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Full text of "A history of the valley of Virginia"

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HISTORY 



OF THE 



^AliliEY OF VIRGINIA, 



<-«»•#•««-> 



BY SAMUEL KERCHEVAL. 



WINCHESTER: 

SAMUEL H. DAVIS. 
1833. 

Digitized by Google 




Entered according to act of congress, in the year 
1883| in the clerk's oflSce of the western disUict of Yir« 
ginia. 



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DEDICATION. 

TO GENERAL JOHN SMITH. 

Like Nestor of old, you have lived to see " two ge- 
nerations pass away, and now remain the example of 
the third." You saw Dunmore's war against the In- 
dians in 1774; you witnessed the war of the revolution 
and the war of 1812, with the haughty Briton. In all 
these great struggles of our country you have given 
the most conclusive evidence of unbending virtue and 
uncompromising patriotism. The author has had the 
gratification of knowing you for a full hah century. 
When a small boy he frequently saw you, though he 
was then too young to attract your notice, and it was 
not until he entered upon the active duties of Ufe that 
he had the high satisfaction of a personal acquaintance. 

The author disclaims every thing like insincere flat- 
tery, and feels assured that your candor will readily 
pardon him for the freedom he uses in this dedication 
of his History of the Valley to you. To you, sir, is he 
indebted for much of the valuable information detailed 
in the following pages. In you, sir, he has witnessed 
the calm, dignified statesman and philosopher, the uni- 
form and consistent republican, the active and zealous 
ofllcer, whether in the field or councils of the country. 
He has witnessed more : he has seen you in high pecu- 
niary prosperity ; he has seen you in later years strug- 
gling with adverse fortune; and in all, has discovered 
the calm, dignified resignation to misfortune, which 
always characterizes the great and good man. Yes, 
sir, you have spent at least fifty years of your valuable 
life in the service of your country; and when you go 
hence, that you may enter into the joy of your Lord, 
ia the fervent prayer of 

THE AUTHOR. 



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CONTENTS. 



Introduction - - - - 
Chap. 1. Indian wars - - - - 

2. Indian settlements 

3. First settlement of the valley - 
4- The same continued 
6. Religion, habits and customs - 

6. Breaking out of the Indian war 

7. Indian incursions and massacres 

8. The same continued 

9. The same continued 
10. Dunmore's war with the Indians 

Doddridge's account of Dunmore's war 148 

Jacob's account of Dunmore's war 167 

U. War of the revolution - - - 187 

12. Mode of living of the primitive settlers 203 

13. Northern Neck of Virginia - - 209 
Faulkner's report - - - - 215 

14. Laying off tlie counties - - 233 
16. Establishment of the towns * * 238 

Doddbidge's Notes. 

1. Indian warfare - • . . 254 

2. War of 1763 - . . . 258 

3. The death of Cornstalk - - - 267 

4. Wappatomica campaign - - - 270 

5. Gen. Mlntosh's' campaign - - 272 

6. Moravian campaign - - . 276 
7. ' The Indian summer - - - 289 

8. Gen. Crawford's campaign - - 291 

9. Attack on Rice's fort - - - 302 

10. Expected attack on Doddridge's fort 307 

11. Coshocton campaign ... 310 

12. Captivity of Mrs. Brown -^ - 312 

13. Lewis Wetzel • - . - 31» 




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IV CONTENT!. 

Chap. 14. Adam Poe - - - - - 318 

15. The Johnsons - - - - 323 

16. Settlement of the country - - 326 

17. House furniture and diet - - 333 

18. Dress - - - . - - 337 

19. The fort 341 

20. Caravans - - - • -343 

21. Hunting - - * * - 345 

22. The wedding - * - - 350 

23. The house warming - - - 356 

24. Working - - - - - 357 

25. Mechanic arts . . - - 359 

26. Medfcine - - - - - 366 

27. Sports - * * * . 371 

28. Witchcraft ----- 376 

29. Morals - . - . . 38X 
30- Slavery - - . . ^ 386 
31. Civffizalion - . * - 394 

surfjiisijig a0vb»tured - 411 

Appendix - * . , 447 



JCiT'The author of this work has endeavored to ob- 
serve, in the priftting, the orthography of ouf distin* 
guisbed countryman, Dr. Webster. Such obser- 
Tance does not of course apply to the literal transcripts 
of old documents which are inserted ; and there may 
be some other departures from it, occasioned by inad- 
vertence. 



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INTRODUCTION. 



ORIGIN OP THE INDIANS IN AMERICA. 

From what particular part of the old world the abo- 
riginals found their way to this continent, is a question 
which has given rise to much philosophical and learned 
disquisition among historians. It however appears now 
to be the settled opinion that America first received its 
inhabitants from Asia. Mr. Snowden, in his Histwy 
of America, advances many able and ingenious argu- 
ments in support of this opinion. After citing many 
great revolutions which have from time to time taken 
jpfatce in various parts of our globe, Mr. Snowden states: 

'^fii the strait which sepamtes America from Asia^ 
many islands are found, which are supposed to be the 
mountainous parts of land, formerly swallowed up bj 
earthquakes : which appears the more probable, by the 
multitude of volcanoes, now known in the peninsula of 
Kaintschatka. It is imagined, however, that the sink- 
ing of that land and the separation of the new conti- 
iients, has been occasioned by those great earthquakes, 
mentioned in the history of the Americans;* which 
formed an era almost as memorable as that of the del- 
uge. We can form no conjecture of the time mentioned 
in the histories of the Toltecas, or of the ypar 1, (Toc- 
patl,) when that great calamity happened. 

"If a great eartliquake should overwhelm the isthmus 
ef Suez, and there should be at the same time as great 
fL scarcity of historians as there were in the first age of 
2 



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X INTRODCCTIOK. 

the deluge, it would be doubted in three or four hundred 
years after, whetlier Asia had ever been united by that 
j)art to Africa ; and many would firmly deny it. 

" Whether that great event, the separation of the con* 
tinents, took place before or after the population of Ame- 
rica, it is impossible to determine ; but we are indebted 
to the above-mentioned navigators,* for settling the long 
dispute about the point from which it was effected. 
Their observations prove, that in one place the distance 
between continent and continent is only thirty-nine 
miles ; and in the middle of this narrow strait, there 
are two islands^ which would greatly facilitate the pas- 
sage of the Asiatics into the new world, supposing it took 
place in canoeS; after the convulsion which rent the two 
continents asunder. 

" It may also be added, that these straits are, even in 
the summer, often filled with ice ; in winter frozen over, 
80 as to admit a passage for mankind, and by which 

Juadrupeds might easily cross, and stock the continent. 
\ui where, from the vast expanse of the north-eetsteru 
world, to fix on the first tribes who contributed to people 
the new continent, now inhabited firom end to end, is a 
matter that has baffled hmnan reason. Th^ learned 
may make bold and ingenious conjectures, but plain 
good gjense cannot always accede to them. 

" As mankind increased in numbers, they naturally 
protruded one another forward. Wars might be another 
cause of migrations. No reason ajq)ears, why the Asi- 
atic north might not be an officina vivorum as well as 
the European. The overteeming country to the east 
of the Riphean mountains, must have found it necessary 
to discharge its inhabitants : the first great increase of 
people were forced forwards by the next to it : at length 
reaching the utmost limits of the old world, found a 
new one, with ample space to occupy unmolested for 
ages; till Columbus, in an evil hour for them, discovered 
their country ; which brought again new sins and new 
deaths to both worlds. It is impossible, with the lights 

* Cook and other*. 



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HiTTllOlJtTCttOK. Xi 

wEich we have so recendy received, to admit that Anw- 
rica could receive its inhabitants (that is, the bulk of 
them,) from any other place than EkiMem Asia. A few 
proofs may be added, taken from the customs or dresses, 
common to the inhabitants of both worlds. Some have 
been long extinct in the old, others remain in both in 
fall force. 

" The custom of scalping, was a barbarism in use 
with the Sc}rthians, who carried about them at all times 
this savage mark of triumph. A Uttle image fouikl 
among the Kalmucs,* of a Tartarian deity, mounted ou 
a horse, and sitting on a human skin, with scalps pen- 
dant from the breast, frilly illustrates the custom of th« 
ancient Scythians, as described by the Greek historian. 
This usage, we well know by horrid experience, is con* 
tinned to this day in America. The ferocity of the 
Sc3^hians to their prisoners, extended to the remotest 
part of Asia. The Kamtschatkans, even at the time 
of their discovery by th^ Russians, put their prisonem 
to death by the most lingering and excruciating tor- 
ments ; a practice now in fall force among the abori- 
ginal Americans. A race of the Sc3rthian9 were named 
Anthropophagi, from their feeding on human flesh : the 
people of Noocka Sound still make a repast on their fel- 
low creatures, 

" The savages of North America have been known 
to throw the mangled limbs of their prisoners into the 
horrible caldron, and devour them with the same relish 
as those of a quadruped. The Kamtschatkans in their 
marches never went abreast, but followed one another 
in the same track : the same custom is still observed by 
the uncultivated natives of Ncwrth America. TherTun- 
gusi, the most num^ous nation resident in Siberk, 
prick their skins with small punctures, in various shapes, 
with a needle; then mb them with charcoal, so that tlw 
marks become indelible : this custom is still observed in 
seveml parts of South America. The Tungu^ use 
canoes made of birch bark, distended over ribs of wood, 

* Tht Kalmuc Tartan are sow mbj^cli t f RiMsia* 



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xn rNTRODucT^or#. 

and nicety put together : the Canadian, and niany other 
primitive American nations, tesd no other sort of boats. 
In fine, the conjectores of the learned, I'espectmg the 
vicinity of the old and new world, are now, by the dk- 
coveries of late navigators, lost in conviction ; and in 
the place of an imaginary h3rpothesis, the place of mi- 
gration is almost incontrovertibly pointed out." 

SKBTCH OP THE FIRST SETTLEMENT OP VIRGINIA. 

Having given the forgoing brief sketch of the fwro-* 
bable ori^ of the Indians in America, the author will 
now turn his attention to the first settlement of Vii^nia, 
a brief history of which he considers will not be unac- 
ceptable to the general reader, and as a preliminary in- 
troducti(Hi to his main object, i. e. the history of the early 
settlement of the valley of Shenandoah in Virginia. 

On the 10th of April, 1606^ Jamea I. king of Eng^ 
land, granted charters to two separate compjmies, call^ 
the " London and Plymouth companies," for settling' 
colonies in Virginia.* The Londoncompany sent Capt. 
Christopher Newport to Virginia, December 20th, 1606, 
with a ecdony of one hunched and five persons, to com- 
mence a setUement on the island of Roanoke, now in 
North Carolina. By stress of weather, however, they 
were driven north of their place of destination, and eit^ 
tere4 Chesapeake Bay. Here,- up a river which they 
^Hed James river, on a beautiful peninsula, they com- 
menced, in May, 1607, the settlement of James town. 
This was the first permanent settlement in the country. 

Several subsequent charters were granted by long 
James to the company for the better ordering and gov- 
ernment of the colony, for the particulars of which the 
reader is referred to Hening's Statiles at Large. "And 
in the year 1619, the first legislative council was con- 
vened at James town, then called * James citty .' " This 
council was called the general assembly. " It was to 
assist the governor in the administration of justke, to 

* HoniDg*8 Stftttttes it Large, fol. I. page £7. 



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advaaee Christianity apong^Indians, to erect the cohmy 
in obedience to his majesty, and in maintaining the peo:* 
pie in justice and christian conversation, $md strength- 
^oing them against enemies* , The said governor, coun- 
cil, and two burgesses out of ev^ town, hundred or 
l^antation^ to h6 chosen by the inhabitants to make up 
a general assembly, who are to decide all matters by 
the greatest number of voices; but the governor is to 
have a negative voice, to have power to make orders 
and acts necessfury, wherein they are to imitate the po- 
licy of the form of government, laws, customs, man-* 
ner of tryal, and other administration of justice used 
in England, as the company are, requiied by their let* 
1&9 patents. No law ta continue ch: be of force till ra* 
liSed by a qHftCter court to be held in England, and 
returned under s^al; After the colony is well framed 
and settled, no order of quarter court in England shall 
bind till ratified by the general assembly,'' * — ^^Dated 
24th Julyj 1621. 

^^Instructims to governor Wyatt. 

" To keep up reUgion of the church of England an 
toeai as may be ;— -to bfe obedient to the king and dd 
justice after the form of the laws of England; and not 
to injure the natives^ and to forget old quarrels now 
buriedct _ * 

'^To be industrious, and suitress drunkenness, ga^ 
tim!gy and excess in cloaths^ not to permit any but the 
eouncil and heads of hundxeds to wear gold in theii! 
doaths, ot to wear silk till they make it themselves : 
, '^^ Not to ofieiid any fcoei^ f»inces ; to j^nish pira* 
Joks; to build fortresses and Uock-houses at the mouths 
of tl^ rivers^: _ . 

•Henmi^'fcSUlutes at Large, vol. upai3iil4. ^ 

t It appears that iX a vtry early DHUfiod of the oQloasr, tb^ %en d»ibtMI 
pX ouldfatiog a fricodlv akiderttaoaiDg With the nattTesof the country. Ui^* 
Ibrtonately, however, for oar aticefttorfe. and for thief ladians themaelvefli th« 
Irieadty dispo«tk>n was BiBVtir of long diAratiom. 

It 18 a meUiDchoIy-tntthy that both the white sctllem and red natiTes Wer* 
(r^tenblaiikable for the cau«ea of the furious and dimtroiM Wars With which 
<our history -abounds from its earliest period.^ The whites werecontinaally 
encroaching upon tlie Indian territoiri and this onfortiuiate race of people 
always yielded retuctaalh' their rightftil inheritance. 

2* 



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"To use means to cohvert the heathens, viz^: to con- 
verse with some; each tqwn^ to teach some chilflren fit 
for the eoltegfe intended to be built : • 

"After Shr George Yeardley has gathered the present 
year's crop, he is to deliver to Sir tVancis Wyatt, the 
nmidred tenants belonging^o governor's place: Ycard- 
ley's g(wernracnt to expire the 18th November next, 
axid then Wyatt to be published governor ; to swear the 
council : 

"Greor^e Sandls appointed 4,reasurer, arid he is to put 
in execution all orders of court fiboUt staple c(»nmodi- 
ties 5 to wliom is allotted Jlifteen hundred acres and fifty 
t<^narits; To the itiarshall, gir William Newce, tbe 
same. To c(Mnpany 's deputy^ the same. To the phy- 
ucian five hundred acres and twenCy tenants ; ana the 
same to the secretary: 

" To review the commissions to Sir George Yeard- 
ley, governor^ and the council, dated ISth November, 
1618, for dividing the colony into ,dities, boroughs, <fcc. 
and to observe aU former instructions (a copy whereof 
was sent) if they did not contradict the present; and all 
orders of court (made in England)4 

^* To make a catalogue of the people in every planta- 
ticm, and their conditions; and of deaths, marriages 
and christenihgs: ^ 

"To tafee care of dead persons' estates for the right 
owners; and keep a list of all cattle, and cause the se- 
cretary to return copies of the premises once a 3rear : 

" To take care of every plantatiop upon the death of 
their chieJF; not to jdant above one hundred pounds of 
tobacco per head;* to sow great quantities of corn for 
their owft use, and^ to support the multitudes to be sent 
yearly; to inclose lauds ; to keep cows, swine, poultry, 
&0. and particularly kyne, which are not to be killed 
yet: 

/'Next to corn, plant mulbury trees, and make silk, 

•Tliie onlcr strikes the author a* one of a singular chancier. It certainly 
reqnircB great juHgmcnl and experience of the planter to decide what twm- 
ber of plants would make his 100 lbs. of tobacco, considering the casualtief 
10 which his ciop was liiiWe, 



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tKTRO0irOTION. XT 

act^l take care of the French meo and others sent about 
thatwmk; to try silk grass; to plant abundance of 
vines, and take care of me vignerors sent: 

^' To put prentices to trades^ and not let them forsake 
their trader for planting tobaucco, (x any such useless 
comniodity : 

^ To take care of the Hutch sent to build saw-mills, 
and seat them at the falls^ that they may bring their 
timber by the current of the \vater : 

^'Tobuild water-millsand block'housesin everyplao- 
tation: 

''That all contracts in England or Virginia beeper* 
farmed, and the breaches punished according to justice: 

''Tenants not to be inticed away; to take care of 
those sent about an iron work, and especially Mr. John 
Berkeley, that they dont miscarry again, this being the 
greatest hope and expectation of the colonies: 

" To make salt, pitch, tar, soap, ash^, &c. so often 
recommended, and for which materials had been sent ; 
to make oyl of walnuts, and employ apothecaries in dis- 
tilling lees of beer, and searching after minerals, dyes, 
gums, and drugs, iS^c. and send small quantities home:* 

" To make stoall qi^antity of iobacco, and that very 
good; that the houses appointed for the reception of new 
comers and public storCTiouses be built, kept clean, &c.; 
to send the state of aflUirs quarterly, and a duplicate 
next shipping: 

" To take care of captain William Norton, and cerr 
tarn Italians sent to set up a glass house : 

!' A copy of a treatise of the pl^ntatioji busiq^Ms and 
excellent observances made by a gentleman of capacity 
is sent to lie among the records, and recommended to 
the councillors to study : 

^^Mr. William Clayborne, a surveyor, sent to survey 
the pjantexs-lands, aqd make a map of the coimtry : 

^SendtiiK thtngt to Eof laad, was, iu thephrafeof the times, termed send'* 
bf tbincB nom^ T^is mode of exprassioot "goia| bosoe orsonUing home,*' 
fvis io ase wUkio tbe recollection of the author. In truth, the term "goiujr 
or seodins home/* was never td>andoncd untU after Ihe wk of the reVoltih 



XVI fNTROBTTCTiajr^ 

" To make discoveri^ along the coast, and find a fi^ 
ay between James river and Cape Cod : 

"As to raising staple commodities, the chief officers 
ought to set examples, and to aim at the establishment 
of the colony : 

" Chief officers that have tenants reprimanded for 
taking fees ; but require that the clerks have fees set for 
passes^ warrants, copies of orders, &c. : 

" Governor and council to appoint proper times fwad- 
ministration of justice, and provide for the entertain- 
ment of the council during their session ; to be together 
cme whde nionth about state affairs, and law suits ; to 
record plaints of consequence ; to ke^p a register of tha 
acts of quarter sessions, and send home copies: 

"If a governor dies, the major part of council to choose 
<me of themselves within fourteen days; but if voices 
be divided, the lieutenant governor shall have the place; 
and next the marshall; next the treasurer ; and one of 
the two deputies next : 

"Governor and chief officers not to let out their ten- 
ants as usual: 

" The governor oftly to summon-the council, and sign 
warrants, and execute or give authority to execute coun- 
cil orders, except in cases that do belong to the marshall, 
treasurer, deputies, (fcc. : 

"The governor to have absolute authority to deter- 
mine and punish all neglects, and contempts of author- 
ity, except the council, who a|re to be tried at the quarter 
sessions and censured. Govemor to have but the cast- 
ing v(rice in council or court, but in the assembly a ne- 
gative voice : 

" That care be taken that there be no engrossing com- 
modity, or forestalling the market: 

"All servants to fare alike in the ccJony, and their 
pimishment for any offences is to serve the colony, iu 
publick works : 

"To see that the earl of Pembroke's thirty thousand " 
acreg be very good : 



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iNTRODUCTlOt^. Xvfi 

" Ana lastly, not to let ships stay long, and to freight 
them with walnut, and any less valuable commodity: 

"The governor administered the following oath to 
the councB : ' .^ 

"You shall sw^ to be a true and faithful servant 
**unto the king's'itiajesty, as one of his council for Vir- 
^^^ginfa: You shall in all things to be moved, treated, 
*^ and debated in that council concerning Virginia or any 
**thetefritories of America, between the degrees of thirtv 
" four and forty-five from the equinoctial line northward, 
*^or the trades thereof, faithfully and truly deelare yoiu: 
•^mind and o{Mnion, according to your heart and con- 
'^ science; and shall keep secret all matters committed 
"and revealed to you cqnceming'the same, and that shall 
•*be treated sect^ly in that council, or this council of 
** Virginia, or the more part of themj publication shall 
"not be' made thereof; And of all matters of great 
"importance, or difficulty, before you resolve thereupon, 
"jrpu shall make his niajesty's privy council acquainted 
** therewith, and follow their directions therein: You 
"rfiall to your uttermost bear faith and allegiance to thft 
"king'« majt^sty, hfe h^irs, and lawful successors, and 
"shaU assist and defend all jurisdictions, preheminences, 
"and authorities, granted unto his majesty and annext 
"unto the crown, against all foreign pinces, persons, 
*• prelates or p(5tentates whatsoever, be it by act of par- 
"liament or otKerwise: and generally, in all things, 
"you shall do af^ a faithful and true servant and subject 
"ought to do. So help you God and the holy contents 
"of tixi^book."* - - 

It appears the foregoing instructions were drawn up 
by the council, and intended as the general principles 
for the government of the colonyT ' ^ ' 

*rhe recommendation " not^lo injure the natives and 
forget oM quarrels now buried," goes far to prov6 that 
hopes were entertained that the Indians were disposed to 
be at peace. "To use means to convert the heathen," 
IB another evidence of this amicable state of feeling to- 

• llciilng's Statutes atLargf , vol. i. p. 1 M— 118. 



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Xviil INTttOBUCTIOK* ^ 

wards the fiadves. But lo ! this state of peace and ir&n^ 
quillity, in less than one year after, was changed into one 
of devastation, blood and mourning. Oh the 22d of 
March, 1622, the Indians committed the most bloody 
massacre on the colonists recorded in the annals of our 
country.* 

In the following year, to wit, March, 1623, the colo- 
nial geixeral assembly, by statute, directed ^^ that the 22d 
March be y^aiiy solemnized as hoUiday."t This wa^ 
done to commemorate the escape of the colony from en- 
tire extirpation. This bloody massacre produced, on the 
part of the whites, a most deadly and irreconcflable ha- 
tred' towards the natives. . Accordingly, We find that 
along continued and unabating state of hostility was 
kept up, and in about one hundred years the Indiana 
Were^iriven from the country east of the Blue Ridge. At 
the same session, to wit, 1623, the legislature- enacted 
several laws^ in relation to defending themselves against 
the savages. In the series aie the following : 

^* That every dwelling house shall be palUzadcd in 
for defence against the Indians; 

"That no man go or send abroad without a sufficient 
partie well armed: 

"That people go not to worke in the ground without 
their arms (and a centinell upon them :) 

"That the inhabitants go not aboard ships or upon 
any other occasions, in such numbers as thtereby to 
Weaken and eiidanger the plantations: 

"That the commander of every plantation take care 
that there be sufficient of powder and amunition witliin 
the plantation imder his command and their pieces fi-xt 
and their arms compleate: 

" That there be^dew watch kept by night : 

-"That no commeinder of any plantation do cither 

*This j'ear 0622), sayn Mh Gordon in his history of the American revo- 
lution, (vol. i. p ^) " was remarkable for a masp&ore of tlie coionims l^ tli9 
Indians, wliicu was executed withJhe utmost subtilUv, and without an^* re- 
gard to a?e, sex, or di|piity. A well concerted attack on aH the ftettlemcuts 
destroyed in one hour, and almost at tlte same instant, 3l7.peiisoni» who wers 
defenseless and incapable'of making resistance.** 

t Hening*8 Statutes at Large, vol. i. p. 123. 



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lWTIlOt>tJCTION. XIX 

Tiitngelfe or suffer others to spend powder unnecesgarily 
In drinking or entertainments, dkc. : 

"That at the beginning of July next the inhabitants 
of ev^ corporation shall go upon their adjoining sal- 
vages, as we did the last year."* 

In the year 1629, the legfelature again " ordered that 
every commander of the several jdantations appointed 
by commission from the governor, shall have power and 
mithoritie to levy a partie of men out of the inhabitants 
of that place soe many as may well be spared without 
too much weakening of the plantations, and to employ 
those men against the Indians," <kc.t 

" It was the opinion of the whole bodie of the assem- 
bly that we should go three several marches upon the 
Indians, at three several tim^s of the year, viz : first in 
November, secondly in March, thirdly in July," <fec.t 
■ In 1631-32, " it is ordered that no person or persc^s 
/shall dare to speake <m: pailie with any Indians, either 
hi the woods" or in any plantation, yf he can possibly 
avoyd it by any means," fSfccȤ 

The author considers the foregoing extracts suflScient 
to enable the reader to form some opinion of the spirit 
and character erf the early settlers of pur state, particu- 
Jarjy as. it relates to their sufferings and difficulties with 
the Indian tribes. It is not deemed expedient or neces- 
sary to go into a detailed history of the first settlement 
Irf our country, as there are several general hi^ries of 
Vir^nia now to be obtained, written by authors, whose 
fiMities and means of information the author could not 
expect to equal. 

The author will close this brief sketch of the first 
settlement of Virginia, with a few general remarks in 
relation to the.first introduction of slavery. It appears 
from our early historians, that negroes were first intro- 
duced into our state from " a Dutch ship in the year 
1620?' O wofiil day for our country ! To use the lan- 
guage of BIr. Snowden, this was ^^an evil hour" for our 

*HeDins*« StatatCB at Large, Yol. i. p, 127, 128. 

t Idem, p. 140, t Idem, p. 141. } Idem, p, 167. 



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XX INTJEUDDUCTION". 

country — It tf ul v brought " new sins and new deaths^ 
to the new world. The present generation have abun- 
dant cause to deplore the unhallowed cupidity and want 
of all the finer feelings of our. nature, manifested in 
this baleful and unrighteous traffick. It has entailed 
upon us a heavy calamity, which will perhaps require 
the wisdom of ages yet to come to remove. That it 
must and wilt be removed, there can be but Uttle doubt. 
History furnishes no example of any part of the human 
race being kept in perpetual slavery. Whether the 
scheme of sending them to Africa will ultimately pro* 
duce the desired efiect, can only be tested by time: it cs 
however most "devoutly" to be desired, 

bacon's rebellion in VIRGINIA IN 1675-76. 

The document which follows relates, to one of the 
most singular events which ever occurred in Virginia^ 
and its interest is a suflScient inducement for its insert 
tion in this work. It was published many years ago 
in the Richmond Evangehcal Magazine, but is now out 
of print The editor of that work, (the late reverend 
and highly esteemed Dr, Rice,) in introducing it into 
his pages, says : " It was taken verbatim fi-om a copy in 
the library now belonging to congress, but formerly the 
property of Mr. Jefferson. Who the a,uthor is we can- 
not discover. He was certainly a man of jnuch clever-* 
ness, and wrote well. But our readeis will judge for 
themselves. The name of Bacon is very little known 
to our citizens in general : and this part of our history 
has been vailed in great obscurity. There are two re^ 
membrances of this extrsuardinary man in the neighbor^ 
hood of Richmond. A brook on the north west of the 
city, which bears the name of " Bacon-quarter branch,'' 
is said to have received its name from the fact, that ou 
that brook Bacon had his quarter/ Buck says that he 
owned a plantation on Shockoe creek, of which the 
stream just mentioned is a branch. One of the finest 
lyings in Richmond, or its vicinity, is on the cast of tfeo 



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city, and is called Bloody-run spring. Its name is said 
to be derived from a sanguinary conflict 'i^ hich l^ucon 
had with the Indiaois, pn the margin of the streamlet 
which flows from this spring." 

The following account of the original from Avhich 
this doGUtaent was taken, i^ given by Mr. Jeflerson, in 
his own words: - 

"The original manuscript, of which the following is a 
copy, was communicated to me by Mr. King, our late 
ministerplenipotentiary atthecomt of London, in a let- 
ter of Dec. 20, 1803. The transaction which it recorder, 
although of little extent or consequence, fe yet marked 
on thQ history of Vii^inia ns havmg been llic only rtv 
foellion or insurteclion which took place in the colony 
during the 168 years of it&existencc preceding thei\ nic- 
rican revolution, and one hundred years exactly before 
that e:i''ent: in the contest witfi the hjmm of Stuart, it 
oaly accompanied the st^s of the motlier country. 
The rcbelHon of Bacon has been little imderstood, in 
causeandcotirse being impeifectlyexplaincil by any au- 
thentic mat^als hitherto posscsj^ed; this render:^ the 
presentsiarrative of real value. It appeivrs to have been 
written by a person intimately acquainted with its ori- 
gin, progress .and conclusion, thirty ycats after it took 
place, when the passions of the day had sitbsided, and 
reason might take a cool and deliberate review of tlie 
transaction. It was written, too, not for Ae public cvf", 
butto satisfy thedesire of minister LordOxford; and the 
candor and the simplicity of the narration cannot ^lil to 
command belief. On theoutsideof thecovefof the man- 
uscript is the No. 3947 in one place, and 57&1 in an- 
other. "Very possibly the one may indicate the place it 
held in Lord 0:s^ford's librar)'^, and the other lis number 
in the catalcgne of the bookseller; to whose hands it 
came afterwards; for it was at the sale of the stock of a 
bookseller. that Mr. King purchased it. 

"To bring the authenticity of this copy as near to 
that of the original as I coukl, I have nio.-t carcfuHy 
celled it with my own hand. The pigrs and Jinci: of 



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die cq)y c©rrei8pond exacily witlvthosc of the originals 
the oTtnbgraphy, abbreviations, punctuations, interlin- 
eations and incorrectnesses, are preserved, so tha^t is 4 
fac simile except as to the form of the letters. The 
orthography and abbreviations are evidences of the age 
of the writing. > 

" The autiior saya of himself that he was a ptdni&f; 
that lie lived in Notthiimberland, but was elected a 
member of the^ assembly of 1676 for the county of 
Staffordj colonel Ma^n being kis colleague, of which 
assembly CoL Warner was speaker f that it was the 
firet ana should be the last time of his meddling witn 
pubUc affairs ; and he subsciibes the initials of his name 
T. M. Whether the recotds of the time (if tiiey still 
exist), with the aid of these circumstances, will shew, 
what his name was, remains for farther inquiry.'', , 

i^h^ inarmscript. 

To the rief>tiiono*ble Robert Hflrley esq^. tier M^U^ Vfii^i^ Btctttatf 
of State, and dire of ber moftUdtio^fale PHvy CiNmcU; 

S'r. 

The great honor of your command obliging m^ 
pen to step a^dde from its hafoituall element of fiigure^ 
into this little, treatise of history ; which having nevef 
before experienctidj I am like Sutor tUtracrepidam^ 
and th^efore dare pretend no iflore than (nakedly) to 
recount matters of ffact 

Beseeching yo'r hono'r will vouch «afe to allow, thai 
in 30 years, divers occurrences are lapsed out of mind, 
slq4 others hx^rfectly retained; 

So as th^ most solemn obedl^ndEi can be now paid, k 
to pursue the track of barefac'd truths, qb close as myi 
memory can recollect^ to have seen, or believed, froiri 
credible firiends with coiiqUi'rin^ qircumstanees : 

Aud whatsoever yo'r celebrated. wisdom shall &vi6,4 
amise in the composure, my intire d^pendance is upoii 
yo'r candour fovourably to accept these most sinceri^ 
endeavo'rs of Yo'r Hon'rs 

tHosi devoted humble sferv'L 

The mil July^ 1705. T. M. 



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^he beginning progress and concliisi&n of Bticons 

rebellion in Virginia in the years 1675 & 1676. 

About the year 1675, appeared three prodigies in that 
C50tintry, which from th' attending disasters were looked 
upon as ominous pesages. 

The one was a large comet every evening for a week^ 
or more at South-west; thirty five degress high stream- 
ing like a horse taile westwards, until] it reach'd (ahnoet) 
the horison, and setting towards the North-west. 

Another was, ffights of pigieons in breadth nigh a 
quarter of the mid-hemisphere, and of their length vma 
no viable end ; whose weights brake down the lihibs 
of large trees whereon these rested at nights, of which 
the fibwiers shot abundance and eat 'em ; this sight put 
the old planters under the more portentous apprehen- 
sions, because the hke was seen (£ts they said) in the 
year 1640 when th' Indians committed the last massa^ 
ere, but not after, until that present year 1675. 

The third strange appearance was swarms of f&jesi 
about an inch long, and big as the top of a man's Uttle 
finger, rising out of spigot holes in the earth, which eat 
the new sprouted leaves from the tops of the trees with- 
out other harm, and in a month left us. 

My dwelling was in Northmnberland, the lowest 
county on Potomack river, Stafiford being the upmost, 
where having also a plantation, servants, cattle (fcc. my 
overseer th^e had agreed with one Rob't. Hen to come 
thither, and be my herdsman, who then lived ten miles 
above it; but on a sabbath day morning in the sumer 
anno 1675, people in their way to church, saw this Hen 
lying thwart his threshold, and an Indian without the 
door^ both chopt on their heads, arms & other parts, as 
if done with Indian hatchetts, th' Indian was dead, but 
Hen when ask'd who did that? answered Doegs Doegs, 
and soon died, then a boy came out from under a bed, 
where he had hid himself, and told them, Indians had 
Gome at break of day & done those murders. 

ffrom this Englishman's bloud did (by degrees) arise 
Bacons rebellwwi with the following mischiefs which 



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Jt3fcit lNTRQl>tJCTId!T* 

overspread all Virginia & twice endangered Maryland, 
as by the ensueing account is evident. 

Of this hort id action Coll: Mason who commanded 
the militia regiment of ffoot & Capt. Brent the troop of 
horse in that county (both dwelling six or eight miles 
downwards) having speedy notice raised 30, or more 
men^ &, pursu'd those Indians 20 miles up & 4 miles 
over that river into Maryland, where landing at dawn 
of day, they found two small paths each leader with hia 
party took a separate path and in less than a furlong, 
either found a cabin, which they (silently) surrounded. 
Capt. Brent went to the Doegs cabin (as it proved to 
be) who speaking the Indian tongue called to have a 
" Matchacomicha wcEwhio" i. e. a councill called pre- 
eently such being the usuall manner with Indians (th^ 
king came trembling forth, und wou'd have fled, when 
Capt. Brent, catching hold of his twisted lock (which 
was all the hair he wore) told him he was come for the 
murderer of RobH Hefi, the king pleaded ignmunce and 
slipt loos, whom Brent^hot dead with his pistoll, th' In- 
dians shot two or three guns out of the cabin, th' Eng*- 
lish shot into it, th' Indians throng'd out at the door and 
fled, the English shot as many as they cou'd, so that 
they killed ten, as Capt. Brent told me, and brought 
away the kings son of about 8 years .old, concerning' 
whom is an ol^ervaUe passage, at the end of this expe- 
dition; the noise of this shooting awak^n'd th' Indiana 
in the cabin, which Coll: Mason had encompassed, 
who likewise rush'd out & fled, of whom his company 
(8U{^)osing from that noise of shooting Brent's party to 
be engaged) shot (as the Coll: informed me) flfomteen 
before an Indian came, who with both hands shook him 
(friendly) by onearm saying Susquehanoughsnetoughs 
i. e. Susquehanaugh friends and fled, whereupon he ran 
among^ his men, crying out "ffbr the Lords sake shoot 
no more, these.are our friends the Susquehanoughs. 

This unhappy scene ended ; — CoUo. Mason took the 
king of the Doegs son home with him, who lay ten 
dayee in bed, as one dead, with eyes & mouth shutt, no 



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INTaODUCTlON. XXY 

breath discem'd, but his body continuing warm, they 
believed him yett alive; th- afcM-enamed Capt. Brent 
(a papist) coming thither on a visit, and seeing his little 
prisener thus languishing said "perhaps he ispawewawd 
L e. bewitch'd, and that be had heard baptism was an 
eflectual remedy against witchcraft wherefore advis'd to 
baptise him CoUo. Mason answered, no minister cou'd 
be had in many miles; Brent replied yo'r clerk Mr. 
Dobson may do that office, which was done by the 
church of England Uturgy ; Coll: Mason with Capt. 
Brent god fathers and Mrs. Mason godmother, my over- 
seer Mr. Pimet being present from whom I first heard 
it, and which all th' other persons (afterwards) affirmed 
to me ; the ffour . men returned to drinking punch, but 
lira. M^tson staying & looking on the ctuld, it open'd 
\be ^es, and breath'd whereat she ran for a cordial, 
which he took from a spoon, gaping for more and so 
(by degrees) recovered, tho' before his baptism, they had 
often tryed the same meanes but cou'd not by no endea- 
vours wrench open his teeth. 

.^This was taken for a convincing proofe against infi« 
delity. 

But to retuin from this digression, the Susqueha- 
noughs were newly driven from their habitations, at the 
bead of Chesqpiack bay, by the Cinela-Indians, down 
to the head of Potomack, where they sought protection 
under the Pascataway Indians, who had a fort near the 
head of that river, and also were our ffiriends. 

After this imfortunate exploit of Mason & Brent, one 
or two being kill'd in Stafford, boats of war were equipt 
to prevent excursions over the river, and at the same time 
murders being likewise committed in Maryland, by 
whom not known, on either side the river, both coun* 
trys raised their quota's of a thousand men, upon whose 
coming before the ffort, th' Indians sent out 4 of their 
great men, who ask'd the reas(m of that hostile ap- 
pearance, what they said more or offered I do not re- 
member to have heard; but our two commandos caused 
them to be (instantly) slaine, after which the Indiana 



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3tXVi INTRODUCTION. 

made an obstinate resistance shooting many of our men, 
and making frequent, j&erce and bloody sallyes; and 
when they were call'd to, or offered parley, gave no other 
answer, than " where aie our four Cockarouses, i. e» 
great men? 

At. the end of six weeks, march'd out seventy five 
Indians with their women children &o. tvho by moon 
light past our guards hollowing & firing att them with- 
out opposition having 3 or 4 decrepits in the ffort 

The next morning th' English followed, but could 
not, or (for fear of ambuscades) would not overtake 
these desperate fugitives the number we lost inthatseige 
I did not hear was published. 

The walls of this ffort were high banks of earth, 
with flankers having many loop-holes^ and a ditch round 
all, and \vithout this a row of tall trees fastened 3. feet 
deep in the earth, their bodies firom 5. to 8. inches diam- 
eter, watled 6. inches apart to shoot through with the 
tops twisted together, and also artificially wrought, as 
our men could make no breach to storm it, nor (being 
low land) could they undermine it by reason of watef 
neither had they cannon to batter itt, so that 'twas not* 
taken, imtill ffamine drove the Indians out of it. 

These escap'd Indians (forsaking Maryland) took 
their rout over the head of that river, and thence over 
the heads of Rappahanock & York rivers, killing whom 
they found of the upmost plantations untill they came 
to the head of James river, where (with Bacon and 
others) they slew Mr. Bacon's overseer whom he much 
loved, and one of his servants, whose bloud hee vowed 
to revenge if possible. 

In these firightfiill times the most exposed small fa- 
milies withdrew into our housesof better numbers, which 
we fortified with palisadoes & redoubts, neighbours in 
bodys joined their labours firom each plantation to others' 
alternately, taking their arms into the ffields, and setting 
centinels ; no man stirrd out of door unarmed, Indians 
were (ever & anon) espied, three 4. 5. or. 6. in a party 
lurking throughout the whole land, yet [what was re- 



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INTRODIfCTIOK. ZXtS 

maj^UeJ I rarely heard of any houses bomty tho' abcm^ 
cbmce was forsaken, nor ever, of any com or tobacco cut 
np^ or other injury done, besides murders, excqpt the Idllr 
jDg a very few cattle and swine. 

Frequent oomjplaints ot blouddieds w«re sent to Sr. 
Wm. Berkeley (then Oovem'r) from the heads of the 
rivers, whkh were as often answered with promises of 
asGOstance. 

These at the heads of James and York rivers (having 
now most people destroyed by the Indians flight thither 
from Potomack) grew impatient at the many slaughters 
of their neighboinrs androse for their own defence, who 
chusing Mr. Bacon for their leader, sent oftentimes to 
the Govem'r, humbly beseeching a comission to go 
against those Indkns at their own charge which Us 
hono'r as often pomised but did not send ; the nuste* 
ryes of these delays, were wondred at and which I ne'er 
heard coud penetrate into, other than the effects of his 
passion, and a new (not to be mentioned) occasion of 
avarice, to both which he was (by the common vogue) 
nwre than a httle addicted ; whatever were the popular 
surmizes 60 murmurings viz't. 

^' that no bullets would pierce bever skins. 

^ refoells f(»feitures would be loyall inheritances &e, • 

During these protractions and people often slaine, 
most or fill the officers, civil d^ military with as many 
dwdlers next the heads of the rivers as made up 300. 
men taking Mr. Bacon for their comnuMtid'r met, and 
concerted together, t)ie danger of going without a com- 
iss'n on the one jpart, and the continuall murders ol 
their neighbors on the otl^er part (not knowing whose oi 
how many of their own turns mirat be next) and came 
to this resolution viz't to prepare memsdves with necesf 
sanies for a march, but interun to send again for a com^ 
ission, which^f coi4d or could not be obtayned by a 
e^rtain^ d^y, they woud proceed comissim or no comis? 
sion, 

This day basing & no com'n come, they marched 
into the wil^croess in quest of these Indians idler whom 
3 



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XXrm INTRODtrCTIOK. 

the Govertf r sent bis proclaination, denouncing all re- 
belb, who shoud not return within a limited day, where- 
upon those of estates obey'd; but Mr. Bacon with 67. 
men proceeded until their provisions were near gpent, 
without finding enemy's when coming nigh a Sort of 
ifriend Indians, on th' other side a branch of James river, 
they desired rehefe offering paym't. wjuch these Indian? 
kindly promised to help them with on the morrow, but 
put them off with promises untill the third day, so as 
having then eaten their last morsells they could not re^ 
turn, but must have starved in the way homeward and 
now 'twas suspected, these Indians had received private 
messages from the Govern'r & those to be the causes of 
these delusive procrastinations; whereupon the English 
waded shoulder de^ thro' that branch of the ffort pah^ 
eado's still intreating and tendering pay, for victuals ; 
but that evening a shot from the place they left on th' 
other side of that branch kill'd one of Mr. Bacon's men, 
which made them believe, those in the ffcwt had sent fot 
other Indians to come behind 'em ifc cut 'em off. 

Hereupon they fired the palisado's, ^torm'd & burnt 
the ffort & cabins, and (with the losse of three English) 
slew 150 Indians. The circumstances of this expe- 
dic'ii Mr. Bacon entertain'd me with, at his own cham- 
ber, on a visit I made him, the occasion whereof is here- 
after mentioned. 

ffrom- hence they return'd hottie where writts were 
come up to elect members for an assembly, when Mn 
Baeon was unanimously chosen for one, who coming^ 
down the river was commanded by a ship with guns to. 
come on board, where waited Major Houe the hiffh 
sheriff of James town ready to seize him, by whcon he 
was carried down to the Govern'r & by him reeeiv'd 
with a surprizing civility in the following words ^' Mr. 
Baeon you had forgot to be a gentle;nan." No, may it 
please yo'r hono'r answer'd Mr. Bacon ; then replycd 
the Goven'r I'l take yo'r parol, and gave him his liberty! 
&i March 1676-6 wiitts came up to Stafford to choose 
theyr two members for an a«semt>ly to meet in May j 



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iNxacmucTioN- xjout 

tdum Collo. Mdson Cs4>t. Brent and other g^(U^Ben of 
that county, invited me to stand a candidal ; a matter 
I little dreamt (tf, having never had iaclinac'ons to tarn* 
per in the precarious intrigues of Govern't. and my 
hands being full of my own business: they press't se- 
verall cogent argum'ts. and I having considerable debts 
in that coimty, besides my plantation ccHicerns, where 
(in one & th' other) I had much more severely siiffered, 
than any of themselves by th' Indian disturbances iu 
the summer ifc winter foregoing. I held it not [then] 
discreet to disoblige the rulers of it, so Cdl: Mason with 
myself were elected without objection, he at time con- 
venient went on horse back; I took my sloop & the 
toiorning I arriv'd to James town after a weeks voyage, 
was wefccMu'd with the strange acclamations of AlPs 
Over Bacon is taken, having not heard at home of these 
Southern com'otions, other than rumoin^ likeidle tales, 
of one Bacon risen up in rebellion, no body knew 6x 
what, concerning the Indians. 

The ilext forenoon, th' Assembly being met in a 
dtfunber over the Generall court & our Speaker chosen, 
the Gov^m'r sent for U3 down,, where his hono'r with a 
pathetic emphasis made a short abrupt speech wherein 
were these wwds. 

" If they had killed my grandfather and my grand- 
" mother, my father and mother and all my friends, yet 
^' if they had come to treat of peace, they ought to have 
^ gone in peace, and sat down. ^ , 

The two chief commanders at the forementioned 
seige, who slew the ffour Indian gr^it men, being pre- 
sent and part of our assembly. 

The Governor stood up againe and said " if there be 
"joy in the presence of the Angels over one sinner that 
" rq)enteth, there is joy now, for we have a penitent sin- 
" ner come before us, call Mr. Bacon ; then did Mr. Bar 
con upon one knee at the bar deHver a sheet of pap^ 
confessing his crimes, and begging pardon of god the 
king and the Governor whereto [after a short pause] he 
answered " God forgive you, I forgive you, thrice rqieat- 



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XXX IKTRODOCTIOK. 

m^ the same words; wk6nCoI]o.Cok[oneof couadl} 
Mild, '' loid all that were with him, Yea, said the Gover* 
nor & all that were with him, twenty or more persona 
being then in irons who were taken coming down in the 
same & other vessels wkh Mr. Bacon. 

About a minute after this the Gov^m'r starting up 
from his chair a third time said '^ Mr. Bacon ! if you 
will live civilly but till next duarter court [doubting the 
words] but till next duarter court, lie promise to restore 
you againe to yo'r place, there pointing with his hand 
to Mr. Bacons seat, he having been of the Councill be- 
fore these troubles, tho' he had been a very short time 
in Virginia but was deposed by the foresaid proclamac'on, 
and in the afternoon parsing by the court door, in my 
way up to our chamber, I saw Mr. Bacon oa his quom^ 
dam seat with the Govern'r & councill, which seemed a 
marvellous indulgence to (me whom he had so lately 
proscribed as a rebell. 

The Govern'r had directed us to consider of meaiis 
for security from th' Indian insults and to definy the 
charge &c advising us tobewareof two rogues amcrngst 
us, naming Laiu-ence and Drumond both dwelling at 
James town & who were not at the Pascataway siege. 

But at our entrance upon busiaesse, some gentlemen 
took this opportunity to endeayour the redressing several! 
grievances die country then laboured under, motions 
were made for inspecting the publick revenues, the Col- 
lectors accompts <S&c. and so far was proceeded as to name 
part of a committee whereof Mr. Bristol [now in Lon- 
don] was and myself anotJber, when we were interrupted 
by pressing messages from the Gov«m'r to medle with 
notning untill the Indian business was dispatch't. 

This debate rose high, but was overruled ami I have 
not heard that these inspections have since then been 
insisted upon, tho such of that indigent people as. had 
no benefits from the taxes groaned under our being thu» 
ovwbom. 

The next thing was a Co'mittee for the Indian af- 
£ure9; whereof in appointmg members, myself was un- 



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iHUiiigly nominated having no knowledge in maitiall 
j^r^arations, and after our names were taken, some of 
tlie house moved for sending 2, of our members to in- 
4reat the Govem'r wou'd please to assign, two of his 
councill to sit with, and assist us in our debates, as had* 
beenumiall. 

When seeing all silent looking each at other with 
many discontented feces, I adventur'd to offer my hum- 
bleiopinion to the Speaker "for the co'mittee to form 
" m^ods asagreeabfe to the sense of the house as we 
*' could, ^nd report 'eni whereby they woud more clearly 
'^ see, on what points to give the Govem'r and Counciu 
*< that trouble if perhaps it might be needfull." 

These few words rais'd an uproar; oheiparty urging 
hard " it had been customary and ought not to be omit- 
ted ;" whereto Mr. Presley my neighbor an old assem- 
bly man, sitting next me, rose up, and [in a blundeiing 
manner replfedj "tis true, it has been customary, but tf 
"we have any bad custo^n^s atnongst us, we are come 
" here to liiend 'em'*^ which set the hoUse in a laughter. 

This was huddl'd off without coming to a vote, and 
80 the Co'mittee* must submit to be overaw'd, and have 
every carpt at expression carried streight to the Grovem'r. 

Our committee being sat, the Clueen of PatoUnky 
[descended from Ofpechankenough a former Emperor 
€i Virginia] was introduced, who entred the- chamber 
with a compoitoient graceful to admiration, bringing on 
her right hand an Englishman interpreter, and on the 
lefHier scwi a stripUng twenty years of age, she having 
round her hekd a plat of black & i?mte wampam 
peague three inches broad in imitation of a crown, and 
was cloathed in a mantle of-dress't deerskins with the 
hair outwards «fc the edge cut roUnd6inches deep which 
made strings resembling twisted fringe from the shoul- 
ders to the feet ; thus with grave courtlike gestures and 
tt majestick air in her face, she walk'd up our long room 
to: the lower end of the table, where after a few intrea- 
ties she sat down .; th' interpreter and her son standing 
by her on either side as they had walk'd up, our chair- 



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man asked her what men she would lead, us foi^ j^dea 
in the wilderness and to assist us agp^inst our enemy In- 
dianS) she spake to th' interpreter to inform her what 
thechairman said, [tho we believed she understood him] 
he told us she bid him ask her son to whom the Eng- 
lish tongue was familiar, & who was reputed the son of 
an English colonel, yet neither wou'd he speak to or 
seem to understand the Chairman but th' interpreter tpld 
us he referred all to his mother, who being againe urged 
she after a little musing with an earnest passionate coun- 
tenance as if tears were ready to gush out and a fervent 
sort of expression made a harangue about a quarter of 
an hour, often interlacing [with a high shrill voice <fc 
vehement passion] these wcwds "Tatapatomoi Chepiack, 
i. e. Tatapatomoi dead : Coll: Hill being next me,shoo]( 
his head, 1 ask'd him what was the matter, he told me 
all she said was too true to om* shame, and that liis father 
was generall in that battle, where diverse years before 
Tatapatamoi her husband had led a hundred of his In- 
dians in help to th' English against our former enemy 
Indians, and was there slaine.with most of his men ; 
for which no compensation [at all] had been to that day 
rendered to her wherewith she now upbraided us. 

Her discomse ending and our morose Chairman not 
advancing one cold word towards asswaging the anger 
and grief, her speech and demeanour manifested under 
her oppression, nor taking any notice of all she had said, 
neither considering that we (then) were in our great ex- 
igencyj supplicants to her for a favour of the same kind 
as the former, for which we did not deny the having 
been so ingrate he rudely push'd againe the same ques- 
tion " what Indians wiU you now contribute &c ? of 
this disregard she signified her resentment by a disdain- 
•fill aspect, and turjiing her head half aside, sate mute 
till that same question being press't a thiid time, she not 
returning her face to the beard, answered with a low 
sUghting voice in her own language "six, but being fur- 
ther importuned she sitting a little while sullen, without 
uttering a word between said "twelve, tho ghe then had 



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INTRODXTCTION. XXXlS 

It hundred and fifty Indian men, in her town, and so 
rose up and gravely walked away, as not pleased with 
faer treatment. 

Whilst some daies pest in soling theQ^uota's of men 
furms and amunic'on provisions &c. each county was to 
fornix one morning early a bruit ran about the town 
Bacon is fled Bacon is fled, whereupon I went straight 
to Mr. Laurence, who (formerly) was of Oxford uni- 
verrity, and for wit kaming and sobriety was equaled 
theie by few, and who some yecurs before [as Col: Lee 
tho one of the councill ife a friend of the Governors in- 
formed me] had been partially treated at law, for a con- 
siderable estate on behalf of a corrupt favourite; which 
Laurence complaining loudly of, the Govsm'r bore him 
il grudge and now shaking his head, said ^ old treache- 
^^ rous villain, and that his house was searcht that mom- 
^ ing, at day ixeak, but Bacon wasescsqped intothe coun- 
^ tiy, having intimation that the Govem'rs generosity 
^ in pardoning him and his followers and restoring him 
. '^ to his seat in councill, were no other than [previous 
" wheadles to amuse him & his adherents & to circum- 
*^ vent them by stratagem, forasmuch as the taking Mr. 
f' Bacon again into the councill was first to keep him out 
^* of the assembly, and in tho next place the Governor 
^ knew the country people were hastning down with 
^< dreadftill ^eatnings to double revenge aU wrongs 
^ shou'd be done to-Mr. Bacon or his men, or nrhoever 
" shou'd have had the least hand in 'em." 

And so much was true that this Mr. young Nathan- 
iel Bacon [not yet arrived to 30 years] had a nigh rela- 
tion nam^y Colo. Nathaniel Bacon of long standing in 
the council a very rich pc^ck man, and childless, do- 
signing this kinsman for his heir, who [not without 
much paines] had prevailed with his uneasy cousin to 
dehver the forementioned written recantation atthe bar, 
having compiled it ready to his hand & by whose: 
mesm^ 'tw2Ls supposed that timely intimation was cour ' 
vey'd to the young gentleman to flee for his life, and also 
in 3. or four daies after Mr, Bacon ww first aeiz'd I sa^ 
3t 



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XXXk INTRODVCTIOlf, 

abundance of men in town come thkher &om the heada 
of the rivers, who finding him restored & his men at 
liberty, returned home satisfied ; a few daies after which, 
^e Govem'r seeing all quiet, gave out private warrants 
to take him againe, intending as was thought to raise 
the nulitia and so to dispose things as to prevent his 
friends from gathering apy more into a like numerous 
body and coming down a second time to save him. 

In three or fiour daies after this escape, upon news 
that Mr. Bacon was 30 miles up the river, at the head iof 
four hundred men, the Governor sent to the parts adja^ 
cent, on both sides Jaines river for the militia and all the 
men that could be gotten to come and defend the town, 
«X{^es's came almost hourly of th' army's approach^Si 
who injess than four daies after the first account of 'em 
att 2. of the clock entred the town, without being with-i 
stood, and form'd a body upon a green, not a flight shot 
from the end of the State house of horse and ffoot, as 
well regular as veteran troops, who forthwith possesst 
themselves of all the avenues, disarming all in the towQ 
and coming thither in boats or by land. 

In half an hour after this the drum beat for the house 
to meet, and in less than an hour more Mr. Bacon came 
with a flle of ffusileers on either hand near the comer 
of the State-house where the Govem'r. and council! 
went forth to him ; we saw from the window the Gov- 
em'r, open his breast, and Bacon strutting betwixt hia 
two files of men with his left arm on Kenbow flinging 
his right arm every way both like men distracted ] and 
if inthid momentof fury, that enraged midtitude ha4 
fain uppn the Governor & councill we of the assembly 
expected the same imediate fate; I stept down and 
amongst the crowd ^f Spectators found the seamen of 
my sloop, who pray'd me not to stir from them, wheQ 
in two minutes, the Govern'r walk'd towards his private 
i^>artm't. a Coits cast distant at th' other end of the 
Statehouse, the gentlemen of tlxe councill following 
him, and after them walked Mr. Bacon with outragious 
postures of his head arm« body & leggs, often tossing 



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INTBtODUCTIONi HLXXf 

his iMtpdfrom his sword toJiis hat and arfter h&n came a 
detachment of ffusileers (musketts not being then in 
use) who with their cocks bent presented their ffusils at 
at window of th^ assembly chamber filled with hjoea^ 
repeating with menacing voices "we will have it, we 
will have it," half a minute when as one of ©ur house a 
person known to many of them, shook his handkercher 
out at the window, " saying you shall have it, you shall 
have it," 3 or 4 times ; at these words they sate down 
their fusils unbent their locks and stood still untill Ba- 
con coming back, they followed him to their main body; 
in this hubub a servant of mine got so nigh as to hear 
the Governors words, and also foUowed Mrs Bacon, cmd 
heard what he said, who came & told me, that when 
the Govem'r opened his breast he said, " here ! shoot 
me^ foregod fair ms^rk, shoot : often rehearsing thesame^ 
without any other words ; whereto Mr. Bacon answer'd 
" No naay it please yo'r hono'r we will not hurt a hair 
"of yo'r head, nor of any^ther mans, we are come for 
"a Co'mfesion to save our Uvea from th' Indians, which 
" you havfe so often promised, and now we will have it 
"before we go." 

But when Mr. Bacon followed the Govem'r & Coun- 
cill.with the forementioned impetuous (like delirious) 
actions whil'st that party presented their ffusils at the 
window full of ffaces, he said '" Dam my bloud riefciU 
" Govern'rCouncill assembly & all, and then I'le sheath 
" my sword in my own hearts bloud;" and afterwards 
'twas said Bacon had given a s^nal to his men who 
presented their fusils at those gasing out at the window 
th^t if he should draw his sword, they were on .sight 
of it to fire, and slay us, so near was the masacre of us 
all that very minute, had Bacon in that paroxism of 

Ehrentick fury but diawn his sword, befOTe the pacifick 
andkercher was shaken out at window. 
In an hour or more after these violent concussiontf 
Mr. Bacon came up to our chamber and desired a ca'mis- 
sion from us to go against the Indians ; our Speaker sat 
silent, when one Mr, Blayton a neighbor to Mr. Bacon 



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JCXXYi tNTRaDUCTION. 

tc elected with him a member of assembly £»* the same 
coimty (whotherefOTe durst speak to him) made answer, 
" 'twas not in our province, or power, nor of any other, 
^ save the king's viceregent our Governor, he pressed 
hard nigh half an hours harangue on the preserving 
^Hir Uvesirom the Indians, inspecting the publick reve- 
nues, th^ exOTbitant taxes and redressing the grievan- 
ces and calamities of that deplorable country, whereto 
having no other answer he went away dissatisfied. 
• Next day there was a rumour the Governor & coun- 
eill had agreed Mr. Bacon shou'dhave a co'mission to go 
Generall of the fforces,. we then were raising, where- 
upon I being a member of Stafford, the most northern 
frcmtier, and where the wat begun, considering that 
Mr» Bacon dwelling in the most Southern flrontier, 
county, might the less regard the parts I represented^ I 
went to Coll: Gole (an active member of the councill) 
desiring his advice, if applicac'ons to Mr. Bacon on that 
subject were then seasonable 9,nd safe, which he appro- 
ving and earnestly advising, I went to Mr. Laurence 
who was esteemed Mr. Bacon'ff principall consultant, to 
whom he took me with him, and there left me where I 
was entertained 2 or 3 hours with the particular re- 
iac'ons of diverse before recited transactions^; and as to 
the matter I spake of, he told me, the Governor had in- 
deed promised him the command of the forces, and if 
his hono'r shouM keep his word (which he doubted) he 
assured me " the like care shou'd be taken of the remo» 
" test corners in the land, as of his own dwelling-house, 
*' and pray'd me to advise him what persons in those 
"parts were most fit to bear commands." I firankly 
gave him my opinion that the most satisfactory gentle* 
men to govern'r & people, wou^d be co'manders of the 
mihtia, wherewith he was well pleased, and hiniself 
wrote a list of those nominated. 

That evening I made known what had past with 
Mr. Bacon to my cdleague Coll: Mason [whose bottfe 
attendance doubted my task] the matter lie hked well, 
but questioned the Governors approbation of it 



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INTRODUCTION^ XXXvii 

I coQfesa'd the case required sedate thoughts, reason^ 
ing, that be and such hke gentlemen must either 
co'mand or be co'manded, and if on their denials Mr. 
Bacon should take distaste, and be constrained to ap- 
'point co'manders out of the rabble, the Governor hii»- 
self with the persons & estates of all in the land woud 
lie at their dispose, whereby their own ruine might be 
owing to themselves ; in this he agreed ife saki " If the 
** Govem'r woud give his own co'mission he woud be 
^' content to serve under General Bacon [as now he be- 
" gan to be intituled] but 3&rst would co|isult other gen? 
" Uemen in the same circunjstapces ; who all cojicurr'd 
'twas the most safe barrier in view against pernicious 
designes, if such should be put in practice ; with this I 
acquainted Mr. Laurence who went [rejoicing] to Mr. 
Bacon with the good tidings, that the militia com'an- 
ders were inclined to^erve vender hiip, as their Generall, 
in case the Governor would please to give them his own 
commissions. 

Wee of the house proceeded to finish the bill for the 
-war, which by the assent of the Grovern'r and coipjcill 
being past into an act, the Govern'r sent us a letter di- 
rected to his majesty, wherein were these words ^*Ihave 
*' above 30 years governed the most flourishing country 
*' the sun ever shone over, but am now encompassed 
*' with rebellion like waters in every respect like to that 
f^ of MassaneHo except their l^er, and of like impcat 
was the substance of that letter, But we did not beUeve 
}u8 hono'r «ent us all he wrote his majesty. 

Some judicious gentlemen of our house Ukewise 
peni^'d fi letter or remonstrance to be sj^nt his Maj'tie, 
settingforth the gradations of those erupc'ojis, and two 
or three of them with Mr. Ming0 our clerk brought it 
me to compile a few lines for the conclusion of it, 
which I did [tho' not without regret in those watchful! 
times, when every man had ey^s on him, but what I 
wrote was with all possible deferrenfijS to the Govern'r 
arid in the most soft terms my pen cou'd find the case 
to admit, . 



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XXXyiii IKTRODFCTION* 

Cd. Spencer being my neighbor & intimate trieni,' 
and a prevalent member in the council I pray'd him to 
intreat the Govern'r we might be dissolved, for that was 
my first and should be my last going astray from my 
wonted sphere of merchandize & other my private 
concernments into the dark and slippery meanders (^ 
court embarrasments, he told me the Govern'r had not 
rUien] determined his intention, but he wou'd move his 
nono'r about itt, and in 2 or 3 days we were dissolved, 
which I was most heartily glad of, because of my get- 
ting loose againe from being hampered amongst those 
pernicious entanglem'ts in the labyrinths ife snares of 
state ambiguities, & which untill then I had not seen 
the practice nor the dangers of, for it was observed that 
severall of the members had secret badges of distinctioii 
fixt upon 'em, as not docill enough to gallop the future 
races, that court seem'd dispos'd to lead 'em, whose 
maxims I had oft times heard whisper'd befwe, and 
then found confirm'd by diverse considerate gentlem'n 
viz't. " that the wise & the rich were prone to ffaction 
" & sedition but the fools & poor were efisy to be gov- 
" emed." 

Many members being met one evening nigh sunsett, 
to take our leaves each of other, in order next day to re- 
turn homewsurds, came Gen'lL Bacon with his handfrill 
of unfolded papers & overlooking us round, walking 
in the room sanl '^ which of these Gentlem'n shall I ili- 
" terest to write a few words for me, where every one 
looking aside as not willing to meddle ; Mr. Lawrence 
pointed at me saying ^^ that gentleman writes very well 
which I endeavouring to excuse Mr. Bacon came stoop- 
ing to the ground and said '^ pray S'r Do me the ho'r to 
write a Une for me." 

This surprising acc^tm't shoctat me into a melan- 
choly consternation, dreading upon one hand, that Staf- 
ford county would feel the smart of his resentment, if I 
should refuse him whose favoiur I had so lately sought 
and been generously promised on their behalf; and on 
th' other hand fearing the Govern'rs displeasure who I 



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knew woud soon hear of it ; what seem'd most prudent 
qX this hazardaus dilemnia was to obviate the present 
impending peril ; So Mr. Bacon made me sit the whole 
night by him filling up those papers, which I then saw 
were blank com'issions sign'd by the Govern'r incerting 
such names & writing other matters as he dictatec^ 
which I took to be the happy effects of the consult be- 
fore mentioned, .with the com'anders of the militia be- 
cause he gave me the names of very few others to put 
into these com'issions, and in the morning he left me 
with an hours worke or more to finish, when came to 
me Capt. Carver, and said he had been to wait on tlie 
Generall for a commission, and that he was resolved to 
l^lventure his old bones against the Indian rogues with 
other the like discourse, and at length told me that I was 
in mighty favour ".. and be was bid to tell me, that 
whatever I dfesiied in the Generals power, was at my 
service, I pray'd him humbly to thank his lion'r and to 
acquaint him I had ho other boon to crave, than his 
promis'd kindness to Stafford county, for beside the not 
being worthy, I never had been conversant in miUtary 
matters, and also having livedtenderly, my service cou'd 
be of no benefit because the hardships and fatigues of a 
wUdemess <?ampaigne woud put a speedy period to my 
dales : little expecthig to hear of more intestine broiles, 
I went home to Potomack, where reports were after- 
wards various i we had account that Generall Bacon 
wras march'd with a thousand nien into the fforest to 
seek the enemy Indians, and in a few dales after our 
next news was, that the Govern'r had summoned to- 
gether the Dfiihtia of Gloucester & Middlesex counties 
to the number of twelve hundred men, and proposed to 
them to follow & suppress that rebell Bacon, whereupon 
arose a murmming before his face " Bacon Bacon Ba- 
con, and all walked out of the field, muttering as they 
went " Bacon Bacon Bacon, leaving the Governor and 
those that came with him to themselves, who being thus 
abandoned wafted oyer Chesepiacke bay 30 miles to 
Accomack where are two coimties of Virginia, 



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Blr. Bacon hearing of this came back part of tt^ 
way, and sent out parties of horse patroUiug through 
evciy county, cairying away prisoners all whom he en- 
trusted might any more molest his Indian prosecuc'on 
yet giving liberty to such as pledg'd him their oaths to 
rettirn home <fc live quiet; the copies or contents of 
which oaths I never saw, but heard were Tery strict, 
tho' little observed. ; 

About this time was a spie detected pretending hinir 
self a deserter who had twice or thrice come^nd gone 
from party to party and .was by cotinclll of war senten- 
ced to death, after which Bacon declared openly to him, 
" that if any oiie in. the a,rmy wou'd speak a wordio 
*^save him, he shou'd not suffer," which no man ap- 
pearing to do, he was executed, upon this manifestation' 
of clemency Bacon was applauded for a mercifull mall^ 
not willing to spill Christian bloud, nor indeed was it 
said, that he put any other man to death in coldHoud| 
or plunder any house; nigh the SjEime time came Maj'r 
Langston with his troop of horse and quartered two 
nights at my house who [after high compliments front- 
the Generall] told me I was desired "to accept the Lieu-» 
tenancy for preserving the peace in the 5 Northern 
counties betwixt Potomack & Rappahanock rivers, I 
humbly thank'd his honour excusing myself, as I had 
done befwe on that invitation of the like nature at 
James town, but did hear he was mightily offended at 
my evasions and threatened to remember me* 

The Governor made a 2d, attempt ccaningoverfrpni 
Accomack with what men he coud procure in sloops and 
boats, forty miles up the river to James town, which Ba- 
con hearing of, caine againfe down from his fforest pur-» 
suit, and finding a bank not a flight shot long, cast ap 
thwart the neck of the peninsula there in James town^ 
lie stormed it, and took the town, ill which attack were 
12. men slaine & wounded but the Govern'r with most 
ttf his followers fled back, down the river in their ves* 
sells. 

Here restuig a few dales they concerted the biarning 



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IXTRODtTCTIOH. 3ctt 

1^ the town^ wher^ Mr. Laurence aikl Mr. Dnimond 
owning the two best houses save one, sat fire each to 
his own house, nifhich example the souldiers following 
laid the whole town with churdb and State house in 
ashes, saying, the rogues shoud harbour no nunre there. 

On these reiterated mdiestac'ons Bacon calls a con- 
vention at Midle jdantation 16. miles firom James town 
in the month of August 1676, where an oath with one 
or more proclamations were formed, and writts by him 
issued for an Assembly ; the oaths or writts I never saw, 
but one proclamation com'anded all men in the land 
on pain of death to joine him, and retire into the wil* 
demesse upon arrival of the forces expected from Eng- 
land, and (^pose them untill they shoud propose to ao* 
cepL to tieat of an accom'odntion, which we who lived 
eomfortaUy coud not have underg(me, so as the whde 
land must have become an Aceldama if gods exceeding 
mercy had not timely removed him. 

During these tumults in Yii^nia a 2d. danger mena- 
ced Marjrland by an insurrection in Uiat province, com- 
plaining of their heavy taxes &c. where 2 (nt 3 of the 
leading malcontents [men otherwise of laudable char- 
acters] were put to death, which stifled the &irther 
spreading of that fiame. Mr. Baeon, [at this time] 
prets't the best ship in James river, carrying 20 guns 
and putting into her his Lieutenant Generall Mr. Bland 
[a gentleman newly come thither from England to 
possesse the estate of his deceased uncle late of the coun- 
cil] and under him the fcHrementioned Capt Carver for- 
merly a com'ander of Mercb'ts ships with men & all 
necessaries, he sent her to ride before Accomack to curb 
and intercept all small vessels of war com'ission'd by 
the Govem'r com'ing often over and making depreda- 
tions on the Western shoar, as if we had been fforreiga 
enemies, which gives occasion in this place to digresse a 
few words. 

Att first assembly after the peace came a message to 
them from the Grovem'r for some marks of distinction 
to be set on his loyal friends of Accomack, who received 



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Xiu INTHODrCTION. 

him in bis adversity widch \)lrh^n^me to be considered 
Col: Warner [then Speaker] told the house " Ye know 
" that what mark of distinction his hono'r coud have 
^* sett on those of Accomack unlesse to give them ear 
f^ marks or burnt marks for robbing & ravaging honest 
" people, who stay'd at home and preserv'd the estates 
" of those who ran away, when none intended to hurt 
« 'em-" 

Now returning to Capt. Carver the Govern'r sent for 
him to come on shoar, promising his peaceable return, 
who answer'd, he could not trust his wotd, but if he 
wou'd send his hand & seal, he wou'd adventure U> 
wait upon his hono'r which was done, and Cfiirver went 
in his sloop well arm'd & man'd with the most trusty of 
his men where he was caress'd with wine &c. antd 
large promises, if he would fcnrsake Bacon, resigcie his 
ship or joine with him, to ail which he answer'd that 
" if he served the Devill he would be tiue to his trusty 
^' but that he was resolved to go home and live qui^. 

In the mean time of this recepc'on and parley, an. 
armed boat was prepared with many oars in a creek not 
fer off, but out of sight, which when Carver sail'd, row'd 
out of the creek, and it being almost calm the boat out 
went the sloop whilst all on board the ship were upon 
the deck,, staring at Jjoth, thinking the boats company 
coming on boa^By Carvers invitation to be civilly en- 
tertained in requitall of the kindness they supposed ho 
had received on shoar, imtill commg under the stern, 
those in the boat slipt nimbly in at the gim room ports 
with pistolls (fcc. when one courageous gentleman raa 
up to the deck, & clapt a pistol! to Blands breast, saying- 
you are my prisoner, the boats ccnnpany suddainly fol- 
lowing with pistolls swords &c. and after Capt. Lari- 
more (the com'ander of the ship before she was presst) 
having jQrom the highest and hindmost part of the stern, 
interchang'dasignalfrom the shoar, by flirting his hand- 
kercher about his nose, his own former crew had laid 
handspikes ready, which they [at that instant] caught up 
&C^.8oa8Bland& Caivers men were amcuzed and yielded. 



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Carver seeing a burly burly on the ships deck, woud 
have gone away with his sloop, but having little wind 
60 the ship threatening to sink hun, he tamely came on 
board, where Bland & he with their party were laid in 
irons, and ui 3* or 4 daies Carver was hang'd on shoar, 
wbich S^r Henry Chichclly the first of the councill then 
a prisoner, [with diverse other gentlemen] to Mr. Baccm. 
did afterwards exclaime against as a most rash & wick- 
ed act of the Govern'r he in particular expecting to 
have been treated by way of reprizall, as Bacims friend 
Carver had been by the Govern'r. Mr. Bacon now 
returns from his last expedic'on sick of a fflux ; without 
finding any «nemy Indians, having not gone fer by 
reason of the vexations behind him, nor had he one 
dry day in all his marches to and fro in the fibrest whilst 
the plantations [not 50. miles distant] had a Bum'er so 
dry as sdnted the Indian com and tobacco &c. which 
flie people ascribed to the Pawawings i. e. the sorceries 
of the Lidians, in a while Bacon dyes <fc was succeed- 
ed by his Lieuten't Gen'll Ingram, who had one Wake*- 
let next in command und^ him, wh^eupcm hastened 
over the Govern'r to York river, and with whom they 
articled for themselves, and whom else they could, and 
so all submitted and were pardoned exempting those 
nominated and otherwise proscribed, in a prodamac'on 
ot indempnity, the principall (k whom were liaurenco 
and Drum'ond. 

Mr. Bland was Aen a prisoner having been taken 
with Ccirver, as before is noted, and in a few daies Mr* 
Drumond was brought in, when the Govern'r being on 
board a ship came im'ecBately on shore and compliment- 
ed him with the ironi^all sarcasm of a low bend, saying 
**Mr. Drumond! you are v«ry unwelc<Hne, I am more 
" glad to see you, than any man in Virginia, Mr. Drur 
^' mond you shall be hang'd in half an horn* ; ^ho an-r 
Bwered What yo'r hono'r jrfeases, and as soon as a coun- 
cil of war cou'd meet, his sentence be dispatchat & a 
gibbet erected [which took up near two houres] he waa 
executed. 



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lAt INTEODUCTIOir^ 

This Mr. Drunumd was asober Scoicli gentleman of 
good rqmte" with whome I had not a particular ae* 
quaintance, nor do I know the cause of that rancour 
his hono'r had against him other than his pretentions 
in com'on for the publick but meeting him by accident 
the morning I left the town, I advis'd him to be very 
wary, for he saw the Govern 'r had put a brand upmi 
him, he [gravely expressing my name] answered " I 
am in over shoes, I will be over boots/' which I was 
sorry to heare & left him. 

The last account of Mr. Laurence was from an up* 
permost plantation, where he and fibur others deqpera? 
do's with horses pistolls &c. march'd away in a snow 
aiK^le deep, who were thought to have cast themselves 
into a branch of some river, rather than to be treated 
hke Drum'ond. 

Bacons body was so made away, as his bones were 
never found to be exposed on a gibbet as was purpos'di 
stones being laid on his tx>ffin, supposed to be done by 
Laurence. 

Near this time arrived a small ffket with a regiment 
from England S'r John Berry admirall. Col: Herbert 
Jefieries com'ander of the land forces and Collo: Mon> 
son who had one year been a former Govem'r there, all 
three joined in a com'ission with ot to S'r William Bar- 
clay, soon after when ^ generall court, and also an as* 
sembly were held, where some of our former assembly 
[vnih so many others] were put to death, diverse where- 
of were pers(ms of honest reputations & handsome eft* 
tates, as that the Assembly petitioned the Govem'r to 
spiU no more bloud, and Mr. Presly at his coming honse 
told me, he believed the Govem'r would have hai^'d 
half the coimtry, if they had let him alone, the first 
was Mr. Bland whose fnends in England had procured 
his pardon tobe sent over with the ffleet,^ which he plead* 
ed at his tryall, was in the Govern'rs pocket [tho' whe^ 
ther 'twas so, or how it came there, I know not, yet did 
not hear 'twas openly contradicted] but he was answer- 
ed by CoUo. Monison that Jie pleaded bis pardon ^^ 



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INTHODUCTIOK. xlv 

ewords pomij which was look'd upon an odd sort of re- 
ply, and he was executed ; [as was talkecH by private 
instructions from Elngland the Duke of Y(xrk ioivis^ 
sworn '^by god, Bacon & Bland shoud dye. 

The Govem'r went in the flteet to London Fwhetha 
hj com'and from his Majesty or spontaneous 1 did not 
hear] leaving Col: Jefferyes in his place, and by next 
lapping came back a pergK)n who waited on hid honoV 
itk his voyage, and lintilliiis death, from whom a re* 
port wits whispered about, that the king did say ^^ thiit 
old fool had hang'd more men in that naked country, 
^'than he had d(me for the murther of his fiSuher, 
** whereof the GfovemV hearing ^yed soon after witb> 
Wt having having seen his majesty; which shuts up 
this tragedy. 

Appendix. 

To avdd incumbering the body of the foregoing Kt- 
tfe discourse, J have not therein mentioned the received 
q)inion in Virginia, which very much attributed the 

gomoting these perturbac'ions to Mr. Laurence, & Mr. 
icon with ius other adherents, were esteemed, as but 
wheels agitated by the weight of his former & present 
resentments, after their chder was raised up to a very 
high pitch, at having been [so long & often] trifled with 
on their humble suppUcatldns to tlie Govem'r for* hili 
immediate taking in hand the most speedy meanes to- 
wards stopping the continued effusions of so much 
English bioud, from time to timebyihe Indians ; which 
common sentim'ls I have the more reason to believe were 
not altogether grouncHesse, because my self have heard 
himpn his familiar discourse] insinuate as if his fancy 
gave him prospect of finding (at one time or other) some 
expedient not only to rqpair his great losse, but there- 
with to see those abuses rectified that the country was 
expressed with through' (as he- said) the forwardness 
avarice 3& frencb despotick methods of the Govern^ and 
likewise I know him to be a thinking man, and tho' 
mcely hoAest, affable, & without blemish, in his conver- 
sation and dealings, yet did he manifest abundance of 
4 



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idn iNT&6i>t;CTioN. 

uneasiness in the sense of his hard usages, which might 
prompt him to improve that Indian quarrel to the ser- 
vice of his animosities^ and for this the more fiedr ic £re* 
Juent opportunities offered themselves to him by hk ' 
welUi^ at James town, where was the concourse firom 
all parts to the Governor and besides that he had mar^ 
ikd a wealthy widow wha kept a large house of puUic 
entertainm't (mto which resorted those of the best qual- 
ity and such others as businesse called to that town, and 
his parts with his even teniper made his converse co- 
veted by persons of all ranks; so that being subtile, 
and having these advantages he might with lesse diffi^ 
culty discover mens inclinations, and insUll his notions 
where he foimd those woud be imbibM with greatest 
satisfaction. . 

As for Mr. Bacon fame did lay to his charge the ha- 
ving run out his patrimony in England except what 
he brought to Virginia, and- for tlmt the most part to 
be exhausted, vdiich together made him suspectii^ of 
casting an eye to search for retrievment in the troubled 
waters of pc^mlai" discontents, wanting patience to wait 
the death of hid oppulent cousin, mi Cotto. Bacon, 
whose estate he expected to inherit. 

But he was too young, too much a stranger ther^ 
and of a disposition too precipitate, to manage things 
to that length those were carried, had not thoughtful 
Mr. Laurence been at the bottom, . ^ 



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HISTORY OlP THE VALLEY. 



CHAPTER L 
. Indian Wars. 

JProm the best evidence the author has been aUe to 
ebtain^ and to this end he has devoted tnuch time and 
research, the settlement of our fine and beautiful valley 
commenced in the year 1732, about one hundred and 
twenty-five years from the first settlement in Yirginia* 
Beforb going into a detail of the first knmigration to 
and improvement of the valley, the author believes it 
will not be uninteresting to the general readi^, to have 
a.brief history of the long and bloody wars carried on 
between contending tribes of Indians. Tradition re^ 
ktes that the Delaware and Catawba tribes were enga^ 
gcd in war at the time the valley was first known by 
the whke people, and that that war was continued for 
many years after our section of country became pretty 
niun^ously inhabited by the white^settlers. 

I shall commence with a narrative of Indian battles • 
fought on the Cohongoruton.* At the mouth of An^ 
tietam, a small cxepk on the Maryland side of |he rfver, 
a most bloody affair took place between parties of the 

^Gobonsfonitoii isUie ancient Indian naipe of the Potomac, from its jnoc* 
tioa with, the river Shentmdoah to the Allegany mountain. Lord Fairfax, 
in hie grants for land on thii water course, designated it Potomac ; by wbich 
means it gradoally lost its ancient name, and now is generally Icnown br no 
•fher name; Haj. H. Badinger writes the name of this river Cobongolata. 
It is, hoty^vfr, written in the act laying off t^ coimty of Frederick in 173& 
l^honfom^on* 



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IB INDIAN VTAUm 

Catawba and Delaware tribes. This .was probabfy 
about the year 1736. The Belawares had p^etraled 
pretty fer to the south, o<»D|iutted scone acts of outrage 
on the Catawbas, and on theur retreat wete overtakea 
at the mouth of this creek, when a desperate conflict 
ensued. Every man of the Delaware party was put 
to death, with the eirception of one who escaped after 
the battle was over, and every Catawba held up a scalp 
but one. This was a disgrace not to be borne ; and 1^ 
instantly gave chase to the fugitive, overtook him at 
the Susquehanna river, (a distance little short of one 
hundred miles,) killed and scalped him, aiid returning, 
showed his scalp to several white people, and exulted in 
what he had done.* . . 

Another most Uoody battle was fought at.the mouth 
of Conococheague,t on Friend's land, in whkh but one 
Delaware escaped death, and he ran in to Friend's 
house, when the family shut the door, and kept the 
Catawbas out, by which means the pooi fugitive was 
saved.t 

Ther0 is also a tradition, and there are evident signs 
of the &ct, of anodier furious battle fought at what is 
called the Slim bottom, on the Wappatomaka,§ (the an* 
cient Indian name of the Great South Branch of the 
Potomac,) about one and a half miles from its mouth. 
At this place there are several large Indian gmves, near 
what is called the Painted Rock. On this rock is ex- 
hibited the shape of a man with a large blotch, intended 
probably to represent a man bleeding to death. The 
stain, it appeared to the author, was made with human 
'blood. The top of the rock projects over the painted 
part so as to protect it from the washix^ of the rains, 

* Thit tradition was related to the aatbor by Capt. James Glenn, of Jefler- 
•on coanty, now upwards of 79 years of age, andconfinned by the venerabto 
John Tomlinson, nesir Cumberland, BVaryland, now 93 years of age. 

tMr. Tonilioson is of opinion this affair took place at the mouth of the 



. . James Glenn, confirmed by Mr. Tomlinson, except as to the place 

§ The name of this water conrae in Lord Fairfaxes ancient grants is written 
WappMomac; but Mr. Heath and Mr. Blue both stated that the proper nam^ 
if Wappatomaka. 



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ai^iscaitheeajsteideof therock* How l<mg the sitam 
of human blood wbuld remain visible in a position like 
this, the authpr.cannot pretend to express an opinion ; 
but he well recollects the late Gen. Isaac .Zane informed 
him that the Indians, beat out the brains of an infant 
(near his oIH ircm works) against a rock, and the stain 
of the blood was plainly to be seen about forty years 
afterwards. In this battle it is said but one Delaware 
escaped, and he did so by leaping into the river, diving 
under the water, and continuing to swim until h& 
crossed the Cohongoruton.* 

A great battle between these hostile tribes, it is said, 
was fought ativhat is called the Hanging Rocks, on 
the Wappatomaka, in the county of Hampshire, where 
the river piasses through the mountain.t A pretty large 
party of the Delawares bad invaded the territory of 
the Catawbas, taken several prisoners and commenced 
their retreat homewards. When they reached this place, 
they made a halt,, and a number of them commenced 
fishing.: Their Catawba enemies, close in pursuit, dis- 
covered them, and threw a party of men across the ri- 
ver, with another in thek front. Thus enclosed^ with 
the rock on one side, a party on the opposite side of the 
river, another in their front, and another in thek rear, a 
most fririous and bloody, onset was made, and it is be- 
lieved that several hundred of the Delawares were 
daughtered. Itideedj the signs now to be seen at this 
place.exhibit striking evidences of the fact There is 
a row of Indian graves between the rock and public 
road, along the margin of the river^ of from 60 to 70 
]rar(ki in length. It is believed that but very few of the 
Delawares escaped. 

There are also signs of a bloody ^mttle haying been 
fought at the forks of the Wappatomaka; but of this 

*Capt. James Qlenn, confirmed by Mr. Garret Blue, of Hampshhls. In- 
deed thb tradition is familiar toi most of ttie elderly citizens on the &oa& 
Branch, as also (he battle of the Hanging; Rocks. 

t As the atithor expects to give a detailed deacriptiOB of this extraordinai:^ 
place, in his chapter of natural cariosities, he win barely mention the fact, 
that (his rock, on one side of the riverrVs a perpendicular wallof seypral ' 
)inndred feel high, and several hundred yards in length. 

■ 4* 



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so INDIAN WARSr. 

battle, if it ever occiUTed, the author could obtain no tra- 
ditional accouut. 

Tradition also relates that the Southern Indians ex- 
terminated a tribe, called the Senedos, on the North 
fork of the Shenandoah river, at the prese^it residence 
of William Steenbergen, Esq., in the coimty of Shen- 
andoah. About the year 1734, Benjamin Allen, Riley 
Moore, and Williani White, settled in this neighbor- 
hood. . Benjamin Allen settled on the beautiful estate 
called Allen's bottom. An aged Indian frequently vis- 
ited him, an<J on one occasion informed him that the 
" Southern Indians killed his whole nation with the ex- 
ception of himself and one other youth ; that this bloody 
slaughter took place when he, the Indian, was a small 
boy."* " From this tradition, it is probable this horrid 
affair took place some time shortly after the middle of 
the seventeenth century. Maj. Andrew Keyser also 
informed the author that an Indian once called at his 
grandfather's, in Lancaster county, Pennsylvania, ap- 
peared to be much agitated, and asked for something to 
eat. After refreshing himself, he was asked what dis- 
turbed him. He repUed, " The Southern Indians have 
killed my whole nation." 

Ther6 are. also evident signs of the truth of this tra- 
dition yet to be seen. On Mr. Steenbergen's land are 
the remains of an Indian mound, though it is now plowed 
down. The ancient settlers in the neigh]x)rhood differ 
in their opinion as to the original hight. When they 
first saw it, some say it was 18 or 20 feet high, others 
that it did not exceed 12 or 14j and that it was from 50 
to 60 yards in circumference at the base. This mound 
was Uterally filled with human skeletons; and it is 
highly prolmble that this was the depository of the dead 
after the great massacre which took place as just related. 

This brief account of .Indian battles contains all the 
traditionary information the author has been able to col- 
lect, with one exception, which ^vill be noticed iii the 

* Mr. Israel Allen related tliia tradition to tlic autiior. 



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IKmAN WARS. 61 

next chapter. Tbere is, however, ^ tradition, that on 
one part^ubur occasion, a party of thirty Delaware In- 
dians, having p^ietrated far to the somh, surprised a 
party of Catawbas, killed several, and took a prisoner. 
The party of Delawares, on their return, called at Mr. 
Joseph Perrill's, near Winchester, and exulted much 
at their success. The next day a party of ten Cataw- 
bas called at Mr. Perrill's in pursuit. They ipquired 
when their enemy had passed. Being informed, they 
pudied off at a brisk step, overtook the 30 Delawares at 
the CdiongcNTutcm (Potomac), killed every man, reco- 
vered thdr prisoner, called at Mr. Perrill's on their re- 
turn, and told what they had done.* But it is probable 
1^ is the same affair which took place at the mouthed 
^tietam, though it is posdble that it may be a different 
one. Mr. Tomlmson is under the impression that there 
was an Indian battle fought at the mouth of Opequon. 

The author has seen and conversed with several aged 
and respectable individuals, who well recollect seeing 
numerous war- parties of the Northern and Southern 
Indians pasdng and repassing through the valley. Se- 
veral warrior paths have been pointed out to him. One 
of them led from the Cohongoruton (Potomac), and 
pass^ a litde west of Winchester southwardly. This 
path forked a few miles north of Winchester, and one 
branch of it diverged more to the east, crossed Opequon, 
very near Mr. Carter's paper mill, on the creek, ^and led 
ma towsurd the forks of the Shenandoah river. Another 
crossed the North mountain and the valley a few miles 
above the Narrow Passage, thence over the Fort moun- 
tain to the South river veiUey. Another crossed from 
Cumberland, in Maryland, and proceeded up the Wap- 
patomdca or Great South Branch valley, in the counties 
<tf Hampshire and Hardy. 

An aged and respectable old lady, on Apple-jrie ridge^ 
inform^ the author that she had frequently heard her 
mother speak of a party of Delaware Indians once 

* Gen. John Smith eommmiicated this tradition to the author. 

4t 



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62 INDIAN WARS* 

Btopping at her father's; where they stayed all night; 
They had in custody a young female Catawba prisona", 
who was one of the most beautiAil females she nad ever 
seen. Maj. R. D. Glass also infonned the author that 
his father, who then resided at the head of Opequon, 
stated the same fact. It was reimarkable to see with 
what r^ignation this unfortunate young prisoner sub< 
mitted to her fate. Her unfeeling tcMinentors woidd 
tie her, and compel her at night to lay on her back, 
with the cords d^tended from her hands and feet, and 
tied to branches or what else they could get at to make 
her secure, while a man laid on each side of her with 
the cords passing under their bodies. 

Mr. John Tomlinson also informed the author, that 
when about 7 or 8 years of age, he saw a party of Del- 
awares pass his father's house, with a female Catawba 
prisoner, who had an infant child in her arm&; and 
that it was said they intended to sacrifice her when they ^ 
reached their towns.* 

Tradition also relates a very remarkable instance of # 
the sacrifice of a female Catawba prisoner by the Dela- 
wares. A party of Delawares crossed the Potomac, 
near Oldtown, in Maryland, a short distance from which 
they cruelly murdered their prisoner : they then moved 
on. The next day several of them returned, and out 
off the soles of her feet, in order to prevent her feom. 
pursuing and banting them on their match.t 

Capt. Glenn informed the author that a Mrs. Mary 
Friend, who resided on or near the Potomac, stated to 
him that she once saw a body of four or five hundred 
Catawba Indians on their march to invade the Dela- 
wares ; but from some cause they became alarmed, and 
returned without success. 

The same gentleman stated to the author that a Mr. 
James Hendricks informed him that the last sacrifice 
made by the Delawares, of their Catawba prisoners, 

* Mr. Tomlinson^s father then resided about 7 miles below the mouth ot 
Conococheaguei on or near the Potomac, on the Maryland side. 
tMr. Q. Blue, of Hampshirei stated this tradition to the author> 



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INDIAN WARS, S3 

was at the first run or stream of water on the south sid^ 
of Lancaster, Pennsylvania. Here several prisoners 
'were tortured to death with all the wonted barbarity 
and cruelty peculiar to the savage character. Mr. Hen- 
dricks was an eye witness to this scene of horror. Dur 
ring the protracted and cruel sufferings of these unhftp- 
py victims, they tantalized and used the most insulting 
language to their tormentors, threatening them with 
t±ie terrible vengeance of their nation as long as they 
couldspeak. 

This bloody tragedy soon reached the ears of the 
governor of Pennsylvania, and he forthwith issued his 
proclamation, commanding and requiring q^ the au- 
thorities, both civil and mihtary, to interpose, and pro- 
hibit a repetition of such acts of barbarity and cruelty. 

The author will now conclude this narrative of In- 
dian wars with a few general reflections. 

It is the opinion of some philosophers that it is inhe- 
rent in the nature of man to fight. The correctness of 
^ ^ thi*^pinion Mr. Jefferson seems to dmibt, and suggests 
that ^' it grows out of the abusive and not the natural 
8tate of man.*' But it really appears there are strong 
reasons to beUeve that there does exist','' a natural state 
of hostility of man against man." Upon what other 
principle can we account for the long and furious wars 
which have been carried on, at different periods, among 
the aboriginals of our country ? 

At an immense distance apart,* probably little less 
than six or seven .hundred miles, without trade, com- 
merce, or clashing of interests — ^without those causes 
of irritation common. among civilized states,— wq find 
these two nations for a long series of yeaxs engaged in 
the most implacable and destructive wars. Upon what 
other principle to account for this state of things than 
that laid down, is a subject which the author cannot 

*Thc Catawba tribes reside oh the river of that name in South Carolina. 
They were a powerful and warlike nation, but aie now reduced to less than 
two nundred souls. The Delawares resided at that period on the Susque- 
hanna river, ia Pennsylvania, and are now far west of the Allegany moun- 
tains. 



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54 INDIAN SETTLEMENTS. 

pretend to explain. It however affords matter of cu- 
rious speculation and interesting reflection to the in- 
quiring mind. That nations are frequently urged to 
war and devastation by the restless and turbulent dis- 
position so common to mankind, particularly among 
their leaders, is a question of little doubt. The glory 
and renown (falsely so termed) of great achievements 
in war, is probably one principal cause of the wars fre- 
quently carried on by people in a state of nature. 



, CHAPTER II. 

Indian Settlements. 

The author deems it unnecessary to give a detailed 
account of aU the particular places which exhibit signs 
X)f the ancient residences of Indians, bilt considers it 
sufficient to say that on all our water courses, evidences 
of their dwellings are yet to b^ seen. The two great 
branches of the Shenandoah, and the South branch (rf 

_the Potomac, appear to have been their favorite places 
of residence. There are more numerous signs of their 
villages to be seeii on these water courses, than in any 
other partof our valley. 
^ On the banks of the Cohongoruton (Potomac), there 

/has. doubtless been a pretty considerable settlement. 
The late CoU Joseph Swearengen's dwelling house 
stands within a circular wall or moat.* When first 
known by the white inhabitants, the Avall was about 18 
inches high, and the ditch about two feet deep. This 
ckcular waU was made of earth — is now considerably 

"Maj. Henry Bedlnger informed the author that at his first recollection of 
this place, the wall or moat was about eighteen inches high, and the ditch 
around it about two feet deep. The wall was raised oa the outside of tUe 
ditch, and carefully thrown up. 



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INDIAN fiETTLEMENTflU i5 

reduced, but yet plainly to be seen. It is not more than 
half a mile from Shepherdstown. 

For what particular purpose this wall was thrown 
up, whether for ornament or defense, the author cannot 
pretend to form an opinion. If it was intended for 
defense, it appears to have been too low to answer any 
valuable purpose in that way. 

On the Wstppatomaka, a few miles below the forks, 
tradition relates that there was a very consWerabk In- 
dian settlement. On the farm of Isaac Vanmeter, Esq. 
(m this water course, in the county of Hardy, when the 
country was first discovered, there were cmsiderable 
openings of the land, or natxual prairies, which are call- 
ed *'the Indian old fields" to this day. Numerous In- 
dian graves are to be seen in the neighborhood. A Ut- 
tle alwte llie forks of this river a very large Indian grave 
is now to be seen.* In the bank of the river, a little 
below the forks, numerous human skeletons have been 
discovered, €tnd several articles of curious workmanship, 
A highly finished pipe, representing a snake coiled 
round the bowl, with its he«ul projected above the bowl, 
was among them. There was the under jaw bone of 
a human being of great size found at the same place, 
which contained eight jaw teeth in each side of enor^ 
mous size; and what is more remarkable, the teeth 
stood transversely in the jaw bone. It would pass ove» 
any couunon man's fece with entii'e ease.t 

There are many other signs of Indian settlements 
all along this river, both above and below the one just 
describ^. Mr. Garret Blue, of the county of Hamp^ 
shire, informed the author, that about two miles below ' 
the Hanging Rocks, in the bank of the river, a stratum 
of ashes, alx)ut one rod in length, wias some years ago 
discovered. At this place are signs of an Indian vil-s 
lage, and theit old fields. The reverend John J. Ja- 
c(*s, of Hampshire, informed the author that on Mr. 

* WHIiam SeymdDr, Esq. stated this fact to the author, 
f Wniiam Heath, Esq. in the county of Hardy, stated this fact to th« aii« 
thor, aod that lie had repeatedly seen the remarkable jaw boue* 



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S6 INDIAN SETTX.EfiCB!j^^S^ 

Daniel Cresap'a land, on the North branch of the Poto* 
mac, a few miles above Cumberland, a hmnan skeleton 
was discov^ed, which had been covered with a coat of 
wood ashes, about two feet below the sur&ce of the 
ground. An entire decomposition of the skeleton had 
taken place, with the exception of the teeth: they 
were in a perfect state of preservation. 

On the two great branches of the Shenandoah there 
are now to be seen numerous sites of their ancient vil- 
lages, several of which are so remarkable that they do* 
serve a passing notice. It has been noticed, in my pre* 
ceding chapter, that on Mr. Steenbergen's land, on the 
North fork of the Shenandoah, the remains of a large 
Indiem mound are plainly to be seen. It is also si^- 
gested that this was once the residence of the Sen^o 
tribe, and that that tribe had been exterminated*by the 
Southern Indians. Exclusive of this large mound,* 
there are several other Indian graves. About thistdace 
many of their implements and domestic utensils nave 
been found. A short distance below the mouth of Stony 
creek, (abranch of the Shenandoah,) within four or five 
miles of Woodstock, are the signs of an Indian village. 
Atthisplace a gun barrel, with several ircm tomahawksi 
was found long after the Ii^ians left the country .t 

On Mr. Anthony Kline's farm, within about three 
miles' of Stephensburg,in the coimty of Frederick, in 
a glen near his mill, a rifle was found, which had 
most probably laid in the ground forty or fifty years. 
Every part of this gun (even the stock, which was 
made of black walnut,) was sound. Mr. Kline's father 
took the barrel from the stock, placed the britch on the 
fire, and it soon discharged with a very loud explosion.} 

*Mr. S(eenbergen informed the autbor, that upon looking into this moand, 
it was discovered that at the bead of each skeleton a stone was deposited; 
that these stones are of various sizes, supposed to indicate the size or the bcN 
dy buried. 

t Mr. George Grandstaff stated this to the author. Mr. G. is an aged and 
respectable citizen of Shenandoah county. 

|Mr. Anthonj^ Kline related this occurrence to the autboTr No man who 
is acquainted with Mr. Kline, will for one moment doubt his assertions. This 
rifle was of very large caliber, and was coveredseveral feet bek>w the JttT^ 
face of the ground} and doubtless 1«A there by an Indian. 



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INIDIAIC SETTLEMENTS. 57 

In the county of Page, on thfe SoutK fork of Shen- 
findoSah river, there are several Indiail burying grounds 
and signs of their villages. These signs are ako to be 
seen on the Hawksbill cteek. A few miles above Lu- 
my, oii the we'st side of the river, there are three large 
Indian graves,' ranged nearlv side by side, thirty or for- 
ty feet in length, twelve or K)urteea feet wide, and five 
or six feet high: around them, in circular form, are a 
number of single graves. The whole Covers an area 
of little less than a quarter of an acre. They present 
to Itie ^ye a very ancient appearance, and are <50vered 
over with pine a;nd other forest growth. The excava- 
don of the ground around them is plainly to be seen. 
The three first mentioned graves are in oblong form, 
probably contain many hundred of human bodies, and. 
were doubtless the work of ages.* 

On the land of Mr. Noah Keyser,near the mouth 
of the Hawksbill creek, stand the remains of a large 
mouncf. This, like that at Mr. Steenbergen's, is con- 
siderably reduced by plowing, but is yet some 12 or 
14 feet high, and is upwards of sixty yards round at 
the base. It is found to be literally filled with human 
skeletons, and at every fi-esh plowing a fresh layer 
of bones are brought to the surface. The bones are 
found to be in a calcarioUs state, with the exception of 
the teeth, which are generally sound. Several unusu- 
ally large skeletons have been discovered in this grave. 
On the lands now the residence of my venerable friend, 
John Gatewood, Esq.t the signs of an Indian village 
are yet plainly to be seen. There are numerous frag- 
ments of their pots, cups, arrow points, and other im- 
plements for domestic use, found from time to time. 
Convenient to this village there are several pretty large 
graves. 

There is also evidence of an Indian town in Pow- 
ell's fort, on the lands aowownedby Mr. Daniel Munch. 
From appearances, this too was a* pretty considerable 

•Thcf« graves arc on the lands now the xfsiclcnce of the widow Long, 
and appear never to have been disturbed. 
t Mr. 0. has drpartcd this liCrbiiice this was wmten. 



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i8r INDUH SETTLBMEN'N. 

Tillage. A little, above the forks of the SbenaiKhMdb^^ 
on the east«ide of the SoXith fork, are the appearances 
of anodier setdement, e;diibitiag die remains <^ two 
pretty considerable mounds now entirely reduced by- 
plowing. About this place many pipes, tomahawks, 
axes, homraony pestles, &c. have been found. Some 
ibuF or five miles below the forks of the rivar, on the 
south east side^ on the lands now owned by Capt- Dan- 
iel Oliver, is the site of another Indian village. At this 
place a<^onsiderable variety of articles have been plowed 
up. Among the nimiber were several whde pots, cups, 
pipes, axes, tomahawks, hommony pestles, &c. 'A 
beautiM pipe of high finish, made of white idnt stone, 
and several other articles of curioiis workmanship,, all 
of very hard stone, havQ been found. Their cups and 
pots were made of a mixture of clay and shells, of rude 
workmanship, but of firm texture. 

There are many other places on all our watw courses, 
to wit, Stony creek, Cedar creek, and Opequon, as well 
as the larger water courses, which exhibit evidences 4)f 
ancient Indian settlem^ts. The Shawnee tribe, it is 
well known, were settled about the neighborhood of 
Winchester. What are called the " Shawnee cabins," 
and " Shawnee springs," immediately adjoining tlie 
town, is well known. It is also equally certain, that 
this tribe had a considerable village on Babb's marsli, 
some three or ftmr miles north west of Winchester.* . 

The Tuscarora Indians resided in the neighbor- 
hoed of Martinsburg, in the county of Berkeley,t on 
the Tuscarora creek. On the fiae &nn, now owned 
by and the residence^ of HattheW Sanson, Esq. (the 
formed reeadence of Mr. Benjamin Beeson), are the re- 
mains of several Indian graves. These, like several 
others, €ure now plowed down ; but numerous firagments 

* Mr« Thomas Barrett, who was bom in I7S5, stated to the author, tliat 
within his recoUectien the signi of the Jndijm wig warns' were tp be seen on 
Babb's marsh. 

t Mr. John Shobe, a very respectable old cit^en of Martinsburg, stated to 
the author, that Mr. Benjamin Beeson, a highly respectable Quaker, inform- 
ed him, that the Tuscarora Indians were tiring ob tlie Tuscaroia creek when, 
he {Beeson} first knew the county. 



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mmAN SBTTLEM ERT& W 

ef faiiiiaan bcmes are to be finmd mixed wkh the clay 
(m the siurfstce. Mr. Ranson informed the author, that 
at this place the imder jaw bone c^ a hwnan being was 
[dowed up, of enormous si^e : the teeth were found in 
a p^ect state of preservation. 

Near the Shannondale sfurings, on the lands of Mr. 
Fak&Xf an Indian grave some years since was opened^ 
in which a skeleton of unusual size was discovered.* 

Mr. E; Paget informed the author, that on Flint run, 
a small rivulet of the South river, in the county of She? 
na^idoah, a skelet(m was found by his fether, the thigh 
IxMQe of which measured three feet in length, and the 
under jaw bone of which would pass over any common 
man's &cevdth ease. 

INear the Indian village described on a preceding page, 
on: Capt Oliver's land, a few years ago, some hands in 
tecnoving the stone covering an Indian grave, discover* 
ed a skeleton, whose great size attracted their attention. 
The st<mes were carefully taken off without disturbing 
itte frame, when it was discovered, that the body had 
been laid at full length on the ground, and broad flat 
stones set round the corpse in the shape of a coflSn. 
Oapt. Oliver measured the skeleton as it lay, which was 
nearly seven feet long.t 

In the further progress of this work the author will 
occasi(mally advert to the subject of Indian antiqui* 
ties and traits of the Indian character. This chapter 
- will now be concluded with some general reflections on 
the seemingly hard fate of this unfortunate race of peo* 
{de. It appears to the authcn: that no reflecting man 
can view so many burying places broken up — their 
bones torn up with the plow— reduced to dust, andscat- 
tered to the w:inds, — ^without feeling some degree of 
melancholy regret. It is to be lamented for another 
reason. If those mounds and places of burial had been 

* Mr. George Wm. Fidrfax Ka?e the author thii information. 

tMaximinos, a Roman -emperor in the third century, **wa8 tbeioa of a 
Thracian shepherd, and ii represented by historians as a man of gigantic 
atatnre and Herculean strength. He was fiiUy eight feet in hight, and per- 
fectly symmetrical in form. Abridged U* Historyj vol. li. p^ 35. 



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permitted to remain undisturbed, they would have stood 
as lasting monuments in the history of our country. 
Many of them were doubtless the work of ages, and 
future generations would have contemplated ^cm with 
great interest and curiosity. But these memorials are 
rapidly disaj^iearing, and the time perhaps will come, 
when not a trace of them will remain. The author 
has had the curiosity to open several Indian graves, in 
one of which he found a pq)e, of different fwin from 
any he has ever seen. It is made of a hard black stone, 
and glazed or rather paints with a substance of a red- 
dish oast* In all the graves he has examined, the bones 
are found in a great state of decay except the teeth, 
which are generally in a perfect state of preservation. 

It is no way wonderful that this unfortunater race' of 
people reluctantly yielded their rightAil and just posses- 
sion of this fine country. It is no way wpnderftd that 
thoy resisted with all Uieir force the intrusion of the 
white people (whp were strangers to them, from a for- 
eign country,) upon their rightfUl inheritance. But 
perhaps this was the fiat of Heaven. When God cre- 
ated this globe, he probably intenckd it should sustain 
the greatest possible number of his creatures. And as 
the human famBy, in a state of civil life, increases with 
vastly more rapidity than a people in a state of nature 
or savage life, the law of force has been generally re- 
sorted to, and the weaker compelled to give way to the 
stronger. That a part of our country has been acquired 
by this law of force, is undeniable. It is, however, nwit- 
ter of consoling reflection, that there are son^e honora-r 
ble exceptions to this arbitrary rule. The great and 
wise William Penn set the example of purchasing the 
Indian lands. Several respectable individuals of the 
Quaker societv thought it unjust to take possession of 
this valley without nmking the Indians some C(Hnpen- 
sation for their right. Measures were adopted to effect 
this great object. But upon inquiry, no particular tribe 
could be found who pretended to have any prior claim 
U> the soil. It was considered the common buntings 



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p<mttd of various tribes, and not claimed by any par- 
ticular nation who liad authority to sell. 

This information was communicated to the author 
j^y two a£^ed and highly resectable men of the Friends' 
Bociety, &aac Brown and L^wis Neill, each of them . 
upwards of eighty years of age, and both residents of 
the county of Frederick. 

In confirmalion of this statement, a letter written by 
Thomas Chaulkley to the monthly meeting on* Ope- 
quon, on the 21st of 6th month, 1738, is strong cir* 
cumstantial evidence; of which letter the following is 
a copy: 

" Virginia, at John Cheagfe'a, 21ft 5ch ttMDth, 1738. 

a To. Friends of the monthly meeting (U Opeqtnm, 

^Dear friends who inhabit Shenandoah and Qpe* 
quon:^-Having a concern for your welfare and pros* 
perity, both now and hereafteV) and also the prosperity 
of your children, I had a desire to see you; but bein^ 
in years> and heavy, and much spent andJsitigued with 
laiykmg joumeyings in Virginia and Carolina, makes it 
seem top hard for me to perfcnrm a visit in person to you^ 
wherefore I take this way of writing to discharge my 
miild of what lies weighty the^reon; and 

" First. I desire thatyou be very careful (being far and 
back inhabitants) to keep a friendly Qorrespcmdence 
with the native Indians, giving them no occasion of 
ofiense^ they being a cruel and merciless enemy, where 
they think they are wronged or defrauded of their 
r^hts ; as wofiil' experience hath, taught in Carolina, 
Yirginia .and Maryland, and especially in New-£ng- 
]and,&c.; and 

" Secondly. As naturehath giveii them and their fcM-e? 
&thers the possession of this continent of America (oi 
this wilderness), they had a nfl,tural right thereio injus- 
tice and equity; and no people, according to the law 
of nature and justice and our own principle, which is 
according to the glorious gospel of oUr dear and holy 
Jesus Christ, ought t6 ts^e away or settle on other 
men's lan^s or right$ without consent, or purchasing 



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62 INDIAN SETTLEMENTS. 

the same by agreement of parties concerned ; whidi I 
suppose in your case is not yet done. 

" Thirdly. Therefore my counsel and christian ad- 
vice to you is, my dear friends, that the most reputable 
among you do with speed endeavor to agree with and 
purchase your iands of the native Indians or iiihat»- 
tants. Take example of our worthy and honorable late 
proprietor William Penn ; who by his wise and rdli- 
gious-care in that relation, hath settled a lasting peace 
and Gommeice with the natives, and through his jnru- 
dent manag^nent therein hath been instrumental to 
plant in peace one of the most flourishing provixioes in 
the world. 

" Fourthly. Who would run the risk of the lives of 
their wives and children for the sparing a Uttle cost and 
pains? I am concerned to lay these things before you^ 
under an uacommon exercise of mind, that your new 
and flourishing little settlement may not be laid waste, 
and (if the providence of the Almighty doth not inter- 
vene,) some of the blood of yourselves, wives or chil- 
dren, be shed or spilt on the ground. 

"Fifthly. Consider you are in the jM^vince of Vir- 
ginia, holding what rights you hate under that govern* 
ment ; and Uie Virginians have made an agreement 
with the natives to go as far.as the mountains cuid no 
ferther; and you are over and beyond the mountains, 
therefore out of that agreement ; by which you lie open 
to the msults and incursions of the Southern Indians^ 
who have destroyed many of the inhabitants of Caro- 
lina and Virginia, and eveti now have destroyed more 
on the like occasion. The English going beyond the 
bounds of their agreement, eleven of them were kiUed 
by the Indians while we were traveling in Virginia. 

" Sixthly. If you believe yourselves to'be within the 
bounds of William Penn's patent from kii^ Charles 
the second, which will be hard for you to prove, you be- 
ing far fifouthward of his Une, yet if done, thai will be 
no consideration with the Indians without a purchase 
from them, e:!icept you wiU go about to cmvince them 



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INDIAN SETTLEMENTS. 63 

afire and sword, conti^ary to our principles; and if 
\t were done, they would ever be implacable enemies, 
and the land could never be enjoyed in peace. 

" Seventhly. Please to note that in Pennsylvania no 
liew settlements are made without an agreement with 
the natives ; as witness Lancaster county, lately set- 
tled, though that isf far within the grant of William 
Penn's patent from king Charles thfe second ; where- 
fore you lie open to the insurrections erf the Northern as 
well as Southern Indians ; and 

" Lastly. Thus having shewn my good will to you 
and to your new Uttle settlement, that you might sit 
every one under your own shady tree, where none 
might make you afraid, and that you might prosper 
natumlly and ^iritually, you and your chSdren ; and 
having a little eased my mind of that weight and con- 
cern (in some measure) that lay upon me, I at present 
cbsist, and subscribe myself, in the love of our holy Lord 
Jesus Christ, your real friend, T. C." 

