Full text of "History for ready reference [microform] : from the best historians, biographers, and specialists : their own words in a complete system of history for all uses, extending to all countries and subjects, and representing for both readers and students the better and newer literature of history in the English language"

W^nW K- h.

v\cV-

HISTORY
FOR READY REFERENCE

FROM THE BEST
HISTORIANS, BIOGRAPHERS, AND SPECIALISTS

THEIK OWN WOKDS IN A COMPLETE

SYSTEM OF HISTORY

FOE ALL USES, EXTENDING TO ALL COUNTEIES AND SUBJECTS,

AND REPRESENTING FOR BOTH READERS AND STUDENTS THE BETTER AND

NEWER LITERATURE OF HISTORY IN THE

ENGLISH LANGUAGE

jfN. LARNED

WITH NUMEBOUS HISTORICAL MAPS FROM ORIGINAL STUDIES AND DRAWINGS BY

ALAN C. REILEY

IN FIVE VOLUMES

VOLUME I-A TO ELBA

SPRINGFIELD, MASS. .

THE C. A. NICHOLS CO., PUBLISHERS

MDCCCXCV

\BR/\^^

CoPTRldHT. 1898,
BY J. N. LARNED.

TA* Ilivn$id€ Press, Cambriiige, Mass., V. S. A-
Trinted by U. 0- Uoughton Ji. t'ompaay.

PEEFACE.

^pms work has two aims : to represent and exhibit the better Literature
of History in the English language, and to give it an organized body
— a system — adapted to the greatest convenience in any use, whether for
reference, or tor reading, for teacher, student, or casual inquirer.

The entire contents of the work, with slight exceptions readily distin-
guished, have been carefully culled from some thousands of books, — embrac-
ing the whole range (in the English language) of standard historical writing,
both general and special : the biography, the institutional and constitutional
studies, the social investigations, the archeological researches, the ecclesi-
astical and religious discussions, and all other important tributaries to the
great and swelling main stream of historical knowledge. It has been
culled as one might pick choice fruits, careful to choose the perfect and the
ripe, where su:h are found, and careful to keep their flavor unimpaired.
The flavor of the Literature of History, in its best examples, and the ripe
quality of its latest and best thought, are faithfully preserved in what aims
to be the garner of a fair selection from its fruits.

History as written by those, on one hand, who have depicted its scenes
most vividly, and by those, on the other hand, who have searched its facts,
weighed its evidences, and pondered its meanings most critically and deeply,
is given in their own words. If commoner narratives are sometimes quoted,
their use enters but slightly into the construction of the work. The whole
matter is presented under an arrangement which imparts distinctness to its
topics, while showing them in their sequence and in all their large relations,
both national and international.

For every subject, a history more complete, I think, in the broad meaning
of "History," is supplied by this mode than could possibly be produced
on the plan of dry synopsis which is common to encyclopedic works. It
holds the charm and interest of many styles of excellence in writing, and it
is read in a clear light which shines directly from the pens that have made
History luminous by their interpretations.

Behind the Literature of History, which can be called so in the finer
sense, lies a great body of the Documents oi History, which are unattractive
to the casual reader, but which even he must sometimes have an urgent wish
to consult. Pull and carefully chosen texts of a large number of the most
famous and important of such documents — charters, edicts, proclamations,
petitions, covenants, legislative acts and ordinances, and the constitutions of

many countries — have been accordingly introduced and are easily to be
found.

Tlu^ arrangement of matter in the work is primarily alphabetical, and
secondarily chronological. The whole is thoroughly indexed, and the index
is incorporated with the body of the text, in the same alphabetical and
chronologi(!al older.

Events which touch several countries or places are treated fully but once,
in the connection which shows their antecedents and consequences best, and
the reader is guide<l to that ampler discussion by references from each cap-
tion under which it may be sought. Economies of this character bring into
the compass of five volumes a body of History that would need twice the
number, at least, for equal fulness on the monographic plan of encyclopedic
works.

Of my own, the only original writing introduced is in a general sketch of
the history of Eur<ypc\ and in what I have called the ^''Logical Outlines'''' of a
number of national histories, which are printed in colors to distinguish the
iniluences that have been dominant in them. But the extensive borrowing
which the work represents has not been done in an unlicensed way. I have
felt warranted, by common custom, in using moderate extracts without per-
mit. But for everything beyond these, in my selections from books now
in print and on sale, whether under copyriglit or deprived of copyright, I
have sought the consent of those, authors or jiublishers, or both, to whom
the right of consent or denial appears to belong. In nearly all cases I
have received the most generous and friendly responses to my request, and
count among ray valued possessions the great volume of kindly letters of
permission which have come to me from authors and publishers in Great
Britain and America. A more specific acknowledgment of these favors v;ill
be appended to this preface.

The authors of books have other rights beyond their rights of property,
to which respect has been paid. No liberties have been taken with the text
of their writings, except to abridge by omissions, which are indicated by
the customary signs. Occasional interpolations are marked by enclosure
in brackets. Abridgment by paraphrasing has only been resorted to when
unavoidable, and is shown by the interruption of quotation marks. In the
matter of different spellings, it has been more difficult to preserve for each
writer his own. As a rule this is done, in names, and in the divergences
between English and American orthography ; but, since muck of the matter
quoted has been taken from American editions of English books, and since
both copyists and printers have worked under the habit of American spell-
ings, the rule may not have governed with strict consistency throughout.

J. N. L.
The Buffalo Library,

Buffalo, N. T., December, 1898. - ~ ." .

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

IN MY preface I have acknowledged in general terms the courtesy and liberality of authors and
publishers, by whose permission I liuve used much of the matter quoted in this work. I think
it now proper to make the acknowledgment more specific by naming those persons and publishing
houses to whom I am in debt for such kind permissions. They arc as follows:

. AUTnous.

Prof. Evelyn Abbctt; President Charles Kendall Adams; Prof. Herbert B. Adams; Prof. Joseph H. Allen; Sir Wil-
liam Anson, Bart.; Rev. Henry M. Baird; Mr. Hubert Howe Bancroft; Hon. S. Q. W. Benjamin; Mr. Walter Besant;
l>rof. Albert S. BoUes; John 0. Bourinot, F. S. S.; Mr. Henry Bradley; Rev. James Franck Bright; Daniol G. Brinton,
M. D.; Prof. William Hand Browne; Prof. George Bryce; lU. Hon. James Bryce, M. P.; J. B. Bury, M. A.; Mr. Lucien
Carr; Gen. Henry B. Cirrington; Mr. John D. Cbamplin, Jr.: Mr. Charles Carleton Coffin; Hon. Thomas .M. Cooley;
Prof. Henry Copp6e; Rt'v. Sir George W. Cox, Bart. ; Gen. Joeob Dolson Co-^t; Mrs. Cox (for " Tliree Decades of Federal
Legislation," by the late Hon. Samuel S. Cox): Prof. Thomas F. Crane; Rt. Rev. Mandeil Creighton, Bishop of Peter-
borough; Hon. J. L'. M. Curry; Hon. George Ticknor Curtis; Prof. Robert K. Douglas; J. A. Doyle, M. A.; Mr. Samuel
Adams Drake; Sir Mountwtuart E. Grant-Duff; Hon. Sir Cliarles Gaveu Duffy; Mr. Charles Henry Eden; Mr. Henry-
Sutherland Edwards; Orrin Leslie Elliott, Ph. D.; Jlr. Loyall Farragut; The Ven. Fre<leric William Farrar, Archdeacon
of Westminster; Prof. George Park Fisher; Prof. John Fiske; Mr. Wm. E. Foster; Prof. William Warde Fowler; Prof.
Edward A. Freeman; Prof. J,%mes Anthony Froude; Mr. James Gairdner; Arthur (iilman, M. A.; Mr. Parke Godwin;
Mrs. 31. E. Gordon (for the " History of the Campaigns of the Army of Va. under Uen. Pope," by the late Oeii. George
H. Gordon); Rev. Sabine Baring-Gould; Mr. Ulysses S. Grant, Jr. (for the " Personal Memoirs " of the late Gen. Grant);
Mrs. John Richard Green (for her own wTitings and for those of the late John Richard Green) ; William Greswell, M. B. ;
Mnj. Arthur (iriffiths; Frederic Harrison, M. A.; I'lU. Albert BusUnell Hart; Mr. William Heaton; Col. Thomas Went-
worth Higginson; Prof. B. A. Hinsdals; Miss Margaret L. Hooper (for the writings of the late Mr. George Hooper) ; Rev.
Robert F. Ilorton; Prof. James K. Hosmer; Col. Henry M. Hozier; Rev. William Hunt; Sir William Wilson Hunter;
Prof. Edmund James; Mr. Rossi ter Johuson; Mr. John Foster Kirk; The Very Rev. George William Kitchin, Dean of
Winchester; Col. Thos. W. Knox; Mr. J. S. Landon; Hon. Emily Lawless; William E. H. Lecky, LL. D., D. C. L.; Mrs.
Margaret Levi (tor the " History of British Commerce," by the late Dr. Leone Levi); Prof. Charlton T. Lewis; The
Very Rev. Henry George Liddell, Dean of Christ Church, Oxford; Hon. Henry Cabot Lodge; Richard Lodge, M. A.;
Rev. W. J. Lottie; Mrs. Mary S. Long (for the " Life of General Robert E. Lee," by the late Gen. A. L. Long); Mrs.
Helen Lossing (for the writings of the late Benson J. Lossing) ; Charles Lowe, M. A. ; Charles P. Lucas, B. A. ; Justin
JlcCarthy, M. P. ; Prof. John Bach McMaster; Hon. Edward McPherson, Prof. John P. Mahaffy; Capt. Alfred T. Mahan,
U. S. N.; Col. George B. Malleson; Clements R. Markham, C. B., F. R. S.; Prof. David Masson; The Very Rev. Charles
Merivalc, Dean of Ely; Prof. John Henry Middlet on; Mr.J.G. Cotton Minchin; William R. Morflll, M. A.;Rt. Hon. John
Morley, M. P.; Mr. John T. Morse, Jr.; Sir WiUia,ii Muir; Mr. Harold Murdock; Rev. Arthur Howard Noll; Miss Kat«
Xorgate; C. W. C. Oman, M. A.; Mr. John C. Palfrey (for " History of New England," by the late John Gorham Vnl-
trey); Francis Parkman, LL. D.; Edward James Payne, M. A.; Charles Henry Pearson, M. A.; Mr. Jaiies Breck Per-
kins; ^Irs. Marj- E. Phelan (for the " History of Tennessee," by the late James Phelan); Col. George E. Pond; Reginald
L. Poole, Ph. D.; Mr. Stanley Lane-Poole; William F. Poole, LL. D.; Maj. John W. Powell; Mr. John W. Probyn; Pro.'.
Jolui Clark Ridpath; Hon. Ellis H. Roberts; Hon. Theodore Roosevelt; Mr. John Codman Ropes; J. H. Rose, M. A.;
Prof Joslah Royce; Rev. Philip Schaff; James Schouler, LL. D.; Hon. Carl Schurz; Mr. Eben Greenough Scott; Prof.
J. R. Seeley; Prof. Nathaniel Southgate Shaler; Mr. Edward Morse Shepard; Col. M. V. Sheridan (for the " Personal
Memoirs" of the late Gen. Sheridan); Mr. P. T. Sherman (for the "Memoirs" of the late Gen. Sherman); Samuel
Smiles, LL. D.; Prof. Goldwin Smith; Prof. Jomes Russell Soley; Mr. Edward Stanwood; Leslie Stephen, M. A.; H.
Morse Stephens, M. A. ; Mr. Simon Sterne; Charles J. StilI6, LL. D. : Sir John Strachey ; Rt. Rev. William Stubbs, Bishop
of Peterborough; Prof. William Graham Sumner; Prof. Frank William Taussig; Mr. William Roscoe Thayer; Prof.
Robert H. Thurston; Mr. Telemachus T. Timayenis; Henry D. Traill, D. C. L.; Gen. R. deTrobriand; Mr. Bayard
Tuckerman; Samuel Epes Turner, Ph. D.; Prof. Herbert Tuttle; Prof. Arminius Vambfiry; Mr. Henri Van Laun; Gen.
Francis A. Walker; Sir D. Mackenzie Wallace; Spencer Walpole, LL. D.; Alexander Stewart Webb, LL. D.; Mr. J.
Talboys Wheeler; Mr. Arthur Silva White; Sir Monier Monier-WiUiams; Justin Wlnsor, LL. D.; Rev. Frederick C.
Woodhouse; John Yeats, LL. D.; Miss Charlotte M. Yonge.

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Providence, H. I.: Messrs. J. A. & R. A. Reid.

A list of books quoted irom will bu given in t!ic final volume.

I am greatly indebted to the remarkable kindness of a number of eminent historical scholars,
who have critically examined the proof sheets of important articles and improved them by their
suggestions. My debt to Miss Ellen M. Chandler, for assistance given me in many ways, is
more than I can describe.

In my publishing arrangements I have been most fortunate, and I owe the good fortime very
largely to a number of friends, among whom it is just that I should name Mr. Henry A. Richmond,
Mr. George E. Matthews, and Mr. John G. Milburn. There is no feature of these arrangements so
satisfactory to me as that which p. aces the publication of my book in the hands of the Company of
which Mr. Charles A. Nichols, of Springfield, Massachusetts, is the head.

I think myself fortunate, too, in the association of my work with that of Mr. Alan C. Reiley,
from whose original studies and drawings the greater part of the historical maps in these volumes
have been produced.

J. N. Larnrd.

LIST OF MAPS AND PLANS.

Ethnographic map of Modern Europe, Preceding the title-page.

