members-elect joined the army, and thereby delayed 
the meeting of the assembly.^ 

1 This paragraph is inserted by the editor. 



Austin, by his great popularity and influence, gave renewed impulse 
to the revolutionary correspondence of the committees throughout Texas. 
On the 13th of September the San Felipe committee issued a circular. 
Among the recommendations was one regarding the rights of the Indians. 
The conciliation of the Indians was a matter of great importance to 
the people not only of East Texas, but of the whole country, for there 
were at that time more than a thousand warriors of the different tribes 
that had emigrated from the United States. They almost surrounded 
the frontier of East Texas. The assurance later given them that they 
should not be disturbed in their possessions had the effect to keep them 
quiet. Other purposes of the circular were to reinforce the arguments 
already advanced for the meeting of a consultation and to make sug- 
gestions concerning elections: 

''C'oMMiTTEE Room, San Felipe, Sept. 13th, 1835. 

**The undersigned, a Committee of correspondence and vigilance, 
appointed by a very large and general meeting of the citizens of the 
Jurisdiction of Austin, convened at this place on the 12th inst., have 
the honor to transmit to you, in pursuance of the duties assigned them, 
a copy of the resolutions adopted by said meeting, in order that you 
will lay them before the people of that section of the country, and 
solicit their co-operation. 

'*This Committee deem it entirely unnecessary to enter into a long 
statement of facts to shew why a general consultation of all Texas is