This excelknt letter from this good man proves that 
the Quakers were among our earliest settlers, and that 
this class of people were early disposed to do justice to 
the natives of the country. 

Had this humane and just policy of purchasing the 
Indian lands been first adopted and adhered to, it is 
highly probable the white people might have gradually 
obtained possession without the loss of so much blood 
and treasure. 

The ancestors of the Neills, Walkers, Bransons, 
McKays, Hackneys, Beesons, Luptons,. Barretts, Dil- 
fens, &c. were among the earliest duaker immigrants 
to our valley. Three duakers by the name of Faw- 
cett settled at an early period about 8 or 9 miles south of 
Winchester, near Zane's old iron works, from whom a 
pretty numerous prc^eny has descended. They have, 
iiowever, chiefly migrated to the west. 

Mr. Jefferson, in his Notes on Virginia, says, " That 
the lands of this country were taken from them (the 
Indians,) by conquest, is not so general ^ truth as is su£>- 
5 



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64 FIRST SETTLEMENT OF THE VALLET. 

poeed. I find in our historians and records, repealed 
proofs of purchase, ivhich cover a considerable part of 
the lower country; and many more would doubtless be 
found on further sefarch. The up|)er country we know 
has been acquired altogether by purchase in the most 
unexceptionable form.^' 

Tradition relates, that several tracts of land were 
purchased by Quakers from the Indians on Apple-pie 
ridge, and that the Indians never were known to disturb 
the people residing oa the land so purchased. 



CHAPTER lit 

FHrst settlement of the valley. 

In the year 1732, Joist Hite, with his family, and his 
sons-in-law, viz. George Bowman, Jacob Chrisman and 
Paul Froman, with their famiUes, Robert McKay, Ro- 
bert Green^ William Duff, Peter Stephens, and several 
others, amounting in the whole to sixteen families, re- 
moved from Pennsylvania, cutting their road from York, 
and crossing the Cohongorutori about two miles above 
Harpers-Ferry. Hite settled on OpeqUon, about five 
miles south of Winchester, on the great highway from 
Winchester to Staunton, now the residence of the high- 
ly respectable widow of the late Richard Peters Barton, 
Esq. and also the residence of Richard W. Barton, Esq. 
Peter Stephens and several others settled at Stephens- 
burg, and founded the town ; Jacob Chrisman at what 
is now called Chrisman's spring, about two miles south 
of Stephensburg; Bowman on Cedar creek, about six 
miles farther south ; and Froman on the same creek, 
8 or 9 miles north west of Bowman. Robert McKay 
settled on Crooked run, 8 or 9 miles south east of Ste- 
phensburg. The several other families settled in the 



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FIRST SETTLEMENT OF THE VALLEY. 65 

same neighborhood, wherever they could find wood and 
water most convenient. From the most authentic in- 
formation which the author has been able to.,^)htaiih- 
Hite and his party wpre the first immigrants who settled 
west of the Blue ridge. Thev ^ere, however, very soon 
followed by numerous others. 

In 1734,* Benjamin Allen, Riley Moore, and William 

White, removed from Monoccacy, in lijaryland, and 

settled on the North branch of the Shenandoah, now 

in, the county of Shenaqidoah, about 12 miles south of 

' Woodstock. 

In 1733, Jacob Stover, an enterprising German, obr 
tained from the then governor of Virginia, a grant for 
five thousand acres of land on the South fork of the 
Gemndot river, on what was cq,ll(Bd Mesinetto creek.t 

Tradition relates a singular and aiic^using account of 
Stover and his grant.^ On his application to the execu- 
tive for his grant, he was refused, unless he could give 
satisfactory assurance' that he would have the land set- 
tled with the rec|[uisite number of f^milfes y^ithin a givei^ 
time. Being unable to do this, he forthwith passed over 
to England, petitioned the king to direct his grant to 
issue, and in oifler to insure success, had given hiunan 
names to every horse, cow, hog and dog he oy^ned, and 
^hich he represented as heads of fajnilies,.ieady to mi- 
graine and settle the land. By this disingenuous trick 
he succeeded In obtaining directions from the king and 
council jfor securing his grant; on obtaining which he 
immediately sold out his laud iu small divisions, at three 

•Mk. Steedbergen informed the author that the traditionary ^ecouoi of 
the first settlement of his farm, together with AUeu^s and Moc^re^s. ma^e i\ 
about 106year8^ but Mr. Aaron Moore, grandson of Riley Moore, by refer- 
ring to the family records, fixes the period pretty correctly. According to Mr, 
Moore^s account, Moore, Allen and White, removed from Maryland m 1734. 

t This water course was first written Gerando, then Sherandoah, now 
Shenandoah. 

tMesinetto is now called Masiautlon. There is a considerable settlement 
«f highly improved farms, now called "the Masinutton settlement,^' in the 
■ew county of Page, on the west Qide of the fi^outh river, on Stover*s an- 
cient grant. 

i Stover's grant ia detcrilied 99 bejng in the coqnt:^ pf Spottsvhapia, St. 
iiarks Parish. Of course, Spottsylvania at that period, i. e. IW, crossed 
lh9 B)ue ridjge. 



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66 FIRST SETTLEMENT OP THE VALLEY. 

pounds (equal to ten dollars) per himdred, and went off 
with the money. 

Two men, John and Isaac Vanmeter, obtained a 
Waiidui from governor Gooch for locating forty thou- 
sand acres of land. This warrant was obtained in the 
year 1730. They sold or transferred part of their war- 
rant to Joist Hite ; and from this warrcmt emanated se- 
veral of Kite's grants, which the author has seen. Of 
the titles to the lauds on which Hite settled, with seve- 
ral other tracts in the neighborhood of Stephensburg, 
the originals are founded on this warrant. 

In the year 1734, Richard Morgan obtained a grant 
for a tract of land in the immediate neighborhood of 
Shepherdstown, on or near the Cohongoruton. Among 
the first settlers on this water course and its vicinity, 
were Robert Harper (Harpers-Ferry), William Stroop, 
Thomas and William Forester, Israel Friend, Thomas 
Shepherd, Thomas Swearengen, Van Swearengen, 
James Forman, Edward Lucas, Jacob Hite,* John L^ 
inon, Richard Mercer, Edward Mercer, Jacob Vanme- 
ter and brothers, Robert Stockton, Robert Buckles, John 
Taylor, Samuel Taylor, Richard Morgan, John Wright, 
and others. 

The first settlers on the Wappatomaka (South Branch) 
were Coburn, Howard, Walker and Rutledge. This 
settlement c6mmenced about the year 1734 or 1 735. It 
does not appear that the first immigrants to this fine 
section of country had the precaution to secure titles to 
their lands, until Lord Fairfax migrated to Virginia, 
and opened his ofiice for granting wanants in the 
Northern Neck. The earUest grant which the author 
could find in this settlement bears date in 1747. The 
most of the grants are dated in 1749. This was a 
most unfortimate omission on the part of these people. 
It left Fairfax at the discretion of exercising his insatia- 
ble disposition for the monopoly of wealth ; and insteaA 
of granting these lands upon the usual terms allowed 
to other settlers, he availed himself of the opportunity 

* One of Joiit Hite'f toxu. 



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FIRST SETTLEMENT OP THE VALLEf . 67 

of laying off in manors, fifty-five thousand acres, in 
what he called his South Branch manor, and nine thou- 
sand acres on Patterson's creek. 

This was considered by the settlers an odious and q>- 
ptessive act on the part of his lordship, and many of 
them left the country.* These two great surveys were 
made in the year 1747. To such tenants as remained, 
his lordship granted leases for ninety-nine years, reser- 
ving an annual rent of twenty shillings sterling per 
hundred acres ; whereas to all other immigrants only 
two shillings sterling rent per hundred was re^rved, 
with a fee simple title to the tenant. Some further no?- 
tice of Lord Fairfax and his immense grant will be ta- 
ken in a future chapter. 

Tradition relates that a man by the name of John 
Howard, and his son, previous to the first settlement of 
our valley, explored the country, and discovered the 
charming valley of the South Branch, crossed the Al- 
legany mountains, and on the Ohio kihed a very large 
buffalo bull, skinned him, stretched his hide over ribs 
of wood, made u kind of boat, and in this frail bark de- 
scended the Ohio and Mississippi to New-Orleans, where 
they w^re apprehended by the French as suspicious 
characters, and sent to Frgjice ; but nothing criminal 
appearing against them, they were discharged. From 
hence they crossed over to England, where Fairfax by 
some means got to hear of Mr. Howard, sought an in- 
terview with him, and obtained fi*om him a description 
of the fertility and immense value of the South Branch, 
which determined his lordship at once to secure it in 
manors. t Notwithstanding this selfish monc^ly on 
the part of Fairfax, the great fertility and value of the 
country induced numerous tenants to take leases, settle, 
and improve the lands. 

At an early period many immigrants settled on Ca- 
pon, (anciently called Cacaphon, which is said to be the 
Indian name,) also on Lost river. Along Back creek, 

* William Heathy Esa* of Hardy, gave the author tbi^ iAtbrmation. 
t Also related by Mr. Heath. 

5* 



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68 FIRST SETTLEMENT OP THE VALLEY. 

Cedar creek, and Opequon, pretty numerous settle- 
ments were made. The two great branches of the 
Shenandoah, from its forks upwaids^ w^e among our 
^rliest settlements* 

An enterprising duaker, by tlie name of Ross, ob- 
tained a warrant for surveying forty thousand acres rf 
land. The surveys on this warrant were made along 
Opequon, north of Winchester, and up to Apple-pie 
ridge. Pretty ntunerpus immigrants of the Cluaker 
^ofession removed from Pennsylvania, and settled oa 
Ross's surveys. The reader will have observed in my 
preceding chapter, that as early as the year 1738, this 
people had regular monthly meetings established on 
Opequon.* 

The lands on the west side of the Shenandoah, fiDm 
a httle below the forks, were first settled by overseers 
and slaves, nearly down to the mouth of tlie Bullskin. 
A Col. Carter,t of the lower country, had obtained 
grants for about sixty-three thousand acres of land on 
this river. His surveys commenced a short distance 
below the forks of the river, and ran down a Httle be^ 
low Snickers's ferry, upwards of 20 miles. This fine 
body of land is now subdivided into a great many most 
valuable fanns, a consider Ale part of which are now 
owned by the highly respfctable families of the Bur- 
wells and Pages. But Uttfe of it now remains in the 
hands of Carter's heirs. '! 

Another survey of thbleen thousand acres was grant- 
ed to another person, and lies immediately below and 
adjoining Carter's' line, running a considerable distance 
into the county of Jefferson. This fine tract of land, 
it is said, was sold'under the hammer at WiUiamsburg, 
some time previous to the war of the revolution. The 
owner had been sporting, lost money, and sold the land 
to pay his debt of honor. General Washington hap- 
pened to be present, knew the land, and advised the laie 

*See Chaulk!e>'» letter to the montbly meeting on Opequon, 21st May, 
173», pase 61. 

tCoi. Robert Carter obtained grants in Scptcmlier, 1730, (or sixO'-tbree 
tliousand Hcrc«. 



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PIRBT SETTLBMBNT OP THE VALLEY* 69 

Rj^lph Wormley, Esq.* to purchase, it. Wonnley bid 
five hundred guineas for it, end it was struck off -to him. 
It is also ^aid'that Mr. Wormley, just before or at the 
tkne of the sale, had been regaling himselif with a so- 
cial glasS) and that when hexooled off, he became ex- 
iremeiy dissatisfied with his purchase, considering it as 
money thrown away. Washington bearing of his un- 
easiness, immediately waited on him,. and told him he 
woidd take the purchase off his hands, and pay him 
hfe money ag:ain, but advised him by all naeans to hold 
it, assuring him that it weuld one day or <^ther be the 
foundation of an independent fortune for his children ; 
upon which Wormley became better reconciled, and 
consented to hold On. Ahd truly,^a9 Washington pre- 
dicted, it would have become a splendid estate in the . 

. hands of two or threeof his children, had they known 
how to preserve it. But it passed into other- hands, and 

• now constitutes the- splendid farms t)f the late- firm of 
Casdeinan <fe McCormick, Hierome L. Opie, Esq. the 
honorable judge Richard E. Parker, and several others. 
In truthj ail the couiitry about the larger water cour- 
ses and mountains was settled before the fine country 
:about Bullskin, Long marsh, Spout run, &c. 

Much the greater part of the country between what 
i3 called the Little North niduntain and the Shenah- 

^^oah idver, at the first settling of the valley was one 
vast prairy,t and, Uke the rich prairies of the west, af- 
ford^ the finest possible pasturage for wild aninials. 
The country abounded in the larger kindb of game. 
The buffalo, elk, deer^ bear, panther, wild-cat, wolf, fox, 
'beaver, oit^r, andall other kinds of animab, wild fowl, 
&c. common to forest countries, Were abundantly plen- 
ty. The coxm try now the xxmnty of Shenandoah, be- 
tweehs the Fort'moiintain and North mountain, was 

•Mr. Wormley, it ia believed, resided .at the Ume in the county of Mid- 
Tdksex.. ^ , 

tTbere^ are several aged individualt now living, who recollect when there 
were large bodies of land in die counties of BerKele>s Jefferson and Fred- 
erick, barren of tiu^ber. Th^ baiVen laad is now covered with the best of 
forest^ees. 

5t 



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TO FXB8T 8ETTLBMBNT OF THE VAIXET* 

abo settled' at an eaiiy penoA. Thd counties of Rock* 
ingham and Augusta also were jsettled at an early time. 
The s^ement o£ the upper part <ji our valley wiU4)e. 
more particularly noticed, and form the subject of ase- 
c(md volume hereafter^ should the public demand it. 

From the best evidence the author has been able to 
collect, and for this purpose he has eXBsaoine^ many an^ 
d^nt grants for lands, &mily records, &c. as well as the 
or^ tradition of bur ancient citizens, the settlement oi 
our valley jurogressed without interruption from the' na- 
tive Indians for a period of about twentyrthree years. 
In the yeiur 17S4^ the Indians suddenly disappeared,^ 
and crossed the iJlegany. The year preceding, emis<- 
saries from the west of the Allegany came smiong the 
Valley Indians and invited them to move off.* This 
occurrence excited suspcion among th^ white peo^d 
that a stoim ,was brewing in the west^ which it was es- 
sential to prepare to meet. 

Tradition relates, that the Indiansdid not object to 
the Pennsylvanians settling the country. From the 
hiffh character of William Penn, (the founder of Penn- 
^Ivania,) the poor* simf^e; natives believed that all 
Penn's men were honest, virtuous, humane aiid bene- 
volent, and oartook of the qualities of the illustrious 
founder qf tneir government. But fatal experience 
soon taught them a very different lesson. They soon 
found to their co^ that Fenndylvanians were not mudi 
better than others. 

Tradition also informs tts that the natives held in ut- 
ter abhorrence the Virginians, whom they designated 
**Long Knife," epid were warmly opposed to their set- 
tling in the valley; . -^ 

The author will conclude this chapter with some gen- 
eral remarks in relation to the circumstances under 
which tl^ first settlement of the valley commenced. 
Traditron informs us, and the oral statements of several 
aged individuals of respectable character confirm the 

*Mr. Thomas Barrett, an aged and respectable citizen of Frederick coun- 
ty, relate^tiiis tradition to the author. 



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FIRST SETTLEMENT OP THE VALLEY. 7\ 

fact, that the Indians and white people resided in the 
some neighborhood for several years after the first settle- 
ment commenced, and that the Indians were entirely 
peaceable and friendly. This statement must in the 
nature of things be true ; because if it had been other- 
wise, the white people could not have succeeded in ef- 
fecting the settlement. Had the natives resisted the 
first attempts to settle, the whites could not have suc- 
ceeded without the aidof a pretty considerable army to 
awe the Indians into submission. It was truly fortu- 
nate for our ancestors that this quiescent spirit of the ' 
Indians afforded them the opportunity of acquiring 
considerable strength as to numbers, and the accumula- 
tion of considerable property and improvements, before 
Indian hostilities commenced. 

It has already been stated that it was twenty-three 
years from the first settlement, before the Indians com- 
mitted any acts of outrage on the white people. Du- 
ring this period many pretty good dwelling houses were 
erected. Joist Hite had binlt a stone house on Ope- 
quon, which house is now standing, and has a very an- 
cient appearance;* but there are no marks upon it by 
which to ascertain the time. In 1751, James Wilson 
erected a stone house which is still standing, and now 
the residence of Mr. Adam Kern, adjoinmg or near the 
village of Kernstown. 

J^ixh Chrisman also built a pretty large stone house 
in the year 1751, now the resWence of Mr. Abraham 
Stickley, about two miles south of Stephensbuig. Gea 
Bowman and Paul Froman each of them built stone 
houses, at their respective places of residence on Cedar 
creek, about the same period. The late Col John Hite, 
in the year 1763, built a stone house now the dweUing 
house of Mrs. Barton. This buflding was considered 
by fer the finest dwelling house west of the Blue ridge.t 
Lewis Stephens, in the year 1756, built a stone house, 

*On the wall plate of a framed barn built by Hite, the figures 1747 are 
plainly marked, and now to be seen. 

t There is a tradition in this neighborhood that CJol. Hile quarried CTcry 
stone in this buihiing with his own hands. 



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72 FIRST SETTLEMENT OP THE VALLEY. 

the ruins of which are now to be seen at the old iron 
works of the late Gen. Isaac Zane. It will hereaft^ 
be seen that these several stone buildings became of 
great importance to the people of the several neighbcH:- 
hoods, as places of protection and security against the 
attacks of the Indians. 

The subject of the early settlement of the valley 
will be resumed in my next chapter. 



CHAPTER IV. 

Pirsf settlement of the valley ....Continued. 

Tradition relates that a man by the name of John 
Vanmeter, from New- York, some years previous to the 
first settlement of the valley, discovered the fine coun- 
tiy on the Wappatomaka. This man was a kind of 
wandering Indian trader, became well acquainted with 
the Delawares, and once accompanied a war party who 
marched to the south for the purpose of invading the 
Catawbas. The Catawbas, however, anticipated them, 
met them very near the spot where Pendleton court- 
house now stands, and encountered and defeated them 
with immense slaughter. Vanmeter was engaged on 
the side of the Delawares in this battle. When Van- 
meter returned to New- York, he advised his sons, that 
if they ever migrated to Virginia, by all means to se- 
cure a part of the South Branch bottom, and described 
the lands immediately above what is called " The 
Trough," as the finest body of land which he had ever 
discovered in all his travels.. One of his sons, Isaac 
Vanmeter, in conformity with his father's advice, came 
to Virginia about the year 1736 or 1737, and made 
what was called a tomahawk improvement on the lands 
now owned by Isaac Vanmeter, Esq. immediately above 



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rXRST SETTLEWLEWT OF THE VALLEY. 73 

the trc^gfa>:wheFe Fort Pleasant was afterwards ereeted. 
After th^ improvement, Mr. Vanmeter returned to New- 
Jersey, came out again in 1740, and found a man by 
the name of Coburn settled on his land. Mi, Tanme- 
ter bought out Coburn, and again returned to New* 
Jersey ; and in the year 174'4 removed with his family 
u^d settled pn the land.* Previous to Yanmeter's final 
removal to Virginic^ several immigrants from Pennsyl- 
vania, chiefly Irisbu had settled on the South Branch. 
Howard, Coburn, Walker ai;id Ruttedge, "were the first 
settlers on the Wappatomaka.t 

William Miller and Abraham Hite were also among 
the early settlers. When the Indian wars broke out, 
Miller sold his right to 600 acres of land, and all his 
stock of hordes and cattle in*lhe woods, for twenty-five 
pouQds,t and removed to the South fSrk of the Shenan- 
doah, a few miles aboye. Front I^oyal. The 500 acres 
©f land sold^ by Miller he within about two miles of 
Moorefield, and one acre of It would how command 
ntore mon^y thsixx the whole tracts including his stock, 
wassojdfor. 

Casey, .Pancake,, Forman,- and a number of othe^, 
bad settled on the Wappatomafca previous to Vanme^ 
ter's final Removal. 

. In the year 174Q, the late Isaac Hite, Esq. one of the 
BGoa of Joist KQt^ settled on the North brwch of the 
Shenandoah, in the county of Frederick, on the beau- 
tiful farm called "Long meadows." This fine estate is 
now owned by Maj. Isaac BtitQ, the only son of Isaac 
Hite, deceased.} 

About the same year, JohnLindsey cmd James Lind- 
sey, brothers, removed and settled on the Long marsh, 
between BuUskin and BOTyvilfejin the-county of Fred- 
erick. Isaac Larue removed from New- Jerseyin 1743, 
and settled ako on the ssime marsh. About the same 

* Inac Vanmeter, Ksa. of If ai^ detniled thi» tradidon ib the author. 
tComimiDicated by WilHam Heath, Esq. 

4 Isaac Vaniueter, Eao. stated this iact to. the author. 
Biai. baac Hitei of FitdencK county, cotrumtoicated this infbrmation to 
the author. 



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74 FIRST S^BgPTLteME3SrT OP THfi VALLfilf. 

period, Chrl8tq[)her Heeler removed and- settled wHbi^ 
two or three miles from Lanie; and about the jeai 
1744, Joseph Hampton and two sons came irom the 
eastern ehore^f Marylcuid, settled on. Buck marsh, near 
Berryville, and lived the greater part of the year in a 
hollow sycamore tree. They enclosed a piece of land 
and made a crop preparatory to the rejcnoval of the fyr 
ijiily.* ^ 

In 1743 Joseph Carter removM froni Bucks county, 
Pennsylvania, and setttedron Opequon, about.five mMes 
east of Winchester.. Very near Mt. Carter's residence, 
on the west side of the creek, wa^ a beautiftd grove of 
forest timber, immediately opposite which a fine lime* 
stone spiing issued frpm^ thei east bank of the creek. 
This grove was, at the time of Mr* Garter's first settle- 
ment, a favorite camping ground of the Indians, where 
numerous coUeotions, scimetimes two or three hundred 
at a* time, would assemble, and remain for several weeks 
together. Mr. Gart^ "was a shoemaker, c^nd on one oo- 
cadbn two Indians called at his shop just as he had fin- 
ished and hung up a jwiir of shoes, which one of the 
Indians seeing, secretly sUpped under his Uank^ and 
attempted to make dK Gaiter detected hfan, and took 
the shoes^ from him. Has companion manif^ted U^e ut- 
most indignation at the theft, atid gave Garter to un- 
derstand 3iat the culprit Would -be severely dealt with. 
As soon as th$ Indiana returned to the. encampment, 
information was given to the chiefs, and the unfortu- 
nate thief was so severely chastised, that Mr. Garter, 
from motives of humanity, interpc^ed, and b^gedthat 
the: punishment might cease.t - 

Maj. Isaac Hite informed the author that numerous 
parties of Indians, in passing aad repassing, frequently 
called at his grandfather's house, on Opequon, and that 
but one instance of theft was ever committed. On that 

* C©K Jolin. B. Larue and WilHam C^LStleman, Esq. gave tlie author thia. 
Hnforovs^on. : 

t The late MV. James Ctfrter gave llie Author this tradition, which he re- 
. tJeived from i)is father, who was a boy of 12 orlS^yeard Old at the time, and 
aneye-witness^f the fact. Opposite to tliis campu»g grouad, on ahigh hill 
cast of tlie creek, Is a large ludiaa gravb. 



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JPIEST SETTLEMENT OF THE VALLKT. 76 

tMMiisiott a pretty com^emble patty had called, and o& 
ifaeir leaving- the house some article of inconsiderable 
value was missing. A messenger was sent after them, 
•and information of the theft given to the chiefe. Seardi 
was immediately made, the article found in the posses- 
sion of one of them, and restored to its owner. These 
ikds go far to show their liigh sense erf honesty and 
8«inmary justice. It has indeed been stated to the au- 
thor, that their traveling parties would, if they needed 
•provisions and could not otherwise procure them, kill fat 
hogs or fet cattle in the woods, in order to supjrfy them- 
selves with food. This they did not consider stealmg. 
EA^ry animal running at large they considered lawful 
game. 

The Indians chafge the white people with teaching 
them the knowledge of theft and several other vices. 
In the winter of 1815-16, the author spent some weeks 
in the state of Georgia, where he fell in with Col. Bar- 
nctt, one of the comtnissioners for nmning the boundary 
line of Indian lands which had shortly before been ce- 
ded to the United States. Some conversaiion took fiace 
on the subject of the Indians and Indian character, in 
' which Col. B. remarked, that in one of his excursions 
through the Indian coimtry, he met with a very aged 
Cherokee chief, who spoke and understood the English 
language pretty well. The cdonel had several conver- 
sations with this aged man. in one of which he congra- 
tulated him upon the prospect x>f his people having their 
condition greatly improved, there being every reason to 
believe that in the course of a few years they would be- 
^me acquainted with the arts of civil Ufe-r-would be 
better clothed, better fed, and erect bett<?r and more com- 
fortable habitations — and what was of still greater im- 
portance, they would become acquainted with the doc- 
trines and principles of the Christian religion. This 
venerable old man listened with the most profound and 
respectful attention until the colonel had concluded, and 
then with a significant shake of his head and much 
cmphstsis repUeil, — That ho doubted the benefits to the 



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76 FIRST SETTLEMENT OP- THE VALLEY. 

ted people pointed out by the colonel : that before their 
fethers were acquainted with the whites, the red peofrfe 
needed but little, and that Uttle the Great Spirit gav« 
them, the forest supplying them with food and raiment: 
that before their fathers were acquainted with the white 
people, the red people never got drunk, because they 
had nothing to make them drunk, and never committed 
theft, because they had no temptation to do so. It was 
true, that when parties were out hunting, and one party 
was unsuccessful, and found the game of the more sue* 
ceesful party hung up, if they needed provision they 
took it; and this was not stealing — it was the law and 
custom of the tribes. If they went to war, they de- 
stroyed each other's property: this was done to weaken 
their enemy. Red people never swore, because they 
had no words to express an oath. Red people would 
not cheat, because tney had no temptation to commit 
fraud: they never told falsehoods, because they had no 
temptation to tell lies. And as to religion, you go to 
your churches, sing loud, pray loud, and make great 
noise. The red people meet once a year, at the feast <rf 
new com, extinguish all their fires, and kindle up a new 
one, the smoke of which ascends to the Great Spirit as 
a grateful sacrifice. Now what better is your religion 
than ours? The white people have taught us to get 
drunk, to steal, to lie, to cheat, and to swear ; and if the 
knowledge of these vices, as you profess to hold them, 
and punish by your laws, is beneficial to the red pe(q[de) 
we are benefited by our acquaintance with you ; if not, 
we are greatly injured by that acquaintance. 

To say the least of this untutored old man, his qnn- 
ions, rel^ion excepted, were but too well founded, and 
convey a severe rebuke upon the character of those who 
boast of the superior advantages of the lights of educa- 
tion and a knowledge of the religion of the Holy Re- 
deemer. 

From this digression the author will again turn his 
attention to the early history of our country. - 

About the yeajr 1763, the first settlements were made 



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FIB6T SETTLEMENT OF THE VALLEY. 77 

at or near the head of Bullskin. Two families, by the 
name of Riley and Allemong, fiivrt commenced the set- 
tlement of this immediate neighborhood. At this pe- 
riod timber was so scaice that the settlers were compel- 
led to cut small ^apUngs to inclose their fields.* The 
prairy produced grass five or six feet high ;t and even 
our mountains and hills were covered with a rich and 
profuse vegetable growth for the sustenance of quadru- 
peds of every species. The pea vine grew abundantly 
on the hilly and mountainous lands, than which no 
species of vegetable production afforded finer and richer 
pasturage. 

From this state of the country, many of our first set- 
tlers turned their attention to rearing large herds of 
horses, catde, hogs, ifec. Many of them became expert, 
hardy and adventurous hunters, and spent much of their 
time and depended chiefly for support and money-ma- 
king on the sale of skins and furs.t Moses Russell, 
Esq. informed the author that the hilly lands about his 
residence, near the base of the North mountain, in the 
south west comer of Frederick, and which now present 
to the eye the appearance of great poverty of soil, with- 
in his recollection were covered with a fine growth of 
pea vine, and that stock of every d^cription grew abun- 
dantly fat in the summer season. 

Isaac Larue, who settled on the Long marsh in 1743, 
as has been stated, soon became celebrated for his nu- 
merous herds of horses and cattle. The author was 
told by Col. J. B. Larue, who is the owner of part of his 
grandfather's fine landed estate, that his grandfather 
frequently owned between 90 and 100 head of horses, 

* Messrs. Cbristiaa Allemong and George Riley both stated this fact to the 
author. 

t Mr. George Riley, an aged and respectable citizen, stated to the author 
tfiat the grass on the Bullskin barrens grew so tall, that he had frequently 
drawn it oefore him when on horseback, and tied it before him. 

t The late Henry Fry. one of the early settlers on Capon river, upwards of 
fort/ years ago informea the author, that he purchasect the tract of land oa 
-which he first settled, on Capoti river, for which be engaged to pay either 
i£200 or £25(L the author does not recollect which sum, and that he made 
every dollar ot the tnoney by the sale of skins and furs, the game being killed 
or caught with his own hands. 



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78 RELIGION, HABITS AND CUSTOMS, 

but it SO happened that he never could get his stock to 
count a hundred. 

TheHites, Frys, Vanmeters, and many others, raised 
vast stocks of horses, cattle, hogs, <fcc. Tradition relates 
that Lord Fairfax, happening one day in Winchester to 
see a large drove of unusually fine hogs passing through 
the town, inquired firom whence they came. Beuig in- 
formed that they were from the mountains west of Win- 
chester, he remarked that when a new county should 
be laid off in that direction it ought to be called Hamp- 
shire, after a county in England celebrated for its pro- 
duction of fine hogs ; and this, it is said, gave name to 
the present county of Hampshire. 

The author will only add to this chapter, that, fi"om 
the first settlement of the valley, to the breaking out of 
the war, on the part of the French and Indians, against 
our ancestors, in the year 1754, our country rapidly in- 
creased in numbers and in the acquisition of property, 
without interruption from the natives, a period of twen- 
ty-two years. 

In my next chapter I shall give a brief account of 
tlie religion, habits and cust(>ms, of the primitive settlers, 



CHAPTER V. 

Religion^ habits and customs^ of the pthnitive 
settlers. 

A large majority of our first immigrants were from 
Pennsylvania, composed of native Germans or German 
extraction. There were, however, a number (Jirectly 
from Germany, several from Maryland and Neav- Jersey, 
and a few from New- York. These immigrants brought 
with them the religion, habits and customs, of their an- 
cestors. They were composed generally of three reli- 



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. OP THE PRIMITCIVE 0ETTJLERS. 79 

gious.^ects^ viz. Lutherans, Menonists* and CalvinistSj 
with a few Tunkers. They generally settled in neigh- 
borhoods pretty much together. 

The temtoiry now composing the county of Page^ 
Powell's fort, and the Woodstock valley, between the 
W^st Fort mountain and North mountain, extending 
from the neighborhood of Stephensburg for a conside- 
rable distance into the county of Rockingham, was al- 
most exclusively settled by Germans. They were very 
tenacious in the preservation of their language, religion, 
customs and habits. In what is now Page county they 
were almost exclusively of the Menonist persuasion : 
but few Lutherans or Calvinists settled among- them. 
In the other sections of the territory above described, 
th^re were a mixture of Lutherans and Calvinists. The 
Menonists were remarkable for their strict adherence to 
all the moral and religious observances required by their 
sect. Their children were early instructed in the prin- 
ciples and ceremonies of their religion, habits and cus- 
toms. They were generally fermers, and took great 
care of their stock of different kinds. With few excep- 
iiens, they strictly inhibited their children from joining 
in the dance or other juvenile amusements common to 
other religious sects of the Germans. 

In their marriages much ceremony was observed and 
great preparation made. Fatted calves, lambs, poultry, 
the finest of bread, butter, milk, honey, domestic sugar, 
wine if it could be had, with every article necessary for 
a sumptuous feast in their plain way, were prepared in 
abundance. Previous to the performance of the cere- 
mony, (the clergyman attending at the place appointed 
for the marriage,) four of the most respectable young fe- 
males and four of the most respectable young men were 
selected as waiters upon the bride and groom. The se- 
veral waiters were decorated with badges, to indicate 
their oflfices. The groomsmen, as they were termed, 
were invariably furnished with fine white aprons beau- 

* Simon Meno was one of the earliest German reformers^ and the founder 
of this sect. 



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80 EELIGION, HABITS AND CVSTOMfi^ 

tifiiUy embroidered. It was deemed a high honor to 
wear the apron. The duty of the waiters consisted in 
not only waiting on the bride and groom, but they were 
required, after the marriage ceremony was performed, 
to serve up the wedding dinner, and to guard and pro- 
tect the bride while at dinner from having her shoe sto- 
len from her foot. This custom of stealing the bride's 
shoe, it is said, afforded the most heartfelt amusement 
to the wedding guest. To succeed in it, the greatest 
dexterity was used by the younger part of the company, 
while equal vigilance was manifested by the waiters to 
defend her against the theft ; and if they failed, they 
were iH honor bound to pay a penalty for the redemp- 
tion of the shoe. This penalty was a bottle of wine, or 
one dollar, which was commonly the price of k bottle of 
wine : and as a punishment to the bride, she was not 
permitted to dance until the shoe was restored. The 
successful thief, on getting hold of the shoe, held it up 
in great triumph to the view of the whole assemblage, 
which was generally pretty numerous. This custom 
was continued among the Germans from generation to 
generation, until since the war of the revmution. The 
author has conversed with many individuals, still living, 
who were eye-witnesses of it. 

Throwing the stocking was another custom among 
the Germans.* When the bride and groom were bed- 
ded, the young people were admitted into the room. A 
stocking, rolled into a ball, was given to the young fe- 
males, who, one after the other, would go to the foot df 
the bed, stand with their backs towards it, and throw the 
stocking over their shoulders at the bride's head ; and 
the first that succeeded in touching her cap or head was 
the next to be married. The young: men then threw 
the stocking at the groom's head, in Tike manner, with 
the like motive. Hence the utmost eagerness and dex- 
terity were used in throwing the stoclmig. This prac- ^^ 

* Throwing the itocking was not exclusively a German custom. It is ce- ;re 
lebrated by an Irish poet, in his " Irish Wedding.'' It is not improbtblo but 
it was common to tlie Celtic nations also. 

..Ge 

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OP THE PRIMITIVE SETTLERS. 81 

tice, as w^ll as that of stealing the bride's shoe, was 
common to aU the Germans. 

Among the tutherans and Calvinists, dancing, with 
other amusements was common, at their wedding par- 
ties |>artipnlarly. Dancing and rejoicings Were some* 
times kept up for weeks togeth^.* 

The peaceable and orderly deportnxent of this hardy 
ind industrious race of people, together with their per- 
fect submission to the restraints of the civil authority^ 
bag always been proverbial. Thejr form at this day a 
most valuable part of our community. 

Among our ejirly setders, a. number of Irish Presby- 
terians i^^oved from Pennsylvania, and settled along 
Back creek, the North niountam and Opequon. A few 
Scotch and English families Were among them. 

The ancestors of the Glasses, Aliens, Vances, Ker- 
fofts, &c. were among the earliest settlers on .the upper 
waters of the Opequon. The ancestors of the Whites, 
Russells, &c. settled near the North mountain. There 
were a mixture of Irish and Germans on Cedar creek 
and its vicinity i the Frys, Newells, Blackbums,t Wil- 
sons, (fcc. were among the number. The Irish, like the 
Germans, brought with them the'religion, customs and 
habits, of their ancestor's. The Irish wedding was al- 
ways an occasion of great hilarity, jollity and mirth. 
Among other scenes attending it, running for the bottle 
was much practiced. It was usual for the wedding par- 
ties to ride to the residence Of the clergyman to have the 
ceremony performed. In their absence, the lather or 
nex£ frierid prepared^ at the bride's re^ence, a bottle of 
the best spirits that could be obtain^d^ around the neck 
of \i4iich a white ribin was tied. Returning from the 
clfflTgyman's, when withinorie or two miles of the home 
of thel^ride, some jthree or four young men prepared to 
ruh: foJ? the bottle. Taking an even staxt, their hordes 
were^iit at fuU speedy dashmg over mud, rocks, stumps, 

* Cbrifldadl^iUery an aged and i«8pectable,inanjiearWoodftocl(, related 
this custom to the author. ^ " 

t Gen. Samael Bluckbunif It b said, d^ttended from tftia ^Mnily. 

6 



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mm &ELIGI03?, HABITS AN1> CUSTOMS, 

and disregarding aU impediments. The race, in feet, 
was run with as much eagerness and desire to win, as 
18 ever manifested on the turf b^ o\ir i^poi:ting diaraD- 
tcrs. The fether or n^xt friend of the bridej expectiog 
the racers, stood with the bottle in his hand, re^y to de- 
liver to the successful competitor^ On receiving it, he 
forthwith returned to meet the bride and groom. Whea 
met, the hittle was first presented to the Imde^ who 
must taste it at least, next to the groom^ and then mxni^ 
ed round to th^ company, every one of whom warrcr 
quired to smg it ; 

The Quakers differed from ^ other sects in thdr 
marriage, cereroony* The parties having agreed upon 
the match, notice was given to the elders or overseers 
of the meeting, and a Miict inquiry ^followed whether 
there had been any previous engagements by either of 
the parties to other individnalsi If nothing of the kind 
a{)peared, the intended marriage was made known pub- 
Iwty ; and if. approved by ail parties, the couple ps^scd 
jjagelang. This ceremony w:as repeated three several 
tim^TwEenTTflaw^?*^^ appeared, a day 

was ajqpointed for the marriage^ >which took place at the 
meeting-house in presence of the cur^regation. A wri- 
ting, drawn up between the partiesj, purpMjrting to be the 
marriage agreemait, witnessed hy as imij^jr of the by- 
standers as thought-proper to subscra)e their iTiames,conr- 
cluded the ceretaony. They had no priest <«• clergy- 
man to perform the rite of matrimony, and %e whole 
proceeding was conducted with the utmost smemnity 
and decorum. This mode of marriage is still \^i u|^ 
with but little variation. ; ' 

Previous to the war of the revoluUon, it was the prac- 
tice to publish the bans of matrknony, between the par- 
ties intending to marry, three successive Sabbath-day^ 
in the church or meeting-house 5 after which, h n<^. 
fvd fanpediment aH>eared, it Was lawful for a lic«^ 
minister of the parish or county to join the j^rt^in 
Iredlock. It is probable that this practice, whKb was 
anrientl V ii^ed in the EngUsh churches, gave rise to i^ 



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OP THE PRIMITIVE SETTLERS. 83 

custom,inAeCluaker3ociety,of passing meeting. Th« 
peac^iU& and general morsU deportment of the Qua- 
ters is too generaHy known to reKjiiire particular notice 
m this work. 

The Baptists \i^re notamong our earliest immigrants. 
About fourteen or fifteen famiBes of that persuasion mi- 
paled from the state of New- Jersey, and settled pro- 
laHy in 1742 or 1743 in the vicinity of what is now 
called Gerardstown, in the county <k Berkeley.* 

Mr, Sempk, in his history of the Virginia Baptists, 
9Cates, that in the year 1754, Mr. Stearns, a preacher of 
this sect, witk several others, removed from New-Eng- 
knd. "They halted first at Opequon, in Berkeley 
county, Vkginia, where he formed a Baptist church un- 
der the care of the Rev. John Gerard.'^ This W€U3 pro- 
Sably the first baptist church lEbunded west of the Blue 
ridge in our sftate. 

It is said that the spot where Tuscarora meeting- 
house now stands, in the county of Berkeley, is tlie 
first place where the gospel was publicly preached and 
divine service performed west of the Blue ridge.t This 
was and still remains a Presbyterian edifice. 

It is not within the plan of this work to give a gencr 
ral history of the rise and progress of the various reli- 
gious societies of our <x)untry. It may not, however, 
be uninteresting to the general reader to have a brief 
sketch of the difficulties and persecutions which the 
Quakers and Baptists had to encounter in their first at- 
tempts to propagate their doctrines and principles in 

In Hening's Statutes at Large, vol. i. pp. 53^33, the 

foUovdng most extraordinary law, if indeed it deserves 

■- - " '" ■ ' ~.j 

* Mr. M*Cowen, an aged and respectable cittzea of the neighborhood, 
eofsmunicated this fact to the auUior. - 
' t This information was communicated to the author by a highly respect:^ 
ble old lady, of the Presbyterian church, in the county of Berkeley. She 
abe stated, that, in addition to the general tracKtfon, she had lately beard the 
venerable and reverend Dr. Matthews assert the feet. Mr. Mayers, now in 
hM87fb y6ar,borQ and raised oti the Potomac, in Berkeley, stated hisoprnioa 
to the author, that there was 9 boose erected for public worship at the Fall* 
tng Water about the same time that the Tuscarora meeting-house was built. 
Beth thAM ehurcfaes aft now under the pastoral car« of tE« Bev. Barnes Ml 



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84 RELIGION, HABITS AND CUSTOtfff, 

the name, was enacted by the then l^idature of Yir-* 
ginia, March 1660 : 

*Mn ctct for the suppressing the Quakers, 
" Whereas there is an vnreasonabk and turbulent 
sort of people, comonly cdled-duakers, who contrary 
to the law do dayly gather together vnto them vnlaw^l 
aasembUes and congregations of people, teaching and 
{mblishing Ues, miracles, false vkions, prophecies and 
doctrines, which have influence vpon the comunities of 
men, both ecclediasticaH and civil, endeavouring and at- 
tempdi^ thereby to destroy religion, lawes, comunities, 
ftttd all bonds of civil societie, leaveing it arbitrarie to 
everie vaine, and vitious person whether men shall be 
safe, lawes established, offenders punished, and govern- 
oiurs rule, hereby disturbing the publique peace ami just 
inta'est : to prevent and restraine which mischiefe, It 
is etMctedj That no master or cbmander of any shipp 
or other vessell do bring into this collonie any person or 
persons called duakers, vnder the penalty of one hun* 
dred pounds steriing, to be leavied vpon him ai^ his es- 
.tate by order from the govemour-and council, or the 
Gomissicmers in the severall counties where such ships 
dudl arrive: That all such Quakers as have been ques- 
ticmed, or shall hereafter anrive, shall be apprehended 
wheresoever they shall be found, and they be imprison- 
ed wiUKwt baile or mainprize, till they do adjure this 
country, or putt in security with all speed to depart the 
collonie and not to return again : And if any should 
4are to presume to retume hither aft^ such depaitare, 
to be proceeded against as <Jontemners of the lawes and 
magistracy, and punished accordingly, and caused again 
to depart the country, and if they i^ould the third time 
be so audacious and impudent as to retume hither, to 
be proceeded against as ffelons : That noe person shall 
entertain any of the duakers that have heretofore been 
questioned by the governour and council, or which shall 
hereafter be questioned, nor permit in or near his house 
any assemblies of duakets, in the like penalty of one 
hundred pounds sterling : That comissioners and offi- 



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OF t»EE PKIMITIVE SETTLERSU . 88 

4erd are her^y required and authorized, as they wiU 
answer the contrary at their periH^to take notice of tJus 
^iy to see it luUy effected and executed : And that no 
pemm do presume on their periU to dispose qt pubhsh 
their bookes, pamphlets or hbells, bearing the title of 
their tenets aad c^inions.'' 

This highhanded andcruel proceeding took place in 
the time of Oliver Cromwell's usurpation in England, 
and at a time when some, glimmering of rational, civil, 
and religious liberty, manifested itself in the mother 
l^oucitry. The preamble to this act is contradicted by 
the whole history of Quakerism, from its foundation to 
the present peri^. In all the written and traditional 
accauQts handed down to us, the Quakers are rqnresenti 
ed as a most inoffensive, orderly, and strictly moral peo« 
pie, in all their deportment and habits. 

This unreasonable and unwise legislation^ it is pre- 
aumed, was suff^ed to die a natural death, as, in the 
prpgress of the peopling of our country, we find that 
many C^uakers, at a pretty early period, migrated and 
forn^ considerable settlements in differents parts of 
the state. , 

It has ahready been noticed that the Baptists were not 
among the number of our earhest immigrants. Mr. 
Sem{de says: "The Baptists in Virginia originated 
from, three sources. The first were immigrants from 
Engkmd, who abcmt the year 1714 settled in the south 
es^t part of the state. About 1743 another party cam« 
fr^m Maryland, and founded a settlement in the north 
we^* A third party from New-England, 1754." 

Thi& last was Mr. SteamgLand hk party. They set- 
tled for a short time on Capon river, in the county c^ 
Hancxpshire, but soon removed to North Cardina. Mr. 
iStearns and his followers manifested great zeal and in- 
ilttstry in the propagation of their doctrines and princi- 
ples. Their reBgion soon took a wide range in the Cor 

■ *lt is probable tbw » the party who settled in the neighborhood of Ge- 
rardatitwB. If w>, M r. S.' is doubtleM minnibraied at to the plaee of their ori- 
fiB. The ^FBt Baptut imausrantf who setded in Berkeley eoanty were oer* 
tainly from Ncw-Jerscy. 



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nrfmas and Vhrginia. - 'They met with violent opposi- 
tion from the established Episcopal clergy, and much- 
persecution followed. To the credit of the people of 
our valley, blit few if any acts of violence w^ere commit- 
ted oft the per?^ns of the preachers west of the Blue 
ridge. ' This is to be accounted for from the fact that^ 
great majority of the inhabitants were dissenters froih 
the Episcopal t:ihurch. East of ihc Blue ridge, however, 
the case was wWely different. It was quite common to 
imprison the preachers, insult the congregations, and 
treat them whh every possible indignity and outrage. 
Every foul means was resorted to, which malice and 
hatred could devise, to suppress their doctrines and reli- 
gion. But instead of success, this persecution produ- 
ced directly the contrary effect, " The first instance," 
says Mr. Semple, "of actual iijiprisonmcnt, we believe, 
that ever took place in Vii^inia, wfts in. the county of 
Spoltsylvaniia. On the 4th June^ 1768, John Waller,* 
L«wis Craig, James Childs, &c. were seized by the she^ 
rif, and hauled before three magistrates, who stood in 
the meeting-house yard, atid wlio bound theiri in ther 
penalty of £1000 to appear at court two days after. At 
court they were arraigned as disturbers of the peace, 
and committed to close jail." And in December, 1770, 
Messrs. William Webber and Joseph Anthony were 
imprisoned in Chesterfield jail. 

The author deems it unnecessary to detail all the 
cases of persecution and impriaonment of the Baptist 
preachers. He will therefore conclude this narrative 
with the account of the violent persecution and cruel 
treatment of the late Rev. Jamcs'^lreland, a distinguish- 
ed Baptist preacher of our valley. 

Mr. Ireland Was on one occasion committed to the 
jail of Culpeper county,* when several attempts were 
made to destroy him.' Of these attempts he gives the 
foUoAving narrative : 

*' A number of my persecutors resorted to the tavern 

* In llic Life of Ireland, no datrsarc given. Th« tinst of iiif commitment 
wa^pi-oliably about the year 1771 or 177J. 



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OF THE PRIMITIVE SETTLERS. ST* 

of Mr. Steward; at the court-house, where they plotted 
to blow me up with powder that night, as I was inform- 
ed ; Iwt all they could collect was half a pound. They 
fixed it for explosion,^expecting I was sitting directly 
over it, hut in this they were mistaken. Fire was put 
to it, and it went off with ooiisiderable noise, forcing up 
a small plank, from which I received no damage. The 
liext scheme they devised was to smoke me with brim- 
Gitone and Indian pe{^r. They had to wait certaii^ 
f4)portun]ti^ to accomplish the same. The lower pan 
of the jail door was a few inches above its siU. Wnen 
tibe wind was favorable, they would get pods of Indian 
p^per, empty them of their contents, and fill them with 
brunalone, and set them burning, so that the whole jail 
woi:dd be filled with the killing £(£noke, luid oblige me 
to go to clacks, and put my mouth to them in order to 
pevent suffocation. At length a certain doctor and the 
jailer formed a scheme to poison me, which they actu- 
ally eflSscted." 

From this more iimn savage cruelty Mr. Ireland be- 
came extremely ill, wis attended by seyjeral ph3rsicians, 
and in some degree restored to health and activity ; but 
he never entirely recovered from the great injury whicl^ 
his constitution received. 

The author had the satisfitction of an intimate perso? 
nal acquaintance with Mr. Ireland, and Uved a near, 
neighbor to him for several vears before his death. He 
was a native Scotsman ; of course his pronunciation 
was a htde broad. He had a fine commanding voice, 
easy deliveiy, with a beautiful natural elocution in hia 
sermonizing. His language, perhaps, was not as purely 
classical as some of his cotemporaries ; bi|t such was 
his powerful elocution, particularly on the subject of 
the9rucifixion and sufferings of our Savior, thai; he ne^ 
ver failed to cause a flood of tears to flow from the eyes 
of his audience, whenever he touched that theme. In 
his younger. years he was industrious, zealous, sparing 
no pains to propagate his religious opinions and prin- 
ciples, apd was very successful in gaining proselytes: 



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88 BREAKINO OUT OF 

hence he became an object of great resentment to the 
established clergy, and they resorted to every means 
within their reach, to silence and put him down. But 
in this they failed. He at length triumphed over his 
persecutors, was instrumental in founding several 
churches, and Uved to see his labors in the ministry 
crowned with great success. 



CHAPTER VL 

. Breaking out of the Indian wan 

•% — 

It has been noticed in a preceding chapter, that ia 
the ye?r 1753, emissaries from the Western Indians 
came among the Valley Indians, inviting them to cross 
the Allegany mountains, and that in the spring of the 
year 1754, the Indians suddeidy and unexpectedly 
moved off, and entirely left the valley. 

That this movement of the Indians was made under 
the in^ence^of the French, there is but little doubt. 
In the jeax^ 1753, Maj. George Washington (since th^ 
illustrious Gen. Washington,) was sent by governor 
Dinwiddie, the then colonial governor of Virginia, witli 
a letter to the French commander on the western wa- 
ters, remonstrating against his encroachments upon the 
territory of Virginia. This letter of remonstrance was 
disregarded by the Frenchman, andveiy soon after- 
wards the war, commonly called "Braddock's war," be- 
tween the British government and France, commenced. 
In the year 1754, the government of Virginia raised an 
armed force, with the intention of dislodging the French 
from their fortified places within the Umits of the colony. 
The command of this army was given to Col. Fry, and 
George Washington was appointed UeutenantTColonel 
under him, Their little army amounted to three hun- 



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THE INDIAN WAll. 8§ 

dred^men. -^^* Washington advanced at the head of two 
companies^of this regiment, early in April, to the Great 
Meadcfws, where he was infonned by some friendly In- 
dians, that die French were erecting fortifications in the 
^ENcks between the Allegany and Monongahela rivers, 
and edso that a detachment was on its march from that 
place towards the Great Meadows. War had not been 
formally declared between France and England ; but 
as neither were disposed to recede from their claim to 
the lands on the Ohio^ it was deemed inevitable, and on 
the point of commencing. Several circumstances were 
sU|^)oeed to. indicate a hostile intention on the part of 
the FrencL detachment. Washington, under the gui- 
dance of some friendly Indians, on a dark rainy night 
surprised their encampment, and firing once, rushed in 
and siirrouttded them. The commander, Dumonville, 
^as killed, with 8 or 9 others ; (me escaped, and all 
the i-est immediately surrendered. Soon after this af- 
feur, €q1. Fry died, and the ccmimand of the regiment 
devolved on Washington, who speedily collected the 
whde ait the Great Meadows. Two independent com- 
panies of regulars, one from New- York and one from 
South Carolina, seoiL affcer arrived at^he same place. 
Col. Washington was now at the head of nearly four 
hundred men> A stockade, afterwards called Fort Ne- 
cessity, was erected at the Great Meadow^s, in which a 
small force was left, and the main body advanced with 
a view to dislodging the French from Fort Duquesttie,* 
which they had recently erected a4,lhe confluence 6f 
the AUegahy and Moncmgahela rivers. They had not 
proceed(^ more than thirteen miles, when they were in- 
formed by friendly Indians that the French, as nume- 
rous as pigeons in the woods, were advancing in an hos- 
tile manner towards the English settlements, and also 
that Fort Duquesne had been strongly reinforced. In 
this critical situation a council of war unanimously re- 
commended a retreat to tlie Great MeadoAvs, which 

*Fort Puc|uespe« vo called in honoi* of the French commander, wa», after it 
fell into the wmU of the English, calJpd Fort Pitt, nnd is now Pittsburjij. 



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§9 BKEAKINa 0UT OP * 

was effected without (kjay, and everyexertioamade to 
render Fort Necessity tenable, before ther wxMrks in^ 
tended for that purpose were completed. Mons. de Vil- . 
lier, with a considerable force, attacked the fort. The 
a^iiilants were covered by trees and high grass.* The 
Americaois. received them with great resolution, and 
fonigiitvsome within the>stockade, and others in the sur- 
rounding ditch. Washington continued the whde day 
on the outside of the foat, and conducted the xiefence 
with the greatest coolness and intrepidity^ The -en- 
gagement lasted from 10 o'clock in. the morning till 
night, when, the French commander demetndcd^ par- 
ky, and offered t^ms of- capitulation. His firstand se- 
cond prq)08al3 were ^rejected, and Washington would 
accept of ncme but the^foUowing honorable ones^ which 
were mutually agreed upon in the course of the night : 
The fort to be surrenderied on conditioai that the garrison 
should march out with the honors of war^ and be per- 
mitted to retain their ai^sand baggage, and to marcJh 
unmolested into the inhabited pfiaets of Tirginia-'t 

In 1755 the British governme|it sent Gen. Brad- 
dock, iBit the head of two regiments, ^o this country. 
Ccrf. Washington held previously resigned theoommaiid 
of the Virginia troops, Braddock invited him to join 
the service as one of his volunteer aids, which invita- 
tion he readily accepted, and joined Braddocfc near Al- 
exandria, t The €U"my moved on for the west, and in 
their march out erect^ Fort Cumberland.J The cir- 
cumstances attending the unfortunate defeat of Brad- 
dock, and the dreadful slaughter of his army near Pitts- 

* It is presumable that the grass here spoken of by Dr. Ramsay was of the 
g|rowth.of the preceding year. It is not probable tliat the grassu the growth 
of the year 17^, so early iu tb^ seasop^ had grown of sufficieixtliight to coa- 
cealaman. 

t Ramsay's Life of Washingtoo. 

t Then called Bellbaven. , - . 

$Fort Cimiberland was bu9t in the year 1755, in the fork between Wills 
creek and North branch of the Potomac, the remains of which are vet to l>d 
seen. It is about 55 miles north west of Winchester, on the Maryland side 
•f the Potomac. There is now a considerable town at this place. The sar- 
Hson left at it was commanded by Maj. Livingston. Mr. John TomliAson 
gave theanthor this information. On the aocient site of tiie ford there are 
several <hvclling houges, and a new brick Bplacopa! chnrrh; 



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THE INDIAN WAft. M 

burg, Bie too generally known to require a detailed ac- 
count in this work : suffice it to say that the defeat was 
attended with the most disastrous consequences to our 
country. The whole western £r<mtier was left exponed 
to the ravages of the forces of the French and Indians 
comlmied. 

After the defeat and fall of Braddock, Cd. Dunbar^ 
the next in command of the Britbh army, retreated to 
Philadelphia, and the defence of the country fell upon 
Washington, with the few troops the cokniies were aUe 
to raise. The people f(Mrthwith erected stockade f<»ts 
in every part of the valley, and took shelter in them. 
Many families were driven off, some east of the Blue 
ridge, and others, into Maryland and Pennsylvania. 

Immediately after the defeat of Braddock, Wasliing- 
ton r^reated to Winchester, in the county of Frederick, 
and in the autunm of 1755 built Fort Loudoun. The 
venerable and highly respectable Lewis Neill, who was 
bom on Opequon, about 5 miles east of Winchester, in 
1747, stated to the author, that when he was about 8 
years of age, his father had business at the fbrf , and 
that he went with him into it Mr. Thomas Barrett, 
another aged and respectable citizen, states that he 
has often heard. Ai^ father say, that FortliOudoun W€is 
built the same year and immediately after Braddock^ 
defeat. Our highly respectable and venerable genercd 
John Smith, who settled in Winchester in 1773, infonn- 
ed the author that he had seen and conversed with some 
of Washington's officers soon after he settled in Win- 
chester, and they stated to him that Washington mark- 
ed out the site of the fort, and superintended the work; 
that he bought a lot in Winchester, erected a smith's 
shop on it, and brought from Mount Yernon his own 
blacksmith to make the necessary iion work for tjie fort. 
These officers pointed out to Gen. Smith the spot where 
Gen. Washington's huts or cabins were-^rec^ed for his 
residence while in the fort. The great highway lead- 
ing from Winchester to the north, passes through the 
fort precisely where Washington's quarters were erect- 



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98 BREAKING OUT OP THE IlfDIAN WAR. 

ed. It stands at the tiixth end of Loudoun-st]:^^ and 
acoQsideraUepartof the walk are now remaming. It 
covered an area of about half an ax^re ; within which 
area, a. well, one hundred and three feet deep, chiefly 
through a solid limestoiie rock, was sunk for the con- 
venience of the garrison.* The labor of throwing 
up this fort was performed by Washington's regiment j 
so says Gei;i. Smith. It mounted six IS-ppunders, six 
12^pounders, six 6-pouiiders, four swivels, and two how-? 
itzers, and coiita^ied a stropg garriso^.t IS^Q formidably 
attempts were ever made by the enemy c^inst it. 4. 
French officer opce came to reconnoiter, and found it 
too strong to be attacked with any probability of suc- 
cess.t 

For three years after the defeat of Braddock, the 
French and Indians combined carried on a most destruc- 
tive and <^uel war upon the western people^ Tl^Q 
French, however, in about three years after 3raiMock^3 
defeat, abandoned Fort Duquesne, and it was imndiedi- . 
Utely taken possession of by the Qritish and colonial 
troops lu^der the command (k Gen. Forbes, Washing 
toi^ soon,^fter resigned the. command of the Virginia 
forces, and retired to private life. A jMredatory wwfare 
was neverjtheless continued on the people of the^aHey 
by hostile Indian tribes for several years after the French 
had been driven from their strong holds in the west ; 
the particidfi^rs of which will form the subject of my 
next chapter. 

*Tbe water in this well rises near the surfiice, and in great floods of 
rail) has been known to overflow and discharge a considerable stream of 
water. The site of the fort is upon more elevated ground than the head of 
any sprtpgs in its neighborhood. Upon what principle the water should* 
here rise above the sariace the author cannot pretend to explain. 

t Gen. John Smith stated this fact to the author. The cannon were remov- 
ed from Winchester early in the war of the revolution. Some fiirther ac- 
count of tliis artillery will be given in a future chapter. Mr. Henry W. Ba^« 
ker, of Winchester, gave the author an account of the number of cannon 
mounted on the fort. "^ 

t William L. Clark, Esq. is now the owner of the land incliiding this ancient 
fortification) an^ has co^iverted a part of it into ^ beautiful 'ple;l8^re gardeq. 



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^95 

CHAPTER VII. 

Indian iiicursio7is and massacres,' 

After the defeat of Braddock, the whole weetern fron- 
tier was left exposed totlie incursions of the Indians and 
French. In the spring of the year 1756; a party of 
about 50 Indians; with a French captain at their head, 
crossed the Allegemy mountains, committing on the 
white settlers every act of barbarous war. Capt. Jeremiah 
Smith raised a party of twenty, brave men, marched to 
meet this savage foe, and fell in with tiiem at the head 
of Capon river, wheji a f[(?rce and bloody battle waa 
fought Smith killed the captain wdth Iiis own hand ; 
five otlier Indians having fallen, and a number wound- 
ed, they gave way and fled. Smith lost two of his men. 
On searching the body of the Frenchman, he was found 
in possession of his commission and written instructions 
to meet another party of about 50 Indians at Fort 
Frederick,* to attack the fort, destroy it, ai^ blow up 
the magazine, . /" 

The other paity of Indians were encountered pretty 
low down the North branch of the Capon river, by Capt. 
Joshua Lewis, at the head of eighteen men ; one Indian 
wa^ killed, when t)ic others broke and ran off'. Pre- 
vious to the defeat of this party they had committed 
eonsiderabic destruction of the property of the white 
settlors/ and took a Mrs. Ilorn^ and a giil about 13 
yearsr of age prisoners. Mrtr. Horner was the mctlier of 
/ or 8 children ; she never got back to hei: family. The 

*Fort Frederick was oommcnced in tbc ^e^r 175i under llic direction 
of ffovernar ^5harn, of Manhud, and was mobabl\* Bnitibed in 1776. It is 
■tnr BUinding on the lVlar>lHnd side of theCohongorulon. Tts walls are en- 
tirely of stone, 4i fcetthit-k at the base.-aiid three at ^h« top; tliev'. are at 
least twenty feet high, and have undergone butliftle dilapidation. Dr. John 
Hedeet, and his $on Capt. John C> lled^eir, aided the author in the exaiDi> 
nation <« this place, and measurlhg its area, higirt and (hickness of the \val'?. 
Its location is not mor^ than about 12 miles from Martin{?burg, in Virginia, 
and abom the sathc distance from Williamspovt, in Maryland, tt enclofte* 
an area of about-one and a half ajcre^*. exchjpjvc of tbc Iwstions or red»)nb;;«. 
It is 5 lid tlie errction of tbi? fort coj?i ;if>*>tyt i>3 thousand poun^lsTterling. 



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9i INDIAN IKCtmSIOKtf 

girl, whose name was Sarah GiU)on&, the sister o! mff 
informaut,* was a priscmer about 8 <w: 9 years before she 
returned h<»ne. The intention of attackingPc^ Fred^ 
erick was of course abandoned. . 

These Indians dispersed into small parties, and can^^ 
the Work of death and desolation into several neighbor- 
hoods, ii^ the counties now Berkeley, Frederick and She^ 
nandoah. About 18 or ^ of them crossed the ^orUi 
mountain at Mills's gap, which is in flie,iX)unty of 
Berkeley, killed a maai by the name of Kelly, and sev- 
eral of his family, within a-few st ero crf the present 
dwelling-house of the late Mr. Wm. Wilson, not mcnre 
than half a mile from Gerardstown, and from thence 
passed on to the neighborhood of the present site of 
Martinsburg, the neighboring people generally taking 
shelter in: John Evans's fort.t A small 4)arty of the 
Indians attacked the dwelling-house of a Mr. Evans, 
brother to the owiier of the fiMl ; but being beaten dfl^ 
they went in pursuit of a reinforcement. In their ab- 
sence, Mr. Evans and his family got safe to the fort. 
The Indians returned, and' set fire to the house, the 
ruinaof which are npw to be seen from the great road 
leading to Winchester, three miles south of Martins* 
buj^, at the head of what is called the Big Spring. 

The same Indians took a female prisoner on the same 
day at John Strode!s house, A boy "by the ne^e of 
Hackney, who was on his way to the fort, saw her pre- 
viously, and advised her not to go to the house, sajdng 
that Strode's family were all gone to the fort, and that 
he suspected the Indians were then in the house. She 
however seeing a anoke at the house, disregarded the 
advice of the Bttle boy, w^it to it, was seized by the 
Indians, taken off, and was about three years a prison- 
er, but finally got home. The boy went to the fwt, and 
told what had happened ; but the men had all turned 
out to bury 'Kelly and go in pursuit of die Indians, leav^ 

* Mr. Jacob. GibljoDt wag born 10th Sept 1^45. Siace the aatbor mw 14bi» 
Jie hat depsrtod tbii Itfie— an hoiiMt. good old man. 

f£vanr a fort waa erected witbio about 3 mtlea of MartUMbtHf^A ato^Uid«» 
The land ii now owned b^' Fryatt, Etui. 



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AND MASSACRES. 95 

ing nobody to defend the fort but the women and child- 
^Fen. Mrs. Evans s^med herself, and called on all the 
women, who had firmness enough to arm, to join her ; 
and such as were too timed she ordered to run bullets. 
She then made a boy beat to arms on a drum ; on hear- 
ing which, the Indians became alanned, set fire to 
Strode's house,* and moved off. They discovered the 
pasty of white men just mentioned, and fired upon 
them, but did no injury. The latter finding the Indians 
too str<»lg fOT them, retreated into the fort.t 

From thence the Indians passed on to Opequon, and 
the next m<»rnihg attacked Neally's fort, massacred most 
of the people, and took off several prisoners ; among 
them George Stockton and Isabella liis sister. Charles 
Porterfield, a youth about 20 years of age, heard the 
firing fi:om his father's residence, about one mile firom 
the fort, armed himself and set off with all speed to the 
ftnrt, but on his way was killed.j 

Among the prisoners were a man by the name of Co- 
hoon, his wife, and some of his children. Mrs. Cohoon 
was in a state of pregnancy, and not being able to tra- 
vel &ist enough to please her savage captors, they forced 
her husband forward, while crossing the North moun- 
tain, aad cruelly murdered her : her husband distantly 
heard her screams. Cohoon, however, that night made 
his escape, and got safely back to his fi'iends. George 
Stockton and his swter Isabella, who were also among 
the prisoners, were taken to the Indian towns. Isabella 
was 8 or 9 years of age, and her story is as remarkable 
lui it is interesting. She was detained and grew up 
among the savages. Being a beautiful and in^teresting 
girl, they sold her to a Canadian in Canada, where a 
j^ung Frenchman, named Plata, soon became ac- 

*Th» present residence of the widow Showakeri three miles from Blar* 
tiosburg. 

tMr. Joseph Hackney, Frederick county, stated these facts to tire author. 
The little Boy, mentioned above, grew up, married, was a Quaker by pro- 
fessioui and the father of my informant. 

^George Porterfield. Esq. now residing in the county of Berkeley, is a 
brother to the youtb who was killed, and stated to the amhor the particulars 
mi this unhappy occiicrence. Capt. Glenn also stated several of the circuno^ 
•tancei to the author* - 



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96 INDIAN INCURSIOI<rs 

quainted with her/and made hefa tender of his hand 
in matrimony.* This she declined unless her parents' 
ccmsent could be obtained, — a strong proof of her filial 
affectiiHi and good sense. The Frenchman immediate- 
ly proposed to conduct her home, readily believing that 
his generous devotion and great attention to the daughr 
ter would lay the parents^ under such^l%h oUigations to 
him, that they would willingly consent to the union. 
But suchr were the strong prejudices existing at the tim© 
agam^t every thing French, that her parents and friends 
peremptorily objected. The Frenchman then prevailed 
on Isabella to elope with him ; to effect which they se- 
ctired two of h^r father's horses and pushed off. They 
were, however, pursued by two of her brothers, overta- 
ken at Hunterstown, Pennsylvania, and Isabella forci- 
bly torn from her protector and devoted lover, and 
teought back to her parents, while the poor Frenchman 
was warned that if he ever made any farther attempts 
to take her off, his life should pay the forfeit. This sto- 
ry is familiar to several aged and respectable individuals 
in the neighborhood of Martinsburg. Isabella after- 
wards married a man by the name of McClary, removed 
and settled in the neighborhood of Morgantown, and 
grew wealthy. George, after an absence of about three 
years, got home also. 

A party of 14 Indians, believed to be part of those 
defeated by Capt. Smith, on their return to the west 
killed a young wonrnn, and took a Mrs. Neff prisoner^ 
This was on the South fork of the river Wappatomaka. 
They cut off Mrs. Neff's petticoat up to her knees, and 
gave her a pair of moccasons to wear on her feet. This 
was done to facilitate her traveling; but they proceeded 
no further than the vicinity of Foit Pleasant,! where, 
on the second night, they left Mrs. Neff in the custody 
of m\ old Indian, and divided themselves into two par- 

* Mr. Mayers, of Berkeley county, gave Uiq author the Bam^ of this yooog 
Frenchman. 

t Fort Pleasant was a strong stockade with block houses, erected on th« 
hmds now owned by Iiaac Vanmeter^Esq.on the South branch of PotomaCi 
a«hQrt distance «bor« what is called The Trough. 



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AND MASSACRES. 97 

ties, in order to watch the fort^ At a late hour in the 
night, Mrs. Neff discovering that her guard was ptetty 
soundly asleep, ran off. The old fellow very soon awoke, 
fired off his gun, and raised a yell. Mrs. N. ran between 
the two parties of Indians, got safe into Fort Pleasant, 
and gave notice where the Indians were encamped. A 
tmiall party of men the same evening came from ano- 
ther small fort a few miles above, and joined their friends 
in Fori Pleasant. The Itidians, after the escape of Mrs. 
Neifr had collected into ofie body in a deep glen, near 
the fort. Early the next morning^ sixteen men, well 
mounted and coined, left the f<Ht witk a view to attack 
^e Indians. They sochi discovered their encampment 
by the smoke of their fire. The whites divided them* 
selves into two parties, intending to inclose the Indians 
between two fires ; but unfortxmately a small dog which 
had followed them> starting a rabbit, his yelling alarm* 
ed the Indians ; upon which they cautiously moved off, 
passed between tibie two parties of white men unobser* 
ved, took a position between them and their horses, and 
opened a most destructive filre. The whites returned 
the fire with great firmness and bravery, and a desperate 
and bloody conflict ensued. Seven of the whites fell 
dead, andrfour were wounded. The little remnant re- 
treated to the fort, whither the wounded also arrived. 
Three Indians fell in this battle, and several were 
wounded. The victors secured the whke men's horses, 
and took them off.* 

Just before the above action commenced, Mr. Van- 
meter, an old man, mounted his horse, rode upon a 
b%h ridge, emd witnessed the battle. He returned with 
all E^^eed to the fort, and gave notice of the defeat. The 
dd man was killed by the Indians in 1757. 

After committing to writing the foregoing account, 
the auth(»: received from his friend Dr. Charles A. Tur- 

' This battle is called ^e " Batde of The Trough." Mewn. Vanmeter» 
MeNeill and Heath, detailed the particulars to the author. A block'houte, 
wi& port holee, ia noi^ standinff m Mr. 0. McNeHl*» yard.— part of an old 
fort erected at the time of Bradoock's war, the logn of which are princtpaity 
•ound. 



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98 INDIAN INCURSIONS 

ley, of Port Pleasant, a more particular narrative (rf the 
battle, which the author will subjdn, in the doctor's own 
words : • 

" The memorable battle of The Trough (says Dr. 
Turley) was preceded by the following circumstances. 
On the day previous, two Indian strollers, from a large 
party of 60 or 70 warriors, xmder the well known and 
ferocious chief Kill-buck, made an attack upon the 
dwelling of a Mrs. Brake, on the South fork ol the 
South branch of Potomac, about fifteen miles above 
Moorefield, and took Mrs. Brake and a Mrs. Neff prison- 
ers. The former not being able to travel from her situa- 
tion, was tomahawked and sc«dped, and the latter 
brought down to the vicinity of Town fort, about 1^ 
miles below Moorefield. There one of the Indians, un- 
der the pretence of hunting, retired, and the other laid 
himself down and pretend<^ to &11 asleep, with a view, 
as was believed, to let Mrs. Neff escape to the fort, and 
give the alarm. Every thing turned out agreeably to 
their expectations ; for as soon as she reached the fort 
and related the circumstances of her escape, 18 men from 
that and Buttermilk.fort, 5 miles above, went in pur- 
suit. They were men notorious for their valor, and 
who had been well tried on many such occasions. 

" As soon as they came to the place indicated by Mrs. 
Nefi", they found a plain trace left by the Indian, by oc- 
casionally breaking a bush. Mr. John Harness, who 
was well acquainted with the manners and mode of 
warfare of the Indians, pronounced that the hunter In* 
dian had not returned to his comrade, or that they were 
in great force somewhere near and in ambush. They 
however pursued the trace, without discovering any 
«igns of a larger party, until they wrived between two 
mountains, forming what from its r^emblance is call- 
ed The Trough. Here, directly above a fine-^rihg a- 
bout 200 paces from the river, which at that time was 
filled to an impassable stage by a heavy fall of rain, 
these grim monsters of blood were encamped, tp the 
number above stated. The western face of the ridge 



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X'SV MASSACUES. 99 

was very precipitous and rough, and on the north of the 
spring was a deep ravine, cutting directly up into the 
ridge above. Our little band of heroes, nothing daunted 
by the superior number of the enemy, dismounted un- 
observed, and prepared for battle, leaving their horses on 
the ridge. But by one of those unforeseen and almost 
unaccountable accidents which often thwart the seem- 
ingly best planned enterprises, a small dog which had 
fdlowed them, just at this juncture started a rabbit, and 
went yelping down the ridge, giving the Indians timely 
notice oi their approach. They immediately flew to 
aims; and filing off up the ravine before described, pass- 
ed directly into the rear of oiu* little band, placing them 
in the very situation they had hoped to find their ene- 
mies, between the mountain and the swollen river. 
Now came the " tug of war," and both parties rushed to 
the onset, dealing death and slaughter at every fire. Af- 
ter an hour or two hard fighting, during which each of 
our little band had numbered his man, and more than 
half of their number had fellen to rise no more, those 
that remained were compelled to retreat, which could 
only be effected by swimming the river. Some who 
bad been wounded, not being able to do this, determined 
to sell their lives as dearly as possible ; and deliberately 
loading their rifles, and placing themselves behind some 
cover on the pverbank, dealt certain death to the first 
adversary who made his appearance, and then calmly 
yielded to the tomahawk. 

" We cannot here pass over without mentioninff one 
of the many despotic acts exercised by the then colonial 
govemn^ent and its officers towards the unoffending co- 
lonists. At the time of which we are speaking, there 
were quartered in Fort Pleasant, about 1^ miles above 
the battle ground, and within hearing of every gun, a 
company of regulars, commanded by a British officer 
named Wagner, who not only refused to march a man 
out of the fort, but, when the inhabitants seized their 
rifles smd determined to ru^h to the aid of their brothers, 
ordered the gates to be closed, cmd suffered none to pags 
7 



^» ^' try 



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100 ISUDIAN ZNCU11810N9 

in or out. Br marching- to the weetem bank of tbe 
river, he might have effectually protected those who 
were wounded^ without any danger of an attack from 
the enemy. And when the few who bad escaped the 
slaughter, hailed and demanded admissiop into the fort, 
it was denied them. For this act of Capt. Wagner's, 
the survivors of our Spaitan band caUe4 him a coward; 
tor which insult he thought it his duty to hunt them 
down like wolves, and when caught, to inflict corporal 
punishment by stripes. 

"The Indian chief, Kill-buck, afterwards admitted, 
that although he. had witnessed many sanguinary con- 
tests, this was the most so that he had ever experienced 
f<M: the number of his enemies. Kill-buck was a Shaw- 
nee, a savage of strong mentsd powers, and well ao- 
auainted with all the families in tbe settlement before 
ie war broke out. Col. Vincent Williams, whose 
fcther was inhumanly murdered, by Kill-buck and his 
party, on Patterson's creek, became personally acquaint- 
ed with him many years afterwards, and took the trou- 
ble, when once in the state of Ohio, to visit him. He 
was far advanced in years, and had become blind. The 
colonel informed me that as soon as he told Kill-buck 
his name, the only answer he made was, "Your father 
was a brave warrior." The half brother of Col. Wil- 
fiams, Mr. Benjamin Casey, was with him. Mr. Peter 
Casey had once hired Kill-buck to catch and bring 
home a runaway negro, and was to have given him four- 
teen shillings. He paid him six shillings, and the war 
breaking out, he never paid him the other eight. At the 
visit spoken of, Kill-buck inquired the name of his other 
visitor, and when the colonel told him it was Benjamin 
Casey,— "What, Peter Ca^y's son?" "Yes." "Your 
&dier owes me eight shillings; wiU you pay it?" said 
(he oM chief. The colonel at that time got all the par- 
ticulars of the tragical death of his father, as well as tbe 
great heroism manifested by our Uttle band at the bat- 
fle of The Trough." 
Dr. Turley refers in the foregoing narrative to the 



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AND id AS8ACRSJI. 101 

murder of Mr. Williams, on Patterson's creek. This 
mektncholy:tragedy the author is enabled to give, as it 
was relatedhto him by Mr. James S. Miles, of Hardv. 

Mr. Williams lived on Patterson's creek, on the mrm 
now occupied by liia grandson, Mr. James WilUams. 
Hearing of the approach of the Indians, he repaired 
with his neighbors to Fbrt Pleasant (9 miles) for secu- 
rity. After remaining here a few days, supposing their 
boustes might be revisited with safety, Mr. W. with se* 
ven others crossed the mountain for that purpose. They 
separated on reaching the creek,, and Mr. W. went alone 
to his farm. Having tied his horse to a bush, he com- 
menced salting his cattle, when seven Indians* (as was 
afterwards said by Kill-buck) got between him and his 
horse, and demanded his surrender. Mr. W; answered 
by a ball from his rifle, which killed one of the Indians, 
then retreated to his house, barricaded the door, and 
put his^nemy at defiance. They fired at him at ran- 
dom through the door and windows, until the latter 
were filled with shot-holes. For greater security, Mr. 
W. got behind a bommony block in a corner, from 
which he would fire at his assailants through the cracks 
of the building, as opportunity oflfered. In this way he 
killed five out of the seven. The remaining two, re- 
solved not to give up their prey, found it necessary to 
proceed more cautiously ; and going to the least expo- 
sed side of the house, one was raised upon the should 
ders of the other to an opening in the logs some distance 
above the level of Mr. W., who did not, consequently, 
observe the maneuver, from which he fired, and shot 
Mr. W. dead. The body was instantly quartered, and 
hung to the four corners of the buildinff, and the head 
fetuck upon a fence stake in firont of me door. This 
brave man was the father of the venerable Edward Wil^ 
liams, the clerk of Hardy county court until the elec- 
tions in 1830 under the new constitution, when his ad- 
irapceda^ compelled him to deeline bemg a candidate. 

Sometime after the bottle of The Trough, at a ftxi 

^A9f^i»r tradition fn«ke» the mmfafw of Iftdiasf tlft«i». 



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103 INI>IAN INCURSIONS 

seven miles above Romney, two Indian boys nctade 
their appearance, wben some of the men went but with 
an intention of taking them. A grown Indian also 
made his appearance j but he was instantly sho^ down 
by Shadrach Wright. A numerous party thea showed 
themselves, which the garrison saUied out and attacked; 
but they were defeated with the loss of several of their 
men, and qompelled to retreat to the fort.* 

Kill-buck, the chief before mentioned, used frequently 
to command these marauding parties. Previous to the 
bieaking out of the war, he was well acquainted with 
many of the white settlers on the Waiq)atomaka, and 
lived a good part of his. time among Uiem. His inti- 
mate acquaintance with the country enabled him to 
lead his band of murderers from place to place, and to 
commit many outrages on the persons and jnopetty of 
4he white inhabitants. In the progress of this work, 
SiHue further notice will be taken of this distinguished 
warrior. There was another great Indian warrior call- 
ed " Crg^he ;" but the author has not been able to cd- 
kct any particular traditionary accounts of the feats per- 
formed by him. / 

In the year 175?', a numerous body of Indians cross- 
ed the Allegany, and, as usual, divided themselves into 
small mrties, and hovering q,bout the different forts, 
"TSHnntted many acts of mmder and destruction of pro- 
perty. About 30 or 40 approached Edwards's fort,t on 
Capon river, killed two men at a small mill, took off a 
parcel of corn meal, and^ retreating along a path that 
led between a stres^na of water and a steep high moun- 
tain, they strewed the meal in sesveral places on their 
route. Immediately between this path and the stream 
is an ahrupt bank, 7 or 8 feet high, and of considerable 
length, under which_the Indians concealed themselves, 
and awaited the approach of the garrison. Forty men, 
imder the command of Capt. Mercer, saUied out, with 

^ Mr. Jaraea Parsons, jiear Romney, flampshirc county, gave the author 
^18 inibrmntioo. 

t Edwards's fort was located on tlie we«t«ide of Capon river, not more than 
three quarters of a mile above where the stage road from Winchester^o 
Homney crosses the river. 



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Ai7D MASSACRES; 103 

the inlention of pursoing and attacking the enemy. 
But oh! fittalday! Mercer's party, discovering the trail 
of n^eal, supposed the Indians were making a speedy 
retreat, and, unapprised of their strength, moved on at 
a brisk step, until the whde line was drawn immedi- 
ately over the line of Indians under the bank, when 
the latter discharged a most destructive fire upon them, 
sixteen falling dead at the first fire. The others attempt- 
ing to save themselves by flight) were pursued and 
slaughtered in every direction, until, out of the forty, 
but six got back to the fort. One poor fellow, who ran 
up the side of the mountain, was fired at by an Indian : 
the ball penetrated just above his heel, ranged up his 
leg, shivering the bones, and lodged a* httle below his 
knee : her slipped under the lap of a fallen tree, there 
hid himself, and lay ih that deplorable situation for two 
dajrs^and nights befc^^e he was found by his friends, it 
being that length of time before the people at the fort 
would venture out to collect and bury the dead. This 
wounded man recovered, and Uved many years after, 
though he Xvas always a cripple from his wound. Capt. 
George Smith, who now resides on Back creek, inform- 
ed the author that he was well acquainted with him. 

Sometime afterwards, the Indians, in much greater 
force, and aided, it Was believed, by several Frenchmen 
in person, determined to carry this fort by storm. The 
garrison had been considerably reinforced ; among oth- 
ers, by the fatteOen. Daniel Morgan, then a young man. 
The Indians made the assault with great boldness ; but 
on this occasion they met with a sad reverse of fortune. 
The garrison sallied out, and a desperate battle ensued. 
The assailants were defeated with great slaughter, while 
the whites lost comparatively but few men. 

The remains of a gun of high finish, ornamented 
with silver mounting and gold touch-hole, were plowed 
up near the battle glround about forty years ago. It was 
supposed to have belonged to a French officer. Part of 
a bomb shell was also found. Morgan in this action 



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104 INDIAN INCURSIONS 

performed his part with his usual intrepidity, cautiOB 
and firmness, and doubtless did much execution.* 

Other parties of Indians penetrated into the neigh- 
borhood of Winchester, and killed several peojde about 
the Round liill ; among others a man by the name of 
Flaugherty, with his wife. Several inmates of a family 
by the name of M'Crapken, on Back creek, ^bout 12 
miles from Winchester, were killed, and two of the 
daughters taken off as prisoners. They, however, got 
back, after an absence of three or four years. Mr. Lewis 
Neill inforrned the author that he saw and conversed 
with these women on the subject of their captivity after 
their return home. Jacob Havely and several of his 
family were killed near the present residence of Moses 
Russell, Esq. at the eastern base of the North mountain, 
15 or 16 miles south west of Winchester. Dispeunet, 
and several of his family, and Vance and his wife,t were 
' also severally killed by the same party of Indians, in 
the same neighborhood. 

The late respectable and intelligent Mrs. Rebecca 
Brinker, who was born 25th March, 1745, and who of 
course was upwards of 10 years old when Braddock 
was defeated, related many interesting occurrences to 
tl^ author ; ^mong others, that a family of eighteen 
persons, by the name of NichoUs,^ who resided at the 
present. residence of Mr. Stone, a little west of Mai. 
Isaac Kite's, were attacked, the greater number kiUea, 
and several taken off as prisoners : one old woman and 
her grandchild made their escape to a fort, a short dis- 
tance from Middletown. This took place about 1766 

* Mr. William Carlile, now ninety-five years of age, and who resides ne?ir 
the battle ground, informed the author that he removed and settled on Capon 
Boon after the battle was fought. He also stated that he had frequently heard 
it asserted that Morgan was in this battfe, and acted with great bravery, &c. 
Mr. CharlesCarlile, son of-ihis venerable man, stated the fact of the gun and 
part of a bomb shell being found. 

t Mosed Russell, Esq, is under the impression that^hese people wore killed 
in the sumnter or fall of th% year 1756. The author finds it impossible to fix 
the dates of the various acts of war committed by the savages. After the 
iQost diligent inquiry, he has not been able to find any person who committed 
to writing any thing upon the subject at the time the several occurreneci 
took place. 



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or 1757, and it is probable by theisame party who kffled 
Havdy and others. 

In the year 1768, a party of abolit 66 Indians and 4 
Frenchmen penetrated into the neigbbwhood of Mill 
creek, now in the county of Shenandoah, about nine 
miles south of Woodstock, This was a pretty thickly 
settled neighbothoocj ; and ^maong other houses, George 
Painter had erected a lai^e^Iog one, with a good sized 
cellar. On the alarm being given^ the neighboring 
people took refuge in this house. Late in the afternoon 
they were attacked, Mr. Painter, attempting to fly, had 
three balls Aot through his body, and fell dead, when 
the others surrendeied. The Indians dragged tjie dead 
body back to the house, threw it in, plundered the house 
of what they chose, and then set fire Xo it. While the 
house was in flames, consuming the body of Mr. Pain- 
ter, they forced from the arnis of their mothers four in- 
fent children^ hung them up in trees, shot them, in sa- 
vage sport, and left them hanging. They then set fire 
to a stable in which Were enclosed a parcel of sheep and 
calvesj thtte cruelly and wantonly toituring to death the 
indiensive dumb animals. After these atrocities they 
moved off with 48 prisoners ; among whom were Mrs. 
Painter, five of her daughters, and one of her sons; a 
Mrsi Smith and several of her children ; a Mr. Fisher 
and several of his children, among them a lad of 12 (mt 
13- years old, a fine well grown boy, and remarkably 
fleshy. This httle fellow, it will presently be seen, was 
destined to be the vjctim of savage cruelty. 

Two of Painter's sons, and a young man by the name 
of Jacob Myers, escaped beingxaptured by concealment 
One of the Painters, with Myers, ran over that night to 
Powell's fort, a distance of at least 15 miles, and to Kel- 
ler's fort, in quest of aid. They had neither iiat mar 
shoes, nor any other clothing than a shirt and trowsers 
each. A small party of men set out early the next morn- 
ing, well mounted and armed, to avenge the outrage. 
They reached Mr. Painter's early in the day ; but on 
learning their strength, (from the other yoxmg Painter, 
7t 



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106 iNpiAN mcimsioNS 

who had remained concealed all that evenm^ and night, 
and by that means was enabled to count the number of 
the enemy,) they declmed pursuit, being too weak in, 
numbers to venture further. Thus this savage foan4 
got off with their prisoners andhooty, without pursute 
or interruption. 

After MX days' travel they reached their viUagesrwest 
of the Allegany mountsdns, where they held a council, 
and-determined to sacrifice their helpless prisoner Jacob 
Fisher. They first ordered him to collect a quantity of 
dry wood. The poor little fellow^ shuddered j burst into 
tears, and told his father they intended to burn him. 
His father replied, " I hope not ;" and advised him to 
obey. When he had collected a sufficient quantity of 
wood to answer their purpose, they cleared and smooth- 
ed a ring around a s£4)ling, to which they tied him by 
one hand, then formed a trail of wood ciround the tree, 
and set it on fire. The poor ho^ was then compelled to 
run round in tliis ring of fire until his rope wound him 
up to the sapling, and then back until he came in con^ 
tact with the flame, w^iilst his infernal tcwrmentors were 
drinking, singing, and dancing around him, with " hor- 
rid joy." This w&s ccHitinued for several hours ; du- 
ring which time the savage men became beastly drunk, 
and as they fell prostrlate to the ground) the squaws 
would keep tip the fire. With long ^harp poles, prepa- 
red for the purpose, they would pierce the body of their 
victim whenever he flagged, untu the poor and helpless 
boy fell and expired wijth the most excruciating tore 
ments, whilst his father and brothers were compelled to 
be witnesses of the heart-rending tragedy. ■ 

After an absence of about thiee years, Mrs. Painter, 
with her son and two of her daughters^, Mrs. Smith, 
who had the honor, if it could be so deemed, of present- 
ing her husband with an Indian son,* by a di^mguish* 

* Smith received his wife, and never maltreated her on this account; but 
he had a most bitter aversion to the young chief. The boy grew up to mai^ 
hood, and exliibited the appearance and diepogition of his li^e. Attempts 
were made to educhte him, but without suecess. He eiihsted into the army 
of the revoIutioD as a common ioidier, and never retttrsecU 



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AWI> MAS«A<JRE«. lot 

ed war chief ; Fisher and his remaining «oii$ ; and sev- 
eral other prisoners, returned home. Three of Mrs. 
Painter's daughters remained with the Indiai^. Mary, 
the youngest, was about nine years old when taken, 
end was eighteen years a prisoner: two of the daugh- 
ters never returned. A man by the name of Michael 
Cppple> who had himself been a prisoner about twp 
years with the Indians, had learned their language, be- 
come an Indian trader, and traveled much among them, 
at length found Mary Painter with a wandering party 
of Cherokees. In conversing with her, he discovered 
who she was — that he was acqiiainted with her family 
conuections, and proposed to her to accompany hhn 
home, to wMch she refused her assents He then said . 
that her brothers had removed to Point Pleasant, and 
were desirous of seeing her ; upon which she consented 
to accompany him that far to see her brothers ; but find- 
ing, on arriving at the Point, that he had deceived her, 
she manifested much dissatisfaction, and attempted to 
go back to the Indians. Copple, however, after milch 
entreaty, and promising to make her his wife, prevailed 
upon her to return home. He performed his promise of 
marriage, lived several years pn Painter's land, and rai- 
sed a feniily of children. Mary had lost her mother 
tung, learned a little English afterwards, but always 
conversed with her husband in the Indian language." 
They finally removed to the west. 

The garrison at Fort Cumberland was frequently an- 
noyed by the Indians. There are two high knobs of the 
mountain, one on the Virginia side oT -the Colnrngoru- 
ton on the south, the other on the Maryland side on the 
north east, withm a short distance of the fort. The In- 
dians frequently took possession of these hights, and 
filed into the fort. Although they seldom did any in- 

* The aathor deems a particular hi8tor3* of tin's woman necessary, becaefle 
it iaone amoog mao]^ instaneesof young white cbildren, when t^ken prisoo- 
era, becoming attached to a ravage life, and leaving it with great reluctance. 
Mr. George raintcr, an aeed amTrespeciable citizen of Shenafidoah county* 
who remdes on the spot where this bloody tragedy was acted* and is a g) and- 
son of the man who M-as murdered and burnt, dehiilcd these particuTais to 
the author. 



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109 INDIAN INCURSIONS 

jury in this way, yet it . was disagreeable and aj^tended 
with some danger. Oh a particular occasion a large 
party of Indians had taken possession of the knob oir 
the Maryland side, and fired into the fort. A captain 
(the author regrets he was not able to learn his name) 
and seventy-five brave fellows, on a very dark night, 
volunteered to dislodge the enemy. They sallied out 
fi-om the fort, surrounded the knob, and cautiously as- 
cending until they were within reach of the foe, waited 
for daybreak to make the Mtack, Light appearing, 
they opened a tremendous fire, which threw the Indians 
into utter confusion, rendering them powerless for de-^ 
fense, while the whites continued from all sides to poiir 
in volley after volley, spreading death and carnage. 
But few of the Indians escaped. .The knob is called 
** Bloody Hill" to this day. This tradition the author 
received from several individuals in Cumberland : in- 
deed, the story appears to be IkmHiar to every aged indi- 
vidual in the neighborhood. 

Shortly after this occurrence. Kill-buck attempted to 
take Foil Cumberland by stratagem. He approached 
it at the head of a large force of warriors; and under the 
guise of friendship, pretending to wish an amicable in- 
tercourse with the garrison, proposed to Maj. Livingston 
to admit himself and warriors. Some hints hating 
been given to the commander to be upon his guard, Li- 
vingston seemingly consented to the proposal ; but rm 
sooner had Kill-buck and his chief ojfiicers entered, than 
the gates were closed upon them. The wily chief being 
thus entrapped, was roundly charged with his intended 
treachery, of which the ciicurnstances were too self-evi- 
dent to be denied. Livingston^ however, inflicted no 
other punishment upon his captives than a mark of hu- 
miliating disgrace, which to an Indian warrior was more 
mortifying than death. This stigma was, it is supposed, 
dressing them in petticoats, and driving them out of the 
fort.* 

* Th« Teoerable John Tomlinion related thif aflfairto the author. Mr. T. 
does not recollect the particular mark of disgrace inflicted on these Tndiiar. 
Tta? R<»v. Mr. Jacobs, of Hampshire, i«ugg^fted this as the moirt pn^haWe. 



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AND MASSCRES. 109 

It has akeady been stated, that, previous to the break- 
mg out of the- war, Kill-buck Uvea a good part of his 
time among the white settlers in the neighborhood of 
Fort Pleasant. An Irish servant, belonging to Peter 
Casey, abscc^ded, and Casey offered a pistme* reward 
ibr his recovery. Kill-buck apprehended the servant, 
and deiit^ed him to his master ; but from some cause 
pr other, Casey refused to pay the reward. A quarrel 
ensued, and Casey knocked Kill-buck down with his ^ 
cane. When the war broke out, Kill-buck sought every 
c^portunity to kUl Casey, but never could succeed. 
Many years afterwards^ Casey's son obtained a lieuten- 
ancy, and was ordered to Wheeling, where Kill-buck 
Aen being, young Casey requested some of his friends 
to introduce him to Mm. When Kill-buck heard his 
name, he paused for a moment, and repeating, " Casey ! 
Casey !" inquired of the young man whether he knew 
Peter Casey. The heutenant replied, " Yes, he is my 
father." Kill-buck immediately exclaimed, "Bad man, 
bad man, he once knocked me down with his cane." 
On the young man's propodng to make up the breach, 
the old chief repUed, "Will you pay me the pistole?" 
Young Casey jefiised to do this, but proposed to treat 
with a quart of rum, to which the old warrior assented, 
saying, "Peter Casey old man — Kill-buck old man :" 
and then stated that he had frequently watched for an 
q)pc»tunity to kill him, ^^ but he was too lazy — would 
not come out of the fort : Kill-buck now friends with 
him, and bury the tomahawk."t This Indian Qhief, it 
is said, was living about fourteen years ago, but had be- 
come blind fit)m his great age, being little under, and 
probably over, a hundred years. 

* The pigtoleis a piece o^goIcl, equal to three dollars and leTentj^-five centa 
fai valoe. 

t '^bia anecdote if related, fomewbat difierently, by On Tnrley, page 100 
0f diia work. 



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110 

CHAPTER VIII, 

Indian incursions and'massa>cres,...Continued^ 

In a p'receding ehapter the erection of several stone 
dwelling-houses is noticed. These houses generally 
had small stockade forts about them j and whenever an 
alarm took place, the neighboring people took shelter 
in them, as places of security against their savage- foe.* 

The men never went out of the forts without their 
guns. The enemy were freiquently lurking sihoni them, 
and at every opportunity would kill some of the people. 
At the residence of Maj. Robert D. Glass, on Opequon, 
5 miles south west of Winchester, part of his dweUing- 
house was erected in the time of the Indian war : the 
port holes were plainly to be seen before the body was 
covered with weather-boarding. The people were close- 
ly "forted" for about three years. After the termination 
of hostiUties between England and France, the incur- 
sions of the Indians were less frequent, and never in 
large parties; but they were continued at intervals un- 
til the year ir66 or 1767. 

About the year 1758, a man by the name of John 
StQue, near what is called the White House, in the 
Hawksbill settlement, was killed by Indians. Stone's 
wife, with her infant child and a son about 7 or 8 years 
old, and George Grandstaff, a youth of 16 years old, 
were taken off as prisoners. On the South Branch 
mountain, the Indians murdered Mrs. Stone and her 
infant, and took the boy and Grandstaff to their towns. 
Grandstaff was about three year§ a priscwier, and then 
got home. The little boy. Stone, grew up with the In- 
dians, came home, and after obtaining possession <rf 
his father's pvoperiyy sold it, got the money, xeturned to 

* The late Mrt. Rebecca Brinker, one of tbe danghtert of GeofBe Bow- 
Jiaiijonr * ...... ... 

umilieit 



|Mii. on Cedar creek, infohned the author that she recol[ecte4 when nxteea 
iiei took shelter in lier father's hoaee. 



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INDIAN IKCURftlONS. Ill 

the Indians, and was never beard of by his friends af- 
terwards. 

The same Indians killed Jacob Holtiman's wife and 
her children, Holtiman escaping. They plundered old 
Brewbecker's house, piled up the chairs and spinning 
wheels, and set them on fire. A young woman who 
lived with Brewbecker had concealed herself in the ffar- 
ret ; and after the Indians left the house, extinguished 
the fire, and saved thet bouse fi-om. bxirning. ftrew- 
becker's wife got information that the Indians were 
coming, and ran off with her children to where several 
men were at work, who conveyed her across ihe river 
to a neighboring house. Mr. John Brewbecker now rc- 
iddes on the farm w^lere this occurrehce toqk place.* 

The following singular tradition, as cpnnjBCted with 
thi& occurrence, has been related to the author : 

About dusk on the evening previous, Mrs. Brewbecfc^ 
er told her husband and family that the Indians would 
attack them next morning, saying that she could see a 
party of them on the side of Masinutton mountain, in 
the act of cooking their supper. She also declared that 
she saw their fire, and cotlld count the number of In- 
dians. She pointed to the spot; but no other part of 
the family saw it ; and it was therefore thought that ^he 
must be mistaken. Persisting in her declarations, she 
begged her husband to remove her and her children, to 
a place of safety ; but she was laughed at, told that it 
-Was mere superstition, and that she was in no danger. 
It was however afterwards ascertained that the savages 
had encamped that night at the place on the mountain 
pointed out by Mrs. B. It was about two miles off.t 

These outrages of the Indians drove many of tlie 
white settlers below the Blue ridge. 

Probably the^me year, several Indians attacked the 
house of a ipan named Bingaman, near the present site 

• Mr. Brewbecker resides on the vest iide of the South fork of tlie She- 
nandoaii river, on Masinnttoh creek, in the new county of Page, and ha» 
erected a large and elegant brick bottte on tbfrspot wbert the Indians plun- 
dered his father*^ dwelling. 

t Thi» tradition waft given the anthor by Mr. Andrew Ke}-ier, jr. tyHo mar- 
w ' n «jr«n'^daiv;ht*»r of (ho unpian who ph^^ <h^ TnflJTna, 



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112 IKDIA^ OVt&JLQk^ 

c^ Newmarket. Bh^gaxBan^i^o was remarkably stout 
and active, defended his family wth great resolutiod 
and firmness, and laid two of the assailants dead at his 
feet: they succeeded, however, in killing his wife and 
children, Bingaman escaping with^everal wounds, ftom 
which be finally recovered. The same party took hevm 
Bingaman (a nephew of the one just Spoken of,) a pri- 
soner. He was a boy about 13 or 14 years old, grew tip 
with the Indians, and became a man of distinction 
wnong them. 

About the same time the .Indians forcibly entered 
the house of Mr. Young, who resided on the farm now 
owned by William Smith, Esq. not rnore than a mile 
from Zane^s oM iron works, and killed severaJ'xrf his 
femily. They took an infant, dashed its head against a 
rook; beat out its brainsj'and left it lying on the g'round; 
Two of Young's daughters, pretty well grown, were 
carried off prisoners. Lieutenant Samuel Fry raised a 
force of between 30 and 40 men, pursued, and came 
in sight of them,- Unobserved) at the Short^ mountain^ 
near the Allegany ^ Pry''s party prepared to fire ; but 
unfortunately one pf the wnite girls stepping acci<ten- 
lally before their guns, the intention was frustrated, and 
Pry being discpvered the next moment, he ordered his 
roen to charge. This was no sooner dotie than the In- 
dians broke ^nd ran off, leaving their guns, prisoners 
and plunder : the two young females were thus rescued 
and brought safely home. ' ' 

Another family in the same neighborhood, by the 
name of Day, w^e attacked, several killed, and two of 
the daughters taken off. A party of -18 or 20 whites 
pursued them. The girls, as they traveled through the 
mountains, expecting pursuit, took the precaution (un- 
observed by their captors) to teetr off and fi:equently drop 
small scraps of white Unen, as well as pluck off branches 
of bushes, and drop them as a trail, by which jneans 
4heir friends could readily discover their route. A brother 
to the girls, a young man, was one of the pursuing par- 
ty. The Indians were overtaken on the South Branch 



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AND Af ASSACKESr tt3 

irumntain ; and as socm as seen/ preparations were inade 
to^ye them a deadly fire. But the ypung Day, in his 
eagerness to avenge the death of his father and family, 
I^ematurely fired, killing the object of his aim, when 
the others precipitately fled, leaving every thing behind 
them* They had cut off the girls' petticoats at the knees, 
in order that they should be able to make more speed in 
Iraveling. The^irls were brought safe home. 

There were several instances of the Indians commit- 
ting murders on the whites about the Potomac and 
South Branch several. years before Braddock's defeat. 
About the year 1752, a man,t)y the name of James Da- 
vis was killed, pretty high up the Potomac ; and in the 
succeeding year, William Zane and several of his fa- 
mily were taken prisoners on the South Branch, in the 
now county of Hardy. Isaac Zane, o.ne of his sons, 
remained during his life with the Indians, The authop 
saw this man at Chilicothe in the autumn of 1797, and 
had some conversation with him upon the subject of his 
caqptivity. He stated that he was captured when about 
nine years old ; was four years without seeing a white 
person \ bad learned the Indian tung quite well, but 
never tost a knowledge of English, having learned to 
fipell in two syllables, which he could still do, although 
pretty ^^ell advanced in years. He alsa^aid that a tra- 
der came to the Indian village four years after his capti- 
vity, and spoke to him in English, of which he under- 
stood every word ; that when he grew up to manhood, 
he manied a sister of the Wyandot king, and raised a 
family of seven, or eight children. His sons were all In- 
dians in their habits and dispositions ; his daughters, 
four of them, all married white men, became civilized, 
and were remarkably fine women, considering the op- 
piortunities they had had for improvement. 

This man possessed great influence with the tribes 
he was acquaintedwith ; and as he retained a regard 
for his native coimtrymen, was several times instrumen- 
tal in bringing about treaties of peace. The government 
of the United States granted him a patent for ten thou- 



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114 INDIAN I^?Ct;RSI0IC8 

sand a<^^ of land, which he claimed as his private pro^ 
perty ; and when the author saw him he was on hia 
way to Philadelphia to apply for a confirmation of his 
title. He was a near relation to the late Gen. Isaac 
Zane, of Frederick county, Virginia. 

About the same time that Mr. Katie's family were ta- 
ken prisoners, as just related, an Indian killed a white 
man near Oldtownj in Maryland, but was, in return, 
killed by the late Capt. Michael CJresap,- then a boy, 
with a pistol, while he was in the |tct of scalping the 
whiteman.* 

About the year 1758, there were two white men who 
disguised themselves in the habit of Indians, and ap- 
peared in the neighborhood of the present-site of Mar- 
tinsburg. They were pursued and killed, supposing 
them to be Indians.! It was no uncommon thing for 
unprincipled scoundrels to act in this manner. Their 
object , was to frighten peq)le to l^ve their homes, in 
order that they might roWnd plunder them of their 
most valuable articles.t The Indians were frequently 
charged with outrages they never committed. 

A man by the name of Edes, with his family, resi- 
ded in a cave for several years, about three miles above 
the mouth of Capon. This cave is in a large rock, and 
when other people would take shelter at a foit in the 
neighborho(rf,^ Edes would remain in his cave. At 
length the Indians found them, by trailing the children 
wlien driving up their cows, and took Edes and his fa- 
mily prisoners.§ . ^ 

A Mr. Smith, a bachelor, resided on the west side erf 
Capon river, in a small cabin. Three Indians one mom^ 
ing entered his house, split up his wooden bowls and 
trenchers (plates made of wood), destroyed his house- 
hold goods generally^ and took him off as a prisoner. 
They crossed the Cohongoruton, and halted at a place 
call^ Grass Uck, on the Maryland side, with the inten- 
tioa of stealing horses. Two of them went into a poea^ 

*^Ja!Cobs*tXifeofCr««ipr. tlUl»teilbyC>ipt.JaaiQl(Hi»Ol|t 

IBslaMdVLcwIiNeUl. -^ $ Oipi. GIbbil 



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AND X A0i3ACR£0. lU 

clo# for this prnpose^ while the third letnained te guaid 
Smith. The two men soon haltered a yomig unbroken 
horse), delivered him to the ^ard, and went in pursuit 
of mwe. The fellow who held the horse, discovering 
the animal was easily frightened, several times scared 
him for his amusement, till at length he became so 
much alarmed that he made a sudden wheel, and ran 
off with the Indian iianging to the halter, dragging 
him a-considerable distance. Smith took this opportu- 
nity to escape, and succeeded in getting off. The next 
morning a party of white men collected with the inten* 
tion of ^vinig pursuit. They went to Smith's cabin, 
and^ound him meiiding his bowls and trenchers by 
sewing them up-with w^ax-ends.* 

At Hedges's fort, on the present road bom Martins- 
tmrg to Bath, west of Back creek, a man was kill^ 
while watching the spring»t 

On Lost river there were two forts, one on the land 
now the residence of Jeremiah Inskee^, Esq. called 
Riddle's fort, where ft man named Chesmer was killed; 
the other called Warden's fort,t where William Warden 
and a Mr. Taff were killed, and the fort burnt down. 

Just befwe the massacre on Looney's x^^eek, (related 
on the succeeding page,) seven Indians surrounded the 
cabin of Samuel Bingaman, not far distant from the 
pre^nt village of Petersburg, in the county of Hardy. 
It was just before daybreak, that being the time when 
the Indians generally made their surprises. Mr. B.'s 
family consisted of himself and wife, his father and mo- 
ther, and a hired man. The fiist four were asleep in 
the room below^ and the hired man in the loft above. 
A shot was fired into the cabin, the ball passing through 
the fleshy part of the younger Mrs. Bingaman 's left 
breast. The family sprung to their feet, Bingaman 
seizing his rifle, and the Indians at the same moment 
rushing in at the door. Bingaman told his wife find fa- 

* Related by Capt. Gieon. t The fame. 

} Warden's Ctrt was at the pr^eiit residence of Mr* Benj«iniQ Warden, a 
grvodioo of the txaat that was killedi about ^ iiiile»«outh weft of Winchester. 



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116 INDIAN li?€URSIONS 

ther and moth^ to get out of the way, under the bed, 
and called to the man in the 16ft to come down, who, 
however, never moved, it was still dark, and the In- 
dians were prevented from firing, by a fear of injuring 
one of their number. JBihgaman, unrestrained by any 
fears of this kind, laid about him with desperati6h. At 
the first blow, his rifle brok6 at the brit^h, shivering 
the stock to pieces ; but with the barrel he continued* 
his blows until he cleared the room. Daylight now ap- 
pearing, he discovered that he had killed five, and that 
the remaining two were retreatingacross tlie field. He 
stepped out, and seizing a rifle which had been lefl, by 
the ^arty, fired at one of the fugitives, wouilded, and to- 
mahatvked him. Tradition rdates that the other fled to 
the Indian camp, and told his comrades that they had 
had a fight with a man who was a devil— ihat he had 
killed six of them, and if they went again, would kill 
them all. When Bingaman, after the battle, discovered 
that his wife- was wounded, he became firantic with rage 
at the cowardice of the hired m^i, and would have dte- 
patched him but for the entreaties of Mrs. B. to gpare 
his Ufe. She recovered from her wound in a short tiiiie,* 
It was the practice of the settlers on the Wappatoma- 
ka, in times of danger, to leave the forts in numbers, 
and assist 6ach other in harvest. About the year 1756, 
a party of nine whites left the fort opposite the present 
viHage of Petersburg, to assist Mi*. Job Welton td cut 
his father's meadow and hunt" his cattle. They took 
their rifles with them, as was invariaWy ihe practice 
whenever they left the fort. After collecting the cattle, 
they turned in and cut a portibBrof the meadow. As 
night approached, a proposition was made by Mr. Wel- 
ton to return to the fort, which was rather opposed by 
the rest bf the party, who, not having been molested du- 
ring the day, were disposed to believe in their perfect 

* The author received the particulars of thu sur^risin^ adventure from Job 
Welton and Aaron Welton» E8q'&,of Petersburg. Mrs. Blue, wife ef JMr, 
Garret Blue, also told, the author, ihat when she was a small eitl Bingaonm 
frequently Bt()pped at her father's residence on Cheat rivep, and she more than 
once heard him relate the chcmngtance^ ef x\k\a afiair, aiid sa^' there werd 
veven Indians, 



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A^D 31 ASS ACRES* 117 

security. They repaired to the house of the eWer Mr. 
Wekon, fronting^ the meadow, aud within 200 yards of 
the present residence of Aaron Welton, Esq. Here they 
wished to remain, but the determinaticm was resisted by 
Job Welton, who again advised a return to the fort. 
After some consultation it was agreed on to repair to 
the shelter of a large ebn tree in the meadow where 
they had been mowing, and where they concealed them- 
selves in a winrow of the grass, and soon fell mto a 
sdund sleep, from which they were sometime afterwards 
roused by the crack of a rifle. Mr. Welton was lying 
with his brother Jonathan under the same blanket, and 
the latter was shot through the heart. The party sprung 
to their feet and attempted to ^cape. In his alarm, Mr. 
W. forgot his rifle, and fled in company with a Mr. De^ 
lay. They had proceeded about -200 yards, pursued by 
an Indian, when Delay wheeled and discharged his ri- 
fle, which brought his pursuer down. At the same in- 
stant that Delay wheeled, the Indian threw his toma- 
hawk, which sunk in the back of Mr. Weltcm, severing 
two erf his ribs. He feU in the grass, supposing himself 
mentally wounded by a rifle ball, while Delay continued 
onward, pursued by another Indian, Mr. Welton soon 
recovisred from his surprise, and proceeded cautiously 
in a direction towards tne fort, veiy weak from the loss 
of bloods He soon heard Delay and the Indiim in a 
parley, the former being exhausted by running and dis- 
posed to yidd, and the latter demanding his surrender. 
Delay agreed to give up on condition that his enemy 
would spare Kis ifre, which bemg solemnly agreed to, 
he was reccHiducted to the elm tree. Here a council 
was held, and Delay, with three otliers who had been 
ti^en, were mhumanly scalped, from which they died 
in two or three days afterwards. Mf . Welton was abfe 
to reach the fort, where he laid three months, before his 
wound healed. Of the whole party, but three escaped ; 
four were scalped and died, and two were killed at the 
first surprise. The escape of a Mr. Kuykendall was re- 
markable. It was a br^ht moonlight night, while the 
8 



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118 IN0IAN ificvnni<ms 

shade of the elm rendered it quite dark under the CreiK 
Mr. K. being an old man^ was unable to fly witii speed, 
and therefore remained stilly while his companions fled 
across the meacfow. The Indians passed over him, lea- 
ving the rear clear, when Mr. K. retreated at his leisure, 
and reached the fort in safety, 1^ miles.* 

On the day following^ the whites left the fort in pur- 
suit, and overtook their eneniy late at nigh.% on Dim* 
kard bottom^i Cheat river, where, they haS encamped: 
The pursuers dismounted, and the captain ordered Bin- 
gaman (the same whose prowess is related in a prece- 
ding page) to guard the hcwses. He however disobeyed, 
and loitered in the rear of the party. To make the de- 
struction of the enemy more certain, it was deemed ad- 
visable to wait for daylight before they began an attack ; 
but a young man, whose zeal overcame his discretion^ 
fired into the groups upon which the Indians sprung to 
their feet and fled. Bingaman singled out a fdlow of 
giantj-like size, whom he pursued, throwing aside his 
rifle that his speed might not be retarded — passed seve-^ 
ral smaller Indians in the chase— came up wkh him — i 
and with a single blow of his hatchet, cleft his skulL 
Whfen Bingaman returned to the battle ground, the 
captain sternly observed, " I ordered you to stay and 
guard the horses.-" Bkigaman as sternly repUed, '^ You 
are a rascal, sir ; you intended tp disgrace jne ; and one 
more insolent word, and you shall share the fate of that 
Indian," pointing towards the body he iiad just slain. 
The ca;ptain quailed under the stern menace, and held 
his peace. He and Bingaman had, a few days before; 
had a falling out. Several Indians fell in this affair^ 
while the whites lost none of thefr party.t 

Dr. Turley stated to the author that he had often 
heard Mr. John Harness, who was one of the party that 
followed the Indians, relate that Delay was taken ta 

* Messrs. Aaron and Job Welton related this tradition to the author. It 
was thought that Delaiy would have recovered but for theunskilltalnessof 
the suri^eon (if he deserved the name) who attended him. The late Geaii 
William t)arke married hid widow. 

t Rclatod by MesdTi. Heaihi M'Neill aDdTVamneterr 



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AND ajAfilSACIUES, 1 19 

Dunkmrd bottom, and when the Indians were then ^ur- 
^ked, he was shot, but whether by his captors or acci- 
dentally was not known, Delay himself not being able 
to tell He was conveyed home on a Htler, and died di- 
rectly afterwards. There were, however, two Delays, 
and the first relation may be true. 