>Tap of American Discovery and Settlement To follow page 4ft

Plan of Athens, and Harbors of Athens, On page 145

Plan of Athenian house On page 163

Four development maps of Austria, To follow page 196

Ethnographic map of AustriaOIuugary, On page 197

Four development maps of Asia Minor and the Balkan Peninsula To follow page 242

Map of the Balkan and Danubian States, showing changes during the present

century, On page 244

Map of Burgundy under Charles the Bold To follow page 332

Development map showing the diffusion of Christianity To follow page 433

LOGICAL OUTLINES, IN COLORS.

Athenian and Greek history, To follow page 144

Austrian history To follow page 198

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES.

The Seventeenth Century: First half and second half To follow page 208

To the Peloponnesian War, and Fourth and Third Centuries, B. C To follow page 166

A.
B.
C.
D.
E.

APPENDICES TO VOLUME I.

Notes to Ethnographic map ; by Mr. A. C. Reiley.

Notes to four maps of Asia Minor and the Balkan Peninsula; by the same.

Notes to map of the Balkan Peninsula in the present century ; by the same.

Notes to map showing the diffusion of Christianity ; by the same.

Notes on the American Aborigines; by Major J. W. Powell and Mr. J. Owen Dorsey, of the

U. S. Bureau of Ethnology.
Bibliography of America (Discovery, Exploration, Settlement, Archseology, and Ethnology),

and of Austria.

HISTOEI FOK READY REFERENCE.

A. C. Ante Christum; used sometimes
Instead of the more l'i.iniliar abbreviation, B. C.
—Before Clirist.

A. D. Anno Domini ; The Year of Our Lord.
See EuA, CiniisTiAN.

A. E. I. O. U. — "Tlie famous device of Aus-
tria, A. E. I. O. U., was first used by Frederic
III. [1440-1493], wlio adopted it on his plate,
books, and buildings. These initials stand for
'Austriae Est Imperare Orbi Univcrso'; or, in
German, 'Alles Erdreich 1st Osterreich Unter-
than': a bold assumption for a man wlio was not
safe in an inch of his dominions." — H. Hallam,
The Middle Ages, v. 2, p. 89, foot-note.

A. H. Anno Hejirx. See Era, Mahome-

TAK.

A. M. "Anno Mundi ;" the Year of the
World, or the year from the beginning of the
world, according to tlie formerly accepted chro-
nological reckoning of Archbishop Usher and
others.

A. U. C, OR U. C. "Ab urbe condita,"
from the founding of the city; or "Anno urbis
Conditae," the year from the founding of the
city; the Year of Rome. See Rome: B. C. 753.

AACHEN. See Aix-la-Chapelle.

AARAU, Peace of (1712). See Switzerulnd :
A. D. 1053-1789.

AB^, Oracle of. Sec Oracles of the

Ci'xyp'Ti'vo

ABBAS I. (called The Great), Shah of Per-
sia; A. D. 1583-1627.... Abbas II., A. D.
1641-1666. . . .Abbas III., A. D. 1732-1736.

ABBASSIDES, The rise, decline and fall of
the See Mahometan Conquest, &c. : A. D.
715-750; 763; and 815-945; also Bagdad: A. D,
'258

'"abbey.— ABBOT.— ABBESS. See Mon-
astery.

ABDALLEES, The. Sec India: A. D.
1747-1761.

ABDALMELIK, Caliph, A. D. 684-705.

ABD-EL-KADER, The War of the
French in Algiers with. See Barbart States :
A. D. 1830-1846.

ABDICATIONS. Alexander, Prince of
Bulgaria. See Bulgaria: A. D. 1878-1886.

Amadeo of Spain. See Spain: A. D.

1866-1873 Charies IV. Rnd Ferdinand VII.

of Spain. See Spain: A. D. 1807-1808

Charles V. Empr.ror. See Germany: A. D.

1552-1561, and ISetuerlands: A. D. 1555

Charles X.King of France. See France:

A. D. 1815-1830 Charles Albert, King of

Sardinia. See Italy: A. D, 1848-1849

Christina, Regent of Spain. See Spain : A. D.

1833-1846 Christina, Queen of Sweden.

See Scandinavian States (Sweden): A. D.

1644-1697 Diocletian, Emperor. See Rome :

A. D. 284-805. . . .Ferdinand, Emperor of Aus-
tria. See Austria: A. D. 1848-1849 Louis

Bonaparte, King of Holland. See Nether-
lands: A. D. 1806-1810 Louis Philippe

See France: A. D. 1841-1848 Milan, King

of Serbia. Sec Servl\: A. D. 1883-1889

Pedro I., Emperor of Brazil, and King of
Portugal. See Portugal: xV. D. 1824-1889,

and Brazil: A. D. 1825-1865 Ptolemy I. of

Egypt. See Macedonia, &c. : B. C. 297-280.

Victor Emanuel I. Sec Italy: A. D. 1820-

1821 William I., King of Holland. See

Netherlands: A. D. 1830-1884.

ABDUL-AZIZ, Turkish Sultan, A. D.
1801-1870.

ABDUL-HAMID, Turkish Sultan, A. D.
1774-1789. . . .Abdul-Hamid II., 1876-.

ABDUL-MEDJID, Turkish Sultan, A. D.
1839-1861.

ABEL, King of Denmark, A. D. 1250-
1253.

ABENCERRAGES.The. See Spain: A. D.
1238-1373, and 1476-1493.

ABENSBURG, Battle of. See Germany:
A. D. 1809 (January-June).

ABERCROMBIE'S CAMPAIGN IN
AMERICA. See Canada (New France): A.
D. 1758.

ABERDEEN MINISTRY, The. See
England: A. D. 1851-1852, and 1855.

ABIPONES, The. See American Aborioi-
nes: Pampas Tribes.

ABJURATION OF HENRY IV. See
France: A. D. 1591-1593.

ABNAKIS, The. See American Aborigi-
nes: Algonkin Family.

ABO, Treaty of (1743). See Russia: A. D.
1740-1762.

ABOLITIONISM IN AMERICA, The
Rise of. See Slavery, Negro: A. D. 1828-
1832; and 1840-1847.

ABORIGINES, AMERICAN. See Ameri-
can Aborigines.

ABOUKIR, Naval Battle of (or Battle of
the Nile). See Fr.\nce: A. D. 1798 (May—

August) Land-battle of (1799). See

France: A. D. 1798-1799 (August— August).

ABRAHAM, The Plains of. That part of
the high plateau of Quebec on which the mem-
orable victory of Wolfe was won, September 13,
1759. The plain was so called "from Abraham
Martin, a pilot known as Maltre Abraham, who
had owned a piece of land here in the early times
of the colony." — F. Parkman, Montcalm and
Wolfe, V. 2, p. 289.— For an account of the battle
which gave distinction to the Plains of Abraham,
see Canada (New France): A. D. 1759, (June
— September).

ABSENTEEISM IN IRELAND.— In Ire-
land, "the owners of about one-half the land do
not live on or near their estates, while the owners
of about one fourth do not live in the country.
. . . Absenteeism is an old evil, and in very
early times received attention from the govern-
ment . . . Some of the disadvr stages to the
community arising from the absence of the more
wealthy and intelligent classes are apparent to
every one. Unless the landlord is utterly pov-
erty-stricken or very unenterprising, 'there is

ABSENTEEISM IN IRELAND.

ABYSSINIA.

a great <k'nl more going on ' when he is in the
country. ... I am convinced that absenteeism
is a great di.sad vantage to the country and the
people. ... It is too much to attribute to it all
the evils that have been set down to its charge.
It is, ho%vever, an important consideration that
the people regard it as a grievance; and think
the twenty-lh-o or tliirty millions of dollars paid
every year to these landlords, who are rarely or
never in Ireland, is a tax grievous to be borne."
— I). H. Kiiiu-. The IrMi QncHtinii, pp. ."5-11.
ABSOROKOS, OR CROWS. The. See

A.MI-.UUAN AlloKKilNKS: SlOUAN FAXm.Y.

ABU-BEKR, Caliph, A. I). 632-634.

ABU KLEA, Battle of (1885). See Egypt:
A. 1). 1HB4-18H.';.

ABUL ABBAS, Caliph, A. D. 750-754.

ABUNA OF ABYSSINIA, — "Since the
days of Frumentius [who introduced Christianity
into Abyssinia in the 4th century] every ortho-
dox Primate of Abyssinia has been consecrated
by the Coptic Patriarch of the church of Alex-
andria, and has borne the title of Abuna " — or
Abuna Salama, "Father of Peace." — II. M.
Ilozier, 'T/ie llritinh Expedition to Abymnia,
p. 4.

ABURY, OR AVEBURY. — STONE-
HENGE.— CARNAC— "The numerous cir-
cles (if stone or of earth in Britain and Ireland,
varying in diamett r from 30 or 40 feet up to
1,200, arc to be viewed as temples standing in
the closest possible relation to the burial-places
of the dead. The most imposing group of re-
mains of this kind in this country [England] is
that of Avebury [Abury], near Devizes, in
Wiltshire, referred by Sir John Lubbock to a
late stage in the Neolithic or to the beginning of
the bronze period. It consists of a large circle
of unworked upright stones 1,200 feet in diame-
ter, surrounded by a fosse, which in turn is also
surrounded by a nimpart jf earth. Inside are the
remains of two concentric circles of stone, and
from the two entrances in the rampart jjroceeded
long avenues flanked by stor.es, one leading to
Beckhampton, and the other to West Kennett,
where it formerly ended in another double circle.
Between them rises Silbury Hill, the largest
artiticial mound in Great Britain, no less than 130
feet in height. This group of remains was at
one time second to none, ' but unfortunately for
us [says Sir John Lubbock] the pretty little
village of Avclmry [Abury], like some beautiful
parasite, has wn up at the expense and in the
midst of the antient temple, and out of 650 great
stones, not above twenty arc still standing. In
spite of this it is still to be classed among the
finest ruins in Europe. The famous temple of
Stonehenge on Salisbury Plain is probably of a
later date than Avebury, since not only are some
of the stones used in its construction worked, but
the surrounding barrows are more elaborate than
those in the neighbourhood of the latter. It con-
sisted of a circle 100 feet in diameter, of large
upright blocks of sarsen stone, 12 feet 7 inches
high, bearing imposts dovetailed into each other,
so as to form a continuous architrave. Nine
feet within this was a circle of small foreign
stones . . . and witliin this five great trilithons
of sarsen stone, forming a horse-shoe; then a
horsc-shoe of foreign stones, eight feet high, and
in tlie centre a slab of micaceous sandstone called
the altar-stone. ... At a distance of 100 feet
from the outer line a small ramp, with a ditcli

outside, formed the outer circle, 300 feet in
diameter which cuts a low barrow and includes
another, and therefore is evidently of later date
than some of the barrows of the district. "-^W. B.
Dawkins, Early Man in Britain, ch. 10. — "Stone-
henge . . . may, I think, be regarded as a monu-
ment of the Bronze Age, though apparently it
was not all erected at one time, the inner circle of
small, unwrought, blue stones being probably
older tlian the rest; as regards Abury, since tin;
stones are all in their natural condition, while
those of Stonehenge are roughly hewn, it seems
reasonable to conclude that Abury is the older
of the two, and belongs either to the close of the
Stone Age, or to the commencement of that of
Bronze. Both Abury and Stonehenge were, I
believe, used as temples. JIany of the stone
circles, however, have been proved to be burial
places. In fact, a complete burial place may be
described as a dolmen, covered by a tumulus„
and surrounded by a stone circle. Often, how-
ever, we have only the tumulus, sometimes only
the dolmen, and sometimes again only the stone
circle. The celebrated monument of Carnao, in
Brittany, consists of eleven rows of unhewn
stones, which differ greatly both in size and
height, the largest being 22 feet above ground,
while some are quite small. It appears that the
avenues originally extended for several miles, but
at present they are very imperfect, the stones hav-
ing been cleared away in places for agricultural
improvements. At present, thcrefoie, there are
several detached portions, which, however, have
the same general direction, and appear to have
been connected together. . . . Most of the great
tumuli in Brittany probably belong to the Stone
Age, and I am therefore disposed to regard Car-
nac as having been erected during the same
period." — Sir J. Lubbock, Prehistoric Times,
ch. 5.

ABYDOS. — An ancient ci'^y on the Asiatic
side of the Hellespont, mentioned in the Iliad as
one of the towns that were in alliance with the
Trojans. Originally Thracian, as is supposed, it
became a colony of Miletus, and passed at
different times under Persian, Athenian, Lace-
daemonian and IMacedonian rule. Its site was at
the narrowest point of the Hellespont — the scene
of the ancient romantic story of Hero and
Leandcr — nearly opposite to the town of Sestus.
It was in the near neighborhood of Abydos that
Xerxes built his bridge of boats; at. Abydos,
Alcibiades and the Athenians won an important
victory over the Peloponnesians. See Greece :
B. C. 480, and 411-407.

ABYDOS, Tablet of.— One of the most valu-
able records of Egyptian history, found in the
ruins of Abydos and now preserved in the
British Museum. It gives a list of kings whom
Kamses II. selected from among his ancestors to
pay homage to. The tablet was much mutilated
when found, but another copy more perfect has
been unearthed by M. Mariette, which supplies
nearly all the names lacking on the first. — F.
Lenormant, Manual of Ancient Mitt, of the East,
V. 1, bk. 3.

ABYSSINIA : Embraced in ancient Ethio-
pia. See Ethiopia.