Mrs. Shobe, an aged and respectable lady, living on 
Mill creek, in Hardy county, informed the author that 
Delay was buried c^ the banks of the South Branch, 
and some years afterwards his skeleton weis washed out 
by a rising of the river- She then heard Job Welton say 
that Delay had saved bis life, and he would take care 
of his bones. 

To show the spirit of the times the following anec- 
dote is related* Valentine Powers and his brother, with 
two or ^ree others, left the fori; neaac Petersburg^* on a 
visit tb theu* farms, when they were fired upon by In- 
dians from a thicket, and the brojthjer of Powers killed. 
Valentine ran, but soon calling to piind the saying cur- 
rent am<H^ thera that f * it was a bi^d man who took bad 
new;s home," he turned abo^t ai^d gave himself up, and 
remained a prisoner five or six years.t 

Martin Peterson was taken a prisoner on the Soutli 
Branch, and carried to the Sandusky towns. He used to 
accompany the Indians in their hunting excursions, 
and was permitted to hav^ one load of powder arid ball 
each day, which he always discharged at the game they 
met w^h. As he gained op th^ confidence of his can- 
tors, they increased his allowance to two loads, and sub- 
^uently to three. Tbe same allowance was made to 
two other white prisoners. These three, one day, after 
receiving their allowance, deternpned to attempt an es- - 
C^pe, and left the towns accordingly. As they ventured 
to trayel only at night, guided by the north star, their 
prog3*^s9 was exceedingly slow and difficult. _ On tlie 
second day one of their number died from fatigue, and 
Peterson took his ammunition. A day or two after- 

* Called Fort George. The land is now owned by Job Welton , Es<i, 
t Related b^ Aaron Welton, Ei^. 



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126 IKDIAN INOVRtflO^S ^ 

wards, his remaining companion also gave out, and Pe- 
terson, taking his ammunition, left him to pmsh. He 
then pursued his way alone, and after a succession of 
hardships, came at length in sight of the fort. Bat 
here, when within reach of deliverance, his hopes were 
wellnigh blasted ; for the sentry, mistaking him for an 
Indian, fired ! Happily the ball inissed its aim, and he 
was able to make himsdf known before the fire was re- 
peated. This fortii^air on the fturmnow the residence of 
Mr. John Wditon, near Petersburg, Hardy county.* 

Seybert's fort was erected on the South fork of the 
South branch of the Potomac, on the land now owned 
by Mr. Ferdinand Lair, 12 miles north eas* of JPrank- 
Kn, the present county seat of Pendleton. In the year 
1758, a party of Indians surprised the fort, in whidi 
were thirty persons. They bound ten, whom they con- 
veyed without the fort, and then proceeded to massacre 
the others in the following manner i They seated them 
in a row upon a log, with' an Indian standing behind 
each ; and at a given signal, each Indian sui^ his to- 
mahawk into Uie head af his victim : an additimiai 
blow or two dispatched them. The^scene was witness- 
ed by James Dyer, a lad 14 years old, who^ not having 
been removed without the fort, supposed that he also 
was to be massacred. He was however spared, andnUn 
ken to L<^ town, 16 miles below Fort Pitt, thence to 
the mouth of the Muskingum river, and thence to the 
spot where Chilicothe now stands, where he r^nained 
a prisoner one year imd ten months. He had by this 
time. gained the entire confidence of his captors, and 
was permitted to acccmdipany them to Fort Pitt (m a tra- 
dmg expedition. When there he planned his esci^^ 
and happily succeeded. Bein^ sent out f<»r softie bre^d 
with an Indian lad, he slipped into a hovel, unobserved 
by his companion, and implored the protection of the 
poor woman who occupied it. She told him to ^^ be- 
hind a chest, the only ftirniture in the room, and threw 
upon him a bed. The Indians, on missmg him, spent 

* Related by Aaron WeUon, Esa* 



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AND:MASSACRE9« 12t 

the afiemocm in secoiph, during which they looked into 
the very hovel where he was, and left the place on the 
next morning on their return. Port Pitt being then in 
possession of the English, a trooper very kindly convey* 
ed him 6 or 7 miles bebkid him, whence he made his 
way to his friends in Pennsylvania, where he remained 
two year^ longer, and then returned to the South Fork.* 

Another tradition says that Seybert's fort was not sur- 
prised. It had been invested for two or three days, and 
after two Indians had been killed, the garrison agreed 
to surrender on condition that their lives sliould be spa- 
red, which was solemnly pigged. The gate was then 
opened, and the Indians rushed in with demoniac yells. 
The whites flied with precipitation, but were retaken, 
with the exception of one man. The massacre then 
took place, as before related, and ten were taken oil* as 
prisoners. 

Another tradition says^ that, on the fort's being given 
up, the Indians seated > twenty of the garrison in two 
rows, all of whom they killed except tlie wife of Jacob 
Peterson. When they reached her, an Indian interpo- 
sed to save her life, and some altercation ensued. The 
friendly Indian at length prevailed ; and throwing her 
a pair of moccasons, told her to march off with the pri- 
soners. How long «he remained in captivity is not ro- 
membered.t 

The Indians killed John Brake's wife on the South 
fork of the Wappatcmiaka. John Brake became con- 
spicuous in the war of the revolution, which will be no- 
ticed hereafter. Frederick Jice had his wliole famfly 
killed, with the exception of himself and one son. A 
man named Williams and his wife wete also killed. 
JSichard WiUiams and. his daughter were taken prison- 
ers : the latter was only eighteen months old when ta- 
ken, remained with the Indians until she was thirteen, 
«aid was then brought home. She had learned the In- 

* Related by Zelwlon Dyer, Esq. clerk of Pendleton county, and son of 
tiie Jani«8 Dyer mentioii^. 

t Mrs. Shobe informed the atitlior that she had heard the wife of Jacob Pe- 
terson frequently relate this. 



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IS) INDIAN INCURStOKS 

dian language perfectly ; afterwards learned to speak 
English, but there ^were some words she never could 
pronounce plainly. She married Uriah Blue, on the 
South Branch. 

About eight miles below Romney stood a fort. In 
time of harvest a Mrs. Hogeland went out from it about 
300 yards to gather beans, two men accompan3dng her 
as a guard. While gathering the beans, eight or ten In- 
dians made their appearance. One of the guard instant-* 
ly fled ; the other, whose name was Hogeland, called to 
the woman to run to the fort ; and placing hui^iself be? 
tween her and the enemy, with his rifle cocked and prer 
sented, retreated from tree to tree until both entered it. 
Some old men in the fort fired off their guns to alarm 
the haiTest hands, who ran into it, the Indians from 
the side of the mountain firing upon them, biK doing 
no injury. The same day the harvest hands were way-r 
laid as they returned to their work, fired upon, and Hen- 
ry Newkirk wounded in the hip. The whites returned 
the fire, and wounded an Indian, who dropped his gun 
and fled. The others also made ofi*, and the harve^ 
hands proceeded to their work. 

In 1756, while the Indians were lurking about Fort 
Pleasant, and constantly on the watcb to cut ofi" all 
communication therewith, a lad named Higgins, aged 
about 12 years, was directed by his mother to go to the 
spring, about a quarter of a mile without the fort, and 
bring a bucket of water. He complied with much tre- 
pidation, and persuaded a companion of his, of about 
the same age, to accompany him. They repaired to 
the spring as cautiously as possible^ and after filling 
their buckets, ran with speed towards the fort, Higgins 
taking the lead. When about halfway to the fort, and 
Higgins had got about thuty yards before his compa- 
nion, he heard a scream from the latter, which caused 
him to increase his speed to the utmost. He reached 
the fort in safety, while his companion was captured by 
the Indians, and taken to their settlements, where he 
remained until the peace, and wa^ then restored. Th^ 



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AND, MASSACft£S< 133 

Votmg Higgiiis subsequentl)rbecame the active Capt. 
Hobert Higgind in our revolutionary army, and after rai* 
ging a tiumerous family in Virginia, removed with them 
to the west.* / 

In the neighborhood of Moorefield a, party of men 
were mowing for Peter Casey. They had^ placed their 
guns under a large tree in the edge of the meadow, 
and old Peter stood sentinel to watch and give the alarm 
riiould the enemy make their appearance. In a short 
time a party of Indians discovered the hands at work, 
and cautiously OTept through the brambles and shrub- 
bery in order to get a position to make a deadly fire. 
One of them was in front of the others, and had ap- 
proached very near dd Peter before the latter saw him, 
when the old man flew at him with his cane raised, 
crjring out, " By the Lord, bojrs, here they come I" The 
Indian, desperately frightened, took to his heels ; the 
men flew to their guns ; and the skulking savages re- 
treated precipitately, without firing a single shot. It is 
not improbable that Casey stHl us^ the same stick with 
which he " knocked Kill-buck down."t 

The author finding this chapter running to a tedious 
and perhaps tiresome length to the reader, will give his 
pen a short respite, and resume his narrative of Indian 
outrages in the next chapter* 



CHAPTER IX. 

Indian incursions and mass(wres„..C(mtinued. 

On Stony ereek, five or six miles south west of Wood- 
stock, there was a fort called " Wolfe's fort," where the 
people took shelter from the Indians for several years. 
Mr. Wotfe would sometimes venture out for the purpose 

'Related by Col. laaatiVonmeter. tTlie»amc. 

8t 



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124 INDIAN INCITRgrONS 

of killing game, and was always accompanied by a 
favorite dog. On one particular occasion, this f^thfiil 
animal saved his master's life. Mr. W, bad walked out 
with his gun and dog, but had not proceeded iar l^efore 
the latter manifested great alarm,, and used all hi^ inge- 
nuity to induce his master to return^ He repeatedly 
crossed his path, endeavoring to obstruct his walk; 
would raise himself up, and place his feet against h^is. 
master's breiast, and strive to push him back; would run. 
a few steps towards the fort, and then return shining. 
From the extraordinary manifestation of uneasinebj Ou 
the part of the dog, Mr. Wolfe began to suspect there 
was some Imking danger, of course kept a.sharp look 
out, and soon discovered an Indian at soipae distance ber 
hind a tree, watching and waiting until be should come 
near enough to be a smre mark. Mr. W,. made a safe 
retreat into the fort, arid ever -after felt the higb^t gra- 
titude to his honest and faithjful dog. This dog lived 
to be twenty-cwpte years of age, and probaWy more.* 
Ulysses's dog *' Argus" is jpauch celebraited in history ; 
but it is very questionable whether Argus ever render- 
ed more important services to his lord and master. Ulys- 
ses was one of the commanding generals of the Chreeks 
in, the Trojan wai*, and was absent twenty years, it is 
said, from his home. The story of his dog is rejate4 by 
Homer in the following b^utiful poetical effusion.t 

Thus near the gates conferring as they drew, 
ArguSfthe dog, his„ ancient master knew; 
tie, not unconscious of the voice, and tread. 
Lifts to the sound his ear, and featrs his head 5 
Bred by Ulysses, pourish'd at his board, ^ - 

But ah ! not fated long to please his lord ! 
To him, his swiftness and his strength were vain 5 

* Moses Russell, Esq. of the county of Frederick, gave the author a detail 
of tlie partiiiulars of this extraordiuary story, and stated, that when he was a 
^'oung man he once called at Mr. Wolfe^s bouse and saw the do^. Ha a|^ 
peared to be decrepit and suSering pain, and he asked Mr. Wolfe if he had 
not better kill the dog, and put him out of misery. Mr. Wolfe wtlh muck 
emphasis replied, " No, I would as readily consent to be killed m^'self a^to 
kill that doff, or suffer him to be killed ; he once saved my life f* and Mr.W, 
tben relatea the above storj'. The dog was then twenty-one years old. 

t It is said that Argus was the only creature that immediately recognized 
his master oa |iis return to his palace froqfi his twenty years^ absence^ 



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Aim MAnaAcnEB. 125 

The voice of gkry call'd him o'er the main : 
Till then in every sylvan chase renown'd, 
With Argus, Argus, rung the woods around : 
With him the youth pureu'd the goat or fawn, 
Or trac'd the mazy leveret o'er the lawn. 
Now left to man's ingratitude he lay, 
Unhous'd, neglected m the public way ; 
And where on heaps the rich manure was spread, 
Obscene with reptiles, took his sordid bed/ 

He knew his lerd 5 he knew, and strove to meet -, 
In vain he strove to crawl, and kiss his feet, 
Yet (all he could) his tail, his ears, his eyes. 
Salute his master, and confess his joys. 
Soft pity touch'd the mighty master's soul ; 
Adown his cheek a tear unbidden stole, 
Stdle unperceiv'd : he tum'd his head, and dried 
The drop humane; then thus impassion'd cried: 

" What noble beast in this abandon'd state, 
Lies here all helpless at Ulysses' gate ? 
His bulk and beauty sp^k' no vulgar praise ; 
If; as he seems, he was in better days. 
Some care his age deserves : or was he prizM 
For worthless beauty, thereforernow despised? 
Such dogs, and men there are, mere things of state, 
And always cherish'd by their friends, the great." 

"Not Argus so, (Eumceus thus rejoin'd) 
But serv'd a master of a nobler kind. 
Who never, never, shall behold him more ! 
Long, long since [^rish'd un a distant shore! 
O had you seen him, vigorous, bold and young) 
Swift as a stag, and as a lion strong ; 
Him no fell savage on the plain wiUistood, 
None scap-d him, bosom 'd in the gloomy wood: 
His eye hoiV piercing, and his scent how Irue, 
To wind the vapor in the tainted dew ! 
Such, when Ulysses left his natal coast. 
Now years unnerve him, and his lord is lost ! 
The women keep the generous creature bare, 
A sleek and idle race is all their care : 
The master gone, the servants what restrains ? 
Or dwells humanity where riot reigns? 
Jove fix'd it certain, that whatever day 
Makes man a slave, takes half his. worth away.". 

This said, the honest herdsman strode before : 
The musing monarch pauses at the door. 
The dog whom fate had granted to behold 
His lord when twenty tedious years had roll'd, 



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I2S INDIAN INCURSIONS 

Takes a last look, and having ^en iiim, dies; 
So clos'd forever faithful Argus* eyes! 

There w£is no poet at the time to transmit the name 
and fame of Mr. Wolfe's dog to posterity. European 
authors, in their prejudices, have on vaiious occasions 
endeavored to disparage every thing of American pro- 
duction. The Count de Buffon is among the number. 
Enghshmen delight in this disparagement of American 
qufidrupeds. In the Family Encyclopedia, an English 
work, under the article " dogs," it is asserted that " when 
English dogs are transported to other countries, they 
degenerate, and become comparatively worthless !" It 
is believed the annals of the world may be safely chal- 
lenged to produce an instance of greater manifestation 
of s€igacity and faithful affection towards a master, than 
was exhibited by Mr. Wolfe's dog on the occaision spo- 
ken of. But to return. 

At the Forks of Capon stood q, stockade. The men 
who occupied it had to go about four miles to cultivate 
a fine fertUe field of low ground, to produce bread for 
their support. In the year 1757 or 1758, two men, one 
named Bowers, the other York, walked to the field to 
see how things were going on. On their return in the 
evening they were waylaid by seven Indians. Bowers 
was shot and fell dead ; York ran, was pursued by three 
Indians, and took across a high ridge. One of his pur^ 
suers tired before he reached the top ; the others conti- 
nued the chase. After running a considerable distance, 
a second gave out. The third got so near that he seve- 
ral times extended.his arm to seize York, but ffidled, and 
York got safe into the fort.* 

On Patterson's creek, at the present site of Frankfort, 
Ashby's fort was erected. It was at this place that the 
celebrated race took place between the late Capt. John 
Ashb}'^ and three Indians. Capt Ashby had walked out 
from the fort with his gun, and after proceeding some 
distance discovered three Indians, who knew him, but a 
little way off. He turned and ran : two of the Indians 

• Rflaled by Mr. John T.irsf»flt. 



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AND MASSACRSft. 12T 

fii^, but missed him : they all three thear gave chase, 
but Ashby was too swift for them ; ancj when they saw 
Aey ccHild not overhaul him, one of them cailed out, 
^ BUm, Jack Ashby, run !" He replied, looking over 
his shoulder," You fools, do you think I run booty ?" — 
[with boots.] 

Near the fort Charles Keller was killed, the grandfar 
ther of Mr. Charles Keller, the present proprietor of the 
Frankfort hoteL* 

About the year 1756^ Daniel Sullivan, at nine years 
of age, was taken {Hisoner by the Indians, with whom 
he remained nine years, when he was brought home. 
F^r some time hemanifested a great desire to return to 
the Indians, but at length bectune reconciled, and wag 
afterwards their determined enemy. In his last battle 
with them, becoming desperately wounded, and his en- 
trails falling out aiad in his w^y, fcetore them off, and 
eontinued to fight until he fell and expired. The In-. 
£ans after this conski^ed him something more than 
man.t 

At the Rev. Mr.* Jacob's present residence, on North 
Branch> a man by the name of Wade was killed. 

LogaU; the celebri^ted Indian, killed Benjamin Bow- 
man, and took Humphiey Worstead prisoner. He com-: 
pelled the latter to halter several of his own and Bow- 
man's horses, and took them off.t 

At a batttle ajL Oldtowri, John Walker killed an In- 
dian and wounded another. , W^aU^^** ^^^ ^^^ ^ P^rt of 
the dead Indian's flesh from the thick part of his thigh, 
and threw it to his dog, who ate it. He otherwise muti-. 
lated hk body, and thrust parts of it into his n^outh. 

Thomas Ifiggins was one of the earliest settlers on 
the Cohongoruton. He lived about four miles from 
Bath, but was driven thence, and temoved to the neigh- 
borhood of Gerardstown, in the county of Berkeley. 
After his removal, three of his sons were taken ^ff pri- 

* Mr. Keller stated this fact to the author. 
^ t Isaac Kuykenda}!, Esq. of the South Ilranch, near Romney, stated t^iia 
feet to the author, and added that Sullivan was his near relation. 

|Jleh^t«dhy Mr. Uerrit Blue, of the North Branch. 



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12$ INDIAN INCURSIONS 

aimers, and never returned. At the ddse of Dunm<»re% 
war, one of them was seen at Whechng by a man who 
was acquainted with his family, and asked why^he did 
not come home, since his father had left him a good tract 
of land. He replied that he did not wish to Uve with 
white people ; they would alwa)rs call him Indian ; aod 
he had land enough.* 

The wife of the late Walter Denny, of Frederick 
county, was taken by the IndiMis when a small child^ 
and grew up amon^ them. Her maiden name was 
Flaughaty. Aft«r returning from her captivity, she 
married Waltec Denny, who resided some time after hk 
maniage in the neighborhood' of Pittsbiwg. In 1774 
the Indians advised him to move off, as they interned 
to goto war Mrith the whites. . Mr. Denny removed and 
seided in the county ^f Frederick, The aiith<wr reed- 
lects frequently seeiig this man. A Miss Williams was 
also taken about the same time : she, too, grew up with 
the Indians. These two female <^dren were takea 
on Patterson's creek. 

There is a tradition of a battle fought on Patterscm's 
creek, between the whites and Indians, the spring be- 
fcure Braddock's defeat; but theauthor was not able to 
obtain the particulars, except that the Indians were de^ 
feated. 

The Indians killedrOUver Kremer in Short 6ap,and 
took his wife prisoner. 

In the year 1764, a party of 18 Delawares crossed 
the mountains. Furman's fort was about one mile 
above the Hanging Rock, on the South Branch. Wil^ 
liam Furman and Nimrod Ashby had gone out from the 
fiwrt to watch a deer lick in the Jersey mountain.t The 
Indians discovered and killed them both, and passed on 
into the county bf Frederick, where they divided into 
two parties. One party of eight moved on to the Cedwr 
oreek settlement; the other of ten attacked the people 
in the neighborhood of the present residence of Maj. 

* Relared by Mr. James Htffgins, of the North branch. 

t So called from its being first settled by imoiigrauts from New-Jersejr. 



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Xohn Whifce. On this place Dr. White, the ancestor of 
the White family, had settlefd, and on his land a Stock- 
ade was erected. The people in the neighborhood had 
taken the alarm, and were on their way to the fort, when 
they were assaulted by these ten Indians. They killed 
David Jones and his wife^ two old people, Some of 
Mrs. ThcHnas's family were killed, and she and one- 
daughter taken offi An dd man by the name of Lloyd, 
and his wife, and several of bis c^dren, were killed. 
Esther Lloyd, their daughter, about 13 years old, re^ 
ceived three tomahawk wounds in the head, was scalp- 
ed, and left lying, supposed to be dead. Henry Clou- 
ser and two of his sons were killed, and his wife and 
four of his daughters taken. The youngest daughter 
was about two years old; and as she impeded the mo- 
ther's traveling, when they reached the North moim- 
tain the poor little innocent babe was taken by its heels, 
its head dashed agaijist a tree, and the brains beaten out, 
and left lying on. the ground, Mrs. Thomas was ta* 
ken to the Wappatomaka; but the river being pretty 
full, and deep fording, they encamped near Fiu-man'* 
fort for the'lught. The next morning a party of white 
_inen fired off their guns at the fort, which alarmed the 
Indians, and they hurried across the river, assisting all 
their female prisoners except Mrs. Thomas, who being 
quite stout cmd strong, was left to sJiift for herself. The 
current, however, proved too strong for her, and she 
floated down the river — but lodged against a rock, upon 
which «he crawled, and saved herself from drowning. 
Before her capture she had concealed half a loaf of 
bread in her bosom, which, duiing her struggles in the 
water, washed out, and, on her reaching the rock, float- 
ed to her again. In this instance, the text of scriptuie, 
** Cast thy bread upon the waters, tor thou shalt find it 
after many days,"* might have some appUcation, It 
was not "many days," but there appears to have been 
something providential in it, for it saved her from ex- 
treme suffering. The next morning Mrs. Thon^as 

" Kr<'!c^ia»fcjs, 11th rhup. ls.( vprse. — 



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130 INDIAN INCtHSIOKa 

made her way to Wflliams's fort, about two miles below 
the Hanging Rock^ on the South Branch.* 

The author has received from Maj. John White, of 
Frederick, another account of the foregoing outrages, 
which he will give in Maj. W.'s own words : 

" In July, 1763, information was received by the late 
Maj. Robert White^ (who had a small fort around his 
house as an asylum for the people in the neighborhood,) 
that Indians had been seen on that or the preceding day 
on Capon. He immediately went to the several families 
living near the base of the North mountain, as far as to 
Owen Thomas's, five or six miles from the fort, told 
them of the repcHt^ and advised them to go into the fort 
until the danger should be over. It being harvest time, 
Owen Thomas was unwilUng to leave home, and mount- 
ed a horse to go to his neighbor Jacob Kackley's, who 
had several sons grown, to propose to arm themsdved 
and work together in their respective grain fields ; but 
on his way to Mr. Kackley's he was sh^dead and scalp- 
ed, the Indians having concealed ^themselves behind 
two logs that lay one across the other, near the road. 

"In June, 1764, similar information of Indians being 
seen was received at the fort. Maj. White, as on the 
former occasi(m,. Went in the afternoon to warn the peo- 
ple of their danger; when the widow Thomas, Mr. 
Jones and Mr. Clouser, set ofl* with their families for the 
fort ; but night coming on when they had reached Mr. 
Lloyd's, (about two miles from the fort), they concluded 
to stay there all night. In the morning, as soon as day 
appeared, they resumed their journey ; but before they 
were out of sight of the house, the Indians attacked 
them, and killed, wounded, or took prisoners twenty- 
two or twenty-three persons. Evan Thomas, a son of 
the man killed the preceding summer, a boy of seven 
years old^ ran back into the house, and hid himself be- 
hind some puncheons that he placed across a comer of 
the room, and remained concealed, notwithstanding the 

* Mr. Greil-it Blue stated to the author that he yvna then a nnali boy, but 
well recollects seeing Mrs. Thomas when she got unto tlie fort. 



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AND MASSACRES. 131 

IkuSans brought the prisoners into the house, among 
whom were bis mother and sister, both tied, and kept 
them there till they fried baconand ate their breakfast; 
they then set fire to the house in two places, and went 
away. Evan said be <x>ntinued in the house as long 
as he could on account of the^re ; that he saw through 
a chink in the wall the direction the Indians went; 
and not knowing which way to go, he ccmeluded to take 
the contrary course from the one taken by them. He 
rambled about all that day and the most of the next be* 
fore he found any person, the houses which he passed 
having been abandoned, by their owners going to the 
fort. The^Indians encamped the first night at a sping 
on the Romney road, between the North river and Lit* 
He Capon ; and on the next day they stopped on the 
bank of the South Branch, near where Romney now 
istands, to eat their dmner. While thus engaged, a par- 
ly who were stationed in a fort a mile or two lower down 
tne river, and who had just returned from a scout, dis- 
charged their guns in order todean theni, which abirm- 
ed the Indians, and they hurried across theriver, assisting 
all their female prisoners excepting Mrs. Thomas, who 
being a large fat woman, it was su{q)osed would perish, 
as the water was rapid and deep. She floated down the 
stream, however, until almost exhausted, when she had 
the good* fortune to get on a rock, and save hers^ from 
drowning. She had put a piece of bread in her boGibm 
the morning she was taken, and lost it in the water ; but 
it hai^ned to float so near her while on the rock that 
she caught it anfl ate it;, which, as she said, so revived 
and strengthened her that she plunged into the water 
ag€un) and providentially got out on me east side of the 
river. She re?ujhed Williams's fort, two miles below the 
Han'^gRbck, on the same day. It was often remark- 
ed by Mrs. Thomas's acquaintances, that after her re- 
turn she would minutely relate the circumstances at- 
tending tb& murder of her husband and children, and 
her own sufferings, without shedding a tear. Either 
five or seven of the persons wounded by the Indians, 



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1^ INI>IAH IKCURStOHS 

yrwe taken to the fort at Maj. Robert White's, and at- 
tended by Dr. McDonald, though but one recovered, 
Hester Lloyd, who had two scalps taken from her." 

Mrs. Thomas's daught^, and Mrs. Clouser and her 
three small daughters, Were taken to the Indian towns, 
and after an absence of about dx months, were released 
from captivity, and all returned home safely. 

There is something remarkable in the history of the 
three Miss Clousers, who were all prisoners at the same 
time. The eldest was about 10 years old^ the next eldest 
about 7, and the young0st between 6 and 6. They all 
returned home from their captivity, grew up, were mar- 
ried, raised families of children, and are now widows, 
jiving in the same neighborhood, not more than five or 
six miles ^part. Two of them, Mrs. ^hultz and Mra. 
Snapp, reside about one and a half miles from the resi- 
dence of the author, and the third, Mrs. Fry, not ex- 
ceeding six miles. 

Miss Lloyd, who was " tomahawked and scalped," 
was soon discovered not to be dead. The late Dr. M^t 
Donald was sent for, who trepanned her in the several 
fractures in her head. She recovered and Uved many 
years after. There are several respectable individual 
now Hiding who knew this woman.* 

The other party of eight Indians committed several 
nmrders on Cedar creek. It is probable this party killed 
a Mr. Lyle, a Mr, Butler, and some others, mi. Elhs 
Thomas, the husband of the woman whose story has 
just been given, was killed the harvest preceding. This 
party of eight Indians took off two female prisoners, 
were pursued by a party of white men, overtaken in the 
South Branch mountain, and fired upon, when one of 
the Indians was killed. The others fled, leaving their 
guns, prisoners, and plunder.t The prisoners and jm-o- 
perty were brought home. Two of tne fugitives overs- 
tock the party in the Allegany rhountain who had Mrs. 

* General Smith, Maj. R. D. Glass, Miss Susan Glass, Mrs. Shultz, and 
Win, Snapp, severally stated to the author that they frequently saw U)is jro- 
mah after she recotered from her wounds. M rs. Sbults states that it w^ on 
th6' first dav of Jane the outrase was committed* 

i Moses Ilusseil, Esq. 



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Am ]fetASsAbRE;§. 1:38 

Gtoiiser, her-daughters; and other prisoners, in custody. 
TJiQ fugitives appeared in desperate iU humor, and pro- 
posed to murder the prisoners ; but the others peremp* 
torily objeieted, and wouM not suffer their prisoners to 
be injured.* 

The same year^ 1764, a party of eight Indians^ with 
a white man by the name of Abraham Mitchell, killed 
George MiHer, his wife and two children, within about 
t#o miles of Strasburg. "^They also the same day kill- 
ed John Dellinger on the land now the residence of 
Capt. Anthony Spengler, adjoining the town, and toiok 
off Rachel Dellinger, with her infent child, prisoners. 
It was a male child, very stout, and h€avy of its age* 
In crossing Sandy ridge, west of Capon river, this child 
had its brains b6aten out against a tree: A party of 
white men pursued them^ overtook them in the South 
Branch mountain, fired upon them, and killed- one^ 
when the others fled, leaving every thing behind. Ra- 
chel Dellinger was brought homej and stated that the 
unprilicipled scoundrel mitcheE was with the Indians; 
About twelve months before, Mitchell had been punish^ 
ed for a petty act of theft, while the people were at Bow- 
man^s fort. Miller and DeUinger mflicted the punish- 
ment.t 

At the massacre of thi pseople near White's fort, one 
of Mrsi Thomas's daughters, when the people were pre- 
paring to go to the fott, was requested by Mrs. Clouser 
to take a bottle of milk in her hand, and carry it to the 
fort. When the Indiana assailed them^ this young wo^ 
matt concealed herself behind a tree, and finally es- 
capedc . As soon as she could run off without being dis- 
covered, she started, and ran eight or nine miles with 
the bottle of milk in her hand. She was met by two 
of the PawcettS) near their residence, informed them of 
what had happened, and they fortluvith removed their 
femilies to Stephens's fort.t 

* Mrs. Schultz and Mrs. Snapp* 

f ThiJ late Mrs. Brinker related thfe particular^ of these occurrences to thfl 

mtthoTt Ma.jor Isaac Hite recollects when Miller and Dellinger were killedi 

t Stephen* 8 foit was at the spot where Zan«'s iron works were afterwardt 



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134 IKPIAN OUTRAGES 

A little 8(m of Mrs. Thcnnas concealed himself wil- 
der a pile of flax, which the Indians set on fire. .As the 
fire pro^re^ed, the Uttle fellow kept in a direction to a- 
void it, while the smoke concealed him from the sight 
of the enemy, and he got safe to the fort. 

Thomas Pugh resided at the time on the &xm late 
the residence of Mr. John M^Cool, 8 or 9 miles north 
west of Winchester. The same fariy of Indians who 
committed the cnitrage near^^hite's fort, on the night 
after were lurking about Mr. Pugh's house. His d<^ 
gave the alarm ; and from hia singular behavior, and 
manifestations of rage, (as if he were engaged in a furi*^ 
ous battle,) Mr. Pug^h cautiously looked out at a win- 
dow, and although it was rather a dark* night, he dis- 
covered several Indians looking ov^ a clyster of briars 
but a short distance from his house. He and his wife 
and<^hildren immediately retreated through a back door 
and pushed off. They had not gone fiur, before Pugh 
recollected his mon0y ; he tum^ baqk, got into the 
house, secured his money, took it with him, and saved 
himself and frimily from injury. During the whole 
time Pugh and his fsiinily were making their escape^ 
the d<^ continued his uproar, and as soon as they were 
out of danger, followed them.* The Indians broke into 
the house,^ robbed it of what they chosO) and destroyed 
the fruniture ; but they did not burn the bidlding. It 
is s^d they burnt comparative^ bu&a few houses^ he* 
cause thev Expected to reconquer the country, .jtnd Te- 
turn to inhabit it ; in which event they would have com- 
£[Nrtable houses ready built to their hands; hence they 
generally sqpared the buildings. , , 

About the year 1765, the Indians made th^ir appear- 
ance in the neighborhood of Woodstock, in the county 
of Shenandoah. On Narrow Passage creek, 18 or 20 

directed on Cedar creek. Mr. Klisha F5wcett, a near neighbor of the ad- 
thor, a highly respectable and intelligent man, stated to the author that he 
liad frequently heard his father and uncle speak of this occurrence. 

* Mr. Joseph Haekney informed the autlior that he hadijreqnently heard 
Mr. Pugh relate this occurrence. .This is another instance of the extraor- 
dinary evidence of the sagacity and affection of tlie dog,^ and is little inferiov 
(o the story of Mr. Wolfed dog. 



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AND MASSACRES. 133 

women and children had collected together, in order to 
go to the fort at Woodstock. An old man by the name 
of George Sigler was with them. Five Indians attack- 
ed them. Sigler, after firing, and wounding one in the 
leg, clubbed his gun and fought to desperation. While 
he was thus engaged, the women and children made 
their escape, and got safe to the fort. Sigler broke his 
gun over the heads of the enemy. Avounded several 
of them pretty severely, and received himself several 
wounds, but continued the fight until he fell firom the 
•loss of blood, when his mercUess enemies mangled his 
Ixxiy in a manner shocking to behold.* 

In 1766 the Indians made another visit to the neigh- 
borhood of Woodstock. Two men, by the name of 
Sheetz and Taylor, had taken their wives and children 
into a wagon, j^nd were on their way to the fort. At the 
Narrow Passage, three miles south of Woodstock, five 
Indians attacked them. The two men were killed at 
the first onset, and the Indians rushed to seize the wo- 
men and children. The women, instead of swooning 
at the sight of their bleeding, expiiing husbands, seized 
their axes, and with Amazonian firmness, and strength 
almost superhuman, defended themselves and children. 
One of the Indians had succeeded in geting hold of 
one of Mrs. Sheetz's children, and attempted to drag it 
out of the wagon ; but with the quickness of lightning 
she caught her child in one band, and with the other 
made a blow at the head of the fellow, which caused 
him to quit his hold to save his life. Several of the In- 
dians received pretty sore wounds in this desperate con- 
fdct, and all at last ran off, leaving the two women with 
their children to pursue their way to the fort. 

In the latter part of August, the same year, a party 
of eight Indians and a worthless villain of a white man 
crossed Powell's Fort mountain, to the South fork of 
the Shenandoah, at the late residence of John Gate- 
wood, Esq. where the Rev. John Roads, a Menoniat 

* Mr. CbrHd^B Miller, fi Tery age4 and inteUigeAt map, save tht amhw 
this narrativf . 

9 



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136 INDIAN INCURSIONS 

preacher of the gospel, then lived. Mr. R., his wife, 
and three of his sons, were murdered. Mr. Roads was 
standing in his doof,. when he was shot and fell dead. 
Mrs. Roads and one of her sons were killed in the yard. 
One of the young men was at the distance of about 
150 yards from the house, in a corn field. Hearing the 
report of the guns at the house, he ascended a pear tree 
to see what it meant, where he was discovered by an In- 
dian and instantly killed. The third poor young lad 
attempted to save himself by flight, and to cross the 
river, but was pursued and killed in the river. The place 
is called the Bloody ford to this day. The enemy de- 
manded of the youth who was killed in the yard, 
where his father kept his money; and was told that ii 
he did not immediately point out the place, tljiey would 
kill him; but if he would show them the money, his 
hfe should be spared. On his declaring he could not 
tell them, he was instantly shot and fell dead. Mr. 
Roads's eldest daughter Elizabeth caught up her little 
sister, a child about 16 or 18 months old, ran into the 
barn, and closed and secured the door. An Indian dis- 
covered and pursued her, and attempted to force open 
the door; but not succeeding, he with many oaths and 
threats ordered her to open it. On her refudng, the fel- 
low ran back to the house to get fire ; and while he was 
gone, Elizabeth crept out at-a hole on the opposite side 
of the barn, with her little sister in her arms, ran through 
fi field of tall hemp, crossed the river, and got safe to a 
neighboring house, and thus saved herself and sister. 

After plundering the house of such articles as they 
chose to take, the Indians set fire to all the buildings, 
and left the dead body of Mr. Roads to be consumed in 
the flames.* They then moved off, taking with them 
two of the sons and two of the daughters prisoners. The 
youngest prisoner was a weak, sickly little boy, 8 or 9 

* Mrs. Stover, the mother of Daniel Stover, Eiq. now of Page covnty, ita- 
ted to the author that she was then about 15 years old, and distinctly saw the 
bouses in flames from her father's residence, about two miles off, on the op- 
posite vide of the river : and the next day the neighboring people coUectiDg 
to bury tb« dead, found Mr. Roads's body about half eontomcd. ^ 



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AND MASSAGRES. 137 

jrears of Qge : he of course wag not able to stand the fa- 
tigue of traveling ; and crossing the head of Powell's 
fort, they killed him. His two leisters then refiising to 
go any farther with them, were barbarously murdered, 
and their bodies left a prey to wolves and other wild 
beasts. The other boy was taken off and remained 
about three years m captivity before he returned home. 
It was generally believed at the time, that the white 
scaqndi^ who was with the Indians, induced them to 
commit this horrid n^urdwr, in order to rob Mr. Roads of 
his money ; but he n^issed his object. Mr. Roads kept 
his money and tide papers in a niche in the cellar waH, 
the dampi^ess and coolness of which pr,eserved them 
from injury. They were all found safe. 

It was quite a common thing with the German to 
have garners fixed in their garrets to preseryetheir grain. 
There was a quantity of rye aloft in the dwelling house, 
which was burnt to co^l ; and as the floors^ve way to 
the flames, the rye fell in a considerably body into the 
cellar. At any time upon digging into the ruins of the 
cellar, the grains of rye, or rather coal, can be found — 
the shape of the grain being as perfect as when in its 
natural state. 

With this bloody tragedy ended the irruptions of the 
savages upon the peopfe of the vaHey. This was the 
last gfeat outrage of savage warfare committed east of 
&e North mountain. 

There are several other interesting occurrences which 
the author overlooked and omitted to record in due order 
of time. They are of a character too interesting to be 
lost in the history of our country. He will therefore pro- 
ceed to relate them. 

About the year 1760, two Indians were discovered 
lurking in the neighborhood of Mill creek. Matthias 
Painter, Jdm Painter and WilMam Moore, armed them- 
iselves, and went in pursuit. They had hot proceeded 
jfar, before they approached a large fallen pine, with a 
very bushy top. As they neared the tree, Matthias Pain- 
ter ob^rved^ " We hod better look shaip ; it ii quite ^Jke- 



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X3& INDIAN INCVRSI0X9 

ly the Imlians are concealed under the tops of this tr ee.^' 
He had scarcely uttered the words before one of the In- 
dians rose up and fired. The ball grazed the temple 
of John Painter. Moore and Painter fired at the same 
instant ; one of their balls passed through the Indian's 
body, and he fell, they supposed, dead enough. The 
othei^ fellow fled, leaving his gun and every ming else 
behind. The white men pursued him some distance; 
but the fugitive was too fleet for them. Fin^^g they 
could not overhaul him, they gave up the chase and re-, 
turned to the pine tree : but to their astonishment, the 
supposed dead Indian had moved off with both guns 
and a large pack of skins, &c. They pursued his trail, 
and when he found they were gaining upon him, he got 
into a sink hole, and as soon as they approached pretty 
near, commenced firing at them. He had poured out 
a quantity of powder on diy leaves, filled his mouth 
with buUetSy and using a musket which was a self-pri- 
mer, he was enabled to load and fire with astonishing 
quickness. He thus fired at least thirty times before 
they could get a chance to dispatch him. At last Mr. 
Moore got an opportunity, and shot him through the 
head. Moore and Painter had many disputes which 
gave the fellow the first wound. JPainter, at length, 
yielded, and Moore got the premium allowed by law for 
Indian scsdps.* 

The fugitive who made his escape, unfortunately met, 
with a young woman on horseback, named Seehon, 
whom he tore fi-om her horse, and forced off with him. 
This occurred near the present site of Newmarket, in 
the county of Shenandoah. After traveling about 20 
miles, chiefly in the night, and getting nearly opposite 
Keisletown, in the county of Rockingham, it is sup- 
posed the poor girl broke down from fatigue, and the 
savage monster beat her to death with a heavy pine 
knot. Her screams were heard by some people who 
Uved upwards of a mile from this scene of horror, and 
who next day,' on going to the place to ascertain the 

* Mr. G«orst P«iQter commoBicateil thii adrentnrt to tbf ftatber. 



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AND MA88AC|tE9. 189 

caaae, fennd her stripped naked, and wekering in her 
blood.* 

At the attack on George Miller's family, the persons 
killed were a short distance from the house, spreading 
flax in a meadow. One of Miller's little daughters waa 
^ck in bed. Hearing the firing, she jumped up, and 
booking through a window and seeing what was done, 
immemately passed out at a back win(£)w,and ran about 
two or three miles, down to the present residence of Da- 
vid Stickley, Esq. and from thence to Geo. Bowman's 
on Cedar creek, giving notice at each place. Col. Abra- 
ham Bowman, of Kentucky, then a lad of 16 or 17, 
had but a few minutes befcflre passed closfe by Miller's 
door, and at first doubted the little girl's statement. He 
however armed himself, mounted his horse, and in ri- 
ding to the scene of action, was joined by several others 
who had turned outfor the same purpose, and soon found 
the information of the little girl too fatally true. 

Thelate Mr. Thomas Newell, of Shenandoah coun- 
ty, informed the author that he was then a young man. 
His fether's residence was about one mile from Miller's 
house ; and hearing the firing, he instantly took his ri- 
fle, and ran to see what it meant. When he arrived at 
the spot, he found Miller, his wife, and two children, 
weltering in theu' blood, and still bleeding. He was the 
first person who anived ; and in a very few niinutes 
Bowman and several others joined him. From the 
scene of rnurder they went to the house, and on the sill 
(rf the door lay a large folio German Bible, on which a 
fresh killed cat was thrown. On taking up the Bible it 
was discovered that fire had been placed in it ; but after 
burning thVough a few leaves, the weight of that part 
of the book which lay uppermost, together with the 
weight of the cat, had so compressed the leaves as to 
smother and extinguish the fire.t 

* Mrs. Branaman, an aged iind respeetaMe old lady near Pennybaker'i 
iron Works, gave the author this information. 

tTbifl Bible li now in the poaeeesion of Mr. Gedrge Miller, of Shenandoah 
eoanty, about one and a half milte louth of Zane*8 ohl iron works. The an* 
thor faw and examined it. The fire bmi been placed about the centre of the 

0* ' 



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440 INDIAN lNCTTR8ldN0 

In the year 1768, Capt. William White, a brave ai4 
active Indian fighter, made a visit to Col. Wm. Craw* 
ford, who had removed and settled at the Meadovrs in 
the Allegany mountains. White lived on Cedar creek, 
and Crawford had lived on Bull-skin. They had been 
out together on Indian expeditions; of course were 
well acquainted. Crawford had an Irish servant,^ 
pretty stout and active man, who was permitted to ac- 
company White on a hunting excursion. They had 
not been out long before they discovered two Indians 
in the glades. The latter, the moment they discover- 
ed the two white men, flew, behind trees, and prepa- 
red for battle. • White and his Irishman, however, soon 

jfeneraled them, and killed them both. They were 
soon after apprehended, and committed to Winches- 
ter jail on a ciiarge of murder. But White had render-r 
ed his neighbors too many important services, and was 
too popular, to be permitted ta languish loaded with 
irons in a dungeon f6r killing Indians. Although the 
Indian hostilities had entirely ceased, too many individ- 
uals were smarting under a recollection of the outrages 
they had but recently experienced at the hands of their 
merciless, savage, and implacable foe. Soon after White 
and his partner in the charge were committed to jail, 
Capt. Abraham Fry raised a party of 65 or 60 volunteers, 
well armed and mounted, to effect their rescue. They 
dismounted near the present site of Mr. Isaac Hollings- 
worth's dweUing house, where they left their horses un- 
der a guard of a few men, and -marched into Winches- 
ter about daybreak next morning. They repaired di- 
rectly to the jail door, knocked up the jailer, and de- 
manded the keys. The jailer hesitated,^ and attempted 
ip remonstrate. Fry presented his rifle, cocked it, and 
peremptorily demanded the keys, telling][the jailer he 
would be a dead man in one minute if he did not deli- 
ver them* The jailer quailed under the fiery counte- 
nance and stern menaces of FrV; and complieij. Fry 

2d bo«k of Smnuel. litirnt thmughfomtecn leaves, and entirely oirt at oj© 
emi. It is preserved in the Miller family, as a saCi-ed rflicx>r mcniei^to of lac 
sacrifice ol their ancc-tors. 



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AN1> MASSACRES. 141 

J>lasced a guard at the door, wfent in, knocked off their 
irons, and took the prisoners out. The late Robert Ru^ 
dierford attempted to harangue the mob upon the im- 
propiety and danger of their proceedings ; but he might 
as welljiave addressed hinlself to so many hons or 
tigers. As Pry's party marched into the town, it cre- 
ated considerable alarm and excitement. The women, 
half dressed, were seen running froni house to house and 
calling out, *^ Well done, brave fellows, good luck to you 
brave boys." This cheering of Fry's party at once con- 
vinced ihem that the public sympathy and good feeling 
were on their side. The prisoners were taken off and 
set at Uberty. Capt. White afterwards distinguished 
himself at the bloody battle of the Point, under CoL 
Sevier* < 

The author had heard something of this story more 
than forty years ago. The late Capt. James Wilson, of 
the peighborhobd of StepheiisbuYg, had stated some of 
the particulars,, but not sujfficiently connected to give to 
the world. The author was therefore apprehensive that 
he would not l^ able at this late period to collect the 
facts. Whilst engag^ed in obtaining materials for this 
w(Mrk, he caJIed on the late Thomas Newell, of She- 
nandoah, and among other things inq[uired of him whe* 
ther he had any knowledge or recollection of the affair. 
This venerable man, then ninety-three years of age, 
in his second childhood, and his recollection of recent 
events entirely gone, the moment tlie inquiry was made, 
with much animation and a cheerful countenance^ re- 
plied, " Yes, my friend, I reckon I can tejl you, when I 
was one of the very boys." The author then asked the 
old gentleman whether he would have any objection to 
his. name being ^iven as authority,' and as one of Fry's 
party. He replied with eqiial animation and emphasis, 
^* JMo, my friend, I always gloried in what I did." Mo- 
ses Russell, Esq. informed the author that his iwo elder 
brothers were of Fry's ^)arty, and that if he had been 
dd enough, he would doubtless have been among them. 
But he had more than once heard one of his brother's 
9t 



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148 INDIAN INCURSIDX* 

speak of this occurrence with great regret, and lament 
the part he had taken in it. Gen. Smith recollects hear- 
ing much said on this subject soon after he came to 
Winchester to Uve. To say the least of it, it was a dan- 
gerous precedent in a civilized society. There is. ano- 
ther individual, now living in the neighborhood of the 
author's residence, who was of Fry's^party, and is now 
about 80 years of age, who was an active and useful 
character in the war of the revolution, and from him the 
author obtained many particulars of this occurrence ; 
but as he never formally authorized the use of his name 
publicly, it is withheld. It was from the information of 
this individual that the author was enabled to find the 
year when this important occurrence took place. 

After the mpst diligent inquiry, the author could net 
ascertain whether the murder of these two Indians was 
foHowed by any acts of retaliation on the part of the 
savages. 

The same year (1768) a worthless character by the 
name of John Price committed a most wanton and un- 
provoked murder on the body of a popular young In- 
dian chief. Price had resided several years in the 
Hawksbill settlement. He went out to the Indian coun- 
try under t,he character of an Indian trader, and soon 
-formed an acquaintance with this young war chief. 
Price was an expert marksman and experienced hunter, 
and soon acquired the confidence and attachment of 
the young warpor. They freqtien tly took hunting ex- 
cursions ; in the last of which, having wandered a con- 
eiderabk distance from the Indian habitations, Price 
shot Ae young man dead, robbed him of his rifle, a few 
silver ornaments and hunting dress, and left him lying 
m the wilderness ; then pushed home, l^)asting of what 
he had done, and showed his ill-gotten booty. 

A few days after Price's return home, Lewis Binga- 
man, who was taken prisoner when a boy, and who 
grew up and became a distinguished man, (which has 
been heretofore noticed,) came in at the head of thirty 
warriorfil in pursuit of Price. He made himself known 



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AKD MASSACRES. 143 

ko Predei-ick Offenberger, and told what Price had done ; 
paid that he would go to Price, and propose to take a 
Jiunt ; that his warriors were concealed in the Masinut- 
ton mountain ; and if he succeeded in decoying Price 
into their hands; they w^ould be perfectly satisfied, and 
do no injury to any other person ; but if they did not 
succeed in getting Price, they would revenge the death 
of their young chief upon the first Avhite persons they 
could find, and the lives of many innocent woinen and 
children would be sacrificed to appease their vengeance. 
Offenberger kept Bingaman's communication to him- 
self, believing that Price deseiTed punishment. He was 
accordingly decoyed into the hands of the thirty warri- 
ors, and never heard from afterwards ; of course he ex- 
piated his base and treacherous murder of the young 
Indian, by the most lingering and painful death which 
savage ingenuity could devise. 

Tradition relates a story of a Mr. Hogelami, who on 
a certain occasion killed an Indian in the following man- 
ner. Hogeland went out in the evening from Furman's 
fort, in pursuit of the milch cows. He heard the bell 
in a deep glen, and from its peculiar sound, suspected 
some strata geni. Instead of pursuing the hollow there- 
fore, he took up a high ridge, and passed the spot Avhere 
the bell wa^ ringing ; then cautiously descending the 
hollow, he discovered an Indian w4th the bell (which he 
ha:d taken from the cow), suspended to a small sapling, 
which he shook g'ently to Iceep the bell in motion. 
Whilst the gavage wtis thus engaged with a view to 
deeoy the owner within the reach of his rille, Hogeland 
took deliberate aim at hun, and shot him through the 
body; upon which another Indian startied up, ran, and 
got off. Thus this wily savage fell into the snare he 
believed hehad adroitly prepared for killing thej^owner 
of the cattle.* 

The author has heard another version of this story. 
It is said there was a young man with Hogeland ; and 
Avhen the Indian was seen with the bell, Hogelaiid at 

* b'amucIKcrchcval, jr. of Romnpy, related this tradition to the author. 



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144 INDIAN INCURSIONS. 

the same instant discovered the other standing ai a tree| 
with his giin raised ready to fire at whoever shoula 
come for the cows. Hogeiand pointed him out to th# 
young man, and observed, " Now take deliberate aim> 
whilst I take the felbw with the bell." They both fired, 
and both Indians fell dead.* , 

Thus ends the author's narrative of the many impor- 
tant occurrences and great events fi-omthe commence- 
ment of Indian hostilities, in the year 1754, until their 
final termination in 1766, a period of twelve years. 

From the termination of hostilities in 1766, untiHbe 
commencement of Dunmore's war in l'?74, the people 
of the valley enjoyed uninterrupted peace and tran- 
quiUity,and the country settled and increased with great 
rapidity. Several families of distinction removed from 
the lower country and settled in the valley. The an- 
cestors of the Washingtons, Willises, Throckmortons, 
Mid Whitings, severally settled in the neighborhood of 
Long marsh and Bull-skin. 

The author did not find it convenient to obtain the 
several treaties made with the Indian tribes during the 
period ftx)m the commencement of Braddock's war un- 
til the final termination of hostilities. Nor does fie con- 
sider it very material, as those treaties were no sooner 
made than broken. Should this be deemed a* material * 
defect^ he will endeavor to supply it in another editk>n. 

The commencement and termination of Dunmore's 
war will form the subject of the neit chapter. 

• Williani Naylor, Esq gave the author this Tcrsion of the rtory. 



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14S 

CHAPTER X. 
Dunfnor€?s war with the Indians. 

In the year 1773, the Indians killed two white men 
on the Hockhocking river, to wit, John Slbirtin and 
Guy Meeks, (Indian traders,) and robbed thera of about 
£200 worth of goods. About the 1st of May, 1774, 
they killed two other men in a canoe on the Ohio, 
and robbed the canoe of its contents.* There were 
other similar occurrences, which left no doubt upon the 
minds of the western people, that the savages nad de- 
termined to make war upon them ; and of course acts 
of retaliation were resorted to on the part of the whites. 

The late Col. Angus McDonald, near Winchester, 
and several other individuals, went out in the spring of 
1774, to survey the military bounty lands, lying on the 
Ohio and Kanawha rivers, allowed by the king's pro- 
clamation to the officers and soldiers of the army, for 
their services in a preceding war with the Indians, but 
were driven off. 

. CoL McDonald forthwith waited on Gov. Dunmore 
in person, and gave him an account of the hostile dis- 
position of the Indians. The governor authorized him 
to raise a regiment of 400 men, eoid immediately pro- 
ceed to punish the enemy. He soon succeeded in rais- 
ing his Uttle army, and in the month of June marched 
into the Indian country, destroyed several of their villa- 
ges, cut off their corn, and returned. He had two or 
three running fights with the Indians, but there was Ut- 
tle blood shed on either side. 

This act of war produced a general combination of 
the various nations north west of the Ohio; and hence '^ 
arose the necessity of speedily raising a powerful army 
to save the western people from being entirely cut off, or 
driven from their habitations. 

* Mr. Jacob*8 Lift of Cregap. 



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146 DUNMO^E^S WAR. 

Lor4 Dunmore issued bis ordera to Col. A. Lewis, of 
Augusta county, to raise a body of one thousand inen, 
and immediately proceed to the Ohio river, where he 
(Dunmore) would join him with an equal number, to 
be raised in the northern counties of Virginia. Dunmore 
very soon raised the requisite number of men, princi- 
pally volunteers from the counties of Berkeley, Hamp- 
shire, Frederick and Shenandoah.* Capt. Daniel Cre- 
sap went to South CaroUna, and brought in 120 Ca- 
tawba Indian warriors at his own expense and respon- 
sibility, which he intended employing against the west- 
ern enemy. He soon after maiched at the head of this 
band of warriors, with the addition of sixteen white vo- 
lunteers, with the design of breaking 'Up and destroy- 
ing the Moravian Indian towns on Cheat river. These 
people professed Christianity and neutrality in the war 
then gomg on between the red and white people. But 
they were charged by the white people with secretly 
aiding and abetting the hostile Indians ; hence Cresap's 
determination to break up their settlements and drive 
them off. In crossing the Allegany, seven Indians un- 
der the guise of friendship, fell in with Cresap's party, 
and in the most treacherous manner contrived to kill 
seven of the white volunteers, and then fled. They 
were instantly pursued by the Catawbas, and two of 
them taken prisoners and delivered up to Cresap, who^ 
after reproaching them with their base treachery, dis- 
charged them, and retreated into the settlement with hk 
Indians and remaining white volunteers. The Cataw- 
ba Indians soon^fter left Cresap and returned to their 
nation. The late generals Daniel Morgan and James 
Wood were captains in Dunmore's campaign, each of 
whom had served under McDonald as captains the pre- 
ceding spring.t 

For further particulars of this war, the author will 
give copious extracts from Mr. Doddridge's ^* Notes on 

* General John Smith. 

t Mr. John Tomlinson related the particulars of these occurrences to the 
author, and added that he himself wns one of Cresap^s party, and tliat he 
was then a youth of 17 or 18 years of age. 



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btJNMORE^S WAft. 117 

the v^slts west of the AUegs^y," an4 &om Mr. Jacob's 
*' Life of Cresap." These two authors have detailed 
the causes which led to this disastrous and destructive 
war^ and are directly at issue on some of the most im- 
portsuit particulars. In this controversy the author of 
this work will not partake so far as to express an opinion 
which of these two divines have truth on their side; 
but he considers it hi3<iuty, as an impartial and feithful 
historian, to give both Xhese reverend gentlemen's ac- 
counts^ at full length, of the original causes and consc* 
quencea of this war. 

It appears however evident, that the late Capt. Micliael 
Cresap has had injustice done to his character, both by 
Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Doddridge. Mr. Jefferson, in his 
" Notes on Virginia," charges Cresap with being *• infa- 
mous for his many Indian murders, and nrurdering Lo- 
gan^s feimily in cold blood." Mr. Doddridge repeats the 
charge of the murder of LcTgan's family, and adds the 
ftuther charge " that Cresap was the cause of Dun- 
more's war.'* How far these charges are refuted by Mr, 
Jacob an impaitial world will determine. 

It is to be regretted that Mr, Jacob's vindication of 
the character of his friend Cresap cannot have a circu- 
lation co-extensive with Mr. Jefferson's charges against 
him. The celebrity of Mr. Jefferson's chaiacter, toge- 
ther with the beautiful specimen of Indian oratory in 
the Logan speech, has probably caused his work to be 
circulated and read all over the civilized world. ^ 

The Author will only add that he has obtained per- 
mission^ from the proprietors of those works, to use them 
as he deems proper. The Hon. Philip Doddridge, short- 
ly before his death, in a letter to the author, stated that 
he considered there would be no impropriety in append- 
ing any part of his brother's book to this publication ; 
and Mr. Jacob, in the most liberal and unqualified terms, 
permits him to append the whole or any part of his 
"Life of Cresap." 



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148 doddbidoe's account 

lUv. Mr, Doddridge^s account of Duntnof^s war. 

After the conclusion of the Indian wars, by the treaty 
made with the chiefs by Sir William Johnson at the 
German flats, in the latter part of 1764, the western 
settlements enjoyed peace \intil the spring of 1774. 

During this period of time, the settlements increased 
with great rapidity along the whole extent of the west- 
ern frontier. Even the shores of the Ohio, on the Vir- 
l^inia side, had a considerable populatic^:^ as early as the 
year 1774. 

Devoutly might humanity wish that the record of 
the causes which led to the destructive war of 1774, 
might be blotted from the annalsiof our country. But 
it is now too late^o efface it; the "black-lettered list'* 
must remain, a dishonorable blot in om national history. 
Good however may spring out of evil. The injuries in- 
flicted upon the, Indians, in early times by our forefa- 
thers, may induce their descendants to ^hew justice and 
^nercy to the diminished posterity of tho^e children of 
the wilderness, whose ancestors perished, in cold blood, 
under the tomaha\^k and scalping knife of the white 
^vages. 

In the month of April 1774, a rumor was circulated 
that the Indians had stolen several horses from some 
land jobbers on the Ohio and. Kanawha rivers. No 
evidences of the fact having been adduced, led to the 
conclusion that the report was false. This report, how- 
ever, induced a pretty general belief that the Indians 
wereiibout to make war upon the frontier settlements \ 
but for this apprehension there does not appear to have 
been the sUgtaest foundation. 

In consequence of this apprehensioji of being att^k- 
ed by the Indians, the land jobbers ^cended the river, 
and collected at Wheeling. On the 27th of April, it 
wns reported in Wheeling that a canoe, containing twd 
Indians and some traders, was coming down the river,, 
and th^n not fer from the place. On hearing this, the 
c(Hnmandant of the station, Capt. Cresap, prq)osed ta- 



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Of dunmore's war. 149 

hmg a party to go up the river and kill the Indians; 
ThS project was^^ehemently opposed by Col. Zane, the 
proprietor of the place. He stated to the captain that 
the killing of those Indians would inevitably bring on 
a war, in which much innocent blood would be shed, 
and that the act in itself would be an atrocious murder, 
and a disgrace to his name forever. His good counsel 
was lost. The party went up the river. On being ask- 
ed, at their return, what had become of the Indians? 
they coolly answered that " they had fallen overboaid 
into the river !" Their canoe, on being examined, was 
found bloody, and pierced with bullets. This was the 
fiiBt blood which was shed in this war, and temble was 
the vengeance which followed. 

In the evening of the same day, the party, hearing 
that there was an encampment of Indians at the mouth 
of Captina, went down the river to the place, attacked 
the Indians, and killed several of them. In this affair 
one of Cresap's party was sererely wounded. 

The massacre at Captina, and that which took place 
at Baker's, about forty miles above Wheeling, a few 
days after that at Captina, were unquestionably the sole 
causes of the war of 1774. The last was perpetrated 
by thirty-two men, under the command of Daniel 
Greathouse. The whole number kflled at this place, 
and on the river opposite to it, was twelve, besides 
several wounded. This horrid massacre was effected 
by an hypocritical stratagem, which reflects the deep- 
est dishonor on the memory of those who were agents 
in it. 

The report of the murders committed on the Indians 
near Wheeling, induced a belief that they would imme- 
diately commence hostilities ; and this apprehension 
furnished the pretext for the murder above related. The 
ostensible object for raising the party under Greathouse, 
was that of defending the family of Baker, whose house 
was opposite to a large encampmeift of Indians, at the 
mouth of Big Yellow creek. The party were conceal- 
ed in ambuscade, while their commander went over the 



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150 DODDRlDGE^S ACCOUNT 

nver, under the mask of friendship, to the Indian camp, 
to ascertain their number. While there, an Indian wo- 
man advised him to return home speedily, saying that 
the Indians were drinking and angry on account of the 
murder of their people down the river, and might do 
him some mischief. On his return to his party, he re- 
ported that the Indians were too strong for an open at- 
tack. He returned to Baker's, and requested him to give 
any Indians who might come over, in the course of the 
d|ty, as much rum as they might call for, and get as ma- 
ny of them drunk as fie possibly could. The plan suc- 
ceeded. Several Indian men Avith two women came 
over the river to Baker's, who had previously been in 
the habit of selling rum to the Indians. The men 
drank freely, and became intoxicated. In this state 
they were all killed by Greathouse and a few of his 
party. I say a few of his party ; for it is but justice to 
state, that not more than five or six of the whole number 
had any participation in 'the slaughter at the hou^e. 
The rest protested against it as an atrocious murder. 
From their number, being by far the majority, they 
might have prevented the deed ; but alas! they did not. 
A httle Indian girl alone was saved from the slaughter, 
by the hiunanity of some one of the party, whose name 
is not now known. 

The Indians in the camp, hearing the firing.at the 
house, sent a canoe with two men in it to inquire what 
had happened. These two Indians were both shot down 
as soon as they landed on the beach. A second and 
larger canoe was then manned with a number of In- 
dians in arms; but in attempting to reach the shore, 
some distance below the house, they were received by a 
well directed fire from the party, which killed the greater 
number of them, and compelled the survivors to return. 
A great number of shots were exchanged across the ri- 
ver, but without dapiage to the white party, not one of 
whom was even wounded. The Indian men who 
were murdered were all scalped. 

Th« woman who gave the friendly advice to th« 



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OP dunmohe's, war. 161 

eommander of the party when in the Indian camp, was 
amongst the slain at Baker's housei 

The massacres of the Indians at Captina and Yel* 
low creek) comprehended the wliole of the family of the 
j^mous, but unfortunate Logan^ who before these events 
had been a lover of the whites, and a strenuous advocate 
for peace ; but in the conflict which followed them, by 
way of revenge for the death of his people, he became 
a brave and sanguinary chief among the warriors. 

The settlers along the frontiers, knowing that the In- 
dians would make war upon them for the murder of 
their people, either moved off to the interior, or took up 
their residence in forts. The apprehension of war was 
soon realized. In a short time the Indians commenced 
hostilities along the whole extent of our frontiers. 

Express was speedily sent to Williamsburg, the then 
seat of government of the colony of Virginia, commu- 
nicating inteUigence of the certainty of the commence- 
ment of an Indian war. The assembly was then in 
session. 

, A plan for a campaign, for the purpose of putting a 
speedy conclusion to the Indian hostilities, was adopted 
between the earl of Dunmore, governor of the colony, 
and Gen. Lewis, of Botetourt county. Gen. Lewis 
was appointed to the command of the southern division 
of the forces to be employed on this occasion, with or- 
ders to raise a large body of volunteers and drafts from 
the southeastern counties of the colony with all dispatch. 
These forces were to rendezvous at Camp Union, in the 
Greenbriar counfy. The earl of Dunmore was to 
raise another army in the northern counties of the co- 
lony, and in the settlements west of the mountains, and 
assemble them at Fort Pitt, and from thence descend 
the river to Point Pleasant, at the mouth of the great 
Kanawha, the place appointed for the junction of the 
two armies, for the purpose of invading the Indian coun- 
try and destroying as many of their villages as they 
could reach in the course of the season. 

On the 11th of September, the forces under Gen. 



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l52 DODDMDG^i's ACCOITNT 

Lewis, amounting toeleven hundred men, commenced 
their march from CampUnion to Point Pleasant, a dis- 
tance of 160 miles. The space of country between 
these two points was at that time a trackless desert 
Capt. Matthew Arbuckle, the pilot, conducted the army 
by the nearest and best route to their place of destina- 
tion. The flour and ammunition were wholly trans- 
ported on pack horsesj as the route was impassable for 
wheel carriages. After a painful march of nineteen 
days, the army arrived, on the 1st of October, at Point 
Pleasant, where an encampment was made. 

Gen. Lewis was exceedingly disappointed at hearing 
no tidings of the earl of Dunmore, who, according to 
previous arrangements, was to form a junction with him 
at this place. He immediately dispatched some scouts, 
to go by land in the direction of Fort Pitt, to obtain in- 
telligence of the route which the earl had taken, and 
then return with the utmost dispatch. On the 9th, 
three men, who had formerly been Indian traders, arri- 
ved in the camp, on express from the earl, to inform 
Lewis that he had changed his plan of operations, and 
intended to march to the Indian towns by the way of 
Hockhocking, and directing Gen. Lewis to commence 
his march immediately for the old Ghilicothe towns. 

Very early in the morning of the IQth two young 
men set out from the camp to hunt up the river. Hav- 
ing gone about tliree miles, they fell upon a camp of the 
Indians, who were then in the act of preparing to march 
to attack the camp of Gen. Lewis. The Indians fired 
on them and killed one of them ; the other ran back to 
the camp with the inteUigence that the Indians, in great 
•force, would immediately give battle. 

Gen. Lewis immediately ordered out a detachment of 
the Botetourt troops under Col. Fleming, and another 
of the Augusta troops under Col. Charles Lewis, re- 
maining himself with the reserve for the defence of the 
camp. The detachment marched out in two Unes, and 
met the Indians in the same order about four hundred 
yards from the camp. The battle commenced a little 



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OF in7NMaRE*S WIR. ' 153 

mftcf simrise, by a heavy firing from the Indians. At 
the onset our troops gave back some distance, imtii met 
by « reinforcement, on the arrival of which the Indians 
retreated a Uttle way .and formed a line behind logs and 
trees, reaching from the bank of the Ohio to Uiat of 
die Kanawha. By this maneuver, our army and camp 
were completely invested, being inclosed between the 
two rivers, with the Indian line of battle in front, so 
that no chance of retreat was left. An incessant fi» 
was kept up on both sides, with but little change ot po« 
sition until sundown, when the Indians retreated, and 
in the night recrossed the Ohio, and the next day com- 
menced their march to their towns on the Scioto. 

Our loss in tHis destructive battle was seventy-fire 
kiUed, and one hundred and forty wounded. Amonjf 
the killed were Gol. Charles Lewis, Col. Fields, cap- 
tains Bufofd, Murray, Ward, Wilson and M'Cleiiachan ; 
lieutenants Allen, Goldsby and Dillon, and several sub- 
ahem officers. 

Gol. Lewis, a distingiiished and meritorious ofiicer, 
wai9 nuHtally wounded by the first fire of the Indians, 
but walked into the camp and expired in his own tent. 

The number of Indians engaged in the battle of the 
Point was nevei' ascertained, nor yet the amount of their 
fees. On the morning after the engagement, twenty- 
one were found on the battle ground, and twelve more 
werfe afterwards found in di&rent places where they 
had been concealed. A great number of their deaa 
wer^ said to. have been thrown into the river during the 
engagement. Oonsidering that the whole number of 
our men engaged in this conflict were riflemen, and 
from habit sharp-sliooters qf the first order, it i* pre- 
sumable that the loss on the side of the Indians was at 
k^Lst equal to ours. 

' The Indians cfiil'ing the battle were commartdefd by 
Che Oottostalk warrior; the'ldng of theShawnecs. This 
«>n o( the forest, in hte plan^ of attack and retrc^, and 
in all his maneuvers throughout the ensragement, dis- 
yAtxy&i the skiD and braVerv of the mo?t consummate 
10 



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IM Doddridge's accouht 

S general Durii^ the whrfe of the day, he wa«i heani 
rom our Imee, vocjferating^ with the voice of a Stentor, 
'^ Be strong ! be strong !" It is even said that he killed 
<Mie of his men with hie t)wn hand lor cowardke. 

The day following the battle, after burying the dcad^ 
fDtr«ichmenti were thrown up round the camp, and a 
competent guard was aj^inted for the<;are and proleo* 
tection of tne sick and wounded. On the succeeding 
4ay Gen. Lewis commenced his march for the Shaw* 
nee towns on the Scioto. This march was made through 
a trackless desert, and attended with almost insuperable 
difficulties and jmvalions. 

In the mean time jthe earl of Punmore, having col* 
lected a force and provided boats at Fort Pitt, descend* 
ed the river to Wheeling, where the army halted for e 
few days, and then prciceeded dow^ the river in about 
one hundred canoes, a few keel boats and perouges, to 
to the mouth of Hockhocking,- and from thence ov^r 
land until the army had got within eightjniles of the 
Pawnee town Chuieothe, on the Scioto Here the ar- 
my halted^ and made a l»eastwork of fallen 4rees and 
intrenchmente of such oxtentas to'include about twelve 
acres of ground, with an . inclosure in the center con- 
taimng about one acre, surrounded by intrenchments* 
This was the citadel whK^h contained the markees of 
the earl and his superior officers. 

Befinne the army had reached that phe^^, the Indian 
timb had sent several messengers tatbe earl^ askkig 
pdkoe. With this request he soon determined to .com- 
ply, and therefore §ent an express Vo Gen..L^i^is witk 
an ordtf for his immediate retjreat This order G^n. 
Lewis disregarded, and continued his march until his 
brdshipin person.visited hk camp, was formally intro- 
duced to his officers, and gave the order in pen^n* The 
army of Gren. Lewis then commenced thcor reU-eat. •* 
, If^woa with the^^eatest reluctanceand diagnn thai 
,,4^vt|Mp|of Gen. Lewis si^unml (torn the enl^rpfist 
Jh^^j^iioV^ were ^igaged* The ma99acres of their 
rfi^attr^ a^d mends at the Big Levels and Muddy c^kf 



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or DUNMORE^jSt WAR. l!^ 

€hid above all, their recent loes at the battle of the Pomt, 
had inspired these <^Big-knive8,"^ui thelndianscalledtha 
YirginianS) with an inveterate tiurst for revenge, the gra- 
tification oif which they supposed was shwdy to take 
place, in the total destruction of the Indians and thek 
€owns along the Scioto and Sandusky rivers. The c»- 
der of Dunmore wad obeyed, but with every exptemma 
of regret and disappointment. - 

The earl with has oflScers having returned to h» 
camp, a treaty wtlfh 'the Indians was opened the foUow- 
ing day. 

In tiris treaty, 'every precautidn was used on the part 
of our peopte to^revent the Indians from^nding a trea- 
ty in the traecdy cf awiassacre. Oidy eighteen Indiana^ 
with their chiefsj were permitted to ip&aa the outer ^te 
of th«ir fortified encampment, -after having d^ioeked 
their arms with the gusitd at the gate. 

The treaty was opened by Cornstalk, the \var chirf 
of the Shawnees, in a lengthy speech, in which ha 
hoiHy charged fhe Whke people with having been the 
Mfdiors df me commencement of the war, in the mas- 
«acres of the Indians at Captina and Yellow creek. 
This speech he- ddivered in so loud a tone of voice, 
that he was heard aU over the camp. The terms of the 
treaty were soon settled and the prisoners delivered up. 

Logan, the Cayuga chief, assented to the treaty; but 
fltill indignant at the murder of his €ai»ily, he revised t6 
attend with the other chiefe^at the caa»p of Dunm(H^. 
According to the Indian mode in such cases, he sent hii 
speech in a ^kof wampum by an interpreter, to be 
feadatthe*treaty. 

Su^peMug that this work may fell into the ha^ds of 
BOfme readers who have not seen the speech of Logan, 
ihe author thinks it not amiss to insert this celebrated 
laorsel of Indian eloquence in this place, wbh the ob- 
servation that the authenticity of the speech is no longtf 
a suliject of doubt. The speech is as foHows : 

" I appeal to any white man to say, if ever he entered 
Logman's cabin hungry, aad he gave bim not meat : if 



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156 I>ODJ>Rl|>GE'fl ACCOUNT 

ever he came cold and naked, and he clothed him nd. 
During the course of tlie last long and bloody wax, Lo- 
jg^a remained idle in his cabin^ an advocate fc^ peace. 
Such was my love for the whites, that my iiountryinen 
f>ointed ^s they passed, and said, ^ Logan is the friend 
of the white men.' I had even thought to have lived 
with you, hut for the injuries of one man. Col. Cresap^ 
the last spring,^ in cold blood, and unprovoked, murder- 
ed all the relations of liOgan^ not even sparing my^wo- 
laen and children. There runs not a drop of my blood 
in the veins of any living creature. This called on me 
for revenge. I have sought it -^ 1 have killed many : I 
have fully gluUed my vengeance : foJr my country I re^ 
joice at the beams of peace. But do not harbor a thought 
that mine is the joy of fear. Logctn never felt fear. He 
will not turn on his heel to save his Ufe. Who is there 
to mourn for Logan? — Not one." 

Thus eroded, at the treaty of Camp Charlotte, in the 
month of JXovember 1774, the disastrous war of Dun- 
more. It began in the wanton and unprovoked muTr 
ders of the Indians at Captina and Yellow creek, and 
ended with an awful saicrifice of life and property to the 
denion of revenge. On our part we obtain^ at the 
treaty cLce^tion of hostilities and a surrender of pri- 
i^ners, and nothing more. 

The plan of operations ad^qjted by the Indians in the 
war of Dunmore, shews very clearly that their chiefe 
were by no means deficient in the foresight and skill 
fiecessi^ry for making the most prudent military arrange- 
Dients for obtaining success and victory in their mode 
of warfare. At an early perioki they obtained intellir 
gence of the plan of the campaign against them, con- 
certed between die earl of Dunmore and Gen. Lewis* 
With a view, therefore, to-attack the forces of these com- 
manders separately, they speedily collected their warri- 
ors, and by forced marches reetched the Point before the 
expected arrival of the troops under Dunmore. Such 
was the privacy with which they conducted their march 
to Point Pleasant, that Gen. Lewis knew nothing of the 



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x)r dunmore's win. 157 

ai^roach o{ the Indian army until a few minutes before 
the commencement of the battle, and it js every way 
probable, that if Cornstalk, the Indian commander, had 
Ivtd a little larger force at the battle of the Point, the 
whole army of Gen. Lewis would have been cut off, as 
the wary savage had left them, no chance of retreat. 
Had the army of Lewis been defeated, the army of Dun- 
more, consisting of Uttle more than one thousand men, 
woidd have shared the fate of those armies, which at 
different periods have suffered defeats in consequence of 
venturing too far into the Indian country, in numbers 
too small, and with munitions of war inadequate to sus- 
tain a contest with the united iforces of a number of In- 
dian nations. 

It was the general beUef among the officers of our 
army, at the time, that the earl of Dunmore, while at 
Wheeling, received advice from his government of the 
probability of the approaching war betweeil England 
and the colonies, and that afterwards^ all his measures, 
with regard to the Indians, had for their ultimate object 
an alliance with those ferocious warriors for the aid of 
the mother country in their contest with us. This sup- 
position accounts for his not forming a junction with 
the army of Lewis at Point Pleasant. This deviation 
from the original plan of the campaign jeopardized the 
army of Lewis, and wdlnigh occasioned its total de- 
struction. The conduct of the earl at the treaty, shews 
a gopd/understanding between him suid the Indian 
ehiefe. He did not suffer the army of Lewis to form a 
junctions with his own, but sent them back before the 
treaty was concluded, thus risking the safety t)f his own 
forces; for' at the tinje^of the treaty, the Indian 'warri- 
ors, were about his camp in force sufficient to have inter- 
cepted his retreat and destroyed his whole ^rmy. 

JRev. Mr. JacoVs account, of Dunmore^ war. 

At this period, to wit, in the commencement of the 
year 1774, there existed betweeji our people and the In- 
dians, a kind of doubtful, precarious 'and suspicious 
10* 



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IBS JTACOB^a Ac'covin? 

Kaco. In the year 1773, they killed a c^rtdlh Jolm , 
artin and Gay Meeks, (Indian traders,) on the Hock* 
hocking, and robbed them of about £200 worth (rf 
goods. 

Tliey were much irritated with Our j)eople, who were 
about this thne bfeginningto srettle Kentucky, and with 
them they Waged ah unceasing and destructive preda- 
tory Wat; and Whoever gaw an.Indian, in Kentucky, 
^W an enemy ; no questions were asked on either side 
but froiti the muzzles of their rifles. Many other cir- 
cumstances at this period combined to show that our 
peace with the Indians rested upon euoh dubious and 
uncertain ground, that it must soon be dispersed by a 
\vhirlwind of ccurnagc and war. And as I consider this 
an all-important point in the thread of our history, and 
an interesting hnk in the diaiti of causes combining to 
produce IJunmore's waf, I will present the reader with 
another fact directly in point. It ia extracted from the 
journal 6f a 'squire M^Gonnel, in my possession. The 
writer says that about the 3d day of March, 1774, while 
himself and six other men, who were in company with 
him, were asleep in their camp in the night, they were 
awakened by the fierce barking of their dogs, and 
thought they saw something likiB men creej^ng towards 
them. Alarmed at this,, they sprang up, seized their 
rifles, and flew to trees. By this time one Indian had 
reached their fire j but hearing them cock their guns, 
he drew back, stumbled and fell. The whole party now 
came up, and appearing friendly, he orderea liis med 
not to fire^and 'shook ha«ds with his new gtr^ts. •I'hey 
tarried alfnight, and appearing so friendly, prevail^ 
with him and one of his men to go with them to their 
tmvn, at no great distance from their (Samp ; but when 
they arrived he was taken with his companion io their 
council, or war house, a war dance performed ar6und 
them, the ivzx club shook at or over them, and they'dc- 
taincd close prisoners and narrowly^guardedTor two or 
three days. A council wa3 then held over them, and it 
was decreed that they t&hoifld be threatened scvtrefy 



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139 

and discharged, provided they would give their women- 
some flour and salt. Being dismissed, they set out on 
their journey to the camp, but met on their way about 
twenty-five warriors and some boys. A second council 
was held over them, and it was decreed that they should 
i^t be killed, but robbed, which was accordingly done ; 
and all their flour, salt, powder, and lead, and all their 
rifles that were good, were taken from them ; and being 
ftirth^' threatened, the Indians left them, ns already no- 
ticed. This party consisted of seven men. viz. 'squire 
M^Connel, Andrew M^onnel, Lawrence Darnel, Wil- 
Mam Ganet, Matthew Riddle, John TLsifenyj and Thos. 
Canady. 

We have also iH reserve some more material facts^ 
that go to show the aspect of affairs at this period, and 
that may be considered as evident precursors to an im- 
pendiiig war. And it is certainly not. a trifling item in 
the catal<^e of these events, that early in the spring of 
1774, whether precedent or subsequent to Connoly's fa- 
mous circular letter I am not prepared to say, having no 
positive data ; but it was, however, about this time that 
the Indians killed two men in a canoe belonging ta a 
Mr. Butler, of Pittsburg, and robbed the Canoe of the 
property therein. This was about the first of May, 
1774, and took place near the mouth of Little Beaver, 
a smsdl creek that empties into the Ohio between Pitts- 
burg and Wheeling ;. and this feet is so certain and well 
established, that Benj. Tomlinson, Esq. who is now 
living (1826), and who assisted in burying the dead, 
can and will bear testimony to its truth. And it is pre- 
sumed it was this circumstance which produced that 
prompt and tenible vengeance taken on the Indians at 
Yellow creek immediately afterwards, to wit, on the 3d 
day of May, which gave rise to, and fumislied matter 
for, the pretended lying speech of Logan, which I shall 
hereafter prove a counterfeit, and if it was genuine, yet 
a genuine fabrication of lies. 

Thus we find, fi*om an examination into the state of 
affairs in the west, that there was a predisposition to war 

lot 



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160 jacobHi account 

at least on the part of the Indians. But may we twt 
suspect that other latent causes, working behind the 
sicenes and in the dark, were silently marching" to the 
same result? . 

Be it remembered, then, that thk Indian war was but 
as the portico to our revolutionary war,Hhe fuel for. which 
was then preparing, and which burst into a. flame the 
ensuing year, 

Neither let us forget that the earl of Dunmore was at 
this time governor of Virginia; and that he was ac- 
quainted with the views and designs of the British ca- 
binet, can scarcely be doubted. What then, suj^ppee 
ye, would be the conduct of a man, possessing his 
means, filling a high official station, attached to the 
British government, and master of consummate diplo- 
matic skill? 

Dunmore's penetrating eye could not but see, and he 
no doubt did see, two all-in^portant objects, that, if ac- 
complished,would go tosubserve and promote the grand 
object of the3ritish cabinet, namely, the establishment 
of an unbounded and unrestrained authority over our 
North American continent. 

These two objects were, first, setting the new settlers 
on the west side of the Allegany by the ears ; and se- 
condly, embroiling |he western |)eople in a war with the 
Indians, These two objects accomplished, would put it 
in his power to direct the storm to any and every point 
conducive to the grand object he had in view. But as 
in the nature of the thing he could not, and poHcy for- 
bidding that he should, always appear personally in pro- 
moting and effectuating these objects, it was necessary 
be should obtain a confidential agent attached to his 
person and to the British government, and one that 
would promote bis views either publicly or covertly, as 
circumstances required. 

The materials for his first object were abundant, and 
already prepared. The emigrants to the western coun- 
try were almost all from the three states of Virginia, 
Maryland and Pennsylvania. The hue between the 



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or DlflTMORE's WAR. 161 

two States of Virginia and Pennsylvania was imseitled, 
and both these states claimed the whole of the west^n 
country. This motley mixture of men from different 
states did not harmonize^ The Virginians and Mary- 
landers disUked tho Pennsylvania laws, nor did the 
Pennsylvanians relish those of Virginia. Thus many 
disputes, much warm biood, broils, and sometime bat- 
tles, called JisticuffSj followed. 

The earl of Duiimore, with becoming zeal for the 
hcwior of the "ancrent dominion," seized upon this state 
of things so propitious to his views ; and having foimd 
Dr. John Connoly,.a Pennsylvanian, with whom I think 
he could not have had much previous acquaintance, by 
the art of hocus-pocus or some oUier art, converted him 
into a stanch Virginian, and appointed him vice-gov- 
ernor and commandant of Pittsburg and its dependen- 
cies, that is to say, of all the wtert,em country. Affairs 
cai that side of the mountain now began to wear a seri- 
ous a^ct ; attempts were made by both states to en- 
force their laws ; and the strong arin of power and coer- 
cion was let loose by Virginia. Some magistiates acting 
imder the authority of Pennsylvania were arrested, sent 
to Virginia/and imprisoned. 

But that the reader may be weU assured that the hand 
of Dunmore was in all this, I present him with a copy 
of his proclamation.^ It is however deficient as to date : 

" Whereas! have reason to apprehend that the gov- 
ernment of Pennsylvania, in prosecution of their claims 
to Pittsburg ami its dependencies, will endeavor to ob^ 
etruct his majesty's governra^it thereof, under my ad- 
ministration, by illegal and unwarrantable commitment 
of the officers I have Appointed for that purpose, and that 
settlement is in some danger of annoyance fi-om the In- 
dians also; and it being necessary to support the dignity 
oi \m majesty's government and protect his subjects in 
the quiet and peaceable enjoyment of their rights ; I 
have therefore thought prefer, by and with the consent 
and advice of his ms^esty's council, by this proclama- 
tion in his majesty's name, to order and require the offi- 



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Id ^ACOBVACCOtJNT 

Gcrs of the militia in that district to embody a eufficienC 
numbet of men to repel any* insult whatsoever ; and all 
his majesty's liege subjects within thi& colony are here- 
by strictly required to be aiding and assisting therein, or 
they shall answer the contrary at their peril ; and I fur- 
ther enjoin and require the several inhabitantsof the ter- 
ritories aforesaid to pay his majesty^s quitrents and pub- 
lic dues, to such officers as are or ^all be appointed to 
ccdlect the same within this dominion, until his majes- 
ty's pleasure therein shall be known." 

It is much to be regretted that my cqjy of this pro- 
clamation is withwit date. There can, however, be no 
doubt it was issued either in 1774 or early in 1776, and 
lam inclined to think it was issued in 1774; but it 
would be satisfactory tb know precisely the day, because* 
chronology is the soul of history. 

But this state of things in the west, it seems from 
subsequent events, was not the mere cffervescerlce of a 
transient or momentary excitement, but continued a 
long season. The seeds of discord had fallen unhappily 
on grcmnd too naturally pioductive, and were also too 
well cultivated by the carl of Dunmwe, Connoly, and 
the Pennsylvania officers, to evaporate in an instant. 

We fitid by recurring to the history. of our revolution- 
Bry war, that that awftil tornado, if it had not the effect 
to sweep away all disputes about state rights and local 
interests, yet it had the effect to silence and suspend 
every tiring of that nature pending our dubious and ar- 
duous struggle for national existence : but yet we find, 
in fact, that whatever conciliatory effect this state of 
things had upon other sections of the country, and upon 
the nation at large,* it was not sufficient to extinguish 
this fire in the west. For in the latter end of tlie year 
1776, or in the year 1777, we find these people petition- 
ing congress to interpose their authorit}^, and redress 
their grievances. I have this petition before me, but it 
is too long to copy : I therefore only give a short abstract. 

It begins with stating, that whereas Virginia and 
Pcnnsyhania both set up claims to the western coun- 



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OF D0NMOJElE^g WAft. ' 163 

Iry^ It was productive of the most serious and distressing 
consequences: diat as each state pertinaciously sup- 
ported their respective pretensions, the result was, as 
described by themselves, ''^frauds,impositi(Mis, violences, 
depredations, animosities," &c. &c. 

These evils they ascribe (as indeed the fact was) to 
the conflicdttg claims of the two states; and so warm 
were the partisans on each side, as in some cases to pro- 
duce battles and shedding of blood. But they superadd 
auiothcr reason for this iU humor, namely, the proceed- 
ings of Dunmore's warrant officers, in laying land war- 
rants en land claimed by others, and many other claims 
for land granted by the crown of England to individu- 
als, companies, <fcc., covering a vast extent of country, 
and including most of the lands already settled and 
occupied by the greatest part of the inhabitants of the 
western countiy ; and they finally pray congress to erect 
them into a separate state, and admit them into the union 
as a fourteenth state. 

As this petition recites the treaty of Pittsburg, in Oc- 
tober 1775, it is probable we may fix its date (for it has 
none,) to the latter part of 1776 or 1777. I rather think 
the latter, not only from my own recollection of the 
circumstances of that period, but especially from the re- 
quest in the petition to be erected into a new state, which 
certainly would not have been thought of before the de- 
claration of independence. 

But the unhappy state of the western country will 
appear still more evident, when we advert to another 
imp(»rtant (k)cument which I have ako before me. It 
is a proclamation issued by the delegates in congress 
from the states of Pennsylvania and Virginia, and bears 
date Philadelphia, July 25, 1775. 

But the heat of fire, and inflexible obstinacy of the 
parties engaged in this controversy* will appear in colors 
still stronger, when we see the unavailing effoits made 
by the delegates in congress from the two states of Vir- 
ginia and Pennsylvania in the year 1775. These gen- 
tlemen, it \yas obvious, under the influence of the best 



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164 * JACOB*S ACCOUNT 

of motives, and certainly with a view to the best inte- 
rests, peace, and happiness of the western people, sent 
them a proclamation, couched in terms directly cafeu- 
kted to restore tranquillity and harmony among them : 
but the little effect produced by this proclamation, tjieir 
subsequent petition just recited, and sent the next year 
or year after to congress, fiilly demonstrates. 

But as 1 consider this proclamation an impOTtant do- 
cument, and as it is nowhere recorded, I give it to the 
reader entire : 

** To the inhabitants of Penngylvania and Virginia, 

on th« west side of the Laurel hiU. 

" Friends and coruntrymen : It gives us much con- 
cern to find that disturbances have arisen, and still con- 
tinue among you, concerning the boundaries of our col- 
onies. In the character in which we now address you, 
it is unnecessary to inquire into the origin of those un- 
happy disputes, and it would be imjM-oper for us to ex- 
press our approbation or censure on either side; but as. 
representatives of two of the. colonies, united among 
many others for the defense of the liberties of America, 
we think it our duty to remove, us far as Ues in our pow- 
er, every obstacle that may prevent her sons from co- 
c^rating as vigorously as they would wish to do towards 
the attainment of this great and important end. Influ- 
enced solely by this motive, our joint and earnest request 
to you is, that all animosities, which have heretofore sub- 
^ted among you, as inhabitants of distinct colonies, 
may now give plac« to generous and concurring efforts 
for the preservation of every thing that can make our 
conunon country dear to us. 

" We are fully persuaded that you, as well as we, wish 
to see your differences teiminate in this happy issue. 
For this desirable purpose we recommend it to you that 
all bodies of armed men, kept under either province j 
be dismissed; that all those on either side, who are in 
confinement, or under bail for taking a part in the con- 
test, be discharged; and that until the dispute be deci- 
ded, every person be permitted to retain his possessions 
unmolested. 



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**By observing these direetions, the pubHc tmnquUlity 
Vill be secured without iiyury to the titles an either sHek 
TThe period, we flatter ourselves^ will soon arrive, when 
^is unfortunate dispute, which has produced much nua- 
chief, and a« far as we can learn no good, will be peace- 
ably and constitutionally determined. 
** We are your friends and countrymen, 

^P. Henry J Richard Henry Lecy Benjamin 
Harrison, Th^ J^erson^ John Dickinson^ 
Geo. Ross, B: FranlcUn, James Wilsd^ 
Charks Humpitn^^ 

But to Gonclttde this part of dtir ^tAject, I think tbo 
reader cannot but see ^dmT)unmore's proclamation, 
the violent measures of his lieutenant Connoly and thd 
Virginia officers, and from the complexion of the times, 
and the subsequent condtict of htfth Dunmore t\nd Gqu- 
noly, as we shall se6vhereafteV; that tliis unhappy state 
of things, if not actually produced, was certainly im- 
proved by Dunmore to subserve the vie^\'B of the Brit- 
ish court. ^ 

We how proceed to examine the question, how far 
fects and cir<?unfistanccs justify us in supposing the earl 
of Dtomote himself instrumental in producing the In- 
'diaft warof 1774. 

It h£s been already remarked that this Indian wat 
Xvas^but the precursor to our revolutionary war of 1776 
— that Dunmore, the then governor of Virginia, was one 
,6f the most inveterate and determined enemies to the 
revolution— -that.hewaS a man of high talents, especialr 
ly for intrigue and diplomatic skill — that occupying the 
* station of commander in chief of the large and respec- 
table statjj of Vfrginiaj he possessed means and power to 
do much to servo the' views of Great Britain.' And ^"c 
have seen, from the prccedirig rage.*', how cflbctually he 
plaj-ed'hb paft among the inliabitonts of the western 
couiitry. I \^'a8 present m^'^self when a Pennsylvania, 
magisitttite, of the name of Scott, was taken into custo- 
dy, and brw^lU bofwe Dunmore. a"t Prestone old fortj. 



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166 Jacob's account 

he was severely threatened and dismissed, perhapa om 
bail, hut I do not recollect how : ancrther Pennsylvania 
jnajistrate was sent to Staunton'jail. And I have sd- 
ready shewn in the preceding pages, that there was a 
fiuilicieat preparation of material for this war in the pre- 
disposition and hostile attitude of our affairs with the In- 
dians ; that it was consequently no difficult matter wth 
A Virginia governor to direct this incipient state of things 
to any point most conducive to the grand end he had in 
view, namely, weakening our national strength in some 
of its best and most efficient parts. If, then, a war with 
the Indians might have a tendency to produce this r^uU, 
it appears perfectly natural and reasonable to suppose 
that Dunmore would make use of all his power and in- 
fluence to promote it ; and although the war of 1774 
was brought to a conclusion before the year was out, yet 
we know that this fire was scarcely extinguished before 
it burst out into a flame with tenfold fury, and two or 
three armies of the whites were, sacrificed before we could 
get the Indians subdued ; and ihis unhappy state of our 
affairs with the Indians happening during the severe 
conffict of our revolutionary war, had the very effect, I 
suppose, Dunmore had in vio\(^, namely^ dividing our 
forces and enfeebling our aggregate stren^h; and that 
the seedsof these subsequent warswith the Indians were 
sown in 1774 and 177^ appears alpiost certain. 

Yet etill, hoAvever, We admit that we are not in pos- 
session of materials to substantiate this charge against 
the earl : and all we can do is to produce some facts and 
circumstances that deserve notice, and have a strong * 
. bearing on -the cage. * ". * 

And the first we shall mention* is, a circular letter sent 
by Maj, Connoly, his proxy, early in the spring.of Ih^ 
year 1774, warning the inhabitants to be on their guard 
—that the Indians were ver^ angry, and manifested so 
Hiuch hostility, that he was apprehensive they. would 
strike somewhere as soon as the season woiild permit^ 

*Tbe cemark, as it should seem incidentally made, in Dufiinore*s procla- 
mation, as to the Indian war, (see page J61,) deserves notice, .as it naa BO 

ronncrJioh with the subjccl of thflt proHammion. " - 



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OP DUNMORE^S t^TAR. 167 

BXiA enjdning the inhabitants to j>r6pare and retire into 
forts, &c. It might be useful to collate and compare this 
letter with one he wrote to Capt. Cresap on the 14th July 
following; see hereafter. In this letter he declares there 
is war or danger of war, before the war is properly be- 
gun ; in that to Capt. Cresap he says the Indins deport 
Siemselyes peaceably, when Dunmore and Lewis jsind 
Cornstalk are all on their march for battle. 

This letter was sent hy express in every direction of 
the country. Unhappily we have lost or mislaid it, and 
consequently are deficient in a most material point in 
its date. But from one expression in the letter, namely^ 
that the Indians will strike when the season permits, 
and this season is generally understood to mean when 
the leaves are out, we may fix it in the month of May, 
We find from a subsequent letter firom Pentecost and 
Connoly to Capt* Reece, that this assumed fact is prov- 
ed: see hereafter. 

Therefore this letter cannot be of a later date than 
sometime in the month of April ; and if so, before But- 
ler's men were killed on Little Beaver; and before Lo- 
gan's family were killed on Yellow creek, and was in 
feet the fiery red-cross and harbinger of war, as in days 
of yore am(Mig the Scottish clans. That this was the 
feet is I think absolutely certain, because no mention is 
made in Connoly's letter of this aflair, which certainly 
would not have been onatted, if precedent to his letter. 

This letter produced its natural result The people 
fled into forts, and put themselves into a posture of de^ 
fense, caid the tocsin of war resounded from Laurel hill 
to the banks of the Ohio. Capt Cress^, who was peace- 
ably at this time employed in building houses and im- 
proving lands on the Ohio, received this letter, accompa- 
nied, it is believed, with a confirmatory message fi^om 
Col. Croglian and Maj. M^Gee, Indian agents and in- 
terpreters ;* and he thereupon immediately broke up his 
camp, and ascended the river to Wheehng fort, the near- 
est place of safety, from whence it is believed he intend- 

"I had thii from Capt. Cresap himself, a ihort lime after it occurred. 



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168 ^AtOB^S ACCOUNT* 

ed speedUy to return home; bnt during his stay eX this 
place, a report was brought into the fort that two Indiana 
were comittjj down the river. Capt. Cresap, supposing 
from every circumstance, and the general aspect of af- 
fairs,' that ^ar was inevitable, and in fact already begun, 
went up the river With his party; and two of his men, 
of the name of Chenoweth and Brothers, killed these 
two Indians. Beyond controversy this is the only cir* 
cumstance in the history of this Indian war, in which 
his name can in the remotest degree be identified with 
any measure tending to produce this war ; and it is cer- 
tain that the guilt or innocence of this afiair will ap- 
Sjar froto its date. It is notorious, then, that those In- 
ans wefe killed not only after Capt. Cresap had re- 
ceived Connoly's letter, and after Butler's men were 
killed in the canoe^ but also after the affair at Yellow 
creek, and after the people had fled into forts. But more 
of this hereafter, wnen we take up Mt. Doddridge and 
his book ; simply, however, remarking here, that this 
affair of killing these two Indians has the same aspect 
and relation to Dunmore's war that the battle of Lex- 
ington had to our war of the revolution. 

But to proceed. Permit us to remark, that it is very 
difficult at this late period to form a correct idea of these 
times, unless we can bring distinctly into view the real 
state of our frontier. The inhabitlints of the western 
country were at this time thinly scattered from the Alle- 
gany mountain to the eastern banks of the Ohio, and 
most thinly near that river. In this state of things, it 
was natural to suppose that the few settlers in the vicin- 
ity of Wheeling, who had collected into that fort, would 
feel extremely solicitous to detain captain Cresap and 
his men as long as possible, especidHy until they could 
see on what point the storm of war would fell. Capt^ 
Cresap, the son of a hero, and a hero himself, felt for 
their situation ; and getting together a few more men m 
addition to his own, and not rdishing the timits of a Ut-* 
tie fort, nor a life of inactivity, set out on what was call- 
ed a scouting party, that is, to reconnoiter and scour the 



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OF X>IINMOR£*« WAR. 169 

ffOQtitr border ; and while out and engaged in this biwi- 
ness, fell in. with and hiMl a running fight with a party 
.of Indians, nearly about bis equal in numbers, when 
one Indian waa killed, and Cres^ had one man wound- 
ed. This affair took place somewhere on thie banks of 
the Ohio. Doddridge says it was at- the mouth of Cap- 
tina : be it so— it matters not ; but he adds, it. was on 
the same day the Indians were killed in the canoe. In 
this^ the doctor is most egregiously mistaken, as I shall 
prove hereafter. 

But may we not ask, what were these Indians doing 
here at this time, on the banks x)f the Ohio 7 They 
had no town near this place, nor was it their hunting 
■easoB, as it was about the 8th or 10th of May. Is it 
not then prolmble, nay abnost certain, that this strag- 
gling banditti were prepared and ready to fall on some 
parts of our exposed frontier, and that their dispersion 
sayed the lives of many helpless women and children? 

- But the old proverb, cry nmd-dog and kUl him ! is, 
I B^^ipo^y equally as applicable tq heroes sb to dogs. 

Oapt. Cresap soon after this returned to his family 
in Maryland ; but feeling most sensibly for the inhab- 
itants on the frontier in their perilous situation, immedi- 
ately raisedta company of volunteers, and marched back 
to their Assistance ; €md having advanced as &r aiL Cat- 
fish camp, the olace where Washington, Pa. now stands, 
he was arrested in his progress by a peremptory and in* 
suiting ordeft from Connoly, commanding him to dia^ 
. miss bis^men and to return hbme. « 

This order, couched in c^enBive and inmilting Ian<* 
guage, it jnay be well supposed, was not very grateful 
to.'a in^n of captain Cresajp's high sense of honor and 
pecitliar sensibility, especiauy, conscious ai^ he w^ of tbo 
purify of Uk motives, and d^e laudable end he had in 
view. He nevertheless obeyed, returned home and dis- 
iiix9eed his men^and with the determination, I well know 
firooi what ^ md aAer \m return, rimei again to take 
igiy igf$xl in flie present. Indian war, but to leave Mr^ 
Ccm^Eiandant t^ Pittsburg to fight it x>ut as he could^ 



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170 JACOBUS ACCOlJNt 

This hasty resolution was however of short duration. 
For however strange, contradictory, and irreconcilable 
the conduct of the earl of Dunmore and his vice-gov- 
ernor of Pittsburgh &c. may appear, yetit is^a-fect^ that 
on the 10th of June, the earl of Danniore, unsolicited, 
and to captain Cresap certainly unexpected, sent him a 
captain's commission of the militia of Hampshire coun- 
ty, Virginia, notwithstanding his residence was in" Ma- 
ryland. This commission reached Gapt C. a few daya 
after his return from the expedition to Catfish camp, 
just abov^ mentioned; and inasmuch as this <x)mmis- 
eion, coming to him in the way it did, carried with it a 
tacit expression of the governoi-'s approbation of his con- 
duct — add to which, that about the same time his feel- 
ings were daily assailed by petition after petition, from 
almost every section of the western coimtry, praying, 
begging, and beseeching him to come over to their as-, 
sistance, — it is not surprising that his resolution should 
be changed. Several of these petitions andDunmore's 
commission have escaped the wreck of time, and are in 
my possession. 

This commission conring at the time it did, and in the 
way and under the circumstances above recited, aided 
and strengthened as it was by the numberless' petition- 
ers aforesaid, broke down and so far extinguished all 
Capt. Cresap's personal resentment against Connoly that 
he once more determined 4o exert allTiis power and in- 
fluence in assistingthe distressed inhabitant&of theV«&t- 
em frontier, and accordingly iinmediately rais^ a com- 
pany, jJaced himself under the command of Mai. An- 
gus M'DonaldJ and marched with him <b Ittlack the In- 
dians, at their^towii of Wappatomachie, on the Mus- 
kingiun.* • His popularity, -at this time, was such,taid 
so many men flocked to his standard, that he could not 
consistently with the rules of an aimy, retain them in 
his company, but was oT^iiged to transfer them, much a- 
^ainst their wiIls,*to other captains, and tjje result was, 
that after retaining in his own company as inany inen 
as he could consistently, he filled corilpletety the compa- 



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ot d^nmore's war. 171 

ny of his nephew Capt. Michael Cresap, and also part- 
ly the company of Capt. Hancock liee. This little 
army of about 400 men, under Maj. McDonald, pene- 
trated the Indian country as far as the Muskingum ; 
Bear which they had a skirmish with a party of Indians 
under Capt. Snake, in which McDonald lost six men, 
und Jdlled the Indian chief Snake. 

A little anecdote here will go to show what expert and 
close shooters we had in those days among our riflemen. 
When M^l)onaid's little army arrived on the near bank 
<rf Ihe Muskingum,- and while lying there, an Indian 
on the opposite shore got behind a log or old tree, and 
was lifting up hiihead occasionally to view the white 
men^s army. One of Capt. CresapVmen, of the name 
of John Harness, seeing this, loaded his rifle with two 
balls, and placing himself on the bank of the riverj 
watched the opportunity when the Indian rsdsed his 
head, and firing at the same instant, put both balls 
through the Indian's neck and laid him dead ;* which 
circumstance no doubt bad great influence in intimida* 
ting the Indians. 

McDonald after this had another running fight with 
tl^ Indians, drove them from their towns, burnt them, 
destroyed theii* provisions, and, returning to the settle- 
ment, discharged his men. ^ 

But this affair at Wappatomachie and expedition of 
M'Donald were only the prelude to more important and 
eflficient measures. . It was well understood that the In- 
dians were far fi-om being subdued, and that they would 
BQW certainly collect all their force^ and to the utmost of 
their power return the compliment of our visit to their 
territories. 

The governor of Virginia, A\4iatever might have been 
his views as to the ulterior measures, lost no time in pre- 
paring to meet this storm. He sent orders immediately 
to Col. Andrew Lewis, of Augusta county, to raise an 
aimy of about one thousand men, and to march with 
all expedition to the mouth of the Great Kanawha, on 

• Tlie Muskingum at Uiis place is said to be about 200 yards wide. 

11 



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tfit JAQOB^B ACCOtriTP 

the OhioTiver, where, or at some other point, he wouM 
join him, after he had got tt^ether another army, wl^i^h 
he intended to raise in the northwestern cotinti^ and 
ecmunand in person. Lewis lost no time, but coltected 
die number of men required, and nmrohed withimt de- 
lay to the appointed place of rendezvous. 

But the earl was not quite so rapid in his movements^ 
which circumstance the eagle eye of old Cornstalk, the 
general of the Indian army^ saw, and was determined 
to avail himself of,* foreseeing that it would be mttdhi 
easier to destroy two separate Golimms of an invading 
armv before than after their junction Mid consolidattmi. 
With this view he marched with all expedition to attacdc 
liewis, before he was joined by the earl's army from the 
north, calculating, confidently ilo doubt, that if he could 
destroy Lewis, he would be able to give a good accouirt 
of the army under the earl. 

The plans of Cornstalk appear to have been those of 
a consummate eo^ skillfid general, and the prompt and 
rapid execution of them displayed the energy of a w^-^ 
rior. He therefore, without loss of time, attacked Lewifir 
ftt his post. The attack Was sudden, violent, and I be- 
Ueve unexpected. It was nevertheless well fought, very 
distillate, and of long continuance ; and as, both parties 
fought with rifles, the conflict was dreadfiil ; many we^ 
killed on both side^, and the contest was only finished 
with the approach of night. The Virginians, however, 
kept the field, but lost many valuable ofiicers and men, 
and among the resty Col, Charles Lewis, brother to the 
commeinder in chief. , . 

Cornstalk and Blue Jacket, the two Indian captaiiii^ 
it is said, performed prodigies of valor ; but finding at 
length all their efforts unavailing, drew off their men in: 
good order, and with the determination to fight nomor^ 
& peace could be obtained upon reasonable terms. 

This battle of Lewis's opened an easy and unmolest- 
ed passage for Dunmore through the Indian country;* 

■ * A little anecdote will prove that Dunmore wa» a general, and also the 
lugh CBtimatioa in which he held Capt. Cresap. While the army wai mar^h- 



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OF ]n;NMORX% WAS. t7$ 

bot k k ptaper to i^msurk here, however, that wben 
Dunmore arrived with bis wing of the army at die 
Dftouth of Hockhocking, he sent Capt. White-eyes, a 
Delaware chief, to in\dte the Indians to a treaty, 9JaA 
he remained stationary at that place until White-eyes 
returned, who reported that the Lidians would not U'eat 
about peace. I presume, in order of time, this must 
have been just before Lewis's battle ; because it wiU ap- 
pear in the sequel of this story, that a great revolution 
took place in the minds of the Indians after the battle. 

Dunmore, immediately upon the report of Whit^ 
eyes that the Indians were not disposed for peeu^e, «sni 
au express to CoL Lewis to move on and meet him near 
Chilicothe, on the Scioto, and both wings of the army 
were put in motion. But as Dunmore approached the 
Indian towns^^ he Vas met by flags from the Indians, 
demanding peace, to which lie acc^ed, halted his army, 
and runners were sent to invite the Indian chiefs, who 
cheerfally obeyed the summons, and came to the treaty 
—save only Logan^ the great orator, who refused to 
come. It seems, however, diat neither Duiimore nov 
the Indian chiefe considered his presence of mii&h im^ 
portance^ for they went to work and finished the treaty 
without him — ^referring, I believe, some unsettled points 
for ftiture discussion, at a treaty to be held the ensuing 
summer or fall at Pittsburg. This treaty, theartides of 
which I never saw, nor do I know that they were ever 
recorded, concluded Dunmore's war, in September or 
October, 1774. . After the treaty was over, old Corn- 
stalk, the Shawnee chief, accompanied Dunmore's a^- 
my until they rieached ^he -mouth of Hockhocking, on 
the Ohio; and what was most singular, rather made his 
home in Capt. Cresap's tent, with whom he continued 
on terms of the most iriencUy familiarity. I consider 

ing through the Indian country, Dunmore ordered Capt. Cretap with hif 
company and some mbre of his best troops in the rear. This displeased 
Gresap, and he expostulated with the earl, who replied, that the reason 6f 
this jirrangeraent was, because he knew that if he was attacked in front» alt 
those men would soon rush forward into the engaf ement. This ntmon, 
which was by the by a handsome compliiQeiit, K|tuned Cresap, and nU thfl 



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174 JA0o^n Acco^wr 

this ciffcumstance as positive proof that the Indians 
themselves neither considered Capt. Cresiq) the 4Mut* 
derer <rf Logan's family^ nor the cause of the war. It 
a^)ears, also, that at this place the earl of Dunmcnre re* 
ceived dispatches from England. Doddridge says he 
received these on his march out. 