Fourth Century. — Conversion to Christi-
anitv. — " ^^'^hatcver may have been the effect
produced u his native country by the conver-
sion of Queen Candace's treasurer, recorded in
the Acts of the Apostles [ch. VIII.], it would

^••■■A

ABYSSINIA, FOURTH CENTURY.

appear to Imve been transitory ; and the Ethio-
pian or Ab3-8sinian church owes its origin to an
expedition made early in tlio fourtli century by
Meropius, a pliilosoplier of Tyre, for the pur-
pose of scientitic inquiry. On his voyage liome-
wards. lie and his companions were attacked at
a i)hice wliere tliey liad landed in search of
water, and all were massacred except two
youths, ^Edesius and Frumentius, the relatives
and pupils of Jleropius. These were carried to
the king of the country, who advanced ^desius
to be his cup-bearer, and Frumentius to be his
secretary and treasurer. On the death of the
king, who left a boy as his heir, the two
strangers, at the request of the widowed queen,
acted as regents of the kingdom until the prince
came of age. iEdesius then returned to Tyre,
will re he became a presbyter. Frumentius,
wli with the help of such Christian traders as
visited the country, had already introduced the
Christian doctrine and worship into Abyssinia,
repaired to Alexandria, related his story to
Athanasius, and . . . Athanasius . . . con-
secrated him to the bishoprick of Axum [the
capital of the Abyssinain kingdom]. The church
thus foimded continues to this day subject to the
see of Alexandria." — J. C. Robertson, Hist, of the
Christian. Church, bk. 2, ch. 6.

6th to i6th Centuries. — Wars in Arabia. —
Struggle with the Mahometans. — Isolation
from the Christian world. — "The fate of the
Christian church among the Ilomerites in Arabia
Felix afforded an opjiortunity for the Abyssin-
ians, under the reigns of the Emperors Justin
and Justinian, to show their zeal in behalf of the
cause of the Christians. Tlie prince of that
Arabian population, Dunaan, or Dsunovas, was
a zealous adherent of Judaism ; and, under pre-
text of avenging the oppressious which his
fellow-believers were obliged to suffer in the
Roman empire, he caused the Christian mer-
chants v.ho came from that quarter and visited
Arabia for the purposes of trade, or passed
through the country to Abyssinia, to be mur-
dered. Elesbaan, the Christian king of Abys-
sinia, made this a cause for declaring war on the
Arabian prince. He conquered Dsunovas, de-
prived him of the government, and set up a
Christiai;, by the name of Abraham, as king in
his stead. But at the death of the latter, which
happened soon after, Dsunovas again made him-
self master of the throne ; and it was a natural
consequence of what he had suffered, that he
now became a fiercer and more cruR persecutor
than he was before. . . . Upon this, Elesbaan
interfered once more, under the reign of the
emperor Justinian, who stimulated him to the
undertaking. lie made a second expedition
to Arabia Felix, and was again victorious.
Dsunovas lost his life in the war; the Abys-
sinian prince put an end to the ancient, in-
dependent empire of the Homerites, and estab-
lished a new government favourable to the
Christians. "—A. Neander, General IIiat(yry of the
Christian Ilcligion and Church, second period,
sect. 1.— "In the year 592, as nearly as can be
calculated from the dates given by the native
writers, the Persians, whose power seems to
have kept pace with the decline of the Roman
empire, sent a great force against the Abyssin-
ians, possessed themselves once more of Arabia,
acquired a naval superiority in the gulf, and
secured the principal ports on either side of it.

ABYSSINIA, ir)TH-19TH CENTURIES.

It is uncertain how long these conquerors re-
tained their acquisition; but, in all probability
their ascendancy gave way to the rising great-
ness of the Mahometan power; which soon
afterwards overwhelmed all the nations con-
tiguous to Arabia, spread to the remotest parts
of tiie East, and even penetrated the African
deserts from Egypt to the Congo. Meanwhile
Abyssinia, though within two hundred miles of
the walls of Mecca, remained unconquered and
true to the Christian faith; presenting a mor-
tifying and galling object to the more zealous
followers of the Prophet. On this account,
implacable and incessant wars ravn jed iier terri-
tories. . . . She lost her commerce, saw her conse-
quence annihilated, her capital threatened, and the
richest of her provinces laid waste. . . . There
is reason to apprehend that she must shortly
have sunk under the pressure of repeated in-
vasions, had not the Portuguese arrived [in the
IGth century] at a seasonable moment to aid
her endeavours against the 3Ioskm chiefs." — M.
Russell, XnbM and Abyssinia, ch. 3. — "When
Nubia, which intervenes between Egypt and
Abyssinia, ceased to be a Christian country,
owmg to the destruction of its church by the
Mahometans, the Abyssinian church was cut off
from communication with the rest of Christen-
dom. . . . They [the Abyssinians] remain an
almost unique specimen of a semi-barbarous
Christian jeople. Their worship is strangely
mixed with Jewish customs." — II. F. Tozer, The
Church and the Eastern Empire, ch. 5.

Fifteenth-Nineteenth Centuries.— European
Attempts at Intercourse. — Intrusion of the
Gallas. — Intestine conflicts. — " About the mid-
dle of the 15th century, Abyssinia came in con-
tact with Western Europe. An Abyssinian con-
vent was endowed at Rome, and legates were
sent from the Abyssinian convent at Jerusalem
to the council of Florence. These adhered to
the Greek schism. But from that time the
Church of Rome made an impress upon Ethiopia.
. . . Prince Henrj' of Portugal . . . next opened
up communication with Europe. He hoped to
open up a route from the West to the East coast
of Africa [see Poutugal,: A. D. 1415-1460],
by which the East Indies might be reached with-
out touching Mahometan territory. During his
efforts to discover such a passage to India, and
to destroy the revenues derived by the Moors
from the spice trade, he sent an ambassador
named Covillan to the Court of Shoa. Covillan
was not suffered to return by Alexander, the
then Negoos [or Negus, or Nagash — the title of
the Abyssinian sovereign]. He married nobly,
and acquired rich possessions in the country. He
kept up correspondence with Portugal, and urged
Prince Henry to (Jiligently continue his efforts to
discover the Southern passage to the East. In
1498 the Portuguese effected the circuit of Africa.
The Turks shortly afterwards extended their con-
quests towards India, where they were baulked by
the Portuguese, but they established a post and a
toll at Zeyla, on the Airicau coast. From here
they hampered and threatened to destroy the
trade of Abyssinia," and soon, in alliance with
the Mahometan tribes of the coast, invaded the
country. ' ' They v'ere defeated by the Negoos
David, and at the same time the Turkish town of
Zeyla was stormed and bumeti by a Portuguese
fleet." Considerable intimacy of friendly rela-
tions was maintained fur some time between the

iUlYSblNlA, 15TII-19TII CENTURIES.

ABYSSINIA, 1854-1880.

Abyssinians and the Portuguese, who assisted in
dcteinling them against the Turlts. "In the
middle of tlic lOtli century ... a migration of
Oallas came from tlie Soutliand swept up to and
over tlie eonliiics of Aby.ssinia. Men of ligliter
complexion and fairer skin than most Africans,
they were Pagan in religion and savages in cus-
toms. Notwithstanding fre(iucnt efforts to dis-
1 Mij a them, they -have lirmly established them-
.elve.s. A large colony has planted itself on the
tanks of the Upper I'akkazie, the Jidda and the
lasliilo. Since their establishment here they
have for the most part embraced the creed of
Mahomet. The province of Shoa is but an out-
lier of Christian Abyssinia, separated completely
from co-religionist districts by these Galla
bands. About the same time the Turks took a
firm hold of Massowah and of the lowland by
the coast, which hud hitherto been ruled by the
Abyssinian Bahar Nagash. Islamism and heath-
enism surrounded Abyssinia, where the lamp of
Christianity faintly glimmered amidst dark
superstition in the deep recesses of rugged val-
leys." In l.')r)8 a Jesuit mission arrived in the
country and established itself at Fremona. ' ' For
nearly a century Fremona existed, and its super-
iors were the trusted advisors of the Ethiopian
throne. . . . But the same fate which fell upon
the company of Jesus in more civilized lands,
pursued it in the wilds of Africa. The Jesuit
missionaries were universally popular with the
Negoos, but the prejudice of the people refused
to recognise the benefits which flowed from Fre-
mona." Persecution befell the fathers, and two
of them won the crown of martyrdom. The
Negoos, Facilidas, "sent for a Coptic Abuna
[ecclesiastical primate] from Alexandria, and con-
cluded a treaty with the Turkish governors of
Massowah and Souakin to prevent the passage of
Europeans into his dominions. Some Capuchin
preachers, who attempted to evade this treaty
and enter Abyssinia, met with cruel deaths.
Facilidas thus completed the work of the Turks
and the Gallixa, and shut Abyssinia out from
European influence and civilization. . . . After
the expulsion of the Jesuits, Abyssinia was torn
by internal feuds and con-stantly harassed by the
encroachments of and wars with the Gallas.
Anarchy and confusion ruled suprtjme. Towns
and villages were burnt down, and the inhabi-
tants sold into slavery. . . . Towards the middle
of the 18th century the Gallas appear to have
increased considerably in power. In the intes-
tine quarrels of Abyssinia their alliance was
courted by each side, and in their country politi-
cal refugees obtained a secure asylum." During
the early years of the present century, the cam-
paigns in Egvpt attracted English attention to
the Red Sea. "In 1804 Lord Valentia, the
Viceroy of India, sent his Secretary, Mr. Salt,
into Abyssinia;" but Mr. Salt was unable to
penetrate beyond Tigre. In 1810 he attempted
a second mission and again failed. It was not
until 1848 that English attempts to open diplo-
matic and commercial relations with Abyssinia
became successful. Mr. Plowden was appointed
consular agent, and negotiated a treaty of com-
merce with Ras Ali, the ruling Galla chief." —
H. M. Hozier, Th^ British Expedition to Aby»-
linia, Introd.

A. D. 1854-1889.— Advent of King Theodore.
— His English captives and the Expedition
which released them. — CJonsul Plowden had

been residing six years at Ma.ssowah when he
heard that tin- Prince to whom he had been ac-
credited, Ras Ali, had been defeated and de-
throned by an adventurer, whose name, a few
years before, had been unknown outside the
boundaries of his native province. This was
Lij Kusa, better known by his adopted name of
Theodore. He was born of an old family, in
the mountainous region of Kwara, where the
land begins to slope downwards towards the
Blue Nile, and educated in a convent, where he
learned to read, and acquired a considerable knowl-
edge of the Scriptures. KSsa's convent life was
suddenly put an end to, when one of those ma-
rauding Galla bands, whose ravages are the
curse of Abyssinia, attacked and plundered the
monastery. From that time he himself took to
the life or a freebooter. . . . Adventurers flocked
to his standard; his power continually increased;
and in 1854 he defeated Ras Ali in a pitched bat-
tle, and made himself master of central Abys-
sinia." In 1855 he overthrew the ruler of Tigrfi.
"He now resolved to assume a title commen-
surate with the wide extent of his dominion. In
the church of Derczgye he had himself crowned
by the Abuna as King of the Kings of Ethiopia,
taking the name of Theodore, because an ancient
tradition declared that a great monarch would
some day arise in Abyssinia. " Mr. Plowden now
visited the new monarch, was impressed with
admiration of his talents and character, and be-
came his counsellor and friend. But in 1860 the
English consul lost his life, while on a journey,
and Theodore, embittered by several mis-
fortunes, began to give rein to a savage temper.
"The British Government, on hearing of the
death of Plowden, immediately replaced him at
Massowah by the appointment o' Captain Cam-
eron. " The new Consul was well received, and
was entrusted by the Abyssinian King with a
letter addressed to the Queen of England, solicit-
ing her friendship. The letter, duly despatched
to Its destination, was pigeon-holed in the Foreign
Office at London, and no reply to it was ever
made. Insulted and enraged by this treatment,
and by other evidences of the indifference of the
British Government to his overtures. King Theo-
dore, in January, 1864, seized and imprisoned
Consul Cameron with all his suite. About
the same time he was still further offended by
certain passages in a book on Abyssinia that had
been published by a missionary named Stem.
Stern and a fellow missionarj^, Rosenthal with
the latter's ^ife, were lodged m prison, and sub-
jected to flogging and torture. The first step
taken by the British Government, when news of
Consul Cameron's imprisonment reached Eng-
land, was to send out a regular mission to Abys-
sinia, bearing a letter signed by the Queen, de-
manding the release of the Captives. The mission,
headed by a Syrian named Rassam, made its way
to the King's presence in January, 1866. Theo-
dore seemed to be placated by the Queen's epistle
and promised freedom to his prisoners. But soon
his moody mind became filled with suspicions as
to the genuineness of Rassam's credentials from
the Queen, and as to the designs and intentions of
all the foreigners who were in his power. He was
drinking heavily at the time, and the result of
his "drunken cogitations was a determination to
detain the mission — at any rate until by their
means he should have obtained a supply of skilled
artisans and machinery from England." Mr.

ABYSSINIA, 1854-1880.

ACU^AN CITIES.

Rnssam and his companions were accordingly
put into confinement, as Captain Cameron had
been. But tliey were allowed to send a mes-
senger to England, making their situation known,
and conveying the demand of King Theodore
that a man be sent to hinl "who can make can-
nons and muskets." The demand was actually
'complied with. Six skilled arti.sans and a civd
engineer were sent out, together with a quantity
of machinery and other presents, in the hope tluit
they would procure the release of the unfortunate
captives at Magdala. Almost a year was wasted
In these futile proceedings, and it was not until
September, 1867, that an expedition consisting of
4,000 British and 8,000 native troops, under Gen-
eral Sir Robert Napier, was sent from India to
bring the insensate barbarian to terms. It landed
in Annesley Bay, and, overcoming enormous
difflcidties with regard to water, food-supplies
and tpinsportation, was ready, about the middle
of January, 1868, to start upon its march to the
fortress of Magdala, where Theodore's prisoners
were confined. The distance was 400 miles, and
several high ranges of mountains had to be passed
to reach the interior table-land. The invading
army met with no resistance until it reached the
Valley of the Bcshilo, when it was attacked
(Ai)ril 10) on the plain of Aroge or Arogi, by
the whole force which Theodore was able to
muster, numbering a few thousands, only, of
poorly armed men. The battle was simply a
rapid sla ht«ring of the barbaric assailants, and
when tl, lied, leaving 700 or 800 dead and 1,500
wounded on the field, the Abyssinian King had
no power of resistance left. He offered at once
to make peace, surrendering all the captives in
his hands; but Sir Robert Napier required an
unconditional submission, with a view to displac-
ing him from the throne, in accordance with
the wish and expectation which he had found to
be general in the countrj'. Theodore refused
these terms, and when (April 13) Magdala was
bombarded and stormed by the British troops —
slight resistance being made — he shot himself at
the moment of their entrance to the place. The
sovereignty he had successfully concentrated in
himself for a time was again divided. Between
April and June the English army was entirely
withdrawn, and " Abyssinia was sealed up again
from intercourse with the outer world." — Cds-
sell's Illustrated Hist, of Eng., v. 9, ch. 28.— "The
task of permanently uniting Abyssinia, in which
Theodore failed, proved equally impracticable to
John, who came to the front, in the first instance,
as an ally of the British, and afterwards suc-
ceeded to the sovereignty. By his fall (10th
March, 1889) in the unhappy war against the
Dervishes or Moslem zealots of the Soudan, the
path was cleared for IVIenilek of Shoa, who en-
joyed the support of Italy. The establishment
of the Italians on the Red Sea littoral . . .
promises a new era for Abyssinia." — T. NOldeke,
Sketches from Eastern Hut., ch. 9.

Also in H. A. Stern, The Captive Missionari/.
— H. M. Stanley, Coomame and Magdala, pt. 2.

♦

ACABA, the Pledges of. See Mahometan
Conquest: A. D. 609-6:52.

ACADEMY, The Athenian.— " The Aca-
demia, a public garden in the neighbourhood of
Athens, was the favourite resort of Plato, and
gave its name to the school wliich he founded.
This garden was planted with lofty plane-trees.

and adorned with temples and statues; a gentle
stream rolled through it." — G. H. Lewes, Biog.
Hint, of Philomphy, Qth E])och. — The masters of
tlie great schools cf philosopy at Athens "chose
for their lectures and discussions the public
buildings which were called gymnasia, of which
t here were several in different quarters of the city.
Tliey could only use them by the sufferance of
the State, which had built them chiefly for
bodily exercises and athletic feats. . . . Before
long several of the schools drew themselves
apart in special buildings, and even took their
most familiar names, such as the Lyceum and
the Academy, from the gymnasia in which they
made themselves at home. Gradually we find
the traces of some material provisions, which
helped to define and to perpetuate the different
sects. Plato had a little garden, close by the
sacred Eleusinian W<ay, in the shady groves of
the Academy, which he bought, saj-s Plutarch,
for some 3,000 drachmae. Tliere lived also his
successors, Xenocrates and Polemon. . . . Aris-
totle, as we know, in later life had taught in the
Lyceum, in the rich grounds near the Ilissus,
and there he probably possessed the house and
garden which after his death came into the hands
of his successor, Theophrastus. " — W. W. Capes,
University life in Ancient Athens, pp. 31-33. —
For a description of the Academy, the Lyceum,
and other gymnasia of Athens, see Gymnasia
Greek. — Concerning the suppression of the
Academy, see Athens: A. D. 529.

ACADIA. See Nova Scotia.

ACADIANS, The, and the British Gov-
ernment. — Their expulsion. See Nova Scotia :
A. D. 1713-1730; 1749-1755, and 1755.

ACARNANIANS. See Akarnanians.

ACAWOIOS, The. See American Abori-
gines: Caribs and their Kindred.

ACCAD.— ACCADIANS. See Babylonia,
Primitive.

ACCOLADE.— "The concluding sign of
being dubbed or adopted into the order of
knighthood was a slight blow given by the lord
to the cavalier, and called the accolade, from the
part of the body, the neck, whereon it was
struck. . . . Many writers have imagined that
the accolade was the last blow which the sol-
dier might receive with impunity: but this in-
terpretaMon is not correct, for the squire was as
jealous of his honour as the knight. The origin
of the accolade it is impossible to trace, but it
was clearly considered symbolical of the religious
and moral duties of knighthood, and was the
only ceremony used when knights were made in
places (the field of battle, for instance), where
time and circumstances did not allow of many
ceremonies."— C. Mills, Ilist. of Chivalry, v. 1,
p. 53, and foot-note.

ACHiEAN CITIES, League of the.— This,
which is not to be confounded with the " Achaian
Ijcague " of Peloponnesus, was an early League
of the Greek settlements in southern Italy, or
Magna Gra;ca. It was "composed of the towns
of Siris, Pandosia, Mctabus or Metapontum,
Sybaris with its offsets Posidonia and Laua,
Croton, Caulonia, Temesa, Terina and Pjxus.
. . . The language of Polybius regarding the
Achaean symmachy in the Pclojionnesus may be
applied also to these Italian Acha?ans ; ' not only
did they live in federal and friendly communion,
but they made use of tlie same laws, and the
same weights, measures and coins, as well as of

■1

ACHJiAN CITIES.

ACHKIDA.

the same magistrates, councillors nnd judges.'"
— T. MoiniiisfU, IIM. ofJiomc. bk. 1, ch. lU.

ACHiEAN LEAGUE. SccGukece: B C.
280-146.

ACH/EMENIDS, The.— The family or dy-
nastic nuiiK' (in its Greeli form) of tiie kings of
the Persian Empire founded by Cyrus, derived
from an ancestor, Acha-menes, who was probably
a chief of the Persian tribe of tlie Pasargada;.
"In the inscription of Behistun, King Darius
says: 'From old time we were kings; eight of
my family have been kings, I am the ninth;
from very ancient times wo have been kings. '
He enumerates his ancestors: 'My father was
Vista9i)a, the father of Vista<;pa was Arsama;
the father of Arsama was Ari3'uramna, the father
of Ariyaranma was Khaispis, the father of Khais-
pis was Ilaklmmauis; hence we arc called Ilak-
hamanisiya(Acha>menids).' In these words Darius
gives the tree of his own family up to Khaispis ;
this was the younger branch of the Achre-
mcnids. Teispes, the son of Achaemenes, had
two sons ; the elder was Cambyses (Kambujiya)
the younger Ariamnes ; the son of Cambyses was
Cyrus (Kurus), the son of Cyrus was Cambyses
11. Hence Darius could indeed maintain that
eight princes of his family had preceded him ;
but it was not correct to maintain that they had
been kings liefore him and that he was the ninth
king." — M. Duncker, Hist, of Antiquity, v. 5,
bk. 8, ch. 3.

Also ix Q. Rawlinson, Family of the Ache-
tnenidw, a pp. to bk. 7 of Herodotua. — See, also,
Peiisia, Ancient.

ACHAIA. — "Crossing the river Larissus, and
pursuing the northern coast of Peloponnesus
south of the Corinthian Gulf, the traveller would
pass into Achaia — a name which designated the
narrow strip of level land, and the projecting
spurs and declivities between that gulf and the
northernmost mountains of the peninsula. . . .
Achaean cities — twelve in number at least, if not
more — divided this long strip of land amongst
them, from the mouth of the Larissus and the
northwestern Cape Ara.\us on one side, to the
western boundary of the Bikyon territory on the
other. According to the accounts of the ancient
legends and the belief of Herodotus, this terri-
tory had been once occupied by ionian inhabit-
ants, whom the Achaeans had e.xpcllcd." — G.
Grote, Hist, of Greece, pt. 2, ch. 4 («, 2).— After
the Roman conquest and the suppression of the
Achaian League, the name Achaia was given to
the Roman province then organized, which
embraced all Greece south of Macedonia and
Epirus.— See Gheece: B. C. 280-146.— "In the
Homeric poems, where . . . the 'Hellenes'
only appear in one district of Southern Thessaly,
the name Ach.i!ans is employed by preference
as a general appelation for the whole race. But
the Aclueans we mav term, without hesitation,
a Pelasgian people, in so far, that is, as we use
this name merely as the opposite of the term
'Hellenes,' which i)revailed at a later time,
although it is true that the Ilclleues themselves
were nothing more than a particular branch of
the Pelasgian stock. . . . [The name of the]
Achfcans, after it had dropped its earlier and
more universal application, was preserved as the
special name of a population dwelling in the
north of the Pelopounese and tlie south of
Thessaly." — G. F. SchOmann, Antiq. of Greece;
Tlie State, Int. — "The ancients regarded them

[the Achseansl as a branch of the iEoHans, with
whom they afterwards reunited into one national
bodj-, i. e. , not as an originally distinct nationality
or mdcpendent branch of the Greek people.
Accordingly, we hear npither of an Achman lan-
guage nor of Achffian art. A manifest and decided
influence of the maritime Greeks, wherever the
Acha-ans appear, is common to the latter with
the ^Eolians. Acha'ans are everywhere settled
on the coast, and are always regarded as jiar-
ticularly near relations of the lonians. . . . The
Acha;ans appear scattered about in localities on
the coast of the iEgean so remote from one
another, that it is impossible to consider all bear-
ing this name as fragments of a people originally
united in one social community; nor do they
in fact anywhere appear, properly speaking,
as a popular body, as the main stock of the
population, but rather as eminent families, from
which spring heroes ; hence the use of the expres-
sion ' Sons of the Acha-ans ' to indicate noble de-
scent." — E. Curtius, Hist, of Greece, bk. 1, ch. 3.

Ai.80 IN M. Duncker, Hist, of Greece, bk. 1, cJi.
2, and bk. 2, ch. 2. — See, also, Achaia, and
Greece : The Migrations.

A. D. 1205-1387.- Mediaeval Principality.
— Among the conquests of the French and
Lombard Crusaders in Greece, after the taking of
Constantinople, was that of a major part of the
Peloponnesus — then beginning to be called the
Morea — by William de Champlitte, a French
knight, assisted by Geffrey de Villehardouin,
the younger — nephew and namesake of the
^Marshal of Champagne, who was chronicler of
the conquest of the Empire of the East. William
de Champlitte was invested with this Principality
of Achaia, or of the Morea, as it is variously
styled. Geffrey Villehardouin represented him
in the government, as his "baillj^," for a time,
and finally succeeded in supplantmg him. Half
a century later the Greeks, who had recovered
Constantinople, reduced the territory of the
Principality of Achaia to about half the penin-
sula, and a destructive war was waged between
the two races. Subsequently the Principality
became a lief of the crown of Naples and Sicily,
and underwent many^ changes of possession
until the title was in confusion and dispute
between the houses of Anjou, Aragon and
Savov. Before it was engulfed finally in the
Empire of the Turks, it was ruined by their
piracies and ravages. — G. Finlay, Hist, of Greece
from its Conquest by the Crusaders, ch. 8.
♦

ACHMET I., Turkish Sultan, A. D. 1603-
1617. . . . Achmet II., 1691-1 095. . . .Achmet III.,
1703-1730.

AC H RAD IN A.— A part of the ancient city
of Syracuse, Sicily, known as the ' ' outer city,"
occupying tlie peninsula north of Ortygia, the
island, which was the " inner city."

ACHRIDA, Kingdom of.— After the death of
John Zimisces who had reunited Bulgaria to the
Byzantine Empire, the Bulgarians were roused
to a struggle for the recovery of their independ-
ence, under the lead of four brothers of a noble
family, all of whom soon perished save one,
named Samuel. Samuel proved to be so vigor-
ous and able a soldier and had so much success
that he assumed presently the title of king. His
authority was established over the greater part
of Bulgaria, and extended into Macedonia,
Epirus and lUyria. He established his capital

ACHRroA.

ACT OF SETTLEMENT.

at Achrida (modern Ochrida, in Albania), wliich
gave its name to his kingdom. Tlic suppression
of tliis new Bulgarian monarchy occupied the
Byzantine Emperor, Basil II., in wars from 981
until 1018, wlicn its last strongholds, including
the city of Achrida, were surrendered to him. —
O. Finlay, Hist, of the Dymntinc Empire from
716 to lOr.7. Ik. 2, ch. 2, sect. 2.

ACKERMAN, Convention of (1826). See
TunKs: A. D. 1826-1829.

ACOLAHUS, The. See Mexico, Anciknt:
The Toltkc Emi'iiii:.

ACOLYTH, The. See Varangian or War-
tNG Guard.

ACRABA, Battle of, A. D. 633.— After the
death of Mahomet, Iiis successor, Abu Bckr, had
to deal witli scvt ral serious revolts, the most
threatening of which was niised by one Mosei-
lama, who had pretended, even in the life-time of
the Prophet, to a rival mission of religion. The
decisive battle between the followers of Mosei-
lama and those of Mahomet was fought at Acraba,
near Yemama. The pretender was slain and few
■of his army escaped. — Sir W. Muir, Annals of
the Early Caliphnte, ch. 7.

ACRABATTENE, Battle of.— A sanguinary
defeat of the Idumcans or Edomites by the Jews
under Judas Maccabaius, B. C. 164. — Josephus,
Antiq. of the Jews, bk. 12, cfi. 8.

ACRAGAS. See Aorioentum.

ACRE (St. Jean d'Acre, or Ptolemais) : A.
D. 1 104. — Conquest, Pillage and Massacre by
the Crusaders and Genoese. See Crusades:
A. D. 1104-1111.