But we ought to have mentioned in its pr(q)er place^ 
that after the treaty between Dunmore and the Indiana 
commenced near Chilicothe, Lewis arrived with his ar- 
my, and encamped two or three miles from Dimmore, 
which greatly alarmed the Indians, as they thought he 
was so much irritated at losii^ so many men in the late 
battle that he would not easily be pacified ; nor would 
they be satisfied until DunnK)re and old Cornstalk went 
into Liewis's camp to converse with him, 

Doct. Doddridge represents this affair in difTereni 
shades of light from this statement. I can only say I 
had my information from an officer that was present at 
the time. 

But it is time to remind the reader, that, although I 
have wandered into such a minute detail of the various 
occurrences, facts, and circumstances of Dunmore's 
war ; and all of which as a history may be intere^ing 
to the present and especiaJly to the rising generation; 
yet it is proper to remark that I have two leading ob- 
jects chiefly in view — first, to convince the world, that 
whoever and whatever might be the cause of the Indian 
war of 1774, it was not Capt Cresap; secondly, that 
from the aspect of our poUtical affairs at that period, and 
from the known hostiuty of Dunmore to the American 
revolution, and withal from the subsequent conduct of 
Dunnu^e, and the dreadfiil Indian war that commen- 
ced soon after the beginning of pur war with Great Bri- 
tain — I say, from all these circumstances, we have in- 
initely stronger reasons to sqspect Dunmore than Cre- 
sap; and I may say that the dispatches abovementioned 
that were received by Dunmore at Hockhocking, al- 
though after the treaty, were yet calculate to creata 
suspicion. 



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Oir DtTNMORE'e .WAR. 173 

-But iff as we mjppose, Dunmore was secretly at ilie 
bottom oif this Indian war, it 13^ evident that he could not 
with propriety appear personally in a business of this 
kind ; and we havB seen and shall see, how effectually 
his sub-governor played his part between the Tirginiana 
and Pennsylvanians; :and it ndw remains for us to ex- 
amine how far the conduct of this man (Connoly) wiH 
bear us out in the supposition that there was also some 
ftrtil play, Some dark intriguing Work to embroil the 
weeitern countiy in an Indian war, ' 

Arid I think it best now, as w& have introduced this 
man Connoly again, to give the reader a short condensed 
history of his whole proceedings, that we may have him 
in full view at once. We have abeady presented the 
reader with his circular letter, and its natural result and 
consequences, and also -with his insulting letter and 
mandatoiy order to Capt. Cfesap, at Catfeh camp, to 
dkruisr his men and go home ; and that the reader may 
now see a little of the^character of this man, and un- 
derstand him, if it is possible tQ understand him, I pre- 
sent him with the copy of a letter to Capt. Reece. 

" As I have received intelligence that Logan, a Min- 
go Indian, with "about twenty Shawnees and others, 
were to set off for War last Monday, and I have reason 
to believe that they may ccjme upon the inhabitants a^ 
bout Wheeling, I hereby order, require and conmiand 
you, with all the men you can raise, immediately to 
march and join any of the companies alreadt/ out 
arid under the pay of government, and, upon joining 
your parties together^ scour the frontier and become a 
barrier to our settlements, and endeavor to fall in with 
their tracks, and pur^e them, using your utmost en- 
deavors to chastise them as open and avowed enemies. 
" I am, Bii*, your most humble servant, 
"Doi^sEY Pentecost, for 

"JOHN CONNOLY. 

" To Capt, Joel RcecCi use all ej^edilion, May 27, 1774.** 

Now here is a fellow for you. A very short time be- 
fore this, perhaps two or three days before the date of 

\ ir 



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176 jAcdB^s AccotTfirr > 

this lettcY, Capt. Cresap, wliohad a fine company of vo- 
lunteers, is insulted, ordered to dismiss his jfnen and go 
home; and indeed it appears from one^xpression-intfiw 
tetter, namely, ^the companies who are already out,** 
that these companies must have been actually out at Ae 
v^y- time Cresap is ordered home. 

Now if any man is skilled in the art of legerdemaiiij 
let him unri<Mle this enigma if he can. 

But as so many important facts c^owd together atthw 
eventful period, it may be satisfacUw^y to the reader, and 
have a tendency more clearly to illustrate the yaiioiis 
scenes interwoven in the thread of this history, to pi'o- 
sent to his view a chrondogical list of these"^ facts ; and 
I think the first that deserves notice is Cdnnoly% cirou* 
lar letter J which we date the 25th day of April ; second? 
ly, the two men killed in Butler's canoe we ktiow was 
the first or^econd day of May ; thirdly, the affair at 
YbUow creek was on the third or fourth day of May ; 
fourthly, the Indiana killed in the canoe abov:e Wheel- 
ing the fifth or sixth day of May ; fifthly, the sfcirmisb 
with the Indians on the riverOhio^about the eighth or 
tfenth day of May ; after which, Capt. Cresap return- 
ed to Catfish camp about the twenty-'fifth of May. In* 
deed this fact speaks for itself; it could not be earlier, 
when it is considered that he rode home from the Ohio, 
a distance of about 140 miles, raised a coinpany and 
marched back as far as Catfish, through bad roads, near 
120 miles ; and all, agreeably to my statement, in seven- 
teen days : then it is evident that he Was not at Catfish 
camp sooner thart the 25th of May; and if sO; he was 
ordered lijome at the very time when scouts were out, 
and the settlement threatened with an attack from the 
Indians, as is rnanifest from Copnoly's own letter to 
Capt. Reece, dated May 27, 1774. 

But the hostility of Connoly to C^pt. Cresap was un- 
remitting and without measure or decency ; for on the 
14th July, of the same year, we find one of the most 
extraordinary, crooked, malignant, Orubstreet epistles, 
that ever appeared upon paper : but let us see it. - ^ 



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"JPbr^ Z>2i»mori?,* Jidy 14, 17r4 
"Your whole proceedings, so far as relisite4o^ourdis-t 
ttyrbances with the Indians, have becJn of a nature so 
extraordinary, that I am much at a loss to accoimt f<tf 
the cause ; but when I consider your late steps, tending^ 
directly to ruin the service here, by inveigling away the 
militia of this garrison by your preposterous proposals, 
and causing them thereby ta embezzle the arms of go- 
T^rmnent, purchased-at an enormous expense, and at 
the same time to refiect infimte disgrace upon the honof 
of this colony, by attacking a set of people, which^ not^ 
withstam^uig the injury 4,hey have sustained by you ia 
the loss of the^ peojde, yet cctotinue to rely upon the 
{^ofessions of friendship whicji I have made, and de- 
pOTtthemi^ves accordingly; Isay when Iconsider these 
matters, I must conclude that you are actuated by a 
spirit o( discord, so prejudicial to the peace and good- or- 
der of society, that the conduct calls for justice, and due 
execution thereof can only check. I must once again 
©rder you to desist from your pernicious designs, and 
require of you, if you are an officer ^f nuhtia, to send 
the deserters from this place back with all expedition 
that they may be dealt with as their crimes merit, 
"I am,. sir, your servant, 

"JOHN CONNOLY." 

This letter, although short, contains so many things 
for remark and animadversion, that we scarcely know 
where to begin. It exhibits, however, a real picture of 
the man, and a mere superficial glance at its phraseolo- 
gy will {MTOve that he is angry, and his nerves in a tre- 
mor. It is, in fact, an incoherent jumble of words and 
sentences, all in the disjunctive. 

' But it is a perfect original and anomaly in the epis-^ 
folary line ; and contains in itself ititernal marks of gen- 
uine authenticity. 
- The first thing in this letter that tails for our attention 

'Dmriog the government of Connoly in this ^s^ce, he changed the name 
from Pitt to Dunmorc; but subsequeut events fiave blotted out Dimmore^i 

lit 



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178 JACOBUS ACCOTTNT 

is the language he uses towards the people befalls "mi" 
litia deserters J^ That they may be dealtwitb, he sayij, 
as their crimes merit. Now I pray you who tvrerelhose 
people ? Doubtless the' respectable farmer^ and others 
in the vicinity of Pittsburg. And what does this. Mogul 
of the west intend to do wikh-them? Why hang them, 
to be sure ; for this is mililary law. But the tr«e. state 
of this oase doubtless is, Uiat these militia coDs»iered 
themselves freemen ; that they were Jiot wdl pleased^ 
either with Connoty or garrisqn duty ; that viewing 
their country in danger, and their waves and children 
exposed to savage barbarity, they, preferred mwre jictive 
service, and joined the standard of Capt. C^esap; And 
is this a new thing, or reprehensible 1 How often do our 
militia enter into the regdar army, and whoever, dieamr 
ed of hanging them for so doing ? - 

But, secondly, we say it is possible Gapt. Cresap did 
not know from whence these men came ; and if he did, 
he deserves no censure for receiving, tl^m ; and as to 
the charge of inveiglingaway the miMtia from the gar- 
risen, we know this must be positively false, l3ecause he- 
was not in PiUsburgin the.year 1774, eithCTpersonaHy, 
o€ by pupxy . 

As to the general charge against Capt. Cresap, of at- 
tacking the Indians, and the great injiny hehad done^ 
them, I need only say that this charge i& refuted again 
and again in the course of this history, and its unparal- 
leled impudence especially, or the date of this fetter, 
merits the (Jeepesjt contempt. B\it the njost extraordina- 
ry feature in this most extraordinary letter is couched 
in these words, namely: "That tl^^^e Indians relied upon 
the expressions of friendship he made them, ajq^d de- 
ported themselves accordingly." 

Be astonished, O ye nations of the earth, and all ye 
kindreds of people at this ! For be it remembered this 
is the 14th day of July 1774, wh^n Connoly has t^le un- 
blushing impudence to assert that the Indians relied up- 
on his expressions of friendship, an^ deported them- 
selves accordingly, \y^ien at this very time we wcre^n- 



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OP httNlilORB's ^JL'R. 179 

gaged in the hottest partof Dimmore's war;' when Dun- 
more himself was raising" an anny and personally on 
his way to take the command ; when l^ewis was on hb 
marGh from Augusta county,- Virginia, to the Ohiof 
when Cornstalk, wi*h-liis Indian army, was m motbn 
to meet Lewis ; and when Capt. Cresap was actually 
raising a company to jdn Dunmore when he arrived; 
•Atid it was while engaged in this business, that he/re- 
©eived this letter from ^onnoly. 

No\r if any man can account for this strange and ex- 
traordinaiy letter upon rational principles, let liim do so 
if he can: he has more ingenuity and a more acute dis- 
cei-nment than I have. " ^ 

Soon after receiving this^ letter, Capt. Cresap left his 
company on the west side of the mountain and ix)de 
home, where he met the earl of t)unmore at his house, 
and where he (the earl) remained a few days in habits of 
friendship and cordiality with the family. Ouq day while 
the earl- wa<5 atJiis Itouse, Capt. Cresap, finding him 
stlonc, introduced the subject of Connoly's ill treatment, 
with a view^ I suppose, of obtaining redress, or of ex-, 
posing the character of a man he knew to be high in. 
the estrmaCion and confidence of the earl. Bat what 
efi^t, suppose ye, had this remonstrance on the earl 1 
I'll tell you ; it lulled him into a profbnnd sleep. Aye, 
aye, thinks I to.myself (young a§ I then wa§), this wjU 
not do, captain ; there are wheels within, wheels, dark 
things behindLthe curtairi.betwfeeatliis noble earl and 
his sub-sat ellitje." 

Capt. Cresap was himself open, candid and unsuspi- 
cix^us, and I do not know what he thought, but I w^ell 
remember my own thoughts upon this occasion. 

But let us, as nearly as possible, linish our business 
yith Connoly, although we must thereby get a httlc 
ahead of our history: yet, as aheady remarked, we 
think it l6ss perplexing to thQ readci*, than to give him 
here a little and tKeie a httle of this extraordinary cha- 
racter. ; \ . 

Wo find, then, that in tKe year 1775, Connoly, dis- 



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180 lACOB^a ACCOITJCT 

coverings that his sheepnakin could not covet him much 
longer, threw off the mask and fled lo his friend Dun- 
more, who %dso, about the same time, was obKged lo 
take sanctuary on board a British ship of war in the 
Ch^apeake bay. From this place, i. e. Portsmouth in 
Virginia, Connoly wrote the following letter to Col. 
John Gribsoh, who, no doubt, he suppdsedposse^ed sen- 
timents somewhat congenial to his own. It happen^, 
however, that he wajs mistaken in hfe man ; for Cribson 
exposed him, and put his lettef into the hands of the 
commissioners who were holding a treaty with the In- 
dians. ' 

But let us see this letter : it is dated Portsmouth, Au- 
gust 9, 1776. ^ 

*^ Dear Sir ;^I have safely arrived here, and aitt* happy 
in the greatest degree at having so f(Mtunately ^^^ped 
the narrow inspection of my enemies, the enemies to 
their country's good order and government. I should 
esteem myself defective in point of friendship towards 
you, shotdd I neglect to caution you to avoid an over 
«ealous exertion of what is now ridiculously cstlled pa- 
triotic dpirit, but on the contrary to deport yoursdf with 
that modemtion for which you have always been so re- 
markable, iind whidh must in this instance tend to your 
honor and advantage. You may rest assured" fix>n) me, 
sir, that the*greatest unanimity now prevails at home, 
and the innovating spirit among us here is looked upon 
as ungenerous and undutiful, and that the utmost ex- 
ertions of the powers in government (if necessary) will 
be used to convince the infatliated people of tfieir folly. 

" I would, I ^sure you, sir, give you such convincing 

E roofs of what I assert, and from which ^very reasona- 
le person may conclude the effects, that nothii^ but 
madness could operate upon a man so far as to overlook 
his duty to the present^ccwnstitution, and to form un^ar^ 
rantable associations with enthusiasts, whose ill-timed 
folly must dravif down upon them inevitable destruction-; 
His lordship desires you to present his hand to Cajkain 
White-eyes, [a Delaware Indian chief,] and to assure 



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OF ntTNMQBE's WA^R. 181 

hwot he is sorry he had not the pleasiiFe of seeing him 
at the treaty, [a treaty hejd by Connoly in his name,} 
or that the- situation, of affairs prevented him from 
ccMning do^n. 

"Believe me, d^r sir, that I have no motive in wri-, 
ting my sentiments thus to you, further than to endea* 
vor to steer you clear of the misfortunes which I am 
c^onfident must involve but unhappily too many. X have 
sent you an addre^ from the people of ^ Great Britctinjto 
the peofie of America, and desire you ta consider inat- 
tentively, which will I flatter myself xjonvince you c^ 
the idleness of many determinations and the absurdity 
of an intended skveryr , 

^f Give my love to George, (his brother, afterwards a 
colonel: in the revolutionary; war,} and tdl him he shall 
hear from me, and I hope to his advant£ige. Interpr^ 
the inclosed speech to Capt. White-eyes from his lord- 
ehip. Be prevailed iipon to shun the popular enor, and 
judge for yourself, as a good subject, and expect the re- 
wards due to your servixjes. ^ I am, .&o. 

^ "JOHN CONNOLY." . 

The inclosed speech to White-eyes we shall see in its 
proper place, after we have finished our business with 
Connoly. Jt seems, then, that either a mistaken notion 
of his own influence, oiv greatly deceived by his calcu- 
lations on the, support of CoL Gibson, his brother and 
friends, or in obedience tathe solicitatipns of his friend, 
Duiunore, he undertakes (incog,) a hazardous journey 
from the Ghesapealj^e bay to Pittsburg, in company, if I 
recoUect right, with a certain Doct. Smith; but our 
Dutch republicans of Predericktown, Maryland, smelt 
a rat, seized, and imprisoned him, from whence he AVas 
removed to the Philadelphiia jail, where we will leave 
hun awhile to cool. '~ ; 

But let us now look at these two characters ; Conno- 
ly uses every effort to destroy us and subvert our liber- 
ties, and Cresop marches to i3oston with a company of 
riflemen to defend his country. If then men's actions^ 
kSofd us the true and best criterion to judge of their 



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183 l^CGB^n ACCOVBT ^ 

merit or^bmierit, wecan b^at no Iobs to decide op this 
occasicm. Nor can there be any doubt that this man, so 
fiiU of tender sensilHlky and«ympathy for the sufferinga 
of the Indians, when arrested with his colleague(Smith) 
in Frederick, had a Pandora's box fiiU of fire-bsands, 
arrows and dcatji, to scatter among the inhabitaatei of 
the west. 

But it is probable the reader, as well as the writer, » 
weary of such .company: we therefore bid him fidien, . 
«nd once more attend his excellency the govemor of 
Virginia, whom we left, I think, on board {t British 
doop of war, in the Chesapeake bay. 

The reader has not for^tten, we presume, that we 
long since stated it as our opinion, that it wad probaljje, 
and that we had strong reasons to b^eve, that Dunin<n:e 
himsd^ from poUtical motives, though acting behind the 
scenes, was in reaiity at the bottom of the Indian war 
of 1774, . 

We have already alluded to several drcumetonceflr 
previous to and during that war i but we have in re^ 
^erve several more evincive of the same fact subsequent 
to the war. 

It may be remembered, that at the treaty of Chilico- 
tbe, it was remarked that some points were referred for 
future discussion at Pittsburg, in the ensuing iGiU;. and 
it appears that a treaty was actually held by Ck)nn(d^y, 
in Dunniore's neune, with the chiefs t)f the Delaware^, 
and some Mingo tribes in the summer ensuing. This 
IB historically a fact, and matter of record, which I ex- 
tract from the minutes of a treaty, held in the autumn 
of the some year, with several tribes of Indians, by com- 
missioners from the congress of the .United States and 
from Virginia.* 

But to understand this perfectly, the reader must be 
informed, that, previous to this treaty, Capt. Jas. Wood, 
{rfterwards governor of Virginia, was sent by that state 

* The or'rginal minutes of this treaty are in niy possession. They were 
presented to me by my friend John Madison, secretary to the commissioners, 
with I think this remark> (hat they were of no use to them, bu( might be of 
aome to me, - ~ 



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' 01? DivimoRE^a WAR. 188 

6s the herald of peace^ with the olive bmndi il^ his 
hand, to invite all the Indian Uihes bordering on the. 
Qhio and its waters, toa tneaty at Pittsburgh on the 10th 
day of September foUawing. Capt Wood kept a jour- 
ixalj which is incorporated in the proceedings of the 
treaty, from which journal I copy a» follows : "July ths 
9th, I arrived (says he) at Fort Pitt, where 1 receivtd 
information that the chiefs of the Delawares and k 
few of the Mingos had lately been„ treating with Meg. 
Connoly agreeably to instructions from krd Dunmore, 
and that the Shawnees had not come to the treaty," &dtJ. 

Gapt. Wood however acknowledges, in a l^er he 
wrote to the convention of Virgmia from this place, thai 
this treaty held by Connoly was in the most open and 
candid manner , that it wa^ held in the presence of 
the commi^iee, and that he laid the governor- s instruo 
tions before them. Very good. But why. these re- 
raarks respecting Connoly and Dunmore? Does not 
this knguage imply jealousy and suspicbn, which Capt. 
Wood, who certainly was deceived ^ wasi anxious to r^ 
move? But to proceed. He says: 

*^ July 10. ^ White-eyes came with an interpreter to 
my lodging. He informed me he was desirous of go- 
ing to Williamsburg with Mr. Connoly to see lord Dunr 
more, who had promised him his interest in j«xjcurinr 
a grant'from the ki^g for the lands claimed by the Ddt 
awares^ that they were £tU desirous of living as. the 
white peo|)le do, and undet their laws and protection; 
^at lord DuDJuore had eng^ed to make him'some 
^tisfaction for his tnml^le in going several times to the 
Shawnee towns, and serving with him on the cam- 
paign, &c. &c. He told me he hoped I would advise 
him whether it was prop^ for him to, go or not. I was 
dien under the necessity of acquainting him with tlie 
disputes subsiding between lord Dunmore and the peo- 
jie of Virginia, and engaged^ whenever the assembly 
met, that I would go with him to Williamsburg, (fcc. &c. 
He was very thankftil, and appeared satisfied." ^ 

The reader must observe thi^ is July the 10th, 1775, 



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184 

and he w81 jdeasc to refer to page 180, where he willsee 
frona CoHHoly's letter of Aug. 9th, how much reliance 
was to be placed on his candor and sincerity, as stsUcd 
by Capt. Wood to the cohventicm on the9thdayof July* 
Thus we find that about thirty days after Capt. Wood's 
testimony in his fevor, Connoly threw away the mask, 
and presented himself in his true character ; and from 
his own confession and the tenor of his letter to Gibeoo, 
k is plain that the current of suspicion ran so strongly 
agmnst him that he declared himself " most hi^py' in 
escaping the vigilance of his enemies." 

We owe the reader an apology for introducing this 
man again ; but the fact is, that Dunm6re and Connoly 
are so identified in all the pdUtical movements of (his pe- 
riod, that we can seldom see one without the other ; and 
Conndiy is the more prominent character, especirily in 
the aflfairs of the west. 

But we now proceed Avith Capt. Wood's joumcJ. He 
tdls us that on the 20th July, he^met G^rrit Pend^rgra^ 
about 9 o'clock; that he had just left the Delaware 
.towns; that two days before, the Ddawares had just 
returned frcan the Wyandot towns, where they had been 
at a grand council with a French and English officer; 
andtheWyandots; that Monsieur Bau^)ee and the En*- 
glish officer t(dd them to be oil their gu^rd, that the white 
people intended to strike them very soon, &c. &c^ ' 

July 21. -At 1 o'clodc, arriving at the Moravian In- 
dian town, examined the minister (a Dutchman), .con- 
cerning the council lately held with the Indians, &c. 
who confirmed the account before stated. 

July 22. About 10 o'clock, arrived at Coshocton, 
(a chief town of the Ddawares,) and delivered to their 
council a speech, which they answered on the 23d. 
After expressing their thankfulness for the speech and 
willingness, to attend the proposed treaty at Pittsburg, 
they delivered to Capt, Wood a belt and stiing they said 
was sent to them by an Englishman and Frenchman 
from Detroit, accompanied with a message that the peo- 
ple of Virginia were determined to str^ them ; that 



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OF qunMore's wab. IBS 

Ihej would come upon them two diffi^reni wap, the <hi» 
by thcrway of the lakes, and the other by way of the 
Ohio, and that the Virginiaiis were determined to drive 
them c^, and to take their lands ; that they must be 
constantly on their guard, and not to give any credit. to 
whatever you said, as you were a people not to be de- 
pended upon ; that the Virginians would invite them to 
a treaty, but that they must not go at any rate, and ta 
take particular notice of the advice they gave, which 
proceeded from motives of real friendship. 

Now by c<»nparing and collating tliis with the speech 
sent from Dunmore, enclosed in Connoly's letter, it will 
furnish us with a squinting at the game that was play- 
mg with the Indians by the earl of DunmiM-e and other 
British officers ; to be convinced of which, read the fol- 
lowing speech from Dunmore, which Avas enclosed in a 
letter to Gibson : . 

"Brother Capt. White-eyes, I am. glad to hear your 
good speeches as sent to me by Maj. Connoly, and you 
may be assured I shall put one end of the belt you have 
sent me into the hands oi our great king, who. will be 
glad to hear from his brothers the Delawares, and will 
take strong hold of it. You may rest satisfied that our 
fooUsh young men shall never be permitted to have your 
lands ; but on the contrary the great king will protect 
you, and preserve you in the possession of tliem. 

" Our young people in this country have been very 
foolish, and done many imprudent things, for which 
they must soon be. sorry, and of which I make no doubt 
they have acquainted you ;, but must desire you not to 
listen to them, as they would be willing you should act 
foolishly with themselves ; but rather let what you hear 
pass in at one ear and out of the other, so that it may 
make no impression on your heart, until j/mi hear 
from me fully ^ which shall be as socm as I can give 
further information. 

*^ Capt. White-eyes will please acquaint the Cornstalk 
with these my sentiments, as well as the chiefs of the 
3Iingosy and- oth^r six natk)ns, 

(Signed) "DUNMORE," 



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IB6 JTACOB^S ACa>UNT, Mt 

It k scarcely necessary to r»BiBu*k here, that die fl%te 
of Dunmore from WilKanKburg, of GonmAy from Ptos- 
burg; this speech of Daiunore's, and the qieech o{ the 
Delawares to Capt. Wood, are all neiurly cc^mporane- 
ous, and point the reader pretty clearly to the aspect of 
our afiairs with the Indians at this period. Dunmore's 
speech, as you have it above, although jwetty explicit, is 
yet guarded, as it had to pass throu^ an equivo€«d me^ 
dium ; but he tells Capt. White-eyes he shall hear from 
him hereafter, and this hereafter speecb^was no doubt 
in Connoly's portmanteau when he was zirrested in Fre- 
derick. 

But to conclude this tedious chapter, nothing mora 
now seems neceessary than to call the attention of the 
reader to those inferences that the &cts andt^ircomsUm^ 
ces detailed in the foregoing pages seem to warrant. 

The first circumstance in the order of events, seenis 
to be the extraordinary and contradictory conduct of 
Dunmore and Connoly respecting Capt. Cresap. They 
certainly understood each other, and had one ultimate 
end in -view;, yet. we find on all occasions Dunmore 
treats Cresap with the utmost confidence and cordiality, 
and that Connoly's conduct was continually the reverse, 
evpn outrageously insulting him, while under the im- 
mediate orders of Dunmore himself. 
. Secondly, we find Dunmore acting with duplicity 
and deception with Col. Lewis and his brigade, from 
Augusta county. So says Doddridge. 

Thirdly, we find Capt. Cresap^s name foisted into Lo* 
gan's pretended speech, when it is evident, as we shall 
hereafter prove, that no names at all were nrontioned in 
the original speech made for Lo^n. 

Fourthly, it appears pretty plainly that mudi pains 
were taken by Dunmore, at the tieaty of Chilieothe, to 
attach the Indbn chiefs to his person, as appears fr^m 
facts that afterwards appeared. 

Fifthly, the last speech from Dunmore to Capt. White- 
eyes and the other Indian chiefs, sent in Connoly's let- 
ter to Gibson J to all v^hich we may add, his lordship's 



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ilEVOJLttiaKART WA*. Igf 

nap ol deep while Cres^p was stating his complaints 
against Oonnoly, and all Connoly's strange and unac< 
ccmntable letters to Cresap. 

I say, from all which it will appear that Dunmore had 
his views, and those views hostile to the liberties of A- 
menca, in his proceedings with the Indians in the war 
irf 1774, and the circumstances of the times, in conaec-- 
tioa with his equivocal conduct, lead us almost natural- 
ly to infer that he knew pretty weU what he was about, 
and among other things, that he knew a war with the 
Indians at this time would materially subserve the views 
and interest of Great Britain, and consequently he per- 
liLaps might feel it a duty to promote said war, and if hot^ 
why betray such extreme sohcitude to single out some 
conspicuous character, and make him the scape-goat, to 
bear all the blame of this war, that he and his friend 
Connoly might escape ? 



CHAPTER XI. 
War of the Revolution* 

It IS not within the plan of this work, to go into a gen- 
eral detail of the war of the revolution. The author will 
only give an account of it so fer as it is connected with 
the immediate history of the valley. 

At the beginning of the war tlie.late Daniel Morgan 
was appointed a captain, and very soon raised a compa- 
ny of brave and active young- men, with whom he 
marched to join Gen. Washington at Boston. John 
Humphreys was Morgan's first Ueutenant. Morgan 
was soon promoted to the rank of major, and Hun^phreys 
was made his captain. It is beheved this was one of the 
first regular compj^nies raised in Virginia, which march^ 
ed to the north. Morgan with his company was order- 



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186 llEVOLtt»ri03SrARY WAft. 

ed to join Gen. Montgomery, and march to the attack 
on Quebec ; in which attack Montgomery was killed, 
and Morgan, after performing prodigies of valor, com- 
pelled to surrender himself and his brave troops prison- 
ers of war. Capt. Humphreys was killed in the as* 
sault. The reverend Mr. Peter Muhlenburg, a clergy- 
man of the Lutheran profession, in the county of She- 
nandoah, laid off his gown and took up the sword. He 
was appointed a colqnel, and soon raised a regiment, calt 
ed the 8th, consisting chiefly of young men of German 
extraction. Abrahmn Bowman was appointed to a 
majority in it, as was also Peter. Helphinstine, of Win- 
chester. It was frequently called the "German regi^ 
ment." Muhlenburg was ordered to the south in 1776, 
and the unhealthiness of the cUmate proved fatal to ma- 
ny of his men. 

James Wood, of Winchester, was also appointed a 
c(d(meL He^oon raised another regiment, marched to 
the north, and joined Gen. Washington's main army. 

Maj. Morgan, after several months' captivity, was ex- 
changed U^ether with his troops, promoted to the rank 
of coliNiel, and again joined his country's standard in 
the northern army. Muhjenburg returned from his 
southern Campaign, and in 1777 also joined the north- 
em army. He.was promoted to the rank of brigadier- 
general, and Abraham Bowman to the rank of colonel. 
Helphinstine contracted a lingering disease in the south, 
returned home on ftirlow,and died in Winchester in the 
autumn of 1776. Col. Morgan, with a picked regiment 
of riflemen, was ordered to join Gen. Gates, to meet and 
oppose Gen. Burgoyne. It is universally admitted that 
Morgan, with his brave and expertTriflc regiment, con- 
tributed much towards achieving the victory which fol- 
lowed. 

After the capture of Burgoyne and his army, (17th 
Oct. 1777,) Morgan, for his great personal bravery, and 
superior military talents displayed oh all occasions, was 
promoted to the rank of brigadier-general. He joined 
the standard of Washington, and soon distinguished 



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ftEVOUTTIONARY ISTAE. 189 

himself in harassiag tbe Britkh army in the neighbor* 
hood of Philadelphia. 

Numerous calls for the aid of the mUitia were made 
from time to time to €^^ist our country in the defense of 
its rights and Uberties; which cal& were generally 
promptly obeyed. The spirit of patriotism and love of 
CQfuntry wad the prevailing passion of a vast majority of 
the people of the valley ; and with one exception j whidi 
will be noticed hereafter, our character was not tarnish- 
ed by any thing like a tory insurrection. The author 
most devoutly wi^es,.for the honor of his native coun* 
try, that this exception could be blotted out of our histo* 
ry, and consigned to eternal oblivion. 

Our valley, at the commencement of the war, was 
eomparatively thinly populated. The first offieialreturn^ 
for the county of Frederick, of the effective miUtia, to 
the executive of Yirginia, amounted only to 923; the 
wbde number of people in Winchester was 800, proba- 
bly a small fraction over. This return and enumera- 
tion was made in the year 1777.* 

In 1777 Gen. Sullivan '^ gained possession of some re- 
onrds and papers, banging to the Quakers, whkh, with 
a letter, were forwarded to congress, and referred to a 
committee." On the 28th of Atigust, the committee 
reported, '^That the several testimonies which have 
bc^n published since the commencement of the present 
contest betwixt Great Britain and America, and the urn* 
form tenor of the conduct and conversation of a num-» 
b^ o{ persons of considerable wealth, who profess them^ 
selves to belong to the society of people commoilly call- 
ed Cluakers, render it certain and not(»ious that those 
persons are with much rancor and bitterness disaffected 
to the American cause ; that as those persons will have 
it in th^ir power, so there is po doubt it will be theirin- 
dination, to communicate intelligence to the enemy, 
and in various other ways to injure the councils and 
arms of America ; tlmt when ^e enemy, in the^ month 
of December 1776, were bending their progress towards 

*Gen. John Smith. 

12 



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190 RETOl-lTTIOlSriRY WJikl 

the city of Philaddphia, a certain seditioiis p¥tl^cal»d^ 
addressed ' To our friends and brethren in religious pro- 
fession^ in these and the adjacent provinces/^ign^ John 
Pemberton^ Mn and on behalf of the meeting of sruffer* 
ers, held at Philadelphia, for Pennsylvania, and New* 
Jersey, the 26th oS the 12th month, 1776^'. waa pufci 
lished^ and as your committee is credibly informed, eir^ 
culated amongst many members of the society called 
Quakers^ throughout the different states ; that the se^ 
ditious paper aforesaid (Nrigihated in Philadelphia, and 
as the perscms' names who are nnd^ mentbned, hav^ 
nnifiu-mly manifested a diqipeition highly inimical to 
the cause of America ; Uierefore, Resohedj that it be 
earnestly recommended to the supreme executive coun- 
cil^ the state of Pennsylvania, forthwith to apprehend 
and secure the persons of Joshua Fisher, Abd James, 
James Pemberton, Henry Drinker, Israel Pembert^m^ 
John Pembertcai, John James, Samuel Pleasants, Tho- 
mas Whartcm, sen; j Thomas Fisher son of Joshua, and 
Samuel Fisher son of Joshua, togetheir with all/such 
papers in their possession as. may be of a political nature. 

^^ And whereas there is strong reason to apprehend 
Uiat these persons maintain a correspondence «^ Cfm* 
nection highly prejudicial to the puUie safety, nc^ only 
in this state, but in the several states of America ; Jfe- 
solved, that it be recommended to the executive powen 
of the respective states, forthwith to apprehend and se- 
cure all persons, as well among the Quakers as others, 
who have in their general conduct and convc^-sation 
evinced a^ disposition inimical to the cause of America; 
and that the persons so seized be confined in such pla- 
ces, and treated in such manner, as shall be consistent 
with their Tespective characters and security of their p»- 
sons^: that the records and papers of the meetings of suf- 
ferings in the respective states^ be forthwith secured and 
carefully examined, and that such parts of them aamay 
be of a political nature, be forthwith transmitted to con- 
gress." 

The said report being read, and the several paragraphs 



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REVOl.tJTldNARY WAtt. 191 

ecaididered and debated, and the question put severally 
Aereeojthe same was agreed to. " Ordered^ that the 
board of war remove under guard to a place of security 
out of the state of Pennsylvania, the Hon. Jc^hn Penn, 
5isq. an4 Benjamin Chew, Esq. ; and that they give or- 
ders i(x having them safely secured and entertained 
ft^eeabte to their rank and station in life." A^twim- 
ber of Quakers besides those mentioned, and several 
persons of a diffeisentdenomiiiation, were taken up by 
the supreme executive coifflfcH of Pennsylvania, con- 
coming whom congress resdived, on the Sth September, 
^ That it be recommended to the said council to ofder 
the immediate departure of such of said prisoners as re- 
fuse to swear or affirm allegiance to the state of Peniv 
gyivania, to Staunton, in Augusta county, Virginia."^ 
In conformity with the recommendation of congress, 
a number of Quakers, together with one dmggist and 
a dancing master, were sent to Winchester under guard^ 
with a request from the executive of Pennsylvania, di- 
rected to the county lieutenant of Frederick, to secure 
U^m. Gen. John Smith was then the county Meute- 
nant. When the prisoners were delivered into his cus^ 
tody, be prq)osed to them, that if they woidd pledge 
their honors not to abscc^id, they showld not be placed 
in confinement. Among the prisoners were three of 
the Pemfoeftone, two of the Fishers, an old Quaker 
preacher named Hunt, and several others, amounting 
m all to twelve, and, with the druggist and ^ncingmas- 
ter, fourteen. One of the Fishers was a law}^er by pro- 
fession. He protested in his own name, and o?i behalf 
of his fellow prisoners, against being taken into custo- 
dy by Col. Smith ; stated that they had protested against 
being sent from Philadelphia ; that they had again pro- 
tested at the Pennsylvania line, against being taken out 
of the ^tate \ had repeated their protest at the Maryland 
iine, against being taken into Virginia ; that there was 
no existing law which justified their being deprived of 

* See Gordon^g Hl«?tor3' »f the American Revolution, vol. ii. pp. 222,22^. 
It \vaa at tlie instance of the late (ten. Isaac Zane, of Fr^rick cdiinty, 
Virsioia, that the place of ^v\» ww changed frojo ^auotoja to WinclieAfiief » 



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19* BEV^LtTXraNARY WAJL 

their liberty, and exikd fiom thar natlte homes hnd fit* 
milies, and treated as criminals. To which Cd. Smkh 
replied, " It is true that I know of no existing law which 
will justify your detention; but as you are sent to my 
care by the supreme executive audiority ^f your native 
state, and represented as dangerous characters and^ aa 
having been engaged in treasonable practices with the 
enemy, I consider it my duty to detain you, at least un- 
til I can send an express to uie governor of Virginia for 
his advice and direction what to do in the premises." 
He accordingly dispatched an express to Williamsburg, 
with a letter to the governor, who soon returned wiUi 
the orders of the executive to secure the prisoners. CoL 
Smith again repeated that "if they would pledge them* 
selves not to abscond, he would not cause them to be 
confined." Upon which one of the Pembertons spoke 
and observed to Fisher, " that Ai^ protest was unavail* 
ing, and that they must patiently submit to their fote.^ 
Then addressing himself to Col. Smith, he observed, 
"they would not enter into any pledges, and he must 
dispose of them as he thought proper." The ccdond 
then ordered them to.be pla^ under guard. 

Shordy before this, 300 Hessian prison^^ had been 
sent to Winchester; there was consequently a guard 
ready prepared to receive these exiles, and they remain- 
ed in custody about eight or nine months ; during which 
time two of them died, and the whole of them became 
much dejected ; and it is probable more of them would 
havie died of broken hearts, had they not been pemait- 
ted to return. 

Some time after the British left Philadelphia, these 
exiles emjdoyed the late Alexander White, Esq. a law- 
yer near Winchester, for which they paidliim one hun- 
dred pounds Virginia currency, in gold coin, to go to 
Philadelphia, £md negotiate with the executive authority 
of the state to permit them to return to their families 
and friends ; in which negotiation White succeeded ; 
and to the great joy and heartfelt satisfaction of thes& 
paptives, they returned to their native homes. 



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REVOLUTIONARY WAIL 193 

In the absence of the exiles, Sir Wffli^m Howe, the 
]%*itish general, had taken up his head quarters in John 
Pemberton's dweUing houfee. It was a splendid build- 
iQg, and had been much abused by the British, who also 
occupied several other houses belonging to Pemberton, 
whi(^ were much injiiired. Pemberton owned an ele- 
gant carriage, which Sir WiUiam had taken the Uberty 
of using in his parties of pleasure. Wh^n Pemberton 
gsaw the situation of his pfopearty, he obtained permission 
from the proper authority, and waited on Sir WlUiam 
Howe, and demanded indemnification for the injury 
done to his building and cairij^c. The plain and in- 
dependent language h^ used ^ to the British general on 
this subject, was as remarkable for its \)luntnes8, as it 
was for its fearless character. " Thee has (said he) done 
great damage to my buildings, and thee suffered thy 
w****s to ride in my carriage, and my wife will not use 
it mincer thee must pay me for the injury, or I will go to 
thy master (meaning the kingof England,) and lay my 
eomplaint before him." Sir William could but smile at 
the honest bluntness Of the man, and thought it best to 
compromise, and pay him a sum of money, with which 
the old Quaker was satisfied.* V 

In 1779 there was a considerable increase of British 
prisoiiers at Winchesters^ and in 1780 barracks were 
erected about four miles west of the town, to which the 
prisoners were removed, and a regular guard kept over 
them. In 1781 the number of prisoners increased to 
about 1600. 

It was this year, in the month of January, that Gen. 
Morgan, at the battle of the Cowpens, in South Caroli- 
na, gave the British Col. Tarlton a most signal defeat. 
In thi^ action Morgan displayed the most consummate 
militaty skill and bravery. Whilst the ,two armies were 
closely engaged, Morgan, discovering the enemy were 
thrown into some CQnfiision,'called out in his usualsten- 
torian voice, "Hurra, my brave boys ! another close fire, 
and the day is ours. Remember^ Morg,an lias never 

" Gei|. John Smitb detailed the foreeoing particular! to the author. 

.12* 



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194 REVOLUTIONARY WAR> 

been beaten P^ The author eaninot now recoflect tm Stit- 
thority for this statement, but has" repeatedly heard- H 
asserted by different individuals who were acquainted 
with the fact. 

In the year 1813 the avithor traveled through South 
Carolina, and called to see Mr. William Cahnes, ^vith 
whom he had an intimate acquaintance \^heft quite a 
youth, having been his school-fellow in this county 
(Frederick). Mr. Cahnes was well acquainted with 
Geri. Morgan, and related the following anecdote, in rC' 
ktion to Morgan and Tarlton. 

There were two brothers, by the name of • — ^ 

citizens of South Carolina, men of considerable wealth 
and respectability, who joined the British standard, end 
both obtained ooloners comniissions. One of them was 
at Crrnwallis's head- quarters the day Tarlton set ou£ 
determined to take Morgan at all hazards. Meeting 

with Col. — ■ r, he accosted him to the following e& 

feet: " Well, colonel, if you will be at his lordship^ 
head-quarters (naming the day), you shall ha;ve the 
pleasure of dining with the old wagoner." To which 
Col. — ^-. replied, ^^I wish you success, Col. T^arlton, 
butpermit me to cautioii you: you will find Morgan 
hard to take." On which Tailton flew into a passaon, 
and threatened to arrest the cotonel for -using such lan- 
guage in hearing of his officers. The latter calmly repli- 
ed, '*Col. Tarlton, I have staked every thing dear to me 
in this hfe upon the issup of the present contest. I own 
a fine estate. My family and my personal liberty'are in 
danger. If America succeeds in estaWishing her inde- 
pendence, my estate will l)e forfeited, my family redu- 
ced to beggary, and the least I can expect, (if I escape 
with my life,) will be perpetual exile. Hence, sir, I 
most ardently wish you success; But permit me' again 
to caution you. Morgan is a cunrting, artful officer, and 
you will find him hard to take." Tarlton, however, 
pushed off m high glee, detennined at every risk to 
capture Morgan and his little band of warricffs. The 
result ^was soon knowoi at his. lordship's head-quarter*; 



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REVOLimONARY WAR. 195 

and it so hc^penerf, when Tarlton returned, Ool. 



was presenr. The moment Tarlton saw him he apolo- 
gized tohim for the harsh language he had used towards 
hinii and exclaimed, "By — \ Morgan is truly a great 
man!" This extorted praise from this haughty British 
officer speaks volumes for the high military talents of 
Gen. Morgan. ■ 

At the close of the war this refugee colonel took shel- 
ter for himself and family in the British dominions of 
Canada, and his fine estate was confiscated. He how- 
ever petitioned the government of South Carolina; and 
from his general gw)d character in private life, an act of 
paidon, together with the restoration of his estate, was 
passed, and he returned to its enjoyment with all the 
jHivileges of a firee citizen. After his return Mr. Cal- 
mes became well acquainted with him, and received the 
above statement of facts from him. 

The brother of this oflScer, fi-om some acts of fero- 
cious cruelty practiced upon the friends of the American 
eause, had his estate also confiscated. The government 
refused to^restore it, and passed an act of perpetual ba- 
3|ishment a^inst him. 

In 1781 Comwallis entered Virginia at the head of a 
burge army, and in the month of June a party of tones 
raised the British standard on Lost river, then in the 
county of Hampshire (now Hardy). John Claypole, a 
Scotsman by birth, ami his two sons, were at the head 
of th^ insuirection.* Claypole had the address to draw 
over to his party a considerable majority of the peq)le 
on Lost river, and a number on the South fork of the 
Wcqypatomaka. They first manifested symptoms of re- 
bellion by refusing to pay their taxes and furnishing 
, their quota of men to serve in the militia. The sherifs, 
or collectors of the revenue, complained to Lieut. Col. 
Vanmeter, of the county of Hampshire, that they were 

, * Moieg Ruasell, Esq. informed the author, that it was reported and believ* 
ed at the time that Claypole*! two sons went to Nortli Carofina, and had an 
interview with lord Cornwatlis, who appointed and commispioned them both 
eaptaing in the Britiih service, and tent Uie pQinmissioa of colonel to their 



I2t 



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196 REVOLUTIONAHT WAR? 

resisted in. their attempts to discharge their c^Scial du- 
ties, when the colonel ordered a captain and Ihirty Baen 
to their aid. - The insurgents armed themselves, and 
determined to resist. Among them was John Brake, a 
German of considwable wealth, who resided tibout fif- 
teen miles above Moorefield, on the South fork of the 
river, and whose house became the place q{ rendezvcma 
for the insurgents. When the sherif went up with the 
militia posse, fifty men appeared in arms. The posse 
and tories unexpectedly met in the public road. Tbir* 
tynfive of the latter broke and ran about one hundred 
yards, and then formed, while fifteen stood firm. The 
captain of the guard called out for a parley, when a firee 
conversation tpok place, in which this dangerous pro- 
ceeding on the part of the tories was pointed out, with 
the terrible consequences which must inevitably follow. 
It is said that had a pistol been fired, a dreadful scene of 
carnage would have ensued.* The two parties, how- 
eyer, parted without bloodshed. But instead of the tofy 
party retiring to their respective hcymes and attending to 
their domestic duties, the spirit of insurrection increased. 
They began to organize, appcrinted officers, and made 
John Claypole their commander in chief, with the in- 
tention of marching off in a body to join Cornwallis, in 
the event of his advancing into the valleys or near it. 

Several expresses were sent to Col. Smith, requesting 
the aid of the militia, in the counties immediately ad- 
joining, to quell this rebellion. He addressed letters to 
the commanding officers of Berkeley and Shenandoah, 
beat up for volunteers in Frederick, and in a few days 
an army of four hundred rank and file were well mount- 
ed and equipped. Gen. Morgan, who, after the ^efeai 
of Tarlton and some other military services^ had obtain.' 
ed leave of absence from the army, and w£is now repor 
sing on his farm (Saratoga) in Frederick,^ and whose 
name was a host in itself, was solicited to take. the Qom- 
mand, with which he readily complied. About the 18th 

* Isaac Van meter, Esq. then abopt 18 yearp of a£(^) w<U9 one pf the Jfosaoj^ 
and rehited tjieise facts to tbu autl^or. 



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fUBVOttJTJONARY WAR. IffiT 

or 90tt of Jane the anhy^ noatcfaed from Winchester, 
and in twodays arrived in the neighborhood of this tory 
seGti^iof Hardy county. They halted at Cla)rpole?s 
house,* and took him prisoner. Sev^^l young men 
fled ; among them WilUam Baker. As he ran across 
C'la3^pde's m^dow he was hailed and ordered to sur- 
render ; but disregafdingthe command, Capt. Abraham 
Byrd, of Shenandoah county, an excellent marksman, 
raised his rifle, ired, and wounded him in the leg.t He 
fell; airf several of Morgan's party went to him to see 
the r^ult. The baH had penetrated just Etbove the heel, 
ranged up the leg, and shivered the bones. As the potwr 
fellow begged for mercy, he was taken to the house, and 
' his wo«iid dressed -by tlie surgeon of the regiment. He 
recovered, and is still living. They took from Claypote 
provisicmsrfor themselves and horses. Col. Smith (who 
was second in conmiand,) giving him a certificate for 
then- value, . 

- f>om Clay|)oIe'« the army moved up Lost river, and 
some young men in the advance took a man named 
Matthias Wilkins prisoner, placed a rope round his 
necky and threatened to hang him. GoL Smith rode 
up, saw what was ^oingoti, and ordered them instantly 
toidesist. They also caught a man named John Payne, 
and branded liim on the posteriwrswith a red hot spade, 
tdling him they would make him a freemason. Clay- 
pole sdemnly promised ib be of good behavior, gave 
bail, and was set at liberty. 

' The army thence crossed the South Branch moun- 
tain. On or near the summit they saw a ^laall cabin, 
which had probably been erected by soine himters. 
Gen. Morgan ordered it to be surrounded, observing, 
*^ It is prolSible some of the tories arc now in it." As 
ibe men appix>ached the cabin, ten or a dozen fellow's 
ran out anSd lied. An elderly man, named Mace, and 

- * ChyftoWa forinfer residence is now owned hjj Mr. MiHer> and is about 
45 orSOnoHeg south west of Winchester, on Lost+iver, in Hardy coiwrty. - 
t The spot was pointed out to the' author, by Mr.*Miller, where Byrd stood 
when he ftred at Baker,' and where Baker fell. The distance is about four 
bandred yardst 



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19S REVOLVTlOKARt' ITAR/ 

two of his sons were ataong them. Old Mace; finding 
himself pretty closely pursued j sup-endered. One of 
the pursuers was CecpU William Snicker^ an aid-de^ 
camp of Morgan, who being mounted on a ftie hcna^e, 
was soon alongside of him. One of MiEioe's sortis look- 
ing round at this instant, and seeing Snickers aiming a 
lAow with a drawn swOTd at his fether, drew up his r&e 
and fired at him. The ball pass^ through the<5rest-of 
his horse's nfeck ; he fell, and threw hisiader over his 
bead. Snickers was at first thought by his friends to 
fee killed; and in the excitement of the mc^nent^an 
Irishmati^rjialf drunk, who had been with Morgan: for 
some time as a waiter, and had seen much toty Wood 
shed in the CaroUnas, ran up to the pris<mer (Mace) with 
a cocked pistol in his hand, and shot the poor maki, who 
fell, and instantly expired. Capt. Snickei« soon recov- 
ered from the bririses received in his faU, as*<Bd hbhictfse 
also from the wound in his neck. 

The army proceeded on to pay thdr-r^s^ects to Mr 
Jdm Brake, an old German, who had a fine feirm with 
extensive meadmvs, a miU^ largd distillery, and many fet 
hogs and cattle. - He was an exception, inMs^Miicel 
cour&e, to his countrymen, as they were, almost toa.nmn, 
true whigs, and friends to their countty. Brake, as be* 
fiJre observed, had joined the tory band, and his house 
\!t^ajptheir place of rendezvous, where they fextsted on the 
b^t he had. All this appealing ilnquesiioiMbbie, Morgan 
marched his army to his residence, there halted, and 
spent two days and nights with his reluctant host. His* 
troops Uved on the very best his fine Ib^rm, mill and dis- 
tillery afforded, feasting on his pigs, fatted calves, young 
beeves,^ lambs, poultry, &c., white their horses fared no 
less luxuriously upon his li|W& immown meadows, oat 
fields, &c. As Blake had entertained and feasted the 
tories, Morgan concluded that he should feast tltem in 
turn. 

The third day, in the mcM-ning, the aamy moved on 
down the river, passed by Moorefi^ld, and returned to 
Winchester, where it v, as disbanded, aftet a service of 



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REVOLirriOlCART WAR. x 199 

only about eight or ten days. Thus was this tory insui* 
rectiont crushed in the bud. The party themselves be- 
came ashamed of their conduct, and in some degree to 
atone for it, and wipe off the stain, several of the young 
men volunteered their services and marched to aid iu 
the capture of Cornwallis. 

Within three or four days after these men were dis- 
banded, two expresses in one day arrived at Winchester, 
and informed Col. Smith that Tarlton was on his way 
to rescue the British prisoners at the Wiiichester bar- 
racks. Col. Smith had again to call out the militia ; 
and ordering four hundred men as a guard, removed the 
ptrkoners to Fort Frederick, in Maryland, at which place 
tbey remained to the end of the war.* 

The sununer of 1781 was emphatically the summer 
of militia campaigns, ^here were frequent alcu-ms thcit 
Tarlton and his legion (of devils, some people termed 
them,) were on their way to visit our valley ; egad some- 
times it was reported that Cornwallis and his whole ar- 
my would be upon us. The militia was almost con- 
stantly marching and counter-marching. 

It however pleased Heaven so to order things, that 
Cornwallis and his la^rge army should be entrapped and 
captured at York-towii, in Virginia. This piit an end 
to the scourge of the war ; and our people being per- 
mitted to enjoy the blessings of peace and agriculture, 
commerce and the mechanical arts improved in a most 
astonishing degpee. The French and British ai^mies 
circulated immense sums of ^ money in gold and silver 
coin, which had the effect of driving out of circulation 
the wretched paper cuiTency which liad till then pren 
vailed. Immense quantitiesof British and t>ench goods 
wee soon imported i our people imbibed a taste for fo- 
reign fashions and luxury ; and in the bourse of two 
or three years, from the close of the war, such an entire 
change had taken place in the habits and manners of 

*Gen. John Smilh communicated all tlie particulars of the foregoing nar- 
ratiy^ io the. author, with the exceptioo of branding Payne with too sptiide) 
^19 feet wa§ stated by Mr. Chrisraan^ on Lost river. 



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iSQd REVOLtTTIONARY WAR* * 

our inhabitants, that it almost appeared as if we had 
suddenly become a different nation. "The staid and so- 
ber habits of our ancestors, with their.plain home-man- 
ufectured clothing, were suddenly laid aside^ and Eu- 
ropean goods of fiae'qualityttdopted in their stead. Fine 
ruffles, powdered heads, silks and scarlets, decorated tlm 
men; while the most costly silks, satins, chint;zes, €ali- 
GOes, muslins, ^. &c. decorated our finales. Nor was 
their diet less expensive ; for superb plate, foreign ^irit^ 
wines, &c. &c. sparkled en the sideboards of nwmy fer- 
mers. The natural result of this change of the habits 
and customs of the. peqde — this aping of Eurc^aH 
maimers and nM)rals, — was to suddenly drain our cotm^ 
try of its circulating specie; and bs a necessary conse- 
quence, the people fan hi debt, times became difficult, 
and money hard to raise. 

The sufferings and hard dealings with the duakers 
deserve some notice in this place. The unfortunate pro- 
ceedings of the Philadelphia Quakers drew down upon 
the whole order the strong {M-ejudices and even hatred 
of the friends to the American cause. The treasonaUe 
proceedings of a few individuals, ought not to Irn^e 
been visited upon the whde order of Quakers. It must 
be admitted, however, that this proceeding was a gtea)^ 
lAot upon the Quaker character, and stamped the indi-> 
viduals ooncerned in it, with base h^irpocrisy, and pave 
the lie to their religious professions. Whilk they pro- 
fessed to hdd it unlawful to shed human blood; whilst 
they disclaimed all concern with the war ; they were 
secretly giving intelligence to the enemy, andaiding and 
abetting them in every way they could, except resorting 
to arms. But it is again repeated that it was unjust 
with one fell sweep to condemn the whole order, for tte 
malconduct of a few individuals. The Quakers in the 
valley, notwithstanding their entire neutraUty, were un^ 
questionably the greatest sufferers by the war. They 
refused to bear arms, they refused to pay war taxes, and 
bence the sherifs or collectors were oompell^ to distraU) 



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irnd B^I tbeit property to rake tlieir respective prqiort^ 
of the.public burthens. 

^ At the beginning of the war, attempts were made ie 
compel them to bear arms, and serve in the militia : but 
it was soon found unavailing. They would not per- 
form any military duty required of them : not even the 
ecourge would compel them to submit to discij^iie* 
The practice of coercion was therefore abandcoied, and 
Che legislature enacted a law to levy tt tax upon their 
property to hire substitutes to perform militia duty in 
their stead. This, with other taxes, bore peculiarly h«iy 
vy upon them. Their personal property was sold tm# 
der the hammer to raise these pubKc demands ; and be- 
fere the wetr was over, many of them were reduced to 
gr«at distress in their pecuniary circumstances. 

There is an ^musing story told of James Grotharp, 
wtfo resided on Apple-pie ridge. He was forced to march 
with almlitia<x)mpany, and on one particular occasion 
was placed as sentry at a baggage wagon, with orders 
to suffer no man to go into the wagon without a written 
order froin the commanding officer . One of the officers 
walking to the wagon to go in, Gotharpderaanded hfc 
written authority : the officer cursed him and stepped 
upon the houns of the wag6n. Gotharp seized him 
by his legs and pulled his feet off the houns. Th^ offi- 
cer fell with his face upon the houns, and had bis nose 
aikj m(5uth sorrfy bruised. 

This selling of duakers' property afforded gieat op* 
portunity foT designing individuals td make profitable 
epeculations. They continued to refuse to pay taxes 
for several years after the war, holding it unlawful to 
contribute their money towards discharging the war 
debt. This being at length adjusted, no part of out 
citizens pay their public jdem^nds with more punctual* 
ity, (except their muster fines which they still refuse to . 
pay.) Owing to' tlieir industrioiis and sober habits, they 
soon recovered from theif pecuniary distress produced 
by the war, and are generally speaking the most inde- 
pendent |)art of our conmiupity. Vast numbers of them 



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tost REVOLUrrONARY WAR* 

iiav« migrated to the western cmintry, and eevemi of 
their meetings are entirely brokon up. There is, how^ 
erer, still a eonsideHable number of them in the coun* 
lias of Frederick and Berkeley. They continued their 
ancient practice of depending upon their househ<d^ 
mant^ictures for their clothing ; and it was along time 
b^9re they gave into the practice of purchasing Euro- 
fiean goods. A few of them entered into the mercan- 
tfle business ; several others erected fine merchant milb ; 
ttiiean engaged in mechanical pursuits ; biit the great 
body of them are fermers, and are geilerally most ex- 
cellent cultivators of the soiL 

The greater part of the Germans^ also, were a long 
time dependent upon their domestic manufactures 6^ 
thmr clothing ; but they, too, have imbibed a taste for 
foreign finery. They however manage to effect their 
purchases of fine goods by bartering, in a ck>n8dderable 
degree, their own household manu&ctures in exchange. 

ScHBe three or four years ago the author called at the 
hc^iiseof a farmer in the south west part of Shenando- 
ah county, where he saw five spinning wheels at work. 
The oW lady, three of her daughters, and a hired girl, 
were busily eiigagcd in spinning finely prepar^tiempl 
The author inquired of the old lady, whether she sold 
any part of her domestic goods. To which she replied, 
•* Yes ; when de gate wants to puy some fine dings in 
de sthore, dey bay for it in.Unen und linsey ; und I puy 
sugar und goffee und salt und any dings we wants, und 
bay for it all in our own coods." 

The author stopped at a neighboring house, and in- 
quired of the inmates how their neighbor I ^gol 

idong. *^0," replied the man, " Mr. I. buys a planta^ 
lion every four or five years, and always pays the mo* 
ney down." 



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203 

CHAPTER Xn. 

Mode of living of the primitive settlers. 

The first houses^eriected by the primitive settlers were 
leg; cabms, with covers oi split clapboards, and wright- 
pedes to keep them in place. They were frequently s^^i 
with earthen flocnrs ; or if wooden doors were used, they- 
were ma,de of split puncheons, a Uttle smoothed with 
tfie broad-ax. These houses were |Mretty generally in 
use since the author's recollection. There were, how- 
ever, a few framed and stone buildings erected previous 
to the war of the revolution. As the country imfNTDved 
ki population ttnd wealth, there was a corresponding im^ 
provement in the erectlirai of buildings. 

When this improvement commenced, the most gene- 
ral mode of building was with hewn logs, a shingle roof 
and plank floor, the plank cut out with the whip saw. 
BefiHre the erection of saw mills, all the plank used in 
the construction of houses was worked out in this way. 
As it k probable some of my young readers have never 
seen a whip saw, a short description of it may not be 
uninteresting. It was about the length of the conunon 
mill saw, with a handle at each end transversely fixed 
to it. The timber intended to be sawed was first squa- 
red with the broad-ax, and then raised on a scaffold six 
or seven feet high. Two able-bodied men then took 
hold of the saw^ one standing on the top of the log and 
the other under it, and commenced sawing. The lalxHT 
was excessively fatiguing, and about one hundred feet 
of plank or seantling was considered a good day's work 
for the two hands. The introduction of saw mills, 
however, soon superseded the use of the whip saw, but 
they were not entirely laid aside until several years af- 
ter the war of the revolution.. 

The dress of the early settlers was of the plainest 



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204 MODB 6f tlTlNG 

materiak — generally of their own manufacture ; and 
if a modern <*belle" or "beau** were-now ta witness the 
extreme plainness and simplicity of their fashimis, the 
one would be almost thrown into a ftt of the hysterics, 
and the other frightened at the odd and grotesque ap- 
pearance of their progenitors. 

Erevious to the war of the revolution, the married 
tnen generally shaved their heads, and either wore wigs 
or white linen caps. When the war commenced, this 
feshion was laid aside, partly fropi patriotic considerar. 
tions, and partly from necessity. Owing to the entire 
int^ruptioB of the intercourse with Engla^nd, wiga coidd 
not easily be obtained, nor white linen for caps. 

The men's coats were generally made with broad 
backs, and straight short slarts, with pockets cm the out- 
side having large flaps. The waistcoats had skirts near- 
ly half way down to the knees, and very broad pocket 
flaps. The breeches vrere so short as barely io reach 
the knee, with a band surrounding the knee, fastened 
with either brass or silver buckles. The stocking was 
drawn up under the knee^band. arid tied with a garter 
(generally red or blAe) below the knee, so as to foe seen. 
The shoes were of coarse leather, with straps to the 
quarters, and fastened with either brass or silver buckles. 
The hat was either of wool or fur, with a round crown 
not exceeding three or four inches high, with a broad 
brim.* The dress for the neck was usually a narrow 
collar to the shirt, with a white linen stock drawn to- 
gether at the ends, on the back of the neck, with a 
broad metal buckle. The more wealthy and fashiona- 
ble were sometimes seen with their stock, knee and shoe 
buckles, set either in gold or silver with brilliant stones. 
The author can recollect, when a child, if he happened 
to see any of those finely dressed " great folk," as they 
were then termed, he felt awed in their presence, and 
viewed them as something more than man. 

The female dr^ss was generally the shortgown and 

• nie Quakers were remnrkalile for th«ir broad brim hata. They «rf^ 
fon\etiine4 called **Broa(U>niBff," by w^y. pf dttftiofuiffbing Ui6ro frfl# ^^"^ 



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OF THE ^RIMmVE SBS^LERS. 906 

fiellicoat, made of the }daiiiest materials. The iGermaa 
W4>men mostly wore tight caUco caps on th^ heads, 
and in the summer season they were generally seen 
-^h no other clothing than a linen shift and petticoat— 
tnefeet^ hands-, and arms bare. In hay and barrest 
time, they joined the men in the labor of the meadow 
and grain fields^ This cu6t<»n, of the females laboring 
in the time of harvest^ was not exclusively a German 
practice, but was common to all the northern pec^kH 
Many females were most expeH mowers and reapers* 
Within the author's reidollection, he has seen several fe* 
male reapers who were equal to the stoutest males in 
the harv^t fields It w^ no uncommon thing to see the 
female p^rt of the family at the hoe or the plow ; and 
some of our now wealthiest citizens frequently hoast of 
their grandmothers, aye mothers too^ performing this 
kind of heavy labor. 

The natiiml result of this kind of tural life was, to 
produce a hardy and vigiMrous raice o( people. It was 
this race of pec^le who had to meet and breast the vari* 
Qus Indian wars and the storms of the revolution. 

The Dutchman's barn was usually the best building 
on his farm. He was sure to erect a fine large barn, 
before he built any other dwelling-house than his rude 
k^ cabin. There were none of our primitive immi* 
gmnts more uniform in the form of their buildings than 
the Germans. Their dwelling-houses were seldom mi-» 
Bed more tlian a single «tory in bight, with a large cel- 
lar beneath ; the chimney in the middle, with a very 
wide fire-place in one end for the kitchen, in the other 
end a stove room. Their furniture was of the simplest 
and {finest kind ; and there was always a long pine 
table fixed in one corner of the stove room, with perma- 
nent benches on one side. On the upper floor gamers 
for holding grain were very common. Their beds were 
generally fitted With straw or chaff, Avith a fine feather 
bed for covering in the winter. The author has several 
times slept in this kind of bed ; and to a person unac- 
ctistomed to it, it is attended not unfrequently with dan^ 



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206 MODE OF LIVING 

gier lo the. health. The tUck covering o£ the feathers u 
pretty certain to produce a profuse pers[»ration, which 
mk exposure to cold, on rising in the morning, is apt to 
check suddenly, causing chilhness and obstinate cough. 
The author, a few years ago, caught in this way toe 
most severe cold, which was follow^ by a long and di£h 
tressing cough, he ever was afflicted with. 

Many of the Germans have what they call a drum, 
through whkh the stove-pipe pi^»es in theK-uppeif 
rooms. It is made of sheet iron, something in the 
shape of the militaiy drum. It socm fills with heat 
from the pipe, by which the rooms become agreeaUy 
warm in' the col^st weather. A.piazza is a very com-^ 
TMm appendage to a Dutchman's dwelling-house, in 
wliich his saddles, bridles, and very frequeiHly his wa- 
gon or plow harness, are hung up. 

The Germans erect stables foir their d<nnestic ani- 
mals of every species : even their swine are housed ia 
the winter season. Their biHus and stables are well 
stored wkh provender, particulaily fine hay: hence 
their quadrupeds of all kinds are kq)t Uirou^out the 
year in the finest possible order. ' This practice of hou- 
sing stock in the winter season is unquestionably great 
economy in husbandry. Much less food is required to 
sustain them, and the animals come out in the spring 
in fine health and condition. It is a rare occurrence to 
hear of a Dutchman's losing any part of his stock with 
poverty. The practice of housing stock in the winter 
is not eitlclusively a Grermah custom, but is commcm to 
most of the northern peqde, and those descended-from 
immigrants from the north. The author recollects cmce 
seeing the cow stalk adjoining a farmer's dwelling. 

The German women, many of them, are r^narkaUy 
neat housekeepers. There are some of them, how- 
ever, extremely slovenly, and their dwellings are kept in 
the wcffst possible condition. The effluvia arising from 
this want of cleanliness is in the highest degree disgust- 
ing and offensive to persons unaccustomed to such fere. 
The same remarks are applicable to the Irish ; nay to 



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t)^ THE PamiTtVB SBT^L&RS. dOT 

dOtifie nativ^e Virginians. The Germans are nemarka^ 
ble for their fine bread, milk and butter. They con- 
sume in their diet less animal flesh, and of course more 
vegetables, milk and butter, than most other people. 
Their " sour krout"* in the winter constitutes a ccmsid*- 
eraHe part of their Uving; They generally consuir» 
less, and sell more of the product of their labor, than 
any other cliiss of citizens. A Dutchman is proverbial 
for- his patient perseverance in his domestic laboni« 
Their farms are generally small and nicely cultivated. 
In all his iigricultuial pursuits his jifieadows demand his 
greatest care and attention. Hi& Uttle^ £suin i» laid off 
in fields. not exceeding ten: or twelve^cres each. It is 
rarely seen that a Dutchman will cultivate more thaa 
about teu or twelve acre3 in Indian corn any one yeau. 
They are of opinion that the com arop m a great eic- 
ha;uster of the soil; and they niake but little use of com 
fyc any other purpose than feeding and fattening their 
fiwinev 

Previoua to the war of the revolution, Mid for seveial 
years! after, ^nsiderable quantities of tobacco were rai- 
sed in the lower counties of the valley. The cultivatioBt 
pf this crop was first introduced and pursued by immi- 
grants from the eastern counties of Yirginia. From 
the newiy cleared lands, two arops of tobacco^m succes- 
fflon were genemlly taken, and it was then appropriated 
to the culture of other crops. The crop of tobacco left 
the s<m1 in the finest possible state for the production of 
other crops. Corii, wheat, ry«, flax, oats, potatoes, and 
eVjBry thing else, were almost certain to produce abun*- 
dskni crops, after the crop of tobacco. 

•** Soar krout" U'made of the best of cabbage. A box a!>out three feet 
ID length, andsix or seven inches jwide, with a sharp btade fixed across the 
bottoqi, something; on the principle of the jack plane, is used for cutting the 
cabbage. The he^ being sepaiated from the stalk, and stripped of its outer 
leaves, Ts plaeed in thi^box; and ron back.and forth. The cabbage thus cut 
up is placed fa a barrel, a Ililde salt sprinkled on from tiine to time, then press- 
ed down very closely, and covered over at the open head. In the course of 
three or four weeks it acquires a sourish taste, and to persons accustomcfl 
to ihe use of it, is a very agre^ible and wholesome food. It is said that the 
n«e of it, within t^e last few years, on board of slrips, has proyetl it to be tire 
best preventive known for the scurvy. The useof it is beooming^ pretty gen- 
eral among all classes of people in the vaUcy. %. 

13 



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2W HfODE OP LtVlNG, 4<^. ' 

In- the year 1793 the French revolution broke otlf,; 
when bread stuffs of every kind suddenly beeame enor- 
mously high; in consequence of which, Ihe farmers in 
the valley abandoned the cultivation of tobacco, and 
turned their attention to wheatj which they raised in ^ast 
qu€mtities for several years* It was no imcommon 
thing for the fermer, for several years after the ccMn- 
mencement (rf the French revolution, to. sell his crops 
of wheat from one to two, and sometimes at two and a 
hdif dollars per bushel, and his flour from ten to four-^ 
teen dollars per barrel in our seaport towns. . 

In the year 1796, the Hessian iSiy first naade its- ap- 
pearance in Vii^inia. Its ravages that year were iknit- 
ed, and but little damage was sustained in the crqie of 
wheat* The crop t)f 1797, in the counties <sontiguous 
to the Potomac^ was genially destroyed? and the same 
year partial injury was discovered in Frederick county. 
The crop of 1798, throughout the county of Frederick, 
was nearly destroyed. Ever since which );ime the far* 
mere have annually sufficed more or less from^the ta- 
vagesof this destructive destroyer. This insect had 

K availed in some oT the northern states for severalyears 
fore it reached Virginia. It i» saidit first aj^peaTed oa 
hong Island, and was believed to have been imp^ed 
by the Hessian trdops in their straw bedding in the time 
of the war of the revoluticm. If this be true, it wa^ a 
woftd curse upon our country,— of which it pobably 
will never be relieved. TJie present generation have 
abundc^t cause to execrate the inhuman pdicy of our 
parent state in bringing up<;m us^this heavy calamity^ 
and ail future generations will probably joiirin con- 
demning the British ministry who forced upon our an- 
cestors that unrighteous and disastrous war. 



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CHAPTER XIII. 

Northern Neck of Virghiia. 

Charles II. king of England, granted to the ances^ 
4ors of the late lord Fdrfax all the lands lying between 
the head waters of the Rappahannock and Potomac to 
the Chesapeake bay. This immense grant included 
the territory now comprising the counties of Lancaster, 
Northumberland, Richmond, Westmoreland, Staif<M:d, 
King George, Prince WiUiam, Fairfax, Loudoun, Fau- 
quier, Culpeper, Madjso©, P^e, Shenandoah, Hardy, 
fian^pshire^ Morgan, Berkeley, Jefferson and Frederick. 
Jt is said that the fii^t grant to the ancestors of Fair &tx 
was only intended to include the territory in the Norths- 
em Neck east of the Kue ridge ; but after Fairfax dig- 
covered that the Potomac river headed in the Allegany 
moimtains, he returned to England, and juistituted his 
petition in the court s^ king's bench for extending his 
^ant into tfie Allegany mountains, so as include the 
territory composing the present counties of Page,^ Sher 
nandoah. Hardy, Hampshire, Morgan, Berkeley, Jef- 
ferson and Frederick. A compromise took place be- 
tween Fairfax and the crown ? but {M-evious to the in- 
stitution of Fairfii;x's >fiuit, several individuals had ob- 
tained grants for large bodies of land west of the Blue 
ridge, from the cobnial government of Virginia. In 
t^he compromise it was expressly stipulated that the 
holders of lands^ under what were then called the 
ting's girai>jts, were io J)e quieted in their right of pos' 
eession. 

Joist Hite and his partners had obtained grants for a 
large body. Fairfax, under the pretext that Hite, &c. 
had not cmnpUed witli the terms of their grants, took it 
upon himself to grant away large ctuautitics of these 
lApds to other individuals. This arbitrary aad high- 



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£10 NORTHERN NECK 

banded proceeding on the part of his lordship, produced 
a lawsuit, which Hite and his partners instituted in the 
year 1736, and in the year 1786 it was decided. Hite 
and p^ners recovered a large amount of mon^ for the 
rents and profits, and a considerable quantity of laind* 

The immense Fairfex estate has passed out of the 
hands of Fairfax's heirs. The lands (as observed in a 
preceding chapter) w6re granted by Fairfkx in fee^im- 
l^e to his tenants, subject to an annual rent of two shil- 
Bngs sterling per hundred acres. ThiSi small rent 
amounted in the aggregate to a very large sum ; added 
to wrhich, Fairfax required the payment of ten shiUings 
steriing on each fifty ticres, (what he termed composi- 
tion money,) which was paid on issuing the grant. 

About the year 1742 his lordship opened his office in 
the county of Fairfiix for granting out the land. A few 
years after, he removed to the county of Frederick, and 
settled at what he called " Greenway-Gourt," about 12 
or 14 miles south east of Winchester, where he kept 
his land office during his life. He died in the autumn 
of 1781, very soon aftei^ the surrender of CcMu'wallis. 
It is said that as soon as he heard of the capture of Corn^ 
waUis and hi? army, he called to his servant to assist 
him to bed, obs^ring "It is time for me to-die;" and 
truly the old man never agaili left his bed until he was 
consigned to the tomb; His body was deposited under 
the communion table in the then Episcopal church in 
Winchester.t 

* Jo the year 1736 Fairfax entered a caveat against HIte« &c., atledging 
that the lands claimed bv them were within the bounds oJF the Northern 
fieck, and consequently his jprbperty. This was the lieginnib^ of the con- 
troversy, and led to the suit instituted by Hite and partners agamst him. All 
the parties died before the suit was decided* H^te in 1731 purchased from 
John and Isaac Vanmeter their right or warrant for locating 40,000 acres : 
Hite and M*Kay obtained a warrant for locating ItfO.OOO^ acres more in their 
own names: and in order to obtain settlers, took in Robert Green and Wil- 
liam Duflf as partners. Hence the firm of Joist Hite, Robert M*Kay, Robert 
Oreen, and William Duff. Green and Duff settled in Cutpeper countS% and 
are the ancestors of tlie femilies of those names in that county,'aDd of Gen. 
Puff Green, of Washington cit^'. 

t Lord Fairfax made a donation to the Episeopal socie^, of a lot of land, 
upon which a large stone building was erected as a place of worship. The 
)ot is in the center of the town ; and, attached to the church, was a large bu- 
rial grouadf in which a great munber of bodies were depogited. The £^ 



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OP vmeiNiA. 211 

. In the year 1785 the l^isktare of Virginia passed an 
V5t, in which among other provisions (in relaticm to the 
Northern Neck,) is the following : 
~ " And be it farther ena^cted, that the landholders with- 
in the said district of the Northern Nect shall be for- 
ever hereafter exonerated and discharged from composi- 
tion and quitrents, any law, custom or usage, to the con- 
trary notwithstanding,"* This act of the state freed 
the people from a vexa1?[QUs and troublesome kind of 
taxation. Fairikx's representatives soon sold out their 
interest in his private estate in this country, and it is 
believed there is ne part of this vast landed estate re- 
maining in the hands of any branch of the Fairfax fa- 
mily* Chief justice Marshall, the late Raleigh Colston, 
Esq.) and the late Gen. Henry Lee, purchased the right 
of FWfax's legatees (in England) to what is called the 
Manor of Lecds,t South Branch Manor, Patterson^s 
Oreek Manor,- and various other tracts of land of im-» 
mense value,— the most of which had been leased out 
for long terms or Uves. This estate has been the cause 
of more litigation: probably than any other estate in Vir- 
ginia. Suite growing out of the^^ase of Hite, &Ci against 
Fairfax, are yet depending in our courts, — and some of 
the tenants in the Manor of Leeds have lately taken it 
into their heads that the Fairfa* title is -defective, and 
refuse to pay rents to the present claimants. This re^ 
fasal has product a lawsiiit, which will doubtless be a 
long time depending. 

This profligate manjier of granting away lands in 

c<$pal societ}' lately sold at auction this ancient building and lot for twelve 
thousand doUtrrs. The purchasers caused the skeletons to be removed, and 
there are now tliree elegant hrick houses erected on the lot. Wi^ the mo- 
ney arising from the sale the Episcopal societypurchased a lot on Boscowen 
and Washington streets, and have built a splendid new church. It is to be 
regretted that no account was taken of the number of skeletons removed. 
The author inqu'nred of several persons, who were concerned in the remo- 
Ta], no one of whom could give any »ccountof the number. It is probabU 
there were not less than 1000 — the skeleton of lord Fairfax §mong them. 

* See Revised Code of the Laws of Virginia, vol. i. p. 351. 

t I'he Manor of Leeds is located in the counties of Culpeper, Fauquier 
and Fredenck, and contains about 150,000 acrea; the South Branch Manor 
in Hardy, 55,000; Patterson's creek in Hampshire, 9,000 acres. Goony-Run 
Manor, which adjoins the Manor of Lebds, coBtains about 13.000 acr^, imd 
li^s chiefly in Shenandoah count v. ^ 

W 



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213 NOETHEAN N£CK 

immense bodies was unqaestionably founded: id th« 
most unwise and unjust policy. Instead of pr(miotiQg 
the speedy settlement and improvement of the country 
— instead of holding out to the bulk of society every 
possible encouragement to mak^ the most speedy set- 
tlement and improvement of the new country, — moxKy- 
polies in several instances were given, or pretended to 
be sold to a few favorites of the governing powers, 
whereby these favorites were enabled to amass vast esr 
tates, and to lord it over the great majority of their fel- 
low men. Such are the blessings of kingly govetnr 
ments. But the people of this free and happy republic 
have abundant cause to rejoice and bless their God that 
this wretched kind of policy and highhanded injiKtice 
is done away, in the freedom and wisdom of our insti* 
tutions, and that we have no longer our ears assailed^ 
nor our undeistandings outraged, with the di^usting, 
high sounding title of ** My lord !" applied to poor frail 
human beings. 

Lord Fairfax was the county lieutenant for Frederick 
for several y ecu's. On looking inta the record of the 
proceedings of the court-martial, the author found ^li© 
followingentry : . - 

" At a council of war, held fw regulating the militia 
of Frederick county, in order to take such steps 3s shall 
be thought most expedient in tlie present critical con* 
juncture, the 14th day of April, 1756 ; ^iresent the Rt. 
Hon. the lord Fairfax, county lieutenant ; John Hite, 
major ; John Lindsey, Isaac Parkins, Richard Morgan, 
Saml. Odell, Edward Hodgers, Jeremiah Smith,* Tho- 
mas Caton, Paul Long, captains. 

" Proposals having been sent to the several captains 
of the militia, signed by the commanding officer of ^he 
said militia, and dated the 7th day of April 1756, to get 
what volunteers they could encourage to go in search of 
the Indian enemy who are daily ravaging our fronti^s 
and committing their accustoilied cruelties on the in- 

* Capt. Jeremiah Smith, the same who defeated the party of 50 lodif^os, 
and killed the French captain, noticed in a preceding chapter. , 



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6^ VIRGINIA. 213- 

halntants ; and the aforesaid officers being met together, 
and finding the number of men insufficient io go against 
the enemy, it is considered that the men be discharged, 
being only fifteen. FAIRFAX." 

From this it appears that lord Fairfax, among others, 
-was an attentive officer in the time of the Indian wars. 
In truth it J>ehooved his^ lordship to be active. He had 
more at stake, and the command of greater funds, than 
any other individual member of society. The Indian 
hostilities retarded the settlement of his large domain, 
arid of course lessened his revenue. It is said that his 
lordship was remarkable for his eccentricities and sin- 
gularity of disposition and character, and that he had an 
insatiable passion for hoarding up English gold.* He 
never mcttried ; of course left no child to inherit his vast 
estate ; but devised his property, or a large portion of it, 
to the Rev^ Denny Martin, his nephew in England, on 
condition that he would apply to the parliament of Bri- 
tain for an act to aiithcwize him to take the name of lord 
Fairfiix. This was done; and Denny Lord Fairfax, 
like his uncle,' never maiTying, he devised the estate to 
Gen. Philip Martin, who, never marrying, and dying 
without issiie, devised the estate toHwo old maiden sis- 
ters, who sold it to Messrs. Marshall', Colston and Lee. 

H^ devised that part of his estate on which he resi- 
ded, and which he called " Greenway-Court Manor,'* 
(«)iitaining ten thousand acres, with a large part of hia 
slaves, ifec.) to another nephew, the late Col. Thomas 
Bryan Martin, who had resided with him for many 
years previous to his death. Col. Martin, like the oth- 
ers, never married. But he (Contrived to make^ daugh- 
ter by a Mrs. Crawford, who lord Fairfax had employ- 
ed as a housekeeper. After Fairfax's death, Martin 
kept this woman as a mistress for several years : she 
died, and the daughter grew up and married the late 
Francis Geldart, who was a captain in the British ser- 

* Some four or five years ago the slaves of the Rev. Mr. Kennei^y, the 
present proprietor of ** Green waj'-Court," m Quarrying stone, not far fi*om 
Fairfax's ancient dwelling-house, found about |250 wortU of gold coiu, sup- 
posed to have been hidden there by his lordship. 
13f 



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216 Faulkner's report. 

the substitution of the lattfet line, no "matter at wliich 
fork it may commence, would cause an impoitant di- 
minution in the ahready diminislied territorial area of 
this state. It would deprive us of large^porti^ls of 
the counties of Hampshire,- Hardy, Pendlelon, Ran- 
dolph and Preston^ amounting in alt ta almost half a 
miUion of acres — m, sectionof the commonwealth which, 
from the quality of its soil, and the character of its po- 
pulation, might well excite the ci:5)idity of a, government 
resting her claims upon a less substantial basis than a 
stale and groundless pretension of more than a centur 
ry'a antiquity. Although my instructions have direct- 
ed my attention more particularly to' the collection and 
preservation of the evidence of such living witnesses- 
" as might be able to testify to any facts t«* cii-cunastan- 
ces in relation to the settlement and adjustment of the 
western boundary,'^ I have consumed btit a very incon- 
siderable portion of my time in any labor or iiiqriiry of 
that sort, for who indeed, now living, could testify to 
any " facte or circumstances" A\4iich -occurred nearly a 
century since ? And if such individuals wef e now liv- 
ing, why waste time in taking depositions as td thosie 
"facts," in proof of which the most ample and authen- 
tic testimony was taken in 1 736, as the basis of a royal 
adjudication ? I have consequently deemed it of more 
importance to procure the original documents where pos- 
sible, if not, authentic copies of such papers its would 
serve to exhibit a connected view of the origin, progress 
and termination of that controversy with the crown, 
which residted, aftet the most accurate and lalxaious 
surveys, in the ascertainment of those very ''facts and 
circumstances" which are now nought tolse made again 
the subjects of discussion and inquiry. In this pursuit 
I have succeeded far beyond what I had any ground 
for anticipation ; and from tlie almost forgotten rubbish 
of past years, bave been enabled to draw ^brth docuf 
ments and pajTers whose interest may survive the occa- 
sion which redeemed them from destructidn. 

To enable your .excellency to form a just concepti(«i 



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Pa ITLKNIEr's REPORT. 217 

o^ the weight and importance of the evidence-herewith 
aspccHnpanying this report, I beg leave to submit with it 
a sticcinct statement of the question in issue between the 
governments of Virginia and Maryland, with some ob- 
Bervations shewing the relevancy of the evidence to the 
question thus presented; 

Tiie territory of Maryland granted by Charles I. to 
lord Ba:ltimore in June 1632^ was described in the grant 
na "that region bounded by a hne drawn from Wat- 
kind's point on Chesapeake bay to the ocean on the east; 
thence to that part of the estuary of Delaware on the 
north which Ueth under the 40th degree, where New- 
England is terminated^ thenbe in a right hne by the 
degree aforesaid, to the meridian of the fountain of 
the Potomac; thence following its course by its farther 
bank to its confluence." {MarshalVs Life of Wash- 
ington^ vol. 1, cA. ir. pp, 78 — 81, \st edition,) 

It is pkin that the western houndary of this grant 
was the meridian of the fountain of the Potomac, from 
the point where it cut the 40th degree of north latitude 
tothe fountain of the river ; and that the extent of the 
g'i:ant depended upon the question, what stream was 
the Potomac % So that the question now in controversy 
grows immediately out of the grg^nt. The territory 
granted to lord Baltimore was undoubtedly within the 
chartered limits, of Virginia : {See 1st charter of April 
1606, sec. 4, and the 2d charter of May 1609, sec. 6; 
1^^ Hen. Stat, at Large^ pp. 58—88.) And Marshall 
says that the grant " was the first example of the dis- 
memberment of a colony, imd the creation of a new 
one within its limits, by the mere act of the crown ;'' 
and that the planters of Virginia presented a petition 
against it, " which was heard before the privy council 
(of England) in July 1633, when it was declared that 
lc(rd Baltunore should retain his patent, and Ihe petition- 
ers their remedy at la'w. To this remedy they never 
thought proper to resorti" 

Whether there be any record of this proceeding ex- 
tant, I have ne\^€T been abfe to Icann. The civil war in 



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218 PAtTLKNER's REPOftT. 

England broke out about ten years after, and perhaps 
the journals of the proceedings of the privy council were 
destroyed. Subsequently to this, we are informed by 
Graham, the planters^" fortified by the opinion of emi* 
nent lawyers, whom they coiisulted^ and who scrupled 
not to assure them that the ancient patents of Virginia 
still remained in force, and that the grant of Mary- 
land, as derogatory to them,, was utterly void, they 
fffesented an application to the parliament, complaining 
of the unjust invasion which their privileges had un- 
dergone." {Graharnls History, voi.2y p. 12.) Bat 
as the parliament^ of those days were but the obsequi- 
ous ministers of the crown, that ap^ication, it is presu- 
n»Bd, likewise shared the fate of their former petition to 
the privy council. ^ 

The present claim of Maryland, then, muet be fouwi- 
ed on the supposition that the stream which we call the 
Potwnac was not ; and that the stream now called the 
South teanch of the Potomiic, wees in fact the Potomac 
intended in the grant to lord Baltimore. I have never 
been informed which fork of the South brcmch she 
claims as the Potomac (for there is a North and a Sduth^ 
fork of the South branch) ; neither have I been able to 
learn what is the evidenoe,'or the kind of evidence, on 
which she rdies to ascertain that the stream which is 
now called the South branch of the Potomac, but which 
at the date of the grant to lord Baltimore was not 
known at all, and when known, known for many years 
only as the Wappaeomo, was the Potomac intended 
by lord Baltimore's grant. For this ^important geo- 
graphical fact, I refer to the numerous early maps of 
3ie chartered limits of Virginia and Mai;yland, some of 
which are to be seen in the public hbraries of Washing- 
ton and Richmond. " 

The^ question, which stream was the Potomac ? is 
amply a question which of them, if either, bore the 
name. The name is matter of genen^l reputatiop. K 
there be any thifig which depends whrfly upon general 
acceptation, which ought and must be settled by pr«" 



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7 



pattlkner's report. 219 

cc^ription, it is this* question, which of these rivers was 
find ia the Potomac? -The accompanying papers, it is 
believedy^will ascertain this fact to the satisfaction of 
every impartial inquirer. 

In the twenty-Jrst year of Charlea II. a grant was 
made to Jord Hopton and others, of what is called the 
Northern Neck of Virginia, which was sold by the oth- 
er patentees to lord Culpeper, arid confirmed to him by 
letters patent in the fourth year of James II. This 
gmnt caitied with it nothing but the dglH of soil and 
the incidents of ownership ; for it was expressly sub- 
jected to the jurisdiction of the government of Titgitiia. 
Of this earlier patent I believe there is no copy in Vu> 
ginia. . The original charter from James II. to lord 
Culpeper accompanies this report, marked No. 1. They 
are both recited in the colonial statute of 1736. (1 Rev, 
Code, ch, 89.) The tract of country thereby granted, 
was " all that entire tract, territory and parcel of land, 
I)^g and being in America, and bounded by and wiA- 
in the heads of the rivers Tappahannock afo'cw? Rap- 
pahannock, and Quiriough alias Potomac rivers, the 
course of- the saidiivers as they are commonly called 
and known by the inhabitants, and description of theif 
parts and Chesapeake bay." 

As early as 1729, in consequence of tbe^ageme^ 
with which fends were ^sought on the Potomac and its 
tributary streams, and from the difficulties growing out 
of conflicting grants from lord Fairfax and the crown, 
the boundaries of the Northern Neck proprietary be- 
came a subject which attracted deep and earnest atten- 
tion. At this tiine the Potomac had been but little ex- 
plore; and although the stjeam itself above its conflu- 
ence with tha Shenandoah was known as the Cohon- 
goroota, or Upper Potomac, it had never been made the 
Bubject of any veiy accurate surveys and examinations, 
nor had it yet been settled, by afiy^eompeterit authority, 
which-of its several tributaries was entitled to be re- 
garded as the main or principal branch of the river. It 



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1^ PAULKNEB^S REPOETw 

bei^roe important^ therefcMre, to remove aU Airth^ doi^ 
upon that question. 

In June 1729, the lieutenant-governor of VirgiiMa 
addressed a communication to the lords commissionera 
of trade and idantation affairs, in which he solicits their 
attention to theambiguity of the lord proprietor's chap- 
ter, growing out of the feet that thelre were several 
Streams which m^ht be claimed as the head springs of 
Potomac river, among which he enumerates the She- 
nandoah, and expresses his determination 'Uo refuse the 
su^nsion of granting of patei^ until the case should 
1)0 foirly stated and determined according to the^enuinQ 
construction of the proprietcM-'s charter." This was fol- 
lowed by a petition to tne king in council, agreed iohy 
the house of bui^esses of Yirginia, in June 1730, in 
^V^faich it is set forth, ainong other matters of complaint, 
^' that the head springs of the Rappahannock and Po? 
tomac are not yet known to any of your majesty's suh' 
jeQts ;" that much inconvenience had resulted to granr 
tees therefrom, and pra}dng the adoption of such noea- 
sures as might lead to its ascertainment to the sa^fec^ 
tion of all parties ontei^edr Lord Fairfax, who, by 
his marriage with the only daughter jof lord Culpeper^ 
bad now succeeded to the proprietaryBhipt of the North- 
ern Neck, feeling it Ukewise due to Ai^ grantees tahave 
the question reUeved from all further difficulty, prefer^ 
Fed his petition to the king in 1733^ praying, that his 
majesty would be pleased to order a commission to is- 
sue, for running. out, marking,- and ascertcdning the 
bounds of bis patent, according to the true intent and 
ineaning of his charter. . An order to this effect was 
accordingly Erected by the king ; and three commis- 
sioners were appointed on behalf of the crown, and the 
same number on behalf of lord Faiifex. The duty 
which devolved upon them was to ascertain, by actual 
examination and survey, the true fountains of the Rap* 
pahannock and Potomac rivers. To enable them more 
perfectly to discharge the important trust confided to 
thcm> they were authorized to summon persons befote 



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f^atti^kner's report; 221 

t^m, to take depositicws and affidavits, to seaFch pa- 
pers, and employ surveyors, chain-carriers, markers, 
and other necessary attendants. , The commissioners 
©onvened in Fredericksburg, on the 26th of Septem- 
ber, 1736, and proceeded to discharge their duties, by 
taking deposititais, appointing surveyors, and making 
every needful and requisite preparation for- the survey. 
They commenced their journey of observation and sur- 
vey on the 12th day of October; 1736, and finished it 
on the 14th of December, of the same year; on which 
day they discovered whaUthey marked and reported to 
be the first fountSiin of the Fotomac river. Separate 
reports were made by the commissioners, which reports, 
with all the accompanying documents, papers, surveys, 
{dans, ifeo. were, on the 2J st of December, 1738, refer- 
red to the council for ^antatfon affeirs. That board, 
after hearing counsel, made a report on the 6th day of 
April, 1746, in which they state, "that having exam- 
ined into the several reports, returns, plans, and oth- 
er papers transmitted to them by the commissioners 
appointed on behalf of the crown, as likewise of lord 
Fairfax, and having been attended by counsel on be- 
half of your majesty, as likewise of lord Fairfax, and 
having heard all that they had to offer thereupon, and 
the question being concerning that boundary which 
otight to be (kawh from the first head or spring of the 
river Raj^ahannock to the first head or spring of the 
river Potomac, the committee do agree humbly to re- 
port to your majesty as their opinion, that within the 
wwds and meaning of the letters patent, granted by 
king James II. bearing date the 27th day of Septem- 
ber, in the fourth year of his reign, the said boundary 
ought to begin at the first spring of the South branch 
of the river Rappahannock, and that the said bounda- 
ry be from thence drawn in a straight line north west 
to the place in the Allegany mountuins where that 
part of the Potomac river^ which is now called Co- 
hongoroota^ first rises,^^ The Cohongorpota is known 
to be the stream which the Maryland writers term the 



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^2^ faulknre's report. 

North branch of the Potomac, but which is^ recagtii- 
zed in Virginia, and described on all the maps and sur- 
veys which I have ever yet seen^as the Pvtomctc river, 
from its first fountain, where the Fairfax stone is loca- 
ted, to its confluence with the Shenandoah ; there be- 
ing, properly speaking, no such stream as the N<wrth. 
branch of the Potomac. This report of the council for 
plantation affairs was submitted to the king in council 
on the 11th of April, 1745, and fully confirmed by 
him, and a further order made, directing the appoint- 
ment of commissioners to run and mark the dividing 
line agreeably to his decision thus made. - Coinmfeaon- 
ers were accordingly appointed, who, having provided 
themselves with surveyors, chain-carriers, markers, &c. 
commenced their journey on the 18th of September, 
1746. On the 17th of October, they planted the Pair-^ 
fax stone at the spot which had been described and 
marked by the preceding commissioners as the true 
head spring of the Potomac tiver, and which has con-' 
tinned to be regarded, from that period to the .present 
time, as the southern point of the west^n lx>undary be- 
tween Maryland and Virginia, A joint report of these 
Proceedings was made by the commissioners^ to the 
ing, accompanied with their field notes ; which report 
was received and ordered to be filed away among the 
records of his majesty's privy council. Thus termina- 
ted, after a lapse of sixteen years,"a proceeding, which 
had for its object, among other matters, the ascertain- 
ment of the first fountmn of the Potometc river, and 
which resulted in the establishment of-that ^'fact" by a 
tribunal of competent jurisdiction. This decision has 
now been acquiesced in for near a century; and all to- 
pographical description and sketctes of the country 
have been made to conform to it. I say acquiesced in, 
for it is impossible to regard the varying^ fluctuating le- 
gislation of Maryland upcm the subject, at one session 
of her general assembly n^cognizing the line as now 
established, {see compact of 1785, Session Acfs ^f 
1803, 1818, and others,) at another authorizing tho 



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FAtJLKNEa's REtORT* 5B3^ 

^jKHntment oC commissioners to adjust the boundary^ 
as a grav^ resistance of its conclusiveness, or such a 
continual darni, as under the usages of international 
Iftw would bar an application of the principles of usu- 
caption and prescriptimi. (iSee Vaiiel^p.,251, Gro- 
tiu&, lib, 2,.ci}p, As^ Wpljitis, Jus. Nat* par, 3.) 

Jurisdiction in ^11 cases relating to boundaries be- 
tween provinces, the dominion and proprietary govern- 
iaent, is by the conimon law of England exclusively 
vested in ilieking' and council. (1 Ves, sen, p, 447.) 
Aad notwitbstaiming it may be a question of boundary 
between the crown and a lord proprietor of a province, 
(such as that between lord Fairfax and the crown,) the 
king is the only judge,^ and is presumed to act with en- 
tire impartiaUty and justice in reference to all persons 
concerned, as well those who are parties to the proceed- 
ing before him^ as others not parties who may yet be 
interested in the adjustment. CVesej/, ib,) Such is 
the theory and practice of the BngUsh constitution ; 
and although it may not accord precisely with our im- 

Ced conceptions of juridical practice, it is neverthe- 
the law which must now govern and control the le- 
gal aspect of the present^ territorial dispute between Vii- 
ginia and Marylaaid. 

X It does aot appear by the accompanying papers, that 
Charles lord Baltimore, the then proprietoi* of Maryland, 
d^uted an agent to attend upon his part in the e3> 
armnation <md survey of the Potomac river. It is 
possible he conceivied his interests sufficiently protected 
m the aspect which the-controversy had then assumed 
between lord Fairfax and the crown. Certain it ia, tfiat 
it nowhere appears that he ever considered himself ag- 
grieved by the result of that adjustment. That his go- 
vernment was fully apprised of what was in progress, 
can scarcely admit of a rational doubt. For it is im- 
possible to conceive that a„ controversy so deeply affect*- 
ii^ not only the interests of lord Baltimore, but all who 
were concerned in the purchase of lojad in that section 
<rf the country, and conducted with so much solemnity 



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, 224 fatlkner's heport. 

andittitoriety, could have extended tbrougfa a period of 
Bixteen years without attracting the attentio|i of the go- 
vernment of Maryland—- a government ev^r jealous, 
because ever douhtful of the originf^ tenure by which 
her charter was held^ .But had lord Baltimore even 
considered himself aggrieved by the result of that set- 
tlement, it is difficult now to conceive upon what ground 
he would have excepted to -its- justice, or que^tioiled ltd 
vaUdity. Could he have saM^ that the inforntatim 
upon which tlie decision was &unded was imperfect % 
Or that the proceedings of the commissioAei^ wer^ cha^ 
cacterized by haste, favoritism or fraud ? This, the 
proceedings of that board, still preserved^ would conti^- 
diet. For never was there aii examination conducted 
with more delibemtion, prosecuted with inwe labor,^or 
scrutinized with a more jealous and anxious vigilance^ 
Could he have shewii that some other stream oUght to 
have been fixed upgn as the true head spriogof thej^o- 
tomac ? This, it is believed, is impossible:; for althoi^ 
it may be^true that the South branch i? a longer streajsi^ 
it neyerthel^ wants those more important characterise 
tics which weie then considered by the.commis^niers, 
and hav^ been subsequently regarded by esteemed geo- 
graphers as essential in distinguishing a tributary fyoi$L 
the main branch of a river. {See PlinfsJSeQgruphyj 
vd, 2, jp. 88.) Lastly, would he have questioned the 
authority of the ciownL to settle the boundaries of lord 
Fairfax's charter, without haying previously made hina 
a party to the proceeding ? I have before- shewn tfej 
futility of such aiji idea. Besides, this would have beea 
at once to question the authority under which he held 
his owa grant; for Baltimore held by virtue of an arbi- 
trary act of the second Charles.- . His grant was mani* 
festly made in viplaticm of i.he diaitered rights of ^f^ 
ginia, and carried into' effect not only without the ao* 
quiescence, but against tlie solemn and repeated remon'- 
etrances of her govermwent. Was Virginia consulted 
in the ^^dismemb^naent" of her territory? Was she 
made a party to that proceeding, by which, " for the f rat 



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tliwe in colonial history, one new province was created 
-mtlrin the chartered limits of another by the mere act 
of the crown?" But the fact is, that- Charles lord Bal- 
timore, who^ived for six years after the adjustment of 
this question, never did contest the propriety of the 
feoimdary as settled by the commissioners, but from aM 
that remains of his views and proceedings, fiilly acqui- 
^oced in its accuracy and justice. {See treaty with the 
wSis Nation^ of Indians, at Lanca^ster, in June 1744.) 

The first evidence of dissatisfaction with the boun- 
dary sis estaWished, which the ^^searches of the Mary^ 
land writers have enabled thenft to exhibit, are certain 
instructions from Frederick lord Baltimore (successor of 
Charles) to Governor Sharpe, which were presented by 
the latter to his council in August 1753. I have not 
been able to procuie a copy of those instructions, but a 
recent historian of Maryland, and an ingenious advo- 
ijate of her present claitn, referring to them, says, " Hbi 
ttetructions. were predicated upon the supposition that 
the survey might possibly have been mcide with the 
knowledge and concurrence of his predecessor, and 
hence he denies the power of the latter to enter into 
any arrangement nsio tKe boundaries, which could 
extend beyond his life estate, ot conclude those in re* - 
mainder;" {MMakon^s History of^Maryland, p.^3.) 

What were the precise limitations of those convey- 
ances made by the proprietors of Mar3^1and, and under 
which Frederick lord Baltimore denies the power of his 
predecessQr to enter into any arrangement as to the boun- 
daries, which could extend beyond his life estate, I am 
unable to say — my xrtmost researches having failed to 
furnish me with a copy of them— but they were so far 
satisfectory to his lordship's legal conceptions, as to in- 
duce him to resist even the execution of a decree pro- 
nounced by lord Hardwicke, in4760, (1 Ves. sen. pp. 
444--46)upon a writtencompact a? to boundaries, which 
had b^n executed by his predecessor and the Penns, in 
1732. To enfbrcfe submission to that decree, the Penns 
filed a bill of reviver in 1754, and after an ineffectual 
14 



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*36 Pikui/KNEst's &Ep(mr^ 

straggle of six years, lord Bakimore was compelled widi 
a bad grape to sHbmit, and abide by the arrangement a» 
to the boundarieB Mrhich had been made by his prede^ 
cessor^ To thi* circumstance, in all probability, waaf 
\s$A Fairfax indebted for his exemption from the further 
, demands of the i»:oprietor of Maryland; For lord Fred- 
erick, BO ways averse to hUgation, had by this time 
doubtless become satisfied that the power of his. prede- 
ceesof did extend bcfyoibd his fife estate, and might evea 
conclude those in remtdnder. Be that as it inay, how^ 
ever, certain it is that the records of Maryktid are silei^ 
Hpon the subject of this pretension, from September 
1753, until ten years subsequent to the compact between 
Virginia and Maryland in 1785. - , 

An opinion jwe vails among, some of our mostdistin* 
guished jurists, resting solely upon traditionary infor- 
mation^ that atbout 176^1^ Frederick lord Baltimore per 
sented a petition to the kmg and Qoimcil) praying a re<> 
vision of the adjustment made in 1745, which petitiixi 
was rejected^ or after a short time abzmdoned^ as hope- 
less* If there ever was such a proceeding, I can &ad 
nothing concerning it in the archives of YiJ'ginia. 

Be Umt €^ it may, it is certain that ev^r since 1745 
lord Fairfax claimed and held, and the commonwealth 
of Virginkt constantly to this day bas claimed and held 
by the Cohongoroota, that is by the^ northern branch, as 
ike Potomac \ and.whate v^- lord Baltimore of his heirs, 
and the state of Maryland may have claimed^ she lias 
held by the same boundary. There was no reason why 
lord Fairfeix, being in actual possession, should have 
cojitroverted the claim of lord Baltimore, or Maryland. 
If' Iwd Baltimore or Maryland, ever cojitroverted the 
boundary, the questicMi must, and either has been deoir 
ded, against them^ or it must have been abandoned as 
hopeless. If they never controverted it, the omisaioa to 
do so, can only be accounted for, upon the sMpposition 
that they knew it to be hopeless. If Maryland ever as- 
serted the claim — ^seriously asserted it I mean— it muat 
have been before the re voluticm, wet leastr during ifc 



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pxttlkner^s report. 227 

^R^n we afl know, slie was jecJkms enough of the ex- 
tended territory of Virginia. The clixim must liave 
had its origin before the eompact between the tioo 
9tatesy of Mardi 1785, {See 1 Rev, Code, ch, 18.) We 
then held by the same boundary by which we now hold; 
we held to vfbBi we ^called a»d now calHhe Potomac ; 
she then held to wirat w?e <5all the Potomac. Is it pos* 
sible to doubt that this is the Potomac recognized by the 
compact ? That compact is how 47 years old. 

I have diligently inquired whether, as the Potomac 
above the confluence of the Shenandoah was called the 
Cohongoroota, the stream now called the South branch 
af the Potomac ever had any ptecuUar name, indepen- 
dently of its wlatiOB to the Potomac — ^I mea» ctf bourse 
any pecuKar name, known to and estabM^ied among 
the English settlers—^or it is well known it bore the In- 
dian name^ WappacdD&o. i never could learn that k 
was known by any other name, but that which it yet 
bears, the South branch of the PotcnnaQ. Now that 
very name of Jtself eufficicntly evinces, that it was re- 
garded as a tr^utary stream of another river, and that 
river the Potomac; and that the river of which the 
South branch was the tributary, was regarded as the 
main stream. 

But let us for a moment concede tJiat the decision of 
the king in council was not absolutely conclusive of the 
present question ; let us concede that th^ long acquies- 
cence of Maryland m that adjustment has not preclu- 
ded -a ftuther fiiscussion of its merits ; let us even sup- 
p<we the compact of 1785 thrown out of view, with 
ail the subsequent recognitions of the present boundary 
by the legislative acts of that state, and the question 
between the two streams now for the first time present- 
ed a? an original question 6i preference ] — what are the 
fects upon which Maryland would relyto show that 
any other stream, than the one now bearing the namef, 
is entitled to be regarded as tjie main branch of the Po- 
tomac ? It were idle to say, that the South branch is 
tfae Potonmc because the Swth branch is a longer 6x 



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238 FAULKNER^S REPORT. 

evea larger stream thairthe North branch which Yw^ 
ginia claims to hold by. According to that sort of rea- 
soning; the Missouri, above its confluence with th^ Mis* 
sissippi, is the Mississippi, being beyond comparison the 
longer and larger stream. The claim of th^e South 
branch, then, would rest solely npqitits greater length. 
In opposition to this, it might be said that the Cohon- 
goroota is more fiequently navigable — that it has a lar- 
ger volume of water — that the valley of the South 
branch is, in the grand sc€Ue. of conformatiany secon- 
dary to that of the Potomac — that the South branch 
has not the general direction of that river, which U 
joins nearly at right angles — thai the valley of the 
Potomac^ wider than that of the SoiUh branch, €W 
is also th&river broader than the other, ' And lastly, 
that^the course of the river and the direction of the val- 
ley are the same above and below the junction of the 
South branch. (See letters accompanying this re- 
port, No. 26.) These considerations have been deem- 
ed sufficient to establish the title of "the father H>f i^a- 
ters," to the name which he has so long borne. (See 
History and Geography of Western States, vol. 2, 
Missouri.) And as they exist in an equal extent, so 
should they equally confirm the pre-eminence which 
the Cobongoroota has now for near a century so proud- 
ly and peacefully enjoyed. 

The claim of Maryland to the territory in question, 
is by no means so reasonable as the claim of the great 
Frederick erf Prussia to Silesia, which that prince as- 
serted and maintained, but which he tells us himself he 
never would have thought of asserting, if his father 
bad not left him an overfl.owing treasury and a power- 
ful army. 

With this brief historical retrospect, presented as ex- 
planatory of the accompanying testimony,. I will now 
lay before your excellency^ in chronological order, a list 
of the documents and papers referred to in my pepe- 
ding observations. 

No. 1. Is the original grant from king James IL to 



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PAVLKNER^S REPORT* 229 

Thomas lord Culpeper) made ou the 27th Sepiembari 
ia the fomth yeeir of his reign. 

No. 2/ Copy of a letter from major Gooch, lieutenant 
governor of Virginia, to the lords commissioners for 
trade and plantations, dated at Williamsburg, June 29, 
1729. 

No. 3. Petition to the king in council, in relation to 
ike N(Mthern Neck grants and their boundaries, agreed 
lo by the house of largesses, June 30th, 1730; 

No. 4... The petition of Thomas lord Fairfax, to hia 
majesty in council, preferred in 1733, setting forth his 
grants from the crown, and that there had been divers 
disputes between the governor and council in Virginia 
and. the petitioner, and bis agent Robert Carter, Esq. 
touching the boundaries of the petitioner's said tract of 
landy and praying that his.majesty would be pleased to 
order a conunission to issue for running out, marking 
and ascertaining the bounds of the petitioner's said tract 
of land. 

No. 5. A copy of ^n order of his majesty in his privy 
(Council, bearing date 29th of Noveijaber 1733, directing 
Willfetm Gooch, Esq. lieutenant-governor of Virginia, 
to appoint three or more commissioners, (not exceeding 
five) who in conjunction with a like nuinberto be named 
and deputed by the said lord Fairfex, are to survey and 
settle the marks and lx)undaries of the said district of 
land, agreeaUy to the terms of the patent under which 
the lord Pairfax claims. 

No. 6. Copy of the commission from licutenant-go- 
Ternor Gooch to William Byrd of Westover, John R^ 
hinsonGi Piscataway, and /oAn Ghrymesoi Brandon, 
app(Hnting them commissioners on behalf of his ma* 
jesty, with full power, authority, &c. &c. 

{I have not been able to meet with a copy of the com- 
mission of lord Fairfax to his commissioners — they 
were Willinm Beverly, WilUant Fairfax aniCharles 
Carter. It appears by the accompanying report of 
their proceedings, that ^' his lordship's commissieners 
ddivered to the king's commissioners an attested copy 



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230 PA^LKNER^S ftfipoiti:'; 

of their commission/' which having beep found Upbtt 
examination more restricted in its authority than ihat 
of the commissioners of the crown, gave rise to some 
little difficulty which was subsequently adjusted.] > 

No. T, Copy of the instructions on behalf of the 
r^ht honorable lord Fairfax, to his commissioners. 

No. 8. Minutes of the proceedings of the conunis- 
sioaers appointed on the part of his majesty and the 
right honorable Thomas lord Fairfax, from their first 
meeting at Fiedericksburg, September 25th, 1736.- 

Na 9. Original correspondence between thecommis- 
sioners during the years 1736 aad 1737, in reference to 
the examination and survey of the Potomac river. 

No. 10. The original field notes^of the survey of the 
Potomac river, from the mouth of the Shenandoah to 
the head spring of said Potomac river, by Mr. Benjamin 
Winslow. 

No. 11. The original plat of the survey of the Poto- 
mac river. 

No. 12. Original letter from John Savage, one of the 
surveyors, dated January 17, 1737, stating the grounds 
upon which the commissioners had decided in favpr of 
tlie CohongOToota over the Wappacomp, as the main 
branch of the Potomac. The former, he says, is both 
wider and deeper than the latter. 

No. 13. Letter from Charles Cartel, Esq. dated Jan- 
uary 20, 1737, exhibiting the result of a comparative 
examination of the North and South branches of the 
Potomac. The North branch at its mouth, he^says, is 
twenty-three poles wide, the South branch sixteen, Ac. 

No. 14. A printed map of the Northern Neck of Vir* 
ginia, situate betwixt the rivers Potomac and Rappaban* 
nock, drawn in the year 1737, by William Mayo, one of 
the king's sur^^eyprs, according to his actual survey in 
the preceding year. ' - 

No. 15. A printed map of the courses of the rivers 
Rappahannock and Potomac, in Virginia, as surveyed 
according to drder in 1736 and 1737, (supppse4 to be 
by lord Fairfax's surveyors.) 



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m 

-No. 16. A copy of a separate r^KHt of the c<mnnis- 
sioners appointed onbeharf of the crowxb [I have met 
.with no copy of the separate report of lord Fairfex's 
commissioners.] 