A. D. 1187.— Taken fr*"" the Christians by
Saladin. See Jerusalem : A. D. 1149-1187.

A. D. 1189-1 191. — The great siege and recon-
quest by the Crusaders. See Crusades: A. D.
1188-1192. „

A. D. 1256-1257.— Quarrels and battles be-
tween the Genoese and Venetians. See
Venice: A. D. 1256-1257.

A. D. 1291.— The Final triumph of the
Moslems. See Jerusalem: A. D. 1291.

18th Century.— Restored to Importance by
Sheik Daher.— "Acre, or St. Jean d'Acre,
celebrated under this name in the history of
the Crusades, and in antiquity known by the
name of Ptolemais, had, by the middle of the
18th century, been almost entirely forsaken,
when Sheik Daher, the Arab rebel, restored its
commerce and navigation. This able prince,
whose sway comprehended the whole of ancient
Galilee, was succeeded by tlie infamous tyrant,
Djezzar-Pasha, who fortified Acre, and adorned
it with a mosque, enriched with columns of
antique marble, collected from all the neighbour-
ing cities."— M. Malte-Brun, System of Univ.
Geog.,bk. 29 (v.l).

A. D. 1799.— Unsuccessful Siege by Bona-
parte. See France : A. D. 1798-1799 (August
— August).

A. D. 1831-1840.— Siege and Capture by
Mehemed Ali.— Recovery for the Sultan by the
Western Powers. Sec Turks: A. D. 1831-1840.

ACROCERAUNIAN PROMONTORY.

See KoRKVRA.

ACROPOLIS OF ATHENS, The.-" A

road which, by running zigzag up the slope was
rendered practicable for chariots, led from the
lower city to the Acropolis, on the edge of the
platform of which stood the Propylaea, erected

by the architect Mnesicles in five years, during
the administration of Pericles. . . . On entering
through the gates of the Propylica a scene of
unparalled grandeur and beauty burst upon the
eye. No trace of human dwellings anywhere
appeared, but on all sides temples of more or less
elevation, of Pentelic marble, beautiful in design
and exquisitely delicate in execution, sparkled
like piles of alabaster in the sun. On the left
stood the Erectheion, or fane of Athena Polias;
to the right, that matchless edifice known as the
Ilecatompcdon of old, but to later ages as the
Parthenon. Other buildings, all holy to the eyo
of au Athenian, lay grouped around these master
structures, and, in the open spaces between, in
whatever direction the spectator might look, ap-
peared statues, some remarkable for their dimen-
sions, others for their beauty, and all for the
legendary sanctity which surrounded them. No
city of the ancient or modern world ever rivalled
Athens in the riches of art. Our best filled mu-
seums, though teeming with her spoils, are poor
collections of fragments compared with that
assemblage of gods and heroes which peopled the
Acropolis, the genuine Olympos of the arts." —
J. A. St. John, The Hellenes, bk. 1, ch. 4.—
"Nothing in ancient Greece or Italy could be
compared with the Acropolis of Athens, in its
combination of beauty and grandeur, surrounded
as it was by temples and theatres among its
rocks, and encircled by a city abounding with
monuments, some of which rivalled those of the
Acropolis. Its platform formed one great
sanctuary, partitioned only by the boundaries of
the . . . sacred portions. We cannot, there-
fore, admit the suggestion of Chandler, that, in
addition to the temples and other monuments on
the summit, there were houses divided into regu-
lar streets. This would not have been consonant
either with the customs or the good taste of the
Athenians. When the people of Attica crowded
into Athens at the beginning of the Peloponne-
sianwar, and religious prejudices gave way, in
every po.ssible case, to the necessities of the occa-
sion, even then the Acropolis remained unin-
habited. . . . The western end of the Acropolis,
which furnished the only access to the summit of
the hill, was one hundred and sixty eight feet in
breadth, an opening so narrow that it appeared
practicable to the artists of Pericles to fill up the
space with a single building which should servo
tlie purpose of a gateway to the citadel, as well
as of a suitable entrance to that glorious dis-
play of architecture and sculpture which was
within the inclosurc. This work [the Propy-
la;a], the greatest production of civil archi-
tecture in Athens, which rivalled the Parthenon
in felicity of execution, surpassed it in bold-
ness and originality of design. ... It may be
defined as a wall pierced with five doors, be-
fore which on both sides were Doric hexastyle
porticoes." — W. M. Leake, Topography of Athens,
sect. 8. — See, also, Attica.

ACT OF ABJURATION, The. See Neth-
erlands: A. D. 1577-1581.

ACT OF MEDIATION, The. See Swit-
zerland: A. D. 180;5-1848.

ACT OF SECURITY. See Scotland: A.
D. 1703-1704.

ACT OF SETTLEMENT (English). See
Engl.vnd: a. D. 1701.

ACT OF SETTLEMENT (Irish). See
Ireland: A. D. 1660-1665.

ACT RESCISSORY.

ADULLAMITES.

ACT RESCISSORY. See Scotland; A.
D. lfl«K)-1666.

ACTIUM : B. C. 434.— Naval Battle of the
Greeks.— A defeat inflicted upon the Corinthians
by tlic Corcyrians, in the contest over Epidaninus
which was tlie prelude to the Peloponnesian
War. — E. Curtius, Hint, of O^rccct, hk. 4, ch. 1.

B. C. 31.— The Victory of Octavius. Sec
Romk: H. C. 31.

ACTS OF SUPREMACY. See Supre-
macy, Acts of; and England: A. D. 1527.-
15;J4 : and 1559.

ACTS OF UNIFORMITY. Sec England:
A. D. 1559 and 1«(V2-1065.

ACULCO, Battle of (1810). See Mexico:
A. I). 1810-1819.

ACZ, Battle of (1849). See Austria, A. D.
1848-1849.

ADALOALDUS, King of the' Lombards,
A. I). 616-020.

ADAMS, John, in the American Revolu-
tion. See United States of Am. : A. D. 1774
(May— June); 1774 (September); 1775 (May-
August); 1776 (January— June), 1776 (July).

In diplomatic service. See United States

ofAm. : A. D. 1782 (April); 1782 (September—
November) Presidential election and ad-
ministration. Sec United States of Am.,
A. D. 1790-1801.

ADAMS, John Quincy.— Negotiation of the
Treaty of Ghent. See United States of Am.,
A. D. 1814 (Dkcemher) Presidential elec-
tion and administration. Sec United States
of Am., a. I). 1824-1829.

ADAMS, Samuel, in and after the American
Revolution. See United States ok Am. :
A. D. 1772-1773; 1774 (September); 1775 (May);
1787-1789.

ADDA, Battle of the (A. D. 490). See
Rome: A. D. 488-526.

AD DECIMUS, Battle of (A. D. 533). See
Vandals: A. D. 533-534.

ADEL. — AD ALING. — ATHEL. — " The
homestead of the original settler, his house,
farm-buildings and enclosure, ' the toft and croft, '
with the share of arable and appurtenant common
rights, bore among the northern nations [early
Teutonic] the name of Odal, or Edhel ; the primi-
tive mother village was an Athelby, or Athel-
ham; the owner was an Athelbonde: the same
word Adel or Athel signified also nobility of
descent, and an Adaling was a nobleman. Prim-
itive nobility and primitive landowncrship thus
bore the same name. " — W. Stubbs, Const. Uiat. of
Eng., ch. 8, sect. 24. — See, also, Alod, and
Ethel.

ADELAIDE, The founding and naming of.
See Australia: A. D. 1800-1840.

ADELANTADOS.— ADELANTAMIEN-
TOS. — " Adelautaniientos was an early term
for gubernatorial districts [in Spanish Amer-
ica, the governors bearing the title of Adelanta-
dos], generally of undefined limits, to be ex-
tended by further conquests." — II. II. Bancroft,
Hist, of Vie Pacific States, v. 6 {Mejcico, v. 3),
J). 520.

ADEODATUS II., Pope, A. D. 672-676.

ADIABENE. — A name which ctime to be ap-
plied anciently to the tract of country east of the
middle Tigris, embracing what was originally
the proper territory of Assyria, together with
Arbelitis. Under the Parthian monarchy it
formed a tributary kingdom, much disputed

between Parthia and Armenia. It was seized
several times by the Romans, but never perma-
nently held. — O. liawlinson, Sixth Great Oriental
Monarchy, p. 140.

ADIRONDACKS, The. See Ambricait
Aborigines: Adirondacks.

ADIS, Battle of (B. C. 356). See Pumio
War, The Fikst.

ADITES, The.— "The Cushltes. the first in-
habitants of Arabia, arc known in the national
traditions by the name of Adites, from their
progenitor, who is called Ad, the grandson of
Ham." — F. Lenormant, Manual of Ancient Hist.,
bk. 7, ch. 2. — See Arabia: Titb ancient suc-
cession and fusion of races.

ADJUTATORS. See England: A. D. 1647
(April — August).

ADLIYAH, The. See Islam.

ADOLPH (of Nassau), King of Germany,
A. D. 1291-1298.

ADOLPHUS FREDERICK, King of
Sweden, A. D. 1751-1771.

ADOPTION ISM. — A doctrine, condemned
as heretical in the eighth century, which taught
that "Christ, as to his human nature, was not
truly the Son of God, but only His son by adop-
tion. " The dogma is also known as the Fellcian
heresy, from a Spanish bishop, Felix, who was
prominent among its supporters. Charlemagne
took active measures to suppress the here^ y. — J. I.
Morabcrt, Hist, of Charles the Oreat, bk. I, ch. 12.

ADRIA, Proposed Kingdom of. See Italy :
A. D. 1343-1389,

ADRIAN VI., Pope, A. D. 1522-1523.

ADRIANOPLE.— HADRIANOPLE.— A
city in Thrace founded by the Emperor Hadrian
and designated by his name. It was the scene
of Constantine's victory over Licinius in A. D.
323 (se% Rome: A. D. 305-323), and of the de-
feat and death of Valens in battle with the
Goths (see Qoths (Visigoths) : A. D. 378). In
1361 it became for some years the capital of the
Turks in Europe (see Turks: A. D. 1360-1389).
It was occupied by the Russians in 1829, and
again in 1878 (see Turks: A. D. 1826-1829, and
A. D. 1877-1878), and gave its name to the
Treaty negotiated in 1829 between Russia and
the Porte (see Greece: A. D. 1821-1829).

ADRIATIC, The Wedding of the. See
Venice: A. D. 1177, and 14th Century.

ADRUMETUM. See Carthage, The Do-
minion OF.

ADUATUCI, The. See Belg^.

ADULLAM, Cave of.— When David had
been cast out by the Philistines, among whom he
sought refuge from the enmity of Saul, "his
first retreat was the Cave of Adullam, probably
the large cavern not far from Bethlehem, now
called Khureitun. From its vicinity to Bethle-
hem, he was joined there hy his whole family,
now feeling themselves insecure from Saul's
fury. . . . Besides these were outlaws from
every part, including doubtless some of the
original Canaanites — of whom the name of one
at least has been preserved, Ahimelech the
Hittite. In the vast columnar halls and arched
chambers of this subterranean palace, all who
had any grudge against the existing system
gathered round the hero of the coming age." —
Dean Stanley, Lect's on the Hist, of the Jewish
Church, lect. 22.

ADULLAMITES, The. See England : A.
D. 1865-1868.

ADW ALTON MOOR.

iEOLIANS.

ADWALTON MOOR, Battle of (A. D.

1643).— This was a battle fought near Bradford,
June 29, 1648, in the great English Civil War.
The Parliamentary forces, uuder Lord Fairfax,
were routed by the Koyalists, under Newcastle.
— C. R. Markham, Life of the Great Lord Fair-
fax, ek. 11.

/EAKIDS (iEacids).— The supposed de-
scendants of the demi-god ^Eakus, whose grand-
son was Achilles. (Bee MYUMinoNS.) Miltiades,
the hero of Marathon, and Pyrrhus, the warrior
King of Epirus, were among those claiming to
belong to the royal race of ^akids.

iEDHILING. SeeETHEi..

iEDILES, Roman. See Rome : B. C. 494-492.

iEDUI.— ARVERNL— ALLOBROGES.—
"The two most powerful nations in Gallia were
the ^dui [or Hredui] and the Arverni. The iEdui
occupied that part which lies between the upper
valley of the Loire and the Baone, which river was
part of the boundary between them and the
Hequani. The Loire separated the ^dui from
the Biturigcs, whose chief town was Avaricum
on the site of Bourges. At this time [B. C. 121]
the Arverni, the rivals of the -^dui, were seek-
ing the supremacy in Gallia. The Arverni occu-
pied the mountamous country of Auvergne in
the centre of France and the fertile valley of the
Elavcr (Allier) nearly as far as the junction of the
Allier and the Loire. . . . They were on friendly
terms with the Allobroges, a powerful nation east
of the Rhone, who occupied the country between
the Rhone and the Isara (Isc^re). ... In order to
break the formidable combination of the Arverni
and the Allobroges, the Romans made use of the
^dui, who were the enemies both of the Allo-
broges and the Arverni. ... A treaty was made
either at this time or somewhat earlier between
the .^dui and the Roman senate, who conferred
on their new Gallic friends the honourable title of
brothers and kinsmen. This fraternizing was a
piece of political cant which the Romans prac-
ticed when it was useful." — G. Long, Decline of
the Roman liepublic, v. 1, ch. 21. — See, also,
Gauls.