No. 17. Copy of lord Fairfax's observations upon and 
exceptions to the report of the commissbners of the 
crown. 

No. 18. Copy of the report and c^nion of the right 
honorable the lords of the committee of council f<^ plan- 
tation affidrs, dated 6th April, 1746. 

No. 19. The decision of his majesty in<x)unci],mad6 
on the 11th April, 1745, confirming the report of the 
council for plantation af&irs, and further ordering the 
Bfeutenant-governor of Tirginia to nominate three or 
more perscMis (not exceeding five), whb, in conjuntition 
with a like number to be named and deputed by l<Nrd 
Fair&x, are to run and mark but the boundary and di- 
viding line, according to his decision thus made. 

No. 20. The (»iginal commission from Thomas lord 
Fairfax to the honorable Wm. Fairfax, Charles Cart^ 
and Win. Beveriy; Esqrs., dated 11th June, 1745. 

[Col. Joshua Fry, Col. Lunsford Lomax, and Maj. 
Peter Hedgemauj were appointed commissioners on the 
part of the crown.] 

No. 21. Original agreement entered into by the com- 
missioners, preparatory to their examination of the Po- 
tomac river. ' 

No. 22. The original journal of the journey of the 
commissioners, surveyors, <fec. from the head spring of 
the Rappahannock to the head spring of the Potomac, 
in 1746* [This is a curious and valuable document, 
and gives the only authentic narrative now extant of 
the pknting of the Fairfax stone.] 

No. 23. The joint rqxMt of the commissioners, ap- 
pointed as well on the part of the crown as of lord Fair- 
fax, in obedience to his majesty's order of 11th April, 
1745. 

No. 24* A manuscript map of the bead spring <^ the 
14t ^ 



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2B3 

PoUofiAC riv«r, executed by Cd. George Mercer of the 
jregimeBt commanded in 1766 by Gen. Washington* 

No. 26. Copy of an act of-th* general assembly of 
Maryland, passed February 19th, 1819, authorizing the 
appointment of commissioners on the part of that state, 
to meet such commissioners as may be appointed for the 
same purpose by the commonwealth of Virginia, to set- 
tle and adjust, by mutual compact betweeti the two go- 
vernments, the western hmits of that state and the com- 
monwealth of Virginia, to commence at the rnost west- 
em source of the North branch of the Potomac river, 
and to run a due north course then^ye to the Penn-* 
sylvania line. * - ' 

No. 26. Letters from intelligent and well informed 
individuals, residing in the country watered by the Po- 
tomac and its branches, addressed to the undersigned^ 
stating important geographical facts bearing upon the 
present controversy. 

There are other papers in my possession, not listed 
nor referrible to any particular head, yet growing out of 
and illustrating the controversy between lord Fairfex 
and the crown : these are also herewith transmitted. 

There are other documents again not at all connected 
with my present dutjes, which chance has thrown in 
my way, worthy of preservation in the archives of the 
state. Such, for example, as the original ^^plan of the 
tine betvwen Virginia and North Carolina, which 
was run in the year 1728, in the spring and falh 
from the sea to Peter^s cTjeek, by the Hon, William 
Byrdy Wm: Daridridge and Richard fHtzudlliams, 
JBsqrs, commissioners, and Mr. Alex^r Irvine and 
Mr. Wm. Mayo, surveyors—and from Peter^s creek 
to Steep rock creek, was continued in the fall of the 
year 1749, by Joshua Fry and Peter Jefferson-^ 
Such documents, should it accord with the views of your 
excellency, imght be deposited with "the Viiginia His- 
torical and Philosophical Society," an institution of re- 
cent migin, yet founded upon the most expanded views 
of public utility, and which is seeking by its patriotic 



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W.YIK6 OFF THR COUNTIES. ~ 833 

appeals toiiSclivkJu^ liberality, to wrest frointfaexavages 
of time the fast perishing records and memorials of om 
earfy history and institutions. . 

With smitiments of jregard, I am, very reqiectfully, 
yo^r obedient setvajit, . 

= CHAJILES MS, FAULKNER. 
To John Floy©, Esq. Oovemor of Virginia. , ^. 

After perusing this masterly exposition, theread^ 
will be at a loss to fconceive on what grounds. Maryland 
caii rest her <^Iaims to the^ territory in question, and what 
authorities she can ^adduce to support them. ^ The con- 
troversy is still pending, and, -in addition tosMr. Faulk- 
ner, Col. Jolm B. D. Sfiftith of Frederick j and John S. 
Oallaher, Bsq^ of Jefferson, have been appointed con^ 
missionersron the part of Tirginia." "^ 



.CHAPTER XIV. 

: Laying off thec&UMties. 

The t^Q counties^ of Frederick and Augusta were 
laid off at the same session of the> colonial legislature, 
in the- year 1^38, and included all .the vast regioaof 
country west -of the Blue ridge. Previous to that tune 
the eounty of Orange included all the teiTkory west of 
the mountains^ Oi ange was taken from Spotsylvania 
in the year 1734, jSpotsylyania having previously cross- 
ed the Blue ridge, ^nd took in a ccMasidemble part.x)f 
what is now the co^inty 6i Page. Previous to laying 
off the county of Orange, the territory west of the Blue 
ridge, except the small part which lay in Spotsylvania, 
does not appear to have been included in any county. 
Sp^ylvania was laid off in the^yeat U20 \ the act for 



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234 LAYINO OPP THE COUNTIES. 

"Preamble. That ihe' frontiers towards the hi^ 
mountams are exposed to danger frmn the Indians, and 
the late settlements of the French -to the westward oi 
the said mountains: Enacted, Spotsylvania ' county 
bounds upon Snow creek up to the mill ; thence by a 
south west line to the river North Anna ; - thence up the 
said river as f€Lr as convenient, and thence by a line to 
be run over the high mountains to the rrv'cr on the north 
west side thereof,* so as to include the northern passa^ 
through the said mountains ; thencfe down the swd ri- 
ver until it comes against the head of the Bappahan^ 
nock ; thence by a Ime to the bead of Rappabannock 
river ; and down that river to the mouth of Snow creek ; 
which tract of laiid, from the first of May 1721, shall 
become a county, by the name of Spotsylvania county." 

Thus it appears that a little more than one hundred 
years ago Spotsylvania was a frontier county, and that 
the vast region west of the Blue ridge, with its millions 
of people, has been settled and improved from an entire 
wilderness. The country for more than a thousand 
miles to the west has been within this short period res- 
cued from a. state of natural barbarism, and is no# the 
seat of the fine arta arid sciences,' of countless millions 
of wealth, and the abode of freedom, both religious and 
political. Judging from the past, what an immense 
prospect opens itself to our view for the future* With- 
in the last half century, our valley has poured out thou- 
sands of emigrant^ wIm) have contributed towards peo- 
pling the Cardinas, Cieorgia, Tennessee, Kentucky, 
Ohio, a,nd other regions south and west>and migi^ions 
still continue. 

It has already been stated that Frederick county was 
laid off in the year 1738, The first court ^f ju^ice 
held ill the county was in the year 1743. This delay, 
it is presumable, arose from the want of a sufficient lium- 
ber of niagistratesto form a quorum for tlie legal trans- 
action of business. The first court was composed of 
th^ following justices, to wit; Morgan Morgan, Dayid 

* SoutTi fork of the Shenandoah. 



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LAVtNG OFF tri^E COUNl^IES. 235 

Vance, Marquis Calmes, Thomas Rutherford, William 
M^Mahon, Meredith Hehn, George Hbge andf John 
White. James Wood, clerk. This court sat the first 
tihie, on Piiday 11th day of November, 1743. At this 
term ^^ the court is to be found on record the following 
entry : " Ordered, that the sherif of this county build 
a twelve foot square log house, logged above and below, 
to secure his prisoners, he agreeing to be satisfied with 
what shall be allowed him for such building by two of 
the court, and he not to be answerable for escapes.*' 
This was the first jail erected in the county of Frederick. 

The county of Hampshire was the next laid oflT, and 
was takeii firom Frederick and Augusta. This was done 
in the year 1753. The first court held in this county 
was in December, 1757. Thomas B. Martin, James 
Simpson, William Miller, Solomon Hedges and Nathan- 
iel Kuykendall, justices, composed the court, and Ga- 
briel Jones the clerk. 

Berkeley and Dunmore were taken fi*om Frederick 
in the year 1772. In October, 1777, the legislature al- 
tered the name of Dunmore county to Shenatidoah. It 
does not appear, from the language of the law, for what 
particular reasons this alteration was made. It had been 
named after and in honor of lord Dunmore, the then 
governor under the royal government. But his lordship 
took a most decidedly active part in opposition to the 
American revolution ; and in order to have the liberty 
of wearing his head, took sheltier on board of a British 
arined vessel. His conduct is pretty fully related in Mr. 
Jacob's account of Dunmore's war, given in the prece- 
ding pages ; and it was doubtless owing to this cause 
that the name of Dunmore caounty was altered to that 
af Shenandoah. 

Ill the 3rear 1769, Botetourt county was taken from 
Augusta. In the act is to be found the following clause : 
"And whereas the people situated on the Mississippi, in 
the said county of Botetourt, will be very remote from 
the court house, and must necessarily become a separate 
county, as soon as their numbers are sufficient, which 



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236 LAYING OPP THE COtJNTlEfl. 

probably will happen in a sh(»t time ; Be it theref(H:e en* 
acted, by the authority aforesaid, that the inhabitanti of 
that part of the said county of Botetmirt, which lies m 
the said waters, shall be exempted froim the payment ci 
any levies to be laid by the said county couit for the pur- 
pose of building a court house and prison fot the said 
County." Thus it appears that Virginia, at that period^ 
claimed the jurisdiction and territory of tJiat vast regk»i 
of cotmtry westward to the Mississippi 

In 1772 the county of FinCastle was taken from Bo- 
tetourt; and in 1776 Fincastle was divided into th» 
counties of Kentucky, Washington and Montgomery, 
and the name of Fincastle became extinct. 

In the year 1777 Rockbridge county was taken from 
Augusta and Botetourt Rockingham county, the same 
year, was taken from Augusta^ arid Greenbrier from 
Augusta and Botetourt. The years 1776 and 1777 
were remarkable for the many divisions of the western 
counties. West Augusta, in the year 1775, by Uie con- 
vention assembled for the purpose of devising a plan 
for resisting the oppressions of the mother country, 
among other proceedings determined, that ^Hhe land- 
holders of the district of West Augusta shall be consi- 
dered as a distinct county, andliave the liberty of send- 
ing two delegates to represent them in general conven- 
tion as aforesaid." 

This is tiie first account which the author has been 
able to find in our ancient statutes in relation to West 
Augusta as a separate district or county. In feet, it does 
not appear that we ever had a county legally established 
by this name. It is presumable that it acquired the 
name by general usage, from its remote and western lo- 
cality from the seat of justice. Be this as it may, it ap- 
pears that the district of West Augusta never had its 
bounds laid off and defined until the month of October 
1776, when it was divided into three distinct countiesi 
viz. Ohio, Yohogania and Monongalia. By the ex- 
tension of the western boundary between Pennsylvam^ 
and Yirginia, the greater part of the county Yobogapia 



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3LA.YINO OFP^ THE OQVnTVES^ 2S7 

^yiing.wjtbia tbe iimiis of Pendsylvania, the r^sidii^ 
wasy by aa act of assembly of 1785, added to Oliio, and 
Yohogania became extinet. , 

Harrison county was established in 1784, taken from 
Monongalia. In 1785 Hardy county jvas laid off, ta- 
km f*om Hampshire. In 1786 Randolph county was 
laid off, taken from Harrison. . In 1785 Russeil Qpunty 
ivasJtaken from Washington. In 1 78J Pendleton coun- 
ty was taken from Augusta, Hardy and Rockingham. 
Jii 1788 Kanawha was taken from Greenbrier arid 
Mc^tgomery* la 1789 Wyth« county was taken from 
Montgomery, and a part of Botetourt added to Montgo- 
mery. In IJTQO B£i,th county was taken from Augusta, 
Botetourt and Greeixbiier. In 1792 Lee county was 
tak:«a from Russell-; and in the jeai»e year, Gray^u 
-county was taken from Wythe. 

The author has deemed it an infceregting part of hie 
^urork to give a particular Jiistory of the estabiisJiment 
of our counties,, because k goes to sliew the rapid in- 
crease of oilr population, and in^ovement of our coun- 
try,- since the termination of the war of the revolution. 
To an individudi born and raised in the valky, and who 
is old enough to recollect the passing events for the last 
half century — who was acquainted with *he state of 
our country fifty years ago, its sparse population, rude 
log buildingih and uacuWVated nmlHiers and cus^toiws 
of our ancestors— the great improvement of every thing 
calculated to better the condition of human life — the 
astonishing change in the appcarancq of oui' couutryr — 
its elegant buildings, finely cultivated ferm^, improved 
state of society, - &c.^— are calculated /ilnK)st to raise 
doubts in his mind whether these vast changes could 
possibly have takea place within his little -span of ex- 
istence. The authm's destiny, when a }'outh, threw him 
into a businese which gave him an opportunity of ex- 
ploring a consi^ierUble part of the lower. counties of the 
valley, and he has lately made it his business again to 
exploie the same countks ; and if .he liad been for the 
la^ forty years shut up in a dungeon, and recrentfy set 



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838 ESTABLISHMENT OF THE TpWjN'S. 

«t liberty, be would almost doubt his own sensea axA 
believe himself in another country. A great part of 
our valley may be said to be el^antly improved.* 



CHAPTER XV. 

Establishment of the timns* 

. About the year 1738, there were two cabins erected 
Aear the run in Winchester.t The author r^^ets that 
he has not been able to ascertain the name^ of the firs* 
settlers in this town. Tradition however relates thai 
they were German families. 

in the year 1762 the legislature^ passed "an act for 
the establishing of the town of Winchester." In the 
preamble are the following words: 

"Whereas it hath been represented to this general as- 
sembly, that James Wood, gentleman, did survey and 
lay <»it a parcel of land at the court housed in Frederick 
county, intweoty-six lots, of half an acre each, with 
streets for a town, by the name of Winchester, and 
made sale of the said lots to_ divers persons who have 
«ince settled and built and continue biiilding and set' 
tling thereon, but because the same was not laid off 

• Capt. James Russdll, of Berkeley, soiiiie years ago built a brick barn 150 
feet long 4iDd 55 wide. • -. 

The late Mr. John Hite, in the Vear 1785, built the first brick house ever 
erected west of the Blue ridge. This is but a small one story building, anrf 
Mtiow owned by the heirs ot the late Mr. A, Neill, at the north end ot toic- 
phensburg, in the county of Frederick. In 1787 Mr. Hite built a merchani 
mill, which was at that time considered the &nest mill in the valley. It ^ 
now hardly considered a second rate mill. , . 

i A very aged woman, by the name of Sperry, informed the author thai 
when she first saw tlie place where Winchester now stands, she '""^'^yf?? 
of age, and from her age at the tipae the author conversed with lier,.|wj''^ 
was in 1809,) he found the j-ear in which she first saw Winchester to De m 
1738, at which time she stated there were but two saall log cabins, and "lOse 
near the run. , ,„«? 

tMr. Jacob Gibbon informed the antlwr that he was in Winchfester '«.*'.*; 
And that the court house wa* a small cabio, and that hasaw the court sitting 
\n th's cabin* 



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ESTABtlSBMENT OP THE TOWNS. 239 

and elected into a town by act of assembly, the free- 
holders and inhabitants thereof will not be entitled to 
the like.privileges enjoyed by the freeholders and inha- 
bitants of other towns in this colony, Be it enacted, &c. 
that the said parcel of land lately claimed by the said 
James Wood, lying and being in the county of Frede-* 
rick aforesaid, together with fifty-four other lots of half 
an acre each, twenty-four thereof in one or two streets 
on the east side of the former lots, the^street or streets to 
run parallel with the street already laid off, and the re- 
maining thirty lots to be laid off at the north end of the 
aforesaid twenty-six, with a commodious street or streets 
in such manner as the proprietor thereof, the right hcm- 
orable Thomas Iwd Fairfax, shall see fit, be and is here- 
by constituted, enacted, and established a town, in the 
manner already laid out, to be called by and retain the 
name of Winchester, and that the freeholders of the 
said town shall forever hereafter enjoy the same privi- 
leges which the fieeholders of other towns erected by 
act of assembly enjoy." This act further provides that 
^irs may be held in the town twice in each year. 

Thus it appears that the late Col. James Wood was 
the founder of Winchester, and not lord Fairfax as has 
generally been beUeved. The latter made an addition 
to the town. Tradition relates that Fairfax waa-much 
more partial to Stephensburg than he was to Winches- 
ter, and used all his influence to make Stephensburg the 
seat of justice, but that Wood outgeneraled his lordship, 
and by treating one of the justices with a bowl of toddy 
secured his vote in favor of Winchester, which settled 
the question, iand that Fairfax was so offended at the 
magistrate who thus sold his vote, that he never after 
spoke to him.* 

The late Robert Rutherford, Esq. opened the first 
stOTe ever established in Winchester. There was soon 
a mixed population of Germans, Irish, and a few En- 
glish and Scotch. The national prejudices which ex- 

•Tlie liite John S. Woodcock, Esq.commuii!cate<l thip fact to the author, 
Bttd stated that he bad the information from tlie late Col* Martin. 



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24fl ESTABLISHMENT 6P THE TOWNSt - 

isted between the Dutch and Irish produced much dis- 
order and many riots. It was customary for the Dutch, 
on St. Patrick's day, to exhibit the effigy of the saint, 
with a string of Irish potatoes around Ihs neck, and his 
wife Sheeley, with her apron loaded also with potatoes. 
This was always followed by a riot. The Irish resent- 
ed the indignity offered to their saint and his holy spouse, 
and a battle followed. On St. Michael's day the Irish 
would retort, and exhibit the saint with a rope of "^itrnr 
kr(yfU '^ about his neck. Then the Dutch, like the Yan^ 
kee, ^^felt chock full of fight ^^^ and at it they went, peH 
mell, and many a black eye, bloody nose, and broken 
head, was the result.* The author recollects seeing one 
of these riots since the war of the revolution. The 
practice was at last put down by the rigor with which 
our courts of justice punished the riotefs. 

In the month of September, 1758,-the town of Ste- 
phensburg, in the county of Frederick, was established. 
This town was first founded by Peter Stephens, who 
came to Virginia with Joist IJite, in the yecur 1732. 
The ruins of Stephens's first cabin ^re yet to be seen. 
Lewis Stephens, the late proprietor of the town, was the 
aon of Peter Stephens. He laid out the town in form, 
and applied to the general assembly to have it establ^h^ 
ed by law, which was done in the year 1758. 

This town was first settled almost exclusively by Oer« 
mans; and the rehgion, habits and customs, of thrir 
ancestors, were preserved with great tenacity for many 
years. I'he German language was generally used in 
this village since the author's acquaintance with it, 
which acquaintance commenced in the year 1784. 

In the month of November, 1761, Strasburg (cQm- 
monly called Stover's town,) was establish^ by law. 
This town was settled entirely by Germans, and to this 
day the German language is in general use, though th^ 
English language is now generally understood, and al- 

* Gen. Smith informed the author that tliis practice was kept op for seve- 
ml yeaM after be settled in Winchester, and that several very dangeroflSJiT 
ots took place, in which he with other magistrates had to interpoee, to pre •. 
lerve the peace. 



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j 



&STABLISH9I&NT OF TH^E TOWNS. 241 

SO spc^en by the inhabitants. It was laid off by Petor 
Stover. 

Staunton, in tte county of Augusta, was laid off by 
William Beverly, Esq. and established by act of the 
general assembly in November, 1761. The first settlers 
were principally Irish. 

In March, 1761, Woodstock, then in the county <rf 
Frederick, was established by law. Jacob Miller laid 
off twelve hdndred acres of land) ninety-six of which 
were divided into half acre lots, making one hundred 
end ninety-two building lots — the remainder into streets 
and five acre lots, commonlj called out lots. This town 
appears to have been origmally laid out upon a larger 
8C£ue than any of our ancient villages. Like the most 
of our towns it was settled exclusively by Germans, and 
their religion, customs, habits^ manners and language, 
were for a long time preserved, and to this day the Ger- 
man language is generally in use by the inhabitants. 

Mecklenburg (Shepherdstown), then in the coimty 
of Frederick, now in Jefferson, was established by law 
in the month of November, 1762. This village is situ- 
ated hnmediately on the bank of the Cohongoroota 
(Potomac) about 12 miles above Harpers^Ferry. It was 
laid qff by the late Capt. Thos. Shepherd, and was first 
settled chiefly by German mechanics. It is remarkable 
for its being the place where the first steam boat w<zs 
ever constructed in the world, Mr. James Rumsey, 
in the year 1788, built a boat, which was propelled by 
steam against a brisk current. Theie are some of the 
remnants of the machinery now to be seen,, in the pos- 
session of Capt. Haines, in that place. 

Romney, in the county of Hampshire, was laid off 
by the late l6rd Fairfax, and established by law in the 
month of November, 1762. pis lordship laid-off fifty 
hcres into streets and half acre lots ; but the town im- 
proved but slowly; It does not contain more than fifty 
families at this time. It is nevertheless a place of coai- 
siderable business ; has a bank, printing-office, several 
Gtxxe^ and taverns. The new Parkewhurg turnpike 



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242 ESTABLISHlf BNT OP THE TOWNS* 

road passes through it, which will doubtless, whencom^ 
pleted, give it many great advantages. 

In February, 1772, Fincastle, in the county of Bo- 
tetourt, was established. Israel Christian made a pre- 
sent of forty acres of land to the justices of Botetourt 
court, for the use of the county. The court Icdd off the 
said forty acres of land into lots, and applied to the le- 
gislature to have the town established by law, which 
was done accordingly. 

In October, 1776, first year of the commonwealth, 
the town of Bath, at the warm springs, in the county 
of Berkeley, (now the seat of justice for Morgan coun- 
ty,) was established, and laid off by act of assembly. 

Preamble, " Whereas it hath been represent^ to 
this general assembly, that the laying off fifty acres erf 
land in lots and streets for a, town at the warm springs, 
in the county of Berkeley, will be of great utility, by 
encouraging the purchasers thereof to build convenient 
houses for accommodating numbers of infirm persons, 
who frequent those springs yearly for the recovery of 
their health ; Be it enacted, &c. that fifty acres of land 
adjoining the said springs, being part of a larger tract 
of land, the property of the right honorable Thomas 
k)rd Fairfax, or other person or persons holding the 
same by a grant or conveyance from him, be and the 
same is hereby vested in Bryan Fairfax, Thomas Bry* 
an Martin, Warner Washington, th6 reverend Charles 
Mynn Thruston, Robert Rutherford, Thomcis Ruther- 
ford, Alexander White, Philip Pendleton, Samuel Wash- 
ington, William Ellzey, Van Swearingen, Thos. Hite, 
James Edmundson, and James Nourse, gentlemen, 
trustees, to be by them, or any seven of them, laid out 
into lots of one quarter of an acre each, with convenient 
istreets, which shall be and the same is hereby establish- 
ed a town, by the name of Bath." 

The author has been the more particular in making 
the foregoing extract from the act of the legislature, be- 
cause this appears to be the first instance under our re- 
publican government in which the legislature took the 



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ESTABLISHMENT OP THE TOWNS. 243 

authority of establishing and laying out a town upon 
the land of private individuals, without the consent of 
thjB owner of the land. It is possible lord Fairfax as- 
sented to the la)dng oft this town; but if he did, there 
is nothing in the lemguage of the act which goes to 
show it 

In the month of October, 1777, .Lexington, in the 
county of Rockbridge, was established. Extract from 
the law : ^* And be it further enaii^d, th(^t at the place 
whicb shall be appointed for holding courts in the said 
county of Rockbridge, there shall be laid off a town, to 
be called Lexington, thirteen hutidred feet in length 
and nine hundred in width.* And in order to make 
Batisfoiction to the proprietors of the said land, the clerk 
of the «^id county shedl, by order of the justices, issue 
a writ directed ^o the sherif, commanding him to sum- 
moa twelve able and disinterested freeholders, to meet 
on the said land on a certain day^ not under five nor 
ovc^ ten days from th^ date, :\^ho shall upon oalh value 
the said land, in so many parcels as there shall.be sepa- 
rate owners, which valuation the$ sherif shall return, 
under the' hands and seals of the. said jurors, to the 
clerk's office ; and the justices, at laying their first coun- 
ty levy, shaU make" provision for paying the said, pro- 
prietors their respective proportions thereof; and the 
property of ike said land, on the return of the said val- 
uation, shall be vested in the justices and their succes- 
sors, one acre thereof to be reserved for the use of the 
said coimty, and the residue to be sold and coiiveyed by 
the said justices to any persons, and the money arising 
from such sale to be applied towards lessening the coim- 
ty levy :.aiid the public buildings for the said county 
shall, be erected on the land reserved as aforesaid.'^ 
Fcom this* it appears- that the name of the town was fix- 
ed by law before the site was marked out. 

Moorefield was also established in the month of Oc- 
tober, 1777, in the county of Hampshire, now the seat 
of justice for the ^x)unty of Hardy. Extract from the 

*^ This was truly upon a small scale. 

15 



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1*44 ESTABLISHMENT QP THE TO'^TNSf/ 

act of assembly: "Whereas it hath been lepresented 
to this present general assembly, that the establishing 
a town on the lands of Conrad Moore, in the county of 
Hampshire, would be of great advantage to the inhabi- 
tants, by encouraging tradesmen to settleamongst them : 
Be it therefore enacted, <fec. that sixty-two acres of lana 
belonging to the said Conrad Moore, in the most conve- 
nient place for a to>v3i, be, and the same is hereby vest- 
ed in Garret Yanmeter, Abel Randall, Moses Hutton, 
Jacob Read, Jonathan Heath, Daniel McNeil, and Geo. 
Rennock,. gentlemen^ trustees, to be by them, or any 
four of them, laid out into lots of half an acre each, 
with convenient streets, \vhich shall be and the same 
is hereby established a town, by the name of Moore- 
field." 

Martinsburg was established in the month of Octo- 
ber, 1778. Extract from the law : " Whereas it hath 
been represented to this present general assembly, tl^at 
Adam Stephen, Elsq. hath lately laid off one hundred 
and thirty acres of land in the county of Berkeley, where 
the court-house naw stands, in lots and streets for a 
town, &c. : Be it enacted, &c. that the said one hundred 
and thirty acres of land laid out into lots and streets, 
agreeable to a plan and survey thereof madcj contain- 
ing the number of two hundred and sixty-nine lots, as, 
by the said plan and survey, relation thereunto being 
had, may more fully appear, be and the same is hereby 
vested in James M'Alister, Joseph Mitchell, Anthony 
Noble, James Strode, Robert Carter Willis, William Pat- 
terson and Philip Pendleton; gentlemen, trustees, and 
shall be estabUslied a town by the name Of Martiiis- 
burg," This town was named after the late Cpl T. B. 
Martin. * 

Tradition relates that an animated contest took place 
between the late Gen. Adam Stephen and Jacob Hite, 
Esq. in relation to fixing the seat of justice for this coun- 
ty ; Hite contending for -the location thereof on his own 
land, at what is now called Leetown, in the county of 
Jeflerson, Stephen advocating Martinsbm:g. Stephen 



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ESTAiBLISHMENT OP THE TOWNS. 245 

fwrevaifedj and Hite became so disgusted and dissatisfied, 
that he sold out his fine estate, and removed to the fi-on- 
tier of South Carolina. Fatal remove ! He had not 
teeen long settled in that state, before the Indians mur- 
dered him and several of his family in the maet shock- 
ing and barbarous manner.* It is said that the evening 
before this bloody massacre took place, an Indian squaw, 
who was much attached to Mrs. Hite,t called on her and 
warned her of the mtended massacre, and advised her 
to remove with her little children to a place of safety. 
Mrs. Hite immediately communicated tliis intelligence 
to herJiiisband, who disbelieved the information, ob- 
«erving, " the Indians were too much attached to him 
to do him any injury." The next morning, however, 
when it was fatally too late to escape, a party of Indians, 
armed and painted in their, usual war dress, called on 
Hite, and told him they had determined to kill him. It 
was in vai^ that he pleaded his friendship for them, and 
the many services he had rendered their nation : their 
fell purpose was fixed, and nothing ^ould appease them 
but his blood, and that of his innocent, unoffending and 
helpless wife and children. They commenced their 
operations by the most cruel tortures upon Mr. Hite, cut- 
ting him to pieces, a joint at a time ; and whilst he was 
thus in the most violent agonies, they barbarously mur- 
dered his wife and several of her Jitlle offspring. After 
Mr. Hite, his wife, and several of the chili-en were dis- 
patched, they took two of his daughters, not quite 
grown, and all his slaves as prisoners. They also car- 
ried off what plunder they chose, and their booty was 
considerable. 

Mr. Hite kept a large retail store, and dealt largely 
with the Greek ,and Cherokee tribes. . It is said a man 
by the name of Parish, who went to Carolina with Hite, 
and to whom Hite had been very friendly, growing jea- 
lous of Hite's popularity vdth the Indians, instigated 

*CoI. J^mes Hite, of Jefferson county, related tliis tradition to the autii9r« 
f Mrs. Hite wa« the sister of the late Col. J. Madison, of Oranj^e co;int/« 
Vuvimsif and of coune aunt to e:(-pr«ttdeot Madisoib 



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246 ESTABLISHMENT OP THE TOWN*. 

the savages to commit the ijaurder. About the year 
1784 or 1785, the author saw the late Capt. George 
Hite, (who had been an officer in the reyoludonary ar- 
my,) and who had just returned from an unsuccessful 
search aAer his two young^ sisters, who were taken cap- 
tives at the time of the murder of his father. He had 
traversed a great part of the southern country, among 
the various tribes of Indians, but never could hear any 
thing of them. Capt. Hite, some short time after the 
war of the revolution, recovered a part of his fether's 
slaves, who had been taken off by the Indians, one of 
whom i* now owned by Maj. Isaac Hite, of Frederick 
county. This woman brought liome an Indian son, 
whom the author bag frequently seen, and who had all 
the features of an Indian. A pisut of Kite's slaves axe 
to this day remaining with the Indians, ^nd are kept 
in rigorous slavery. In the winter of 1815-lQ, the 
author fell in ^nth Col. William Triplett, of Wilkes 
county, Georgia, who informed him, that in the autumn 
of the year 1809 he was travding through the Creek 
country, and saw an old negro man, who told him he 
was one of Jacob Hite's slaves, taken when hk master 
and family were miurdered in South CJarolina. He far*- 
ther informed Col. Triplett, that there were then sixty 
negroes in possession of the Indians, descended from 
slaves taken from Hite, the greater number of whpm 
were daimed by the hltle Tallapoosa king. 

In October, 1778, the town of Abingdon was estab- 
lished in Washington county. 

In the month of IWay, 1780, t^e town of Hamson- 
burg, in the county of Rockingham, was established. 
It appears that Mr. Thomas Harrison had laid off fifty 
acres of his land into lots and streets, and the legidature 
simply confirmed what Mr. Harrison had done, without 
appointing trustees fcHr the town, as was the usual prac- 
tice. The privileges, however, granted by law to the 
citizens of other incorporated towns, were given to th« 
inhabitants of Harrisonburg. 

In the month of October, 1782, the town of Le^^ 



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E0TABLIilHMENT OP THS TOWNS. 247 

biirgj in the county of Greenbrier, was established. The 
act of assembly appropriates forty acres of land at the 
court house, to be laid off into half acre lots and streets. 
Samuel Lewis, James Reid, Samuel Brown, Andrew 
Donnelly, John Stuart, Archer Matthews, Wm. Ward, 
and Thos. Edgar, gentlemen, were appointed trustees. 
In October, 1785, Clarksburg, in the county of Har- 
risOB, was established. . William Haymond, Nicholas 
Carpinert, John Myers, John M^Ally, and John Davi- 
• son, gentlemen, were appointed trustees. 

In the same month and year, Mcwgantown, in the 
county of Monongalia, was established. The act ap- 
propriates fifty acres of land, the property of Zackquell 
Morgan, to be laid off into lots and streets for a town: 
Samuel Hanway, John Evans, David Scott, Michael 
Kearnes, and James Daugherty, trustees. 

In October, 1786,, Charlestown, in the county of 
Berkeley, (now the seat ofjustice for the county of Jef- 
ferson,) was established. This town was laid off by the 
, late CoL Charles Washington, a brother to the illustri- 
ous Gen. George Washington, on his own land. Eighty 
acres were divided into l6ts and streets ; and John Au- 
gustine Washington, William Drake, Robert Ruther- 
ford, James Crane, Cato Moore, Magnus Tate, Benja- 
min Rankin, Thornton Washington, William Little, 
Alexander White, and Richard. Kanson, were appoint- 
ed trustees. This town bears the christian name of its 
proprietor. 

In the year 1787, Frankfort, in Hampshire county, 
was established. One hundred and thirty-nine acres 
of land was laid off into lots and streets, with out-lots, 
by John Sellers. John Mitchell, Andrew Cooper, Ralph 
Humphreys, John Williams, sen., James Clark, Rich- 
ard Stafford, Hezekiah Whiteman, and Jacob Brook- 
hart, trustees. 

In the month of October, 1787, the town of West- 
Liberty, in the county of Ohio, was established. Sixty 
acre^ of land was laid off into lots and streets by Reu- 
ben Foreman and Providence Mounts, Moses Chap- 
15* 



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S48 ESTABLISHMENT OP THE TOWN«. 

line, George M'CulIoch, Charles Willis, Van Swearin* 
gen, Zachariah Sprigg, James Mitchell) and Benjamin 
Briggs, were appointed trustees. 

In the same month and year, Middletown, in the 
county of Berkeley, (commonly called Gerrardstown,) 
was established. This town was laid off by the late 
Rev. Mr. David Gerrard, and contained one hundred 
lots. William Henshaw, James Haw, John Gray, 
Gilbert M^Kewan, and Robert Allen, were appointed, 
trustees. 

The same year and month, the town of Watson, 
(commonly csdled Capon Springs,) in the county <rf 
Hampshire, was established — twenty acres of land to 
be laid off in lots and streets. Elias Poston, Henry Fry, 
Isaac Hawk, Jacob Hoover, John Winterton, Valentine 
Swisher, Rudolph Bumgamer, Paul M*Ivor, John Sher- 
man Woodcock, and Isaac Zane, gentlemeiQ, trustees. 

In 1788, Front Royal was established, in the county 
of Frederick. Fifty acres of land, the property of Sol- 
omon Vanmeter, James Moore, Robert Haines, William 
Cunningham, Peter Halley, John Smith, Allen Wiley, 
Original Wroe, George Chick, William Morris, and 
Henry Trout, was laid out into lots and streets; and 
Thomas Allen, Robert Russell, William Headly, Wil- 
liam Jennings, John Hickman, Thomas Hand, and 
Thomas Buck, gentlemen, trustees. 

The same year and month, Pattonsburg, in the coun- 
ty of Botetourt, on James river, was established. Crows- 
ville, in Botetourt, was established at the same time. 

In 1790, Beverly was laid off and established a town 
at Randolph court-house. 

Frontville, at the Sweet Springs, and Springfield, in 
the county of Hampshire, were severally -laid off and 
established in October, 1790. 

In October, 1791, Darksville in Berkeley, Keisletown 
in Rockingham, and Charlestown in Ohio, were seve- 
rally established. This concludes the author's account 
of the establishment of the various towns west of the 
Blue ridge, within the present western limits of Virgi- 



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ESTABLISHMENT OF THE TOWNS. 



249 



nia, from the earliest settlement of the country to the 
year 1792 indusive. 

This history of the establishment of the towns in 
Western Virginia, from the earliest settlement of the 
country, to the year 1792 inclusive, is gathered from 
Hening's Statutes at Large, which brings the acts of 
the legislature no fturther than that period. To continue 
die list to the present time, would require an examina- 
tion of the various session acts since 1792, which it 
would be difficult to obtain, perhaps, except in Rich- 
mond, to which place it would not suit the author's pre- 
sent convenience to make a journey. As he confident- 
ly anticipates a denmnd for a second edition of this work, 
he will in the mean time make perfect this portion of 
the history of our country for future insertion. 



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NOTfiS^ drc. 



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CHAPTER i. 

Preliminary observations on the character of the In* 
dian mode of warfare, and its adoption by the 
white people, 

^iris is a subject which presents human nature in 
its most revolting features, as subject to a vindictive spi- 
rit of revenge,, and a thirst of human blood, leading to 
an indiscriminate slaughter of all ranks, ages and sexes, 
by the weapons of war, or by torture. 

The histoty of man is, for the most part, one contin- 
ued detail of bloodshed, battles and devastations. War 
has been, from the earliest periods of history, the almost 
constant employment of individuals, clans, tribes and 
nations. Fame, one of the most potent objects of hu- 
. man ambition, has at all times been the delusive, but 
costly rew^ird of military achievement. The triumph 
of conquest, the epithet of greatness, the throne and 
the sceptre^ have uniformly been purchased by the con- 
flict of battle and garments rolled in blood. 

If the modern European laws of warfare have soft- 
ened jn some degree the horrid features of national con- 
flicts, by respecting the rights of private property, and 
extending humanity to the sick, wounded and prison- 
ers ; we ought to reflect that this amelioration is the ef- 
fect of civilization only. The natural state of war 



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f54 INDIAN WARFARE. 

knows no such mixture of mercy with cruelty. In his . 
primitive state, man knows no object in his wars, but 
that of the extermination of his enemies, either by death 
or captivity. 

The wars of the Jews were exterminatory in their 
object The destruction of a whole nation was often 
the result of a single campaign. Even the beasts them- 
selves were sometimes included in the general massacre. 

The present war between the Greeks and Turks is 
a war upon the ancient model— a war of utter exter- 
mination. 

It is, to be sure, much to be regretted, that our people 
80 often followed the cruel examples of the Indians, in 
the slaughter of prisoners, and sometimes woinen and 
children : yet let them receive a candid bearing at the 
bar of reason and justice, before they are condenmed as 
harbarians, equally with the Indians themselves. 

History scarcely presents an example of a civilized 
nation carrying on a war with barbarians without a^ 
dopting the mode of warfare of the barbarous nation. 
The ferocious Suwarrow, when at war with the Turks, 
was as much of a savage as the Turks themselves. 
His slaughters were as indiscriminate as theirs ; but du- 
ring his wars against the French, in Italy, he faithfully 
observed the laws of civilized warfare. 

Were the Greeks now at war with a civilized nation, 
we should hear nothing of the barbarities which they 
have committed on the Turks; but being at war with 
barbarians, the principle of self defense compels them 
to retaliate on the Turks the barbarities which they 
commit on them. ' • 

• In the last rebellion in Ireland, that of United Irish- 
men, the government party were not much behind the 
rebels in acts of lawless <Jruelt}^ U was not by the 
hands of the executioner alone they perished. Sum- 
mary justice, as it was called, was sometimes infficted. 
How many perished under the torturing scourge of the 
drummer, for the purpose of extorting conf^^ssions! 



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mniA^ WARFARfi. 259 

These eitra-jinfieial executions were attempted to be 
justMed on the ground i)f the neofcssity of the case. 

Our revolutionary wif has a doUWe aspect : on the 
tone hand we carried on a war with the Etiglish, in 
which we observed the maxim? of civilized warfare 
with the utmost strictness; but the brave, the potent, 
the magnaniihous naticm of our forefethers had associa- 
ted with themselves, as auxiliari^, the murderous toma- 
hawk and scalping knife of the Indian nations around 
our defenseless frontiers, leaving those barbarous sons 
of the forest to their own savage mode of warfkre, to 
the fuU indulgence of all their native thirst for human 
blood. ': 

On them^ then, be the blame of all the horrid features 
of this war between eivflized and savage flfien, in Which 
the former was compelled, by evejry principle of self de- 
fense, to adopt the Indian mode of wamre, in all its 
revolting and destructive featui^. 

Were tfiose who were engaged in the war against 
the Indians, less humane than those who carried on 
the war against their English allies? No, they were 
not. Both parties carried on the war on the same prin- 
dfde of reciprocity of advantages and disadvantages. 
For example, the English and Americans take each one 
thoi£9and prisoners : they are exchanged : neither army 
hi weakened by this arrangement A sacrifice is indeed^ 
made to humanity, iri'the expense of taking care of the 
dick, wounded and prisoners; but this expense is mu- 
tual. No disadvahtagesresult from all the clemency of 
modern warfare, excepting an augmentation of tlie ex- 
penses of war. In. this mbde of warfare, those of the 
ilation, not in arms, are safe from death, by the hands 
of soldiers, ^o civiUzed , warrior dishmiors his sword 
with the blood of helpless infancy, old age, or that of 
th9 (kit sex. He aims his blows only at those whom 
he finds in arms against hini. The Indian kills indis- 
criminately. His object is the total extermination of 
his enemi^. Children are victims of his vengeance, 
because, if males, they may hereafter become warriors. 
16 



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Vi6 INDIAN WASPABE^ 

or if femafesy Uiey may beeone taotfaerB* l&ren ifae 
fetal state is criminal in his vi^w. It is not enough 
that the fetus should perii^ with the murdered mother ; 
it is Uxn from her pregnant wcaaib) and elevated on a 
•tick or pdh, as a trq^y ot victory and an object of 
horror to the survivors of the drai. 

If the Indian takes prisoners, merey has but littfe 
concern in the transaction. He spares the lives of those 
who fall into his hands, for the purpose of feasting the 
feelings of ferocious vengeance of himself and his coi»- 
rades, by the torture of his captive; or to increase the 
strength of his nation by his adoption into an Indian 
family ; or for the purpose of gain, by selling him for 
aa h%her price, than his scalp would fetch, to his chris- 
tian aJlies of Canada; for be it known that those alliee 
were in the constant practice of making pres^its for 
scalps and prisoners, as well as furnishing the means 
for carrying on the Indian war, which for so many years 
diBsolated our defenseless frontiers. No lustration can 
ever wash out this national stain. The foul blot must 
remain, as long as the page of history shall convey the 
record of the foul transaction to friture generations. 

The authcMT would not open wounds which have, alas ! 
already bled so Icmg, but for the purpose of dcmg jus- 
tice to the memory of his forefathers and relatives, ma- 
ny of whom perished in the defense of their country^ 
by the hands of the merciless Indians. 

How is a war of exterminaticai, and accompanied 
with such acts of atrocious cruelty, to be met by those 
on whom it is inflicted? Must it be met by the leiHdnt 
maxims of dvilized warfare? Must the Indian captive 
be spared his life ? What advantage would be gained 
hy this coiu»e? . The young white prfeoners, adopted 
into Indian families, often become complete Indians ; 
but in how few instances did ever an Indian become 
civilized. Send a cartel for an exchange of prisoners; 
the Indians know nothing of this measure of clemency 
in war; the bearer of the white flag for the purpose ef 



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INDIAN WARFARE. 3ST 

«£beeiiig the exchailge would haye exerted hk httmani- 
ty at the forfeit of h^ life. 

Should my countrymen be still charged with barba- 
rian, in the prosecution of the Indian war, l€it him who 
harbors this um^vcnrable impressiim concerning them, 
pcHtray in imagination the horrid scenes of edaughtef 
which frequency met their view in the course of the 
Indian war. Let him, if he can bear the reflection, 
look at helpless infency, virgin beauty and hoary age, 
dishonored by the ghastly wounds of the tomahawk 
and scalping knife of the savage. Let him hear the 
shrieks of tiie victims of the Indian torture by Are, and 
smell the surrounding air, rendered sickening by the 
effluvia of their burning flesh and blood. Let him hear 
the yells, and view the hellish features of the sunround- 
ing circle of savage warriors, rioting in all the luxuri- 
ance of vengeance, while applying the flaming' torches 
to the parch^ limbs of the sufferers, and then suppose 
those murdered infants, matrons, virgins and victims 
of torture, were his friends and relations, the wife, sisr 
ter, child or brother ; what would be his feelings ! After 
a short season of grief, he would say, " I will now think 
only of revenge." 

Philosophy shudders at the destructive aspect of war 
in any shape: Christianity, by teaching the religion of 
the good Samaritan, altogether forbids it: but the origi- 
nal settlers of the western regions, like the greater part 
of the world, were neither philosophers nor saints. Tney 
were " men of like passions with others ;" and there- 
fore adopted the Indian mode of warfare from necessity 
and a motive of revenge ; with the exception of burn- 
ing their captives alive, which they never did. If the 
bodies of savag^e enemies were sometimes burned, it 
was not until after they Vere dead. 

Let the voice of nature and the law of nations plead 
in favor of the veteran pioneers of the desert regions of 
the west. War has hitherto been a prominent trait 
in the moral system of human nature, and will c<m- 



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tW W4R OF X7G3. 

tiime 8t4ch, Onlil a r^djod Gtwige shall be efleoted in 

favor of science, morals and piety, on a general scale. 
' In the €onflicts of nations, as w^ll as those of indi- 
viduab, i^ advantages are to be conceded. If mercj 
may be associated with the carnage and devastations tif 
-war, that mercy must be reciproc^ ; but a wat of utt«r 
ext^mination must be met by a war of the same cha- 
racter, or by an overwhelming fyxct which may 4>ut an 
end to it) without a sacrifice of the helpless and unof- 
fending part of the hostile naticm. Such a for^ was 
not at the command of the first inhabitants of this coune 
try. The sequel of the Indian war goes to show that 
in a war with savages Che choice lies between extermir 
nation and subjugation. Our government has wisely 
and humanely pursued the latter course. 

The author begs to be understood that the fwegoing 
observations are not intended as a justification of the 
whole of the transactions of our people with regard to 
the Indiaps during the course of the war. Some in- 
stances of acts of wanton barbarity occurred on our 
side, which have received and must continue to receive 
the unequivocal reprobation of all the civilized world. 
In the course of this history, it will appear that more 
deeds of wanton barbarity took place on our side than 
the world is npw acquainted with. 



CHAPTER 11, 

Warqfl76i. 

The treaty of peace between his British majesty and 
the kings of France, Spain and Portugal, c<»icluded at 
Paris on the 10th of February 1763, did not put an end 
to the Indian war against the fi-ontier parts and back 
settlements of the colonies of Great Britain. 



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WAR OP 1763; 259 

The ^ring:and-summer of 176$, as well as those of 
1764, deserve to bo memorable in history, for the.great 
eactent and destructive results oiT a war of extermination, 
carried on. by th^ united force of all the Indian nations 
of the western xx)untry, along the shore of the northern 
lakes, and throughout the whole extent of the frontier 
settlements of Pennsylvahi-a, Virginia an4 North Ca- 
rolina. , '/ 

The events of this war, ^ they relate to the frontier 
of Pennsylvania and the shores of the lakes, are mat- 
ters of history already, and therefore shall be nd farther 
related here than is necessary to give a connected view 
of the miUtary events of thdse disastrous seasons. The 
massacres by the Indian^ in the southwestern part of 
Virginia, so far as they have pome to the knowledge of 
the author, shall be related more in detail. 

The English historian^ (Hist of England, vol.x. p. 
S99,)'^attribute this terrible war to, the influence of the 
French Jesuits over the Indians; but whether with 
much truth and candor, is, to say the least of it, ex- 
tremely doubtful. 

The peace of 1763, by which theprotrinces of Cana- 
da were ceded to Britain, was offensive to the Indians, 
especially as tliey very well knew that the EugGsh gov- 
ernment, on the ground of this treaty, clairqed the jurist 
dictioii of the western country generally ; and as an 
Inaian sees no difference between the right of jurisdic- 
tion and that of possession, tliey considered themselves 
as about to be dispossessed of the whole of their cotm- 
try, as. rapidly as the English might find it convenient 
to take possession of it In this opinion they were con- 
firmed by the building of forts, oil the Susquehanna,^ on 
lands to which the Indians laid claim. The forts and > 
posts of Pittsburg, Bedford, Ligonier, Niagara^ Detroit, 
Presque Isle, St. Joseph and Michihmackinac, were 
either built, or improved and strengthened, with addi- 
tions to their garrisons. Thxjs the Indians saw them- 
selves surrounded on the north and east by a strong 
]!i:c of forts, while those of Bedford, Ligonier and Pitts- 
10* 



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2G0 WAR OF 17&3. 

burg, threatened an extension of them info the heart 
of their countiy. Thus circumstanced, the abbrigincJs 
irf the country had to choose between the prospect of 
being driven to the inhospitable regions cf the north and 
west, of negotiating with the British government for 
continuance of the possession of their own land, or of 
taking up arms for its defense. They chos^ the latter 
course, in wliich a view of the snxallness of their num- 
bers and the scantiness of then* resources, ought to have 
taught them, that although they, might do much mis- 
chief, they could not ultimately succeed ; but the In- 
dians, as well as their brethren of the white skin, are- 
often driven by their impetuous passions to rafeh and de- 
structive enterprises, which reason^ were it permitted to 
give its counsels, would disapprove. 

The plan resolved on by the-Indians for the prosecu- 
tion of tlfe war, was that of a general massacre of all 
the inhabitants of the English setlements in. the "west- 
em country, as well as of those on thelands oij the Sus- 
quehanna, to which they laid claim. ^ ' 

Never did military commanders of any nation dis- 
play more skillj or their troops more steady and deter- 
mined bravery, than did those red men of the Wilder- 
ness in the prosecution of their gigantic plan for tlie re- 
covery of their country from the possession-of the Eng- 
lish; It was indeed a war of utter extermination on an 
extensive scale. — a conflict which exhibited human na- 
ture in its native state, in which the cunning of the fox 
is associated with the cruelty of the tiger. We read the 
history of this war with feelings of the deepest horror ; , 
but why ? On the part of the savages, theirs was the 
ancient rnode of warfare, in which there was nothing 
oflnercy. If science,, associated with the benign influ- 
ence of the cliristian system, has limited the_.carnage of 
war to those in arms, so as t,o-give the right of life and 
hospitality to women," infancy, old age, the sick, woimd* 
ed and prisoners, may not a farther extension of the in- 
fluence of those powerful but salutary agents put an end 
to war altogether '} May not future generations read 



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WAn OP 1763. 261 

llie history of our civilized warfare with equat horror 
and wonder, that with our science and piety we had 
wars at all ! 

Tte English traders among the Indians were the 
first victims in 4:his contest. Out of one hundred and 
twenty of them, among the different natbris, only two 
or three escaped being murderied. The forts of Presque 
Isle, St. Joseph and Michilimackinac were taken^ with 
a general slaughter of their garrisons. 

The fortresses of Bedford, Ligonier, Niagara, Detroit 
and Pitt, were with diflSculty preserved from being ta- 
ken. 

It was a principal object with the Indians to get pos- 
session of Detroit and Fort Pitt, either by assault or fam- 
ine. The former was attempted with regard to Detroit, 
Fort Pitt, beiiig at a considerable distance from the set- 
tlements, where alone supplies could be obtained, deter- 
mined the savages to attempt its reduction by famine. 

In their first attempt on Fort Detroit, the Indians cal- 
culated on taking possession of it by stratagem. A 
large number of Indians appeared before the place un- 
der pretence of holding a congress with Maj. Gladwin, 
the commandant. He was on his guard and refused 
them admittance. On the next day, about five hundred 
more of the Indians arrived in arms, and demanded 
leave to go into the fort, to hold a treaty. The com- 
mandant revised tq^ admit a greater number than forty. 
The Indians understood his design of detaining them 
as hostages, for the good conduct of thtir comrades on 
the outside of the fort, emd therefore did not send them 
int<3 the place. The whole number of men in the fort 
and on board two vessels of war in the river, did not ex- 
ceed one hundred anrl ten oB^tweJve; .but by means of 
the cannon they possessed, they made shift to keep the 
Indians at a distance, and convince them that they could 
not take the place. When the Indians were about to 
retire, Capt. Dalyel arrived at the fort with a considera- 
ble reinforcement for the relief of the place. He made 
a sortie asfainst the breaf^tworks which the Indians had 



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868 WAR OF 1763L 

thrown up, with two hundred and fon^-five men. Thw 
detachment was driv^ hack with the toss of seventy 
men killed and forty-two wounded. Capt. Dalyel wat 
among the slain. Of otto hundred men who were es- 
corting a large quantity erf provisions to Detroit, sixty- 
seven were massacred. 

Fort Pitt had been invested for some time, before 
Capt. Ecayer had the kast prospee^t of relief. In this 
situation he and his garrison had reserved to stdnd it 
out to the last extremity, and evett perish of famine, ra- 
ther than fall into the hands qf the savag^, notwith- 
standing the fort was a bad oncj^he garrison weak, Mid 
the country between the fort and Ligonier in possession 
of the savages, and his messengers killed or compelled 
to return back. In this situation. Col. Bouquet was sent 
by Gen. Amhurst to the relief of the; place, with a large 
quantity of provisions und^r a strong escort. This es- 
cort T^as attacked by a large body of Indians, in a nar- 
row defile on Turtle creek, and would have been en- 
tirely defeated, had it n<^ been fora successful stratagem 
emfioyed by the commander for extricating theniselves 
from the savage army. After sustaining a furious con- 
test from one o'clock till night, and for severat hours the 
next morning, a retreat was pretended, with a view to 
draw the Indians into a close engagement. . Previous 
to this movement, four companies of infantry and gren- 
adiers were placed in ambuscade. The plan succeeded. 
When the retieat commenced, the Indians thought 
themselves secure of victory, and pressing forward with 
great vigor, fell into the ambuscade, and were dispersed 
with great slatighter. The loss on the side of the En- 
glish was above one hundred killed and wounded; that 
of the Indians could not have been less. The loss was 
severely felt by the Indians, as in addition to the num* 
berof warriors who fell in the engagement, several of 
the most distinguished chiefs were among the slain. - 
Fort Pitt, the reductipn of which they hqtd much at, 
heart, was now placed out of their rea.ch, by being effec- 
tually relieved and supplied with the munitions of war. 



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WAR OP 1763. 263 

The historian ot the western region of our eoontiy 
eannoi be^ regarding Pittsburg, the present flourishing 
^nporiumof the northern part of that region, and its 
itniiiediate neighborhood, as classic ground, on account 
of the memorable battles whichutook place for its pos^- 
fiession in the in&ncy of our settlements. Braddock's 
defeat, Maj. Grant's defeat, its conquest by Gen. Forbe^ 
the victory over the Indians above related by Maj. Bou- 
quet, serve to show the importance in which this post 
wte held in early times, and that it was obtained and 
0U}qx)rted by the English^ government, at the price of 
no small amount of blood and treasure. In the neigh^^ 
borhood of this place, as well as in the war-worn re* 
gions of the old world, the plowshare of the former 
turns up, from beneath the suiWe of the earth, the bro- 
ken and rusty implements of war, and the bones of the 
slain in battle. 

It was in the course of this war that the diseadM 
massaa!^ at Wyoming took place, and desolated the 
fine settlements of the New-England pcofde along the 
Susquehanna. 

The extensive and indiscriminate slaughter of both 
sexes and all ages by the Indians, at Wyonung and oth- 
er places, so exasperated a large number of men, de- 
nominated the " Paxton boys," that they rivaled the 
most ferocious of the Indians themselves in deeds of 
cruelty, which have dishoncM*ed the history of our coun* 
try, by the record of the shedding of innocent blood 
without the dightest provocation— deeds of the mort 
atrocious barbarity. 

The Conestoga Indians had lived in peace fer more 
than a century in the neighborhood of Lancaster, Pa< 
Their number did not exceed forty. Against these un- 
offending descendants of the first friends of the famous 
Wflliam Penn, the Paxton boys first directed their more 
than savage vengesunce. Fifty-seven of them, in mili- 
t iry array, poured into their little village, and instantly 
mardered all whom they found at home, to the num- 
ber of fourteen men, women and children. Those of 



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864 WAR OF ir63. 

them who did not happ^i to be at home at the masea' 
ere, were lodged in the jail of Lancaster for safety. SvA 
aksl this precaution was wiavailing. The Paxton 
hays broke open the jail door, and murdered the whcde 
of them, in number about fifteen to twenty. It was in 
Tain that these poor defenseless people protested th^ 
innocence and begged for mercy on their knees. Bkxxl 
was the order of the day with those ferocious Paxtott 
boys. The death of the victims of their cruelties did 
not satisfy their rage for slaughter ; they mangled the 
dead bodies of the Indians vndi their scalping knives 
and tomahawks in the most shocking and brutal man- 
ner^ scalping even the children and choiring off the 
hands and feet of most of them. 

The next object of those Paxton boys was the mur- 
der of the christian Indians of the villages of Wecpie- 
tank and Nain. From the execution of this infernal 
des^ they were prevented by the humane interference 
of the government of Pennsylvania, which r^[noved 
the inhabitants of both places under a strong guacd 
to Philadelphia for protection. They remained under 
guard from November 1763, until the close of the -war 
in December 1764 : the greater part of this time they 
occupied the barracks of that city. The Paxton boya 
twice assembled in great fcn^ce, at no ^eat distance frcm 
the city, with a view to assault the barracks and murd^ 
the Indians; but owing to the military preparations 
made for their reception, they at last reluctanUy desist- 
ed from the enterprise. 

While we read, with feelings of the deepest horror, 
the record of the murders which have at different peri- 
ods been inflicted on the unoffending christian Indians 
of the Moravian profession, it is some consdation to re- 
flect, that our government has had no participation in 
those murders ; but on the contrary, has at all times af- 
forded them all the protection which circumstances al- 
lowed. 

The principal settlements in Greenbrier were those of 
Muddy creek and the Big Levels^ distant about fiifteea 



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WAK OF 1763% ^ 869 

or 4Wte4y miles from each other. Befi>re these s^^m 
were aware of the existence of the war, and sUppo^nc 
tbf^t the peace made with the French compr^ended 
tlieir Indian allies BisOy abcut sixty Indians visited the 
liettlement oa Muddy creek. They jnade the visit un- 
der the mask of friendship. They were cordially re- 
e^ved aiad treated with all the hospitality which it was 
in the power of these new settlers to bestow upon them ; 
hu( on a sudden^ and without any previous uitimation 
oi any thing like an hostile intention, the Indians mur 
dered, in coM Uood, all the men belonging to the set- 
dement, and made prisoners of the women and chilt- 
<bran. 

I^jeaving a guard with their prisoners, they di^n 
eaarched to the settlements in the Levels, before tiie fitte 
0f the Muddy creek settlement was known. Here, aet 
^-Muddy creek, they weare treated with tto most kind 
^and atten^ite ho^taUty, at the house ^ Archibald 
<Slende&niny wiio gave the Indians a sumptuous least 
qi Uuree hi elks, which he had recently kUled^ Here, 
a scene of slaughter similar to that which had recently 
laken place at Mtiddy creek, occurred at the conclusion 
of the feast. . It commenced with an old womcua, who- 
having a. very sore leg, showed it to an Indian, desiring 
his cuivice how she might cure it. This request he an- 
swered with a blow of the tomahawk, which instantly 
kiUjed her. In acfew minutes all the men belonging to 
Uie place shared the same fete. The women and chil- 
dren were made prisoners. 

. In the time of the slaughter, a negro woman at the 
spring near the house where it happened, killed her own 
child for fear it should fell into the hands of the Indians, 
or hinder her from making her escape. 

Mrs. Glendennin, whose husband was among the 
slain, and herself with her children prisoners, boldly 
charged the Indians with perfidy and cowardice, in ta- 
king advantage of the mask of friendship to ccunmit 
murder. One of the Indians exasperated at her bdd- 
jaess, and stung, no doubt, at the justice of her charge 



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2M WAR OF 1763. 

agUQii titem, bnlndished bis tomahawk over har headli 
i|od dashed her bufibatid's scalp m i^r face. In d^^ 
toce of all his threats, the hercHne still reiterated tha 
charges of perfidy and cowardice ag^atneC the Indians.- 

On the next day, after marching aBoitt tem mUe^ 
while passing through a thicket) the Initians forming a 
front and rear guard, Mrs. Glendennin gave her intuit 
to a neighbor woman, stepped into the busies without 
being perceived by the IiMlians^ Bxid made her escape. 
The cries of the child made the Indians inmiirei for the 
mother. She was^not to be found. " WeU," «Biys cwae 
of them, '^I will soon bring the cow to h^ calf;" and 
taking the child by the feet, beat its brains out against 
a tree. Mrs. Glendennin returned home m the course 
of the succeeding night, and covered the corpse of her 
husband with fence rails« Having p^ormed this pious 
office for her murdered husband, she chose, as a place 
of safety^ a borafield, where, as she rdated, her herdc 
sesdution was succeeded by a paroxysm of grief and 
despondency, during which she imagined she saw a 
imin with the aspect of a murderer standing wHhin a 
' few steps of her: The reader of this narrative, instead 
cf regarding this fit of deiq)endency as a feminine weak* 
ness on the part of this daughter if affliction, will com* 
misserate her situation of unparalleled destitmion and 
distress. Alone, in the dead of night, the survivor of 
all the infeiit settlements of that district, while all her 
relatives and neighbors of both settkm^its were either 
pris(mers or lying dead, dishonored by ghastly woimds 
of the tomahawk and scalping knife of the savages, 
her husband and her children amongst the slain. 

It was some days before a force could be collected in 
the eastern pait of Botetourt and the adjoining country 
far the purpose of burjring the dead. 

Of the events of this war. oh the southwestern fron- 
tier of Virginia, and in thii txHintry of Holstein, die th^i 
western part of North Car(dina, the author has not been 
informed, farther than that, on the part of the In^cuM, 
it was carried on with the greatest activity, and its course 



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WAR or 1763. m 

mftrked with nianj deeds of- the most aU'ocious cruelty, 
until late in the. year 1764, when a period was put to 
this sanguinary contest^ by a treaty made with the In- 
dian naticois by Sir William Johnston, at the German 
Flats. ; 

The perfidy and cruelties practiced by the Indians 
during tne war of 1763 and 1764, occasioned the re- 
volting and. sanguinaj^ character of the Indian wars 
which took place afterwards. The Indians had resdved 
on the total extermination of all the settlers of our north 
and southwestern frontiers, and heing no longer under 
the control of their former allies, the French, they were 
at full liberty to exercise all their native ferocity, and riot 
HKthe indulgence of tlieir innate thirst for blood. 

[Next follows, in Dr. Doddridge's woik, his account 
of Dunmore's war, which the author of this history has 
transferred to the chapter under that head in the pre- 
ceding pag^.< See pp. 157-187. TKe chapter which 
follows relates an event which occurred during' that 
war.] 



CHAPTER III. _ 

T'he death of Cornstalk* 

This was one of the most atrocious murders com- 
mitted by the whites during the whole course of the 
war. ' {Dunm^re's w$r.] 

In th^ summer of 1777, when the confederacy of the 
Indian nations, ipider the influence of the British gov- 
emmeht, was formed, and began to commit hostilities 
along our frontier settlements, Cornstalk, and a young 
chief of the name of Red-hawk, with another Indian, 
rhade a visit to the garrison at the Point, commanded at 
that time by Capt. Arbuckle. Cornstalk stated to the 
17 



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268 DEATH 015* eORNSTALK. 

captain, that, with the exception of lumself and^ the 
tribe to which he belonged, oil the nations had joined 
the English) and that unless protected by the whites^ 
"they Would have to run with the stream." 

Capt. Arbuckle^thought proper to detain the Com-? 
stalk chief and hi'5-two eomptoions as hostages for thie 
good conduct of the tribe to which they bdonged. They 
had not been long in this situation before rf son of Oorn- 
stalk, concerned for the safety of his fetther, came to the 
opposite side erf the river and hallooed ; his father know- 
ing his voice, answered him. He was^brought over the 
river. The father and son jnutually embraced each 
other with the greatest tenderness. 

On the day following, two Indians, who had conceeJ* 
ed themselves in the weeds on the bank of the. Kana- 
wha opposite the fort,'kilIed a man of the naine oi" Oil- 
more, as he was returning from hunting.. As soon as 
the dead body was brought oyer the river; there was 
a general cry amcmgst the tn,en who were present, "1j^ 
us Idll the Indians in the fort:" They immediately as- 
cended the bank of the river with Capt. Hall at their 
head, to execute theix hasty resolution. On their way 
they were met by Capt. Stuart and Capt. Arbuckle, who 
endeavored to dissasfcde thein from killing the Indian 
hostages, saying that they certainly hsid noxohcern in 
the murder of Gilmore ; but remonstrance was in Vain. . 
Pale as death with Fage,> they cocked. their guns and 
threatened the caj3tains with instaftt death, if they 
should attempt to hinder th^m from executmg their 
purpose. ^ - 

When the mmderers arrived at the house where the 
hostages were confined, Cornstalk rose up to meet them 
at the door, but instantly received seven buUetff through 
his body; his son and bis other two fellow-hostages 
were iAstaiitlyjdispatch^d with buU^ and tomahawks. 

Thus felt the Shawnee^ war chief Cornstalk, who, 
like Loffan, his companion in arms, was conspicuous ' 
for intellectual talent, bravery and misfortune. 

The biography of Cornstalk, as far: as it is new 



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DEATH OF COENSTJLLK. 269 

'k»own, goes to show that he was. no way deficient' in 
those mental endowments which constitute true greal- 
. liess. On the evening preceding the battle of Point 
Pleasant, he proposed going over the river to the camp 
ef Oen. Lewis, for the purpose of maj^ing peace. Thd 
majority in the council of warriors voted against the 
measure. *' Well,'' said Cornstalk, "since you have re- 
solved on fighting, you shall fiight, although it is likely 
we shall "have hard work to-morrow ;. but if any man 
shall attempt to run away fi-om- the battle, I will kill him 
with my own haHd,'^and accordingly fulfilled his threat 
with regard to one cowardly fellow. 

After the Indians had returned from the=battle, Corh- 
«talk called a council at the Chilicothe town, to consult 
what was to be dbhe next. In this council he remind- 
ed the war chiefs of their f6lly in preventing him from 
making peace, before the fatal battle of Point Pleasant, 
and asked, "What shall we do now ? The Long-knives 
are Goniing upon us by two routes. Shall we turn out 
and fight them ?" All were silent. He then asked, 
"Shall we kill our squaws and children, and then fight 
until we; shall all be killed ourselves ?" To this no re- 
ply was made. He then rose up and struck his toma- 
hawk in the war post in the middle of the coiincii house, 
«aying, "Since you are not inclined ^o fight, I will go 
--.>,^g^ make peace I'^'alid accordingly did so. 

/^•Oa the morning of the day of his death, a council 
was held in the fort at the Point, in which he was pre- 
sent. During the sitting of the council, it is said that 
lie seemed to have a presentimeiit of his approaching 
fate. In one of his speeches, he remarked to the coun- 
cil,- " When I was youhg, every time I went to war I 
thought it likely that I might return no more; but I 
still hved. I am now in your: hands, aiid you may 
kill me if you choose. I can die but once, and it is a- 
iike to me whether I die now or at another time." When 
the men presented theniselves before the door, for the 
purpose of kiHing the Indians, Cornstalk's son mani- 
fested signs of fear, on observing which, his fether said, 



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2f0 WAPP ATOMIC A CAMrilQlf. 

" Don't be afraid, my son ; the Great Spirit sent yon 
here to die with me; and we must submit to his w^HL 
It is all for the be^." 



CHAPTER IV. 

Wappatomica campaign. 

Under the command of Col. Angus McDonald, four 
huYidred men were collected from the western part rf 
Virginia by the order of the earl of Dunmore, the th^i 
governor of Virginia. " The place of rendezvous was 
Wheeling, some time in the month of June, 1774. 
They went down the river in boats and canoes to the 
mouth of Captina, from thence by the shortest route to 
Wappatomica town, about sixteen mites b^w the pre- 
sent Coshocton. The pilots were Jonathan Zane, Tho^ 
mas Nicholson and Tady Kelly. About six miles from 
4he town, thei army were met by a party of Indiani9, to 
the number of 40 or 50,^ wl^o gave a skirmish by the 
way of ambuscade, in which two of our men were kill- 
ed ^nd eight or nine wounded. One Indian was kill- 
ed and several woimded. It was supposed that several 
more of them were Idlled, but they were carried off. 
When the army came to the imvn, it was found evacu- 
ated. The Indians had retreated to the opposite shore 
of the river, where they had formed an ambuscade, sup- 
posing the party would cross the river from the town. 
This was immediately discovered. The commanding 
officer then sent sentinels up and down the river, to give 
notice, in case the Indians should attempt to cross above 
or below the town. A private in the company of Capt^ 
Cresap, of the name of John Harness, one of the sen- 
tinels below the town, displayed the skill of a back- 
woods sharpshooter. Seeing an Indian behind a blin4 



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WAPPATOMICA eAMPAIGN. 271 

across the river, raising up his head, at times, to look 
over the river, Harness charged his rifle with a second 
ball, and taking deliberate aini, passed both balls through 
the neck of the Indian. The Indians dragged off the 
body and buried it with the honors of war. It was 
found the next morning and scalp^ by Harness. 

Soon after the town was taken, the Indians from the 
<^osite shore sued for peace. The commander offered 
^em peace on condition of their sending over their chiefs 
as hostages. Fiye of them came over the river and 
were put under guard as hostages. In the morning 
they were marched in front (rf the army ovfer the river. 
When the party had reached tlie western bank of the 
Muskingum, the Indians represented that they could 
jftot make peace without the presence of the chiefs of 
the o^er towns : on which one of the chiefs was re- 
leased to bring in the others. He did not return in the 
appointed time- Another chief was permitted to go on 
the same errand, who in^like manner did not return. 
The party then tinoved up the river to the next town, 
which was about a mile above the first, and on the op- 
posite shcre. Here we had a slight skiimish with the 
Indians, in Which one of them was killed and one of 
©ur men wounded. It was then discovered, that during 
all the time spent in the negotiation, the Indians were 
employed in removing their women and cliildren, old 
people and effects, from the upper towns. The towns 
were burned and the corn cut up. Tiie party then re- 
turned to the place from which, they sat out, bringinof 
with them the three remaining chiefs, who were sent to 
Williamsburg; They were released at the peace tlie 
succeeding faH. 

The army were out of provisions before they left the 
towns, and had to subsist on weeds, one ear ^f corn 
each day^ with a very scanty supply of game. Tiie 
corn was obtained at one of the Indian towns. 
17^ 



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CHAPTER V. 
Gen, M^IntosKs campaign. 

In the spring of the year 1773, government having 
sent a small force of regular troops, u!nder the command 
of Gen. Mlntosh, for the defense of the western fron- 
tier, the general, with the regulars and militia itom FotI 
Pitt, descended the Ohio about thirty miles, and built 
Fort Mlntosh, on the site of the present Beaver town. 
The fort was made with strong stockades, furnished 
with bastfons,'and mounted with one 6-pounder. This 
station was well selected as a point fdr a smsdl mflitary 
force, always in readine^ to pursue or intercept the war 
parties of Indians, who frequently made incursions into 
the settlements on the q)posite side of the river in its 
immediate neighborhood. The fort was well garrison- 
ed stnd supplied with provisions during the summer. 

Soraetitne in the fell of the same year. Gen. M'In- 
tosh received an order from government to make a cam- 
paign against the Sandusky towns. This order he at- 
tempted to obey with one thousand men ; but owing to 
the delay in making necessary outfits for the expedition, 
the officers, on reaching Tuscarawa, thoiight it best to 
halt at that place, build and garrison a fort, and delay 
the ferther prosecution of the campaign until the next 
spring. Accordingly they erected Fort Laurens on the 
tenk of the Tuscarawa. S<Hne time after the comple- 
tion of the fort, the general returned with the army to 
Fort Pitt, leaving Col. John Gibson with a command ^f 
one hundred and fifty men to protect the fort until 
spring. The Indians were soon acquainted with the 
existence of the fort, and soon convinced our people, by 
sad experience, of the bad policy of building and fit- 
tempting to hold a fort so far in advance of our setde- 
ments and otlier forts. 



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273 

The first annoyance the gartison received from the 
Indians was some time in the month of January. In 
the night time they caught most of the horses belonging 
to the fort, and taking them off some distance into the 
woods, they took off their bells, and formed an ambus- 
cade foy the side of a path leading through the high 
grass of a prairy at a Uttle distance from the fort. In 
the morning the Indians rattled the horse bells at the 
&rther end of the line of the ambuscade. The plan 
succeeded ; a fatigue of sixteen men went out for the 
hcwrses and fell into the snare. Fourteen were killed on 
the spot, two were taken prisoners, one of whom was 
given up at the close of war, the other was never after- 
wards heard of. 

Gen. Benjamin Biggs, then a captain in the fort, be- 
iog oflScer of the day, requested leave of the colonel to 
go out with the fatigue party, which fell into the ambus- 
cade. "No," said the colonel, "this fatigue party does 
not belong to a captain's command. When 1 shall have 
oceasion to employ one of that number, I shall be thank- 
ful for your service ; at present you must attend'to your 
duty in the fcHl." On what trivial circumstances do 
life and death sometimes depend ! 

In the evening of the day of the ambuscade, the 
whole Indian army, 4n full war dress and painted, 
marched in single file through a prairy in view of the 
fort. Their number, as counted from one of the bas- 
tions, was 847. They then took up their encampment 
on an elevated piece of ground at a small distance from 
the fort, on the opposite side of the river. From this 
can^ they frequently held conversations with the peo- 
ple of our garrison. In these conversations, they seem- 
ed to deplore the long continuance of the war and hoped 
for peace ; but were much exasperated at the Americans 
for attempting to penetrate so far into their country. 
This great body of Indians continued the investment 
of the fort, as long as they could obtain subsistence, 
which was about six weeks. 

An old Indian hy the name of John Thompson, who 



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874 GEN, M^lNTOgH's CAltfl^AIGN. 

was wkh die American army in the fort, fr^qaently 
went out among the Indians during their stay at their 
encampment, with the mutual consent of both parties. 
A short time before the Indians left the place^ they sent 
word to Cd, Gibson, by the old Indian, that they -were 
desirous of peace, and that if he would send them a 
barrel of flour they would send in their proposals the 
next day ; but although the colonel complied with their 
request, they marched off without fulfilliilg their en- 
gagement. 

The commander, supposing the whole number of the 
Indians had gone off, gave permission to Col. Clark, of 
the Peimsylvania hne, to escort the invalids, to the ninn- 
ber of eleven or twelve, to Fort. Mlntosh. The whole 
number of this detachment was fifteen. The wary In- 
dians had left a party behind, for the purpose of doing' 
mischief. These attacked this party of invalids and 
their escort, about two miles from the fort, and killed 
the whole of them with the exception of four, amongBt 
whom was the captain, who ran back to the fort. On 
the same day a detachment went out from the fort, 
brought in the dead, and buried them with the honors 
of war, in front of the fort gate. 

In three or four days after this disaster, a relief of 
seven hundred men,. under Gen. M'Intosh, arrived at 
the fort with a supply of provisions, a great part of which 
w^s lost by an untoward accident. When the reUef 
Jiad reached within about one hundred yards of the 
fort, the garrison gave them a salute of a general dis^ 
charge of musketry, at the report of which the pack 
horses took fright, broke loose and scattered the provi- 
sions in every direction, thrGUgh4he wogids, so that the 
greater part of them could nevei* be recovered again. 

Among other transactions which took place about 
this time, was that of gathering up the remeiins of the 
fourteen men for interment, who had fallen in the am- 
buscade during the winter, and which could not be done 
during the investment of the place by the Indians. 
They were found mostly devoured by the wolves. The 



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275 

fidigtie party dug a|Ht latrge enough to cofttaia the re- 
jrtfiains^f all of them, ajoA after depomtingihem la the 
pit, merely covering them with a little earf.h, with a view 
to have revenge on the wolveafbr devouring their com- 
panions^ they covered the pit with slender sticks, rotten 
wood and lats of bark, not of sufficient length to bear 
the weight of a wolf On the top of this covering they 
pla^^ed a piece of meat, as a bait for the wolves. The 
next morning seven of them were found iii the pit. 
They were shot and the pit filled up. 

For about two weeks befwe the relief arrived, the 
garrison had be^i put on short aflowance of half a 
pound of «our flour and an equal-weight of stinking 
meat for every two days. The greater part of the last 
week, they had nothing" to subsist on but such roots as 
they fcould find jiHhe woods and prairips^ and raw hides. 
Two men lost their lives by eating wild parsnip root» 
by mistake. Pour more nearly shared 4he same fete, 
but were saved by medical aid. - 

On the evening of the arrival of the relief, two days? 
rations Were issued to each man in the fort. . These ft^ 
♦ions were intended as their allowance during their 
xnarch ito Fort. M^Mtosh ; but many erf" the men^ sup- 
posing them to^have been back rations, ate up the whole 
of their allowance before the next morning. In con- 
sequence of this imprudence, in eating, immoderately 
after such extreme starvation fi^m the want of provi- 
fiions, about forty of the men became faint and sick du- 
ring the first d^y^B march. On the second day, how- 
ever, tiie sufferers were met by a great number of their 
friends from the settlements to which they belonged, by 
whom they were amply supplied with provisions, and 
thus saved from perishing. 

Maj, Vernon, wha succeeded Col. Gibsoninthe cofxh 
mand of Fort Latirens, continued its possession until 
die next fell, when the garrison, after being, like their 
predecessors^ reduced almost to starvation, evacuated 
the place. 

Thus ended the disastrous business of Fort Laureni^ 



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276 MORAVIAN CAMPAIGN. 

in which much &tigue apd suffering were endured a&d 
iiiany live§ lost, ^ut without any beneficial result to the 
couhtry. 



CHAPTER VI. 
The Moravian campaign. 

This^eVer memorable campaign took place nn the 
month of March 1782. The weather^ during the great- 
er part of the month of Februar}^, had been taneom- 
monly fine, so that the war parties from Sandusky visit- 
ed the settlemenis, and committed depredations earher 
than usual. The family of a William Wallace, ecte- 
sisting of his^ wife and five or six chSdren, were killed, 
and John Carpenter taken prisoner. These events took 
place in the latter part of February. The early period 
at which those fated visitations of ine Indians took place, 
led to the conclusion that the murderers were either Mo- 
ravians, OF that the warriors had had their winter quar- 
ters ax their towns on the Muskingum. In either case, 
the Moravians being in fault, the safety of the fronti^" 
settlements required the destruction of their establish- 
ments at that place. 

Accordingly, between eighty and ninety men were 
hastily collected together for the fatal •enterjHise. They 
rende2;vx)used and encamped the first' night on the Min- 
go bottom, on the west side of the Ohio river. Each 
man furnished himself with his own arrns, ammunitkjn 
and provision. Many of them had horses. The se- 
cond day's march brought them within one mile of the 
middle Momvian town, where they encamped for -the 
night. In the morning the men were divided into two 
equal parties, one of which was to cross the rivet about 
ft mile above the town, their vjdettes havings reported 



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MORAVIAN €AMf»AIG^. tT7 

Aat there were Indians on l)otih sides of the river. The 
other party was divided into three divisions, one of which 
was to take a circuit in the woods, and .reach the river 
aMttle distance below the town, on the east side. An- 
other division was lo fall into the middle of the town, 
and the third at its upper end. 

When the party which designed to make the attack 
on the west side had reached the river, they found no 
craft to take them over, but something like a canoe was 
seen on the opposite bank. Tho river was high with 
some floating ice. A young man of the n^tme of Skughr 
ter swam the ri^er and brought over, not a canoe, but a 
trough designed for holding sugar water. This trough 
could carry but two men at a time. In order to expe^ 
dite their passage, a,ni;?mbet of men stripped off their 
clothes, put them into the trough, together with their 
guns, and swam by its sid^s, holding its edges with their* 
hands. When about sixteen had crossed the river, their 
two sentinels, who had been posted in advance^ discov- 
ered an Indian whose name^ was Shabosh. One of 
them broke wie of his arms by a shot* A shot from the 
other ^ntinel killed him. These heroes then scalped 
and tomahawked hinii - 

By this time about sixteen men had aot over the riv- 
er, and supposing that the firing of tne ^ns which 
Mled Shabosh would lead to an instant discovery, they 
sent wore! to the party designed to attack the tovmon 
the east side of the river to move on instantly, which 
they did. - ^ 

Jn Xhe mean time, the ^mall party which had crossed 
the river, marched with all tjpeed to the nimn town on 
the west side of the river. Here they foutid a large com- 
pany of Indians gathering the com which they had left 
in their fields the preceding fall when they removed to 
>Sandusky. On the arrival of the men at the town, 
they professed peace and good will to the Moravians, 
and informed them that they had come to take them to 
Foit Pitt for their safety. The Indians surrendered, 
delivered up^heir arms, and appeared highly delighted 



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^kh the (NTOfipect of thdr removal; and b^an with ftH 
jBpeed to jn-epare victuab for tlie white men md for them- 
selves on their journey. 

A party of white men and Indians was immediately 
dispeUched to Salem, a shon distslnce from Gnadenhat- 
ien, where the Indians were^athering in their com, to 
bring them ifito Gnadenhutten; The party soon arri- 
ved with the whole nmnber of the Indians from Salem. 

In the mean time the Indians from Gnadenhutten 
were confined in two houses some distance apart, and 
placed under guard ; and when those fr6m Salem arri- 
ved, they were divided, and placed in the same houses 
with their brethren of GnaderfiHtten. 

The prisoners being thus secured, a council of war 
was held to decide on their fete. The <^cers^ unwilling- 
to take xm themselves the whcde responsibility of the 
decision, agreed to refer the question to the whole num- 
ber of the men. The men were accordingly drawn \ip 
in a Une. The commandant of the party, CoL David 
Williamson, then put' the question to them in form, 
*': Whether the Moravian Indians^ should he taken pri* 
doners to Pittsburg, or put to death, and requeued that 
all those who were in favor of saving their lives should 
step out of the-line, and form a secpnd rank." On this 
si^en, some say eighteenj stepped out of the rank, arKi 
formed- themselves into .a second line ; jmt alas ! thia 
line of mercy wats for too shtat for that of vengeance.- 
_ -rhe fate of the Moravians was then decided on, and 
tlicy were told to prepate for death. - 

The prisoners, fron^ the time they were placed in the 
guaxd-bouse,^ foresaw their fete, and began their devo- 
tions by singing hymns, praying, and ^exhorting each** 
' otfer to place a firm reliance in the merey of the Sa- 
vior^f men. When their fat^ was announced Iq them, 
.these devoted people emtH*aced, Jsksed, and bedewing 
each others' faces and bosoms with their mutual tear^, 
asked pardon of the brothers and sisters for any offense 
they m^ht have given them through life. Thus, at 
peace with their God and each other, on being asked by 



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MORAVIAN CAMPAIGN. 879 

those who were impatient for the slaughter, "WhethCT 
they were ready to die?" they answered "that they had 
commended their souls to God, and were ready to die." 

The particulars of this dreadful catastrophe are too 
horrid to relate. Suffice it to say, that in a few minutes 
these two slaughter-houses, as they were then called, 
exhibited in their ghastly interior, the mangled, bleed- 
ing remains, of these poor unfortunate people, of all 
ages and sexes, from the aged grayheaded parent, down 
to the helpless infant at the i^other's breast, dishonored 
by the fetal wounds of the tomahawk, mallet, war club, 
spear and scalping-knife. 

Thus, O Brainard and Zeisberger ! faithful mission- 
aries, who devoted your whole lives to incessant toil 
and sufferings in your endeavors to make the wilder- 
ness of paganism "rejoice and blossonj as the rose," in 
faith and piety to God ! thus perished your faithful 
followers, by the murderous hands of the more than 
savage white men. Faithful pastors ! Your spirits are 
again associated with those of your flock, " where the 
wicked c^ase from troubling and the weeiry are at rest T' 

The number of the slain, as reported by the men on 
their return from the campaign, was eighty-seven or 
eighty-nine ; but the Moravian account, which no doubt 
is correct, makes the number ninety-six. Of these, six- 
ty-two were grown persons, one third of whom were 
women ; the remaining thiity-four were children. All 
these, with a few exceptions, were killed in the houses. 
Shabosh was killed about a mile above the town, on the 
west side of the river. His wife was killed while en- 
deavoring to conceal herself in a bunch of bushes at 
the water's edge, on the airival of the men at the town, 
on the east side of the river. A man at the same time 
was shot in a canoe, while attempting to make his es- 
cape from the east to the west side of the river. Two 
others were shot while attempting to escape by swim- 
ming the river. 

A few men, who were supposed to he warriors, were 
tied and taken some distance from the daughter houses, 
18 



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280 MORAVIAN CAMPAtOir. 

to be tomahawked. One of these had hke to har4 
made his escape at the expense of the life of one of the 
murderers. The rope by which he was led was of somef 
length. The two men who were condticting him to 
death fell into a dispute who shotrld have 3ie scalp. 
The Indian, while marchirtg wkh a kind of dancing' 
motion, and singing his death song, drew a knife fronf 
a scabbard suspended round his neck, ctit tht rope, and 
aimed at stabbing one of the men ; but the jerk of thcf 
rope occasioned the men to look round. The Indiatt 
then fled towards the woods, and while running, deX' 
terously untied the rope from his wrists. He was in- 
stantly pursued by several men who fired at him, one 
of whom wouilded him in the arm. After a few shots 
the firirtg was forbidden, for fear the men might kfll 
each other as they were rtmning in a straggling^ man- 
ner. A young man then mounted on a horse arid pur-^ 
sued the Indian, who when oveitakeil struck the horse 
on the head with a club. The rider sprang from the 
horse, on which the Indian seized, threw him down and 
drew liis tomahawk to kill him. At that instant, one 
of the party got near enough to shoot the Indian, tvhich 
he did merely in time to save the life of his companion. 

Of the whole niimbe* of the Indians at Gnadenhut^ 
teii and Salem, only two made their escape. These 
were two lads of fourteen or fifteen years of age. One 
of them, after being knocked down and scalped, but 
not killed, had the presence of mind to lie still among 
the dead, until the dusk of the evening, when he si- 
lently crept oiit of the door and made his escape. The 
other lad slipped throtigh a trap door into the cellar of 
one of the slaughter houses, from which he made his 
escape through a small cellar window. 

These two lads were fortunate in getting together in 
the woods the same night. Another lad, somewhat 
larger, in attempting to pass through the same window, 
it is supposed stuck fast and was burnt alive. 

The Indians of the upper town were apprised of 
their danger in due time to make their escape, two of 



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ItORAVIAN CAMPAI<iBC. 281 

4hem having found the mangled body of Shabosh. 
Providentially they all made their escape, although they 
miglit have been easily overtaken by the party, if they 
had undertaken their pursuit. A division of the men 
were ordered to go to Shonbrun ; but finding the place 
deserted, they took what plunder they could find, and 
returned to their companions v^thout looking feither 
after the Indians. 

After the work of death was finished, and the plun- 
der secured, all the buildings in the town -were set on 
fire and the slaughter houses among the rest. The dead 
bodies were thus consumed to ashes. A rapid retreat 
to the settlements finished the campaign. 

Such were the principal events of this horrid affair^ 
A massacre of innocent, unofiending people, dishonorr 
Able not only to our country, but human nature itself 

Before making any remarks on the causes which led 
-to the disgraceful events under consideration, it may l^ 
proper to notice the manner in which the enterprise vvaa 
^conducted, as fiirnishing evidence that the murder of 
4he Moravians was intended, and that no resistance 
from them was aiarticipated. 

in a military point of view, the Moravian campaign 
was conducted in the very worst manner imaginable. 
It was undertaken at so early a period, tiat a deep faG 
of snow. Si thing very common in the early part of 
March in former times, would have defeated the enter- 
prise. When the army came to the river, instead of 
<jonstructing a sufficient number of raftato transport the 
requisite number over the river at once, they commen- 
ced crossing in a sugaur trough, which could carry only 
•two men at a time, thus jeopardizing the safety of those 
who first weiU over. The two sentinels who shot Shar 
bosh, according to military law Ought to have been ex- 
ecuted on the spot for having fired without orders, there- 
by giving premature notice of the approach of our men. 
The truth is, nearly the whole niunber of the army 
ought to have been transported over the river ; for after 
jftU their forces employed^ and pi«ca«tipn used in getting 



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282 HO^AVIAN CAMPAIGN. 

possession of the town on the east side of the river, there 
were but one man and one squaw found in it, all the 
others being on the other side. This drcumstance they 
ought to have known beforehand, and acted accord- 
ingly. The Indians on the west side of the river a- 
mounted to about eighty, and among them above thkr 
ty men, besides a number of young lads, all possessed 
of guns and well accustomed to the use of them ; yet 
this large number was attacked by about sixteen men. 
If they had really anticipated resistance, they deserved 
to lose their hves for their rashness. It is presunnable, 
however, that having full confidence in the pacific prin^ 
ciples of the Moravians, they did not expect resistance; 
but calculated on blood and plunder without having a 
shot fired at them. If this was really the case, the au- 
thor leaves it to justice to find, if it can, a name for the 
transaction. 

One can hardly help reflecting with regret, that these 
Moravians did not for the moment lay aside their paci- 
fic principles and do themselves justice. With a mere 
show of defense, or at most a few shots, they might 
have captured and disarmed those few men, and held 
them as hostages for the safety of their people and pro- 
perty imtil they could have removed them out of their 
way. This they might have done on the easfest terms, 
as the remainder of the army could not have* crossed 
the river without their permission, as there was but one 
canoe at the place, and the river too high to be forded. 
But alas ! these tnily christian people suffered them- 
selves to be betrayed by hypocritical professions of friend- 
ship, until " they were led as sheep to the slaughter." 
Over this horrid deed humanity must shed tears of comr 
miseration, as long as the record of it shall remain. 

Let not the reader fitippose that I have presented him 
with a mere imaginary possibility of defense on the 
part of the Moravians. This defense would have been 
an easy task. Our people did not go on that campaign 
with a view of fighting. There may have been some 
brave men among them ; but they were far from being 



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MORAVIAN CAMPAIGN. 383 

all such. For my part, I cannot suppose for a moment 
that any white man, who can harbor a thought of using* 
his arms for the killing of women and children in any 
case, can be a brave man. No, he is a murderer. 

The history of the Moravian settlements on the Mus- 
kingum, and the peculiar circumstances of their inha- 
l»tants during the revolutionary contest between Great 
Britain and America, deserve a place here. 

In the year 1772, the Moravian villages were com- 
menced by emigrations from Friedenshutten on the 
Big Beaver, and from Wyalusing and Sheshequon on 
the Susquehanna. In a short time they rose to consid- 
erable extent and prosperity, containing upwards of four 
hundred people. During the summer of Dunmore's 
war, they were much annoyed by war parties of the In- 
dians, and distmbed by perpetual rumors of the ill in- 
tentions of the white people of the frontier settlements 
towards them ; yet their labors, schools and religious 
exercises, went on without interruption. 

In the revolutionary war, which began in 1775, the 
situation of the Moravian settlements was truly deplo- 
rable. The English had associated with their own 
means of warfare against the Americans, the scalping 
knife and tomahawk of the merciless Indians. These 
aUies of England committed the most horrid depreda- 
tions along the whole extent of our defenseless frontier. 
From early in the spring until late in the fall, the early 
settlers of the western parts of Virginia and Pennsylva- 
nia had to submit to the severest hardships and priva- 
tions. Cooped up in little stockade forts, they worked 
their little fields in parties under arms guarded by senti- 
nels, and were doomed from day to day to witness or 
hear reports of the murders or captivity of their people, 
the burning of their houses, and the plunder of their 
property. 

The war with the English fleets and armies, on the 
other side of the mountains, was of such a character as 
to ^igage the whole attention and resources of our gov- 
ernment, so that, poor as the first settlers of this country 



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284 MOEAVtAN CAMPAIOK. 

were, they had to bear ahnoet the whole burden of the 
war during the revolutionary contest. They chose their 
own officers, furnished their own means, and conduct- 
ed the war in their own way. Thus circumstanced, 
" they became a law unto themselves," and on certain 
occasions perpetrated acts which government was com- 
pelled to disapprove. This lawless temper of our peo- 
ple was never fully dissipated imtil the conclusion of 
the whisky rebellion in 1794. 

The Moravian villages were situated between the set- 
tlements of the whites and the towns of the warriors, 
about sixty miles from the former, and not much far- 
ther from the latter. On this account they were deno- 
minatefl " the half-way houses of the warriors." Thus 
placed between two rival powers engaged in furious 
warfare, the preservation of their neutrality was no easy 
task, perhaps impossible. If it requires the same phy- 
sical force to preserve a neutral station among bellige- 
rent nations that it does to prosecute a war, as is un- 
questionably the case, this pacific people had no chance 
for the preservation of theirs. The very goodness of 
their hearts, their aversion to the shedding of hun^an 
blood, brought them into difficulties with both parties. 
When they sent their runners to Fort Pitt, to inform us 
of the approach of the war parties, or received, fed, se- 
creted and sent home prisoners, who had made their 
escape from the savages, they made breaches of their 
neutrality, as to the belligerent Indians. Their fur- 
nishing the warriors with a resting place and provisions 
was contrary to their neutral engagements to us ; but 
their local situation rendered those accommodations to 
the warriors unavoidable on their part, as the warriors 
possessed both the will and the means to compel them 
to give whatever they wanted from them. 

The peaceable Indians first fell under suspicion with 
the Indian warriors and the English commandant at 
Detroit, to whom it was reported that t.heir teachers 
were in close confederacy with the American congress, 
for preventing not only their own people, but also th« 



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MORAVIAN CAMPATGPT. 285 

TMaWares and some otlier nations, from associating 
their arms' Avith those of the British for canying on the 
war against, the American colonies. 

The frequent faihires of tiie war expediliona of. the 
Indians was attributed to the Moravians, who often sent 
runners to Fort Pitt to give notice of their approach. 
This charge against them was certainly not without 
fimhdation. In the spring of the year 1781 the war 
chiefs of the Dela wares fully apprised tlieinissionaVies 
^and their followers of their danger both from the whites 
and Indians, and requested them to remove to a place 
of safety from both* This request w^as not complied 
with, and the almost prophetic jnedif^tiens of the chiefe 
were literally fulfilled. 

In the faU of the year 1781, the settlements of the 
Moravians wiere broken up by upwards of 300 warri- 
ors, and the missionaries taken prisoners, after being 
robbed of almost ev-ery thing. The Indians Avere left 
to shift for themselves in the barren plains of Sandus- 
ky, "whei-e most of their horses and cattle perished from 
famine during the winter. The missionaries. were ta- 
ken -prisoners to Detroit ; but after an examination by 
the governor, were permitted to I'otum to their beloved 
people again. 

In the latter part of Fi?bruary, a party of al^out 150 
of the Moravian Indians retiuned to their des^crted vil- 
lages on tlie Muskingmn, to procure corn to keep their 
families and cattle from starving. Of these, ninety-six 
fell- into the hands of Williamson and his party, and 
were mui'dered. 

The causes which led totliQuiurdcr of the Moravi- 
ans are now to be detailed. 

The pressure of the Indian war alotig the whole of 
the western frontier, for several years preceding the 
event under consideration, had been dreadfully severe. 
From early in the spring, until the commencement of 
winter, from day to day murdei's were committed in ev- 
ery direction by the Indians. The people lived in forts 
which weVe in the highest decree uncomfortable. The 

' ist 



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S86 MORAVIAN CAMPAIGIf. 



men were haras^ continually with the duties of going 
on scouts and campaigns. There was scarcely a fem^ 
ily of the first settlers who did not, at some time or oth- 
er, lose more oi" less of their nurai)er by the merciless 
Indians. Their cattle were killed, their cabins burned, 
and their horses carried off. These losses were severely 
felt by a people so poor as we were at that time. Thus 
circumstanced, our people were exasperated to madness 
by the extent and severity of the war. The unavail- 
ing endeavors of the American congress to prevent thei 
Indians from taking up the hatchet against either side 
in the revolutionary contest, contributed* much to in* 
crease the general indignatu)n against them, at the same 
time those pacific endekvors of our government divided 
the Indians amongst themselves on the question of war 
or peace with the whites. The Moravians, part of the 
Delawares, and some others, faithfully endeavored to 
preserve peace, but in vain. The Indian maxim was, 
" he that iis not for ns is against us." Hence the Mo- 
ravian missionaries and their followers wefe several 
times on the point of being murdered by the warriors. 
This would have been done had it not been for the pru- 
dent conduct of some of the war chiefe. 

On the other hand, the local situation of the Moravian 
villages excited the jealousy of the white peo^e. If 
they took no direct agency in the war, yet they were, 
as they were then caued, " half-way houses" between 
us and the warriors, at which the latter could stqp, rest, 
refi^sh themselves, and traflSck off their plunder. Whe- 
ther these aids, thus given to our enemies, were contrary 
to the laws of neutrality between belligerents, is a ques^-. 
tion which I willingly leave to the decision of civilians. 
On the part of the Moravians they were unavoiikble. 
If they did not give or sell provisions to the warri(*s, 
they would take them by force. The fault was in their 
situatipn, not in thernselves. 

The longer the war continued, the more our 4>eopie 
complained of the situation of these Moravian vUlages. 
It was said that it was owing to their being so neArn?, 



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MORAVIAN CAMPAIGN* 287 

that the warriors commenced their depredations so ear- 
ly in the spring, and continued them until so late in the 
fall. 

In the latter end of the year 1781, the militia of the 
frontier came to a determination to break up the Mora- 
vian villages on the Muskingum. For this purpose a 
detachment of our men went out under the command 
of Col. David Williamson, for the purpose of inducing 
the Indians with their teachers to move farther off, or 
bring them prisoners to Fort Pitt. When they arrived 
at the villages they found but few Indians, the greater 
number of them haying removed to Sanduyky. These 
few were well treated, taken to Fort Pitt, and dehyered 
to the commandant of that station, who after a short 
detention sent them home again. 

This procedure gave great offense to the people of the 
country, who thought the Indians ought to have been 
killed. Col. Williamson, who, before this httle cam- 
paign, had been a very popular man, on account of his 
activity and bravery in war, now became the subject of 
severe animadversion on account of his lenity to the 
Moravian Indians. In justice to his memory I have to 
«ay, that although at that time very ypung, I was per 
isonally acquainted with him, and from my recollection 
of his conversation, I say with confidence that he waa 
a brave man, but not cruel. He would meet an enemy 
in battle, and fight like a soldier, but not murder a pris- 
oner. Had he possessed the authority of a superior of- 
ficer in a regular army, I do not believe that a single 
Moravian Indian would have lost his life ; but he pos- 
sessed no such authority. He was only a militia offi- 
cer, who could advise, but not command. His only 
feult was that of too easy a compliance with popular 
opinion and popular prejudice. On this account his 
memory has been loaded with unmerited reproach. 

Several reports unfavorable to the Moravians had 
been in circulation for some time befoie the campaign 
against them. One was, that the night after they were 
liberatexl at Fort Pitt, they crossed the river and killed 



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288 MORAVIAN CAMPAIGN. 

or made prisoners a family of the name of Montem*. 
A family on Buffalo creek had been mostly killed in the 
summer or fall of 1781 ; and it was said by one of 
them, who, after being made, a prisoner, made his es- 
cape, that the leader of the party of Indians who did 
the mischief was a Moravian. These, with other re- 
ports of similar import, served as a pretext for their de- 
struction, although no doubt they were utterly false. 

Should it be asked what sort of people composed the 
band of murderers of these unfortunate people ? I an- 
swer, they were not miscreants or vagabods ; many of 
them were men of the first standing in the country : 
many of them were men who had recently lost relations 
by the hands of the savages. Several of the latter class 
found articles which had been plundered from their 
own houses, or those of their relations, in the houses of 
the Moravians. One man, it is said, found the clothes 
of his wife and children, who had been murdered by 
the Indians a few days before : they were still bloody ; 
Tet there was no unequivocal evidence that these people 
had any direct agency in the war. Whatever of our 
property was found with them had been left by the 
warriors in exchange for the provisions which they took 
from them. When attacked by our people, although 
they might have defended themselves, they did not : 
they never fired a single shot. They were prisoners, 
and had been promised protection. Every dictate of 
justice and humanity required that their lives should be 
spared. The complaint of their villages being " half- 
way houses for the warriors," was at an end, as they 
had been removed to Sandusky the fall before. It was 
therefore an atrocious and unqualified murder. But by 
whom committed — by a majority of the campaign ? — 
For the honor of my country, I hope I may safely an- 
swer this question in the negative. It was one of those 
convulsions of the moral state of society, in which the 
voice of the justice and humanity of a majority is silen- 
ced by the clamor and violence of a lawless minority. 
Verv few of our men imbrued their hands in the blood 



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INDIAN SUMMER. 289 

of the Moravians. iSven those who had not voted for 
saving their lives, retired from the scene of slaughter 
with horror and disgust. Why then did they not give 
their votes in their favor ? The fear of public indigna- 
tion restrained thein from doing so. They thought well, 
but had not heroism enough to express their opinion. 
Those who did so, deserve honorable mention for their 
intrepidity. So far as it may hereafter be in my power, 
this honor shall be done them, while the names of the 
miirderers shall not stain the pages of history, from my 
pen at least. 



CHAPTER VII. 

The Indian summer. 

ks connected with the history of th^ Indian wars 
of the western country, it may not be amiss to give an 
explanation of the term " Indiah summer." 
. This expression, Uke many others, has continued in 
general use, notwithstanding its original import has been 
forgotten. A backwoodsman seldom hears this expres- 
4^ioH withoxit feeling a chill of horror, because it brings 
to his mind the painful recollection of its original appB- 
cati<»^. Such is the force of the faculty of association 
in human nature. , • 

The reader must here be reminded, that, during the 
long continued Indian wars sustained by the first set- 
tlers of the west, they enjoyed no peace excepting in 
the winter season, when, owing to the severity of the 
Wee^ther^^ the Indians were unable to make their excur* 
rions into the settlements. The onset of winter «was 
therefore hailed as a jubUee by the early inhabitants (rf 
the country, who, throughout the spring and the early 
part of the fall, had been cooped up ih their little uncom- 



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290 INDIAN SUMMER. 

fortable foits, and subjected to all the distresses of the 
Indian war. . 

At the approach of winter, therefore, all the farmers, 
excepting the owiier of t ha fort, removed to tlieir cabins 
on their farms, with the joyfyl feelings of a tenant of 
a prison recovering his release from coilfuiement* All 
was bustle and hilarity in preparing for winter, by gath- 
ering in the corn, digging potatoes, fattening hogs, and 
repairing the cabins. To our forefathers the gloomy 
months of winter were more pleasant than tbczephyrs 
and the flowers of May. 

It however sometimes happened, tiftcr the apparent 
onset of winter, theweatlier beca^ne warm ; the smoky 
time commenced, and lasted for a considerable number 
of days. This was the Indian sumjner, because it af- 
forded the Indians another opportunity of visiting the 
settlements with their destructive warfare. The melt- 
ing of the snow saddened every coimtenance, anJ thfe 
gonial warmth of the sun chilled every heart with hor- 
ror. The apprehension of anotlier visit from the In- 
dians, and of being.driven hack to the detested fort, Was 
Eainful in the highest degree, and the distressing- apJ3re- 
ension was frequently realized. 
- Toward the latter part of February we commonly 
had a fine spell of open warm Weather, during which 
the snow melted away. This was denpminateJ the 
" pawwawing days," from the supposition that the Iri- 
dians were then holding their war councils, for plan- 
ning off their spring campaigns into the settlements. 
Sad experience^ taught us that in this conjuncture we 
were not often mistaken. , ^ 

Sometimes it happened.tliat the Indians ventui'ed-ta 
make their excursions too late in the fall or 6do early in 
the spring for their own convenience. , * 

A man of the name of John Carpenterwas taken 
early in the ^onth of March, in>the neighborl^ood of 
what is now Weljsbui^. There had been several waim 
days ; but on the night preceding hfe captum there was 
a heavy fall of snX)W. His two horses, which thev took 



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iNblAN SUMMER. 291 

Willi him, nearly perished in swimming the Ohio. The 
Indians as well as himself suffered severely with the 
cold before they reached the Moravian towns on the 
Muskingum. In the morning after the first day's jour- 
ney beyond the Moravian towns, the Indians sent out 
Carpenter to bring in the horses, which had been turn- 
ed out in the evening, after being hobbled. The horses 
had made a circuit, and fallen into the trail by which 
they came, and were making their way homewards. 

When Carpenter overtook them, and had taken off 
their fetters, he had, as he said, to make a most awful 
decision. He had a chance and barely a chance to make 
his escape, with a certainty of death should he attempt 
it without success; while on the other hand, the horii- 
ble prospect of being tortured to death by fire presented 
itself. As he was the first prisoner taken that spring, 
of course the general custom of the Indians, of burning 
the first prisoner every spring, doomed him to the.flames. 

After spending a few minutes in making his decision, 
he resolved on attempting an escape, and effected it by 
way of forts Laurens, Mcintosh and Pittsburg. If I 
recollect rightly, he brought both his horses home with 
him. This happened in the year 1782. The capture 
of Mr. Carpenter, and the murder of two families about 
the same time, that is to say, in the two or three first 
days of March, contributed materially to the Moravian 
eompaign, and the murder of that unfortunate people. 



CHAPTER VIIL 

Gen, CrawfordCs campaign. 

This, in one point of view at least, is to be considered 
as a second Moravian campaign, as bne of its objects 
was that of finishing the work of murder and plunder 



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292 cbawford's campaigk. 

with the christian Indians at their new estaUkhmen^ 
on the SaQdusky. The next object was that of dertroy- 
ing the Wyandot towns on the same river. It was the 
relation of all those concerned in this expedition, noC 
to spare the life of any Indians that might fall into their 
hands, whether friends or foes. It wm be seen in the 
sequel that the result of this campaign was widely dif- 
ferent from that of the Moravian campaign the prece^ 
ding March. 

It should seem that the long continuance of the In- 
dian war had debased a considerable portion of our po- 
pulation to the savage state of our nature. Having lost 
so many relatives by the Indians, and witnessed their 
horrid murders and other depredations on so extendve a 
scale, they became subjects of that indiscriminate thirst 
for revenge, which is such a prominent fe^ure in the 
savage character ; and having had a taste of blood and 
plunder, without risk or loss on their part, they resolved 
to go on and kill every Indian they could find, whether 
friend or foe. 

Preparations for this campaign commenced soon af* 
ter the close of the Moravian campaign, in the mmith 
of March ; and as it was intended to make what was 
called at that time " a dash,^ that is, an enterprise con- 
ducted with secrecy and dispatch, the men were all 
mounted on the best horses they could procure. They 
frirnished themselves with all their outfits, except some 
ammunition, which was frurnished by the lieutenant- 
colonel of Washington county. 

On the 25th of May 1782, 480 men mustered at the 
old Mingo towns, on the western side of the Ohio river. 
They were all volunteers from the immediate neighbor- 
hood of the Ohio, with the exception of one compaiiy 
from Ten Mile, in Washington county. Here an elec- 
tion was held for the ojflSce of commander-in-chief for 
the expedition. The candidates were Col. Williamson 
and Col. Crawford. The latter was the successful can- 
didate. When notified of his appointment, it is said 
that he accepted it with apparent reluctance. 



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ch-awford's campaign. 293 

The army marched along " Williamson's trail," as it 
was then called, until they arrived at the upper Mora- 
vian town, in the fields belonging to which there was 
still plenty of corn on the stalks, with which their hor- 
ses were plentifully fed during the. night of their en- 
campment there. 

Shortly after the army, halted at this place, two In- 
dians were discovered by three men, who had walked 
some distance out of the camp. Three shots were fired 
at one of them, but without hurting him. As soon as 
the news of the discovery of Indians had reached the 
camp, more than one half of the men rushed out, with- 
out command, and in the most tumultuous manner, to 
see what happened. From that time. Col. Crawf(M"d 
felt a presentiment of the defeat which followed. * 

The truth is,^ that notwithstanding the secrecy and 
dispatch of the enterprise, the Indians were beforehand 
with our people. They saw the rendezvous on the Min- 
go bottom, and knew their number and destination. 
They visited every encampment immediately on their 
leaving it, and saw from their writing on the trees and 
scraps of paper, that " no quarter was to be ^ven to any 
Indian, whether man, woman or child." 

Nothing material happened during their march until 
the 6th of June, when their guides conducted them to 
the site of the Mor^ivian villages, on one of the upper 
branches of the Sandusky river ; but here, instead of 
meeting with Indians and plunder, they met with no- 
thing but vestiges of desolation. The place was cover- 
ed with high grass ; and the remains of a few huts 
alone announced that the place had been the residence 
of the people whom they intended to destroy, but who 
had moved off to Scioto some time before. 

In this dilemma, what was to be done ? The ofiScers 
held a council, in which it was determined to march one 
day longer m the direction of Upper Sandusky, and if. 
they should not reach the town in the course of the day, 
to make a retreat with all speed. 

The march was commenced on th^ next morning 



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294 Crawford's dAMPAiGN. 

through the plains of Sandusky, and continued until 
about two o'clock, when the advance guard was attack- 
ed and driven in by the Indians, who were discovered 
in large numbers in the high grass with which the place 
was covered. The Indian army was at that moment 
about entering a piece of woods, almost entirely sur- 
rounded by plains ; but in this they were disappointed 
by a rapid movement of our men. The battle then 
commenced by a heavy fire from both sides. From a 
partial possession of the woods which they had gained 
at the onset of the battle, the Indians were soon dis- 
lodged. They then attempted to gain a small skirt of 
wood on our right flank, but were prevented from doing 
80 by the vigilance and bravery of Maj. Leet, who com- 
manded the right wing of the army at that time. The 
firing was incessant and heavy until dark, when it 
ceased. Both armies lay on their arms during the night. 
Both adopted the policy of kindling large fires along the 
line of battle, and then retiring some distance in the rear 
of them, to prevent being surprised by a night attack. 
During the conflict of the afternoon three of our men 
were killed and several wounded. 

In the morning our army occupied the battle ground 
of the preceding day. The Indians made no attack du^ 
ring the day, until late in the evening, but were seen in 
large bodies traversing the plains in various directions. 
Some of them appeared to be employed in carr3ang oflf 
their dead and wounded. 

In the morning of this day a council of the officers 
was held, in which a retreat was resolved on, as the only 
means oif saving their army, the Indians appealing to 
increase in numbers every hour. During the sitting of 
this council, Col. Williamson proposed taking one hun- 
dred and fifty volunteers, and marching directly to Up- 
per Sandusky. -This proposition the commander-in- 
. chief prudently rejected, sayingy " I have no doubt but 
that you would reach the town, but you would find no- 
thing there but empty wigwams; and having taken off 
50 many of our best men, you would leave the rest to 



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295 

bfe destroyed by the host of Indians with which we are 
ifiow surrounded, and on your return they would attack 
and destroy yon. They care nothing about defending 
their towns : they are worth nothing. Their squaws, 
children and property, have been removed from them 
long since. Our Uvea and baggage are what they want^ 
and if they can get us divided they will soon have them* 
We must stay t(^ether and do the best we can." 

Duritig this day preparations were made for a retreat 
by bur3mig the dead and burning fires over their graves 
to prevent discovery, and preparing means for carrying 
oflF the wounded. The retreat was tp commence in the 
course of the night. The Indians, however, became 
apprised of the intended retreat, and about sundown 
attacked the army with great force and fury, in every 
direction, excepting that of Sandusky. 

When the line of march was formed by the com- 
mander-in-chief, and the retreat commenced, our guides 
Jwrudently took the direction of Sandusky, which afford- 
ed the only opening in the Indian lines and the only 
chance of concealment. After marching about a mile 
in this direction, the army wheeled about to the left, and - 
by a circuitous route gained the trail by which they 
came, before day. They continued their march the 
whole of the next day, with a trifling annoyance from 
the Indians, who fired a few distant shots at the rear 
guard, which slightly wounded two or three men. At 
night they built fires, took their suppers, secured the 
horses and resigned themselves to repose, without pla- 
cing a single sentinel or vidette for safety. In this care- 
less situation, they might have been surprised and cut 
off by the Indians, who, however, gave them no dis- 
turbance during the night, nor afterwards during the 
whole of their retreat. The number of those compo- 
sing the main body in the retreat was supposed to be 
about three hundred. 

Most unfortunately, when a retreat was resolved on, 
a difference of opinion prevailed concerning the best 
mode of effecting it. The greater number thought it 



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296 chawpord's campaign. 

■^ 

best to keep in a body and retreat as fast as possibfe, 
while a considerable number thought it safest to break 
off in small parties, and make their way home in dif- 
ferent directions, avoiding the route by which they came. 
Accordingly many attempted to do so, calculating that 
the whole body of the Indians would follow the main 
army. In this they were entirely mistaken. The In- 
dians paid but Uttle attention to the main body of the 
army, but pursued the small parties with such activity, 
that but very few of those who composed them ipade 
their escape. 

The (mly successful party who were detached from 
the main army, was that of about forty men under the 
command of a Capt. Williamson, who, pretty late, in the 
night of the retreat, broke through the Indian lines un- 
der a severe fire and with some loss, and overtook the 
main army on the morning of the second day of the 
retreat. 

For several days after the retreat of our army, tj|je 
Indians were spread over the whole country, from San- 
dusky to the Muskingum, in pursuit of the straggling 
parties, most of whom were killed on the spot. They 
even pursued them almost to the banks of the Ohio. A 
man of the name of Mills was killed, two miles to the 
eastward of the site of St. Clairsville, in the direction of 
Wheeling from that place. The number killed in this 
way must have been very great; the precise amount, 
however, was never fairly ascertained. 

At the commencement of the retreat. Col. Crawford 
placed himself at the hegui of the army, and continued 
there until they had gone about a quarter of a mile, 
when missing his son John Crawford, his son-in-law 
Maj. Harrison, and his nephews Maj. Rose and William 
Crawford, he halted and called for them as the Une pass- 
ed, but without finding them. After the army had* 
passed him, he was unable to overtake it, owing to the 
weariness of his horse. Falling in company with Dr. 
Knight and two others, they traveled all the night, first 
north, and then to the east, to avoid the pursuit of th^ 



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€B.awpo5id'« campaign. 297 

Indiansi. They directed their courses during the night 
by the ngrth star* v. 

On the next day, they fell in with Capt John Biggs 
and Lieut. Ashley, the latter of whom was severely 
TRTOunded. There were two others in company witli 
Biggs and Ashley. They encamped together the suc- 
ceeding ^ight. On the next day, while en their march, 
they were, attacked by a party of Indians, who made 
Col. Crawford and Dr., Knight prisoners. The other 
four made their escape; but, Capt. Biggs and Lieut. 
Ashley were killed the next day. 

Col. Crawfoidand Dr. Knight were immediately ta- 
ken to an Indian encampment, at a short distance from 
the place where they were captured. Here they found 
nine, fellow prisoners and seventeen Indians. On the 
next day they were marched to thq old Wyandot town, 
and on the n^xt rrH)niing were paraded, to set off, as 
they were told, to go to the new town. But alas ! a 
vety different destination awaited these captives ! Nine 
cff the, prisoners were marched off some distance before 
the colonel and the doctor, who were conducted by Pipe 
and Wiiigemond, two Delaware chiefs. Four of the 
prisoners were tomahawked, and scalped on the way, 
at different places. 

Preparations had been made for the executibn of CoL 
Crawford, by setting a post about fifteen feet high in the 
ground, and making a large fire of hickory poles about 
six yards from it. About half a mile from the place of 
execution, the remaining five of the nine prisoners were 
tomahawked and scalped by a number of squaws and 
boys. 

When arrived at the fire,, the colonel was stripped and 
ordered to sit^ down. lie was then severely beaten with 
. sticks, and afterwards tied to the post, by a rope of such 
length as to allow him to walk two or three times round 
it, and then back again. This done, they began the 
torture by discharging a great number of load&of pow- 
der upon him, from head- to foot ; after which they be- 
gan to apply the burning ends of t^e hick<% poles, the 



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298 CRAWFOED^S CAMFAIGKt 

squawa in the mean time throwing coals aiid hot ashes 
on his body> so that in a little time he had nothing hut 
coals to walk on. In the midst of his sufferings, he 
begged of the noted Simon Girty to take pity^n hira 
and shoot him« Girty tauntingly answered, ^^ You see 
I have no gun, I cannot shoot ;" and laughed beaitUy 
at the scene. After suffering about three hours he h&^ 
came faint and fell down on his face. An Indian then 
scalped him, and an old squaw threw a quantity of 
burning coals on the place from which the scalp was 
taken. Afler this he rose and walked round, the post a 
little, but did not Uve much longer. After he e^ired, 
his body was thrown into the fire and consumed to ash-' 
es. Col. Crawford's son and son-in-law were executed 
at the Shawnee towns. - . . 

Dr. Knight was doomed to be burned at a town about 
forty miles distant from Sandusky, and committed to 
the care of a young Indian to be taken there. The first 
day they traveled about twenty-five miles, and encamp- 
ed for the night. In the morning the gnats being very 
troublesome, the doctor requiested the Indian to untie 
him, that h« might help him to make a fire to keep 
them off. With this request the Indian compUed, While 
the Indian was on his knees and elbows, blowing the 
fire, th^ doctor caught up a piece of a tent pole which 
had been burned in two, about eighte^ inches long, 
with which he struck the Indian on the h^ul with £^1 
his might, so as to knock him forward into the fire* 
The stick however broke, so that the Incpan, although 
severely hurt, was not killed, but immediately sprang 
up. On this the doctor caught up the Indian's gun to 
shoot him, but drew back tfiie cock with samuch vio- 
lence that he broke the mam spring- -The Indian ran^ 
off with a hideous yelling. Dr. Knight then made 
the best of his way home, ,which he reachedrin twenty- 
one days, almost famished to death. The gun being <rf 
no use, after carrying it a day or two he left it behind. 
On his journey he subsisted on root^, a few young birds 
and beniesi^ 



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Crawford's campaigtc. 299 

' A Mr, SIqvct, who had been a prison^ among the 
Indians, and^ was one of the pilots of the army, was 
also taken prisoner to one of the Shawnee towns on the 
Scioto. After bemg tliere a few days, and as he thought, 
in favor with the Indians, a council of the chiefs was 
held, iii which it was resolved that he should be burn- 
ed. The fires were kindled, and he was blackened and 
tied to a stake, in an iincovered end of the council- 
house. Just as they were about commencing the tor- 
ture, there cameron ^ddenly a heavy thunder gust, 
with a great faU rf rain, which put out the fires. After 
the rain was over the Indians concluded that it was then 
too late to commence and finish the torture that day, 
and therifee postpoiflf4-jt tifl the next day. Slover was 
then loosed from tlta^ stake, conducted to an empty 
house, to a log of which he was fastened with a buffa- 
lo tug roxmd his neck, while his^arms were pinioned 
behind him with a cord. Until late in the night tlie 
Indians'sat Up smoking and talking. They firequently 
asked Slover bow he would like to eat fire the next day. 
At length one of them laid down and went to deep ; the 
other cpntinuied smoking talking with iSlover. Some- 
Cinie a&8r midnight, he also laid doWn and went to sleep; 
Slover then resolved to make an effort to get loose if posr 
uible, and "soon extricated one of his hands from the 
cor4, and then fell to work with the tug round his neck, 
but without effect. He had n6t been long engaged in 
these efforts, before one of the Indians got up and smo- 
ked his pipe awhile. During this time Slover kept very 
istill for fear of an examination. The Indian lying dowtt, 
the prisoner renewed his efforts, but for some time with- 
out effect, and he resigned himself to his fate. After 
resting for awhile, he resolved tamake another and a 
last effort, and as he related, put his hand to the tug,und 
without difficulty slipped it over his head. The day was 
just then broking. He sprang over a fence into a corn- 
field, but had proceeded but a little distance in the field, 
before he came across ^ squaw and several children, ly- 
ing asleep under a mulberry tree* He thep changed 



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300 Crawford's campaign. 

hw cotirse for part of the commons of the town, on 
which he saw some horses feeding'. Passing over the 
fence from the field, he found a piece of an old quilt 
This he took with him, and was the only covering he 
had. He then untied the cord from the other arm, 
which by this time was very much swelled. Hdving 
selected, as he thought, the best horse on the commons, 
he- tied the cord to his lower jaw, mounted^him and rode 
off at full speed. The horse gave out about 10 o'clock, 
so that he had to leave him. He then traveled on foot 
with a stick in one hand, with which he put the weeds 
behind him, for fear of being tracked by the Indians; 
In the other he carried a bunch of bushes to brush the 
gnats and musketoes from hifc^aked body. Being 
perfectly acquainted with the rotffe, he reached the riv- 
er Ohio in a short time, almost famished with hunger 
and exhausted with fatigue. 

• Thus ended this disastrous campaign. It was the 
last one which took place in this section of the country 
during the revolutionarv contest of the Americans with 
the mother country. It was undertaken with the very 
worst of views, those bf murder and plunder. It was 
conducted without suflScient means to Encounter, with 
any prospect of success, the large force of Indians op- 
posed to ours in the plains of Sandusky. It was con- 
ducted without that subordination and discipline, so re- 
quisite to insure success in any hazardous enterprise, 
and it ended in a total discomfiture. Never did an en- 
terprise more completely fail of attaining its object 
Never, on any occasion, had the ferocious savages more 
ample revenge for the murder of their pacific friends, 
than that winch they obtained on this occasion. 

Should I be asked what considerations led so great a 
nurnber of people itoto this desperate enterprise? — why 
with so small a force and such slender means they push- 
ed on so far as the plains of Sandusky ? — I rejdy, that 
many believed that the Moravian Indians, taking no 
part in the war, and having given offense to the warri- 
ors on several occasions, their belligerent friends would 



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CftAWPOno's CAMPAIGN. 301 

hoi lake up arms in their behalf. In this conjecture 
they were sadly mistaken. They did defend them with 
all the force at their command, and no wonder, for not- 
withstanding their christian and pacific principles, the 
warriors still regarded the Moravians as their relations^ 
whom it was their duty to defend. 

The reflections which naturally arise out of the his- 
tory of the Indian war in the western country, during 
our revolutionary contest with Great Britain, are not 
calculated to do henor to human nature, even in its civ- 
ilized state. On our side, indeed, as to our infent gov- 
ernment, the case is not so bad. Our congress faith- 
fully endeavored to prevent the Indians from taking 
part in the war on either side. The English govern- 
ment, on the other hand, made allies of as many of the 
Indian nations as they could, and they imposed no re- 
straint on their, savage mode of warfere. On the con- 
trary, the commandants at their posts along our west- 
ern frontier received and paid the Indians for scalps and 
prisoners. Thus the skin of a white man's or even a 
woman's head served in the hands of the Indian as cur- 
rent coin, which he exchanged for arms and ammuni- 
tion, for the farther prosecution of his barbarous war- 
fere, and clothing to cover his half naked body. Were 
not these rewards the price of blood? — of blood, shed 
m a cruel manner, on an extensive scale ; but without 
advantage to that government which employed the sav- 
ages in their warfare against their relatives and fellow- 
christians, and paid for their murders by the piece ! 

The enlightened historian must view the whole of 
the Indian war, from the commencement of the revolu- 
tionary contest, in no other light than a succession of 
the most wanton murders of all ages, from helpless iii- 
fency to decrepit old age, and of both sexes, without ob- 
ject and without effect 

On our side, it is true, the pressure of the war along 
our Atlantic border was such that our government could 
not furnish the means for making a conquest of the In- 
dian nations at war against us. The people of the 
19* 



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302 ATTACK ON UlCfi's FORT. 

western country, poor as they were at that time, and 
unaided by government, could not subdue them. Our 
campaigns, hastily undertaken, without sufficient force 
and means, and illy executed, resulted in nothing bene- 
ficial. On the other hand, the Indians, with the aids 
their allies could give them in the western country, were 
not able to make a conquest of the settlement on this 
side of the mountains. On the contrary, our settle- 
ments and the forts belonging to them became stronger 
and stronger fiom year to year during the whole con- 
tinuance of the wars. It was therefore a war of mu- 
tual, but unavailing slaughter, devastation and revenge, 
over whose record humanity still drops a tear of regret, 
but that tear cannot elTace its disgraceful history* 



CHAPTER IX. 
Attack on Rice's fort. 

This fort consisted of some cabins and a small block>* 
house, and was, in dangerous times, the residence and 
place of refuge for twelve families of its immediate 
neighborhood. It was situated on Buffalo creek, about 
twelve or fifteen miles fi-om its junction with the river 
Ohio. 

Previously to the attack on this fort, which took [dace 
in the month of September 1782, several of the few- 
men belonging to the fort had gone to HagerstowUi to 
exchange their peltry and furs for salt, iron and ammu- 
nition, as was the usual custom of those times. They 
had gone on this journey somewhat earlier that season 
than usual, because there had been " a sUU time," that 
is, no recent alarms of the Indians. 

A few days before the attack on this fort, about 
300 Indians had made their last attack on Wheeling 



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AtTAClt ON rice's FORT. 303 

fbft. On the third night of the investment of Wheel- 
ing, th6 Indian chiefs held a council, in which it was 
determined that the siege of WheeKng should be raised, 
(wo hundred of the warriors return home, and the re- 
maining hundred of picked men make a dash into the 
country and strike a heavy blow somewhere before their 
return. It was their determination to take a fort some- 
where and massacre all its: people, in revenge for their 
defeat at Wheeling. 

News of the plan adopted by the Indians, was given 
by two white men, who had been made prisoners when 
feds, raised among the Indians and taken to war with 
them. These men deserted from them soon after their 
council at the close of the siege of Wheeling. The no- 
tice was indeed but short, but it reached Rice's fort about 
half an hour before the commencement of the attack. 
The intelligence was brought by Mr. Jacob Miller, who 
received it at Dr. Moore's, in the neighborhood of Wash- 
ingtoii. Making all speed home, he fortunately arrived 
in tittle to assist in the defense of the place. On receiv- 
ing this news, the people of the fort felt assured that the 
blow was intended for them, and in this conjecture they 
were not mistaken. But little time was allowed them 
for preparation. 

The Indians had surrounded the place before they 
were discovered ; but they were still at some distance. 
When discovered, the alarm was given, oh which ev- 
ery man ran to his cabin for his gun, and took refuge 
in the block-house. The Indians, answering the alarm 
with a war whoop from their whole line, commenced 
firing aiid running towards the fort from every direction. 
It was evidently theit intention to take the place by as- 
sault ; but the fire of the Indians was answei'ed by that 
of six brave and skillful sharpshooters. This unexpect- 
ed reception prevented the intended assault, and made 
the Indians take refuge behind logs, stumps and trees. 
The firing continued with little intermission for about 
four hours. ^ 

In the intcrA^als of the firing, the Indians frequently 
19r 



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304 ATTACK ON RICs's FORT* 

called out to the peopb of the fort, '' Give ^j give up-, 
too many Indian ; Indian too big ; no kilL" They were 
answer^ with defiance, " Come on, you cowards ; we 
are ready for you ; — shew us your yellow hidesj and we 
will make holes in them for you." 

During the evening, many of the Indians, at some 
distance from the fort, amused themsdves by shooting 
the horses, cattle, hogs and sheep, until the bottom was 
strewed with their dead bodies. 

About ten o'clock at night the Indians set fire to a 
barn about 30 yards from the fort. It was large and 
full of grain and hay. The flame was frightful, and at 
first it seemed to endanger the burning of the fert, but 
the barn stood on lower ground than the fort. The 
night was calm, with the exception of a s%ht breeze 
up the creek. This carried the flame and burning splin- 
ters in a diflerent direction, so that the burning of the 
barn, which at first was regarded as a dangerous, if not 
fetal occurrence, proved in the issue the means of throw- 
ing a strong light to a great distance in every direction, 
80 that the Indians durst not approach the fort to set fire 
to the cabins, which they might have done at Uttle risk, 
under the cover of darkness. 

After the barn was set on fire, the Indians collected 
on the side of the fort opposite the bam, so as to have 
the advantage of the light, and "kept up a pretty con- 
stant fire, which was as steadily answered by that of the 
fort, until about two o'clock, when the Indians left the 
place and made a hasty retreat. 

Thus was this little place defended by a Spartan band 
of six men, against one hundred chosen warriors, exas- 
perated to madness by their failure at Wheeling fort. 
Their names shall be inscribed in the list of heroes of 
our early times. They were Jacob Miller, George Lef- 
ler, Peter Fullenweider, Daniel Rice, George Felebaum 
and Jacob Lefler, junr. George Felebaum was shot in 
the forehead, through a port-hde, at the second fire of 
the Indians, and instantly expired, so that in reahty the 
defense of the place was made by only five m^n. 



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ATTACK ON BICe'S PORT. 305 

The loss of the Indians was four, three of whom were 
killed at the first fire from the fort, the other was killed 
abcHit sundown. There can be no doubt but that a 
numb^ more w&re killed and wounded in the engage- 
ment, but were concealed or carried off. 

A large division of liiese Indians, on their retreat, 
passed within a little distance of my father's fort. In 
following their trail, a few days afterwards, I found a 
large poultice (rf chewed sassafras leaves. This is the 
dressing which the Indians usually apply to recent gun- 
shot wounds. The poultice which I found having be- 
came too old and dry, was removed and replaced with a 
new one. 

Examples of personal bravery and. hair breadth es- 
capes are always acceptable to readers of history. An 
instance of both of these happened during the attack 
on this fort, which may be worth recording. 

Abraham Rice, one of the principal men belonging 
to the fort of that name, on heaidng the report of the 
deserters from the Indians, mounted a very strong ac- 
tive mare and rode in all haste to another fort, about 
three and" a half miles distant from his own, for JfurthOT 
news, if any could be had, concerning the presence of 
a body of Indians in the neighborhood. Just as he 
reached the place he heard the report of the guns at his 
own fort. He instantly returned as fast as possible, un- 
til he arrived within sight of the fort. Finding that it 
still held out, he determined to reach it and assist in its 
defense, or perish in the attempt. In doing this, he had 
to cross the creek, the fort being some distance from it 
on the opposite b^k. He saw no Indians until his 
mare sprang down the bank of the creek, at which in- 
stant about fourteen of them jumped up from among 
the weeds and bushes and discharged their guns at him. 
One bullet wounded him in the fleshy part of the right 
arm above the elbow. By this time several more of 
the Indians came up and shot at him. A second ball 
wounded him in the thigh a little above the knee, but 
without breaking the bone, and the ball passed trans- 



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306 ATTACK ON mCis'fi rORT. 

V€r6cly through the neck of the mare. She however 
Bprang up the bank of thexreek, fell to her kneea, and 
stumbled along about a rod before she recovered. Da- . 
x'l^g this time several Indians came running up to to- 
mahawk him. Yet he made his escape, a^r having 
about thirty shots fired at him from a very short dis- 
tance. After riding about four miles, he reached Lamb's 
fort, much exhausted \v;ith the loss of blood. After g^ 
ting his wounds dressed and resting awhile, he sat off 
late in the evening with twelve men, determined if pos- 
sible to reach the fort under cover of the night. When 
they got within about two hundred yards of it, they 
halted : the firing still continued. Ten of the meii, 
thinking the enterprise too hazardous, refused to go any 
farther, and retreated. Rice and two other men crept 
silently along towards the fort ; but had not proceeded 
far before they came close upon an Indian in his con- 
cealment. He gave the alarm yell, which was instant- 
ly passed round the lines with the utmost regularity^ 
This occasioned the Indians to make their last effort to 
take tlie place and make their retreat under cover of the 
night. Rice and his two companions returned in safety 
to Lamb's fort. 

About ten o^clock next morning, sixty men collected 
at Rice's fort for the relief of the place. They pursued 
the Indians, who kept in a body for about two miles. 
The Indians had then diyidod into small parties and 
took over the hills in different directions, so that they 
could he tracked no farther. The pursuit was of course 
given up. 

A small division of the Indians had not proceeded far 
after their separation, before they discovered four men 
coming from a neighboring fort in the direction of that 
which they had left. The Indians waylaid the path, 
and sliot two of them dead on the spot : the others fled. 
One of them being swift on foot, soon made his escape: 
tlic other being a poor mnner, was pursued by an In- 
dian, who after a smart chase came close to him. l^he 
man then wheeled round and snapped his gun at the 



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EXPECTED ATTACK, 4C. 307 

btdmn. This he repeated several times. The Indian 
then threw his tomahawk at his head, but missed him.- 
He then caught hold of the ends of his belt which was 
tied behind in a bow knot. In this again the Indian 
was disappointed, for the knot came loose, so that he got 
the belt, but not the man, who wheeled round and tried 
his gun again, which happened to go off and laid the 
Indiap d^ at his feet. 



CHAPTER X. 
Expected attack on Doddridge? s fort. 

When we received advice, at my father's fort, of the 
attack on Rice's block-house, which was but a few miles 
distant, we sent word to all those families who were out 
on their &rms, to come immediately to the fort. It be- 
came nearly dark before the two runners had time to 
give the alarm to the family of a Mr. Charles Stuart, 
who Uved about three quarters of a mile off from the 
fort. 

They returned in great haste, saying that Stuart's 
house was burned down, and that they bad seen two 
fires between that and the fort, at which the Indians 
-were encamped. There was therefore no doubt that an 
attack would be made on our fort early in the nH)rning. 

In order to give the reader a correct idea of the mili- 
tary tactics of our early times, I will give, in detail, the 
whole progress of the preparations which were made for 
the expected attack, and, as nearly as I can, I will give 
the commands of Capt. Teter, our officer, in his own 
words. 

In the first place he collected all our men together, 
and related the battles and skirmishes he had been in, 
and really they were not few in number. He was in 



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308 EXPECTED ATTACK 

Braddock's defeat, Grant's defeat, the taking of Fort 
Pitt, and nearly all the battles which took place between 
the English, and the French and Indians, from Brad- 
dock's defeat until the capture of that place by Gren. 
Forbes. He reminded us, "that in case the Indians 
should succeed, we need expect no mercy : that every 
man, woman and child, would be killed on the spot. 
They have been defeated at one fort, and now they are 
mad enough. If they should succeed in taking ours, 
all their vengeance will fall on our heads. We must 
fight for ourselves and one another, and for our wives 
and children, brothers and sisters. We must make the 
best preparations we can; a little after daybreak we 
shall hear the crack of their gims." 

He then made a requisition of all the powder and 
lead in the fort. The ammunition was accurately divi- 
ded amongst all the men, and the anK)unt supposed to 
be fully sufficient. When this was done, "Now," says 
the captain, "when you run your bullets, cut off the 
necks very close, and scrape them, so as to make them 
a little less, and get patches one hundred finer than 
those you commonly use, and have them well oiled, for 
if a rifle happens to be choked in the time of battle, 
there is one gun and one man lost for the rest of the 
battle. You will have no time to unbritch a gun and 
get a plug to drive out a bullet. Have the locks well 
oiled and your flints sharp, ac as not to mfss fire." 

Such were his orders to his men. He then said to 
the women, "These yellow fellows are very handy at 
setting fire to houses, and water is a very good thing to 
put out fire. You must fill every vessel with water. 
Our fort is not well stockaded, and these ugly fellows 
may rush into the middle of it, and attempt to set fire to 
our cabins in twenty places at once." They fell to work, 
and did as he had ordered. 

The men having put their rifles in order, "Now," 
says he, "let every man gather in his axes, mattocks 
and hoes, and place them inside of his door ; for the In- 
dians may make a dash at them with their tomahawks 



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J 



ON DODDRlbifB'a PORT. 309 

to ciH them down, and an axe in that case might hit, 
when a gun would miss fire." 

Like a good commander, our captain, not content 
with giving orders, went from house to house to see that 
every thing was right. 

The ladies of the present day will suppose that our 
women were frightened half to death with the near 
prospect of such an attack of the Indians. On the con- 
trary, I do not know that I ever saw a merrier set of 
women in my life. They went on with their work of 
carrying water, and cutting bullet patches for the men, 
aj^jarently without the least emotion of fear ; and I 
have every reasoi^ to believe that they would have been 
pleased with the crack of the guns in the morning. 

During all this time we had no sentinels placed &- 
round the fort, so confident was oqr captain that the at- 
tack would not be made before daybreak. 

I was at that time thirteen or fouiteen years of age, 
but ranked as a fort soldier. After getting my gun and 
all things else in order, I went up into the garret loft of 
my father's house, and laid down about the middle of 
the floor, with my shot pouch on and my gun by my 
side, expecting to be waked up by the report of the gunis 
at daybreak, to take my station at the port-hole assign- 
ed me, which was in the second story of the house. 

I did not awake till about sunrise, when the alarm 
was all over. The family which we supposed had been 
killed, had come into the fort about daybreak- Instead 
of the house being burnt, it was only a large old log]oQ 
fire, near the house, which had been seen by Our ex- 
presses. If they hsid seen any thing like fire between 
that and the fort, it must have been fox fire. Such ii 
the creative power of imagination, when under the in- 
fluence of fear. 



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310 

CHAPTER XI. 
Coshocton campaign. 

This campaign took place in the summer of 1780, 
and was directed against the Indian villages at the forks 
ctf ihe Muskingum. 

The place of rendezvous was Wheeling ; the num^ 
ber of regulars and militia about eight hundred. From 
Wheeling they made a rapid march, by the nearest route 
to the place of their destination. When the army reach- 
ed the river a little below Salem, the lower Moravian 
town, Ck)l. Broadhead sent an express to the missionary 
of that place, the Rev. John IleckeweWer, informing^ 
him of his arrival in his neighborhood, with his army, 
requesting a small supply of provisions, and a visit fr<Mii 
him, in has camp. When the missionary arrived at the 
camp, the general informed him. of the object of the 
expedition he was engaged in, and inquired of him 
whether any of the christian Indians were hunting, or 
engaged in business in the direction of his march. On 
being answered in the negative, he stated that nothing 
would give him greater pain than to hear that any of 
the Moravian Indians had been molested by the tioops, 
as these Indians had always, from the commencement 
of the war, conducted themselves in a manner that did 
them honor. 

A part of the militia had resolved on going up the 
river to destroy the Moravian villages, Iwit were pre- 
vented from executing their project by Gen. Broadhead 
and Col. Shepherd of Wheeling. 

At White-eyes's plain, a few miles from Coshocton, an 
Indian prisoner was taken. Soon afterwards two more 
Indians were discovered, one of whom was wounded, 
but both made their escape. 

The commander, knowing that these two Indians 



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COSHOCTON CAMPAK^N. 81 1 

would make the utmost dfepatch in going to the tavra,^ 
tagive notice of the approach of the army, ordered a 
rapid march, in the midst of a heavy fall of rain, to reach 
the town before them, and take it by surprise. The 
plan succeeded. The army reached the place in three 
division^. The tight and left wifigs approached the 
river a little above and below the town, while the cen- 
ter marched directly upon it. The whole number of 
the Indians in the village, on the east side of tlfie river, 
together with ten or twelve from a little village some 
distance above, were macje prisoners^ without firing a 
single shot. The rivp having risen to a great hight, 
OAving to the recent fall of fain, the army could not 
cross it." Owing to this^ the villages with their inhab- 
itants on the west side of the river escaped destruction. 

'Ainong the prisoners, sixjeen warriors wer^ pomted 
^ut"^ by Pekillon, a friendly Delaware chief, who wa^ 
with the army of Bfoadhead. 1' 

.A little after dark^ a council of war was held to de- 
termine on tbe fate of the wairiors in custody. They 
were doomed to death, and by the order nf the com- 
Inander were bound, taken a little distance^ below the 
town, and dispatched with toftiahavrks and spears, and 
scaJped. * . . 

Early the next morning, ah Indian presented him- 
self on the opposite bank of the river and asked fpr the 
big captain. ^Broadhead presented himself, and asked 
Che Indian what he wanted. To which he replied, "t 
.want peace." "''.'Send over some of your chiefs," said 
Broadhead. " May be you kill," said the Indian. He 
was answered, "They shall not be killed." One of the 
chiefs, a welllooking man, came over the river and en- 
tered into conversation with the coininander in the 
street ; but while engaged in coiiversation, a man of 
the name of Wetzel came up behind him^ with a toma- 
hawk concealed in the bosom of his hunting shirt, and 
struck him on {he back of his head. He fell and in- 
tently expired. " ^ ^ 

About eleven or twelve o'clock, the arniy commenced 



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812 CAPTIVITY OP BtlUi. BROlTir. 

Hff retreat from -Coehocton. Gen. Broadhead^tommit- 
ted the care of the prisoners to the militia. They were 
about twenty in number. After marching about lialf a 
mile, the men commenced killing them. In a short 
time they were all dispatched, except a few women arid 
children, who were spared and taken to Fort Ktt, and 
after sometime exchanged for an equal number of their 
prisoners. 



CHAPTER XU. . 

Captivity of Mrs. Brown. - 

On the 27th day of March, 1789, about ID o'clock 
in the forenoon, as Mrs. Brown was spinning in bet 
house, her black woman, who had stepped out to gath- 
er sugar water, screamed out, "Here are Indians." She 
jumped up, ran to the> window, and then to the door, 
where she was met by bne of the Indians presenting 
his gun. She caught hpldof the muzzle, and turning 
it aside, begged him. not to kill hef, but take her pris- 
oner. The other Indian in the meaa time caught the 
negro woman tind her boy about four years old, and 
brought them into the house. They then opened a 
chest and took out a small box and. some artjclies of 
clothing, and without doing any further damt^e, or set- 
ting fire to the house, set off with herself and son about 
two years and a half old, the black woman and her two 
children, the oldest four years and the youngest one 
year old. After going about one and a half miles, they 
halted aQd held a consultation, as she supposed, aboiA 
killing the children. This she understood to be the sqb* 
ject by their gestures and frequently; pointing at tfee 
children. To one of Uie Indians who could speak Eng- 
lish, she held out her little boy and be^^^ him not lo 



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CAMITITY OP Ml^. BROWN. 313 

kffl liim, as he: would make a fiiae little Indian after a 
wbila. The Indian made a motion to her to walk on 
with her child. The other Indian then struck the ne- 
gro boy with the pipe ^nd of his tomahawk, which 
knock^ him down, and then dispatched him by a blow 
with the edge ftcross ^he back of the neck and scalped 
hino; " - 

Abottt 4. o'clock in the evening, they reached the riv- 
er, about a mile above Wellaburg, and carried axanoe, 
which had. been thrown up in some drift wood, into the 
riven They got into this canoe, and worked it down. 
to the mouth of Rush r.un, a distance, of about five 
luileB. They pulled up the canoe into the mouth of the 
run, as faj" as they could^ then went up the nin about 
a mile, and encamped for the night. . The Indiana gave 
the prisoners all their own clothes for covering, and add- 
ed one of their own blankets. Awhile before day- 
light, the Indians got up and put another blanket over 
them. ^ 

About sunrise they began their march up^ very steep 
hill) and about 2 o'clock halted on Short- creek, about 
twenty miles from the, place whence they had set out 
in the morning. The place where they halted had been 
a^ en^tnpment shortly befoi*e, a& well as a place of de- 
posit for the plunder, which, they had recently taken 
from the house of a Mr. Vanmeter, whose family had 
bee*! killed. The plunder was deposited in a sycamore 
tree. Here they kindled aUre and put en a brass Jkettle, 
with a turkey which they had killed on the way, to boil 
in sugar water. 

Jib. Glass, the first husband of JMrs. Brown, was 
working with a hired man in a field, about a quarter 
ola mile from the house j when his wife and femily were 
taken, but knew nothing of the event until 2 o'clock*. 
After searching about the place, and going to several 
houses in quest of his: family, he went to Mr. Wells's 
fert, collected ten men besides himself, and the same 
night lodged in a cabin: bn the bottom on which the 
t^wn now stands. . 



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314 CAPTIVITY OF MRS, BROWN. 

Next morning they discovered the place from which 
the Indians had taken the canoe from the drift, and 
their tracks at the place of their embarkation. !l\Ir. 
Glass could distinguish the track of his wife by, the 

Srint of the high heel of her shoe. They crossed over 
ie river and went down on the othei:. side until they 
came near the mouth of Rush run ; but discovering no 
tracks of the Indians, most of the men concluded that 
thev would go to the mouth of Muskingum, by water, 
and therefore wished to turn back. Mr., Glasa begged 
of them to go as far as the mouth of Short creek, wWch 
was only two or three miles farther. To this they 
agreed. When they got to the mouth of Rush run, 
they found the canoe of the Indians. This was identi- 
fied by a proof, which goes to shew the presence of mind 
of Mrs. Brown. While going down the river, one of 
the IiKiians threw into the water several papers, which 
he had taken out of Mr. Glass's trunk, gome of which 
she picked up out of the water, and under, pretence of 
giving them to the child, dropped them into the bottom 
of the canoe.. These left.no doi\bt. The trail of the 
Indians and their prisoners up the run to their camp, 
and then up the river hill, was soon discovered. The 
trail at the time, owing to thie softness of the ground 
and the hight of the wqeds, was easily followed. - 

About an hour after the Indians had halted, - Mr. 
Glass and his men came within sight of the smoke of 
their camp. The object then was to save the lives of 
the prisoners, by attacking the Indians so unexpectedly, 
as not to allow them time to kill them, With this view 
they crept as slyly as. they could, tiU they got within- 
sotnething more than one hundred yards from the 
camp. ^ Fortunately, Mrs. Brown's little son had gone 
to a sugar tree tp get some water ; but not being abje to 
get it out of the. bark trough, his mother had stepped 
out oi the. camp to get it, for him. The negro woman 
was sitting some distance from the two Indians, who 
were looking.attentively at a scarlet jacket which they 
had taken some time before.. On a sudden they drop- 



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LEWIS WETZEL. 316 

ped the jacket, and turned tteir eyes towards the men, 
larho su(^)osing they were discovered, immediately dis- 
charged several guns, and rushed upon them, at full 
speed, with an Indian yell> One of the Indians^ it was 
supposed, was wounded the first fire, as he fell and drop- 
ped his gun and shot pouch. After running about one 
hundred yards, a second shot was fired af^r him, by 
Maj. M'Guire, which brought him to his hands and 
knees ; but there was no time for pursuit, as the In- 
dians had informed Mrs. Brown that there was another 
encampment close by, They therefore returned home 
with aU speed, and reached the Beach Bottom fort that 
night. 

The other Indian, at the first fire, ran a little distance 
beyond Mrs. Brown, so that she wasin a right line be- 
tween him and the white men. Here he halted for a 
little to put on his shot pouch, which Mr. Glass, for the 
moment, mistook for an attempt to kill liis wife with a 
tcmiahawk. 

This artful maneuver no doubt saved the life of the 
gavage^ as his pursuers durst not shoot at him without 
risking the life of Mrs. Brown. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

Lewis Wetzel, 

The following narrative goes to shew how much may 
be eflfected by the skill, bravery, and physical activity of 
a single individual, in the partisan warfare carried on 
against the Indians, on the western frontier. 

Lewis Wetzel was the son of John Wetzel, a Ger- 
man, who settled on Big Wheeling, about fourteen miles 
from the river. He was amongst the first adventurers 
into that part of the country, llis education, Hke that 
20 



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316 lEWIS WBTZEt. 

of Ills cotempororiee, was that of the hunter and war- 
rior. When a boy he adopted the practice of loadrng 
and firing his rifle as he ran. This was a means rf 
making him so destructive to the Indians afterwards. 

When about thirteen years old, he was taken prfe- 
oner by the Indians, together with his brother Jacob, 
about eleven years old. Before he was taken he re- 
ceived a slight wound in the breast from a bullet, which 
carried off a small piece of his breast bone. The" se- 
cond night after they were taken, the Indians eacamfh- 
ed at the Big Lick, twenty miles from the river, on the 
waters of M'Mahan's creek. The boys were not con- 
fined. After the Indians had &llen asleep, Lewis whis- 
pered to his brother Jacob that he must get up and go 
back home with him. Jacob at first objected, but after- 
wards got up and went along with him. When they 
had got about one hundred yards from the camp, thfey 
sat dowrt on a log. " Well,"" said Lewis, " we can't go 
home barefooted ; I will go back and get a pair of moo- 
casons for each of us ;" and accordingly did so^ and re- 
turned. After sitting a little longer^ " Now," says he, 
"I will go back and get father's gun, and then w€?ll 
start." This he effected. They had not traveled feron 
tlie trail by which they came^ before they heard the In- 
dians coming after them. It was a moonlight nig^ht. 
When the Indians came pretty nigh them, they stepped 
aside into the bushes, let them pass, then fell into their 
rear and traveled on. On the return of the Indiam 
they did the same. They were then pursued by two 
Indians on horseback, whom they dodged in the same 
way. The next day they reached Wheeling in safety, 
crossing from the Indian shore to Wheeling island, on a 
raft of their own making. By this time Lewis had be- 
come almost spent from his wound. 

In the year 1782, after Crawford's defeat, Lewis went 
with a Thomas Mills, who had been in the campaign, 
to get his horse, which he had left near the place where 
JSt.-Clairsville now stands. At the Indian springs, two 
miles from St. Olairsville, on the Wheeling road, they 



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LEWIS TTETZEL. 317 

were met by about forty Indians, who w;erem pursuit 
of the stragglers from the campaign. The Indians and 
white men discovered each ^her aboi^t the same mo- 
ment. Lewis fired &st and killed an Indian, while the 
Indians wounded Mills in the heel, who was soon over- 
taken and killed. Four of tha Indians then singled 
out, dropped their guns, and pursued Wetzel. Wetzel 
loaded hie rifle as he ran. After running about half a 
mile, one of the Indians having got within eight or ten 
steps of him, Wetzel wheeled round and shot him down, 
ran, and loaded his gun as before. After going about 
three quarters of a mile farther, a second Indian cam© 
so close to him, that when he turned to $re, the Indian 
caught the muzzle of the gun, and as he expressed it, 
" he and the Indian had a severe wriftg." He however 
succeeded in bringing the muzzle to the Indian's breast, 
and killed him on the spot. By this time, he as well as 
the Indians were pretty well tired ; yet the pursuit was 
contiaued by the two remaining Indians. Wetzel, as 
before, loaded his gun, and stopped sexeraj times during 
this latter chase: when he did so, the Indians treed 
themselves. After going something, more than a mile, 
Wetzel took advantage of a little open piece of ground 
over which the Indians were passing, a short distance 
behind him, to make r sudden stop for the purpose of 
shooting the- foremost, who got behind a little sapling 
which was too small to cover his body. Wetzel shot 
and broke his thigh. The wound, in the issue, proved 
fatal. The last of the Indians then gave a little yell, 
and said, "No catch dat man, gun always loaded," an4 
gave up the chase, glad no doubt to get off with his life. 
^It is said that Lewis Wetzel, in the course of the In- 
dian wars in this part of the country, killed twenty- 
seven Indians, besides a number more along the .froijr 
tier settlements of Kentucky. 



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318 

CHAPTER XIV. 
Adam Poe. 

In the summer of 1782, a party of seven W)rahdots 
made an incursion into a settlement some distance be- 
low Fort Ktt, and several miles from the Ohio river. 
Here finding an old man alone, in a cabin, they killed 
him, packed up what plunder they could find, and com- 
menced their retreat. Amongst their party was a cele- 
brated Wyandot chief, who, in addition to his fame as a 
warrior and counsellor, was, as to his size and strength, 
a real giant 

The news of the visit of the Indians soon spread 
through the neighborhood, and a party of eight good 
riflemen was coUected in a few hours ft^the purpose of 
pursuing the Indians. In this party were two brothers 
of the names of Adam and Andrew Poe. They were 
both famous for courage, size and activity. 

This .little party commenced the pursuit of the In- 
diatis, with a determination, if possible, not to suffer 
them to escape, as they usually did on such occaslaiis, 
by making a speedy flight to the river, crossing it, and 
then dividing into small parties, to meet at a distant 
point in a given time. 

The pursuit was continued the greater part of the 
night after the Indians had done the mischief. In tlie 
morning, the party found themselves on the trail of the 
Indians, which led to the river. When arrived within 
a little distance of the river, Adam Poe, fearing an am- 
buscade, left the party, who followed directly on the 
tmil, to creep along the brink of the river bank, under 
cover of the weeds and bushes, to fall on the rear of the 
Indians, should he find them in ambuscade. He had 
not gone far before he saw the Indian rafts at the wa- 
ter's edge. Not seeing any Indians, he stepped softly 



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At)AM POE. 3i9 

dov^n the bank with his rifle cocked. When about half 
way down, he discovered the large Wyandot chief and 
a small Indian within a few steps of him. They were 
standing with their guns cocked, and looking in the di- 
rection of our party, who by this time had gone some 
distance lower down the bottom. Poe took aim at the 
large chief, but his rifle missed fire. The Indians hear- 
ing the snap of the gun4ock, instantly turned round 
and discovered Poe, who being too near them to retreat, 
dr(^ped his gun and sprang from the bank upon them, 
and seizing ^ large Indian by the clothes on his breast, 
and at the same time embracing the neck of the small 
one, threw them both down on the ground, himself be- 
ing uppermost. The small Indian soon extricated him- 
self, ran to the raft, got his tomahawk, and attempted 
to diqmtch Poe, the large Indian holding him fast in hk 
arms with all his might, the better to enable his fellow 
to effect his purpose. Poe, however, so well watched 
the motions of his assailant, that, when in the act of 
aiming his blow at his head, by a vigorous and well-di- 
rected kick with one of his feet, he staggered the sa- 
vage, and knocked the tomahawk out of his hand. 
T&s failure, on the part of the small Indian, was re- 
proved by an exclamation of contempt from the large 
one. 

In a moment the Indian caught up his tomahawk 
again, approached more cautiously, brandishing his 
tomahawk and making a number of feigned blows, in 
defiance and derision. Poe, however, stiU on his guard, 
averted the real blow firom his head, by throwing up his 
ann, and receiving it on his wrist in which he was se- 
verely wounded ; but not so as to lose entirely the use 
of his hand. 

In this perilous moment, Poe, by a violent effort, 
broke loose from the Indian, snatched up one of the In- 
dian's guns, and shot the small Indian through the 
breast, as he ran up the third time to tomahawk him. 

The large Indian was now on his feet, and grasping 
Poe by a shoulder and leg, threw him down on the 
20* 



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330 . ADAM POK. 

bank. Poe instantly disengaged himself atkd got on 
his feet. The Indian then seized him again, and a new 
struggle ensued, which, owing to the slippery state of 
the bank, ended in the fall of both combatants into the 
water. 

In this situation, it was the object of each to drown 
the other. Then* efforts to effect their purpose were 
continued for some time with alternate success, some- 
times one being under the water and sometimes the oth- 
er. Poe at length seized the tuft of hair on the scalp of 
the Indian, with which he held his head under water, 
until he supposed him drowned. 

Relaxing his hold too soon, Poe instantly found his 
gigantic antagonist on his feet again, and ready for an- 
other combat. In tliis they were carried into the water 
beyond their depth. In this situation they were com- 
pelled to loose their hold on each other and swim for 
mutual safety. Both sought the shore, to seize a gua 
and end the contest with bullets. The Indian being the 
best swimmer, reached the land first. Poe. seeing thk, 
immediately turned back into the water, to escape, if 
possible, being shot, by diving. Fortunately the Indiajgt 
caught up the rifle with which Poe had killed the other 
warrior. 

At this juncture, Andrew Poe, missing his brother 
from the party, and supposing from the report of .the 
gun which he shot, that he was either killed or eng^od 
in conflict with the Indians, hastened to the ^t. On 
seeing him, Adam called out to him to "kUl th6 big Iut 
dian on shore." But Andrew's gun, like that of the 
Indian's, was empty. The contest was now between 
the white man and the Indian, who should load and 
fire first. Very fortunately for Poe, the Indian, in load- 
ing, drew the ramrod from the thimbles of the stock of 
the gun with so much violence, that it slipped out of his 
hand and fell a little distance from him. He quicKly 
caught it up, and rammed down his bullet. This little 
delay gave Poe the advantage. He shot the Indian as 
he was raising his gun ^o take aim at him. 



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ADAM POE. > 321 

Ajb soon afl Andrew had shot tJie Indian, he jumped 
into the. river to assist his wounded brother to shore-; 
taut Adam, thinking moraof the honor of carrying- the 
scalp of the big Indian home as. a trophy of victory 
than of his own safety, urged Andrew to go back «ind 
prevent the struggling, savage from rolling hknself into 
the river and esrcaping. Andrew's solicitude for the life 
of his brother prevented hitnirom complying with this 
l^equeet. - 

In the meantime, the Indian, jealous of the honor 
(rf his scalp even in the agonies of death, sticceeded in 
reaching the river mid getting into the current, so that 
his body was never pbtained. 

An unfortunate occurrence took (dace during this 
conflict. Just as Andrew arrived at the top of the 
bank for the relief of his brother, ohe of the p«irty who 
had followed close behind him, seeing Adam in the ri- 
ver, and mistaking him for a wounded Indian^ shot at 
him and wounded him in the shoulder. He however 
recovered from his wounds.. 

During the contest between Adam Poe and the In- 
dians, the party had overtaken the remaming six of 
them. A desperate conflict ensued, in which five of 
the Indians were killed. Our loss was three men kill- 
ed and. Adam Poe severely wounded. 

Thus ended this Spartan conflict, with the loss of 
three valiant men on our part, and with that of the 
Whole Indian party excepting one warrior. Never on 
any occasion was there a greater display of desperate 
bravery, and seldom did a conflict take place, which, in 
the issue, proved fatal to so great a proportion of those 
lengaged in it. 

The fatal result of this little campaign, on the side 
of the Indians, occasioned a universal mourning among 
the Wyandot nation. Tlie big Indian and his four 
"brothers, all of whom were- killed at the same place, 
were amongst the most distinguished chiefs and warri- 
ors of their nation. 

The big Iliditin was mognauimous as welt ai:J brave. 
20t 



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322 ABAM POE* 

He, more than any other individaaly tjontributed, by hk 
e&ample and mfiuence) to the good character of the Wy- 
andots for lenity towards their prisoners. He would not 
sufier thena to be killed or Ul treated. Thk mercy to 
captives was an lionorable distinction in the character 
of the Wyandots, and was well understood by otnr first 
setders, who^ in case of captivity, thought it a fortunate 
circumstance to fall into their liands. 

It is consoling to the historian to find instanced of 
Uiose endowments of mind which constitute human 
greatness even among savages. The original stamina 
of those endowmentSj-or what is csHedgeniuSj are but 
thinly scattered over the ea^th^^nd there can be little 
doubt but that the lower greidesof society possess their 
equal proportion of the imses of moral greatness, or in 
other words, that Uiere is as much of native genius^ 
in proportion to numbers, amongst savages, as there is 
amongst civilized people. The dSference between these 
two eactremes of society is merely the difference of edu- 
cation. This^ view of human nature, philo^phically 
owrrect, is well calculated to increase the benevdence of 
even the good Samaritan liimself, and encourage Kis 
endeavors for the instruction of the most ignorant, and 
the reformation of the most barbarous. 

^Had the aboriginals of our country been possess^ of 
science to enable them to commit to the faithful page of 
history the events of their intercourse with us since the 
discovery and setdement of their native land by the Eu- 
ropeans, what would be the ccHitents of this history ! 
Not such as it is^ fromthe bands of our historians, who 
have presented nought but the worst feiiture^ of the In- 
dian character, as exhibited in the course of their wars 
against the invaders of their country, while the wrongs 
iniiicted on them by civilized men have occupied but a 
very, small portion of the record. Their sufferings, their 
private virtues, their braveiy and magnanimity in war, 
together with their individual instances of greatness of 
mind, heroism, and clemency to captives in the midst of 



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- TDE JOHNSONS. 32Sf 

the 'Cniellieg of their Barbarous warfare, must soon be 
buried with themselves in the tomb of their national 
existence. 



CHAPTER XV. 
The Johnsons, 

The following narrative goes to show that the long 
continuance of the Indian war had inspired even the 
young lads of our country notonly with all the brave- 
ry but all the Bubtifity of the Indians themselves^. * 
-V In the fell of the year 1793, two boys of the name of 
John and Henry Johnson, the first thirteen^and the latter 
eleven years old, whose parents lived in Carpenter's 
statioTi, a Utile tlistance&bove the mouth of Short creek, 
on the east side of the Ohia river, were sent out in the 
evening to hunt thfe cows. At the &ot of a hill, at the 
back of the bottom, they sat down under a hickory tree 
to criack some nuts. Tliey soon saw two men coming 
towards them, one of whom had a bridle in his hand. 
Being dre^ed-Uke white men, they mistook them for 
th^ir father and an uncle in scjfiCrch of horses. When 
they discovered their mistake and attempted to run off, 
the Indians, pointing their guns at them,^ld them to 
atop or they would kill them. They halted and were 
taken prisoners. ^ 

The Indians, being in pursuit- of hordes, conducted 
ttie boys by a circuitous route over the Short creek hills 
in search of them, until late in the evening, when they 
halted at a spring in a hollow place, about three miles 
from the fort Here they kindled a small fire; cooked 
and ate some victuals, and prepared to repiose for the 
night. 

Henry, the youngest of the boys, during the ramble 



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324 THE^JonKfiONe. 

had aflected the greatest satisfiiction at heaving bocn^te- 
ken prisoner. - Uc eaid his fiither was a hard maat^ 
who kept hiri) always at hard work^ and aHptr^ him no 
play; but that for his part he wished to live in the woods 
and be a hunter. This deportment soon brought him 
into intimacy with one of the Indians, who could speak 
very good English. The Indians frequently asked the 
bpys if they knew of any good horses rumiing in the 
woods. Sometime before they halted, one of the In- 
dinns gave the largest of the boys a little bag, which he 
suppo^ contain^ modey, and made him carry iu 

When, night came on, the fire wa8 covered- up^ Uie 
boys pinion^, and made ta lie down together. The In- 
dians then placed their hoppls straps over thcHCn,Bnd laid 
down, <me on each side of > them, on the ends of the 
straps. 

Pretty late in the night the Indians fell asleep ^ and 
one of tbem becoming cdd, caught hold of John in his 
arms, and turned him over on the outi^de. In this situ- 
ation, the boy, who had kept awake, found meahs to gei 
his hands loose. He then who^^ered to his brother^ 
made him get iip, and untied his c^riais, This done, 
Henry thought of nothing but running off as. fast aa 
possible ; but whea about to start, John caught hold ci 
him^ saying, " We tnust kill these In^ans before i^ 
go," After some hesitation, Henry «^peed to make the 
attempt. John then took one of the rift^ (rf the In- 
dians, and placed it on a log with thd niuz^e cfose Ce 
the head of one of them. , He then cocked the gun, 
and placed his little brother at the britcSi, with, his filler 
on the trigger, with instructions to puU it as soon as he 
diould strike the ;Othejr Indian. ' - 

. He then took one of the Ihdian^s tomahawks, and 
standing astraddle of the other Indian, struck hirn with 
it. The blow, howe^r, fell on the l)ack of the neck 
and to one side, so as not to be fatal. The^Indfiin then 
attempted to spring ujp ; but the little fellow repeated 
hi^ blow^ with such force and. rupidity on the skidl, 



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thatyaehe esrprieQsedit, "the Indian laid still And began 
to qniver," 

At the moment of the first stroke given by the elder 
toother with the tomahawk, the younger one pulled the 
trigger, and'shot away a considerable portion of the In* 
dian's lower jaw. This Indian, a moment after reoeiv- 
ing the shot, began to flounce about and yell in the 
most frightful manner. The boys then made the best 
of their way to the fqrt, and reached it a little before 
daybreak. On getting near the fort they finind the 
people allup and in greats agitation on their account. 
On hearing a woman exclaim, " Poor httle fellows, 
they are killed or taken prisoners!" die oldest one an- 
swered, " No, mother, we are here yet." 

Having brought nothing away with them froifi the 
Indian camp, their relation of \diat had taken place be- 
tween them and the Indians was not fully credited. A 
small party was soon made up to go and ascertain the 
truth or falsehood irf their re[K)rt. TWs party the boys 
conducted to the spot by ^he shortest route. On arri- 
ving at the place, they found thfe Indian whom the old- 
est brother had tomahawked, lying dead in the camp : 
the other had cratvled away, and taken his gun and 
«rhot-pouch with him. After scalping the Indian,, the 
party returned to the fort ; and the same day a larger 
party went out tc^ look after the wounded Indian, who 
had crawled some distefnce from the camp and conceal- 
ed himself in ihe top of a fallen tree, where, nqtwith- 
stancjing the severity of his wbund,^ with a Spartan bra- 
very he determined to sell his life as dearly as possible. 
Having fixed his gun for the purpose, on the approach 
of the men to a proper distance, he took aim at one of 
them, and pulled the trigger, but his gun missed fire. 
On hearing the snap of the lock, one Of the men ex- 
claimed, " I should not Uke to be killed by a dead In- 
dian !" The party concluding that the Indian would 
die at any rate, thought best to retreat, and return and 
look for him after some time. On returning, however, 
he could not be found, having crawled away and con^ 



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336 sETTLoiErrr of 

oealed himself iii some other plaoe. 11^ akelotoD add 
gun were found sometime afterwards. - 

The Indians who were killed w^e great Ai^nior^ 
and very wealthy. The Ixig, which ivas supposed to 
certain mcmey^ it was <x>njectured was got hy<A)® ctf 
the party, who went out first in tho inorning. On bieat^ 
ing the report of the "bojrs, he elipped off by himseli^ 
and reached the place before the party arrived. For 
some time afterwards he appeared, lo have a greater 
pl^ity of mcmey than hia neighbors* - 

The Indians themselves did honor to the bravery erf 
these two boys. After their U'eaty with Gen. Wayne, 
a friend of the Indians who w^xj killed made inqtiiry 
of a man fromSliort creek, what had ,hecome of the 
boys who killed the Indians? He was^mswered that 
they lived at the same place with their parents* The 
Indian replied, " You havetiot'done right : you should 
jnake kings of those boys.'^ , 



CHAPTER XVir 
Settlement of the country. 

Having thus given to the readef, in the prece#ag pa- 
ges, a connected history of t^c-wara with the Indians, 
from the earliest settlement of the couilU*y until the 
treaty of peace made by Gen. Wayne in 1794, 1 wiH 
go back to the year 1772, and trace the various steps by 
which our settlements advanced to thw present vigo- 
rous state of ejristcnce. 

The settlements on this side of the mountains com- 
menced along the Monongahela, and between that river 
and the Laurel Hdge,~in the year 1772. In the suc- 
ceeding year they reached the Ohio river. The greater 
number of the first ;jettlerfc! came from the upper parts 



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THE COVNTRy. 82f 

ci the then colonies of Maryland and Virginia. Biad- 
dock's trail, as it was called, was the route by which tlic 
greater number of them crossed the mountains. A less 
number of them came by the way of Bedford and Fort 
liigonier, the military road from East^n Pennsylvania 
to Pittsburg. They effected their removals on horees 
furnished with pack-saddles. This was the more easily 
done, as but few of these early adventurers into the wit 
demess were encumbered with much baggage. 

Land was the object which invited the greater num- 
ber of these people to cross the mountain ; for as the 
paying then was, " it was to be had here for taking up." 
That isjhuilding a caMn and raising a crop of grain, 
however small, of s^uy kind^ entitled the occupant to 
four hundred acres of land, and a preemption rigl>t to 
one thousand acres more adjoining, to be secured by a 
land office warrant. This right was to take effect if 
there happened to be so much vacant land, or any part 
thereof, adjoining the Uract secured by the sottlemcut 
right. 

At an early period the government of Virginia ap- 
pointed three commissioners to give certificates of set- 
tlement rights. Those certificates, together with the 
fiurv-eyor's plat, were sent to the land office of the state, 
where they laid six months, to await any caveat which 
mighjt be offered. If none was offered the patent then 
issued. 

There was, at an early period of our settlements, an 
inferior kind of land title, denominated a " tomahawk 
right," which was made by deadening a few trees near 
the head of a spring, and marking the bark of some 
one or miore of them with the initials of the name of 
the person who macte the improvement I remember 
having seen a number of those " tomahawk rights " 
when a boy. For a long time m^ny of them bore the 
names of those who made them. I have no knowledge 
of the efficacy of the tomahawk improvement, or whe- 
ther it conferred any right whatever, unless followed by 
an actual settlement. These rights, however, wore of- 



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328 ft£TTl.EBtENT OP 

ten bought arid sold. Those who wbhed to make s^* 
tiements on their favorite tracts of land, bought up the 
tomahawk improvements) rather than enter into quar- 
rels with those who made them. Other improvers <rf 
the land with a view to actual settlement, and who hs4p- 
pened to be stout veteran fellows, took a very differeat 
course from that of purchasing the tomahawk- r%hta. 
When annoyed by the claimants unde)r those rights, 
they deliberately cut a few good hickories^ and gave 
them what was called in those days " aiaced jacket,'' 
that is, a sound whipping. 

Some of the early settlers took the precaution to come 
over the mountains in the spring (leaving their &milies 
behind), to raise a crop erf corn, and then return^ and 
bring them out in the fall. This I should think was 
the better way. Others, especially those whose &ini- 
lies were small, brought them with them in the spring. 
My father took the latter course. His family was but 
small, and he brought them all widi him. The Indian 
meal which he brought over the mountain was expend- 
ed six weeks too soon, so that for that length of time 
we had to live without bread. The lean venison and 
the breast of the wild turkeys we were taught to call 
bread, and the flesh of tho beeir was denominated meat. 
This artifice did not succeed very wejl ; for after living 
in this way some time we became sickly, the stomach 
seeming to be always empty and tormented with a sense 
of hunger. I remember how narrowly the children 
watched the growth' of the potatoe tops, pumpkin and 
igquash vines, hoping from day to day to get something 
to answer in the place of bread. How delicious was 
the taste of the young potatoes when we got them ! 
What a jubilee when we were permitted to pull the 
young corn for roasting ears ! still more so when it had 
acquired sufficient hardness to be made into jonny-cakes 
by the aid of a tin grater! We then became healthy, 
vigorous, and contented with our situation, poor as it 



was. 



My father, with a small number of his neighbors, 



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T^E COUNTRY. 329 

made their ^etdemaits in the spring of 1773. Though 
Aey were in a poor and destitute situation, they Never- 
theless Uved in peace ; but their, tranquillity was not of 
long continuance. Those most atrocious murders of 
the peaceable inofffensive Indians at Captina and Yel- 
low creek, brought on the war of lord Dunmore in the 
spring of the year 1774. Our little settlement then 
broke up. The women and children were removed to 
^ Morrises fort, in Sandy creek glade, some distance to the 
east of Ifniontown. The fort consisted of an assem- 
blage of small hovels, situated on the margin of a large 
and noxious marsh, the eflluvia of which gave most of 
the women and children the fever and ague. The men 
were compelled by necessity to return home, risking the 
tomahawk and scalping knife of the Indians, to raise 
com to keep their families from starvation the succeed- 
ing winter. Those sufferings, dangers and losses, were 
Ihe tribute we had to pay to that thirst for blood which 
actuated those veteran murderers who brought the war 
upon us ! The memory of the sufferers in this war, as 
well as that of their descendants, etifl looks back upon 
them with regret and abhorrence, and the page ot his- 
tory will consign their liames to posterity with the full 
weight of infeimy they deserve* 

A correct and detailed view of the origin of societies, 
and their progress from one condition or point of wealth, 
science and civilization, to another, Is always highly in- 
teresting even when received through the dusky medi- 
um of .history, oftentimes but poorly and partiaUy writ- 
ten ; but when this retrospect of things past and gene 
is drawn from the recollections of experience, the im- 
pressions which it makes on the heart are of the most 
vivid, deep and lasting kind. 

The following history of the state of society,^ maimers 
and customs of our forefathers; is to be drawn from the 
latter source ; and it is given to the world with the re- 
collection that many of my cptemporaries, still Uving, 
have, as well as myself, witnessed all the scenes and 
events herein described, and whose memories would 



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330 SETTLEMENT OF 

speedily detect and expose any errors tfie work may 
contain. 

The municipal, as well as ecclesiastical institutions of 
society, whether good or bad, in consequence of their 
long continued use, give a corresponding cast to the pub- 
lic character of society whose conduct they direct, and 
the more so because in the lapse of time the observance 
of them becomes a matter of conscience. 

This observation applies in full force to that influence 
of our early land laws which allowed four hundred acres 
and no more to a settlement right. Many of our first 
settlers seemed to regard this amount of the surface of 
the earth as the allotment of Divine Providence for one 
family, and believed that any attempt to get more would 
be sinftil. Most of them, therefore, contented them- 
selves with that amount, although they might have eva^ 
ded the law, which allowed but oi4e settlement right to 
any one individual, by taking out the title papers in the 
names of others, to be afterwards transferred to them, 
as if by purchase. Some.few indeed pursued this prac- 
tice, but it was held in detestation, 

My father, like piany others, believed, that having 
secured his legal allotment, the rest of the country b^ 
longed of right to those who chose to settle in it. There 
was a piece of vacant land adjoining his tract, amount- 
ing to about two hundred acres. To this tract of land 
he had the preemption right, and accordingly secured 
it by warrant ; but his conscience would not permit him 
to retain it in his family : he therefore gave it to an ap- 
prentice lad whom he had raised in his house. This lad 
sold it to an uncle of mine for a cow and calfj-and a wool 
hat. 

Owing to the equal distribution of real property di- 
rected by our land laws, and the sterling integrity -of 
our forefathers in their observance of them, we have no 
districts of "sold land,'' as it is called, that is, large tracts 
of land in the hands of individuals or companies who 
neither sell nor improve them, as is the case in Lower 
Canada and the northwestern part of Pennsylvania. 



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THE COUSTBY. 331 

Tliese unsettled tracts make huge blanks in the pq>o< 
lation of the country wherever they exist. 

The division lines between those whose lands adjoin- 
ed5 were generally made in an amicable manner by the 
parties concerned, before any survey of them was made. 
In doing this they were guided mainly by the tops of 
ridges and water courses, but particularly the former. 
Hence the greater number of farmain the western parts 
of Pennsylvania and Virginia bear a striking resem- 
blance to an amphitheater. The buildings occupy a 
low situation, and the tops of the surrounding hills are 
the boundaries of the tract to which the family mansion 
belongs. - 

Our forefathers were fond of farms of this descrip- 
tion, because, as they said, they are attended with this 
convenience, "that every thing comes to the house down 
hill." In the hilly parts of the state of Ohio, the land 
haying been laid off in an arbitrary manner, by straight 
parallel hneS) without regard to hill or dale^ the farms 
present a different aspect from those on the east side of 
- the river opposite. There the buildings aa frequently 
occupy the tops of the hills as any other situation. 

Our people had become so accustomed to the mode 
of " getting land for taking it up," that for a long time 
it was generally beUeved that the land on the west side 
of the Ohio would ultimately be disposed of in that way. 
Hence almost the whole tiact of country between the 
Ohio and Muskingum was parceled out in tomahawk 
improvements ; but these latter improvers did not con- 
tent themselves with a single four hundred acre tract 
apiece. Many of thern owned a great number of tracts 
of the best land, and thus, in imagination, were as 
" wealthy as a South Sea dream." Many of the land- 
jobbers of this class did not content themselves with 
marking the trees, at the usual hight, with the initials 
of their names ; but Climbed up the large beech trees, 
and cut the letters in their bark, from twenty to forty 
feet from the ground. To enable them to identify those 



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338 SETTLEMENT, AC. . 

treea, at a future period, they made inarks(m other isttB 
around them as references. 

Most of t}^ early settlers considered their land of lit^ 
tie value, from an apprehension that after a few years' 
cultivation it would lose its fertility, at least for a long 
time. I have often heard them say that such a field 
/would bear so many crops, and another so many more 
or less than that. The ^ound of this belief concerning 
the shortUved fertility of the land in this country, was, 
the poverty of a great proportion of the land in the low^ 
.parts of lM[aryland and Virginia, which, after producing 
a few crops, became unfit for use, ahd was thrown out 
into commons. 

In their unfavorable opinion of the n^ure of the soil 
of our country our forefcahers were utterly mistaken. 
The native weeds were scarcely destroyed before the 
white dover and different kinds of grass made their ap- 
pearance. These soon covered the groimd, so as to af- 
ford pasture for the cattle by the time the wood range 
was eaten out, as well as protect the soil from being 
washed away by drenching rains, so often injurious in 
hilly countries. 

Judging from Virgil's* test of fruitful and barren soils, 
the greater part of this country must possess every re- 
quisite for fertiUty. The test is this. Dig a hole of any 
reasonable dimensions and depth : if the earth, which 
was taken out, when thrown lightly back into it does 
not fill up the hole, the soil is fiiuitful ; but if it more 
than fill it up, the soil is barren. 

Whoever chooses to try this experiment will find the 
result indicative of the richness of our soil. Even our 

* Ante locnm capies ocuTis, alteqiTc jiibebis , 
In solido puteum demitti, omncmque repones 
Rursue humum, et pedibus snmnias cequabis arenas. 
Si deerunt : rarum, pecorique et vitibus almis 
Aptiiia uber erit. Bin in sua posse negabunt 
Ire loca, et scrobibiia snperabit terra rcplctis, 
Spiesusngcr: Hebascunctantescrassaqne terga 
Expecta, et vaiidis terram pro«cinde juvencie. 

Fi>. 6Va /z6. 2, /. 230. 



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^avoB, notwithi^ndittg the size of the vaults are «e}* 
dom finished with the earth thrown out of them, anci 
ibey soon sink beloW the srurroundin^ surface* 



CHAPTER XVH. 
Hou^e furniture and diet. 

The settlement of a new country in the immediate 
i^eighborhood of an old one, is not attended with much 
difi^ulty, bec£i;use supplies can be readily obtained firoul 
the latter ; but the settlenicnt of a country very remote 
from any cultivated region, is a very different thing ; 
because at the outset, food, raiment, and the implements 
of husbandrjr, are (Stained only in small supplies and 
with great difficulty. The task of making new estab- 
lishments ill a remote wilderness, in time of profound 
peace, is sufficiently difficult ; but when, in addition t6 
idl the unavoidable hardships attendant oil this busi- 
iieg», those resulting from an extensive and ftirious war* 
fere wi^ savages are superadded ; toil, wivations and 
wiffiwringS) are then carried to the full ex^nt of the ca- 
pacity of men to endure them, / 

Such was the wretched condition of our fore&Lther^ 
in making their setdements here. To all their difficult 
ties and privations, the Indian wai^Avas a weighty addi- 
tion. This destructive warfere they were compelled t4 
sustain almost single-handed, because the revoiutiona^ 
ry cont^t with England gave fiiU employment fOT the 
miUtary strength and r^ources on the ea£^ side of t)f6 
mountains. 

The fdbwing history of the poverty, labors, suffer^ 
ings, manners and customs, of our for^thers, will ap- 
pear like a collection of " tales of dden times," with- 
out soy ^garoirii of langua^ to spofl the m^inal por- 
^, ^1 



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S3A nmJffE PVUNITimE AND DlSTi 

Umitss by giving ibem sharks ^ cdoridg wfakh tbqr 
cUdiMH possess^ 

I shall follow the order of things as they occunwd 
duiiHg the period of time embraced in these narrativegy 
beginning with those mde^ixxmimodations with which 
our first adventurers into this country furnished them- 
■elves at the commencement of their establishments. 
It will be a homely narrative^ yet valuable on the grouad 
of its being real history. 

If my reader, when viewing, through the medEam 
which I here pres^at, the siifferings of human nature 
in one of its most depressed and. dangerous conditions^ 
sbonld drop an involuntary ^eAr,. let bun not blame me 
for the sentiment of sympathy whkh he feels. On the 
contrary, if he should sometimes meet wkh a. recital 
calculate lo excite a smile or a laugh, I claim na eredil 
for his ei^yment. It is the subject me^ter of the Im- 
tory, and not the historian, which makes those VfidAy 
different impressions on the mind of the reader. 

In this cmkpter it is my design to give^a brief accou^ 
«f the household furniture and artides of diet which 
were used by the first inhabitants of our country. A 
Ae$crvpiifm ot their cabins^ and half-faced camps, and 
their manner of building them, will be found elsewhere* 

Th^ furniture for the taUe, for iseveral years after the 
settlement of this country, consisted of a few pewteK 
dishes, plates a^d spoons, but mostly of wooden bowlsi 
tienchers ondnoggins. If these last w^e scarce, gourdi 
and hard-shelled squashes made up the deficiency. 

The iron pots, knives and forks, were brought from 
the east side of the mountains, along with the salt and 
iion, on pack-horses. 

These articles of furniture corree^n^d very well 
with the articles of diet on which ihey were ^aafAoyed 
" Hoff and hommony" were proverbial for ihe didi of 
which they were the component i^rts. Journejrcakeand 
pone were, at the outset of the settlements of the coiHi- 
try, tlie only forms of brted in use for iHreak&st aod 
dinner. M suppei*, milk and mudi were the standard 



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I»>V«£ PVKHITtJRK ANB DIET* tW 

fiteh. Wheti ittak was not plenty; which was ofte» the 
case, owing to the scarcity of cattle or the want of pro- 

Cer pasture for them, the substantial dish of hommony 
ad to supply the place of them. Mush was frequei3rt>^ 
ly eaten with sweetened water, mefesses, bear's oil, or 
Ifee gravy of ftied wieat^ 

Every farnfly, besides a little garden for the few vege- 
tables which they cultivated, had another small inclo- 
sure containing from half an acre to an acre, which they 
called a ^truck-patch," in Which they raised corn for 
roasting-ears, pitmpkins, sque^hes, beans and potato^.' 
These, in. the latter part of the summer and fall, were 
cooked with their pk)rfc, venison and bear meat, for din- 
ner, and made very wholfjsome and well tasted dishes. 
The standard dinner dish for every log-rolling, house* 
raising and harvest-day^ wets a pot-pie, or what in other 
countries is called "searpie." This, besktes answering 
fer dinner, served for a part of Ae supper also, — the re- 
mainder cflf it from dinner being eaten with milk in the 
evening, after the conclusion of the labw of the day. 

in our whole display of furniture, the del^ china, and 
i^ver were unknown. It did not then, as now, require 
contributions from 'the four quarters of the globe to ifur- 
nish the breakfast taMe,. viz. the silver froniMexicoi 
tke coffee from the West Indies, the tea from ChinA, 
and the delf and pwcelain from Europe or Asia.^ Yet 
«ur homely fare, wad unsightly cabins and furniture, 
produced n hardy, veteranl race,.who planted the first 
footsteps of society and civUization in the inmiense re- 
gions of tfee west. Inured to 4iardihood, bravery and 
labor, from their early youth, they sustained with man- 
ly fortitude the fatigue -of the chase, the campaign and 
ficout, and with strong arms "turned the wilderness 
into fruitful fields," and have left to (heir descendants 
the rich inheritance of an immense empire blessed with 
peace and wealth. r 

I well recollect the first time I ever saw a tea-cup and 
•saucer, and tasted coffee. My mother died when I was 
nboni eix or seven years oW, and my father then sent 



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ffOVftE puairiTUJiB and diet. 

sKb W Maryland wkfa a brother of my gmitt^^er, Mr. 
Alexander WeUs, to school. 

At Col. Brown's, in the mountains^ (at Stony creek 
glades,) I f(^ the first time saw tame geese ; and bv 
bantering a pet ^nder, I got a severe biting by his bill, 
and beating by his wings. - I wondered very much that 
birds so large and strong should be so much tamer than 
the wild turkeys^ At this place, however, all was right, 
excepting the large l»rds wnich they called geese. The 
cabin and its furnhure were such m I bad been apcus- 
tomed to see in the backwoods, as my country was thea 
called. • 

At Bedford every thing was changed- The Cavern 
ai which my uncle put ^:was a stone house, and to 
make the change more complete, it was plastered in the 
iniHde both as to the^ walls and ceiling. On going into 
the dining room, I was struck with astonishment attbe 
i4f)pearance of the house. I had no idea that ther6 was 
any house in the world which was not buSt of k)g»; 
but here I locdcjed round the hooae and could see no l<^)s, 
and above I could see no joists ; whetha" such a thing 
had bc^n made by the bands of man, or had grown so 
of itself, I could not conjecture. I had not the courage 
to inquire any thing about it. 

When supper came on, " my confusion was worse 
confounded.'^ A little cup stood in a bigger one, with 
some brownish looking stuif in it, which was-neitlier 
milk^ hpmmony nor broth. What to do with these Ut- 
tle cups and the little spoon belonging to them, I could 
not tell : and I was afraid to ask any thing concerning 
the use of them. 

Jt was in the time of the war, and the company were 
giving accounts of catdiing, whipping, and hanging 
3ie tories. The word jail frequently occurred. This 
word I had never heard before ; but I soon discovered 
its meaning, was much terrified, and supposed that we 
were in, danger of the fate of the tories ; for I thought, 
as we had come from the backwoods, it was altog^er. 
likely that we must be tories too. Fwfearof be^gdisr 



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tovered { diwt not utter a aingleVord. I thareforQ 
watched attentively to see what the big folks would do 
-,with thjedr lil^e cups aad spoons. I imitated them, and 
found the taste of the cofiee nauseous beyond any thing 
I ever had tasted in my life; I continued to drink, am 
the rest of the company did, with the tears streaming 
firom xny eyes, but when it was to end I was at a loss 
to know, as the little cups were filled immediately after 
being emptied. "This circumstance distressed me very 
much, as I durst not say I had enough. Looking' at< 
tentively at the grown persons, I saw one man turn his 
little cup bottom upwards and put his little spoon across 
it ; I observed that after this his cup was not filled again ; 
I followed his exapaple, and to my great satis&ction, the 
result as tamy cup was the same. 

The introduction of delf wau:e was considered by 
many of the bacfcwoods people as a culpable innova- 
tion* It was too easily broken, and the plates of that 
ware duU^ their scalping and.cladp knives ; tea .ware 
was too small for men, but might do for women and 
children. Tea and cofiee -v^^re only slops, which in 
th^ ad^e of the day, " did not stick by the ribs." The 
idea was, they were designed only for peojde of quaUty, ' 
who do not labor, or the sick. A genuine backwoods- 
man would hav^ thought himself disgraced by show- 
mg a fondness for those slops. Inde^, many of them 
have to this 4ay very little fespect for them. 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

Dress. 

On the frontiers, and particularly amongst those who 
were much in the habit of htmtiiig, and going on scouts 
and campaigns, the dtess of*t^e men was partly Indian 
and parthr that of civilized nation^. 
21* 



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338 BRESS). 

Th6 hunting shirt was universaHywom. This wa^ 
a kind of loose frock, reaching half way down the 
thighs, with large sleeves, open before, and so wide as 
to lap over a foot or more when belted. The cape wasf 
large, and sometimes handsomely fringed with a ravel- 
ed piece of cloth of a different color from that of the 
hunting shirt itself The bosom of this dress served 
as a wallet to hold a chunk of bread, cakes, jerk, tow 
for wiping the barrel of the rifle, or any other necessary 
for ih'e hunter or warrior. The bfelt^ which was always 
tied behind, answered for several purposes besides that 
of holding the dress together. In cold weather the mit- 
tens, and sometimes the bullet-bag, occupied the front 
part of it ; to the right side was suspended the toma- 
hawk, and to the left the scalping knife in its leathern 
sheath. The hunting shirt was generally, made of 
linsey, sometimes of coarse linen, ai«l a few of dressed 
deer skins. Those last were very cold and uncomfort- 
able in wet weather. The shirt atid jacket were of the 
common fashion. A pair of drawers or breeches, and 
leggins^ were the dress of the thighs arid legs. A pair 
.of moccasons answered for the feet much better than 
shoes. These werp made of dressed deer skin. They 
were mostly -made of- a single piece, with a gathering 
seam along the top of the foot, and another from the 
bottom of the heel, with gaiters as. high as the ankle 
joint or a little higher. Flaps were left on each side to 
reach some distance up the legs. These were nicely 
adapted to the ankles and lower part of the leg by 
thongs of deer skin, so that no dust, gravel or snow, 
could get within the moccason. 

The moccasons in ordinary use cost but a few hours 
labor to make them. This was done by an instru- 
ment denominated a moccason awl, which was made o£ 
the back spring of an old clasp knife. This awl, with 
with its buckMrn handle, was an appendage of every . 
shot pouch strap, together with a roll of buckskin for 
menmng the moccas6ns. 'This Avas the la^or of al- 
most every evening. • They Were se^ed together and 



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DRESS. 339 

patphed wilh deer skin thongs, or whangs a^ they were 
commonly called. 

In cold weather the moccasons were well stuffed with 
deer'st hah* or dry lea.ves, so as to keep the feet comfort- 
ably warm; bat in wet weather it was usually said 
that weariag them was "a decent way of going bare- 
footed;" and such was the fact, owing to the spongy 
texture of the leather of which they were made. 

Owing to this defective covering of the feet, more 
than to any other circumstan<5e, the greater number of 
our hunters and warriors were afflicted with the rheu- 
matism in their Umbs. Of this disease they were all 
apl»:ehensive in wet or cold weather, and therefore 
always slept with their feet to the fire to prevent or 
cure it as well as they could. This practice unques- 
tionably had a very sgilutary effect, and prevented many 
of them from beibominjj confirmed cripples in early 
life, - 

In the latter years of the Indian war our young men 
became mwe enamored of the Indian dress through- 
out, with the exception of the match coat. The draw- 
ers were laid aside and the leggins made longer, so as 
to reach the upper part of the thigh. The Indian 
Iweech elout was adopted. This was a piece of Hnen 
or cloth nearly a yard long, and eight or nine inches 
broad. This passed under the belt before and behind, 
leaving the ends for flaps, hanging before and behind 
over the belt. These belts were sometimes ornamented 
with some coarse kind of embroidery work. To the 
same belts which secured the breech clout, strings which 
supported the long leggins were attached. When thi^ 
belt, as was often the case, passed over the hunting 
shirt, the upper part of the thighs and part of the hips 
were naked. 

The young warrior, instead of being abashed by this 
nudity, was proud of his Indianlike dress. In some 
few instances I have seen them go into places of public 
Worship in this dress. Their appearance however did 
Jjpt add much to the devotion of .the young ladies. 
21t 



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340 DRESS. 

The Unsey petticoat and bed gown, whi<^ were the 
universal dress of our women in early times, would 
make a strange figure in our days, A small home- 
made handkerchief, in point of elegcmce, would illy 
supply the place of that profusion of ruffles with which 
the necks of our ladies are now ornamented. 

They went barefooted in warm weather, aiMi in crfd 
their feet were covered with moccasons, coarse shoes or 
shoepacks, which would make but a sorry figure beside 
the elegant morocco slippers often embossed with bul- 
lion, which at present ornament the feet of their daugh- 
ters and grand-daughters. 

The coats and bed gowns of the women, as well as 
the hunting shirts of the men, were hung in full dis- 
play on wooden pegs around the waHs of their cabins, 
so that while they answered in some degree the place 
of paper hangings or tapestry, they annbunced to the 
stranger as well as neighbor the wealth or poverty of 
the family in the articles of clothing. This practice 
has not yet been wholly laid aside amongst the back^ 
woods families. 

The historian would say to the ladies of the present 
time. Our ancestors of your sex knew nothing of the 
ruffles, leghorns, curls, combs, rings, and other jewels 
with which their fair daughters now decorate them- 
selves. Such things were not then to be had. Many 
of the younger part of them were pretty well grown 
up before t|iey ever saw the inside of a store room, or 
even knew there was such a thing in the world, unless 
by hearsay, and indeed scarcely that. 

Instead of the toilet, they had to handle the distaff 
or shuttle, the sickle or weeding hoe, contented if they 
could obtain their linsey clothing and cover their heads 
with a sun bonnet made of six or seven hwdred linen. 



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341 

CHAPTER XIX, 

The Fort. ,. 

My jeader will understand.by this term, not only a 
place of, defense^ but the residence ef a small number 
of families belonging to the same neighborhood. As 
the Indian mode of warfare was an indiscriminate 
slaughter of all ages and both sexes, it was as requisite 
to provide for the safety of the women and children as 
for that of the men. 

The fort consisted of cabins, block-houses and stock- 
ades. A range of eabiias commonly formed one side 
at least of the fort. Divisions, or partuions of logs, 
eeparated the cabins fiom each other. The walls on 
the outside were ten or twelve feej high, the slope of 
the roof being turned wholly inward.. A very few of 
these cabins had puncheon floors : ihe greater part were 
earthen. 

The block-hpjuses were built at the angles of the fort. 
They .projected about two feet beyond the outer walla 
of the cabins -and stockades. Their upper stories were 
about eighteen inches every way larger in dimensiprv 
than -the under one, leaving an opening at the com- 
mencemont of the second story, to prevent the enemy 
frpm making, alodgment/under tlieir walls. In some 
forts, instead of block-houses, the angles of the fort were 
fiirnished'With bastions. A large folding gate made of 
thick slabs, nearest the spring, closed the fort. The 
stockades, bastions, cabins and block-house.walls, were 
furnished with port-holes iit proper hight&and distan- 
ces- The whole of. the outside was made:completely 
bullet proof. 

It raay b^ truly said that necessity is the mother x)f 
invention, for the wjfvolo of this work was ni€tde with- 



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343 THE FOBT. 

out the aid of a siugle nail or spike of iron^ and-for ths 
reason, such things were not to be had. 

In some places less exposed, a single block-house 
with a cabin or two constituted the whole fort* 

Such places of refuge may appear very trifling to 
those who have been in the habit of seeing the formi- 
dable militar};^ garrisons of Europe and America; but 
tliey answered the purpose, as the Indians had no ar- 
tillery. They seldom attacked, and scarcely ever took 
one of them. ^ . 

The feimilies belonging to these forts were so at- 
tached to their own cabins on their farms, that they 
seldom moved into the fort in the spring until compelled 
by «ome alarm, as they called it ; that is, when it was 
announced by some mur(ter-that the Indians were in 
the settlement. - 

The fort to which my lather belonged, was, during 
the first years of the war, three quarters of a mile from 
his fejrm; but when this fort went to decay, and be- 
came unfit for defense, a new one was built at his own 
house. I well remember that when a little boy the 
family were sometimes waked i^ in the dead of night 
by an express with a report that the Indians were at 
hand. The express came softly to the door or back 
window, and by a gentle tapping \\'aked the family ; 
this was easily done, as an habitual fear made us ever 
watchful and sensible to the slightest alarm. The 
whole family were instantly in motion: my fetthef seized 
his gun and otherimplcments of war; my step mother 
waked up and dressed the children as-^w^U as she 
could; and being myself the oldest of the children, I 
had to take-my share of the burthens to be carried to 
the fort.' There was no poestbility of getting a horse 
in the night to aid us in removing to the fort ; besides 
thic little children, Ave caught up what articles of clothing 
and provision we could get hold of in the dark,- for we 
durst not light a candle or even stit tho fire.^ All this 
was done with the utmost dispatch and the silence of 



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CAHAVANS. 343 

death; the greatest care was taken not to awaken the 
youngest child : to the rest it was enough to say Indian, 
find not a whimper was heard afterwards. Thus it 
often happened that the whole number of families be- 
longing to a fort, who were in the evening at their 
homes, were all in their little fortress before the dawn 
of the next morning. In the course of the succeeding 
day, their household furniture was brought in by parties 
of the men under arms. 

Some families belonging to each fort were much less 
under the influence of fear than others, and who after 
an alarm had subsided, in spite of every remonstrance 
woidd remove home, while their more prudent neigh- 
bors remained in the fort. Such families were deno- 
ixiinated ^' fool-hardy,^' and gave no small amount of 
Jrouble^by creating such frequent necessities of sending 
runners to warn them of their danger, and sometimes 
^rties of our men to protect them during their remo- 



CHAPTER XX. 

Caravans. 

The acquisition of the* indispensable articles of salt, 
iron, steel and castings, presented great difficulties to 
the first settlers of the western country. They had no 
stores of any kind, no salt, iron, nor iron works; nor 
had they money to make purchases where those arti- 
cle were to be obtained. Peltry and furs were their 
only resources, before they had time to raise cattle and 
horses for sale in the Atlantic states. 
. Uv^ry family collected what peltry and fur they 
could obtain throughout the year for the purpose of 
pending them over the mountains' for barter. 



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344 CARATANS. 

In the fall of the year, after seeding time, every fe- 
mily formed an associatioa with some of their neigh- 
bors for starting the little caravan. A master driver 
was selected from among them,- who was to be assisted 
by one or more yomig men, and sometimes a boy os 
two. The horses were fitted out with pack-saddles, to 
the hinder part of which was fastened a pair of hobbles 
made of hickory withs: a bell and collar ornamented 
his neck. The bags provided for the conveyance of 
the salt were filled with feed for the hordes : on the 
journey a part of this feed was left at convenient stages 
on the way down, to suj^rt the return of the caravan. 
Large waUets, well filled with br^ui, jerk, boiled ham 
and cheese, furnished provision for the drivers. At 
night, after feeding, the horses, whether put in pasture 
or turned out into the woods, w^e hobbled, and the 
bells were opened. 

The barter for salt and iron was made first at Balti- 
more. Frederick, Hagerstown, Oldtown and Cum- 
berland, in succession, became the place of exchange. 
Each horse carried two bushels of alum salt, weighing 
eighty-four pounds the bushel. ThiSj to be sure, was 
not a heavy load for the horses, but it was enough con- 
sidering the scanty subsistence allowed them on the 
journey. . . 

The common price of a bushel of alum salt at aa 
eiarly period was a good cow andcalf ; and until weights 
were introduced, the salt was measured into the half 
bushel by hand as lightly as possible. No pne was 
permitted to walk heavily over the floor while the ope- 
ration was going on. 

The following anecdote will sei-ve to shew how Uttle 
the native sons of the forest knew of the etiquet oi the 
Atlantic cities. 

A neighbor of my father, some years after the settle- 
ment of the country, had collected a smaU drove of 
cattle for the Baltimore market. Amongst the hands 
employed to drive them was one who never had seen 
any condition of society but that of woodsimen, 



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^trNTiNG>. 845 

At one of theif lodging places in <he rao^ntain, th6 
landlord and his hired man, in the course of the night, 
«toie two of the bells belonging to tfce drove, and hid 
them in a piece of woods. 

The drove had not gom for in the morning before 
the bells were missed, and ^ dietachmentwent bacl^to 
recover the stolen belts. The men Were foimd reaping 
in the field of the landlord; they- were accused of th* 
theft, but they dfenied the charge. The torture of 
sweating-, according to the custom of that time, that is, 
of suspension by the arms pinioned behind their bacfcs; 
brought a confession. The bells were procured and 
hung around the necks of the thieves : m thfs condi- 
tion they were driven bii foot before the detachment 
until they overtook the drove, which fey this thne had 
gone nine miles. A halt was called ^nd a jury selected 
to try the culprits. They were condemned to receive 
a certain number of lashes'on the bai*e back from the 
hand of each drover. The man above alluded to was 
the owner of one of the bells. When it came td his 
turn to use the hickory, *'l^ow," says he to the thief, 
"you inferhal scoundrel, FH work your jacket nine- 
teen to the dozen.- Only think what a rsiscally figure I 
«hould make in the streets of Baltimore without a bell 
onmyhorse.^ The man was in earnest : having seen 
no horses used without bells, he thought they were re- 
qu&ite in every situatwn. 



CHAPTER XXI. 

Hunting. 



This was an important part of the employment of 
the early settlers of this country. For some years th^ 
woods supplied thejn wkli the greater amount of their 



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946 HyNXiim.^ 

•ubdstence, and with i^^gard to some Ismaalies in certain 
times, the vhcde of it; tor it was no uncommon thii^ 
foP fitfniiies to live several months without a mouthful 
of breeul. It frequently happened that there was no 
break&«t until it was obtained fiom the woods. Fur 
and peltry were the.peo{de'8 money; they had nothing 
else to give in exchange fee rifles, salt and iron, on the 
oth^ ^de of the mountains. 

The fall and early pact of the winter was the season 
for hunting the deer, and. the wkde of the winter, in- 
dudioff part of the spring, for bearaand fiir skinDed 
animitk. Jl was a customiMry saying that fur is good 
during every month in the name of which the ktter 
R occurs. 

The class of hunters with whom I was bestac^aint- 
ed were those whose hunting ranges were on the wesi- 
em.^eof the river and at the distaxice of eight xmt 
nine miles from it. Ab soon as the leaves were, pretty 
well down, and the weather became rainy accompanied 
with light snow^, these, men, after acting the part of 
husbandmen, so far as the state of war&re permitted 
them to do so, soon began to fed that they were hun- 
ters. They became uneasy at home ;. every thing'about 
than became disagreeable ; the house was too warm, 
the feather bed too soft, and even the. good wife was 
not thought for the time being a proper companion ; 
the mind of the hunter wBs wholly occu|Ned with the 
camp and chase. 

I have often seen them get up early in the morning 
at this season, walk hastily out and look anxiously to 
the woods, and sni^ff the autumnal winds with the 
highest rapture, then return into the house and cast a 
cfUKk and attentive look at the rifie^ which was alwajrs 
suspended to a joist by a couple of buck's horns or litde 
forks; his hunting dog understanding the intentions 
of his master, wtmld wag his taii,and by every Uan- 
dishment in his power express his jeadiness to succomr 
pany him to the woods. 

A day was soon appointed for the march of the htde 



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HUNTING* 317 

eavakade to the camp. Two or three horses furnished 
-with pack sadkUes were loaded with flour^ Indian meal, 
blanbets, and every thing else requisite for the use of 
the huDter. 

A hunting camp, or what was called a half-&ced 
cabin, was of the following form: the back part of it 
was sometimes a large log : at the distance of eight or 
ten feet from this two stakes were set in the ground a 
few inches apart, and at the distance of eight or ten 
feet frcMn these two more to receive the ends of the pdes 
fojc the sides of the camp ; the whole slope of the roof 
was from the front to the back;^ the covering was made 
of slabs, skins i^r Uankets, or, if in the spring of the 
year, the bark of hickory or ash trees; the front wag 
left entirely open ; the fire was built directly before this 
caning ; the cracks between the logs were filled with 
moss, and dry leaves served for a bed. It is thus that a 
couple of men in a few hours will construct for them- 
selves a temporary but tolerably comfortable defense 
from the inclemencies of the weather; the beaver, otter^ 
muskrat and squirrel are scarcely their equals in dis- 
patch in fabricating for themselves a covert from the 
tempest 1 

A httle more pains would have nmde a hunting camp 
a defense against the Indians. A cabin ten feet square, 
bullet proof and furnished with port holes, would have 
enabl^ two or three hunters to hold twenty Indians at 
bay for any length of time ; but this precaution I be- 
lieve was never attended to: hence the hunters were 
often surprised and killed in their camps. 

Tbe site for the camp was selected with all the saga- 
city of the woodsmen, so as to have it sheltered by the 
surrounding hills from every wind, but more especially 
from those of the north and west. 

An uncle of mine, of the name of Samuel Teter, 
occupied the same camp for several years in succession. 
It was situated \on one of the southern branches of 
Cross creek. Although I had lived many years not 
inore than fifteen miles from the place, it was not till 



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348 HUNTING. 

within a very few years that I discovered its mtuati<»^ 
when it was shewn to me by a^ntleman living in the 
ne^hboiiiood. Viewing the hiUs round about it, I soon 
perceived the sagacity of the hunter in the site for his 
camp. Not a wind could touch him, and uqI^s by the 
report of his gun or the sound of his ax, it would have 
been by mere accident if an Indian had discov^ed his 
concealment. 

Hunting was not a mere ramble in pursuit ^f game, 
in which there was nothing of skill and calcuhiti<»i; 
on the contrary, the hunter before he set out in the 
morning was informed by the state of the weather in 
what situation he might reasonably expect to meet 
with his game, whether on the bottoms, ^des or tops of 
the hills. In stormy weather the deer always seek the 
most sheltered places and the leeward sides of the hills. 
In rainy weather in which there is not much wind, they 
keep in the open woods on the highest ground. 

In every situation it was requisite for the hunter to 
ascertain the course of the wind, so as to get to the 
leeward of the game. This he effected by putting his 
finger in his mouth and holding it there until it Jbe- 
came warm ; then holding it above his head, the side 
which first becomes cold shews which way the wind 
blows. 

As it was requisite too for the hunter to know the 
cardinal points, he had only to observe the trees to as- 
certain them. The bark of an aged tree is thicker and 
much rougher on the north than on 'the south side. 
The same thing may be said of the moss, it is thicker 
and stronger on the north than On the south side of 
the trees. 

The whole business of the hunter consists of a sue* 
cession of intrigues. From morning to ni^t he was 
on the alert to gain the wind of his game, and ap- 
proach them without being discovered. If he succeed* 
ed in kilting a deer, he skinned it and hung it up out 
of the reach of the wolves, and immediately resumed 
the chase till the close of. the evening, when he bent 



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HtNWNG. 349 

his course towards his camp ; when arrived there, he 
kindled up his fire, and together with his fellow hunter 
cooked his supper. The supper finished, the adven- 
tures of the day furnished the tales for the evening ; 
the spike huck, the two and three pronged buck, the 
doe and barren doe, figured through their anecdotes 
with great advantage. . It should seem that after hunt-- 
ing awhile on the same ground, the hunters became 
acquainted with nearly all the gangs of deer within 
their range^ «o as to know each flock of them when 
they saw them. Often seme old buck, by the means 
of his superior sagacity and watchAilness, saved bis 
little gang from the hunter's skill, by giving timely no^ 
tice of his approach. The cunning of the hunter and 
that of the old buck were staked against each other, 
and it frequently happened that at the conclusion of 
the hunting season, the old fellow was left the free 
uninjured tenant of his forest ; - but if his rival suc- 
ceeded in bringing him down, the victory was followed 
by no small amount of boasting on the part of the 
csonqueror. 

When the weather was not suitable for hunting, the 
skins and carcasses of the game were brought in and 
disposed of 

Many of the hunters rested from their labors on 
the Sabbath day, some from a motive of piety, others 
said that whenever th^ bunted on Sunday, they were 
sore to have bad luck all the rest of the week. 



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330 

CHAPTER XXII. 
The wedding. 

For a long time after the first settlement of this 
country the inhabitants in general married ymuigf. 
There was no distinction of rank, and very Uttle of 
fortune. On these accounts the first impresdion of 
love resulted in marriage, and a family estaUishment 
cost but a Uttle labor and nothing else. 

A description of a wedding, from the beginning' to 
the end, ^1 serve to shew the manners of our fore- 
fathers, %u^ mark the grade of civilization which has 
succeeded to their rude state of society in the course of 
a few years. 

At an early jperiod the practice of celebrating the 
marriage at the house of the bride began, and it shoidd 
seem with great propriety. She also has the choice of 
the priest to perform the ceremony. 

In the first years of the settlement of this countiy, 
a wedding engaged the attention of a whole iieighb(H''» 
hood, and the froUck was anticipated by old imd young 
with eager anticipation. Thk is not to be wondered 
at, when it is told that a wedding was almost the only 
gathering which was not accompanied with the labor 
of reaping, log-rolling, building a cabin, or planning 
some scout or campaign. 

In the morning of the wedding day, the groom and 
his attendants assembled at the house 6f his father, for 
the purpose of reaching the mansion oi his bride by 
noon, which was the usual time for celebrating the 
nuptials, which for certain must take place before din- 
ner. 

Let the reader imagine an assemblage of peofde, 
without a store, tailor or mantuamaker, within soi 
hundred miles, and an assemblage of horses^ without a 



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♦the -^EDblNa. 9^1 

J^iacksmith or sad3ler within an equal distance. The 
gentlemen dressed in ehpepacks, moccasons, leather 
breeches, leggins, and linsey hunting shirts, all home- 
inade. The ladies dressed in linsey pettico&ts and lin* 
(sey or l&nen bcd*gowns,^ coarse shoe^, stockings, hand- 
bM*ehiefs^ and buckskin gloves, if any; if there were 
any buckles, rings, buttons or ruffles, they were the re- 
lits of old times, family pieces- from parents or grand- 
parents. .The horses were caparisoned with old saddles, 
old bridles or Baiters, and pack-saddles, with a bag or 
blanket thrown over them : a rope or string as often 
o^mstituted the girth as a piece of leather. 

The march, in double file, was often Jhterruptedby^ 
the narrowness filnd obstructions of our ht»se paths^, as 
they were called, for we had no roads ; and these difii- 
cult^ were- often Increased, sometimes by the good, 
and sometimes by the ill will of neighbors, by falUng^ 
trees and tymg grape vines across the way. Sometimes 
anumbuscade was formed by* the way sideband ah 
ithexpeeted discharge of several guns took place, so as 
to cover the wedding company with smoke. Let the 
reader imagine the scene which followed this dfecharge, 
the sudden spring of the horses, the shrieks of the 
giri% and the chivalric bustle of their partners to eaVe 
them from falling. ^Sometimes, in spite of all that 
could be done to prevent if, some were thrown to the 
grotmd ; if a wrist, elbow or a;nkle hjapperied to be 
sprained, it was tied with a, h^dfcerchieif, and little 
more was thought or said about it. 

Another ceremony commonly took place before the 
party reached the house of the bride, after the practice 
of making whisky began, which was at an early pe- 
riod. When the party were al56ut a mile from the 
place of their destination, twoyoung rdeij would single 
out, to run for the bottle : the worse the path, the more 
logs, brush arid deep hollows, the better, as these obsta- 
cles^ awarded an opportunity for the- greater display of 
intrepidity and horsemanship. The English fox chase, 
in point of danger to Uic riders and their horses, was 
22 



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352 THE WEDDisra 

nothing to this race for the bottle. The start was'aii'* 
nounced by an Indian yelf, when logs, brush, raudliol^, 
hill an J glen, were speedily passed by^ the rival ponies. 
The bottle was always £Ued for the occasioh^iso that 
there was no use for judges ; for the first who reached 
the door was presented with the pri2e, with which he 
returned in triumph to the company. On approachiiif 
them he announced his victory over his rival by a AriH 
whoop. At the head of the troop he gave theJ bottle to 
the groom and his attendants, and then to each pair in 
succession, to the rear df the line, giving each a dram ; 
and then putting the bottle in the bosom of his hunt- 
ing shirt, took his station in the company. - 

The ceremony 'of the marriage preceded the dinner, 
which was a substantial backwoods feast of becf^ pork, 
fowls, atid sometimes venison and bear meat, roasted 
and boiled, with plenty of potatoes, cabbage and other 
vegetaWes. During the dinner the greatest hilarity 
always prevailed, although the table might be a large 
slab of timber, hewed out with a broad-ax, sitppcoled 
by four sticks^et in auger holes, and the furniture some 
old pewter dishes and plates, the rest wooden bowl? and 
trenchers. A few pewter spoons, miich battered about 
the edges, were tabe seen at some tables ; the rest were 
made of horns. If knives w^e scarce, the deficiency 
was made tip by the iscalpingknives, which were car- 
ried in sheaths suspended to the belt of the hunting 
shirt. - - . ' 

After dinner the dancing -commencedj and generally 
lasted until the next morning. The figures of the 
dances were three and four handed reels, '^of square 
sets and jigs. The commencement was always a 
square four, which was followed by what was called 
jigging it off, that is, two 6f the four woula- single ottt 
for a ;|ig, and were followed by the remaining coufAe. 
The jigs were often accompanied with what was cafled 
cutting out, that is^ when any of the parties became 
tired of the dance, on intimation, the place was supplied 
by some one of the company, ivilhout any interruption 



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THE 'WEPDINCh. 353 

of the-dance ; ia this way a jdance was often, continued 
till the musician^ was heartily tired of iiis situation. 
Toward the letter part of^ the night, if any of the com- 
paay through weariness attempted to conceal thenjr 
selves, for Uie purpose of sleeping, they were hunted 
up, paraded on the ^x)r, and the fiddler ordered to play 
"hang out till morning." < 

Aboujt nine or tea o'clock a deputation of the young 
Isulies stole off the bride and put her4o bed. In doing 
this it frequently happened that they had to ascend a 
ladder instead of ar piair of stairs, leading from Xbe 
dining and ball room to the loift, the floor of which was 
made of clapboards lying loose and without nails. 
This ascent one might think -would put. the bride and 
her attendants to the blush ; but as the foot of the l^d- 
-der wa^ commonly behind the door, which was pur- 
fjosely opened foj? the occasion, and its rounds at the 
inner ends were well-hung with hunting shirts, petti- 
•coats and other articles of clothing, the candles being 
on the opposite side, of thfe house, the exit of the bride 
was noticed but by a few. This done, a deputatioii of 
youpg men in hke mariner stole off the gioom and 
placed him ^nu^y by the sid& of his bride. The dance 
etill continued, and if seats hap^ned to be scarce, 
wbich.was often the case, every young man when not - 
engaged in the dance was obliged to offer his lap as a. 
fieat for one of the giris^^and the offer was sure to be 
Accepted, ^ In the midst of this hilarity the bride and 
^oom were not forgotten. Pretty late in, the night 
some one would remind the company that the new 
eouple must stand in need of some refreshment ; Black 
Betty, which was the name of the bottle^ was called 
.for and sent up the ladder. But sometimes Black Betty 
did hot go alone. I have many times seen as much 
bread, beef, pork and cabbage, sent along with her, ae 
would afford a good meal for half a dozen of hungry 
men. The young couple were compelled to leat more 
O^ less of wliatever. was offered them. 

In tbe^course oLihe festivity^ if any wwted to hielp 



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354 THE WE0B11CG, 

himself to a dram and the young couple to a toast, he 
would call out, ** Where is Black Betty ? I want td kiss 
her sweet lips.^' Black Betty was soon handed to him, 
when, holdmff her wp in his right hand, he would say, 
" Here's health to the groom,, not forgetting myself and 
here's to the hride, thumping luck and hig children !" 
Tills, so far from being taken amiss, was considered as 
an expression of a very proper ttnd friendly wish ; for 
big chUdren, especially sons^ were of great importance, 
as we were few in number and engaged in pefpetual 
hostility with the Indians, the end of which no one 
could foresee. Indeed many of them seemed to sup- 
pose that war was the natural state of man, and there- 
fore did not anticipate any conclusicfli of it ; every big 
son was therefore considered as a young soldier. 

But to return. It often happened that some neigh- 
bors or Telations, hot being asked to the wedding, took 
offense ; and the mode of re wnge adopted by then^ on 
such occasions, was that of cutting off the msmes, fore- 
tops, and tails of the horses of the wedding company. 

Another method of revengfe which was adopted when 
the chastity of the bride was a little stispeeted, was that 
of setting up a pair of horns oti poles or trees, on the 
route of the wedding company. This was a hint to the 
groom that he might expect to-be complimented with 
a pair of hor»s himself. ^ 

On returning to the infate, the order of procession 
and the race for Black Betty was thasame as before. 
The feasting and dancing often lasted several days, at 
the end of which the whole company were so exhaust 
ed with loss of sleep, that several days' re^ were requi- 
eite to fit them to return to their ordiiiary labors. 

Should I be asked whjr I hav^presented thfa unplea- 
sant pcHtrait of the rude manners of our forefathens ? 
I in my turn would ask my reader, why are you pleas- 
ed with the iiistories of the blood and carnage of battles? 
Why are you delighted with the fictions of poetry, tbe. 
novel and romance? I have related truth, ami only 
truth; strange as it may seem. I i^ve de{»cted a state 



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THE HOUSE WARMING. 355 

of society and mannera which are fest vanidihig from 
the memory of man, with a view to give the youth of 
our country a knowledge at the advantage of civiliza- 
tion, and -to give contentment to the aged by prevent- 
ing them from saying, "that former times were better 
than the present." 



CHAPTER XXIII. 

The house warming. 

- I will {MToceed to state the usual manner of settling 
a young couple in the world. ' - 

A spot was selected on a piece of land of one of the 
parmits for their habitation. A day was appointed 
skortly afiter their marriage for commencing the work 
of building their cabin. The fatigue party consisted 
of choppers^ whose business it was to fall the trees and 
cut them off at proper lengtha — a man with his team 
for hauling them to the place, and arranging them, 
properly assorted, at the sides and ends of the building 
—and a carpenter, if such he might be called, whose 
busl&ess it was to seardi the woods for a proper tree for 
making clajiboards for the rciof. The tree for this pur- 
pose must be straight-gained, and from three to four feet 
in dian^eter. The boards were spht finir feet long, with 
a large frow,^ and as wide as the timber would allow. 
They were used without {Waning or shaving. Another 
division- were employed in getting puncheons for the 
flocw: of the cabin ; this was done by sphtting trees about 
eighteen inches in diameter^ and hewing the feces of 
them with a broad-ax. They were half the length of 
Ae floor they were intended to make« 

The materials for the cabin were mostly-prepared 
on the first day, and sometimes the foundation laid in 
22* 



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866 THE HOUSE WARMINGS 

the evening ; the second day was allotted *for the raid- 
ing. 

In the morning of the next day the neighbors col- 
lected for the raising. The first thing to be done was 
the election of four comer-men, whose business it was 
to notch and place the logs, the rest of the company fur- 
nishing them with the timbers. In the.mean time the 
boards and puncheons were collecting for (he floor and 
roof, so that by the time- the cabin, was a few rounds 
high, the sleepers and floor began to be laid. The 
door was made by cutting or sawing the logs in one 
nde so as to make an opening about three feet wide; 
this opening was secured by upright pieces of timber 
about three inches thickj. through Which holes were 
bored into the ends of the logs for the purpose of pin- 
ning them fast. A similar opening, but wider, wa« 
made at the end for the chimney. This was built of 
logs, and made large, to admit of a back and jambs of 
stone. At the square two end logs projected a fcot or 
eighteen inches beyond the wall, to recei\^e the butting 
poles as they were called, against which the ends of 
the first row of clapboards was^ supported. The roof 
was formed by making the end logs B^orter until a 
single log formed the comb of the roof. On these iogs 
the clapboards were plaq3d, the jrang^ of them lapping 
some distance over those, next below them, and kept 
in their places by logs placed at proper distances i^9 
them. 

The roof and sometimes the floor were finished on 
the same day of the raising ; a third day was common- 
ly spent by a few carpenters in leveUng off the floor, 
making a clapboard door, and a table. This last was 
made of a split slab, and supported by four round leg» 
set in auger holes ; some three-legged stools were made 
in the same manner. Some pins, stuck in the logs 
at the back of the house, supported some clapboards 
which served for shelves for tne table furniture. A 
single fork, placed with its lower end in a hole in ibe 
floor, and the uj^)er end &stened to a joist, served for 



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WORKING. 357 

a bedstead, by placing a pole in the fork with one encj 
through a crack between the logs of the wall. This 
ftont pole Was crossed by a shorter one within the fork, 
with its outer end through another- crack. From the 
front pole, through a crack between the logs of the end 
^f the house, the board&weie put on which formed the 
bottom of the bed. Sometimes other poles were pinned 
4a the fork a little distance between these^ for the piw- 
pose of supporting the front and foot of the bed, while 
the walls were the support of its back arid head. A 
few pegs around the walls) for a display of the coats of 
the women and hunting shidts of the men, and two 
small forks oj buck's horns to a joist. for the rffle and 
shot pouch, completed the carpenter-work. - 

Li the mean time masons were at work. With the 
heart pieces of the timber of which the clapboards were 
made, they made billets for chunking up the craclcs 
between the logs of the cabin and chimney. A large 
bed of mortar was made for daubing up thesis cracks ; 
and a few stones formed the back and jamb^ of the 
chimney. - 

The cabin being finished, the ceremony of house 
warming took place, before the young couple were per- 
mitted to move into it. - This Was a dance of the whole 
night's continuance, made up of the relations of the 
bride and groom and their neighbors. On the day fol- 
lowing, the young couple took possession of their new 
mansion. - 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

Working. . 

Tlie necessary labors of ihe farms along the fron- 
tiers were performed with every danger and difficulty 
imaginable. The whole^ population of the frontiers, 

22t 



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358 WORKINO. 

huddled together in their little fort^, left the country 
with every appearance of a deserted region ; and such 
would have been the opinion of a traveler concerniag 
it, if he had not seen here and there some small fields 
of corn or other grain in a growing state. 

It is easy to imagine what losses must have been 
sustained by our first settlers owing to this deserted 
state of their fitrms. It wasi not the full measure oi 
tlieir trouble that they risked their Uyee,.and often bst 
them, in subduing the forest and turning it into firuit- 
ful fields ; but, compelled- to leave them in a deserted 
state during the summer season, a great part of die 
fruits of their labors'was lost by this untoward circuin- 
BtancB. Their sheep and hogs were devoured by th« 
wolves, panthers and bears. Horses and cattle were 
often let into their fields, through breaches made in 
their fences by, the falling of trees, and fi-equently al- 
most the whde of a httle crop of corn was desttcyed 
by squirrels and raccoons, so that naany families, even 
after an hazardous and laborious spring and summer, 
had but little left for the comfort of the dreary winter. 