JEGM. See Edessa (Macedonia).

iEGATIAN ISLES, Naval Battle of the
(B. C. 241). See Punic Wau, The Fiust.

iEGEAN, The.— "The ^gean, or White
Sea, ... as distinguished from the Euxine."
— E. A. Freeman, Ilistorical Qeog. of Europe, j>.
413, and foot-note.

iEGIALEA. — iEGIALEANS.— The orig-
iniil name of the northern coast of Peloponnesus,
and its inliabitants. See Gueece : The Migka-

TI0N9.

iEGIKOREIS. SeePiiYL/E.

iEGINA.— A small rocky island in the Sar-
onic gulf, between Attica and Argolis. First
colonized by Achaeans it was afterwards occu-
pied by Dorians (see Gueece : The Miouations)
and was unfriendly to Athens. During the
sixth century B. C. it rose to great power and
commercial importance, and became for a time
the most brilliant center of Greek art. At the
period of the Persian war, ^Egina was "the
first maritime power in Greece." But the
-iEginetans were at that time engaged in war
■with Athens, as the allies of Thebes, and rather
than forego their enmity, they offered submission
to the Persian king. Tlie Athenians thereupon
appealed to Sparta, as the head of Greece, to
interfere, and the ^ginetans were compelled to

give hostages to Athens for their fidelity to the
Hellenic cause. (See Ghekce: B. C. 493-491.)
They purged themselves to a great extent of
their intended treason by the extmordinary valor
with which they fought at Salaniis. But the
sudden pre-eminence to which Athens rose cast
a blighting shadow upon ..Egina, and in 429 B. C.
it lost its independence, the Athenians taking
possession of their discomfited rival. — C. Thirl-
wall, Hist, of Greece, v. 1, ch. 14.

Also in G. Grote, Hist, of Greece, pt. 2, v. 4,
ch. 36.— See, also, Athens: B. C. 489-480.

B. C. 458-456.— Alliance with Corinth in
war with Athens and Megara.— Defeat and
subjugation. See Gukicce : B. (.'. 4')8-150.

B. C. 431. — Expulsion of the iEginetans
from their island by the Athenians. — Their
settlement at Thyrea. See Gueece: B. C.
431-429.

B. C. 210.— Desolation by the Romans.—
The first appearance of the Romans in Greece,
when they entered the country as the allies of
the .iEtolians, was signalized by the barbarous
destruction of .^gina. The city having been
taken, B. C. 210, its entire population was reduced
to slavery by the Romans and the land and
buildings of the city were sold to Attains, king
of Pergamus. — E. A. Freeman, Hist, of FederM
Govt., ch. 8, sect. 2.

iEGINETAN TALENT. See Talent.

iEGITIUM, Battle of (B. C. 426).— A re-
verse experienced by the Athenian General,
Demosthenes, in his invasion of uEtolia, during
the Peloponnesian War. — Tnucydides, History,
bk. 3, sect. 97.

.£GOSPOTAMI (Aigospotamoi), Battle of.
See Greece: B. C. 405.

.ALFRED. Sec Alfked.

iELIA CAPITOLINA.— The new name
given to Jerusalem by Hadrian. See Jews:
A. D. 130-134.

iELIAN AND FUFIAN LAWS, The.—
" The vElian and Fuflan laws (leges yElia and
Fufia) the age of which unfortunately we can-
not accurately determine . . . enacted that a
popular assembly [at Rome] might be dissolved,
or, in other words, the acceptance of any pro-
posed law prevented, if a magistrate announced
to the president of the assembly that it was his
intention to choose the same time for watching
the heavens. Such an announcement (obnunti-
atio) was held to be a suflicient cause for inter-
rupting an assembly." — W. Ihne, Uist. of Home,
bk. 6, ch. 10.

iEMILIAN WAY, The.— "M. .Emilius
Lepidus, Consul for the year 180 B. C. . . . con-
structed the great road which bcrc his name.
The JEmilian W^ay led from Ariminum through
the new colony of Bononia to Placeutia, being a
continuation of the Flaminian Way, or great
north road, made by C. Flaminius in 220 B. C.
from Rome to Ariminum. At the same epoch,
Flaminius the son, being the colleague of Lepi-
dus, made a branch road from Bononia across
the Appcnines to Arretium." — H. G. Liddell,
Hist, of Borne, bk. 5, ch. 41.

iEMILIANUS, Roman Emperor, A. D. 253.

iEOLIANS, The.— "Tlie collective stock of
Greek nationalities falls, according to the view of
those ancient writers who laboured most to
obtain an exact knowledge of ethnographic
relationships, into three main divisions, ^olians,

iEOLIANS.

^TOLIAN LEAGUE.

Dorians and lonlans. ... All the other inhabit-
aritrt of Greece [not Dorians uiid loniaiisj and of
th(! islands included in it, are comprised under
thecomnion luinie t>f /Eoliivn :i name unknown
us yet to Homer, and wliiiii was inc ontestaltly
applied to a great diversity of j)eoples, anion;;
which it is certain that no sucli honiogentity ()f
race is to Im- a.ssinned as existed among the loni-
ans and Doiians. Among the two former races,
though even these were scarcely in any quarter
completely uinni.xed, there was incontestablv
to he found a single original stock, to which
others had merely been attached, and as it were
engrafted, whereas, among the peoples assigned
to the ^Eolians, no siuh original stock is recog-
nizable, but on the contrary, as great a differ-
ence is found between the several members
of this race as between Dorians and lonians,
and of the so-called ..Eolians, some stood nearer
to the former, others to the latter. ... A
thorough and careful investigation might well
lead to the conclusion that the Greek people
was divided not into three, Ijut into two main
races, one of which we may call Ionian, the other
Dorian, while of the so-callcci ^EoK.ms some,
and i)robablv the greater number, belonged to
•he former, the rest to the latter."— G. F. Sch5-
man, Antiq. of Greece : The State, i)t. 1, ch. 2. —
In Greek myth., ^Eolus, the fancied progenitor
of the yEolians, appears as one of the three sons
of Hellen. "^Eolus is represented as having
reigned in Thessaly: his seven sons were Kre-
theus, Sisyphus, Athamas, Salmoneus, Deion,
Magnes and Perieres : his live daughters, Canacc,
Alcyone, Peisidike, Calyce and Permede. The
fables of this race seem to be distinguished by a
constant introduction of the God Poseidon, as
well as by an unusual prevalence of haughty and
presumptuous attributes among the ..Eolid
heroes, leading them to affront the gods by pre-
tences of c quality, and sometimes even by defi-
ance." — G. Grote, Hist, of Greece, pt. 1, eft. 6.
— See, also, Tiiebsaly, I)orian8 and Ionians,
and Asia Minou: The Greek Colonies.

iEQUIANS, The. SeeOscANs; alsoLATiusi;
and Uo>iE;I3. C. 458.

iERARIANS. — Roman citizens who had no
political ri^iits. See Censors, Roman.

iERARIUM, The. SeeFiscus.

iESOPUS INDIANS. See American Ajjo-

UOINES: Al.dONQlIAN FAMILY.

./ESTII, or iESTYI, The.— " At this point
{beyond the Suioncs] the Suevic Sea [the Baltic],
on its eastern shore, washes the tribes of the
.^stii, whose rites and fashions and styles of
dress are those of the Suevi, while their language
is more like the Uritish. They worshij) the
mother of the gods and wear as a religious sym-
bol the device of a wild boar. . . . They often
use clubs, iron weapons but seldom. They are
more patient in cultivating corn and other pro-
duce than might be expected from the general
indolence of the Germans. But they also search
the deep and are the only people who gather
amber, which they call glesura." — "The ^Estii
occupied that part of Prussia which is to the
north-cast of the Vistula. . . . The name still
survives in the form Estonia." — Tacitus, Ger-
many, trans, by Church and Brodribb, icith
note. — See, also, Prussian Language, The

OLD.

.^SYMNETiE, An.— Among the Greeks,
an expedient "which seems to have been tried

not unfrcquently in early times, for preserving
or restoring tranquility, was to invest an indi-
vidual with ab.solute power, under a peculiar
title, which soon became obsolete: that of
asymnetiE. At Cuma, indeed, and in other cities,
this was the title of an ordinary magistracy, prob-
ablv of that which succeeded the hereditary mon-
archy; but AvJien applied to an extraordinary
ofilce, it was equivalent to the title of protector
or dictator." — C Thirlwall, Jliiit. of Greece, ch.
10.

iETHEL.— iETHELING. See Etiiel, and
Adel.

iETHELBERT, iETHELFRITH, ETC.
See ETiiELHEU'r, etc.

iETOLIA.— iETOLIANS. — "^^.tolia, the
country of Diomed, though famous in the early
times, fell back during the migratory period
almost into a savage condition, i)robablj' through
the influx into it of an Illyrian population which
became only partially Hcllenized. The nation
was divided into numerous tribes, among which
the most important were the Apodoti, the Ophi-
oncis, the Eurytanes and the Agra?ans. There
were scarcely any cities, village life being pre-
ferred universally. ... It wa9 not till the wars
which arose among Alexander's successors that
the ^tolians formed a real political union, and
became an important power in Greece." — Q.
Rttwlinson, Mamtalof Ancient Jlist., bk. 8. — See
also, Akarnanians, and Greece: Tiie Mioiia-

TIONS.

iETOLIAN LEAGUE, The.— "The Acha-
ian and the ^tolian Leagues, had their constitu-
tions been written down in the shape of a formal
document, would have presented but few vari-
eties of importance. The same general form of
government prevailed in both ; each was federal,
each was democratic ; each had its popular as-
sembly, its smaller Senate, its general with large
powers at the head of all. The differences be-
tween the two are merely those differences of
detail which will alwajs arise between any two
political systems of which neither is slavishly
copied from the other. ... If therefore federal
states or democratic states, or aristocratic states,
were necessarilj' weak or strong, peaceful or
aggressive, honest or dishonest, we should see
Achaia and ^Etolia both exhibiting the same
moral characteristics. But history tells another
tale. The political conduct of the Achaian
League, with some mistakes and some faults, is,
on the whole, highly honourable. The political
conduct of the JEtolian League is, throughout
the century in which we know it best [last half
of third and first half of second century B. C.]
almost always simply infamous. . . . The coun-
sels of the JEtoliau League were throughout di-
rected to mere plunder, or, at most, to selfish
political aggrandisement." — E. A. Freeman, Iliat.
if Federal Govt., ch. 6. — The i)lundering aggres-
sions of the ./Etolians involvctl them in continual
war with their Greek kindred and neighbours,
and they did not scruple to seek foreign aid. It
Avas through their agcncj' that the Romans were
first brought into Greece, and it was by their
instrumcntalitj'^ that Antiochus fought his battle
vrith Rome on the sacrcdest of all Hellenic soil.
In the end, B. C. 189, the League was stripped
ly the Romans of even its nominal independence
and sank into a contemptible servitude. — E. A.
lYceman, The same, ch. 7-9.

Also in C. Thirlwall, Hist, of Greece, eh. 63-66.

AFGHANISTAN, B. C. 880.

AFGHANISTAN, 1803-1888.

AFGHANISTAN: B. C. 330.— Conquest
by Alexander the Great.— Foundine of Herat
and Candahar. See Mackdonta, ac. : U. ('.
830-323; anil India: B. C. 327-;M2.

B. C. 301-246.— In the Syrian Empire. See
SBLKCCiDiE; and Macedonia, &c. : 810-801 iind
after.

A. D. 999-1183. — The Ghaznevide Empire.
Seo Tubkb: A. D. 990-1183; ami India: A. D.
977-1290.

A, D. 13th Century.— Conquests of Jtnghis-
Khan. See Monoolh: A. D. 1153-1227; and
India: A. D. 977-1290.

A. D. 1380-1386.— Conquest by Timour.
See TiMouii.

A. D. 1504.— Conquest by Babar. See In-
dia: A. I). 1399-1005.

A. D. 1722. — Mahmoud's conquest of Persia.
SeePiCHSiA: A. D. 1499-1887.

A. D. 1737-1738. — Conquest by Nadir Shah.
SeclNDiA: A. D. 1002-1748.

A. D. 1747-1761.— The Empire of the Door-
anie, Ahmed Abdallee. — His Conquests in
India. See India. A. D. 1747-1701.

A. D. 1803-1838.— Shah Soojah and Dost
Mahomed. — English interference. — "ShahSoo-
juh-ool Moolk, u graudson of the illustrious
Ahmed Shah, reigned in Afghanistan from 1803
till 1809. His youth had been full of trouble
and vici.ssitude. He had been a wanderer, on
the verge of starvation, a jjcdlur, and a ban-
dit, who raised money by plundering caravans.
His courage was lightly reputed, and it was
as a mere creature of circumstance that ho
reached the throne. His reign was perturbed,
and in 1809 he was a fugitive and nn e.\ilc.
Uunjeet Singh, the Sikh ruler of the Punjaub,
defrauded him of the famous Koh-i-noor, which
is now the most precious of the crown jewels of
Euglaud, and plundered and imprisoned the
fallen man. Shah Soojah at length escaped
from Lahore. After further misfortunes lie
at length reached the British frontier station of
Loodianah, and in 1810 became a pensioner of
the Ea.st India Company. After the downfall of
Shah Soojah, Afghanistan for many years was a
prey«to anarchy. At length in 1820, Dost Ma-
homed succeeded in making himself supreme at
Cabul, and this masterful man thenceforward
held sway until his death in 1803, uninterrupt-
edly save during the three years of the British
occupation. Dost Alahomed was neither kith nor
kin to the legitimate dynasty which he displaced.
His father I'oyndah Ivhan was an able statesman
and gallant soldier. He left twenty-one sons, of
whom Futteh Khan was the eldest, and Dost
Mahomed one of the youngest. . . . Throughout
his long reign Dost Mahomed was a strong and
wise rider. Ills youth had been neglected and
dissolute. His education was defective, and he
had been addicted to wine. Once seated on the
throne, the reformation of our Henry V. was not
more thorough than was that of Dost Mahomed.
He taught himself to read and write, studied the
Koran, became scrupulously abstemious, assidu-
ous in allairs, no longer truculent, but courteous.
. . . There was a line rugged honesty in his
nature, and a streak of genuine chivalry; not-
withstanding the despite he suffered at our
hands, he had a real regard for the English,
and his loyalty to us was broken only by his
armed support of the Sikhs in the second
Punjaub war. Tlie fallen Shah Soojah, from