The early setders on the fit)ntiers of this country 
were like Arabs of the desert of AHqsl, in at least two 
respects-. Every man was a soldier, and fi'om early in 
the spriAg till late in the fall was almost continually in 
arms. Their work was often carried on by parties, 
each one of whom had hia rifle and every thing else 
belonging to his war dress. These were deposited in 
some central place in the field. A sentinel was station- 
ed on the outside of the fence; so that on the least 
alarm, the whole company repaired to their arms, and 
were ready for combat in a moment ^ 

Here again -the rashness of some families proved a 
source of difficulty. Instead of joininff the working 
parties, they went out and attCEwied their farms by 
themselves,, and in case of alarm, an express was sent 
for them, and sonietimes a party of men to guard them 
to the fort. These families, in sonae instances, couM 
boast that they had better crops, and were every way 



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MECHANIC ARTS. 359 

better provided for in the winter than their neighbors : 
in other instances their temerity cost them their lives. 
In military affairs, when eveiy one concerned is left 
to his own will, matters were sure to be but badly man- 
aged. The whole frontiers of Pennsylvania and Vir- 
ginia presented a succession of military camps or forts. 
We had military officers, that is to say, captains and 
qolonels ; but they in many respects were only nomi- 
nally sitch. They could advise, but not command. 
Those 'who chose to foHow.their advice did so, to such 
an extent as suited their fancy or interest. Others were 
refra<>tory and thereby gave much trouble. These of- 
ficers would leave a scout or campaign, while those 
who thought proper to accompany them did so, and 
those who did not remained at home. Public odium 
was the only punishment for their laziness or coward- 
ice* There was no compulsion to the performance of 
military duties, and no pecuniary reward when they • 
were performed. 

~ It is but doing justice to the first settlers of this 
country to say, that instances of disobedience of fami- 
lies and individuals to the advice of our officers, were 
by no means numerous. . The greater number cheer- 
fully submitted to their directions with a prompt and 
&itliful obedience. 



CHAPTER XXV. 

Mechanic arts. 

In giving the history of the stat^ of the mechanic 
arts, as they were exercised at an early period of the 
settlement of this country, I shall present a people, 
driven by necessity to perform works of mechanical 
skill, far beyond what a person enjoying all theadvan- 



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S60 MECHANIC ART0. 

tages of civilization, would expect from a population 
placed in such destitute circumstances. 

My reader will naturally ask where were their mills 
for grinding grain — where their tanners for making 
leather — ^where their smith shops for makings and re- 
pairing their &rming utensils? Who were their car- 
penters, tailors, cabinet workmen, shoemakers and wea- 
vers ? The answer is, those inaftufacturers did not 
exist, nor had they any tradesmen who were professedly 
such. Every family were under the necessity of doing 
<5very thing for themselves as well as they couLd^ 

The hommony blocks and hand mills weire in use 
in most of our houses. The first was made of a large 
block of wood about three feet long, with an excava- 
tion burned in one end, wide at the top and narrow at 
the bottom, so that the action of the pestle on the bot- 
tom threw the corn up to the sides towards the top of 
it, from whence it continually fell down intothe center. 
In consequence of this movement, the whole mass of 
the grain was pretty equally subjected to the strokes of 
the pe^le. In the fall of the year, whilst the Indian 
com was soft, the block and pe^le dM very well for 
making meal for journeycake and mush, but were ra- 
tl^r slow when the corn became hard. 

The sweep was sometimes used to lessen the toil of 
pounding grain into meal. This was a pole of some 
springy elastic wood, thirty feet long or mor^e, the but- 
end of which was placed under the side of a house or 
a large stump. This pole was supported by two forks, 
placed about one third of its length from the but-end, 
so as to elevate the small end about fifteen feet from 
the ground. To this was attached, by a large mortise, 
a piece of sapling about five or six inches in diameter 
and eight or ten feet long, the lower end of which was 
shaped so as to answer for a pestle, and a pin of wood 
was put through it at a proper bight, so that two per- 
sons could work at the sweep at once. This simj^e 
machine very much lessened the labor and expedited 
the work. ^ 



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1 remember that when a boy I put up an excellent 
sweep at my father's. It was made of a sugar tree 
Baplingy and was kept gomg almost constantly from 
xaorning till night by ^ur neighbors for several weeks. 

In the Greenbriar country, where they had a num- 
ber of saltpetre caves, the first settlers made plenty of 
excellent gunpowder by means of. these sweeps and 
mortars. 

A maohinet still more singiple than the mortar and 
pestle was used for, making meal when the com was 
too soft to be beaten, {t was called a grater. Thi^ 
was a half circular piece of tin, perforated with a punch 
from the concave side, and nailed by its edges to a 
block of wood. The ears of corn were rubbed on the 
rough edges of the holes, while the meal fell through 
them on the board or block to which the grater was 
nafled, which being in a slanting direction, discharged 
the naecil into a cloth or bowl placed for its receptiori. 
This, to be sure, was a slow way of making meal; 
but necessity has no-law. 

The hand mill was better than the mortar and gra- 
ter. It was made^of two circular stones, the lowest of 
which was called the bed stone, the upper one the run- 
ner; : These were placed in a hoop, with a spout for 
discharging the meal. A staff was let into a hole in 
the upper surface of the runner, near the outer edge, 
and its upper end through aiiole in a board fastened 
to a joist above, so that two persons could be employed 
in turning the mill at the same time. The grain was 
put into the opening in the ruiyier by hand. These 
mills are still in ujse in Palestine, tlie ancient country 
of the Jews. Tq a mill, of this sort our Savior aUu- 
ded, when, with reference to the destruction of Jerusa- 
lem, he said, " Two women shall be grinding at a 
mill, the one shall be taken and other left." 

This mill is much preferable to that used at present 
in upper Egypt foj; making the dhourra bread. It is a 
smooth stone, placed on an inclined plain, upon which 



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362 tt£CPANlcrARl*9. 

the grain is spread, which is made into meed by rubbing 
anoUier stone up and down upon it. 

Our first water juiils were of that description denomi- 
nated tub mills. It consists of a perpendicular shaft, to 
the loAver end of which a horizontal wheel of about four 
or five feet. diameter is attached : the Upper end passes 
through the bed stone and carries the runner, after the 
manner of a trundlehead. . These mills were built with 
very little expense, and many of them answered the pur- 
pose very well. Instead of boltir\g cloths, sifters were 
m general use. These were made of deer sldns in the 
state of parchmei^tj stretched ovejr a hoop arid perforated 
with a hot wire. , 

Our clothing was all of domestic manufacture. We 
had no other resource for clothing, and this indeed was 
a poor one. The crops of flax ofieafailed, and the sheep 
were destroyed by the wolves. Linsey, which is made 
of flax and wool, the former the chain, and the latter 
the filling, was the warmest and most substantial cloth 
we could make. Almost ever/ house contained a loom 
an4 almost every won^an was a weaver. 

Eyery family tanned their own leather. The tan 
vat was a large trough sunk to the upper edge in the 
ground. A quantity of bark was easily obtained every 
spring in clearing and fencii^g land. This, after dry- 
ing, was brought in, and in wet days was shaved and 
pounded on a block of wood with an ax or mallet 
Ashes was used in place of lime for taking off the hair. 
Bear's oil, hog's lard and tallow, answered the place of 
fish oil. The leather, to be sure, was coarse ; but it 
was substantially good. . The operation of currying 
was performed by a drawing knife with its edge turned 
after the manner of a currying knife. The blacking 
for the leather was made gf soot and hog's lard. 

Almost every family contained its own tailors and 
shoemakers. Those who could not make shoes could 
make shoepacks. These, like moccasons, were made 
of a single piece of leather, virith the exceptbn of a 
tongue piece on the top of the foot, which was about 



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MECHANIC ARm 363 

two inches iroad and circular at the lower end, and to 
-wfiich the main piece of leather wa& sewed with a 
gathering stitch. The seam behind was lifee that of a 
moccason, and a sole was sometimes added. The wo- 
men did the tailor work. They could aH cut out and 
make hunting shirts, leggins and drawers. 

. The state of society which existed in our country ^t 
an early period of its settlement, was well calculated 
la call into action ever/ native mechanical genius. 
There was in almost every neighborhood, some cMie 
whose natural ingenuity enabled him to do^ many 
things for himself and^^his neighbors, far above what 
eould have been^easonably expected. With the few 
iocis which they brought with them into the country, 
they certainly performed wonders. . Their plows, har- 
rows with their wood^ teeth, and sleds,' were in many 
instances well made. Their cooper-ware, which com- 
prehended every thing for holding milk and water, 
was generally pretty well execnted. The cedar ware, 
by having alternately a white and red-stave, was then 
thought beautiful Many of their puncheon floors 
were very neat, their joints close, and the top evert and 
emooth. Their looms, although heavy, did very well. 
Those who could not exercise these mechanic arts Avere 
under the necessity of giving labor or barter to their 
neighbors ill exchange for Jhe use of them, so far as 
iheir .necessities required. 

An old man in my father's neighborhood had the 
art of turning bowls, frdm the ktiots of trees, particu- 
larly ^hose of the ash. In what way he did it I do 
not know, or whetlier there wa^ much mystery in his 
art. Be that as it may, the old man's skill was in great 
reqieest, as well-turned wooden bowls were amongst 
our first-rate articles of household furniture. 

My brothers and myself once undertook to procure 
a fine suit of those bowls made of the best wood, the 
ash.v We^gathered all we could find on our father's 
land, and took them to the' artist, who wa&to give, as 
the saying was, one half for the other. He put the 



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964 mechakk; arts. 

knots tn a branch before the door, when a freshet came 
and swept them all away, not one of them being ever 
found. This was a dreadful misfortune. Our antici- 
pation of an elegant display ctf new bowls was utterly 
blasted in a moment, as the poor *oid man was not ahte 
to repair our loss or any part of it. . 

' My father possessed a mechanical genius of the 
highest order, and necessity, which is the mother of 
invention, occasioned- the full exercise of his talents. 
His farming utensils were the best in the neighborhood. 
After making his loom he often used it as a weaver. AM 
il^e shoes belonging to the family were made by himr 
•elf. He always spun his own shoe thread, saying that 
no woman could spin shoe thread as weU as he could. 
His cooper-ware was made by himself. I have seen 
him make a small, neat kind of w(^en ware, called 
set^work, in which the staves were all attached to the 
bottom of the vessel, by means of a groove cut in them 
by a strong clasp knife and a dmall chisel, before a 
single hoop was put on. - He was sufikiently the car- 
penter to build the best kind of houses then in use, that 
IS to say, first a cabin, and afterwards the hewed log 
house, with a^shingled roof. In his latter years he be- 
came sickly, and not being able to labor, he amused 
himself with tolerably good imitations of cabinet work. 

Not possessing sufficient health f(M: service on the 
scouts and campaigns, his duty was that of repairing' 
the rifles of his neighbors when, they needed it. - In 
this business he m^mifested a high degree of ingenuity. 
A small depression on the surface of a stump or log, 
and a wooden mallet, were his instruments for straigh** 
ening the gun barrel when crooked. Without the aid 
of a bow string he could discover the smallest bend in 
a barrel, and with a bit of steel he could make a sa^r 
for deepeniag the furrows when requisite, A few shots 
determined whether the gun might be trusted. 

Although he never had been more than six weeks at 
school, he was nevertheless a first rate penman and a 
good arithmeticiaiji. His penmanship was of great ser- 



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MEDICINE. 3165 

vice to his neighbors in writing letters, bonds^ deeds of 
conveyance, i&c. 

Ycfting as I was, I was possessed of. an art which 
was of great use, viz. that of weaving shot pouch straps, 
belts and garters. I could make my loom and weave 
a belt in less than one day. Having a piece of board 
about four feet long, an inch auger, spike gimblet, and 
a diawing knife, I needed no other tools or materials 
for making my loom. 

It frequently happened that my weaving proved ser- 
viceable to the family, as I often sold a belt for a day's 
^ork, or making an hundred rails ; so that although a 
boy, I could exchange my labor for that of a fall grown 
person for an equal length of time. 



CHAPTER XXVI. 

Medicine. 

This amongst a rude and illiterate people consisted 
mostly of specifics. As fer as 1 can recollect them, 
they shall be enumer^ited, together with the. diseases 
for which they were used. 

The diseases of children were mostly ascribed to 
woims;. for the expulsion of which a solution of com- 
mon salt was given, and the doge was always large. I 
well remember having been compelled to take half a 
table spoonful when quite small. To the best of my 
recollection it generally answered the purpose. 

Scrapings of pewter spoons was another remedy for 
the worms. This dose was also large, amounting, I 
should think, from twenty to forty grains. It was com- 
monly given in sugar. 

Sulphate of iron, or green copperas, was a third re- 



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366 MEDICINC. 

medy for the worms. The dose of this was also lafgff 
than we should ventme to give at this time. , 
- For burns, a poultice of Indian meal was a comnKm 
remedy. A poultice of scraped potatoes was also a h- 
vorite remedy with some people.^ Roasted tumip8; 
made into a poultice, was used by others. Slippery 
elm bark was often used in the same way. I do not 
recollect that any internal remedy or bleeding' was ever 
used for burns. 

The croup, or what was then called the ^^ bold hives,'' 
was a common disease among the children, many of 
whom died of it. For the cure of this, the juice of 
roasted onions or garhc was given in large doses.- Wall 
ink was also a favorite remedy with many of the old 
ladies. Forievers, sweating was the general remedy* 
This was generally performed by means .of a^stroi^ 
decoction of Virginia snake root The dose was al- 
ways very large. If a purge was used, it was about 
half a pint of a strong decoction of walnut bark. Th^ 
when intended for a purge, was peeled downwards; if 
for a vomit, it was peeled upwards. , Indian physic, or 
bowman root, a species of ipecacuanha, was ^equently 
used for a vomit, and sometimes the pocooh or blood 
root. 

For the bite of a rattle or copper-snake, a great va- 
riety of specifics were used. I remember when a smtJl 
boy to have seen a man, bitten by a rattle-Miak^ 
brought into the fort on a man's back. One of the 
company dragged the snake after him by a forked stick 
fastened in its head. The body of the snake was cut 
into pieces of about two inches in length, split opeP in 
succession, and laid on the wound to draw out the 
poison, as they expressed it. When this was over, a 
fire was kindled in the fort yard, and the whole of the 
serpent burnt to ashes, by way of reveilge for the ill'- 
jury he had done. Aft^ this process was over, a large 
quantity of chestnut leaves was collected and boiled iu 
a pot. The whole of the wounded man's leg and part 
of his thigh were placed in a piece of chestnut bark, 



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MEDICINE. 367 

fresh firc«n the tree, and the decoction poured on the 
leg so as to run .down into the pot again* After con- 
titmihg this process for some ^me, a quantity of the 
boiled leaves wer^ bound tathe leg. This was re- 
peated several times a day. The man got well; but 
whether owing to thelreatment bestowed on his Wound, 
is not so certain. . ; . , 

A number of native plants were used for the cure 
of snake bites. Among them the white plantain held 
a -high rank. This was boiled in milk, and the de- 
coction given thepatient in large quantities. A kind 
©f fern,, whjch, from its resemblance to the leaves of 
the walnut, was called walnut fern, was another reme- 
iy, A plant with fibrous ropts, resembling the seneka 
enake root, of a black color, and^a strong but not dis- 
agreeable smell. Was considered and relied on as the 
Indian specific for the cure of the sting of a snake. A 
decoction of this root was also used for the cure of 
cdLda* Another plant, which very much resembles 
t-he one above mentioned,^ but whic^h is violently poi- 
sonoua, was sometimes mistaken for it and used in its 
place. I knew two young women, who, in conse- 
quence of being bitten by mttle^snakes, used the poi- 
sonous plant instead of, the oth^r, etnd nearly lost their 
lives by the mistake^ The roots were appl^d to their 
legs in the form of a poultice. The vident burning 
ajod sweUing occasioned by the^rnflammation discover- 
ed the mistake in time to prevent them from tetking any 
©f the decoction, which, had they done, would have 
been instantly fatal. It was with difiiculty that the 
part to which the poultice was applied waa saved from 
mortification, so that the remedy was far worse thatt 
the disease. : . 

Cupping, sucking the wound, and making deep in- 
cisions which were filled with salt and gunpowder, 
were also amongst the remedies for. snake bites. 

It does not appear to me that any of the internal 
remedies, used by the Indians and the first settlers of 
this country, were well adapted for the cure of the 



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368 niEmmi^. 

disease occasioned hy the bite of a BQ$ke. The p^^ 
of a snake, like that of a"bee or wasp, must ccmast of 
a highly concentrated and vBry poisoiK)us-acid^. which 
instantly inflames the part tfi which it is applied* That 
any substance whatever caii act as a specific fot Uie 
decomposition of this poison, seems- altogether doubt- 
ful The cure of the fever occasioned by this animal 
poison, must be effected with reference ta those general 
indications which are regarded in, tl^ cure of other 
fevers of eqbal force. The internal remedies alluded 
to, so far as I am acquainted with them, are possessed 
of little or no medical eflicacy. They are not emetics, 
cathartics, or sudorifics. What then? They are harm- 
less substances, which do wonders in sdl those cases in 
which there is nothing to be done* 

The truth is, the bite of a rattle or coppeF-snake Si a 
fleshy or tendinous part, where the blood vessels am 
neither num^ous or large^ soon healed undj^ any kiwi 
of treatment. But when the fehgs of the serpent, 
which are hollow, and.eject the poison through ap ori- 
fice near the points, penetmte a blood vessel of any con- 
siderable size, a indignant and incurable fever was 
generally the immediate consequence, and the patient 
often expired in the first paroxysm. 

The same observations apply to the effectr of the 
Jt)ite of serpents when inflicted on beasts. Horses were 
.frequently killed by them, as they were comnuMily hit- 
ten somewhere about the nose, in which the hhoA 
vessels are numerous and targe. I once saw-horse 
die of the Irite of a rattle-snake r the blood for some 
time before he expired exuded in great quantity through 
ihe pores of the skin. ^ . 

Cattle were less frequently killed, because their poses 
are of a grisly texture, and less furnished with blood 
vessels than those erf a horse. Dogs were sometimes 
bitten, and being naturally physicians, they comiiionly 
scratched g. hole in some damp place, ^nd held the 
wounded part in the ground till ihe inflammation ^1»" 
ted. Hogs, when iii' tolerable or^r, were never hurt 



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by them, owing to the thick substratum of fat between 
the skin, muscular flesh, and blood vessels. The hog 
generally took immediate revenge for the injury done 
him, by instantly tearing to pieces and devouring the 
serpent which inflicted it. 

The itch, which was a very common disease in early 
times, was commonly cured by an ointment made of 
brimstone and hog's lard. 

Gunshot and other wounds were treated with slip- 
pery elm bark, flax seed, and other such like poultices. 
Many lost their lives from wounds which would now 
be considered trifling and easily cured. The use of the 
lancet, and other means of depletion, in the treatment 
of wounds, constituted no part of their cure in this coun- 
try, in early times. 

My mother died in early life of a wound from the 
tread of a horse, which any person in the habit of letting 
blood might have cured by two or three bleedings, with- 
out any other remedy. The wound was poulticed with 
spikenard root, and soon terminated in an extensive 
mortification. 

Most of the men of the early settlers of this country 
were affected with the rheumatism. For relief from 
this disease the hunters generally slept with their feet 
to the fire. From this practice they ceitainly derived 
much advantage. The oil of rattlesnakes, geese, wolves, 
bears, raccoons, ground-hogs and pole- cats, was applied 
to the swelled joints, and bathed in before the fire. 

The pleurisy was the only disease which was suppo- 
sed to require blood letting ; but in many cases a bleeder 
was not to be had. 

Coughs and pulmonary consumptions were treated 
with a great variety of «irups, the principal ingiedients 
of which were comm(5nly spikenard and elecampane. 
These sirups certainly gave but little relief. 
* Charms and incantations were in use for the cure of 
many diseases. I learned, when young, the incanta- 
tion, in German, for the cure of burns, stopping blood, 
tooth ache, and the charm against bullets in battle; 
33 



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870 IfEJDICIKS. 

but for the vrant of fedth in their efficacy, I never used 
any of them. 

The erysipelas, or St. Anthony's fire, was circimH 
•cribed by the blood of a black cat Hence there wm 
scarcely a black cat to be seen, whose ears and tail had 
not been frequently cropped for a contribution of Wood. 

Whethtt* the medical profession is productive of most 
good or harm, may still be a matter of dispute widi 
some philosophers, who never saw any condition of so- 
ciety in which there were no physicians, and therefore! 
could, not be furnished with a proper test for deciding 
the question. Had an unbehever in the healing art 
been amongst the early inhabitants of this country, he 
would have been in a proper situation to witness the 
consequences of the want of the exercise of this art 
For many years in succession there was no person who 
bore even the name of a doctor within a considerable 
distance of the residence of my father. 

For the honor of the medical profession, I mud 
give it as my opinion that many of our people perish- 
(bd for want of medical skill and attention. 

The pleurisy was the only disease which was, in 
any considerable degree, understood by -our people. A 
pain in the side called for the use <rf the lancet, if 
there was any to be had; but owing to its sparing vs^ 
the patient was apt to be left with a spitting of blood, 
which sometimes ended in consumption. A great 
number of children died of the croup. Remittent and 
intermittent fevers were treated with wann drinks for 
the purpose of sweating, and the patients were denied 
the use of cold water and fresh air ; consequently bo** 
ny of them died. Of those who escaped, not a few 
died afterwards of the dropsy or consumption, or were 
left with paralytic limbs. Deaths in childbed were 
not unfrequent. Many, no doubt, died of the bite of ser- 
pents, in consequence^ of an improper reUance on spe- 
cifics possessed of no medical virtue. 

My father died of an hepatic complaint, at the ag« 
«f about forty-six. He had labored under |t.f(wr thir- 



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teen years. The fever which accompahled it was called 
^^ the dumb ague," and the swelling in the regicm of the 
liver, " the ague cake." The abscess burst, and dis- 
charged a large quantity of matter, which put a period 
to his life in about thirty hours after the commence* 
ment of the discharge. 

Thus I for one may say, that in all human proba- 
bility I lost both my parents for want of medical aid. 



CHAPTER XXVIL 

Sports. 

These were such as might be expected among a 
people, who, owing to their circumstances as well aar 
education, set a higher value on physical than on men- 
tal endowments, and on skill in hunting and bravery 
in war, than on any polite accomplishments or fine arts. 

Amusements are, in many instances, either imita- 
lions of the business of life, or at least of some of itM 
particular objects of pursuit. On the part of young 
men belonging to nations in a state of warfare, jnany 
jonusements are regarded as preparations for the mill* 
tary character which they are expected to sustain in 
future life. Thus the war dance of savages is a pan- 
tomime of their stratagems and horrid deeds of cruelty 
in war, and the exhibition prepares the minds* of their 
young men for a paiticipation in the bloody tragedies 
which they represent. Dancing, among civilized peo- 
ple, is regarded, not only as an amusement suited to the 
youthful period of human life, but as a means of in- 
ducing urbanity (rf* manners and a good personal de* 
portment in public. Horse racing is regarded by the 
statesman as a preparation, in various ways, for the 
equestrian department of warfare: it is said that the 



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97S 0PORT9« 

EngKsh gavtmmesii neyer poesessed a good caTalrj, 
until, by the encouragement given to public races, 
their breed of horses was improved. Games, in which 
there is a mixture of chance and skill, are said to im- 
prove the understanding in mathematical and other 
calculations. 

Many of the sports of the early settlers of this coun- 
try were imitative of the exercises and stratagems of 
hunting and war. Boys were taught the use of the 
bow and arrow at an early age; but although they 
acquired considerable adroitness in the use of them, so 
as to kill a bird or squirrel sometimes, yet it appears to 
me that in the hands of the white people, the bow 
and arrow could never be depended upon for warfare 
or hunting, unless made and managed ia a different 
manner from any specimens of them which I ever saw. 

In ancient times, the bow and arrow must have 
been deadly instruments in the hands of the barbari- 
ans of our country ; but I much doubt whether any of 
the present tribes of Indians could make much use of 
the flint arrow heads, which must have been so gen- 
erally used by their forefathers. 

Fire arms, wherever they can be obtained, soon put 
an end to the use of the bow and arrow ; but indepen- 
dently of this circumstance, military, as well as other 
arts, sometimes grow out of date and vanish from the 
world. Many centuries have elapsed since the world 
has witnessed the destructive accuracy of the Benja- 
mites in their use of the sling and stone ; nor does it 
appear to me that a diminution, in the size and strength 
of the aboriginals of this counUy, has occasioned a 
decrease of accuracy and effect in their use of the bow 
and arrow. From all the ancient skeletons which 
have come under my notice, it does not appear that this 
section of the globe was ever inhabited by a larger 
race of human beings than that which possessed it at 
the time of its discovery by the Europeans. 

One important pastime of our boys was that of imi- 
tating the noise of every bird and beast in the woodi^ 



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tPpRT9. S73 

This fikciilty waa not merely a pastime, but a very 
necessary part of education, on account of its utility in 
certain circumstances. The imitations of the gob^ 
bling and other sounds of wild turkeys, often brought 
these keen eyed and ever watchful tenants of the forest 
within reach of the rifle. The bleating of the fawn 
brought its dam to her death in the noxae way. The 
hunter often collected a company of mopish owls to 
the trees about his camp ; aiid while he amused him- 
self with their hoarse screaming, his howl would 
raise and obtain responses from a pack of wolves, so 
as to inform him of their neighborhoofJ, as well as 
guard him against their depredations. 

This imitative faculty was sometimes requisite as a 
measure of precaution in \^ar. The Indians, when 
scattered about in a neighborhood^ often, collected to- 
gether, by imitating turkeys by day, and wolves xn: 
©wis by night. In similar situatipns our people did 
the same. I have often witnessed the consternation 
of a whole neighborhood, in consequence of a few 
fecreeches ef oWls. 'An early and correct ijse of this 
imitative faculty was considered as an . indication that 
its possessor would become in due time a good hunter 
and a valiant warrior. * 

Throwing thp tomahawk was another boyish sport, 
in which many acquired considerable skijl. The 
tomahawk, with its handle of ?i certain length, will 
make a given number of turns in a given distance. 
Say at five steps, it will strike with the edge, the han- 
dle downwards ; at the distance of sev^h and a half, 
it will strike with the edge, the handle upwards ; and 
so on. A Utile experience enabled the boy to measure 
the distance with his eye, wheii walking through the 
woods, and strike a tree with his tomahawk in any way 
he chose. 

The athletic sports df running, jumping and wrest- 
ling, were the pastime of boys, in common with the 
men. 

A well grown boy, at the age of twelve or thirteen 
' 23* 



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374 tPORTS. 

B^irs, was fumished with a.amall rifle and shot-pouch, 
e then became a fort soldier, and had his port-hole 
assigned him* Hunting squirrels, turkeys and rac- 
coons, soon made bim expert* in the use of his gun. 

Dancing was- the principal amusement of our young 
people of both sexes. Their dances, to be sure, were 
of the simplest forms, — three and four handed reels 
and jigs. Country dances, cotillons and minuets, were 
unknown. I remember to have seen, once or twice, 
a dance which was called ^^ the Irish trot :" but I have 
l<mg since forgotten its figure. 

Shooting at marks was a common diversion among 
the men, when their stock of ammunition would allow 
it, which however was far- from being always the case. 
The present mode of shooting off-hand was not then 
in practice; it was not ,considered as any trial of the 
value of a gun, nor indeed as much of a test of the 
skill of a marksmq^. -Their shooting was from a rest, 
and at as great a distance as the length and weight of 
the barrel of the gun would throw a ball on a horizon- 
tal level. Such was their regard to accuracy, in those 
sportive trials of their rifles, and of thdr own ^U in 
the use of them, that they ojEten put moss, or some 
other soft substance on the log or stump from which 
they shot, for fear of having the bullet thrown from 
the mark, by the spring of the barrel. When the rifle 
was held to the side of a tree for a rest, it was pressed 
against it as lightly as possible for the same reason. 

Rifles of former times were diflferent from those of 
modern date: few of thefn carried more than forty-five 
bullets to the pound, and bullets of a less-size were not 
thought sufficiently heavy for hunting or war. 

Dramatic narration^, chiefly <:oncerning Jack and the 
Giant,/urnished our young. people with another source 
of amusement during their leisure hours. Many of 
those tales were lengthy, and embraced a considerable 
range of incident. Jack, always the hero of the story, 
after encountering many difliculties, and performiog 
miany great achievements, came c^ conqueror of the 



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SPORTS, 375 

Giant. Many 6f these stories were' tales of knight-er- 
irantry, in which ease some captive virgih'was released 
from captivity and restored to her lover. 

These dramatic narrations concerning J[ack and the 
Griant bore a strong resemblance to.tbe poems cf Ossian, 
the btory of the Cyclops and Ulysses in the Odyssey of 
Homer, and the tale of the Giant and Gre^^t-heart in 
Ae Pilgrim's Progress, and were so arranged as to the 
Afferent incidents of the narration, that they wete easi- 
ly committed to memory. They certainly have been 
handed down from generation to generation front time 
immemorial. Civilization has indeed banished the use 
erf those ancient tales of romantic heroism; but what 
dien? It has sutetituted in their place the novd: and 
romance. , : 

It is thus that in every state of society the imagina- 
tion of mtki is eternally at war with reason and truth. 
That fiction should be acqeptable to an unenlightened 
people is not to be wondered at, as the treasures of truth 
have never been unfolded to their mind; but that a 
irivilized people themselves should, in so inany instan- 
ces, like teitbarians, prefer the fairy regions of fiction to 
the august trecwures of truth, developed in the sciences 
of theology, history, natural and moral philosophy, is 
truly a sarcasm on human nature. It is as much as to 
say, that it is essential to our amusement, that, for the 
time being, we must suspend the exercise of reason, 
and submit to a vduntary deception. 

Singing was another but not very common amuse- 
ment among our first settlers- TJieir tunes were rude 
enough to be sure. Robin Hood furnished a number 
of our songs; tJie balance were mosdy tragical, and 
were denominated 'Uove spngs about murder," As to 
cards, dice, backgammon, and other games of chance, 
we knew nothing about them. These are amongst the 
blessed gifts of civilization. 
23t 



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CHAPTER XXTIU. ^ - 

Witchcraft. 

\ I^ball not be lengthy on this subject. The belief in 
witchcraft was prevalent among the early settlers of the 
western country* To the witch wa^ ascribed the tre- 
mendous power of inflicting strange and incurable dis- 
eases, particularly on children-K)f destroying caUJe by 
shooting them with hair balls, and a great variety of 
other means of destrjiction— of inflicting spells and 
curses on guns and other things — and lastly, of chang- 
ing men into horses, and after bridling and saddling 
them, riding them in fall speed over hill and dale to 
their frolicka and i)ther places of rendezvous. More 
ample powers of mischief than these cannot weU be 
imagined. , 

Wizards were men supposed to possess the «ame 
mischievous power as the witches; but it was ^dom 
exercised for bad purposes. The power of the wizards 
was exercised almg^t exclusively for the purpose of 
counteracting the malevolent mfluence of the witches 
of the other sex. I have known -several of those witch- 
masters, as they were called, who made a public pro- 
fession of curing the diseases inflicted by^the influence 
of witches ; and I have known respectable physicians, 
who bad no greater portion of business in the, line of 
their plrofession, than maiiy of those witch-masters had 
in theirs. ^ 

The means by which the witch was supposed to in- 
flict dise?ises, curses and spells, J never could lea^n. 
They were occult sciences, which no one Wjas supposed 
to uaderstand excepting the witch herself, and no won- 
der, as no such arts ever existed jij any country. 

The disease&ofxhildren, supposed to be inflicteid by 
witchcraft, wore those of the internal dropsy of tho 



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WITCHCRAFT. 377^ 

brain, and the rickets. The symptoms and cure of 
these destructive diseases were utterly unknown in 
former times in this country. Diseases which could 
neither be accounted for nor cured, were usually as- 
cribed to some supernatural agency of a maUgnant 
kind. 

For the cure of the diseases inflicted by witchcral^, 
the picture of the supposed witch was drawn on ^ 
stump or piece of board, and shot at with a bullet con- 
taining a little bit of silver. This bullet transferred a 
painful and sometimes a mortal spell on that part of the 
witch corresponding with the part of the portrait struck 
by the bullet. Another method of cure was that of 
getting some of the child?s water, which was closely 
corked up in a vial and hung tip in a chimney. This 
complimented the witch with a stranguary, which last- 
ed as long as the vial remained in the chimney. The 
witch had but one way of relieving herself from any 
spell inflicted on her in any way, which was that of . 
borrowing something, no matter what, of the family to 
which the subject of the exercise of her witchcraft be- 
longed. 

I have known several poor old women much sur- 
prised at being refused requests which had usually 
been granted without hesitation, and almost heart bro- 
ken when informed of the cause of the refusal. 

When cattle or dogs were supposed to be under the 
influence of witchcraft, they were burnt in the forehead 
by a branding iron, or when dead, burned wholly to 
ashes. This inflicted a spell upon the witch which 
could only be removed by borrowing as above stated. 

Witches were often said to milk the cows of their 
neighbors. This they did by fixing a new pin in a new 
towel for each cow intended to be milked. This towel 
was hung over her own door, and by means of certain 
incantations, the milk was extracted from the fringes 
of the towel after the manner of milking a cow. This 
happened when the cows were too poor to give much 
milk. 



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378 iriTCHCRAPT* 

The first German gla^s-blowers in this country drove 
the witches out of their furnaces by throwing living 
puppies into them. 

The greater or less amount of beUef in witchcraft, 
necromancy and astrology, serves to show the relative 
amount of philosophical science in any country. Ig- 
norance is always associated with superstition, which, 
presenting an endless variety of sources of hope and 
fear, with regard to the good or bad fortunes of life, 
keep the benighted mind continually harassed with 
groundless and delusive, but strong and often deeply 
distressing impressions of a false faith. For this, disease 
of the mind there is no cure but that of philosophy. 
This science shews to the enlightened reason of man, 
that no effect whatever can be produced in the physical 
world without a corresponding cause. This science an- 
nounces that the death bell is but a momentary morbid 
motion, of the nerves of the ear, and the death watch 
the noise cf a bug in the wall, and that the howling of 
the dog, and the croaking of the raven, are but the 
natural languages of the beast and fowl, and no way 
prophetic of the death of the sick. The comet, which 
used to shaka pestilence and war from its fiery train, is 
now viewed with as little emotion as the movements of 
Jupiter and Saturn in their respective orbits. 

An eclipse of the sun^ and an unusual freshet of the 
Tiber, shortly after the assassination of Julius Cesar 
by Cassius and Brutus, threw the whole of the Roman 
empire into consternation. It was supposed that all the 
gods of heaven and earth were enraged, and about to 
take revenge for the rrmrder of the emperor ; but since 
the science of astronomy foretells in. the calendar the 
time and extent oi the eclipse, the phenomenon is not 
viewed as a miraculous and portentous, but ^is a com- 
mon and natural event. 

That the pythoness and wizard of the Hebrews, the 
monthly soothsayers, astrologers and prognosticators of 
the Chaldeans, and the sybils of the Greeks and Ro- 
mans, were mercenary impostors, there can be no doubt. 



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WITOHCRAPT, 8^9 

To eay that the pythohess^and all others of her class, 

'Were, aided in their opemtions by the interveation of 

familiar spirits, does not mend the matter; for spirits, 

whether good or bad, possess not the power of Ufe and 

deo^th, health tind disease, with regard to man or beast. 

Presdence is an incommunicable attribute of God, and 

therefore spirits cannot foretell future events. 

X The afflictions of Job, through the intervention of 

3atan, were miraculous. The p^sessions mentioned 

in the New Testament, in all human probability, were 

maniacal diseases, and if, at their cures, the supposed 

evil spirits spoke with an audible voice, these events 

were also miraculous, a.nd effected for a special purpose. 

But from miracles, no general conclusions can be drawn 

with regard to the divine government of the world. 

; The conclusion is, that the powers professed to be 

e:?erciQed by the occult science of necromancy and other 

other arts of divination^ were neither more nor less than 

iinpostures. 

Among the Hebrews, the professbn of arts of divina- 
tion was thought deserving of capital punishment, be- 
cause the profession wa^ of Pagan origin, and of course 
incompatible with the profession of theism, and a theo- 
cratic form of government. These jugglers perpetrated 
a debasing superstition among the people. They were 
also swindlers, who divested their neighbors of large 
sums of money and valuable presents without an equi- 
valent. 

On the ground then of fraud alone, according to the 
genius of the criminal codes of ancient governments, 
Jhp offense deserved capital punishment 

But is the present time better than the past with re- 
gard to a superstit^us belief in occult influences? Do 
zjo traces of the polytheism of our forefathers retnaxn 
among their christian descendants? This inquiry must 
be answered in the affirmative. Should an almanac* 
maker venture to give out the christian calendar with- 
out the colun^n containing the signs of the zodiac, the 



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880 Wll'CHORAFT^ 

CKkfiNkr would be eofid^uned as bemg totaBy defi- 
cient, 8U»d> Uie whole im]»ression vrould remidn on ^ 
hands. - 

But what are those signs 7 They ate the constdla- 
licMas of the zodiac, thj^t is, clusters of stars, twelve in 
number, within and including thetropics of Cancer and 
Capricorn. These constellation^ resemUe the animab 
after which they are named. But what influence do 
these clustery of stars exert on the animal and the 
plant? Certainly none at all; and yet we have been 
taught that the nforthem qpnsteUations govern the di- 
visions of living bodies aiternatdy from the head to the 
reins, and in like manner the southern from the rein* 
to the feet. The sign then r^kes a skip from the feet 
to Aries, who again assumes the government of the 
head, and so on. - ^ 

About half of these constellations are friendly divin* 
ities, and exert a salutary influence on theanimaland 
t^e plant. The others, are malignant in their temper^ 
and govern only ^ evil purpose^. They blast during 
their rdgn the seed sown in the earth, and reiMler 
medicine and the operations of surgery imsuccessful. 

We have read of the Hebrews worshiping the ho^ 
of heaveix whenever they relapsed into idolatry ; and 
these same constellations were the hosts of heaven 
which they worshiped. We, it is true, make no of* 
fering to these hosts of heaven, but we give them our 
faith and confidence. We hope for physical benefits 
from those of them whose dominion is friendly to our 
interests, while the reign of the malignant ones is An 
object of dread and painful apprehension. 

Let us not boast very much of our science, civiliza- 
tion, or even Christianity, while this column of the 
relics of paganism still disgraces the christian calendar. 

I have made Ihe^ observations with a view to jdis- 
credit the remnants of superstition still existing ^X^<mg 
us. While dreams, the howHng of the dog, and Ae 
croakiijg of a ra^n, are prophetic of future events, 
we are not good christians. Whijo we are dismay^ 



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Hi the signs of heaven, we are for the time being pa* 
gansv Life has real evils enough to contend with, with- 
txU imaginary ones. 



CHAPTER XXIX, 

Morals, 

In the section of the country where my father hved^ 
there w^as, for many years after the settlement of tte 
eountry, "neither law nor gospeL" Our want of le- 
gal government was owing to the uncertainty whether 
we belonged to the state of Virginia or Pennsylvania. 
The Une which at presient divides the two states, was 
not run until scnne time after the conclusion of the re- 
volutionary war. . Thus it happened, that during a 
long period oi time we knew nothing of courts, law- 
yers, magistrates, sherifs or icoostables. Every one was 
therefore at liberty "to do whatever was right in his 
own eyes." 

As this is a state of society which few of my* tG&jSu&tn 
have ever witnessed, I shall describe it-as minutely a9 1 
<ah^ and give in detail those moral maxims which in a 
great degree ^mswered the important purposes (>{ mm^ 
dpal jurispriKlence.' 

In the first place, let it be observed thai in a spetise 
population, where all the members of the copimunitj 
are well known to each other, and especially in a time 
of war, where every man capable of bearing arms is 
considered highly valuable as a defender of his coun^ 
try, pubUc opinion has its full effect, and answers the 

Surposes of legal government better than it would in A 
ense population and in time of peace. 
Such was the situation of our people along the fron- 
tiers of our settlepaents. They had no civil, military 



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88S MQRAIUB4 

or ecclesiastic^^ laws, at least none that were enforced; 
and yet "they were a law unto themselves," as to the 
leading obUgations of our nature in all the relations in 
which they stood to each other. The turpitude of vice 
and the majesty of moral virtue were then as s^parent 
as they are now, and they were then regarded with the 
same sentiments of aversion or respect which they in- 
spire at the present time. Industry in, working and 
hunting; bravery in. war, candor^ honesty, hospitsdity, 
BXkd steadiness of deportment, received thek full .re- 
ward of public honor and pubUc confidence among our 
rude forefathers, as well as among their better instruct 
ed and more poGshed descendants^ The punishments 
which they inflicted upon offenders by the imperial 
eourt of public opinion, were well adapted for .the re- 
fcarmation of the culjJrit, or his es^ulsion frotn the 
community; - , 

The punishment for idleness, lying, dishonesty, and 
ill feme generalty, was that of "hating the offender 
out," as they expressed it. This mode of chastisement 
was like the atimea of the Greeks. It was a, public 
expression, in various ways, of a general sentiment <rf 
indignation against such as transgressed the moral max- 
ims of the community to which they belonged, and 
commonly, resulted either in the reformation or banish- 
ment of the person against wli6m it was directed. . 

At house-raisings, log-rollings and harvest-paJrties, ev- 
ery cme^was expected to do hi^ duty faithfully. A per- 
son who did not perform his share 'of labor on these pc- 
^amons was designated by the epithet -of "Lawrence," 
or some other titk still more opprobrious ; and when it * 
came to his turn to require the Uke aid from his neigh- 
bors, the idler soon felt his punishment in their refusal 
to attend to his calls. • , 

Although there was no Iqgal compulsicm to the per- 
formance of military du^; yet every man of, full, age 
and size was expected to do his full share of public ser- 
vice. If he did not do so, he was " hated out as a cow- 
ard." Even the want of any article of war equipments, 



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MORALS. 883 

such 08 ttmmunitioD, a sharp flint, a priming wire, a 
sceJping knife or tomahawk, was thought highly dis- 
graceful. A man, who without a reasonable cause fail- 
ed to go on a scout or campaign when it came to his 
turn, met with an expression of indignation in the coun- 
tenances of all his neighbors, and epithets of dishonor 
were fastened upon him without mercy. 

DeBts, which make such an uproar in civilized Ufe, 
were but Uttle known among our forefathers at the early 
settlement of this country. After the depreciation of 
the continental paper they had no money of any kind ; 
every thing purchased was paid for in produce or labor. 
A good cow and calf was often the price of a bushel of 
alum salt. If a contract was not punctually fulfilled, 
the credit of the delinquent was at an end. 

Any petty theft was punished with all the infamy 
that could be heaped on the offender. A man on a cam- 
paign stole from his comrade a cake out of the ashes 
in which it was baking. He was immediately named 
" the Bread-rounds." This epithet of reproach was 
bandied about in this way. When he came in sight of 
a group of men,~one of them would call, "Who comes 
there?" Another would answer, " The Bread-rounds." 
If any one meant to be more serious about the matter, 
he would call out, "Who stole a cake out of the ashes?" 
Another replied by giving the name of the man in full. 
To this a third would give confirmation by exclaiming, 
"That is true and no lie." This kind of "tongue- 
lashing" he was doomed to bear for the rest of the cam- 
paign, as well as for years after his return home. 

If a theft was detected in any of the frontier settle- 
ments, a summary mode of punishment was always re- 
sorted to. The first settlerg, as far as I knew of them, 
had a kind of innate or hereditary detestation of the 
crime of theft, in any shape or degree, and their maxim 
was that "a thief must be whipped." If the theft was of 
something of some value, a kind of jury of the neigh- 
borhood, after hearing the testimony, would condemn 
the culprit to Moses's law, that is, to forty stripes save 



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384 M6RAL9. 

one. If the theft was of some small article, the offbn* 
der was doomed to carry on his back the flag of th« 
United States, which then consisted of thirteen stripes. 
In either case, some able hands were selected to execute 
the sentence, so that the stripes were sure to be well 
laid on. c 

This punishment was followed Mj a sentence of 
exile. He then was informed that he must decamp in 
80 many days and be seen there no more on penalty erf 
having the number of his stripes doubled. 

For many years after the law was put in operation 
in the western part of Virginia, the magistrates them- 
selves were in the habit of giving those who were 
brought before them on ch^ges of small thefts, the 
liberty of being sent to jail, or taking a whipping. The 
latter was commonly chosen, and was immediately in- 
flicted, after which the thief was ordered to clear out. 

In some instances stripes were inflicted ; not for the 
punishment of an offense, but for the purpose of ex- 
torting a confession from suspected persons. This was 
the torture of our early times, and no doubt sometimes 
very unjustly inflicted. 

If a woman was given to tatthng and slandering her 
neighbors, she was furnished by common consent with 
a kind of patent right to say whatever she pleaded, 
without being believed. Her tongue was then said to 
be harmless, or to be no scandal. 

With all their rudeness, these people were given -to 
hospitality, and freely divided their rough fare with a 
neighbor or stranger, and would have been offended at 
the offer of pay. In their settlements and forts, they 
lived, they worked, they fought and feasted, or suffered 
together, in cordial harmony. They were warm and 
constant in their frietidships. On the other hand they 
were revengeful in their resentments ; and the point of 
honor sometimes led to personal combats. If one matt 
called another a liar, he was considered as having given 
a challenge which the person who received it must ac* 
cept, or be deemed^ coward, and the charge was gene* 



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uonAmii 885 

ralty answered on the spot with a blow* If the injured 
person was decidedly unable to fight the aggressor, he 
might get a friend to do it for him. The same thing 
took place on a charge of cowardice, or any other dis- 
honorable action. A battle must follow, and the person 
who made the charge must fight either the person 
eigainst whom he made it, or any champion who chose 
to espouse his cause. Thus circumstanced, our people 
in early times were much more cautious of speaking 
evil of their neighbors than they are at (present. 

• Sometimes pitched battles occurred, in which time, 
place, and seconds were appointed beforehand. I re- 
member having seen one of those pitched battles in my 
fether's fort, when a boy. One of the young men 
knew very well beforehand that he should get the 
Worst of the battle, and no doubt repented the engage* 
ment to fight ; but there was no getting over it. The 
point of honor demanded the risk of battle. He got 
nis whipping ; they then shook hands, and were good 
friends afterwards. - 

The mode of single combat in those days was dan- 
gerous in the extreme. Although no weapons wer« used, 
fists, teeth and feel; were employed at will; but above 
all, the detestable practice of gouging, by which eyes 
Were sometimes put out, rendered this mode of fighting 
frightful indeed. It was not, however, so destrugtive 
as the stiletto of an Italian, the knife ©f a Spaniard, the 
small sword of the Frenchman, or the pistol of the 
American or English duelist. 

Iil^tances of seduction and bas^rdy did not frequent- 
ly Imppen in our early times. I remember one in- 
stance of the former, in wliich the life of the man was 
put in jeopardy by the resentment of the- family to 
which the girl belonged. Indeed, considering the chi- 
valrous temper of our people, this crime could not then 
take place without great personal danger from the bro- 
thers or other relations of the victims of seduction, fa- 
mily honor being then estimated at a high rate. 



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S86 BL\tEKr. 

I do not recollect that pro&tne language wa^ much 
more prevfiJent in our early times than at present. 

Among the people with whom I was conv^vant, 
there was no other vestige of the christian religion than 
a faint observance of Sunday, and that merely as a day 
of rest for the aged and a play-day for the young. 

The first christian service I ever heard was in the 
Garrison church in Baltimore county, in Maryland, 
where my father had sent me to school. I was then 
about ten years cJd. The appearance of the church, 
the windows of which were Gothic, the white surplice 
of the minister, and the responses in the service, over- 
whelmed pae with surprise. Among tny school-fellows 
in that place, it was a matter of reproach to me that I 
was not baptized, and why ? Because, as they said, I 
had no name. Such was their notion of the efHcacy 
of baptism. 



CHAPTER XXX. 
Slavery, 

I will give some of my early impressions on seeing* 
the' cruelties exercised on slaves and convict servants 
in the state of Maryland. 

If some of my resriers should complain of the in- 
troduction of too great a portion of my own history, 
and that of my family, into this work, I trust I shall 
not be considered, blamable for giving the narrative of 
the horrid cruelties exercised upon slsives and servants 
which I was doomed to witness in my early years, to^ 
gether with the lasting impressions which the view of 
these tortures made upon my infant Tniiid. 

On the death of my mother, which -happened when 
I w^ about eight years old, my father sent me under 



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j»tAV^RT^ 387 

the care of a relation to Marybmct, for the purpose of 
being sent to school. 

When arrived there, I was in a new world. I had 
teft the backwoods behind me. I had Exchanged its 
rough manners and poor living, for the buildings, {den* 
ty and polish of civilized life. Elyery thing I saw and 
heard cpnfoimded me. I learnt, after some time, that 
there were rick and poor masters, slaves and convicts ; 
and I discovered that the poor servants and convicts 
were under entire subordination to their masters. I saw 
that the slaves and convicts Uved in filthy hovels called 
kitchens, and that they were poor, ragged and dirty^ 
and kept at hard labor; while their masters and fami- 
lies lived in large houses, were well clothed and fed, and 
did as they pleased. The reason of this difference in 
the condition of men and women of the same race of 
beings, 1 could not comprehend. 

Having no idea of crime, I thought it could be no 
otherwise than uniust, that some should have so little 
and others so much, and that one should work so hard 
and others perform no labor. ^- . ■ 

My residence was in a. neighborhood where slaves 
and convicts were numerous, and where tortures inflict- 
ed upon them had become, HiQ occurrences of ahnost 
every day, so that they were viewed with indifference 
by the whole population of the neighborhood as mat- 
ters of course. Thus it is that cui^m reconciles hu- 
man nature, with all its native sympathies, to the gross- 
est barbarities, and hardens the heart against the intru- 
sion of feeUng at the sight of the most exquisite suffer- 
ing of a fellow creature. 

Not so with me, who never had witnessed such tor- 
tures. I had not been long in my new habitation, be- 
fore I witnessed a scene which I shall never forget. A 
convict servant, accused of some trivial offense, was 
doomed to the whip, tied with his arms extended up- 
wards to the limb^of a tree, and a.bundle of hickories 
throwii down before him, which he was ordered to look 
at, and told that they should all be worn out on him, 
24 



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388 I^LAVEfl^. 

and a great many more, if he did not make a eoafei^ 
sion of the crime aliedged against him. The operation 
began by tucking up the shirt over his head, so as to 
leave his back and shoulders naked. The master thea 
took two of the hickories in his hand, and by forward 
and backhanded strokes, each of which sounded like 
a wagon whip, and applied with the utmost rsqpidity and 
with his whole muscular strength, in a few seconds te- 
cerated the shoulders of the poor miserable sufferet witk 
not less than My scourges, so that in a little time the 
whole of his shoulders had the appearance of a ihass of 
blood, streams of which soon began to flow down Mi 
back and sid^. He then made a confession of his faul% 
one not worth naming i but this did not save him from 
further torture. He had put his master "to the trouble 
of whipping him, and he must have a httle more." His 
trowsers were then unbuttoned and suflfered to fell dowa 
about his feet j two new hickories were selected from 
the bundle, and so appUed, that in a short time his poeh 
teriors, Uke his shoulders, exhibited nothing but lacera- 
tion and blood. A consultation was then held betweeii 
the master and the b3^tandersj who had been coolly 
looking on, in which it was humanely concluded "thai 
he had got enough." A basin of brine and a cloth were 
ordered to be brought, with which his stripes were wash- 
ed, or salted as they called it. ' During this operation - 
the suffering wretch writhed and groaned as if in the 
agonies of death. He was then untied and told to go 
home, and mistress would tell him what to do. 

From this scene of torture I went home with a heavy 
heart, and wished myself in^ the backwoods again ; nor 
did the frequency of witnessing such scenes lessen in 
any degree the horror which they first occasioned in 
my mind. ^ 

It frequently happened that torture was inflicted up- 
on slaves and convicts in a more protracted manner than 
that above described. When the victim of cruelty was 
dopmed by his master to receive the lash, several of his 
neighbors were called on for their assistance. Th^ 



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SLAVERY^ ^ 8B9 

Amended at the time aud pla^e a{>polnted. , A jug of rum 
^o^d water were provided for the occasion. After the 
UemUing wretch was brought forth and tied up, the 
luimber of lashes which he was to receive was deter^ 
mined on. Who should begin the operation, was der 
cided by lot or otherwise, and the torture commenced 
At the conclusion of the first course, the operator pre^ 
tending great weariness, called for a drink of rum and 
water, in which he was joined by the company. A cerr 
tain time was allowed for the subject of their cruelty "to 
Gool," as they, called it. When the allotted time ha<J 
expired, the next band took his turn, and in Uke man- 
ner ended with a drink, and so on until the appointed 
number of lashes were all imposed. This operation last- 
ed several hours, sometimes half a day; at the conchi- 
sion of which, the sufferer, with his hands swollen with 
the cord^ w^s unbound, and suffered to put on his shiit. 
His executioners, to whom the operation was rather a 
frolick than otherwise, returned home from the scene 
of their labor half drunk. Another method of punish- 
ment, still more protracted than this, was that of dooin- 
ing a slave to receive so many lashes, during several 
days in succession, each whipping, excepting the first, 
being called " tickling up the old scabs*" 

A couple of wagoners in the neighborhood having 
CQMght a man, as they said, in the act of ste^hng some- 
thing from the wagon, stripped him and fastened hin^ 
loathe hinder part of the wagon, got out their jug of 
rtlm, and amused themselves by making scores on his 
back for wagers. He that could make the deepest score 
was to have the first dram. Sometimes the cuts apr 
pearing to be equal, no decision could be hg^d until the 
second or third trial was made. This sport was contin- 
isked for several hours, until the poor fellow was almost 
killed, and the wagoners both drunk. 

Female servants, both white and black, were subject- 
ed to the M'^hip in common with the males. Having to 
pass through the yard of a neighbor, on my way to 
indiool, it happened that in j^oing my ysugl route ip a 



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990 8LAYERT. 

eM, snowy morning, when I came \nthin view of tb^ 
house I was much surjHised at seeing a naked woman 
standing at the whi{^ing post, and her master with a 
hickory in his hand. When I got to the place, I stop- 
ped to see what was going on. After the ^w^oman had 
received a certain number of lashes, a female black slave 
was ordered-from the kitchen, stripped and fiustened by 
the irons of the whipping post, her scars exhibithig the 
stripes and corrugations of former year& Both these 
women had haiidkerchiefe tied around their eyes, tc 
prevent them from se^ng when the blow was coming. 
The hickory used by this man was a forked one, twist- 
ed together and tied. A hickory of this kind, owing to 
the ioe<)uality of its sur&ce, gives the greater pain. 
With this he scored the backs of these two vromen al- 
ternately ; but for what length of time I do not know; 
for being shocked at the sight, I hurried on to school, 
and left the master at his Work. 
, I might here relate many other methods of torture 
of which I have been eye witness among these people, 
such as the thumb screw, sweating, the birch, &c. ; "but 
it is enough ; the heart sickens at' the recollection of, 
such cruelties. 

Some time s^o I made inquiry of a gentleman, who 
had recently removed from the neighborhood in which 
I had lived in Maryland to this country, ccmcernmg 
the present state of the families of my former acquain- 
tance in Maryland. He informed me, that <rf the whde 
number of thosefamilies, only three or four of their de- 
scendants remain possessors of the estates of their fore* 
fathers ; of the others, their sons had become dissipated, 
sold their lands, and had either perished in c<msequence 
of intemperance, or left the coun^, so that the places 
which once knew those families as princes in the land, 
xiow know them no more. Thus it is, that in moral 
and physical respects at least, " the sins of the faibers 
are visited upon their children to the third and fourth 
generation.^ 

If the very sanctuaries built by the former hierarchy 



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• fflLAVERYv ~ 391 

of the eUve states, in which the <|)pres8cn^ u^ the 
ritual of the christian service, with hands reeking with 
iiie Mood of slaves, have long; since ceased to be vocal 
'^mth the songB of Zion, have jpassed to other hands, or 
even fallen to decay, it is only saying thatGoD ts jvbt» 

The recollection of the tortures which I witnessed so 
«arly in life, is still a source of aflSiction to my mind. 
Twenty-four hours never pass during which my imagi- 
natbn does not present me with the afflicting view of 
the slave or servant, writhing beneath the lashes of his 
master, and cringing from the briiie with which he salt* 
ed liis stripes. 

During my stay of three years in the region of sla^ 
^very, my only consolation was, that the time would 
come, in which the master and slave would xbange 
situations; that the fcwrmer wtmld receive the punish- 
ment due to his cmehy, while the latter should find 
rest from his toils and sufferings in the kingdom of 
'Heaven. The master I regarded as Dives, who, after 
" being clothed in purple and fine linen, and faring 
-sumptuously every day," must soon "lift up his eyes 
-in hell, being in torment.'^ The slave was Lstzanis, 
-who, after closing his sufferings in dea^, was to be 
"carried by the angels into Ateaham^s bosom." 

From this afflicting state of society, I returned to the 
4)ackwoods a republican, without knowing the mean* 
ing of the term, that is, with an utter ddestation of .an 
-arbitrary power of one man over another. 

On reading this recital, the historian will naturally 
r^ect, that personal, real, or political slavery, has at all 
times been the condition of almost the whole human 
race — that the history of man is the hisjtory of oppress- 
crs and the victims of oppression. Wars, bastiles, pri* 
«ons, crosses, gibbets, tortures, scourges and fire, in the 
hands of despots, have been the instruments of spread- 
ing desolation and misery over the earth. The philo- 
sopher regards those means of destruction, and their 
eictensive use, in all ages, as indict of the depravity 
and ferocity of man. From4he Uooitetsuned pages of 
21* 



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392 fiLAVEar.' 

history, he turns with disgust and horror, €tnd (^-onouth 
ces an involuntary anathema on the whole of his race. 

But is the condition^ of the world still to r^noain the 
same ? Are the moral impressions of our nature to be 
sacrificed at the shrine of lawless ambition ? Is mjm, 
as heretofore, to be born only to destroy or be destroyed. 
I>oes the good Samaritan see no rational ground of h(^ 
of better things for future ages 7 We trust he does, and 
that ages yet to come will witness theMfillment of his 
benevolent wishes and predktions. 

The American revolution was the commencement of 
a new era in the history of the world. The issue of 
that eventful contest snatched the scepter from the 
hands of the monarch, and placed it, where it ought to 
be, in the hands of the people. 

On the sacred altar of liberty it consecrated the rights 
of man, surrendered to him the right and power of gov- 
erning himself, and placed in his hands the resources 
of his country, as munitions of war for his defense. The 
experiment was indeed bold and hazardous; but suc- 
cess has hitherto more than justified the most sanguine 
anticipations of those who made it. The world has wit- 
nessed, with astonishment, the rapid growth and con- 
firmation of oiu: noble fabric of freedom. From our 
distant horizon, w^ have reflected a strong and steady- 
blaze of iight on ill fated Europe, firom time immemo- 
rial involved in the fetters and gloom of slavery. Our 
history has excited a general and jurdent spirit of in- 
quiry into the nature of our civil institutions, and a 
strong wish, on the part of the people in distant coun- 
tries, to participate in our blessings. 

But will an examj^, so portentous of evil to the 
chiefs of despotic institutions, be viewed with incUfier- 
ence by those who now s^ay the scepter with unlimited 
power, over the many millions of their vassals ? Will 
they adopt no measures of defense against the influence 
of that thirst for freedom, so widely diflused and so 
rapidly gaining strength throughout their empires 7 
Will they ma£e no effort to remove ftom the world 



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SLAVERY. 393 

those free governments whose example ^ves them so 
much annoyance? The measures of defense wfll be 
adopted, the effort will be made ; for power is never sur- 
rendered without a struggle. ^ 

Already nations, which, from the earliest period of 
their history, have constantly crimsoned the earth with 
each other's blood, have become a band of brothers for 
the destruction of every germ of human liberty. Every 
year witnesses an association of nhe monarchs of those 
nations, in unhallowed conclave, for the purpose of 
concerting measures for effecting their dark designs. 
Hitherto the execution of those measures has been, 
al^fi ! too fetally successful. 

It would be impolitic and unwise in us to calculate 
on escaping the hostile notice of the despots of conti- 
nental Europe. Already we hear, like distant thunder, 
their expressions of indignation and threats of ven- 
geance. We ought to anticipate the gathering storm 
without dismay, but not with indifference. In viewing 
the dark side of the prospect before us, one source of 
consolation, of much magnitude, presents itsel£ It is 
confidently expected, that the brave and potent nation, 
with whom we have a common origin, will not risk the 
loss of that portion of liberty, which at the expense of 
BO rnuch blood and treasure they have secured for them- 
selv^, by an unnatural association with despots, for the 
unholy purpose of making war on the freedom of the 
few nations of the earth, which possess any considera- 
ble portion of that invaluable blessing ] on the contrary, 
it is hoped by us that they" will, if necessity should re- 
cjuire, employ the bravery of their people, their hnmense 
resources, and the trident of the ocea^n, in defense of 
their own liberties, andi)y consequence those.of others. 

Legislators, fethers of our country ! lose no time, spare 
no expense in hastening oh the requisite m^ans of de- 
fense, for ineeting with safety and with victory the im- 
pending storm, which sooner or later must fall upon us, 

- . ■ 24t • ■ 



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J 394 

CHAPTER XXXI, 

Civilization, 

The causes which led to the present state of civili- 
zation of the western country, are subjects which de* 
serve some oonsideration. 

The state of society and manners of the early settlers, 
as presented in these notes, shews very clearly that their 
^rade of civilization was indeed low enough. The de- 
scendants of the Englieh cavaUers from Maryland and 
Virginia, wh^ settled mostly along the rivers, and the 
descendants of the Irish, who settled in the interior 
parts of the country, were neither of them remarkable 
forecierice or urbanity of mapriers. T^he former were 
mostly ilhterate, rough in thdr ipanners, and addicted 
to Ae rude diversions of horse racing, wrestling, jump- 
iiig; shooting^- dancing, &c. These diversions were 
often accompanied with personal combats, which con* 
sisted of blows, kicks, biting and gouging. This mode 
of fighting was what they called rough and tumble. 
Sometimes a previoiis stipulation was made to use the 
fists only: Yet these people were industrious, enter-, 
prising, generous jn their hospitality, and brave in the 
defense of their country. 

These people, for the inost part, formed the cordon 
along the Ohio river, on the frontiers t^f Pennsylvania, 
Tirginiaand Kentucky, which defended the country 
against the attacks of the Indians duriiig the revolu- 
tionary war. They wfere the janizaries of the country, 
that is, they were soldiers whentlieyt^hpse tobeso, aUd 
when they chose laid down their arms. Their miUtary 
service was voluntary, aiid of course received no pay. 

With the descendants of the Irish I had b^t Utue 
acquaintance, although I lived near them. At an early 
period they were comprehended in ftie Presbyteriaa 



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CITILIZATION. 395 

church, and were more reserved in their deportment 
than their frontier neighbors, and from their situation 
being less exposed to the Indian warfare, took less part 
in that war. 

The patriot of the western region finds his love of 
country and national pride augmented to the highest 
grade, when he compares the political, moral, and reli- 
gious character of his people, with that of the inhabi- 
iaMa of many large divisions of the dd world. In 
Asia and Africa, generation after generation passes 
without any change^in the moral and religious charac- 
ter or physical condition of the people. 

On the Barbary coast, the traveler, if a river Hes in 
his way and happens to be too high, must either swim 
it or wait until it subsides. If the traveler is a chris- 
tian, he must have a firman and a guard. Yet this was 
once the country of the famous Carthagenians. ' 

In Upper Egyi^, the people grind meal for their dhou- 
ra bread, by rublnng it between two flat stones. This 
ia done by women. 

In Palestine, the grinding of .grain is still performed 
by an ill-constructed hand mill, as in the days of our 
Savior. The roads to the famous city of Jerusalem are 
still almost in the rude state of nature. 

In Asiatic Turkey, merchandise is still carried on by 
caravans, which are attended with a military guard ; 
and the naked walls of the caravansera is their fortress 
and place of repose at n^ht,-instead of a place of en- 
tertainment. The streets of Constantinople, instead of 
being paved, are in many places almost impassable from 
mud, filth, and the carcasses of dead beasts. Yet this 
is the metropolis of a great empire. 

Throughout the whole of the extensive r^ions of 
Asia and Africa, man, from his cradle to his grave, sees 
no change in the aspect of any thing around him, unless 
from the desolations of war. His dress, his ordinary sa- 
lutations of his neighbors, his diet and his^ mode of eat- 
ing it, are prescribed by his religious institutions; and 
his rank in society, as well as his occupation, are deter- 



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39G CIVILIZATION. 

mined by his birth. Steady and linvarying as the lapse 
of time in every department of life, generation aft^ 
generation beats the dull monotonous round. The Hiii* 
doo would sooner die a martyr at the stake, than sit on 
a chair or eat with a knife and fork. 

The descendant of Ishmael is still " a wild man.** 
Hungry, thirsty and half naked, beneath a burning 
sun, he traverses the immense and inhospitable desert 
of Zahara, apparently without any object, because his 
f(wrefathers did so before him. Throughout life he sub- 
sists on camel's milk and flesh, while his only covering 
from the inclemency of the weather is a flimsy tent of 
cameFs hair. His single, solitary virtue, is that of hos- 
pitality to strangers: in every other respect he is a thief 
and a robber. 

The Chinese still retain their alphabet of thirty-six 
thousand hieroglyphics. They must never exchange 
it for one of twenty letters, which would answer an in- 
finitely better purpose. 

Had we pursued the course of the greater number of 
the nations of the earth, we should have been at this 
day treading in the footsteps of our forefathers, from 
whose example in any respect we should have thought 
it crimin^il to depart in the slightest degree. 

Instead of a blind or superstitiojus imitation of the 
mannersand custotiis of our forefathers, wehave thought 
and acted for.ourselves, and we have changed ourselves 
and every thing around us. 

The Hnsey and coarse linen of the first setders of the 
country,- have been exchanged for the substantial and 
fine fabrics of Europe cthd Asia— the hunting shirt for 
the fashionable coat of broad cloth — and the mocca^n 
for boots and shoe^ of tanned leather. The dresses of 
our ladies are equal in beauty, fineness and fashion, to 
those of the cities and countries of Emope and Atlan- 
tic. America. 

It is not enough that, perse veriirg iodu^ry has en&bfe^ 
us to purchase the "purple and fine linen" from foreign- 
ers, and to U9e theii* porcelain land glassware, whether 



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cnciLiZATioif. 397 

plain, engraved or gilt; we have nobly dared to fabri- 
cate those elegant, cqhifortable, and valuable produc- 
tions of, art for ourselves. 

A well founded prospect of large gains from useftU 
arts and honest labor has drawn to our country a large 
number of the best artisans of other countries. Their 
mechanic arts, immensely improved by American ge- 
nius, have hitherto realized the hopeful prospect which 
induced their emigration to our infant country. 

The horse pajths, along which our fDrefathers made 
their laborious journeys over the meuntains for salt and 
iron, were soon succeeded by wagon roads, and those 
again by substantial turnpikes, which, as if by magic 
enchantntient, have brought the distant region, not ma- 
ny years ago denominated ^^the backwoodsy^ into a 
close and lucrative connection with our great Atlantic 
cities. The journey over the mountains, formerly con- 
mdered so long, so expensive and even perilous, is now 
made in a very few days, and with accommodations not 
displeasing to the epicure himself. Those giants of 
North America, the different mountains composing the 
great chain of the Allegany, formerly so frightful in 
their aspect, and presenting samany difficulties in their 
passage, are now tscarcely noticed by the traveler, in his 
journey along the graduated highways by which they 
are crossed. 

The rude sports of former times have been discon^ 
tinned. Athletic trials of muscular strength and activ- 
ity, in which there certainly is not much of merit, have 
given way to the more noble ambition for mental en- 
dowments and skill in useful arts. To the rude and 
often indecent songs, but roughly and unskillfully sung, 
have succeeded the psalm^ the hymn, and swelhng an- 
them. To the clamorous boast, the provoking banter, 
the biting sarcasm, the horrid oath and imprecation, 
have succeeded urbanity of manners, and a course of 
conversation enlightened by science and chastened by 
mental attention and respect. 
Above all/ the direful spirit of revenge, the exercise 



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398 CIVILIZATIOK. 

rf which 80 much approximated the character of many 
of the fir^ settlers of oUr country to that of the wor^ 
of savages, is now unknown. The Indian might pass 
in safety among tliose, whose remembrance still bleeds 
at the recollection of the loss of their relatives, who have 
perished under the tomahawk and scalping knife of the 
savages. 

The Moravian brethren may dwell in safety on the 
sites of the villages desolated, and over the bones of their 
brethren and forefathers pnurdered, bythe more than 
savage ferocity of the whites. Nor let it be supposed 
that the return of peace produced this salutary change 
of feehng towards the tawny sons of the forest The 
thirst of revenge was not wholly allayed by the bahn of 
peace : several Indians fell victims to the private ven- 
geance of those who had recently lost their relations in 
the war, for some years aft^r it had ceased. 

If the state* of society and manners, from the com- 
mencement of the settlements in this coimtry, during 
the lapse of many years, owing to the sanguinary char- 
acter of the Indian mode of warfare and other circum- 
stances, was in a state of retrogression, as was evident- 
ly the case — if ignorance is more easily induced than 
science — if society more speedily deteriorates than im-^ 
proves — ^if it be much easier for the civilized man to 
become wild, than for the wild man to become civilized; 
— I ask what means have arrested the prc^ess of the 
early inhabitants of the western region towards barbar- 
ism ? — What agents have directed their influence in fe- 
vor of science, morals and piety? 

The early introduction of commerce was among the 
first means of changing, in some degree, the exterior 
aspect of the population pf the country, and giving a 
new current to public feeling and individual pursuit. 

The himtsman and warrior, when he bad exchang- 
ed his hunter's dress for that of the civilized man, soon 
lost sight of his former occupation, and assumed a new 
character and a new line of Kfe, — ^like the soldier, wh<^ 
idien hf receives his discharge and lays aside his tegt- 



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civitiiAffok. 3«9 

mentab, soon loses the feeling of a sok^r, and : even 
ibrgets in some degree his manual exercise* 

Had not commerce furnished the means of changing 
the dresses of our people and the furnitureof their housec 
— bad the hunting shirt, moccason and leggins, contti^ 
ued to be the dress of our men — had the three-legged 
stool, the noggin, the trencher and wboden bowl, con- 
tinued to be the :ftirniture of our houses,— dUr progress 
towards science and civilization would have been much 
slower. 

It may seem strange that so much importance is at- 
tached to the influence of dress in giving the moral and 
intellectual character of soiciety. 
^r In nil the institutions of despotic governments we 
discover evident traces of the highest gmde of hum^m 
^agacitT- and foresight. It must have been the object 
of the founders of those governments to repress the ge- 
nius of man, divest the mind of every sentiment of am- 
bition, and prevent the cognizance of any r\jle of Ufe^ 
excepting that of a blind obedience to the despot ai^ his 
established institutions of religion and government: 
Jdaice the canonical laws of reUgion, in all governments 
despotic in principle, have {Hreseribed the costume of ea^h 
class of society, their diet, and their manner of eating it; 
and even their household furniture is in like manner 
prescribed by law. In all these departments, no devia- 
tion from the law or custom is permitted (X even thought 
of. The whole science of human nature, under such 
goveminents, is that of a knowledge of the duties of the 
station of life prescribed by parentage, and the whole 
duty of man that of a rigid performance of them ; while 
Teason, having nothing to do with either the one or the 
other, is never cultivated. . 

Even among christians, those founders of religious 
societies have succeeded best who have prescribed a pro- 
fessional costume for their follov;rers, because every time 
the disciple looks at his drees he is put in mihd of his 
obligations to the society to which l>e belongs, and he is 
therefore the less fiable to wandei; into sEljrange pastures, 



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4DD mvthuuTioth 

The Englkb govremment could naror mbdtn the 
Mprii du cowroi the north of Soodand, until, after the 
lebellkm of ^45, the prohiUition of wearing Uie tartan 
idaid, the kilt and the bonnet amongst the Highland^ 
Mx>ke down the spirit of the clans. 

I have seen several of the Moravian Indians, and 
wondered that they were permitted to wear tl^ Indian 
dress. Their conduct, when among the white people, 
«oon convinced me that the converoon of those whom 
I saw wai9 far from being complete. 

There can be httle doubt but that, if permissicm should 
be given by the supreme power of the Mussulman ^th, 
for a change, at the will of each individual, in dress, 
household Aimiture, and in esuing and drinking', 'ibo 
whole Mohanimedan system would be overthrown in a 
few 3rears. With a similar permission, the Hindoo su- 
perstition would share the same fate. 

We have yet some districts of country where the cos- 
tume, cabins, and in some measure the household ftur- 
niture of their cmcestors, are still in ^se, The peojAe of 
these dktticts are far behind their neighbom in every 
valuable endowment of human nature. Among them 
the virtues of chastity, temperance and industry, bear 
no great value, and schools and places of wcnrship ane 
but Uttle regaurded. In general every one ^^ does vfbsi 
is right in his own eyes." 

In short, why have we so soon forgotten our forefii- 
Chers, and every thing belonging to our former state? 
The reason is, every thing belonging to our former state 
has vanished from our views, and we meet with nothing 
to put us in remembrance of them. The recent date 
of the settl^Qi^it of oiu* country is no longer a subject 
of reflection. !(ts immense improvements present to the 
imagination the results of the labors of several centuries, 
instead of the work of a few years ; and we do not often 
take the trouble to correct the felse impression. 

The introduction of the-mechanic arts has certainly 
contributed not a little to the mor^ and scientific im- 
provement of the, country. 



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civiLiZATipir. 401 

The carpenter, the jdner and mason, have displaced 
the rude, unsightly and uncomfi»table cabina of our 
forefathers, by comfortable, and in many instances ele- 
gant mansions of stone, brick, hewn or sawn timbers. 

The ultimate objects of civilization are the moral and 
ph3rsical happiness of man. To the latter, the commo- 
dious mansion house, with its ftuniture, contributes es- 
sentially. The family mansions of the nations of the 
earth furnish the criteria of the different grades of their 
moral and mental condition. The savages universally 
live in tents, wigwams, or lodges covered with earth. 
Barbarians, next to these, may indeed have habitations 
something better, but of no value and indifferently fur- 
nished. Such are the habitations of the Russian Tar- 
tar and Turkish peasantry. 

Such is the effect of a large, elegant and well furnish- 
ed house, on the feelings and deportment of a family, 
that if you were to buQd one for a family of savages, 
by the occupancy of it they would lose their savage 
character ; or if they did not choose to make the ex- 
change of that character for that of civilization, they 
would forsake it for the wigwam and the woods. 

This was done by many of the early stock of back- 
woodsmen, ^ven after they built comfortable liouses for 
themselves. They no longer had the chance of " a fall 
hunt ;" the woods pasture was eaten up ; they wanted 
" elbow room." They therefore sold out, and fled to 
the forest of the frontier settlements, choosing rather to 
encounter the toil of turning the wilderness into fruit- 
ful fields a second time, and even risk an Indian war, 
than endure the inconveniences of a crowded settle- 
ment. Kentucky first offered a resting place for those 
pioneers, then Indiana, and now the Missouri ; and it 
cannot be long before the Pacific ocean will put a final 
stop to the westward march of those lovers of the wil- 
derness. 

Substantial buildings have the effect of giving value 
to the soil and creating an attachment to the family 
residence. Those who have been accustomed to poetry, 



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408 ei^ILtZATtON. 

ancient or modern, need not be told how flaely and 
how impressively the household gods, the Ma^ng 
hearth, the plentiful board, and the social fireside figure 
in poetical imagery. And this is not " tying up non^ 
sense for a song." They are reaUties of Ufe in its most 
polished states : they are among its best and most ra- 
tional enjoyments : they associate the Uttle family com- 
munity in parental and filial afiection and duty, in 
which even the weU clothed child feels its importance, 
claims and duties! 

The amount of attachment to the family mansion 
furnishes the criterion of the relative amount of virtue 
in the members of a family. If the head of a family 
should wander fi-onf the path* of parental duty, and be- 
come addicted to vicious habits, in proportion as his vir- 
tue suffers a declension, his love of his home and fa- 
mily abates, until, at last, any place, however base and 
corrupting it may be, is more agreeable to him than 
the once dulce domum. If a similar declension in 
virtue happens on the part of the maternal chief of the 
family mansion, the first efiect of her deviation from 
the path of maternal virtue is that " her feet abideth 
not in her own house." The same observations apply 
to children. When the young man or woman, instead 
of manifesting a strong attachment to the family man- 
sion, is " given to outgoing," to places of licentious re* 
sort, their moral ruin may be said to be at no great 
distance. 

Architecture is of use even in the important province 
of religion. Those who build no houses for themselves, 
build no temples for the service of God, and of course 
derive the less benefit from the institutions of religion. 
While our people lived in cabins, their places of worship 
were tents, as they were called, their seats logs, their 
communion tables rough slabs of hewn timber, and the 
covering of the worshipers the leaves of the forest trees. 

Churches have succeeded to tents with their rude ac- 
commodations for pubUc worship. The very aspect of 
those sacred edifices fills the mind of the beholder with 



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CIVil.l2ATION. 403 

a religious awe, and as to the most believing and sin- 
cere, it serves to increase the fervor of devotion. Pat- 
riotism is augmented by the sight of the majestic forum 
of justice, the substantial public highway, and the bridge 
with its long succession of ponderous arches.- 

Rome and Greece would no doubt have fallen much 
sooner, had it not been for the patriotism inspired by 
their magnificent public edifices. But for these, their 
histories would have been less complete and lasting 
than they have been. 

Emigration has brought to the western regions the 
Wealth, science and arts of our eastern brethren, and 
even of Europe. These we hope have suffered no de- 
terioration in the western country. They have contri- 
buted much to the change which has been effected in 
the moral and scientific character of our country. 

The ministry of the gospel has contributed no doubt 
immensely to the happy change which has been effect- 
ted ill the state of our western society. At an early pe- 
riod of our settlements three Presbyterian clergymen 
commenced their clerical labors in our infant settle- 
ments, — the Rev. Joseph Smith, the Revv John M'MiL 
Ian, and the Rev. Mr. Bowers, the two latter of whom 
are still living. They were pious, patient, laborious 
men, who collected their people into regular congrega- 
tions, and did all for thom that their circumstances 
would allow. It was no disparagement to them that 
their first churches were the shady groves, and their 
first pulpits a kind of tent, constructed of a few rough 
slabs, and covered with clapboards. "He who dwelleth 
not exclusively in temples made with hands," was pro- 
pitious to their devotions. 

From the outset they prudently resolved to create a 
ministry in the country, and accordingly established 
little grammar schools at theii* own houses or in their 
immediate neighborhoods. The course of education 
which they gave their pupils, was indeed not extensive; 
but the piety of those who entered into the ministry 
more than ^aade up the deficiency. They formed so- 



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404 nivihiTJition^ 

x^eties, most of which are now large and jrespectable, 
and in point of -education their ministry has much im- 
proved. 

About the year 1^92, &ii academy was established at 
Canonsburg, in Washington county, in the western 
part of Pennsylvania, which w^s afterwards incorpo- 
mted under the name of Jefferson college. 

The means possessed by the society for the underta- 
king were indeed but small ; but they not only erected 
a tolerable edifice for the academy, but created a fund 
for the education of such pious young men as were 
desirous of entering into the ministry, but were unable 
to defi^y the expenses of their education. This insti- 
tution has been remarkably successful in its operations. 
It has produced a large number of good scholars in all 
the hterary professions, and added immensely to the 
science of the country. 

Next to this, Washington college, situated in the 
county town of the county of that name, has been the 
means of diffusing much of the light of science through 
the western country. 

Too much praise cannot be bestowed on those good 
men who opened these fruitful sources of instruction for 
our infant country, at so early a period of its settlement. 
They have immensely improved the departments of 
theology, law, medicine and legislation, in the western 
regicms. 

At a later period the Methodist society began their 
labors in the western parts <^f Virginia and Pennsylva- 
* nia. Their progress at fir$t was slow, but their zeal 
and perseverance at length overcame every obstacle, so 
that they are now one of the most numerous and res- 
pectable societies in this country. The itinerant plan 
of their ministry is well calculated to convey the gospel 
throughout a thinly scattered population. AccOTdingly 
their ministry has kept pace with the extension of our 
settlements. The Uttle cabin was scarcely built, and 
the little field fenced in, before these evangelical teach- 



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CIVILIZATION* 406 " 

era made tJielF appeamnceninorigst them, collected them 
ifi^tq societies, and taught them the woTship of God: 

Had it not beeq, for the labors of these indefatigE^Ue 
men, our country, as to a great extent of its settlements, 
would have been at this day a semi-barbaric region. 
How many thousands and tens of thousands of the 
most ignorant and -licentious, of our population have 
they instructed arid reclaimfed ftom the error of their 
ways ! They have restored tcy society even the most 
worthless^ atid made thein valuable and respectable as 
icitizei)s, axid useful in all the' relations of life. Their 
flumerQUS and zealous ministry bida fair to carry on the 
good work to any extent whach ouf setdements^ and 
population mayrequii^e. ^ 

With the Catholics I have but little acquain tance, but 
have ev^ry reeison- to believ^ that ia proportion to the 
e:s^tent of their flocks^ they have done w^.^ In this 
country they have received the episcopal visitations of 
their bishops. In Kentucky they have a cathedral^ a 
college and a bishop. In Indiana they 4iav« a monas- 
tery oif the. order of St. Trap, which is ^ko a coHegej 
and a bishop. , . ^ 

Their clergy, with apostolic zeal, but in an unosten- 
tatious manner, have sought out and ininistered to their 
scattered flocks throughout the country, and as far as I 
Jcnow with good success. 
: The societies of Friends in the western country are 
nunxerous, arid their establishments'in good order. Al- 
though they are not much in fayof orfa ckissical edu- 
cation, they are nevj^rtheles^ in the habit of giving 
their people a substantial iSnglish education. T^heir 
tiabits of industry and attention to useful arts" and im^ 
proveni^nls are highly, honorable to themselves and 
worthy of imitation. - 

The Baptists in the stalte of Kentucky took the lead 
, in the ministry, and with great success. Their estab- 
lishments are, as I have J)een ipforiiied, ^t present nu* 
mefous and respectable in that state. ^ A great iand sa- 
lutary revolution has taken place in this community oT 
25 



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406 CIVILIZATION; 

people. Thar ministry i^as formerly quite illilerate; 
bii( they have turned their attention to ^cience, and 
have already erected some very respectableUiterary^ es- 
tablishments in different parts of America, 

The Germaa Lutheran and Reformed churches in 
our <Jountry^ as fi^as I know of themj are doing well. 
Th€f number of the Lutheran congregations is said to.be 
at least one hundred; that of the Refbrmed^ it i^ pre- 
sumed, is about the same amount . ^ ^ 

It is remarkable that throughotit the whole e^ent 
of tl|e United States, the Oermans, in proportion to 
their wealth, have the})est churches, organs and grave- 
yards. . It i? a fortunate circumstance that those of our 
citizens who labcM* under the disadvantage of speaking 
a foreign language, are blessed with a ministry so evan- 
gelical as that of th^se very numerous and jespectablQ 
communities. y ^ 

The Episcopalian church, which ought to have been 
foremost in gathering their scattered flocks, baveJE>een 
the hst, and done the least of any christian community 
in the evangelical work. Taking the western country 
in its whole extent at least one half of its^pulatiop 
was-originally of ^pfscopalian parentage ; but fcr want 
of Or mmistry of their own they have associated with 
other communities. Tliey had no alternative but that 
of changing their profession or living and dying .with;* 
put the ordmamces of religion. It can be no sall^ct of 
r^ret that those ordinances were placed within thei? 
reacfi by other hands, whilst they were jvithheld by 
those,^ by whom, a& a matter bf -right and 4uty, they 
ought to. have been given. One single cAor^a episco-* 
pzis, or suffragan bishop, of a faithful spirit, Vho, twen^ 
ty years ago, should have " ordained them elders, in 
every place" where they wfere ^Qeded, would havjeJbeen 
the instrument of forming Episcopal congregations over 
a grejat extent of country, and which by this time would 
have Tjecome large, numerous and tespeotatle ; but the 
opportunity was neglected, and the consequent loss^to 
thi§ church is irreparable. / . > 



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So total a n^lect of the spiritual rnterMs of so ina- 
ny valuable people, for so great a length of timej by a 
nunistry so near at hand, 19 a singiik^r and -unprece- 
dented fact in ecclesiastical history, the like of which 
never occurred before. 

It seems to me, Chat if the twentieth part of their 
_ number of christian people, of any other community^ 
had been placed in Sibetia, and dependent oh any other 
ecclesiastical authority in this^country, that that author- 
ity would have reached them many year? ago \^ith the 
ministration of the gospeL With the earliest and most 
aifnaerdus Episcopacy in-America, not one of the eastern 
bishops has «ever yet crossed the Allegany mountains,- 
although the dioceses of two of them comprehend large 
tracts of country on the western side of the inountains. 
It is^ hoped that; the. future dih^nce of this community 
will make^up, in sonie degree, for the negligence of the 
past. 

There is-stiU an immense void in this country which 
it is their duty to fill up. Forom- their respectability, on 
the ground of antiquity among the reformed churches, 
the science of their patriarchs, wiio have been the lights 
of the world — from their number and great resources, 
even in America,— ^she ought to hasten to fulfill the 
just expectations of her own people,- as well as those of 
other communities, in contributing her full share to the 
Eciehce, piety, and civiBzation of ourc country. 

From the whole of qiXr ecclegiasticalliistory, it ap- 
pears, that, with the exception of the-Episcopal church, 
nil our religious communities have done^ well for their 
country. * 

The authorbegs that it may be understood, that- with 
the distinguishing tenets of oilr religious societies ho 
has nothing <b dj), nor yet with the excellencies or de- 
fecti3 of their ecclesiastical institutions. .They are no* 
ticed on no other ground than that of their reactive 
contributions to the science and civilization- of the 
country. . 

Th© last) but not the least of the means of our pre* 



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408 CIVILIZATION. 

aent eivilizatkm, are our excellent f(»iiis of government 
and the administrati(m of the lawsw 

In vain, as means of general reformation, are schools, 
crfleges,, and a ministry of the gospel of the best order. 
A land of Uberty is a land of crime, as well as^f virtue. 

It is often mentioned, as a matter of reproach to Eng- 
land, that, in proportion to her population,; they have 
more convictions, elocutions and transportations, than 
aay other country in Europe. Should it be asked, whA 
is the reason of the prevalence of crime in Englandl 
— Is it, that iiutnan nature is wwse there than else- 
where ? We answer no. There is more liberty there 
than elsewhere in Europe, and that is the true and only 
solution of the matter in question. Where a people are 
at Uberty to learn what they d^oose,. to think and act as 
they please, and adopt any profession for a living or a 
fortune, they are much more liable to fall into the com- 
mission of crimes, than a people who from their infan- 
cy have been accustomed to the dull, monotonous march 
of despotism, which chains each individual to die rank 
and profession of his forefathets, and does not permit 
liim to wander into the strange and devious padis of 
hazardous experiments. ' - 

In America, should a stranger read awhile our nu- 
merous publications of a religious nature, the reports of 
missionary and Kble societies, at first blush he would 
look upon the Americans as a nation of saints^ let him 
lay th^se aside, and read the daily newspapers, he w31 
change his opinion, and for the time being consider them 
as a lotion abounding in crimes of i;he most atrocious 
dye. Both portraits are true. , 

The greater the amount of freedom, the greater the 
neci^sity of a steady and faithful administration of jus- 
tice, but mote especially of criminal justice ; because a 
general diffusion of science, while it produces the most 
salutary effects on a general Bcale, , produces also the 
worst of crimes, by creating the gieater capacity for 
their commission. Theie is scarcely any arl or science, 
^which isnot in sorrio hands and under certain circum' 



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stances mad6 an mstruinent of the most atrocious vices* 
The arts of navigation and gunnery, so necessary for 
the wealth and defense of a nation, have often degene- 
rated into the crime of piracy. The beautiful art of en- 
graving, and the more useful art of writing, hate been 
used by the fraudulent for counterfeiting all kinds of 
public and private documents of criedit. Were it not 
for science and freedom, the importjtnt professions of 
theology and physic would not be so frequently assumed 
by the pseudo priBst and the quack without previous 
acquirements, without right, and for purposes wholly 
base and unwarrantable. 

The truth is, the western country is the region of ad- 
venture. If we have derived some advantage from the 
importation of science, arts and wealth ; we^ haveTon 
the other hand been much annoyed and endangered, 
as to our mpral and political state, by an immense im- 
portation of vice, associated with a high grade of sci- 
ence and the most consummate art in the pursuit of 
wealth by every description of unlawful means. The 
steady administratfon of justice has been our only safety 
from destruction, by the pestilential influence of so great 
an amount of moral depravity in our infant country. 

Still it may be asked whether fects warrant the belief 
that the scale is fairly turned in favor of science, piety 
and civihzation — \^hether in regard to these important 
endowments of our nature, the present time is better 
than the past, and the future hkely to be better than the 
present — whether we may safely consider our political 
institutions so matured and settled that our personal lib- 
^^7) projperty and sacred honor, are not only seemed to 
us for the present, but likely to remain the inheritance of 
our children for generations yet to come. Society, in 
its best state, resembles a sleeping volcano, as to the 
amount of latent moral evil which it always contains. 
It? is enough for public safety, and aU that can reason- 
ably be expected, that the good preponderate over the 
evil. The moral and politicS means, which have been 
so successfully employed for prevtoting a revolutionary 
25* 



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410 CIVILIZATION. 

explosion, have, as we trust, procrastinated the danger 
of euch an event for a long time to come. If we have 
criminals, they are speedily pursued and brought ^ 
justice. 

The places of our country, which still remain in their 
native state of wilderness, do~ not, as in many other 
countries, afford notorious lodgments for thieves. Our 
hills are not, as in the wilderness of Judea, " hills of 
robbers." The ministry of the holy gospel k enlight- 
ening the minds of our people with the best of all sci- 
ences, thatpf God himself, his divine government and 
man's future jBtate. 

, Let it not be thought hard that our forums of justice 
are so numerous, the style of their architecture so im- 
posing, and the business which occupies them so multi- 
ferious ; they are the price which freedom must pay for 
its protection. Commerce, circulating through its mil- 
lion channels, will create an endless variety of litigated 
clains. Crimes of the deepest dye, springing from sci- 
ence and hberty themselves, require constantly the vi- 
gilance and co^cion of criminal justice. Even the 
poorest of our people are solicitous for the education of 
their children. Thus the great supports of our moral 
and political state, resting on their firmest bases, pubUc 
opinion and attachment to our govemrnent and laws, 
promise stability for generations yet' to come. 



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SURPRISING adventures: 

A COPT OF A PAMPHLET PBINTEO ABOUT THE YEAR 
1800. 



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SURPRISING ADVENTURES. 



The affecting history of the dreadful distresses of 
Frederick Manheim^s family. 

Frederick Manheim, ^n industrious German, with 
his family^consisting of his wife, Catharine a daughter 
of eighteen years of age, and Maria and Christina his 
youngest children (twins) about sixteen, resided near 
the river Mohawk, eight miles west of Johnstown, in 
the state of New- York. On the 19th of October, 1779, 
the father being at work at some distance from his ha- 
bitation, and the mother^nd eldest daughter on a visit 
at ?i neighbor's, two hostile Canasadaga Indians rushed 
in and captured the twin sisters. 

The party to which these savages belonged, consisted 
of fifty warriors; who, after securing twenty-three of the 
inhabitants of that neighborhood, (among whom was 
the unfortunate Frederick Manheim,) and firing their 
houses, retreated for four days with the utmost precipi- 
tancy, till they were quite safe from pursuit. The plsice 
where they halted on the evening of the day of rest, 
was a thick pine swamp, which rendered the darkness 
of an uncommonly gloomy night still more dreadful. 
The Indians kindled a fire, which they had not done 
before, and ordered their prisoners, whom they kept to- 
gether, to refi-esh themselves with such provisions as 
they had.' The Indians ate by themselves. 



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414 SURPRISING ADVEirrURES. 

Instead of retiring to rest after supping, the appalled 
captives observed their enemies busied in operations 
which boded nothing good. Two saplings tvere pruned 
clear of branches up to the very top, and all the brush 
cleared away for several rods around them. While this 
was doing, others were splitting pitch pine billets into 
small splinters about five inches in length, and as small 
as one's Uttle finger, sharpening one end, and dipping 
the other in melted turpentine. 

At length, with countenances distorted by infernal 
fury, and with hideous yells, the twa savages^ who had 
captured the hapless Maria and Christina, leaped into 
the midst of their circle, and dragged those ill-fated 
maidens, shrieking, from the embraces of their com- 
panions. These warriors had disagreed about whose 
property the girls should be, as they had jointly seized 
them ; and to terminate the dispute, agreeably to the 
abominable usage of the savages, it was determined by 
the chiefs of the party, that the prisoners who gave rise 
to the contention, should be destroyed, and that their 
captors sliould be the principal agents in the execraWe 
business. These furies, assisted by their comrades, 
stripped the forlorfii giris, already convulsed with appre- 
hensions, and tied each to a sapling, with their hiands 
as high extended • above their heads as possible; and 
then pitched them from their knees to their shoulders, 
with upwards of six hundred of the sharpened splin- 
ters above described, which, at every puncture, brought 
forth screams of distress, that echoed and re-echoed 
through the wilderness. And then to complete the in- 
fernal tragedy, the splinters, all standing erect on the 
bleeding victims, were every one set on fire, and exhi- 
bited a scene of monstrous misery beyond the power of 
speech to describe, or even imagination to conceive. It 
was not until near three hours had elapsed from the 
comiiyencement of their torments, and that they had 
lost almost every resemblance of the human form, tliat 
these helpless virgins sunk down in the arms of their 
deliverer death. 



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flXTRPRISINa ADVENTURES. 415 

fSufferings of the Rev, John Corhly and family, — 
Related in a letter to the Rev, William Rogers, 
late pastor of the Baptist church in Philadelphia. 

^ Muddy Creek, Pa. July 8, 1785. 

Dear Sir: The following is a just and true account 
of the tragical scene of my family's falling by the sava- 
ges, which I related when at your house in Philadel- 
phia, and which you requested me to forward in wri- 
ting. On the second sabbath in May, in the year 1782, 
being my appointment at one of my meeting-houses, 
about a mile from' my dwelling-house, I set out with 
my dear wife and five children for public worship. Not 
suspecting any danger, I walked behind 200 yaxds, with 
tny BiUe in my hand, meditating. As I was thus em- 
ployed, all on a sudden I was greatly alarmed with the 
^fiightful shrieks of my dear family before me. I itn- 
m^iately ran with aH the speed I could, vainly himting 
a club as I ran, till I got within 40 yards of them. My 
poor wife seeing me, cried to me to make my escape, 
and an Indian at the same time ran up to shoot me, 
I had to strip, and by so doing outran him. My wife 
had a sucking child in her arms: this little infant they 
killed and scalped. They then struck my wife at sun- 
dry times, but not getting her down, the Indian, who 
aimed to shoot me, ran to her, shot her through the 
body, and scalped her. My little boy, an only son, 
about 6 years old, they sunk the hatchet into his brains, 
and thus dispatched him. A daughter, besides the in- 
fant, they also killed and scalped. My eldest daugh- 
ter, who is yet alive, was hid in a tree about 20 yards 
from the place where the rest were killed, and saw the 
whole proceedings. Seeing the Indians all go off, as 
ehe thought, she got up and dehberately crept out from 
the hoUo\v trunk; but one of them espying her, ran 
hastily up, knocked her down, and scalped her — also 
her only surviving sister, on whose head they did not 
leave more than one inch round, either of flesh or skin, 



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416 SURPRISING ADySHTTTRfiS* 

besides taking a piece out of her skulL She, coid thd 
before mentioued one, are still miraculoiiBly preserved, 
though, as you must think, I have had, and still have 
a great deal of trouble and expense with them, besides 
anxiety about them, insomuch that I ain, as to worldly 
circumstances, almost ruined. I am yet in hopes of 
seeing them cured, as they still, blessed be God, retain 
their senses, notwithstanding the painful qpcoration^ 
they have already and must yet pass through. 

At the time I ran round to see what was become of 
iny femily, and found my dear and affectionate wife, 
with five children, all scalped in less than ten minutet 
from the first outset, no one, my dear brother, can coiir 
ceive how I felt. This, you may well suppose, wasi 
killing to me. I instantly fainted away, and was borne 
off by a friend, who by this time had found us out 
When I recovered, oh the anguish of my soul ! I cried, 
Would to God I had died for them! would to God I 
had died with them! O how dark and mysterious di4 
this trying providence then appear to me ! but "why 
should I grieve, when grieving J must bear ?" 

This, dear sir, is a faithful though short narrative of 
that fatal catastrophe, and my life amidst it all, for what 
purpose Jehovah only knows, redeemed from surroimd- 
ing death. Oh, may I spend it to the praise and glory 
of his grace, who worketb all things £Uler the counsd 
of his own will. The government of the world and of 
the church is in his hands. May it be taught the im- 
portant lesson of acquiescing in all his dispensations* 

I conclude with wishing you every blessing, and sub- 
scribe myself, your affectionate, though afficted friend, 
and unworthy brother in the gospel mitiistry, 

JOHN CORBLY. 

Remarkable encounter of a white man with two hi- 
diajis. — In a letter to a gentleman of Philadel- 
phia, dated Westmoreland^ April 2%^ 1779. 

Dear Sir : I wrote you a note a few days ago, in 
which I promised you the particulars of an affair be- 



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Iwgen a white man of this county and two Indiafis. 
Now I mean to relate the whole story, and it is as follows ; 
The white man is upwards of sixty yeais of age. His 
name is David Morgan, a -kinsman to Col. Morgan of 
the rifle b&ttalion* This man had, through fear of the 
Indians, fled to a fort about twenty miles above the east 
wide of the Honong:ahela rr\'er. From thence he sent 
some of his younger childrf^n to. his plantation, which 
was about a mile distant, there to do some business in 
the field. He afterwards thought fit to follow, and see 
how they &red. Getting to his field, and seating him- 
self upon the fence, within view of his children whei« 
Aey were at work, he espied two Indians making to- 
wards them; on which he called to his children to make 
their escape. The Indians immediately bent their course 
towards him. He made the best haste to escape away 
Chat his age and consequent infirmity would permit; 
but soon found be would-be overtaken, which made him 
think of defense... Being armed with a good rifle, he 
faced about, and found himself under the necessity of 
running four or five perches towards the Indians, in or- 
der to obtain shelter behind a tree of sufficient size. 
- This unexpected maneuver obliged the Indians, who 
were close by, to stop, where they had but small timb^ 
to shelter behind, which gave Mr. Morgan an opportu- 
nity of shooting one of them dead upon the spot. The 
other, taking the advantage of Morgan's empty -gun, 
advanced upon him, and put him to flight a second time, 
and being lighter of foot than the old man, soon came 
up within ar few paces, when he fired, but fortunately 
missed him. On tliis Mr. Morgan faced about again, 
to try his fortune, and clubbed his firelock. The Indian, 
by this time, had got his tomahawk in order for a throw, 
at which they are very dextrous. Morgan made the. 
blow, and the Indian the throw, almost at the same in- 
stant, by which, the little finger was cut off Morgan's 
left hand, and the one next to it almost off, and his gun 
broke off by the lock. Now they came to close grips. 
Morgan got the Indian down ; but soon found himself 



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41& flU&PRISmG ▲DTENttTRES* 

overtiimedi and the Indian upon him, feeling ibr hk 
knife, and yelling most hideously, as tlieif manndt is, 
when they look upon victory to be certain. However, 
a woman's apron which the. Indian had plundered out 
of a house in the neighborhood, and tied ba him, above 
his knife, was now in his way, and so hindered his get- 
ting at it quickly,, that Morgan got one of his fingers 
fast in his i^aouth, and deprived him of the use of that 
hand, by holding it, and disconcerted him considerably 
by chewing it ; all the while observing how he would 
Qome on with his knife. At length the Indian had got 
hold of his knife, but so far towards the blade, that 
ly^organ got a small hdd pf the hinder end ; and as the 
Indian pulled it out of the scabbard, Morgan giving 
his finger a severe screw with his teeth, twitched it out 
through his hand, cutting it most grievously. By this 
time they were both got partly to their feet, and the In- 
dian was endeavoring to disengage himself ; but Mor- 
gan held fast by the finger, and quickly appUedthe point 
of the knife to the side of its savage owner : a bone hap- 
pening in the way, prevented its penetrating any great 
depth ; but a second blow, directed more toward^ the 
belly, found firee passage into his bowels. The old man> 
turned the point upwards, making a large wound, bury- 
ing the knife therein, and so took his dq>arture instant- 
ly to the fort, with the news of his adventure. 

On the report of Mr. Morgan, a party went out from 
^e fort, and found the first Indian where he had feUeh ; 
the second they found not dead, at one hundred yards 
distant firom the scene of action, hid in the top of a fall- 
en tree, where he had picked the knife out of his body, 
after which had come out parched corn, <fec. and had 
bound up his wound with the apron aforementioned ; 
and on the first sight he saluted them with, "How <k> 
do, broder? how do do, broder?" But alas ! poor savage, 
their brotherhood to him extended only to tomahawk- 
ing, scalping, and, to gratify some peculiar feelings of 
their own, skinning them both, and they have made 
drum-heads of their skins. 



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SURPRISING ADVENTURES. 419 

Singular prowess of a tvomati in a combat with some 
Indians,— ^In a letter to a lady of Philadelphia. 

Westmoreland, April 26, 1779. 

Madam r I have wrote, to Mr. - — -, of your city, an 
account of a very particular affair between a white man 
and tWQ^ Indians. I am noW to give you a relation in 
which you will see how a person of your sex acquitted 
he^elf dn defense of her own life, and that of her hus- 
band and children. 

The lady, who is thfe btirthen of this story, is named 
Experience BozartK She lives on a creek called Dun- 
kard cre^C, in the south-west corner of this t^ounty. 
About thejuiddle of March last, two or tchree families 
who were afraid to stay at home, gathered to her house, 
and there stayed, looking on themselves to be safer than 
when «,11 were scattered about at their own houses. 

On a. certain day, some of the children thus collected 
came running in from play in great haste, saying there 
were ugly red men. One of the men in the house, step- 
ped to thfe door, where he received a ball in the side of 
his breast, which caused him to fall back into the^ house. 
The Indian was immediately in over him, and engaged 
with another man who was in the house. The man 
tossed the Indian on a bed, and called for a knife to kill 
him, (Observe theSe \vere all the rtien that were in the 
house.) Now Mrs. Bozarth appears the only defense, 
who not finding a knife at hand, tdok up an ax that lay 
by, ^nd with one blow cut out the ordains of the Indian. 
At that' instant (for all was instantaneous), a second In- 
dian entered the door, and shot the man dead, who was 
engaged with the Indian on the bed. Mrs. Bozarth 
turned to this second-Indian, and with her ax gave him 
several laf£fe cuts, some of which let his entrails appear. 
He ^awted out murder, murder. 

On this, sundry other Indians (who had hitherto been 
fuUy etnployed killing some children out of doors ) came 
xiishing to his relief ; one of whose heads Mrs. Bozarth 



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420 BtTRPRISING ABVENTXTREI^* 

clove m two with her ax, as he $tuck it in at the doot, 
which laid him flat upon th& soil. Another snatched, 
hold of the Wounded bellowing feU©w, and pulled hini 
out of doors, while Mrs. Bozarth, withihe assistance of 
the man who was first shot in the door, and who by this 
time had a little recovered, shut the door after them, and 
made it fast, where they kept garrison for several days, 
the dead white man and the dead Indian being l;)oth in 
the house with them, and the Indians about tbe^ouse 
besieging them. At length they were relieved by a 
party sent for the purpose. 

This whole affair to shutting the door, was not per- 
haps three minutes in acting. I an^ &c. 

Accoimt of ike snfferings-of Massy Herbeson and 
her family, who were taken prisoners hy a party 
of Indians.— Given on oath before John WUkins, 
Esq, one of the justices of the peace for the com^ 
monwealth of PenTisylvania. 

- PiTTSBpRG, May 21, 1792. 

Massy Herbeson, on her oath, according to law, be^ 
ing taken before John Wilkine, Esq. one of the com^ 
monwealth's justices of the peace in and for the county 
of Allegany, deposeth a,nd saitb, that on the 22d<iay 
of this monthj she was taken from her own house with- 
in two hundred yards of Reed's block-house, which is 
called twenty -five miles from Pittsburg; her husband 
being one of the spies, was from home ; two of the scouts 
had lodged with her that night, but had Jeft her house 
about sunrise, in order to go to^the bk>ck-1iouse, and had 
left the door standing wide open. Shortly ^fter the two 
scouts went away, a number of Indians came into the 
house, and drew her out of the bed by the feet; the Jwo 
eldest children who ako lay in another bed, were dra\m 
out in the same nfianner ; a younger child, about one 
year old, slept with the deponent. The Indians then 
scrambled nbout the articles in the -house; when they 
were at this work, the- deponent wpnt out of the house, 



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SURPRISING ADVENTITBES. 421 

^uid hallooed to the people ia the block-house ; one of 
the Indians then ran up and stopped her mouthy another 
ran up with his tomahawk drawn, and ^ third ran and 
seized the tornahawk and called her his squaw ; this last 
Indian claijned her as his, and contiixued by her ; about 
fifteen of the Indians then ran down towards the block- 
house, and fir^d their guns at the block and sroreThouse, 
in consequence of which one soldier was^iilled and an- 
other wouaded, one having been at the spring, and the 
other in coming or looking out of the store-house. 
. This deponent then told th6 Indians there were about 
forty men in the block-house, and each man had two 
guns ^ tJte Indians then went to them that were firing 
at the block-house, and brought them back. They then 
began to drive the deponent and her children away ; but 
a boy, about three years old, being unwilling to leave 
the house, they took by the'ieels, and dashed it against 
the house, then stabbed and scalped it. They then took 
the deponent and the two children to the top of the hill, 
where they stopped untH they had tied up the plunder 
they, had got. While they were busy about this, the 
deponent counted them, aad the number amounted to 
thirty-two, including two white men, that were with 
them, painted like Indians. 

That several of the Indians could speak English, 
and that she knew three or four of them very well) 
having often seen them go up and down the Allegany 
river : two of them she knew to be Senecas, and two 
Munsees, who had got their guns mended by her hus- 
band about two years agOv That they sent two In- 
dians with her, and the others topk their course towards 
Puckty. That she, the children, and the two Indians, 
had not gone above two hundred yards when the In- 
dians caught two of her uncle's horses, put her and the 
youngest child on one and one of the Indians and the 
other child oh the other. That the two Indians then 
took her aiid the children to the Allegany river, and 
took them over in bark canoes, as they could not get 
the horses to swim the river. After they^ had crossed the 



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422 SURPRISING APVENTUR]^. 

river, the oldest chSd, a boy about five years of age, be- 
gan to mourn for his mother, wlien one of the Indians 
tomahawked and scalped him. That they traveled all 
day very hard, and at night arrived at a large camp, 
covered with bark, which by ajipearance might hold 
fifty men ; that the camp appeared to have been occu- 
pied some time ; it was very much beaten, and large 
beaten paths went out in different directions from it ; 
that night they took her about three hundred yards 
from the camp, into a large dark bottom, bound her 
arms, gave her some bed elothes, and laid down one on 
each side of her. That the next morning they took 
her into a thicket on the hill side, arid one remained 
with her till the middle of the day, while the other 
went to watch the path, lest some white people should 
follow them. They theq exchanged places during the 
remainder of the day ; she got a piece of dry venison, 
about the bulk of an jcgg, that day, and a piece about 
the sapae size the day they were marching; that even- 
ing (Wednesday the 33d), they moved her to a new 
place, and secured her as the night before. During the 
day of the 23d she made several attempts to get the 
Indian's gun or tomahawk that.was^arding her, and 
could she have ^ot either, she would have put him to 
death. Sha was nearly detected in trying to get the 
tomahawk from his, belt. 

The next morning (Thursday), one of the Indians 
went out as on the day before to watch the path. The 
other lay downf and fell asleep. Wlien she found he 
was sleeping; she stole her short-gown, handkerchief 
and a child's frock, and then rnade her escape, the sun 
being about an fiour high. That she took her course 
from the Allegany, in order to deceive the- Indians, as 
they would naturally pursue her. that way ; that day 
she traveled along Conequesirig creek. The next day 
she^ altered her course, and, as she believes, fdl upon 
the waters of Pine creek,, which empties into the Alle- 
gany. Thinking jh\3 not her best course, she took 
over some^ divided ridges, and fell in on the he^ of 



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Wftl»RlSlNO ADVENTtTRES. 423 

Squaw run, lay on a dividing ridge on Friday night, 
Bind on Saturday came to Squaw run ; continued down 
(he run until an Indian or some other person shot at a 
deer ; she saw the person about one hundred and fifty 
yards from her, the deer running and the dog pursuing 
it, which, from its appearance, she supposed to be an In- 
dian dog. 

Sh^ then altered her course, but again* came to the 
«ame run, and continued down it until she got so tired 
that slie was obliged to lie down, it having rained on 
her all that jday and the night before ; she lay there that 
night, it raining constantly. On Sunday morning she 
proceeded down the run until she came to the Allegany 
river, and continued down the river until she came op- 
petite to Carter's house, on the inhabited side, where she 
mad^ a noise, and Jamea Closier brought her over the 
river to Carter's house. 