his asylum in LwHliannh, was continually intrigu-
ing for his restoration. His schemes were long
inoperative, and it was not until 1832 that cer-
tain arrangements were entered into between
liim and the Alaharnja Hunjeet Singh. To an
application on Siiah Soojnii's part for counte-
nance and pecuniary aid, the Anglo-Indian Oov-
ernment replied that to afford him assistance
Avould be inconsistent with the policy of n<'Utral-
ity which the Government had imposed on itself ;
but it unwi.sely contributed linancially towaril
his undertaking by granting him four months'
pension in advance. Si.xtcen thousand rupees
formed a scant war fund with which to attempt
the recovery of a throne, but the Shah started on
his errand in February, 1833. After a success-
ful couicst with the Ameersof Scinde, he marched
on Candahar, and besieged that fortress. Canda-
har was in extremity when Dost ^lahomed,
hurrying from Cabul, relieved it, and joining
forces with its defenders, he defeated and routed
Shah Soojah, who fled precipitately, leaving be-
hind him his artillery and camp equipage. Dur-
ing the Dost's absence in the south, Kunjeet
Singh's troops crossed the Attock, occupied the
Afghan province of Peshawup, and drove the
Afghans into the Khyber Pass. No subsequent
efforts on Dost Mahomed's part availed to expel
the Sikhs from Peshawur, and suspicious of
British connivance with Runjeet Singh's success-
ful aggression, ho took into consideration the
policy of fortifying himself by a counter alliance
with Persia. As for Shah Soojah, he had crept
back to his refuge at Loodianah. Lord Auckland
succeeded Lord William Bentinck as Governor-
General of India in March, 1830. In reply to
Do.st Jlahomed's letter of congratulation, his
lordship wrote : 'You are aware that it is not
the practice of the Briti.sli Government to inter-
fere with the affairs of other independent States ; '
an abstention which Lord Auckland was soon to
violate. He had brought from England the feel-
ing of disquietude in regard to the designs of
Persia and Russia which the communications of
our envoy in Persia had fo.stered in the Home
Government, but it would appear that he was
wholly undecided what line of action to pursue.
'Swayed,' says Durand, 'by the vague appre-
hensions of a remote danger entertained by
others rather than himself,' he despatched to
Afghanistan Captain Burnes on a nominally
commercial mission, which, in fact, was one of
political discovery, but without definite instruc-
tions. Burnes, an able but rash and ambitious
man, reached Cabul in September, 183T, two
months before the Persian army l)egan the siege
of Herat. . . . The Dost made no concealment
to Burnes of Ills approaches to Pcisia and Rus-
sia, in despair of British good offices, and being
hungry for assistance from any source to meet
the encroachments of the Sikhs, lie professed
himself ready to abandon his negotiations with
the western powers if he were given reason to
expect countenance and assistance at the hands
of the Anglo-Indian Government. . , . Tlie situ-
ation of Burnes in relation to the Dost was pres-
ently complicated by the arrival at Cabul of a
Russian ofHecr claiming to be an envoy from the
Czar, whose credentials, however, Avere regarded
as dubious, and who, if that circumstance has
the least weight, was on his return to Russia ut-
terly repudiated by Count NessclrcMie. The
Dost took small account of this emissary, con-

AFGHANISTAN, 1803-1888.

AFGHANISTAN, 1838-1.^42.

tinning to nssiirc Iliirnca flmt he cured for no
eoniicclion cxrcpl with tlie Kiijilish, and Humes
professed to his (Joveriimcnt iiis fulU'st eon-
tideiice in tlie sineerity of thos*; duclariitionfl.
Hut the tone of Lord Auekhind's reply, luhlressi'd
to the I)o.st, was so dietuloriiil and supereilioiis
us to indicate tlie writer's intention that it sliouhl
(fivv olTence. It iiad tliut effect, and Humes'
mission at onee beeame hopeless. . . . The Kus-
sian envoy, who was profuse in his promises of
everything wliieh the Dost was most anxious to
ol)tain, was reeelved into favour and treated with
distinction, and on his return journey he effected
a treaty with tlie Candahar chiefs which was
presently ratified liy the Russian minister at the
I'ersian Court. Humes, fallen into discredit at
Cahul, (piittcd that place in August 1888. He
Jiad not been discreet, but it was not his indis-
cretion that brought about the failure of his
mission. A nefarious transiictimi, which Kayc
denounces with the pa'- on of a just indignation,
connects itself with ijurnes' negotiations with
the Dost; his official correspondence was unscru-

{•ulously mutilated and garbled in the published
Jlue Hook with deliberate purpose to deceive
the British jniblic. Humes had failed because,
since he had (juitted India for Cabul, Lord
Auckland's policy had gradually altered. Lord
Auckland had landed in India in the character
of ft man of peace. That, so late as April 1837,
lie had no design of obstructing the existing
situation in Afghanistan is proved by his writ-
ten statement of that date, that ' the British
(Jlovernment had resolved decidedly to discourage
the prosecution by the ex-king Shah Soojah-ool-
Moolk, so long as'he may remain under our i)ro-
tection, of further schemes of hostility against
the chiefs now in power in Cabul and Candahar.'
Yet, in the following June, he concluded a treaty
which sent Shah Soojah to Cabul, escorted by
British bayonets. Of this inconsistency no ex-
planation presents itself. It was a far cry from
our frontier on the Sutlej to Herat in the con-
fines of Central Asia — a distance of more than
1,200 miles, over some of the most arduous
marching ground in the known world. . . .
Lord William Bentinck, Lord Auckland's prede-
cessor, denounced the project as an act of in-
credible folly. Marquis Wellesley regarded
' this wild expedition into a distant region of
rocks and deserts, of sands and ice and snow,' as
an act of infatuation. The Duke of Wellington
pronounced with prophetic sagacity, that the
consequence of once crossing the Indus to settle
a government in Afghanistan would be a peren-
nial march into that country." — A. Forbes, I'he
Afghan Wars, ch. 1.

Also in: J. P. Fcrrier, Hut. of the Afghans,
eh. 10-20.— Mohan Lnl, Life of Amir Dost Mo-
hammed Khan, v. 1.

A. D. 1 838- 1 842. — English invasion, and
restoration of Soojah Dowlah. — The revolt at
CabuL — Horrors of the British retreat. —
Destruction of the entire army, save one man,
only. — Sale's defence of Jellalabad. — "To ap-
proach Afghanistan it was necessary to secure
the friendship of the Sikhs, who were, indeed,
ready enough to join against their old enemies;
and a threefold treaty was contracted between
Kunjeet Singh, the English, and Shah Soojah
for the restoration of the banished house. The
expedition — which according to the original
intention was to have been carried out chiefly

the pay

of Shah
grew into

by means of tr(M)ps in tne m

Soojah and the Sikhs — rapidly „

an English invasion of Afghanistan. A
considerable force was gathered on the Sikh
frontier from Bengal; a second armv, under
Gent-ral Keaiie, was to come »ip from luirrachee
through Sindh. Both of these armies, and the
troops of Shah Soojah, were to enter the high-
lands of Afghanistan by the Bolan Pass. As
the Sikhs would not willingly allow the free
passage of our troops through their country, an
additional burden was laid upon the armies, —
the independent Ameers of Sindh had to be
coerced. At length, with much trouble from
the difficulties of the coiuitry and the loss of the
commissariat animals, the forces were all col-
lected under the command of Keane beyond the
passes. The want of food p<'rmitted of no delay ;
the army pushe<l on to Candahar. Shah Soojah
was declared Monarch of the southern Princi-
l)ftlity. Thence the troops moved rapidly on-
wanfs towards the more important and difficult
concjuest of Cabul. Ghuznee, a fortress of
great strength, lay in the way. In their hasty
movements the English had left their battering
train behind, but tlie gates of the fortress were
blown in with gunpowder, and by a brilliant
feat of arms the fortress was stomied. Nor did
the English army encounter any important
resistance subsecpicntly. Dost Mohamcd found
his followers deserting him, and withdrew north-
wards into the mountains of tlie Hindoo Koosh.
With all the splendour that could be collected,
Shah Soojah was brought back to his throne in
the Bala Hi.s.sar, the fortress Palace of Cabul.
. . . For the moment the policy seemed thor-
oughly successful. The English Ministry could
feel that a fresh check had been placed upon its
liussian rival, and no one dreamt of the terrible
retribution that was in store for the unjust vio-
lence done to the feelings of a people. . . .
Dost Mohamed thought it prudent to surrender
himself to the English envoy. Sir William Mac-
naghten, and to withdraw with his family to the
English provinces of Ilindostan [November,
1840]. He was there well received and treated
with liberality; for, as both the Governor-
General and his chief adviser Macnaghten felt, he
had not in fact in any way offended us, but had
fallen a victim to our policy. It was in the full
belief that their policj' in India had been crowned
with permanent success that the Whig Ministers
withdrew from oiffce, leaving their successors
to encounter the terrible results to which it led.
For while the English officials were blindly con-
gratulating themselves upon the happy comple-
tion of their enterprise, to an observant eye
signs of approaching difficulty wen on all sides
visible. . . . The removal of the strong rule of
the Barrukzyes opened a door for undefined
hopes to many of the other families and tribes.
The whole country was full of intrigues and of
diplomatic bargaining, carried on hy the Eng-
lish political agents with the vanous cliiefs
and leaders. But they soon found that the
hopes excited by these negotiations were illu-
sory. The allowances for which they had bar-
gained were reduced, for the English envoy
liegan to be disquieted at the vast expenses of
the Government. They did not find that they
derived any advantages from the establishnicnt
of the new puppet King, Soojah Dowlah; and
every Mahomedan, even the very king himself,

AFGHANISTAN, 1838-tS43.

AF0IIANI8TAN, 1888-1842.

felt (llsKrarcil ot the predominance of the Eng-
lish InniU'U. But ns no actual InHurrection
broke out. Macnaghtcn, a man of sanguino
tcmix'rariu-nt and anxious to bclievo what ho
wished, in spite of unniiatakahlc warnings as to
the real feeling of the people, clung witii
almost angry vehemence to the persuasion that all
was going well, and that the new King had a real
hold upon the people's affection. So completely
had he deceived himself on this point, that ho
had decided to send back a portion of the Eng-
lish army, under General Sale, into Ilindostan.
He even intended to accompany it himself to
enjoy the peaceful post of Governor of Bombay,
with* which his successful policy had been
rewarded. His place was to be taken by Sir
Alexander Burnes, whoso view of the troubled
condition of tiie country underlying the com-
parative calm of the surface was much truer
than that of Macnagliten, but who, perhaps
from that very fact, was far less popiilar among
the chiefs. The army which was to remain at
Candahar was under the command of General
Nott, an able and decided if somewhat irascible
man. But General Elphinstone, the commaiidcr
of the troops at Cabul, was of quite a diffcrint
stamp. He was nmch respected and liked for
his honourpble character and social qualities,
but was advanced in years, a confirmed invalid,
and wholly wanting in the vigour and decision
which his critical position was likely to require.
The fool's paradise with which the English
Envoy had surrounded himself was rudely
destroyed. He had persuaded himself that the
frequently recurring disturbances, and especially
the Insurrection of the Qhilzyes between Cabul
and Jellalabad, were mere local outbreaks. But
in fact a great conspiracy was on foot in which
the chiefs of nearly every important tribe in the
country were implicated. On the evening of
the 1st of November [1841] a meeting of the
chiefs was held, and it was decided that an
immediate attack should be made on the house
of Sir Alexander Burnes. The following morn-
ing an angry crowd of assailants stormed the
houses of Sir Alexander Burnes and Captain
Johnson, murdering the inmates, and rifling the
treasure-chests belonging to Soojah Dowlah's
army. Soon the whole city was in wild insur-
rection. The evidence is nearly irresistible that
a little decision and rapidity of action on the
part of the military would have at once crushed
the outbreak. But although the attack on
Burnes's house was known, no troops were sent
to his assistance. Indeed, that unbroken course
of folly,and mismanagement which marked the
conduct of our military affairs throughout this
crisis had already begun. Instead of occupying
the fortress of the Bala Hissar, where the army
would have been in comparative security,
Elphinstone had placed his troops in canton-
ments far too extensi"e to be properly defended,
surrounded by an entrenchment or the most
Imjigniflcant character, commanded on almost
all sides by higher ground. To complete the
unfitness of the position, the commissariat
supplies were not stored within the canton-
ments, but were placed in an isolated fort at
some little distance. An ill-sustained and futile
assault was made upon the town on the 3d of
November, but from that time onwards the
British troops lay with incomprehensible supine-
ness awaiting their fate in their defenceless

position. The commissariat fort soon fell Into
the hands of the enemy and rendered their situ-
atiiin Htill more deplorable. Some fiushes of
bravery now and then light<'d up the sombre
scene of helpless misfortune, and perved to show
that destruction might even yet have been
averted by a little firmness. . . . But the com-
mander had alreaily begun to despair, and before
many days had pa.s.scd he w.iS thinking of mak-
ing terms with the enemy Macnagliten luul no
course open to hltn under such circumstances
but toaddpttlie suggestion of the general, and
attempt as well as he could by bribes, cajolery,
and intrigue, to divide the chiefs and secure a
safe retreat for the Englisli. Akbar Khan, the
son of Dost I^Iohamed, though not present ut the
beginning of the insurrection, had arrived from
the northern mounUiins, and at once a.sserted a
predominant infiuence in the insurgent councils.
With him and with the other insurgent chiefs
Macnagliten entered into an arrrangement by
which ho promised to withdraw tlie English
entirely from the country if a snio passage were
secured for the army through the pusses. . . .
While ostensibly treating with the Barrukzyo
chiefs, he intrigued on all sides with the rival
tribes. His double dealing was taken advantage
of by Akbar Khan. He sent messengers to Mac-
nught proposing that the English should make
a separate treaty with himself and support him
with their troops In an as.sault upon some of his
rivals. The proposition was a mere trap, and
the envoy fell into It. Ordering troops to be
got ready, he hurried to a meeting witli Akbar
to complete the arrangement. There he found
hin\self in the presence of the brother and rela-
tives of the very men against whom he was
plotting, and was seized and murdered by
Akbar's own hand [December 23]. Still the
General thought of nothing but surrender. The
negotiations were entrusted to Major Pottinger.
The terms of the chiefs gradually rose, and at
length with much confusion the wretched army
marched out of the cantonments [January 6,
1842], leaving behind nearly all the cannon and
superfluous military stores. An Afghan escort
to secure the safety of the troops on their peril-
ous journey had been promised, but the promise
was not kept. The horrors of the retreat form
one of the darkest passages in English military
history. In bitter cold and snow, which took
all life out of the wretched Sepoys, without
proper clothing or shelter, ucd hampered by a
di.sorderly mass of thousands of camp-followers,
the army entered the terribls defiles which lie
between Cabul and Jellalabad. Whether Aiibar
Khan could, had he wished it, have restrained
his fanatical followers is uncertain. As a fact
the retiring crowd — it can scarcely be called an
army — was a mere unresisting prey to the
assaults of the mountaineers. Constant com-
munication was kept up with Akbar; on the
third day all the ladies and children with the
married men were placed in his hands, and
finally even the two generals gave themselves up
as hostages, always in the hope that the rem-
nant of the army might be allowed to escape. " —
J. F. Bright, Iliat. cf England, v. 4, pp. 61-6fl.—
"Then the march of the army, without o gen-
eral, went on again. Soon it became the story
of a general without an army ; before very long
there was neither general nor army. It is idle to
lengthen a tale of mere horrors. The strag-