Thi& depcment further says, that in conversation with 
one of the Indians, that could talk English very well, 
which she suspects to be George Jelloway, he asked her 
if she knew the pris(Hier that was taken by Jeffers and 
his Senecas, and in jail in Pittsburg? She answered 
BO. He said, you lie. She again said she knew noth- 
ing about him ; he said she tied, that he was a spy, and 
a great captain ; that he took Butler's scalp, and that 
they would ^have him pr twenty scalps ; he again said, 
that they would exchange for him ; that he and two 
more were sent out to see what the Americans were 
doing ; that they came round from Detroit to Venango ; 
the Indian took paper, and shewed her that he, at Fort 
Pitt, could write and draw on it ; he also asked her if a 
campaign was going out against the Indians this sum- 
mer ; she said no; he called her a liar, and said they 
were going out, and the Indians would serve them as 
they did last year ; he also said the English had guns, 
ammunition, <S6C. to give them to go to ^var, and that 
they had given them plenty last year. This deponent 
also says, that she saw one of the Indians have Capt 
Crab's sword, which she woU knew ; that one of the 
26 



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494 mntTuimnQ AD^uvrvmiaih 

Indians asked her if she knew Thoinas Gkiy ; sbesttd 
she did ; he then said that Girty lived neair Fort Pkt } 
that he was a good man^ but not as good as^Us bro4ber 
at Detroit, but that his wife was a bad woEnan ; she (eU» 
lies on the Indians, and is a friend to Amj^rica.' Swofm 
before me the day and year first above written, 

JOHN WILKINS. 

Sufferings of Peter Williamson^ om of the settlers 
in the back parts of Pennsylvania.^- Written by 
himself 

I was bom within ten mUes (rf the town of Aberdeen, 
in the north of Scotland; of reputable parents. At eight 
years of age, being a sturdy boy, I was tetken notice of 
by two felloirs belonging to a vessel, employed (as the 
trade then was) by some of the worthy merchants ot 
Aberdeen, in that villainous and execraUe practice of 
stealing young chUdreii finom their parents, and selling 
them as slaves in the plantations abroad, and easily en- 
ticed on board the ship by them^ where I was conducted 
between decks to some others they had kidnapped m 
the same manner^ and in about a month's^me set sail 
for America. When we arrived at Philadelphia, the 
captain sold us at about sixteen pounds per head. What 
became of my unhaj^ companions I never knew ; 
but it was my lot to be sold for seven years to one of 
my countrjrmen, who had ki his youth been kidnapped 
Hke mysel]^ but from another town. 

Having no children of his own, and commiserating' 
my condition, he took care of me, indulged me in going' 
to school, where I went every winter for five jeaxa, and 
made a tolerable proficiency. With this good master I 
continued till he died, and, as a reward for my ^sdthful 
service, he left me two hundred pounds currency, which 
was then about an hundred and twenty pounds sterling*, 
his best horse, sraddle, and all his wearing apparel. 

Being iiow seventeen years old, and my own mas- 
ter, having money in my pocket and all other necessa- 
ries, I employ^ myself in jobbing for near seven years ; 



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«tTRPRI18tKa ADVENTTJHES. 485 

t^hen I resolved to settte, Btnd mamed the daughter of 
« substantial planter. My fatker-m-law made me a 
deed of gift of a tract of land that lay (unhappily for 
me, as it has since proved,) on the frontiers of tne priy 
vince of Pennsylvania, near (he forks of the Delaware, 
containing about two hundred aci^s, thirty of whi<^ 
were ^mU cleared and fit for immediate use, on which 
were a good house and bam. The [4ace pleasing me 
wen I settled on it. My money I expended in buying 
49tock, 'bowsekoid furniture, and implements £:»: out-oi^ 
door work ; ^md being happy in a good wife my felicity 
wa^ccnnplete: but in 1764, tlie Indians, who had for 
a long time brfore ravaged and destroyed other parts 
of America wiwioiested, began oow^io be very trouble- 
i5ome on the frontiers of our provmoe,^herethey gene- 
rally appeared in small skulking parties, committing 
great devastations. 

Terrible and shocking to human natuie were the 
Imrbarities <feiiiy committed by these savages ! Scarce 
did they paa^ but some unhappy famHy or other fell vic- 
tims to their cruelty. Terrible, indeed, it proved to me, 
as well as to many others. I that was now happy in an 
easy sta^ of Kfe, blessed wilfc an, affectionate and ten- * 
der wife, became on a sudden one of the most unhappy 
of mankind. jScaroe can I sustain the liiock which 
forever recurs c» recollecting the fatal second •«€ Ooto- 
•ber, 1754. 

My wife that day went from home, to visit some of 
tier relations. As I stayed up later than usual, expect- 
ing her retnm, none being in the house besides myself, 
how great was my surprise and terror, when about eleven 
o'clock at night, I heard a dismal war-whoop of the sav- 
ages, and found that my house was beset by them. I 
flew to my chamber window, and perceived them to be 
twelve in number. Having my gun loaded, I threat- 
ened them with deaths if they did not retire. But how 
vain and fruitless are the efforts of one meoi against the 
tmited force of so many blood-thirsty monsters ! One 
ef ibem that couki speak English, threatened me in re- 



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428 mjRftLlBTSO AI>V£NT«SB9. 

turn, '^ that if I did not come out, they wduld bum toe 
alive," adding, however,.^* that if I wocdd come out and 
surrender myself prisoner, they would not kfll me." fa 
each de[dorabIe circumstances, I chose to rely on tbeir 
promis^, rather than meet death by rejecting them , aad 
accordingly went out of the house, with my gun in 
hand, not knowing that I had it. Immediately on my 
approach they rushed on me like tigers, and instantly 
disarmed me. Having me thus in their power they 
bound me to a tree, went into the house, ]:dundered it 
of every thing they could carry off, and then set fire to 
it, and consumed what was left before my eyes. Not 
satisfied with this, they set fixe to my barn, stable, and 
out-houses, wherein were about 200 bushels of wheat, 
six cows, four horses and five sheep, all which' were con- 
sumed to ashes. 

Having thus finished the execrable business about 
which they came, one of the monsters caiwe to me with 
«t tomahawk, and threatened me with the worst of 
deaths, if I would not go with them. This I agreed t^ 
and then they untied me, and gave me a load to carry, 
under which I travded all that night, full of the most 
terriWe apprehensions, lest my unhappy wife should 
likewise have fallen into their cruel power. At day- 
break, my infernal masters ordered me to lay down nay 
load, when tying my hands again round a tree, they 
forced the blood out at my finger ends ; and then kind- 
ling a fire near the tree to \vhich I was bound, the most 
dreadful agonies seized me, concluding' I was going to 
be made a sacrifice to their barbarity. . The fire bein J 
made, they fw some time danced round me after their 
manner, whooping, hollowing, and shrieking in afright- 
ful manner. Being satisfied with this sort of mirth, they 
proceeded in another manner, taking the burning coals, 
and sticks flaming with fire at the ends, holding them 
to my face, head, hands and feet, and at the same time 
threatening to burn me entirely if I cried out. Thus 
t(»rtured as L was, almost to death, I sufifered their bru- 
talities, without being allowed to vent my anguish othr 



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erwise'thai!! by-sfaeddmg sXieni tears; and these bemg 
observed, they took fresh coak, and applied them hear 
my eyes;^ teUing me my face was- wet, and that they 
would dry it foj: me, which indeed they cruelly did. 
How I underwent these tortures has been matter of won- 
der to me, but God enabled me to wait with more than 
common ppitience for the deUveranee I daily pray ejd for. 

At length they sat down round the fii^e, and roasted 
the meat of which they had robbed my dwelling. When 
tjiey had supped, they offered some to me. Though it 
may easily be imagined I had but little app^ite to eat, 
after the tortures a^d jniseries I had suffered, yet was I 
forced to seen[i pleased with what they offered me, lest 
by refusing it, they should re-assume their helli^ prac- 
tices. What I. could not eat I contrived to hide,^ they 
having unbound me till they imagined I had eat all; 
but. then they bound ,me as before; in which deplorable 
Condition I was forced tocontinue the whiole day. When 
the Sim wits set, they put out the fire, and covered the 
ashes with leaves, as is their usual custom, that the 
white people might not discover any traces of theijr hav- 
ing been there. ^ 

Going from theQce along the Susquehanna, for the 
space of six miles, loaded as I was before, we arrived at 
a spot near the Apalachian mountains, or Blue-hills, 
where they hid their plunder under logs of wood. From 
thence they proceeded to a neigliboring house, occupied 
by one Jacob Snider and his unhappy family, consisting 
of his wife, five children, and a young man his servant. 
*rhey soon got admittance into the unfortunate man's 
hou^e,. where they immediately, without the least re- 
morse, scalped both parents and children: nor couldthe 
tear$, the shrieks or cries of poor innocent children, pre- 
vent their horrid massacre. . Having thus scalped them, 
and plundered the house of every thing that was mo- 
vable, they set fire to it, and left the distressed victims 
amidst the flames. 

Thinking the young man belonging to this unhappy 
family would be of service to them in carrying part of 
26* . 



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438 fluiiPRidiN;^ adtektures. 

their plunder, they spared his life^ and loaded him nxA 
myself with what they had here got, and again march- 
ed to the Blue-hills, where they stowed the ^oods as be- 
fore. My fellow sufferer could not support the crud 
treatment which we were obliged to suffer, and c(Wft- 
plaining bitterly to me of his being unable to proceed 
any further, I endeavored to animate him^ J>ut all in 
vain, for hfi still .continued bis moans and tears, which 
one of the savages percerv^ing, as we traveled along, 
came up to us, and with his tomaliawfc gave him a Wow 
on his head, which felled the unhappy youth to the 
ground, whom they immediately scalped and left. Tb^ 
suddenness of this murder shocked me to that degree 
that I was in a manner motionless, expecting my fete 
would soon be the same. However, recovering my dis- 
tracted thoughts, I dissembled thy anguish as well as"! 
could from the barbarians ; but still, such was my terror, 
that for some time I scarce knew the day^of the week 
or what I did. , 

They, still kept on their course near the mountains, 
where they lay sktdking four or live day$, 4*ejoicing at 
the plunder they had got. When provisions^ became 
scarce, they made their way towards the Susquehanna, 
and passing near another house, inhabited by an old 
man, whose name was John. Adams, with his wife and 
four small children, and meeting \vith no resistance, 
ihey immediately Scalped the mother and all her chil- 
dren before the old man's eyes. Inhuman and horrid 
as this was, it did not satisfy them; for when they had 
murdered the poor woman, they acted with her in such 
a brutal manner, as decency will not permit me to men- 
tion. The unhappy husband, not being able to avoid 
the sight, entreated them to put an end to his miserable 
being ; but they were as deaf to the tears and entreaties 
of this venerable sufferer, as they had been to those of 
the others,"and jwoceeded to burn and destroy his Jiouse, 
barn, com, hay, cattle, and every thing the poor man a 
few hours before was master of. 

Having saved what they thought proper from the 



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StJRt^lttjSlNG ADVENTtJRtld.. 429 

flameSj they gave the old man, feeble, weak, and in the 
i&iserable condition he then wasj as well as mydelf, bur- 
dens to carry, and loading themselves Ukewise with 
bread aiid rtieat^ pursued their journey towards the Great 
Swamp* Here they lay for eight or nine days diverting 
themselves at times in barbarous cruelties on the old 
man : sometimes they would strip him naked, and paint 
him all over veith various sorts of colors; at other times 
would pluck the white hairs from his head, and taunt- 
ingly tell him, "he was a fool for living so long, and 
that Aey should shew him kindness in putting him out 
of the world." In vain were all his tears ; for daily did 
they tire themselves with the various means they tried 
try torment him; semetimes tying him to a tree, and 
whipping him; at other times, scorching his furrowed 
cheek with red-hot coals, and burning his legs quite to 
the knee§» 

One night after he liad been thus tormented, whilst 
he and I were condoling with each other at the miseries 
we daily suffered, twenty-five other Indians arrived, 
bringing with them twenty scalp and three prisoners, 
who had unhappily ^Eillen into their hands in Conoco- 
cheagiie, a small town hear the river Susquehanna, 
chiefly inhabited by the Irish. These prisoners gave 
us some shocking accounts of the murders and devas- 
tations committed itf their parts ; a few instances of 
which will enable the reader to guess at the treatment 
the provincials have suffered for years past. This party, 
who now joined us, had it not, I found, in their power 
to begin their violences so soon as those who visited my 
habitation, the fifst of their tragedies being on the 85th 
of October, 1764, when John Lewis, with his wife and 
three small children^ were inhumanly scalped and mur- 
dered, and his house, bam, and every thing he possess- 
ed burnt and destroyed. On the 28th, Jacob Miller, 
with his wife aad six of his family, with every thing 
oil his plantation, shared the same fate. The 30th, 
the house, mill, barn, twclnty head of cattle, two teams 
of horses, and every thing belonging to George Folke, 
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430 SfTRPRISINO ADVEirnmK9. 

met with the like treatment, himself, wife, and all hid 
miserable ^aimily, ccmsisting of nine in number, bein^ 
qealped, then cut in pieces and given to the swine. One 
of tne substantial traders, belonging to the province, 
having business that called him some miles up the coun* 
try, fell into the hands of these rufiians, who not only 
scalped him, but immediately roasted him before he was 
dead ; then l)ke cannibals, for want of other food, ate 
his^hole body, and-of his head made what they called 
an Indian pudding. 

From these few instances of. ravage cruelty, Ihede- 
I^orable situation of the defenseless inhabitants, and 
what they hourly suffered in that piut of the ^obe, must 
strike the utmost horror, and cause in every breast the 
utmost dete^station, not only against the aothois, but 
Htgainst those who, through inattei^on, or pusillani- 
mous or erroneous principles, suffered the savages at 
first, uhrepelled, or even uimiolested, ta commit such 
outrages, depredations and murders. 

The three prisoners that were brought with these 
additional forces, constantly repining at thek hi, and 
almost dead with their excesrive hard treatm^t, c(m- 
trived at last to make their escape; but being £str from 
their own settlements, and not knowing the country^ 
were soon after met by some others of the tribes, or nar 
tions at war with jus, and brought back. The poor 
creatures, almost famished fc^- wantx)f sust^iance, ha^ 
ving had none dming the time of their escape, were 
no sooner m the power of the barbarians, than two of 
them were tied to a tree, and a great fire made^round 
them, where they - remained till they w^e terribly 
scorched and burnt; when one of the villains with his 
scalping knife ripped open thdr bellies, took out thek 
entrails, and burned them before their eyes, whiU 
the others were cutting, piercing and tearing the flesh 
from their breasts, hands, arms and legs, with red-hot 
irons, tfll they were dead. The third unhaf^y victim 
was reserved a few hours longer, to be, if possible, sa- 
crificed in a more cxnel mann^; . his arms were Ued 



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9VEI»]iIffl2rO ADVBlffURKS, 431 

do6e to his body, and a hole being dug, deep ^Mwh 
fcHT him to stitnd upright, he was put into it, and me 
earth rammed and bes^ in all round his body up to his 
neck, so that his head only appeared above ground. 
They then scalped him, and there let him remain for 
three or four hours, in the greatest agonies ; after which 
Uiey made a small fire near his head, causing him to 
su^r the most excruciating torments; whilst the poor 
creature could only cry for mercy by killing him imme- 
diately, for his brains were boiling in his head. Inexo- 
rable to all he said, they continued the fire till his eyes 
gushed out of their sockets; such agonizing tonnents 
did this unhappy creature suffer for near two hamrs he- 
fore he was quite de»i« They then cut ofi* his head, 
and buried it with the other bodies ; my task being to 
dig the graves, which, feeble and terrifi^ as I was, the 
dread of suffering the same fote enabled me to do. 

A gnat snow now foiling, the barbarians were fear- 
ful lest the white people should, by their tracks, find 
ottt their skulking retre^, which obliged them to make 
the best of their way to their winter quarters, about 
two hundred miles further from any pkntaticai or in<- 
habitants. After a long and psunful journey, being al- 
most starved, I arrived with this infernal crew at Ala- 
mingo. There I found a number of wigwams, full of 
Iheir women and children. Dancing, singing and 
shouting, were their general amusements : and in cdl 
their festivals and dances, they relate' what successes 
they have had and whs^ damages they have sustained 
in their expeditions, in which I now unhappily became 
part of their theme. The severity of the cold increas- 
ing, they stripped me of my clothes for their own use, 
and gave me such as they usually wore themselves, 
being a piece of a blanket, a pair of moocasons, or shoes, 
with a yard of coarse cloth, to put round me instead of 
breeches. 

At Alamingo I remained near two months, till the 
snow was off the ground. Whatever thoughts I might 
have of making my escape, to carry them into execu- 



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433* StTRPRIfilKO ADVENTfTRElS; 

tion was impracticable, being ao far from any planta- 
tions or white people, and the severe weather rendering 
my limbs in a manner quite stiff and motionless. How- 
ever, I contrived to defend ijiywlf against the incle- 
mency of the weather as well as I could, by making 
myself a little wigwam with bark of the trees, covering 
it with earth, which made it resemble a cave ; and, to 
prevent the ill effects of the cold, I kept a good fire al- 
ways near the door. My liberty of going about, was, 
indeed, more than I could have expected, but they well 
knew the impracticability of my escaping from th6m. 
Seeing me outwardly easy and submissive, *hey would 
sometimes give me a Uttle meat, but my chief food was 
Indian corn. At length the time came when they were 
preparing themselves for another expedition against the 
planters and white people ; but before they set out, they 
were joined by many other Indians. 

As soon as the snow was quite gone, they set forth 
on their journey towards the back parts of the province 
at Pennsylvania, all leaving their wives and children 
behind in the wigwams. They were now a formidable 
body, aihounting to near 150. My business was to car- 
ry what they thought proper to load me with, but they 
never intrusted me with a gun. We marched on seve- 
ral days without any thing particular occurring, idmost 
femished for want of provisions; for my part, I had 
nothing but. a few stalks of Indian corn, which I was 
glad to eat dry ; nor did the Indians themselves fare 
much better ; for as we drew near the plantations they 
were afraid to kill any game, lest the cfoise of their gunsi 
diiould alarm the inhabitants: 

When we again arrived at the JBlue-hills, about thirty 
miles from the Irish settlements before-mentioned, we 
encamped three days, though God knows we had nei- 
ther tents nor any thing else to defend us from the in- 
clemency of the air, having nothing to lie on but the 
grass,— their usual method of lodging, pitching, or en- 
camping, by night, being in parties of ten or twelve 
men to a fire, where they lie upon the grass or brusbj 



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wr&l^ped up in a blanket^ tirkh their feet to the fire. 
During our last stay here, a sort of council of war was 
held, when it was agreed to divide themselves into 
companies of about twenty men each ; after which « very 
captain marched with his party where he thought pro- 
per. I still belonged to my old masters, but was left 
behind on the mountains with ten Indians, to stay till 
the rest would return, not thinking it proper to carry 
me near^ to Oonococheague or the other plantations. 

Here I began to meditate an espape, and though I 
knew the country round extremely well, yet I was very 
cauticHis of giving the least suspicion of any such in- 
tuition* However, the third day after the grand body 
left us, my companions thought proper to traverse the 
mountains in search of game for their subsistence, leav- 
ing me bound in such a manner Uiat I could not escape: 
at night, when they returned, having unbound me, we 
all sat down together to supper on what they killed, 
and soon after (being greatly fatigued with their day's 
excursion) they compelled themselves to rest as usual. 
I.QiOW tried various ways to ascertain whether it was a 
scheme to prove my intentions or not; but after making 
a noise and walking about, sometimes touching them 
with my feet, I found there was no fellacy. Then I 
re^Kdved, if possible, to get one of their guns, and, if 
^scovered? to die in my defense, rather than be taken: 
for that putpose I made various efforts to get one from, 
under their u^ads, where they always secured them, but 
in vain. Disappointed in this, I began to despair of 
carrying my design into execution : yet, after a little 
reflection, and trusting myself to the Divine protection, 
I set forward, naked and defenseless as I was. Such 
was my terror however,, that in going from them I 
h^^ted, and paused every four or five yards, looking to- 
wards the spot where I had left them, lest they should 
awake and miss me ; but when I was two hundred 
yards from them, I mended my pace, and made as 
mudi baste as I possibly could to the foot of the moun-* 
tains; when, on a sudden, I was struck with the great- 



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434 MJipRitiiro iBVMifTVtMil 

eti terror at hearing the wood-cry, as it is caUed, wbic^ 
the savages I bad left were making upon missiDg thdr 
charge. The more my terror increased, the faster I 
poshed on, and, scarce Icnowing where I trod, drove 
through the woods with the utmost precipitation, some- 
times fiedling and tniiising myself, cutting my feet and 
legs against the stones in a miserable manner. But 
mat and maimed as I was, I continued my flight till 
dayl»reak, when, widiout having any thing to sustain 
nature but a Uttle c<»m, I crept into a hollow tree, where 
I lay very snug, and returned my prayers and4hank» 
to the Divine Being, who bad thus far favored my ee* 
cape. But my repose was in a few hours destro3red at 
hearing the voices of the savages near the place where 
I had hid, threatening and Utlking how they would 
use me, if they got me again. However, they at last 
left the efK>t, and I remained in my apartment a&Jthat 
day without further molestation. 

At n^ht I ventured forward!! again, but thinking 
each twig that touched me a savage. The third day I 
concealed mysdf in like manner as before, and at nigbt, 
traveled, keeping off the mean road as much as possi- 
ble, which lengthened my journey many miles. But 
how shall I describe the terrcff I felt on the fourth night 
when, by a rustling I made amcmg the leaves, a party 
of Indians, that lay round a small fire, which I did not 
perceive, started from the ground, and, seizmg their 
arms, ran from the fire amongst the woods. WheUier 
to move forward or rest where I was I knew not, when 
to my great surprise and joy, I was reliev^ by a pared 
of swine that inade towards the (dace where-I guessed 
iht savages to be ; who, on sedng them, and imagining 
that they had caused the alarm, very merrily returned 
to the fire, and lay again down to sleep. Bniided, cr^ 
pled, and terr^ed as I was, I pursued my journey tOl 
bredc erf day, when, thinking myself safe, J lay down 
under a great bg, and ^ept till ^xmt nocm. Beft»re 
evening I reached the summit of a great hill, and look-^ 
ing out if I could spy any halHtatiotis of white peo^ 



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to igy inexpressible joy. I saw swne which I guessed' to 
be about ten miles distant. 

In the morning Icontinued my journey towards the 
nearest cleared lands I had seen the day before, and, 
^about four o'clock in the afternoon, arriroJat \be house 
of John Bell, an old acquaintance, where knocking at 
the door, his wtfe, A\4io opened it, fieeing'me in such a 
frightful condition, flew from me^ sereaining, into the 
house. This alarmed the wholo family, who immedi- 
ately fled to their arms, and I was soon accosted by the 
master with his gun in his hand. But orT"^iaking my- 
self known, (for he before took me to blS^'an Indian,) 
he immediately caressed me, as did all his family, with 
textraordinary friendship, the repoit of my l3eing mur- 
dered by the savages having reached them some months 
before. For two days and nights they very affection- 
ately supplied me with all necessaries, and carefully at- 
tended me -till my spirits and lim)3s were pretty well re- 
covered, and I thought myself able to ride, when I bor- 
xowed of these good people ( who^e klntlness merits my 
most grateful returns) a horse and some' clothes, and set 
forwards for my fether=in-law's house in Chester county, 
about one hundred and forty miles fVom thence, wliere 
I arrived on the 4th day of January, 1755, .( but scarce 
one of the family could credit their eyesj believing with 
the people I had lately left, that I had fallen a prey to 
the Indians,) where I was received and embraced by 
the whole fa^mily with great affection* Upon inquiring 
for my dear wife, I fSundshe had been dead two months ! 
'This fatal news greatly lessened the joy I otherwise 
should have felt at my deliveiance from the dreadful 
3tate and company I had been in. 

Remarkable adventures of Jackson Johonnot^ a sol- 
dier binder General Harmur and General fSt. 
Clair, containing an account of his captivity, svf 
ferijigSy and escape from the Kickappoo Indians, 

. There is seldom a niore difficult task undertaken by 
man than the act of writing a narrative of a person's 



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43^ raftl^RiaUfO^ ADVfiNTUSStf* 

»WQ Ufe, eapecudly where the incidents border on tbt 
marvelous. Prodigies but seldom happen, and th^ ve- 
racity of the rckters of them is stUl les^s frequently 
vouched for. However, as the di^pen^tions of Provi- 
dence towards me have h^^ too striking not to make a 
deep and grateful impression, and as the principal part 
of them can be attested by.^ving evidences, I shall pro- 
ceed, being confident that the candid reader viriQ pardon 
the inaccurades of an illiterate soldier, and that the 
tender^iearted will drop ajtear of syinp8^hy,.wh«Qthey 
realize the fl^erings of such of our unfortunate coun- 
try folks a»>«kU into the hands of the western Indians, 
whose tender mercies are cruelties. 

I was born and brought up at Falmouth, Cascorbajr, 
whefe I resided imtil I attained to the seventeenth year 
of my age. My parcAts were poor, the farm we. occur 
pied smcdl and hard to cultivate, their family large ai^d 
expensive, and every v^ray fitted to spaxe me to seek a 
separate fortune; at least these ideas ha(f gained so 
great an ascendency in my mind, that I determined, with- 
the consent of *my parents^ tp look oul. fqr a mean of 
6upp(M:ting m3rself. 

Having.fixed on tl^e matter firmly,! took Wve of my 
friend^ and sailed the 1st of May$ 1791, on board^ a 
schooner for Boston. Beiiig arrived at this capital, and 
entirely out of employ, I had uneasy sensations, and 
more tha^ once sincerely .wished myself at home with 
my parents. However, as I had set out on an impor- 
tant design, and as yet met with no misflSfrtune, pride 
kept me from this act, while necessity urged me to fix 
speedily on some mode of obtaining a Uv^lihood. 

My mmd was severely agitated on this subject one 
mornio^ when ayoun^ ofiicer came iato my room, and 
soon entered into conversation on the [Measures of a mU- 
iCary life, the great chance there was for an active young 
man to obtain promotion^ and the grand pro^)ect open- 
ing for making great fortunes in 3ie western country. 
His discourse had the. desired effect 5 for after treating 
mc with a bowl or two of punch, I enlisted^ with a firm 



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SlTRPRISINa APVEITTVHEa. 437 

promise on his side to a^ist me in obtaining a sergeant's 
warrant before the party left Boston. 

An entire new scene now opened before me. Instead 
of becoming a sergeant, I was treated severely for my 
ignorance in a matter I had till then scarcely thought of, 
and insultingly ridiculed for remonstrating against the 
conduct of the oflficer. I suffered great uneasiness on 
these and other accounts of a similar kind, for some 
time ; at length, convinced of the futility of complaint, 
I applied myself to study the exercise, and in a few days 
became tolerably expert. 

The beginning of July we left Boston, and proceed* 
ed on our way to join the western army. When we 
arrived at Fort Washington, I was ordered to join Capt, 
Phelon's company, and in a few days set out on the ex- 
pedition under Gen. Harmar. Those alone who have 
experienced, can tell what hardships men undergo in 
such excursions : hunger, fatigue and toil, were our con- 
stant attendants. However as^ our expectations were 
rakred with the idea of easy conquest, rich plunder, and 
fine lauds in the end, we made a shift to be tolerably 
merry : for my own part, I had obtained a sergeantcy, 
and flattered myself I was in the direct road to honor, 
fame and fortune. 

Alas ! how fluctuating are the scenes of life ! how 
singularly precarious the fortune of a soldier ! Before 
a single opportunity presented, in which I could have a 
chance to signalize myself, it was my lot to be taken in 
an ambuscade, by a party of Kickappoo Indians, and 
•with ten others constrained to experience scenes, in com- 
parison, of which our former distresses sunk into noth- 
ing. We were taken on the bank of the Wabash, and 
immediately conveyed to the Upper Miami, at least such 
of us as survived. The second day after we were ta- 
ken, one of my companions, by the name of George 
Aikins, a native of Ireland, became so faint with hun- 
ger and fatigue, that he could proceed no further. A 
short council was immediately held among the Indians 
who guarded us, the result of which was that be should 



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438 «X7RPRI8INa ADVENTTJREA. 

be put to death. Thb war no sooner determined ofi, 
than a scene of Unture began. The captain of tbe 
guard approached the wretched victim who lay upon 
the ffTound, and with his knife made a circular inckkm 
on the skuU; two others immediatdy pulled off Uie 
scalp ; after this they each of them struck him on the 
head with their tomahawks, then stripped him naked, 
fstabbed him with their knives in every sensitive part of 
the body, and left him weltering in blood, though not 
quite dead, a wretched victim to Indian rage and helM 
barbarity. 

We were eight days on our march to the Upper MB- 
amij during which painful travel, no pen can descrite 
our sufferings from hunger, thirst and toil. • We wwe 
met, at the entrance of the town, by above five hundred 
Indians, besides ]^uaws and childr^ who were hppnr 
eed of our apfn'oach by a most hideous yelling made by 
our guard, and answered repeatedly from the village. 
Here we were all severely beaten by the Indians, knd 
four of our number, viz. James Durgee of Concord, 
Samuel Fors3rthe of Beverly, Robert Deloy of Marble- 
head, and Uzz Benton of Salem, who fainted under 
their heavy toils, were immediately scalped and toma- 
hawked in our presence, and tortured to death with 
every infliction of misery that Indian ingenuity could 
invent. 

It was the 4th of August when we were taken, and 
our unhappy companions were massacred on the 13th* 
News was that day received of the destruction of liar- 
mar's army; numbers of scalps were exhibited by the 
warriors, and several prisoners, among whom were 
three women and six children, carried through the vil- 
lage, destined to a Kickappoo settlement further west- 
ward. The 15th of August, four more of my fellow 
prisoners, viz. Lemuel Saunders of Boston, Thomas 
Tharp of Dorchester, Vincent Upham of Mistiek, and 
Younglove Croxal of Abingdon, were taken from us; 
but whether they were massacred or preserved alive I 
am \maUe to say. After this nothing material occur- 



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•VRFRISINa ADVENTURS0. 439 

r^ for a f(Htnight, dxc($pt that We were several times se* 
vercly whipped on the receipt of bad news, and our at 
lawance of provisions lessened) so that we were a{^re- 
hensive of starving to death, k we did not fall an im- 
mediate sacriiSce to the fire or tomahawk; but heaven 
had otherwise decreed. 

On the night following the 30th of August, our 
guard, which consisted of four Indians, tired out with 
watching, laid down to sleep, leaving only an old squaw 
to attend us. Providence so ordered that my companion 
had, by some means, got one of his hands at iib^y, 
and having a knife in his pocket, soon cut the withs that 
IxNind his feet, and that which pinioned my arms, un* 
perceived by the old squaw, who sat in a drowsy positicMi, 
not suspecting harm, over a small fire in the w^wam. 

I ruminated but a few moments on our gituadcm. 
There was no weapon near us, excq)t my companion's 
knife, which he still held. I looked on him to make 
him observe me, and the same instant sprung and grasp- 
ed the sqqaw by the throat to prevent her making any 
noise, and my comrade in a moment cut her throat from 
ear to ear, down to the neck bone. He then seized a 
tomahawk and myself a rifie, and striking at the same 
instant, dispatched two of our enemies. The sound of 
these blows awakened the others; but before they had 
time to rise, we renewed our strokes on them, and luck- 
fly to so good an effect as to stun them; and then re- 
peating the blow, we sunk a tomahawk in each of theif 
heads, armed ourselves completely, . and taking what 
provisions the wigwam afforded, we committed our? 
selves to the protection of Provulence, and made the 
best of our way into the wilderness. 

The compass of a volume would scarce contain the 
events of our progress ihrough the wilderness ; but as 
they were uninteresting to any but us, I shall only ob- 
serve generally, that the diflSculties of the journey were 
too great to have been endured by any who had.less in* 
terest than life at stake, or a less terrible enemy than 
Indians to fear. Hunger, thirst and fiitigue, were our 



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440 mmMiiBTtsa ADVfiKTintct* 

eon^ant companions. We traveled hard day and nigte) 
except the few hours absolutely requisite for repoee^ that 
future might not sink under her ofjpressionj at whkh 
period one constantly watched while the other sl^. In 
this tiresome mode, we proceeded until the 15th of Sqn 
tembefi having often to shift our direction on account 
6f impassable bogs, deep morasses and hideous precipi* 
ces, without meering any adventure worthy of note. 
On the m(M*ning of the 15th, as we were steering near* 
ly a north course in order to avoid a bog that interrupt* 
ed our course southeast^ we found the bodies of an dd 
man, a woman and two children, newly murdered, 
stript and scalped. This hon-id spectacle chilled our 
\Aood' We viewed the wretched victims, and from 
wJiat we could collect from circumstances, concluded 
that they had been dragged away from their homes, and 
tfieir feiet being worn out, had been inhumanly mur- 
deced, and left weltering in their blood/ We were at a 
great loss now to determine what course to steer; at 
rength we pitched upon a direction about northwest, and 
walked on as^ fast as possible to escape the savages, if 
practicable.- 

About noon this day we came to a good spring, which 
wns a great relief to us, but which we had great i-eason 
a few" minutes afterwards to believe would fee the last of 
our earthly comforts. My companion, Richard Sact- 
viUe, a corjjoral of Capt. Newman's company, stepjped 
aside into th6 thicket, on some occasion, and returned 
with the account that a few rods distant he had disco- 
vered four Indians with two miserable wretches bound, 
tatting under a tree eating; and that if I would join 
him, he would either relieve the captives or perish la 
(^attempt. The resolution of my worthy comrade 
pleased me greatly ; and bb no time was to be los^ we 
set immediately ab6ut the execution of our design. 
Sackville took the lead, and conducted me undiscovered 
within fifty yards of the Indians. Two of them were 
kid down, with their muskets in their arms, and ap- 
peared to be asleep; the othet two sat at the head of 



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the prisoners, their muskets resting ngtdnst their left 
ihoulders, and in their right hands each a tomahawk 
over the heads of their prisoners. We each chose our 
man to fire at, and taking aim deliberately had the sa* 
tisfeu^tion to see them both fall. The others instantly 
started ; and seeming at a loss to determine from 
whence the assault was made, feU on their beUies, and 
looked oareftdly arouud to discover the best course to 
take. Meantime we had recharged, and shifting our 
position a little, impatiently waited their rising. In a 
minute they raised on their hands and knees, and ha- 
ving as we supposed discovered the smoke of our guns 
rising above the bushes, attempted to crawl into a thick* 
et on the opposite side. This gave us a good chance^ 
and we agam fired at different men, and witli sudi 
efiect, that we brought them both down; one lay mo- 
tionless, the other crawled along a few yards. We 
loaded in an instant, and rushed towards them, yet 
keeping an eye on the latter, as he had reached hia^ 
comrade's gun, and sat upright in a posture of defense. 
By our noise in the bushes he discovered the direction 
to fire, alas too fatally ! for by this faXal shot I lost my 
comrade and friend Sackville. 

At this moment the two prisoners who were close 
pinioned, endeavored to make their escape towards me; 
but the desperate savage again fired, and shot one of 
them dead ; the other gained the thicket within a few 
yards of me. I had now once more got ready to firoi 
and discharged at the wounded Indian. At this dis- 
charge I wounded him in the neck, from whence I per- 
ceived the blood to flow swiftly ; but he undauntedly 
kept his seat, and having new charged his guns, fired 
upon us with them both, and then fell, seemingly fi-om 
faintness and loss of blood. I ran instantly to the pin- 
ioned white man, and having unbound his arms, and 
armed him with the unfortunate Sackville's musket, we 
cautiously approached a few yards nearer the wounded 
Indian ; when I ordered my new comrade to fire, and 
saw the shot take effect. I'he savage still lay motion- 
27 



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44S CVrnPRItlNO ABVEtrtVRK^ 

hm. Am mxm as my companion had reloacted, we a^ 
proached the Indian, whom we found not quite dead) 
and a tomahawk in each hand, which he flourished at 
us, seemingly determined not to be taken aUve, I, for 
my own part, determined to take him alive, if possible; 
but my comrade prevented me by shooting him through 
the body. 

I now inquired of my new companion what course 
we ought to steer, and whence th^ party came, from 
whose power I bad delivered him. He informed me 
with respect to the course, which we immediately took, 
and on the way let me know that we were within about 
three dsiysl' march of Port Jefferson ; that he and three 
others were tak^i by a party of ten Wabash Indians 
four days before in Uie neighborhood of that fort ; that 
two of his companions being wounded, were imme- 
diately scalped and killed ; that the party, ^t the time 
of tak^ig him, had in their possession seven other pri- 
soners, three of whom were committed to the charge of 
a party of four Indians ; what became of them he knew 
not ; the others being worn down with fatigue, were 
massacred the day before, and which I found to be those 
whose bodies poor Sackville had discovered in the thick- 
et ; that the other two Indians were gone towards the 
settlements, having sworn to kill certain persons whose 
names he had forgotten, and that destruction seemed to 
be their whole drift. 

My comrade, whose name on inquiry I found to be 
George Sexton, formerly a resident of Newpcwrt, Rhode 
Island, I found to be an excellent woodsman, and a 
man of great spirit, and so grateful for the deliverance 
I had been instrumental in obtaining for him, that he 
would not suffer me to watchrfor him to sleep but one 
hour in the four and twenty, although he was so fe- 
tigued as to have absolute need of Ibl much greater pro- 
portion ; neither would permit me to carry" any of our 
baggage. 

From the time of being joined by Sexton, we steered 
a southeast course as direct as jpossiblc, until the 18th 



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towards night, directing our course by tbe sun and the 
moss on the trees by cUiy, and the moon by night. On 
the evening of the 18th, we providentially fell in with 
an American scouting party, who conducted us saf^^y 
in a few hours to Fort Jefferson, where we were treated 
with great humanity^ and supplied with the refreshr 
ments the fort afforded, which to me was very accepta* 
ble, as I had not tasted any thing except wild berries 
and ground nuts for above a week. 

The week after our arrival at Fort Jefferson, I wa« 
able to return to my duty in my own regiment, which 
the latter end of August joined the army on an expedi- 
tion against the Indians of the Miami village, the place 
lit which I had suffered so much, and so recently, and 
where I had beheld so many cruelties perpetrated on 
unfortunate Americans. It is easier to conceive than 
describe the perturbation of my mind on this occasion. 
The risk I should run in common with my fellow 
CK^diers, seemed hightened by the certainty of torture 
that awaited me in case of being captured by the sava- 
ges. However, these reflections only occasioned a firm 
jresolution. of doing my duty vigilantly, and selling my 
life in action as dear as possible, but by no means to be 
taken aUve if I could evade it by an exertion short of 
suicide. 

My captain showed me every kindness in his power 
on the march, indulged me with a horse as often as 
possible, and promised to use his influence to obtain a 
commission for me, if I conducted well the present ex- 
pedition. Poor gentleman ! little did he think he was 
soon to expire gallantly fighting the battles of tis coun- 
try ! I hasten now to the most interesting part of my 
short narrative, the description of General St. Clair's 
defeat, and the scenes which succeeded it. 

On the 3d of November we arrived within a few 
miles of the Miami village. Our army consisted of 
about 200 regular troops and nearly an equal number 
x>f militia. The night of the 3d, having reason to ex- 
ftci an attack, we were ordered under arms about mid- 



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444 tVRPRItlNa ▲BTSNTURSt. 

night, and kept in order until just befiure day-%fat, at 
which time <mr scouts haying been sent out in yaiioai 
directions, and no enemy discovered, we were dismissed 
from the parade to take some refreshment. The men 
in general, almost worn out with fetigue, had thrown 
themselves down to repose a little ; but their rest was of 
short duration, for before ^nrise the Indians b^ana 
despemte attack upon the militia, which soon threw 
them into disorder, and fwced them to retire precipi- 
tately into the very heart of our camp. 

Good God ! what were my feelings, when, starting 
from my slumbers, I heard a tremendous firing all 
round, with yellings, horrid whoopings and expiring 
groans, in drectdful discord sounding in my ears. I 
seized my arms, mn out of my tent with several of my 
e<»nrades, and saw the Indians with their bloody to- 
mahawks and murderous knives butchering the flyii^ 
militia. I fled towards them filled with desperation, dis- 
charged my firelock among them, and had the satisfac- 
tion to see one of the tawny savages fall, whose toma- 
hawk was that instant elevated to strike a gallant oflS- 
cer, then engaged sword in hand with a savage in fi'ont 
My example, I have reason to think, animated my com- 
panions. 

Our own company now reached the place we occu- 
pied, and aided by the regulars of other companies and 
regiments, who joined us indiscriminately, we drove 
the Indians back into the bush, and soon after formed 
into tolerable order, under as gallant commanders as 
ever die<J in defense of America. The firing ceased 
for a few minutes, but it was like the interval of a tor- 
nado, calculated by an instantaneous reverse to strike 
the deeper horror. In one and the same minute, seem- 
ingly, the most deadly and heavy firing took place on 
every part of our camp : the army, exposed to the shot 
of the enemy, fell on every side, and drenched the plains 
with blood, while the discharge from our troops, direct- 
ed almost at random, I am fearful did but HtUe execu- 
tion. Orders were now given to charge with bayoneta. 



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«nRPjElISIN<3 ADVENTURES. 445 

.We obeyed with alacrity. A dreadful ewarm of fewny 
savages rose from the ground,' and fled J)efore us. But 
alas I our bflfioers, rencjered conspicuous by their exer- 
tions to stimulate the men, became victims to savage in- 
genuity, and fell so fast in common with the rest, that 
scarce a shot appeared as spent in vain. Advantages 
gained by the bayonet, were by this means, and want 
^ due support, lost again ,^ and oiir little corps obliged, 
in turny repeatedly to give way before the Tndian.s. 

We were now reduced to less than half our original 
njumber of regular troops, and less than a fourtli part of 
officers, our horses all killed, or taken, our artillery men 
'all ijut off, and the pieces in: the Enemy's hands. In 
this- dreadful dilemma we had no*Jiing to do but to at- 
tempt a retreat, which soon became a flight, and for se- 
veral miles amidst the yells of Indians, more dreadful 
to my ears than screams of damned fiends to my ideas, 
amidst the groans of dying m^n, and the dreadful sight 
of bloody massacres on every ^ide perpetrated by the 
Indians on the unfortunate creatures they overtook. I 
endured a degree of torture no tung can describe or 
-heart conceive; yet I -providentially escaped uiihurt, 
and frequently discharged my musket, I am persuaded 
with effect. ^ . - ' 

Providence was pleased to sustain-my spirits and pre- 
serve my strength ; and although I had been so far 
spent previous to setting out on the expedition a& to be 
qn^ble to go-upon fatigue for several days, or even to 
bear a thoderate degree of exercise, I reached Fort Jef- 
ferson the day after the action, about ten in the morn- 
ing, having traveled on foot to effect it. 

- 27* ' . 



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APPENDIX. 



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APPEN]>IX. 



The author of the History of the Valley had intend- 
ed to postpone ihe subject of the following pages, and 
gire the subject mattet thereof in.a second edition ; but 
at the request of a highly respectable subscriber, and 
on consul^g the printer, it is found that this addition 
to his work will not greatly increa.se the expense of the 
present volume. It is therefore deemed expedient to 
gratify public curiosity by giving the following sketches. 
If any one should be found incredulous enough to 
doubt the correctness of his statements, he can only say 
to such individuals, that they can have ocular proof of 
the truth of each by taking the trouble to examine for 
themselves* 

- ' !• - 

Fcice of the country. 

That portion of the valley lying between the Blue 
ridge arid Little North mountain, is generally about an 
average of twenty-five miles wide, commencing at the 
Cohongoruton (Potomac), and running from thence a 
southerly course to the commencement of the northern 
termination of Powell's Fort mountains, a distance of 
about forty-five miles. 

This region, it has already been stated in a preceding 



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450 jlppevshx. 

cbapter, when the country was first known to the white 
people, was one entire and beautiful prairy, with the ex- 
ception of narrow fringes of, timber immediately bor- 
dering on the water courses. The Opequon, (pronoun- 
ced Opeckon) heads at the eastern ba^e of the Little 
North mountain, and thence passing through a fine 
tract of limestone country seven or eight mites, enters 
into a region of slate land. This tract of slate country 
commences at the northern termination of Powell's 
Fort mountains, and is some six or eight miles in width 
east and west, and continuesio the Potomac a distance 
of about forty-five mile^. The Opequon continues its 
serpentine course through the slate region, and empties 
into the Potomac about fifteen or sixteen miles above 
Ifarpers-Ferry. It is thought by Borne individuals that 
this water course is susceptible of navigation for smaH 
craft, twenty-four or twenty-five miles from its mouth. 
This slate region of country is comparatively poor, un» 
productive land ; yet in the hands of industrious and 
skillful farjwers, many very Valugible and beautiful farma 
are to be seen in it. About twenty years %o a scientific 
Frenchman suggested to the author the opinion "that 
this region of sfeie country was, at some remote period 
of the world, covered with a mountain, an attf-asion.ctf 
which had taken place by some greai convulsion of na- 
ture. This he inferred from an examination of the 
base of the Fort mountain, — ^the stratum of the slate 
at the foot of which b^ing precisely simito tathat of the 
elate at the edges of the region of this slate country." 
The author wiU not venture an opinion of his own on 
this subject, but has given that 6f an individual who it 
was said at the time was a lilan of considerable philo^ 
sbphiccd and scientific acquirements. 

East of this slate country commences another regies 
of Jine limestone land, averaging ten^jr twelve nailes in 
width, and f<H: its extent certainly unsurpassed in point 
of neural beauty, fertility and value, by any section tjf 
cotmtry in Virginia. . 

Powell's Fort presents to the eye much grandeur and 



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APPENDIX. 451 

sublimity. Tradition informs us that an Englishman 
by the name of Powell, at the early settlement of our 
country, discovered silver ore in the West Fort moun- 
tain, and commenced the business of money coining ; 
and when any attempts were made to arregt him, he 
would escape intt> the mountain and conceal himself. 
From this circumstance it acquired the name of PowelPs 
Fort. The late Capt. Isaac Bowman, about thirty years 
ago pointed out to the author the site of PowelPs shop, 
where it was said he wrought his metal, the ruins of 
which were then to be seen. Capt. Bowman also in- 
formed the author that several crucibles and other in- 
struments, which he had frequently seen, had been 
found about the ruins of this shop, so that there is nb 
doubt of the truth pf the tradition that this man Powell 
was in the practice of melting down some kind of me- 
tal, if he did not actually counterfeit money. 

The grandeur and suWimity of this extraordinary 
work of nature consist in its tremendous hight and sin- 
gular formation. On entering the mouth of the fort, 
we are struck with the awful hight of the mountains 
on each side, probably not less than a thousand feet. 
Through a very narrow passage, a bold and beautiful 
stream of water rushes, called Passage creek, which a 
short distance below works several fine merchant mills. 
After traveling two or three miles, the vaUey gradually 
widens, and for upwards of twenty miles furnishes ara- 
ble land, and affords settlements for eighty or ninety fa- 
milies, several of whom own very valuable farms. The 
two mountains run parallel about 24 or 25 miles, and 
are called the East and West Fort mountains, and then 
are merged into one, anciently called Mesinetto, now 
Masinutton mountain. The Masinutton mountain con- 
tinues its course about 35 or 26 miles southerly, and 
abruptly terminates nearly opposite Keisletown, in the 
county of Rockingham. This range of mountains di- 
vides the two great branches of the Shenandoah river, 
called the South and North forks. This mountain, up- 
wi the whole, presents to the eye something of the shape 



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453 APPENDIX. 

of the letter T, or pachapsmore thedhapeof thehoum 
and tongue of a wagon. 

The turnpike road from Newmarket, crossing Ma- 
sinutton and Kue ridge into the county of Cupper, is 
held as private property. The dwellmg-house where 
the toll is received stands on the summit of Masinut- 
ton, from which each of the valleys of the North aad 
South rivers presents to the delighted vision of the tra- 
vder a most enchanting view^f the counjtry for a vast 
distance.. The little thnfty village of Newmarket, with 
a great number of forms and their various improve- 
ments, are seen in ftiU reUef. On the east side of the 
mountain, on the South river and Hawksbill ereek, are 
to be seen a number of fine farms, niaixy of them stud- 
ded vrtth handsome brick buikHngSk Upon the whdt, 
the traveler is amply rewarded, by this gratifying sighti 
for his labor and fatigue in ascending the moun^fdOi 
which is said to be two miles from its base to its summit 
There is a considerable depression where the road 
crosses at this place^ called Masinutton gs^p. 

Ptom the East Fort mountain, at a point nearly af- 
posite Woodstock, the South river presents to the eye 
precisely the appeamnce of three distinct streams of wa- 
ter crossing the yalley from the western base of the K»e 
ridge to the foot of the Fort mountain. At. the north- 
cm end of the West Fort mountain, from an emin^ace, 
Winchester can he distiiictly se^ M a distance of not 
less than sixteen miles, air li^easure, and a great por* 
tion of the county of Frederick can be overlooked from 
this elevated point* There is also an elevated fcmi 
about five mUes south of Front Boyal, on the road 
l^ing from thence to Lutay, from which there is » 
most ravishing view of the eastern section of the«wn^ 
ty of Frederick, and the tops of the mountaint bonlet- 
ing on the north side of the Cohongoruton. 

After leaving this eminence, and proceeding south' 
erly towards I^ray, from the undulating fcwrm of thi 
country between the South river and Blue ridge, for a 
distance of 14 or 15 miles, it appears constant^ to th^ 



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APPENDIX. 



453 



i(niir^et: as if be were nearly approaching the foot of a 
^considerable moimtain, and yet th6re is noah to cross 
hid vmy. The South river, for 70 or ^0 jnilea on each 
side, affords large jwoportions of fine alluvial lands — itx 
inany part^ of it first-rate high latids, which are gene- 
rally finely improved, and owned by-many wealthy and 
highly respectable proprietors. The nfew county of 
Page, Jbr its extent^cpnlains as much intrinsic wealth 
es any county west of the Blue ridge, \vith the excep- 
tion of Jefferson* . 
. The valley -of the Nor^h river, from the West Fort 
mountain to the eastern base of the Little North moqn,- 
teip, is generally fine limestone land, undulating, and 
finely watered. It is also fcighly improved, with a den- 
irity of ipopiilatidn perhaps unequaled by any section of 
Virginia ^ and it is believed there is more ca^h in the 
Jhands of its citizens than' in any part of the state for 
the same extent ' . , 

It is hardly necessary ia state that the three counties 
of Jefferson, Berkeley and Frederick, contain a greater 
proportion of fertile lands, than. any other section of the 
state ; but unfor-tunately, it majy with truth be afiirmed 
th?ct it is a badly watered country- There ate many 
jieigliborhoods in .which nothing^^ like a spring of water 
is ta be ^een. U is iiowever true, that there are many 
fine large, limestone springs^ remarkable for the great 
4)uantity of water which is discharge d from them. But 
nature appears to have distributed her^favors in this re- 
4Bpcct unequally- 

The counties of Morgan, Hampshire and Hardy, are 
remarkable for their mountains and fine freestone wa- 
ter* From the mountainous character of this section, 
"It is but sparsely inhabited in many parts of it. The 
South and North branches of the Cohongoruton (Poto- 
mac) af&rd considerable quantities of as fine fertile al- 
luvial land as.aiiy part of the United States. Patter- 
.son's ereek also fiirnishes a considerable body of fine 
land. Capon river. Lost river, and Baek creek, furnish 
jpiuch fine land, and are ^1 thickly populated. 



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45i APPEWDlJt. 

The wiestern ports of Berkeley, Frederick and She- 
nandoah, include considerable portions of mountainous 
country. The Little North mountain commences n^r 
the Cobongoruton, having Back„ creek valley on the 
west, which extendi about 35 miles into the interior, to 
the bead waters of the creek. This mountain runs a 
southerly course, parallel with the Great North moun- 
tain, passing through the three counties just mentioned* 
This tract of mountainous land is eomparatively poor 
and unproductive. It is, however, pretty thickly popu* 
lated, by a hardy race of people. In our mountains 
generally, wherever spots of arable land are to.be £Dund 
(which are chiefly in the glens), ihere scattered settlers 
are to be found also. 

East of the Shenandoah river the Blue ridgeis thickr 
ly populated, and many fine productive farms are tob^ 
seen. The vast quantity of loose stone thickly scatter- 
ed over the surface of this mountain, one would be r^a- 
dy to believe would deter individuals from attemptmg 
its cultivation ; but it is a common saying among those 
people, that if they can only obtain as much earth as 
will cover their seed grain, they arealways sure of good 
crops. , 

A public road crosses the Blue ridge, from the South 
river valley into the county of Madison. From the 
western base of the mountain to the summit, is saidjto 
he five miles. On the top of the mountain, at thfe 
place, there _is a large body of level land, covered al- 
most exclusively with large chestnut timber, having the 
appearance of an extensive swamp, and producing vast 
quantities of the skunk cabbage. But little of it has 
been reclaimed and brought into cultivation.^ Jt produ- 
ces fine crops of grass, rye, oats, potatoes and turnq)ai ; 
but it is said to be entirely too moist for the production 
of .wheat, and too cool for the growth of Indian com. 
The people in. its neighhorhood say that there is not a 
week throughout the spring, slimmer and autumn,with- 
out plentiful fells of rain, and abundant siiows in the 
Winter, In the time of loiig droughts on each side of 



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the mountain, this elevated tract of country is abundant- 
ly supplied with rains. It is also said, that from this 
great hight nearly the whole county of Madison can be 
seen, presenting to the eye a most fascinating and de- 
lightful view. 

On the summit of the West Port mountain, about 
16 miles south of Woodstock, there is also a small tract 
of land, remarkable for its depth of fine rich soil, but 
inaccessible to the approach of man with implements of 
husbandry. This tract produces immense quantities of 
the finest chestnut, though from the great difficulty of 
ascending the mountain, but Utde benefit is derived fiom 
it to the neighboring people. 

In our western mountains small bodies of rich lime- 
stone lands are to be met with, one of the most remark- 
able of which is what is called the " Sugar hills," pretty 
high up the Cedar creek valley. This tract is said to 
contain four or five hundred acr^s, and lies at the east- 
em base of Paddy's mountain. It derives its name 
from two causes ; first, when discovered it was covered 
chiefly with the sugar maple ; and secondly, several of 
its knobs resemble in shape the sugar loaf. Its soil is 
peculiarly adapted to the production of wheat of the 
finest quality, of which, let the seasons be as they may, 
the land never fails to produce great crops, which gene- 
rally commands seven or eight cents per bushel more 
than any other wheat grown in its neighborhood. The 
Hessian fly has not yet been known to injure the crops 
while growing. 

Paddy's mountain is a branch of the Great North 
mountain, and is about 18 or 20 miles long. It takes 
its name from an Irishman, whose name was Patrick 
Black, who first settled at what is now called Paddy's 
gap in this mountain. This fact was communicated to 
the author by Moses Russell, Esq. 



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456 AFPBNDIX. 

n. 

Natural curiosities. 

It would require perhaps several volumes to give a. 
minute description of all the natural and interesting cu- 
riosities of our country. The inquisitive individual can 
scarcely travel more than a mile or two in any direction 
among our mountains, but some sublime and grand 
work of nature presents itself to the eye, which excites 
his wonder and admiration. The author must there- 
fore content himself with a brief description of a com- 
paratively few of the most remarkable. He will com- 
mence his narrative with Harpers-Ferry. This won- 
derful work of nature has been so accurately deo^ribed 
by Mr. Jefferson that it is deemed unnecessary to give a 
detailed description of it. Suffice it to say, that no stran- 
ger can look at the passage of the waters of thcr Poto- 
mac and Shenandoah, rushing Ihtough the yawning 
gap of the mouAtain, without feeling awe at the gran- 
deur and subUmity of the scene, and ready to prostrate 
himself in adoration before that omnipotent God whose 
almighty arm hath made all things according to bis own 
wisdom and power. 

It is much to be regretted that a Capt. Henry, during 
the administration of the elder Adams in 1799, when 
what was called the provisional army was mising, and 
a part of which W8is stationed at Harpers'Ferry, greatly 
injured one among the most interesting curiosities of 
this place. A rock of extraordinary shape and of con- 
siderable size stands on the brink of a high hill, on the 
south side of the tung or point of land immediately in 
the fork of the river. The apex of this rock was a 
broad jBat table, supported on a pivot, on which Mr. Jef- 
ferson, during his visit to this plaoe, inscribed his name^ 
from whence it took the name of Jefferson's rock. 

The years 1798 and 1799 were a period of extraor- 
dinary poUtical excitement. Thfr two great political 



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AFPB^DIX. 457 

parties, federal and democratic, of our country, were at 
this period completely organized, and an interesting 
struggle for which party should have the ascendency 
was carried on. This same Capt. Henry, whether ac- 
tuated by the same motive which impelled the Macedo- 
nian youth to murder Philip his king, or whether he 
hoped to acquire popularity with his party, (he calling 
himself a federalist,) or whether from motives purely 
hostile towards Mr. Jefferson and all the democratic 
party, placed himself at the head of a band of soldiers, 
and with the aid of his myrmidons hurled off the apex 
of this rock, thus wantonly, and to say the least, unwise- 
ly destroying the greatest beauty of this extraordinary 
work of nature. By this illiberal and unwise act Capt. 
Henry has "condemned his name to everlasting fame." 

Caves in the county of Jefferson, — About seven 
or eight miles above Harpers-Ferry, on the west side 
of the Shenandoah, nearly opposite the Shannondale 
springs, from a quarter to a half mile from the river, a 
limestone cave has been discovered, which contains se- 
veral beautiful incrustations or stalactites formed from 
the filtration of the water. 

Near Mecklenburg (Shepherdstown), another cave 
has been found, out of which considerable quantities of 
hydraulic limestone is taken, and when calcined or re- 
duced to lime, is found to make a cement little if any 
inferior to plaster of paris. Out of this cave a concre- 
ted limestone was taken, which the author saw in the 
possession of Dr. Boteler of Shepherdstown, which at 
first view presents to the eye, in shape, a striking resem- 
blance to that of a fish of considerable size. A smaUer 
one was found at the same time, which has a strong re- 
semUance to a mink. Severed intelligent individuals 
were induced to believe they were genuine petrifactions. 

Caves in the county of Frederick. — In the county 
of Frederick are to be seen five or six of those caves. 
Zane's cave, now on the lands owned by the heirs of 
the late Maj. James Bean, is the one described by the 
late Mf. Jefferson in his "Notes on Virginia." This 



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458 APPENDIX. 

cave the authcH' partially explored about eighteen mofithi 
ago, but found it too fatiguing to pursue his examina- 
tion to any considerable extent. The ne^ural beauty of 
this place has of late years been greatly injured by the 
smoke from the numerous pine torches uscmI to light it 
All theincrustations and spars are greatly darkened, giv- 
ing the cave a somber and dull appearance. . The au- 
thor was informed, on his visit to this place, that Maj. 
Bean, shortly before his death, cut out several of the 
spars, reduced them to lime, sprinkled it over some of 
his growing crops, and found that it produced all the 
effects of gypsum. 

On the lands late the residence of Oapt. Edward 
McGuire, deceased, is another cave of some considera^ 
ble extent ; but its incrustations and spars are of a mud? 
dy yellowish color, and not considered a very interest- 
ing curiosity. 

Adjoining the lands of Mr. James Way, the former 
residence of the late Col, C. M. Thruston, an extensive 
cave of very singular and curious formation was disco- 
vered itiany years ago. On exploring it with the aid of 
a pocket compass, the needle was found running to eve- 
ry part of it. 

On the east side of the Shenandoah river, some two 
or three miles below Berry's ferry, at the base of the 
Blue ridge, a cave of considerable extent has been dia* 
covered, containing several curiosities. About two 
miles below this cave, on the same side of the river, is 
to be seen what was anciently called Redman's fishery. 
At the base of a rock a large subterraneous stream of 
water is discharged into the river. At 4he j^roach of 
winter myriads of fish make their way into this subter- 
raneous stream, and take up their winter quarters; Ib 
the spring they return into the river. By placing a fish 
basket in the mouth of the cavern, gr^at quantities of 
fine fi:esh water fish are taken, both in the autumn and 
spring of the year. The author recollects beii^ at this 
place upwards of fifty years ago, jiist after Mr. ftediuan 
had tftken up his fish basket, and can safely aflirm; that 



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^TFBNBIX. 



K9 



he drew out of the water from two to Arce busheb of 
fish at a single haul. 

On Crooked run, near Bethel meetmg house, on the 
lands now owned by Mr. Stephen Grubb, is a limestone 
cave, which the author has more than once been in. 
It does not exceed one hundred yards in length, and is 
remarkable only for its production of scdtpetre, and pre- 
serving fresh meats itt hot weather. 

The Panther cave on the north biank of Cedar creek, 
owned by Maj. Isaac Hite, about a half or three fourths 
of a mile west of the great highway from Winchester 
to Staunton, is a remarkable curiosity. -Nature hsts here 
formed a most beautiful and solid upright wall of gray 
limestone rock, of about one hundred yards in length, 
near the west end of which is to be seen an elegant 
arch, of about sixty feet in front, ten or twelve feet high 
in the center, and extending twenty-five or thirty feet 
tinder the body of the wall. There are two circular 
l^pertures running into the body of the rock from the 
arch, one about twelve inches in diameter, the other 
Bomewhat smaller. Whether these openings do or do 
not lead into large apartments or caverns in the body of 
the rock, is not and probably never will be known. 
Tradition relates that at the early settlement of the 
country this place was known to be the hant and habi- 
tation of the panther, from which it derives its name. 

We have two natural wells in this county ; one at 
what is called the Dry marsh, a diain of the Opequon, 
about two miles east of the creek, not more than a quar- 
ter of a mile north of the road leading from Winches- 
ter to Berryville. This natural well in dry seasons fur- 
nishes several contiguous families with water. It is 
formed by a natursd circular opening in an apparently 
solid limestone rock. Its walls are undulating, and in 
tifnes of dry seasons the water sinks some sixteen or 
eighteen feet b^low the surface, but at all times furnishes 
abundant supplies. In the winter, no matter how great 
the degree of cold, small fish are frequently drawn up 
with the water from the well. In times of freshets, the 
28 



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4M IPFSXTDUE. 

water rises above the surface, and dischargee a most 
beautiful current for several weeks at a time. Tradi- 
tion relates that this well was discovered at the first set- 
tlement of the neighborhood. 

The other natural well is the one described by Mr. 
Jefferson. This natural curiosity first made its appear- 
ance on the breaking up of the hard winter of 1779-80. 
All the old people of our country doubtless recollect the 
great falls of snow and severity of this remarkable win- 
ter. The author was born, and Uved with his fiither'a 
family until be was about thirteen years of age, within 
one and a half oiiles of this natural well. The land 
at that period was owned by the late Col. Fielding liewisr, 
of Fredericksburg, Va., but is now the property of the 
heirs of the late Mr. Thomas Castleman, in the neigV 
borhood of Berry villei Nature had here formed a cir- 
cular sink of a depth of some fourteen or fifteen feet, 
and fifty or sixty feet in diameter at the surface. In 
the spring of the year 1780, the earth at the bottom of 
this sink suddenly gave way and fell into the cavity be^ 
low, forming a circular aperture about the ordinary cir^ 
cumferenee of a common artificial well. It was Booti 
discovered that a subterraneous stream of water passed 
under the bottom. There being no artificial or natural 
means to prevent the earth immediately about the well 
from falling in, the aperture is greatly enlarged, form- 
ing a sloping bank, by which a mian on loot can easily 
descend within eight .or ten feet of the wat^- Thw 
current of water is quite perceptible to the eye. The 
whole depth of the cavity is thirty or thirty-five feetr 

Caves in the county of Shenandoak.--^khm tW0 
or three miles of Woodstock, on the lands of William 
Payne, Esq. is an extensive cavern, which it is said has 
never yet been explored to its termination. It contains 
many curious incrustations, stalactites, &c. From the 
mouth of this cavern, a constant current of cold air i§ 
discharged, and the cavern is used by its owners as a 
place to preserve their fresh meats in the hottest seaaooi 
of the year. 



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appsNDix* 4A1 

On the east edde of the South fork of the Shenaii^ 
doah river, three or four miles south of Front Royal, 
there are two caves but a short distance i^art, which, 
like all other caves, contain beautiful curiosities. One 
of them many years ago was visited and explored by the 
Jate celebrajtcd John Randolph of Roapoke; but the 
Author has never been able to learn, whether he com- 
mitted to writing his oha^rvaxions upon it. One of its 
greatest curio^ties is an excelknt representation of tha 
hatter's kettle. 

Within alxmt three miles north west of Mount Jack- 
isou, Shaffer's cave is situated. It has been ex[dored 
about half a mile. It is not very remarkable for its 
natural production of curiosities. Tradition relates an 
amusing story in connectioi) with it* A very large hu- 
man skeleton was many yearaago found in this cavern^ 
the skull bone of whki a neighboring man had the 
curiosity to take to his dweilujg house. This aroused 
i^ ghost of the dead man, who, not being.pleased with 
the removal of his head, very soon appeared to the de- 
predator and harassed him until he became glad to re- 
lorn the skull to its former habitation. The ghost then 
became appeased and ceased his visits. It is said that 
there are many people to this day in the neighborhood, 
who most religiously believe that the ghost did really 
and truly compel the offender to return his ekuU. The 
author saw in the possession of Doctor Wetherall, of 
Mount Jackson, one of the arm bones of this skeleton, 
that part extending from the shoulder to the elbow, 
which was remarkable for its thickness, but was not of 
very uncommon length. At that time he had not been 
visited by the ghost to demand his arm; but perhaps 
he was not so tenacious of it as he was of his head. 

In the county of Page, within about three miles of 
Luray, a cave, but little inferior to Wyer's cave, was 
some years ago discovered, a graphic description of 
which was written by W. A. Harris, Esq. and published 
in the Woodstock Sentinel of the Valley, and copied 
petty gener^y throughout the union. 



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4M ▲t^PXKBIX. 

Ebbing and flawing ^ings. — Pretty Ugh up 
Cedar creek there is a beautiful i^mng of clear moan- 
tain water, issuing from the western side of the^LaUb 
North mountain, in a glen, which ebbs and flows twice 
in every twenty-four hours. It rises at tea p'dodc in 
the morning, and ebbs at four in the evening. It is in 
a perfect state of nature, baa ccmsiderable fall imme- 
diately from its mouth, so that it cai>Dot conveniently be 
ascertained precisely what is its greatest rise and M. 
When the author saw it it was down, and he could not 
conveniently epaie the time to wait to see it rise. But 
the author's informant (Mr. J. Bond) went with him 
to the spring, and assured hnn that he had repeatedly 
seen it rise. The auth(»r is also .informed that there w 
a salt sulphur spring, on the 4and late the prq)erty of 
Mr. John Lee, but a short distonce firom where the 
Staunton stage road crosses Cedar cre^, which has a 
dairy erected over it. The respectable widow of Mr. 
Lee informed the author^ but a few days since, tW 
this spring ebbs and flows twice in every twenty-fottf 
hours, and that if care is not particularly taken at eyeiy 
flow, its current is so strong as to overset the vessels » 
milk placed in the water. , 

Falling run.— Some thirteen or fourteen miles soxj^ 
west of Winchester, and within abooi two mfles of tne 
residence of Moses Russell, Egq. in the county of Fre- 
derick, is to be seen what is called the Falling^ 
Between what the neighboring people c€dl Falling wage 
(the commencement of Paddy's mountain) and tne 
Great North mountain, pretty near the summit, on tne 
east side of the mountain, a fine large spring rises, lor^ 
mg a beautiful lively stream of water of sufficient torw 
to work a grist mill. This stream pursues its ^^H^^JL 
course through a glen of several hundred Y^^^^^^^f Juntf 
of gradual descent, between the mountain a^^.f ^^ 
ridge. Pursuing its course in a ^onherly o^^^ 
from its fountain, for about one and a half ^^^^ 
makes a pretty sudden turn to the east, and shoots ov 
a solid granite rock probably not lew than one huno^ 



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feet liigh. The first 18 or 20 feet of the rock over 
which the water passes is a little sloping, over which 
the water spreads and covers a surface of 15 or 16 feet, 
from whence the fall is entirely perpendicular, and 
strikes on a mass of solid rock ; it then forms an angle 
of ahout 45 degrees, rushing and foaming over an un- 
dulating surface, of about 90 or 100 feet; from thence 
there is a third fall of about the same length, and the 
water pitches into a hole of considerable depth ; from 
thence it escapes down a more gradual descent, and 
within a short distance reaches pretty level ground, and 
suddenly becomes a gentle, smooth, placid current, as 
if it is pleased to rest from the violent agitations and 
turmoils through which it has just passed. At the first 
base reached by the water, a perpetual mist arises, 
which, viewed on a clear sunshiny day, presents to the 
eye a most interesting and beautiful sight. The whole 
fall is little if any less than three hundred feet. 

A short distance to the south of this place, at the 
junction of the Falling ridge with the North mountain, 
is to be seen what the neighboring people call " the 
Pinnacle." The apex of this pinnacle is a flat, broad 
table, supported on a pivot, and can be set in motion 
by the hands of a man, and will continue to vibrate for 
several minutes. There are sevieral small caverns in 
this rock, and it is known to be the abode of the turkey 
buzzards in the winter, where they remain in a state 
of torpitude. Mr. Russell informed the author that he 
once took out a torpid buzzard in the winter, laid it on 
the sunny side of the rock, and it very soon regained 
life and motion. 

TVout pond. — In the county of Hardy, about eight 
or nine miles south of the late residence of James Ster- 
rit, Esq. deceased, and a little east of Thombottom, is 
situated a most beautiful miniature lake, called the 
Trout pond. A large spring rises near the summit of 
the Great North mountain, descending on the west side 
into a deep glen, between the mountain and a vei^ 
high ridge unmediately east of Thornbottom, in which 
28* 



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464 JkfPEKBlX* 

glen nature has fotmed a receptacle of unknown deplh 
for this stream of water. This stream forms a pond 
covering an area of about one and a half acres, nearly 
an oblong square. Nature never presented to the eye 
a more perfectly beautiful sheet of water. It is as trans- 
parent as crystal, and abounds with fine trout fish. 

The late Col. Taverner Beal, upwards of forty yeaner 
ago, described this place to the author, and stated that 
he could safely affirm that he believed he had seen t«n 
thousand trout at a single view in this pond. CoL 
Beal also informed the author that himself and a friend 
of his once made a raft, and floated to the center of the 
pond, where they let down a plumb and line, (the au- 
thor does not now recollect the length of the line, though 
it was certainly not lees than forty feet,) but did not 
succeed in reaching the bottom. A Mr. Ghocanour, 
who resides near this place, informed the author that 
he had heard it was fathomed many years ago, and 
was found to be 60 feet deep, but did not know the 
certainty or truth of this report. ^ The water is dis- 
charged at the northeast corner of the pond, and after 
descending about two miles, works a saw mill, and thirty 
or forty yards from the mill falls into a sink and entirely 
disappears. This sink is in the edge of Thornbottom, 
a pretty narrow strip of fertile limestone land, which 
afibrds between the mountains a residence for four at 
five families, each of whom has a fine spring of water, 
all which, after running a short distance, also disappear. 
The stream of water from the pond, doubtless conside- 
rably increased by the waters of Thornbottom, again 
appears at the northern termination of a very high 
r^dge called "the Devil's garden." It bursts out in one 
of the finest and largest springs the author has ever 
seen. It is said that this subterranean passeige of the 
water is fully eight miles in length. This spring is 
within about one quarter of a mile from Mr. Sten ett's 
dwelling house, and forms the beautiful strefam of water 
called Trout run, which is a valuable tributwy pf ih» 
Capon river. 



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APPENDIX. 46§ 

^ The DeviPs garfyn^^ is truly a wonderful work of 
nature. Between twoJofty ranges of the Sandy ridge 
and North mountain a strip of ground, about half a 
mile in width, commences rising gently from the head 
of Trout run, and pursues its regular ascent for three 
miles, when it abruptly terminates, at its southern ex- 
tremity, in a vast pile of granite rocks, having a per- 
pendicular hight of some four or five hundred feet. This 
immense pile is entirely «epara,ted from and indepen- 
dent of its neighboring mountains, having a vast chasm 
on its two sides and southerja termination. At its south 
end it is covered with nearly level rocks, forming a 
floor of about an acre* Thi^ floor is curiously marked 
witb fissures on the surface of various distances apart. 
On the eastern-side of this floor stands a statue, or per- 
haps it may more appropriately be called a bust, about 
seven feet high : the head, neck ^nd shoulders, bear a 
strong-resemhlance to those of a man, and from the 
breaJBt downwards it gradually enlarges^in size ifrom two 
and a half to three feet in diameter. It is without 
arms. It stands ori a level table of rocTr, is of a dark 
c<^or, and presents to the eye a frowning, terrific appear- 
ance, * When-thissingui^curiosity Was first discover- 
ed, some saperstitioua people <x)ncluded it was thfe im- 
age of the Devit ; and hence the name of " The De- 
vil's garden," Neat his satanic majesty anciently stood 
a fmir-square stone piUar, of about two and a half feet 
diameter, and ten or twelvefeet high. This pillar is 
broken off ^t its base, crosses a chasm, and reclines, 
something in tho form of an arch, against the opposite 
rock. ' ■ ^' ■ ■ ' 

\ About iOObfeet below the standof, the statue, a door 
lets into numerous caverns in the rock, the first of which 
fcrms a handsome room- of moderate size, the floors 
above and below being tolerably smooth and level. 
From this room there is a handsome flight of stone steps 
ascending into a room of larger size, and so on from 
one jroom to another, until twelve diiSerent apartments 
are passed through, and then reaches the top of the rocks* 
28t 



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466 £PTElimiT4 

The late Mr. Sierrett, in riding with the author to view 
this extraordinary work of nature, said that it was diffi- 
cult for an old man to get access to the ^nlet, (tf course 1 
did not attempt it. Mr. Babb, who resides. in its neigh* 
borhood, informed the author he had frequently explore 
cd the cavern ; and the young people of the neighbor- 
hood, .male and. female, frequently, -in parties of plea- 
sure, visit and pass through its various apartments* 

Lost river, — Here again the eye is presented with 
another evidence of the all-powerful arm of God ! This 
river heads in several small springs, on a high ridge o( 
land near Brock's gap, whichdivnlesthe wat^s of the 
North fork of the Shenandozdi from the waters of the 
Lost river* Th^s water course meanders through a 
beautiful vedley of fine alluvial land, a distance of about 
25 miles* On its west side, some ten or twelve miles 
below its bead springs, is a^cavern at the eastern beuse of 
'*Lost river mountain," .which hasheen expkured about 
one hundred yards (some say more) from its mouth* 
Over the inlet is a Jmhdsomely turned arch twelve or 
fomteen feet wideband six or seven high. From thhr 
cavern is discharged a stream of b^udful wSiter, re^ 
markable for its degree of coldness.' It is called "the 
cold spqog cave." ^The mouth of this jcave effectually 
preserves fresh meats of every land from injury in the 
hottest seasonsT This cave exhibits but few curiosities. 

Some 10 or 12 mUes further down^ the river conies 
in contact with Lo^ river mountain (which -is of con- 
siderable magnitude), ha« cut its way. through themoun- 
taiuj and about two miles further down has to eneoun-^ 
ter a second mountain called Timber ridge, throu^ 
which it has forced its way, and one and a half or two 
miles further has to contend with Sandy ridge, a moun- 
tain of considerabie hight and width. .Here the water 
and mountain appear to have had a mighty^truggle for 
the ascendency. In flood times, Mrs. River, despising 
aU obstructionsy forcfes her way through a yawning, 
frowning chasm. But at times of low water, when har 
ladyship is less powerftil, his giantship the mountain 



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APPENPM. 467 

defies all her power to remove a huge mads of adaman- 
tine rocks, which obstructs her passage iii the gap; but 
to remedy this^vil,Mrs. River has adroitly and cunning- 
ly undermined the mountain, formed for herself asub- 
-terraneous passage, and generously supplies her sister 
Capon with -all the water she has to -spare. It is impos- 
rable for the inquisitive eye to view this mighty work of 
nature without Ifeing struck with the idea of the great 
obstruction and mighty difficulty this water had to con- 
. tend with in forcing a; passage through this huge moun- 
:tain. The author viewed tMs place with intense inter- 
est and curiosity. At the western base of the mountain, 
the water has found various apertures, one>of which is 
under thfe poir^t of a rock, of 7 or 8 feet wide, which 
appears to h^ the largest inlet. For the distance of 
about a quarter of a- mile from th^ sink, not a drop of 
. water is to bc-seen in times of drought. There are se- 
veral large springs which issue from the mountain in 
the gap, forming, a small streanvjvhich always runs 
through it. , The water of the river has a subterrane- 
ous passage of fulF three miles, and is discharged in 
several very large springs at the eastern base of the 
mountain. These several springs form the great foun- 
tain head >of Capon river. 

An old man and his son^ (their names not recollect- 
ed,) whose dwelling is very near the sink, related a very 
singular occurreqce whiclLthey represented as having 
happened a few d»ys^ before the author's visit to this 
jdace. -They stated that several degs^were in pursuit 
of a deer on the mountain — that the deer ran to the 
brink of a. rock, at least 100 feet high, which is very 
near the sink^ anA the poor animal being pretty closely 
putsued, leaped from the rock, and falling on a very 
rough, stony surface, was terribly crushed and bruised 
by the fall, iand instantly expired. ^ They immediately 
ran to it and opened the larg^ veins in the neck, but lit- 
tle blood was discharged. They took off the skin, and 
cut up the flesh ; but most parts of it wer« so much 
bruised and mangled as to be Unfit for use. 



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468 APPANmx. 

Ci^n river exhibits several great natural curiosities. 
Near its head waters is a rock <Slled "the Alum rock,*' 
from which exudes native, alupn, and forms a beautiful 
incrustation on its face, which the neighboring people 
collect in small quantities, but often suflBoient for their 
domestic purposes of staining their«cIoths. 

About two miles above the for^s of this river, is sit- 
uated "Gaudy's castle," a most stupendous work of na- 
ture. It is said by tradition that jn the time of the wars 
between tlie white and red people,, a man by the name 
of James Caudy, mi^e than oiace took shelter on .the 
rock from the pursuit of the Indians, from whence its 
name. It consists of a fragment<^ the paountain, se- 
parated from and independentof the neighboring moun- 
tains, forming, as it were, a half cbrig, and surrounded 
with a yawning cbasm« Jfe .eastern, bas^, washed by 
the Capon river, rise^to the majestic hight of 450^or 500 
feet, whil^its eastern side4s a^olid mass of granite, di- 
rectly perpendicular. A line drawn round its base pro- 
bably would not exceed 1000 or 1200 yards. From, its 
western side it. may be ascended^hy a man on footvjto 
within about 90 or 100 fieetoif its summit. From- thence^ 
the rock suddenly shoots up something in the form of 
a comb, which is about 90 or 100 feet in length, 8 or JO 
fe^t in thickness, and xuhs about north and south. On 
the eastern face of the rock, froni where die exmih is 
approached, a very narrow undulating path is formed, 
by pursuing which, 3;ctive persons can )Btscend to its 
summit. The author called on Mr. John X^ar^ent, 
(from whom he i^ceived muchkindness and attention)) 
and requested Mr. L. to be his pilot, which request was 
readily acceded to. Mr. L.'s tesidenGe is less than half 
a mile from the spot. In. bis company the auUior un- ^ 
dertook to ascend this awful precipice. Along the path 
a few laurel shrubs hav« grown otrt of the fissures ^ 
the rock. With the aid of the shrubbery, tho author 
succeeded in following Mr. Largent until they rectched 
within 20 or .25^ feet of the sunmnt, where they found 
a flat table, 4t)r 5.feet square, oh which a pine tree of 



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fe or 6 inch^fe diameter has grown some 10 or 12 feet 
high. This afforded a convenient resting place. By 
supporting myself with one arm around the body of the 
tree, and a cane in the other hand, I ventured several 
times to look down the precipice, but it produced £^ dis- 
agreeiable giddiness and painfiil sensation of the eyes. 
Prom this elevated situation an extensive view of what 
is called the White mountain presents itself for a con* 
siderable distance, on the east side of Capon river. The 
beautiful whiteness of this mountain is produced by a 
cgnsidemble intermixture of. fine white -sand with the 
rocks, which almost exclusively form the ^est sidfe of 
Capon riiountarin for several miles. 

Nine or ten miles1)elow this place^ in^ deep rugge4 
glen three ol: four miles east of Capon, on the west side 
of the mountain, the "Tea table" is to be seen, than 
v^hicli nature in her most sportive mood has seldom 
performed a mdte beauliftd work. This table presents 
the form of a man's hat, with the crown turned down- 
wards. The stem (if it may be so termed) is about 
four feet diameter, and about four feet high. An oval 
brim, some 7 or 8 feet in dianfleterj aitid 7 or 8 inches 
thick, is formed arbuntj the top of the stem,^ through 
which a circular tube arises, 12 or 14 inches in diame- 
ter. Through this4ube a beautiful stream of transpa- 
rent water arises, and regularly, flows over the whole 
Burftice of this large brim,, presenting to the eyfe one of 
the most beautiful fountains in nature's works. 

Jke moitntain. — This xUQst extraord inary and won- 
derful work of God's creation certainly deserves the 
highest mnk in the history of the natural curiosities of 
our country. This mountain is washed at its western 
base by the North river, a branch of the Capon. It is 
not more than one quarter of a mOe north of the resi- 
dence of Christopher HeiskeH, Esq. at North river mills, 
in the county of Hampshire, 26 miles- northwest of 
Wincliester. The west side of this mountain for. about 
one mile is covered with Icfose stone of various aze, ma- 
ny of whkh are of ^ diamon^d shape. It is ptobabiy 



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470 APtRTiiii^. 

600 or 700 feet highy very steep, and presents to die ey^ 
a most grand andsuldime spectacle. 

At the base of the mountain, on the w^tern side, hr 
a distance of about one hundred yards^ and ascending 
some 25 or 30 feet, on removing the loose stone, which 
is easily done with a small prize, the most perfeedy pure 
and crjTstal looking ice, at all reasons of the year^ b to 
be found, in blocks of from one or two pounds to fifteen 
or twenty in weight. At- the base of ihis bed of ice a 
beautiful sprfng of purer water is disohai^ed, which is 
by many degrees colder than any natural spring water 
the author has ever seen* It is^ believed that its natural 
temperature is not many degrees ^aBdve the freezing 
point Very near this«pring the c?\vner of the property 
has removed the stone, and erected a sm^l teg dsdry, 
for the preservation of his milk, butter, and fresh meats. 
When the author slaw this little building, whifch waar 
late in the month of April, the openingB between the 
logs, {ea the sids next the cavity from which' the stone 
had been taken out,) for eighteeii incbes-or two feet 
from the floor were completely filled with ice, and fibbut 
one half the floor was covered with ice several inches 
thick. This is the more remarkable from ks being a. 
known fact that the sun shines with all its forcB-from 
eight or nine o'clock in the morning until late in the 
evening, on the surface covering the ice, but theiatter 
defies its power. Mr. Deevers, who is'the ownfer of the 
property, informed the author that milk, butter, or fresh 
meats of every kind, are perfectly safe from -injury ifor 
alrrK)st any length of time in the hottest weatheii Eha 
fly venture in, he is immedi&^ly stiftened with the coKT 
and becomes torpid. If a snak^ in his^ rambles hap^ 
pens to pass over the rocks covering the ice, he soon 
loses aH motion, arid dies. . Christopher Heisfeell, Esq. 
informed the author that seyerdr instances-had occOtFed 
of the snakes being found dead among the rocks co-t' 
vering the ice. An intelligent young IsSy at thesameS 
time stated that she had seen instances trf this charaoj/ 
ter. In truth it was upon her first suggfes^g the feet: , 



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1 



AVPE^n>XX. 



471 



t 



chat the author was led to make inquiry of Mr. Hew^ 
kill. And Mr. Deevers stated that he had several timet 
removed torpid flies from his dairy into a more tempe- 
rate atmosphere, when they soon recovered life and mo^ 
tion and flew off. 

Nature certainly never formed a better situation for a 
fine dairy estabhshment. But it will probably be asked 
by some persons, where is the milk to come from to 
ftimish iti , The time will probably come, and perhaps 
is not very distant, when our mountains will be turned 
to good account. Their sources of wealth are not yet 
known ; but the spirit of enterprise and industry is 
abroad, and the present generation will hardly pass 
aw^ay before the most astonishing changes will be seeA 
in every part of our happy country. 

The Hanging Rocks, — ^These, or as they are some- 
times called "Blue's Rocks," are another wonderful work 
of nature. They are situated on the Wappatomaka, 
about four miles north of Romney, the seat of justice 
for the county of Hampshire. The author has several 
times viewed this place with excited feelings and ad- 
miration. The river has cut its way through a moun- 
tain probably not less than 500 feet high. By what 
extraordinary agency it has been able to do this, it is 
impossible to conceive, unless we look to that almighty 
power whose arm efiects all his great objects at plea- 
sure. On the east side of the river is a huge mass of 
rocks which forms a perpendicular wall several hundred 
yards in length, and not less than 300 feet high. The 
opposite point of the mountain is more sloping, and may 
te ascended by a man on foot On the top of the 
mountain is a level bench of land, pretty clear of stone, 
and fine rich soil, upwards of one hundred yards in 
width ; but, from the difiiculty of approaching it, it re- 
mains in a state of nature. It would, if it could be 
brought into cultivation, doubtless well reward the huc^ 
bandman for his labors^ 

The public road, leading from Romney into the great 
western highway, passes between the margin of th« 



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472 APPENDIX. 

river and the great natural wall formed by the rocksr. 
The center of the rocks for about 80 or 100 yards, is 
composed of §ne gray limestone, while on each side are 
the common granite mountain stone. 

The reader will recollect that this is the place where 
a most bloody battle was fought between contending 
parties of the Catawba and Delaware Indians, noticed 
m a preceding chapter of this volume. 

One other natural curiosity remains to be nc^iced, 
and that is, \vhat is called the "Butterfly rocks." These 
rocks are to be seen in Fry's gap, on Cedar creek, in 
the county of Frederick. The whole mass of rocks are 
intermixed vrith petrified flies, of various sizes. The 
entire shape of the wings, body, legs, head, and even 
the eyes of the flies, are distinctly to be discovered. The 
rocks are of deep brown color, and of the slate species. 

The author will conclude this section with a brief 
notice of an avalanche or mountain slide, which he 
has omitted to notice in its proper place. 

In the month of June, in the remarkably wet spring 
and summer of the year 1804, during a most tremens 
dous and awful flood of rain, near the summit of the 
Little North mountain, a vast column of water sud- 
denly gushed from the eastern side, and rapidly de- 
scending, with its tremendous current, tore away every 
tree, of whatever size, rocks of 8 or 10 tuns weight, 
. hurling themi into the level lands below, and threaten- 
ing desolation and destruction to every thing which 
was within the limits of its vortex. In its passage down 
the mountain it opened a chasm from about 10 to 50 
yards in width, and from 8 or 10 to 12 or 15 feet in 
depth. The farm of Mr. David Funkhouser, which 
the flood took in its course, was greatly injured, and a 
beautiful meadow covered over with the wood, stone, 
and other rubbish. The flood ran into the lower floor 
of his dwelling house, the foundation of which is ele- 
vated at least three feet above the surfece of the ground. 
This rent in the side of the mountain, at the distance 
©f five or six miles, presented for many years the aj^- 



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APPENDtX« 473 

pearance of a very wide road. It is now grown up 
thickly with young pine timber, and so crowded that 
there is pcarcely room for a man to pass between them. 

m. 

Medicinal Springs — Watering places. 

Our country abounds in medical waters. Numerous 
sulphur springs exist, particularly in the slate lands and 
mountains* Springs, of various qualities of water, are 
also to be seen, several of which are remarkable for 
their superior virtues in the cure of the various disor- 
ders of the human body. 

It is not within the plan of this work to notice all the 
medical springs which the author has seen and heard 
of. He will content himself with a brief account of 
those deemed the most valuable, beginning with Bath, 
in the county of Morgan. • 

This is doubtless the most ancient watering {dace in 
the valley. Tradition relates that those springs were 
known to the Indians as possessing valuable medicinal 
properties, and were much frequented by th6m. They 
were anciently called the "Berkeley Wfiuin Springs," 
and have always kept their character for their medical 
virtues. They are much resorted to not only for their 
value as medicinal waters, but as a place (in the season) 
of recreation and pleasure. Bath has become a con- 
siderable village, is the seat of justice for Morgan county, 
and has several stores and fine boarding houses. It is 
too publicly known to require further notice in this 
work. 

Shannondale, — It is not more than twelve or four- 
teen years since this spring was first resorted to as a 
watering place, though it was known for some years 
before to possess some peculiar medicinal quahties. A 
few extraordinary cures were effected by the use of Ae 
water, of obstinate scorbutic complaints, and it sudden- 
ly acquired a high reputation. A company of gentle* 



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474 iLPPsiTDix^ 

meo in its neighbtN-hood jdned and pnicliased thenteg 
and forthwith erected a \wtge brick boarding house, and 
ten or twelve small buildings for the accommodation of 
visitors. For several years it held a high raink among 
our watering places, but it was however destined to lose 
its reputation. Being located on the east side of the 
Shenandoah river, on low ground, seven or eight miles 
above Harpers-Ferry, the visitors in a dry season being 
annoyed by the noxious miasma arising from the river, 
a malignant fever suddenly made its appearance among 
them, causing the death of several while at the springs, 
and of some others soon after their return home. This 
melancholy catastrophe ruined the reputation of Shan* 
nondale, since which time it has been altc^ether aban* 
doned as a watering place. 

Salus springs, commordy called BondPs springs. 
These are situated between the Little North mountain 
and Paddy's mountain, forming the head fountain d 
&dar creek, about 28 or 30 miles southwest of Win- 
chester, and 7 or 8 miles northwest of Woodstock. 
These springs are acquiring a high character for their 
valuable medical quahties, though it is only four or five 
years since they have been resorted to. It is well ascer- 
tained that the water from at least one of them has the 
powerful quality of expelling the bots from the horse. 

Another of the springs is called " the Poison spring," 
and it is asserted by the people of the neighlK)rhood 
that by drinking the water freely, and bathing the part 
wounded, it will immediately cure the bite of any poi- 
sonous snake. 

There are five or six beautiful transparent springs 
within a circumference of 150 or 200 yards, several of 
which are yet unimproved. Nature has seldom done 
more for an advantageous watering place than she has 
exhibited at these springs. No place the author has 
ever seen presents more conveniences for the construc- 
tion of baths. One of the springs is discharged from 
an elevated point of a ridge, and has fall and water 
enough to c^istruct any reascmaUe number of show^ 



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balli8. It is jusserted by those who attend tke springs, 
that sevieral great cures of obstinate scorbutic complaints 
have been made by the use of the water. One remarka- 
ble instance was related to the author. A little boy, of 
eight or nine years of age, had become dreadfully dis- 
ordered by eruptions all over his body, which formed 
large running ulcers; The complaint baffled all the 
efforts of the most skillful physicians in the neighbor- 
hood, and continued for about twelve months, when 
the child's life was despaired of* An unde of the child, 
Ijeho was acquainted with the valuable quality of these 
•Waters, took him to the spiings, and by repeatedly 
washing his body with the water of the poison spring, 
and also his freely drinking it, in 10 or 12 days the child 
Was perftctiy cured, and has ever since remained in fine 
health. Within one and £t quarter miles from this place 
&ere is a fine white sulphur springs which is said to 
possess very active cathartic qualities. It is also said 
that th)& water has a sweetish taste, and is by some called 
the swe^ sulphur spring. The water has a pure crys- 
tal lookj and is discharged from a spring at the base of 
Paddy's mountain. Plunging baths may be multiplied 
at pl^iire. ^he waters are pretty cool; a handsome 
bath house is erected, and the visitors use it freely. 

Sixteen neat looking dweUing houses have been 
erected by as many propri^ors within the last four 'or 
five years ; but unfortunately there is no regular board- 
ing house established^ which has heretofore prevented 
inuch resort to this place. In the hands of a man of' 
capital and enterprise, it doubtless might be made one 
of the most x^arming rural summer retreats west g( 
the Bhie ridge. It has the advantage of a most beau- 
tiful summer road much the greater part of the whob 
route from,Winchester ; what is called Fry's gap, within 
12 mil^ of Winchester, being by far the worst part of 
it ; and an excellent road can be made at inconsidera- 
ble expense across the Little North mountain. Tra- 
velers passing up or down the valley, would in the sum* 
l&erseason &id this a most delightful resting plao^^ if 



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4T6 APYBXBIX. 

k was pot in a {nroper state of improvem^t {or tfadf 
accommodatHm, nor b it more than seven or eighi 
iniies out of the direct road. The present buildings 
are arranged so as to leave in the colter a beaatifui 

Erove of young oak and other timber, which affords a 
vely c^ade in hot weather. Near Capt. J. Bond's 
dwelling house, within 300 yards of the mineral springs^ 
there is a fine large limestone spring. Capt. Bond is 
the proprietor of this valuable property. 

Orkkey springs^ commonly called YeUow spring's^, 
These springs compose the head waters of Stony creefi:, 
about 17 or 18 miles southwest of Woodstock. The 
waters are composed of several lively springs^ €ire strong 
^alybeate, and probaUy impregnated with some other 
mineral besides iron. Every thing the water passes 
through or over is beautifully lined with a bright yel- 
low fnnge or moss. The use of this water is found 
very beneficial for the cure 6f several complaints. There 
•re ten or twelve small buildings erected by the n^b- 
boring people for their private axxonunodation. 

The author visited this watering place about four 
years ago. A Mr. Kaufman had brought with him the 
day preceding, the materials for a small framed dwell- 
ing bouse. He reached the place early in the day, 
raised his house, had the shingles And weotlierboarding 
naUed on, the floor laid, and doors hung, and ate his 
dinner in it the next day at one o'clock. The anther 
bad the pleasure of dining with the old gentleman ani 
lady, when they both comnninicated the for^r^nog 
statement of facts to him. A free use of this water acts 
as a most powerful cathartic, as doea-also a small quan- 
tity of the fringe or moss mixed with any other kind 
of water. 

Capon springs, m^ore properly Fry^s sprites. — 
The late Henry Fry, of Capon, upwards of 40 years 
. ago informed the author that he was the first discovers 
of the valuable properties of this celebrated watering 
place. He stated that he was hunting, and kiUed a 
targe bear on the side of the mountain near the springs^ 



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1^0cammg thirsty he deacended the glen in tearch of 
water, where he found a large spring, but it was thickly 
covered with moss and other rubbage ; on removing 
which, he drank of the water, and found it disagreeably 
warm. It at once occurred to him that it possessed 
some valuable medical qualities. The next summer his 
wife got into bad health, and was aflSicted with rheu- 
matic and probably other debilitating disorders. He 
went and cleared out the springs, erected a small cs^bin, 
removed his wife there, and remained four or five weeks, 
when the use of the waters had restored his wife to a 
state of fine health. From this occurrence it took the 
name of <* Fry's springs," and was called by that namo 
for many years. By what '^him or caprice the name 
was changed to that of " Capon," the author cfilnnot 
explain. It is situated four miles west of Capon river, 
and with what propriety it has taken the name of that 
river the reader can as readily determine as the author. 
This place is too- publicly known to require a minute 
description in this work ; suffice is to say, that it is lo- 
cated in a deep narrow glen, on the west side of the 
Great North mountain. The road across the mountain 
IS rugged and disagreeable to travel, but money is now 
raising by lottery to improve it. The trustees for seve^ 
ral years past have imposed a pretty heavy tax upon 
visitors for the use of the waters. This tax is intended 
to raise funds for keefHog the baths, &>c. in repair. 
There arc 16 (mt 18 houses erected without much re- 
gard to regularity, and a boarding establishment capa- 
ble of accommodating BO or 60 visitors, which is kept 
in excellent style. 

The waters at this place are a few degrees cooler 
than the waters of Batn; but it is believed by many 
that they possess some qualities far moice powerful. 
There is no fact better known, than that an exclusive 
use of the water for five or six days, (like the^ waters at 
jSfidus,) will expel the bots from horses. Thfe place is 
28 miles southwest of Winchester. 
;, White sulphur springy Howard^ $ lick. — This fint 



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47t 



AVFBllMje. 



whke milphur spring lies about four inile& west of Lqd 
rim, in a most romantic retired glen in the mountains^ 
R is almost wholly in a state of nuturcj the nearest 
dwelling bouse to it being about two miles, and is but 
little known and resorted to as a watering place. The 
spring has been cleared out, a neat small circular wall 
placed around it, and a beautiful hvely small stream of 
water discharged It would probably require a tube of 
one and a' half or two inches diameter to vent the wa- 
ter. Every thing the water passes over or touches is 
pretty thickly incrusted with pure white sulphur. The 
water is so highly impregnated, as to be quite unplea- 
sant to the taste, and can be smelled 30 or 40 feet from 
the spring. The use of the water is found very effica- 
cious in several complaints, particularly in autumnal 
bilious fevers. The people in its neighborhood say, 
that persons attacked with biUous complaints, by a 
single dose of Epsom salts, worked off with this water, 
in three or four days are entirely relieved and restored 
to health. The author cannot pretend to express his 
own opinion of the valuable properties of this water, 
merely having seen it as a transient passenger. But 
he has no hesitation in saying that it presents to the 
eye the appearance of by far the most valuable sulphur 
water he has ever yet seen. There is level land enough 
around it for the erection of buildings sufficient for t]he 
accommodation of a great many visitors. A fine and 
convenient road can 1^ had to it from Lost river, a gap 
in the mountain leading to it being generally quite 
levd, and wide enough for the purpose. It is proMtUy 
23 or 24 miles southwest of Capon springs. 

Paddy's gap, or Mcnirer^s white sulphur s]9rin^^ 
This is a sn^ pure white sulphur spring, and is eaid 
to possess some valuabk medicmal qualities. It lies to 
IVuidy's gap, about half way between Capon and Sahw 
springs. 

Pembroke ^rfng^*.-— These are situated about mia 
mile south of tne residence of Moses Russell, Esq. IT 
miles northwest ef Winchester. The waters are eoA- 



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Jrfdered too cold io bathe ia. A bftth hoiise has been 
erected, but it is little used. The waters are pure a.Qd 
salubrious, discharged from the base of the North moun*- 
tain, and if good accomiDodations were kept it would 
doubtless become a resting place for travelers in th<j, 
season for visiting the Capon springs, Mr. George ^ 
Ritenour has lately erected a tannery at xhis place, and 
it will probably become a place of liisiness, 

Williams* s white sulphur springs^ formerly Du- 
vaWs. — ^These are situafed six miles northeast of Win- 
chester. A conmiodious boarding house has been erect- 
ed by Mr. Williams, who is going on yearly with addi- 
Clonal improvements, to meet the increasing popularity 
of the establishment. 

There are three or four other sulphur springs which 
were formerly jiiaqes .of considerable resort, but they 
feetv^e fallen into disrepute. The author therefore con- 
siders it unnecessary to give them any particular no- 
tice in this work. Many chalybeate sprmgs are to be 
met with in our mountains, but it is not deemed ne- 
cessaiy to describe them. 

Gray earth. — The author will conclude with a brief 
notice of a liglit gray earth of singular texture, and 
probably containing some highly valuable properties. 

A considerable bank of this earth or clay is to be 
seen about two miles below Salus springs. When dis- 
solved in water it makes a beautiful whitewash, and is 
said to be more adhesive than lime. It is remarkably 
soft, bdng easily cut with a knife, has an unctuous or 
rather soapy feel when pressed between the fingers;, 
and when mixed with a small quantity of water, forms 
a tough adhesive consistence, very much resembling 
dough made of wheat flour. 

The author, when he first heard of this bank of 
earth, concluded it was probably fuller's earth, so highly 
prized by the manufacturers of cloth, <kc. in England ; 
but upon an examination of it, it does not appear to 
answer the description given by chemists of that earth. 
Jt is highly probable that it would be fouad a most 



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480 APTMffntx. 

valaable nmnnre, and in all likelihood would <m trial 
make a beautiful ware of the pottery kind for domestic 
use. It would, in the opinion of the writer, be well 
worth while for manufacturers and others to visit this 
place end examine for themselves. The author has no 
pretensions to a knowledge of chemistry, and therefore 
cannot give any thing like an analytical description of 
this singular and curious kind of earth. 



THB JCND. 



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SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES. 



FREDERICK COUNTY. 

Winchester. 
David W. Barton 
Lemuel Bent 
A. S. Bald^vin 
Robert T. Baldwin 
Henry M. Brent 
John M. Brome 
John Bruce 
Benjamin Bushnell 
William L. Clark, 2 cop. 
John R. Cooke 
Robert Y. Conrad 
Jacob Cooper 
Thomas B. Campbell 
Thomas Cramer 
John R. W. Dunbar 
Lewis Eichelberger 
John Everly 
John Heiskell 
Jacob Harmer 
Isaac F. Hite 
John HopkiiHi 
John Hoover 
Joseph Kean 
George W. Kiger 
Leonard Likins 
Lewis Lindsey 
Ellis B.Long . 
John W. MiUer 
James M. Mason 
John S. MagiU 
Hugh H. M^Guire 



Joshua Newbrough 
Abraham Nulton 
George Reed 
Jarpes I. Randolph 
James P. Riley 
Margaret Ransdell 
Warden W. S perry 
Thomas Sprint 
John B.D.Smith" 
Jacob Senseney 
W. G. Singleton 
John Smith (Gen.) 2 c. 
Alexander S. Tidball 
Thomas A. Tidball 
Bushrod Taylor 
ObedWaite 
Henry P. Ward 

Newtown. 

John Allemong 
Richard W. Barton 
Alexander S. Brown 
R. T. C. Boude 
Simon Carson 
Gershom Drake 
John C. Ewing 
Lewis Emett 
Benjamin Harman 
William S. Jones 
Henry Jackson 
Joseph Kline 
Daniel Krim 
Anthony Kline • 



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48S 



•UBSCKtBVBS' NAMfif. 



Robert Lewright 
Joseph Long 
George Lynn 
John S. Magill 
Jacob Mytinger 
Thornton M'Leod 
Edward Myers 
Stephen Myers 
James M^Nair 
J. B. M^Leod 
John C. Poole, Jun. 
Samuel U. Perry 
Joseph S. Ritenoiur 
Abraham Stickiey 
George Stephens 
Mager Steel 
John B. Tilden 
Richard Wells 
Robert Widdows 

' Battletown. 

Davil H. Allen 
William Allen 
E. C. Breedin 
Daniel S. Bonham 
Alfred Castleraan 
L. C.C>rd(ll 
Lewis Glover 
Samuel Larue 
George S. Lane 
Dawsdn M'Cormick 
Castleman & M'CormiGk 
Cyrus M^Cormick 
Lucy M^Cormick 
Benjamin Morgan 
Lewis Neill 
George H. Norris 
Jam 38 W. Riley 
John Richardson 



Treadwell Smith 
Joseph Shepherd 
Lewis A. Smith 
John Ship 
Jacob Shively 
Samuel Taylor 
William Taylor 
Allen Williams 
Josiah W. Ware 

White Pose. 

Buckner Ashby 
Alfred D. Ashby 
J.Baker 
James Bowen 
Samuel Bryarly 
William Cook 
WiUiam Clark 
Henry Catlett 
Benjamin Criglar 
J. E. Deiieale 
Benjamin Elliott 
John B. Earle 
Abraham Grove 
John Gardiner 
William Gardiner 
John Kerfott 
William G. Kerfott 
Henry D. Magill 
Seth Mason 
John W. Page 
James Ship 
James H. dowers 
Robert Vance — . 
James Way 

Middletown, 

James Anderson 
Anderton Brown 



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StJBaCltlBERS- NAMES. 



488 



George Brinker 
David S. Danner 
J. Smith Davison 
John Delong 
Henry Grant 
Isaac Harrison 
John Lodor 
Joseph Milier 
Alexander R. Newman 
Alexander Swany 

Front'RojaL 

Thomas Buck 
George N. Blakemore 
H. A. Cristman 
J. R. Kline 
George Raynolds 
M'Carty D. Roy 
Samuel Simpson 
Wiltbrd G. beitl^ 

Millwood, 

Nathan id Biirwell 
George H. Bur well 
Thomas Castleman 
James Castleman 
John E. Page 
Philip Smith 
Joseph Tuley 
Francis B. Whiting 

Gedar creek. 

Nash L. Gordon 
Josiah Fawcett 
Isaac Longacre 
Cyrus W. Murray 
Moses Russell 
John Russell 
Henry W. Richards 



Richard M. Sydnor 

Opejticn, 

William O. Bond 
Arthur W. Caiter 
Robert D. Glass 
James M. Glass 
John Louthan 

Apple-pie ridge* 

Benjamin R. Barr 
Thomas Clark 
William J. Clark 
James Gibson 
Joseph G. Gray 
Rees Hill 

Brucetown. 

William P. Branson 
John Hay 
Taliaferro Stribling 

Nineveh. 

Jacob M'Kay 
Robert S. M'Kay 

Elsewhere in Frederick. 

James Bryarly 
Thomas Bryarly 
H. F. Christian 
Francis Glasscock 
Robert M. Heterick 
James B. Uail 
T. A. Jackson 
George Knight 
A. R. Miltou 
Robert Pago 
John Fa^e, Jun, 
Nathan Parkiaa 



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An 



•imSCRIBSRa' RAKfitf. 



Robert E. Raikld[^ 
John Soapp, Sen. 
William Wood . 

JEFFERSON COUNTY. 

Charlestown. 

James M. Brown 
Richard A. Cromwell 
Robert R. Conrad 
John M. Chilton 
John Davenport 
George Eichelberger 
Lorenzo D. Elbar 
Edward H. Fry 
Robert Pulton 
John S. Gallaher 
Thomas Griggs, Jun. 
John Moler 
Jacob K. Manning 
Thomas A. Moore 
Thomsis Rawlins 
James Thompson 
John A. Thompson 
Bushrod C. Washington 
William T. Washington 
Robert Worthington 

Shepherdstown, 

Alexand^ R. Boteler 
Edmund I. Lee 
Edward Lucas, Jun. 
Daniel Morgan 
William M^Murran 
William Short 

Harpers-Ferry. 

P. C. M^Cabe 
George Rust, Jun. 



Gerard R Wager 
C. G. Wintersmith 

Smithfield. 

James Griggs 
Barnet Littler 
James Shirley, Jun. 
Benjamin Wilson 

Elsewhere in Jefferson. 

Christian Allemcmg 
George Wm. Fairfax 
John J. H. Gunnell 
William M. Hurst 
Hierome L. Opie 
William Z. Sinclair. 
W. W. Throckmortoa 
H. St, G. Tucker 

BERKELEY COUNTY. 

Martinsburg, 

Samuel Baker 
Henry Bedinger 
Elisha Boyd 
David H. Conrad 
Thomas Davis 
Washington Evans 
Tillotson Fryatt 
Charles Jas. Faulkner 
Peter Gardner . 
WiUiam Good 
James M. Hibbard 
Isaac S. Lauck 
Charles MagiU 
Smith Miller 
Jacob Myers 
Matthew Ranson 
John Sawvy 



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m^MciiiBsar kam£8; 



tm 



Harrison Waite 

Elsewhere in Berkeley, 

Dougal Campbell 
Hiram Henshaw 
Levi Henshaw 
John Hedges 
P. HoUingsworth 
Samuel M'Kown 
Charles Orrick 
William Pendleton 
Thomas Russell 
Thos. Van Swearingen 
Joel Ward 
Richard C. Williams 

SHENANDOAH COUNTY. 

Woodstock. 

William Carson 
James H. Darlington 
Philip Grandstaff, Jun. 
Joseph Irwin 
Joel Pennybacker 
Samuel Ridenour 
Joseph H. Samuels 
James H. Smoot 
Philip Williams, Jun. 

Simsburg. 

Isaac S. Bowman 
WilHam D. Eyster 
IsaaoFunk 
Wright Gatewood 
Henry Grove 
William Henry 
George Hupp 
John C. Lee 
Joieph Lipop 



William M'Cord 
Joseph P. Mahaney 
M. C. Richardson 
David Stickley 

Mount Jackson. 

Mark Allen 
Daniel Gray 
Reuben R. Jordan 
Daniel Kenny 
Anna Stuart 
William Steenbergen 
William Steenbergen, jr. 
George H. Wetherall 

Newmarket. 

Alfred MerriU 
John Newman 
D. Pennybacker 
Jacob Savage 
Gideon Salvage 
Samuel Sivey 
Jacob Strayer 
Reuben Walton 

Elsewhere inShenandoah. 

Edward H. Berry 
George W. S. Bowman 
Chany Gatewood 
Andrew Hoffman 
John Hutcheson 
John Morgan 
Absalom Rinker 
Philip Stover 
Daniel F. Ward 



FACE COUNTY. 

Mann Abnond 



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Thomas T. Blackford 
Thomas Brittan 
Mordecai Cloud 
Henry Cullers 
Samuel Forrer, Sen. 
James T. Fristoe 
John Gatewood, Jun. 
William A. Harris 
William V. Henry 
Wharton Jones 
Andrew Kizer, Sen. 
Noah Keyser 
John M'CuUough 
William F. Northcraft 
William M. Robertson 
Benjamin Scanland 
F. W. G. Thomas 
Daniel F. Ward 
N. W. Yager 

HAMPSHIRE COUNTY. 

William Armstrong 
James Abernathy 
Samuel Coykerill 
Thomas J/Dewar 
William Harper 
John T. Hickman 
William Hunter 
John D. Milton 
Francis Murphy ^ 
William Naylor 
Clarke D. Powell 
Garret Seymour 
Zebulon Sheetz 
Michael Smith 
John Stump 
John B. White 
W. C. Wodro^ 



HARPT COUNTY, 

George S. Craigen 
George Pavis 
Montgomery R. Elbon 
James S. Hogeland 
FeUx Seymour 
William Seymour 
Simon Switzer 
Charles A. Tu-ley 
Isaac Vanmeter 
David Vanmeter 
Job Welton 
Benjamin Warden 

ELSEWHERE IN VIRGINIA. 

R. H. Henderson, LeesVg. 
J. R. Annin, l^udoun, 
John Tutt, Fauquier. 
John B. Armstead, " 
P. N. Nicholas, Richmond. 
William Smith, Morgan. 
Robert Gray, HarrisonVg. 
Wm. B. King, Wheeling. 
J. <fc W. Riddle, '^ 
Rich'd H. Field, Culpeper. 
Wm. A. Broadus, '' 
Wm. Withers, Sandy Hook. 
Wm. D. AlstottjiJocA'Aam. 

MARYLAND. 

George Eskridge, Oldiotpn, 

J. J. Jacob, 

Joseph Harness, 

Benjamin Knight, 

James Higgins, 

Jacob Lantz, Cumberland. 

John White, « 






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