AFGIIANISTiVN, 1838-1842.

AFGHANISTAN, 1842-1869.

gling remnant of an army entered the Jugdulluk
Pass — a dark, steep, narrow, ascending path
between craga. The miserable toilers found
that the fanatical, implacable tribes had barri-
caded the pass. All was over. The army of
Cabul was Unally extinguished in that barri-
caded pass. It was a trap; the British were
taken in it. A few mere fugitives escaped from
the scene of actual slaughter, and were on the
road to Jellalabad, where Sale and his little
army were holding their own. When they were
within sixteen miles of Jellalabad the number
was reduced to six. Of these six five were
killed by straggling marauders on the way.
One man alone reached Jellalabad to tell the
talc. Literally one man, P- Urydon, came to
Jellalabad [January 13] ou., ' moving host
which had numbered in all som*. . 000 when it
set out on its march. The curious eye will
search through history or fiction in vain for
any picture more thrilling with the suggestions
of an awful catastrophe than that of this solitary
survivor, faint and reeling on his jaded ho'-se,
as he appeared under the wa. ^ of Jellalabad, to
bear the tidings of our Thermopylae of pain and
shame. This i.^ the crisis of the story. With
this at least the worst of the pain and shame
were destined to end. The lest is all, so far
as we are concerned, reaction and recovery.
Our successes arc common enough ; we may tell
their tale briefly in this instance. The garrison at
Jellalabad had received before Dr. Brydon's ar-
rival an intimation that they were to go out and
march toward India in accordance with the terms
of the treaty extorted from Elphinstone at Cabul.
They very properly declined to be bound by a
treatv which, as General Sale rightly conjec-
tured, had been 'forced from our envoy and
military communder with the knives at their
throats.' General Sale's determination was clenr
and simple. 'I propose to hold this place on
the part of Government until I receive its order
to the contrary.' This resolve of Sale's Tras
really the turning point o1t the history, fialo
held Jellalabatl ; Nott was at Candahar, Akbar
Khan besieged Jellalabad. Nature seemed to
have declared herself emphatically on his side,
for a succession of earthquake shocks shattered
the walls o* the place, and produced more
terrible destruction than the most formidable
guns of modern warfare could have done. But
the garrison held out fearlessly; they restored
the parapets, re-es*ablished every battery, re-
trenched the whole of the gates and built up all
the breaches. They resisted every attempt of
Akbar Khan to advance upon their works, and
at length, when it became certain that General
Pollock Wiis forcing the Khyber Pass to come
to their relief, they determined to attack Akbar
Khan's army; they issued boldly out of their
forts, forced a battle on the Afghan chief, and
completely defeated him. Before Pollock, hav-
ing gallantly fought his war through the
Khyber Pass, had reached Jellalabad [April 161
the beleaguering army had been entirely defeated
and dispersed. . . . Meanwhile the unfortunate
Shah Soojah, whom we had restored with so
much pomp of announcement to the throne of
his ancestors, was dead. He was assassinated
in Oabul, soon nfter the departure of the British,
. . . and Ids body, stripped of its royal robes and
Its many jewels, was flung Into a ditch." — J.
McCarthy, Jft'st. of our own Tiiiua, v. 1, ch. 11.

Also in J. W. Kaye, lEnt. of the War in
Afghanutdii. — G. R. Gleig, Sales Brigade in
Afghanistan. — Lady Sale, Journal of the Disas-
ters in Afghanistan. — Mohan Lai, Life of Dost
Mohammed, ch. 15-18 (r. 2).

A. D. 1 842- 1 869.— The British return to
Cabul. — Restoration of Dost Mahomed. — It
was not till September that Gene il Pollock
' ' could obtain permission from the Go ernor-Gen-
eral. Lord EUenborough, to a;lvai ?e against
Cabul, though both he and Nott were 'jummg to
do so. When Pollock did advaLce, h found the
enemy posted at Jugdulluck, the sc.ne of the
massacre. ' Here,' says one writer, ' the skeletons
lay so thick that they had to be cleared away to
allow the guns to pass. The savage grandeur of
the scene rendered it a fitting place for the deed
of blood which had been enacted under its horrid
shade, never yet pierced in some places by sun-
light. The road was strewn for two miles with
mouldering skeletons like a charnel house.' Now
the enemy found they had to deal with other
men, und.er other leaders, for, putting their
whole energy into the work, the British troops
scaled the heights and steep ascents, and defeated
the enemy in their strongholds on all sides.
After one more severe fight with Akbar Khan,
and all the force he could collect, the enemy
were beaten, and driven from their mountains,
and the force marched quietly into Cabul,
Nott, on his side, started from Candahar on the
7th of August, and, after fighting several small
battles with the enemy, he captured Ghuzni,
where Palmer and his garrison had been de-
stroyed. From Ghuzni General Nott brought
away, by command of Lord EUenborough, the
gates of Somnauth [said to ha^ . oeen taken
from the Hindu t Miple of Somnauth by Mah-
ud of Ghazni, die first Mohammedan in-
\.uler of India, in 1024], which formed the sub-
ject of the celebrated ' P'oclamation of the
Gates,' as it was called. This proclamation,
issued by Lord EUenborough, brought upon him
endless ridicule, and it was indeed at first con-
sidered to be a satire of his enemies, in imitation
of Napoleon's address from the Pv'ramids; the
Duke of Wellington called it 'The Song of
Triumph.' . , . This proclamation, put forth
with so much flourishing of trumpets and ado,
was really an insult to those whom it professed
to praise, it was an insult to the Mohammedans
under our rule, for their power was gone, it was
also an insult to the Hindoos, for their temple of
Somnauth was in ruins. These celebrated ^ates,
which are believed to be imitations of the original
gates, are uow lying neglected and worm-eaten,
in the back part of a small museum at Agra.
But to return. General Nott, having captured
Ghuzni and defeated Sultan Jan, pushed on to
Cabul, where he arrived on the 17th of Septem-
ber, and met Pollock. The English prisoners
(amongst whom were Brigadier Shelton and
Lady Sale), who had been captured at the time
of the massacre, were brought, or found their
own way, to General Pollock's camp. General
Elphinstone had died during his captivity. It
was not now considered necessary to take any
further steps; the bazaar in Cabul was de-
stroyed, and on the 12th of October Pollock and
Nott turned their faces southwards, and began
their march into India by the Khyber route.
The Afghans in captivity were sent back, and
the Governor-General received the troops at

A ^'fT \NISTAN, 1842-1869.

AFGHANISTAN, 1869-1881.

Ferozepoor. Tl, .d ended the Afghan war of
1838-4'J. . . . The war being over, we with-
drew our forces into India, leaving the son of
Shah Soojah, Fathi Jung, wlio had escaped from
Cabul wlien his fatlier was murdered, as king of
tlio country, a position tliat he was unable to
maintain long, being verj' sliortly afterwards
assassinated. In 1843 Dost Mahomed, the ruler
whom we had deposed, and who had been living
at our expense in India, returned to Cabul and
resumed his former position as king of the coun-
try, still bearing ill-will towards us, which he
showed on several occasions, notably during tlie
Sikh war, when he sent a body of his horsemen
^j tight for the Sikhs, and he himself marched
an army through the Kliyber to Peshawur to
assist our enemies. However, the occupation of
the Punjab forced upon Dost Mahomed the
necessity of being on friendly terms with his
powerful neiglibour; he therefore concluded a
friendly treaty with us in 1854, hoping thereby
that OUT power would be used to prevent the in-
trigues of Persia against his kingdom. Tliis
hope was shortly after realized, for in 1856 we
declared war against Persia, an event whicli was
greatly to the advantage of Dost Mahomed, as
it prevented Persian encroachments upon his
territory. This war lasted but a short time, for
early in 1857 an agreement was signed between
England and Persia, by which the latter re-
nounced all claims over Herat and Afghanistan.
Herat, however, still remained independent of
Afghanistan, until 1863, when Dost Mahom"'!
attacked and took the town, thus uniting the
whole kingdom, including Candahar and Afghan
Turkestan, under his rule. This was almost the
last act of the Ameer's life, for a few days after
taking Herat he died. By his will ho dirct^d
that Shere Ali, one of his sons, sbculd Buoccod
him as Ameer of Afghanistan. The new A i eer
immediately wrote to the Goveraor-Geneiai of
India, Lord Elgin, in a friendly tone, P 'l Ing
that his succession might be ack-iowledged.
Lord Elgin, however, as the coinn'^'acen.. it of
the Liberal policy of 'masterly inactivity'
neglected to answer the letter, *. neglect (vhich
cannot but be deeply regretted, &s Shere Ali was
at all events the de facto ruler of the country,
and even had he bee" *^""ton by any other rival
for the throne, it would have been time enough
to acknowledge that rival fs soon as he was
really ruler of the country. When 8i\ months
later a cold acki'owledgcment of the letter was
given by Sir William D onison, and when a re-
quest that the Amejr made for 6,000 muskets
had been refused by Lord Lawrence, the Ameer
concluded that the disposition of England
towards him was r t that of a friend ; particu-
larly as, when latei on (.wo of his brothers re-
volted against him, ^.u.u of them was told by
the Government that he would be acknowledged
for that part of the coimtry which he brought
under his power. However, after various
changes in fortune, in 1869 Shere Ali finally
defeated his two brotliers Afzool and Azim,
together with Afzool's son. Abdurrahman. "—P.
F. Walker, Afgltnmtan, pp. 45-51.

Also in J. W. Kaye. Rist. of the War in
Afghanistan.— Q. B. Malleson, Ilist. of Afghan-
istan, ch. 11.

A. D. 1 869 -1 88 1. —The second war with
the English and its causes.— The period of
disturbance in Afghanistan, during the struggle

of Shere Ali with his brotliors, coincided witli
the vice royalty of Lord Lawrence in India.
The policy of Lord Lawrence, " sometimes
slightingly spoken of as masterly inactivity,
consisted in holding entirely aloof from the dynas-
tic quarrels of the Afghans . . . and in attempt-
ing to cultivate the friendship of tlie \meer by
gifts of money and arms, while, carefully avoicl-
ing topics of offence. . . . Lord Lawrence was
himself unable to meet the Ameer, but his suc-
cessor. Lord Mayo, had an interview with him
at Umballah in 1869. ; . . Ltrd JIayo adhered
to the policy of his predcccscr. He refused to
enter into any close alliance, lie refused to pledge
himself to support any dynasty. But on the
other hand he promised tluit he would not
press for the admission of any English oflicers as
Residents in Afghanistan. The return expected
by England for this attitude of friendly non-in-
terference was tliat every other foreign state,
and especially Rus.sia, should be forbidden to
mix either directly or indirectly with the alTairs
of the country in which our interests were so
closely Involved. . . . But a different vie ,v was
held by another school of Indian politicians, and
was supported by men of such eminence as Sir
Bartle Frere and Sir Henry Rawlinson. Their
view was known as the Sindh Policy as con-
trasted with that of the Punjab. It appeared
to them desirable that English agents should be
established at Quetta, Candaliar, and Herat, if
not at Cabul itself, to keep the Indian Govern-
ment completely informed of the affairs of
Afghanistan, and to maintain English influence
in the country. In 1874, upon the accession of
the Conservative ."Ministry, Sir Bartle Frere pro-
duced a memorandum in which this policy was
ably maintained. ... A Viceroy whose views
were more in accordance with those of the
Government, and who was likely to bo a more
ready instrument in [its] hands, was found in
Lord Lytton, who went to India intrusted with
the duty of giving effect to tlie new policy. He
was instructed ... to continue payments of
money, to recognise the permanence of the
existing dynasty, and to give a pledge of
material support in case of unprovoked foreign
aggression, but to insist on the acceptance of an
English Resident at certain places in Afghanistan
in exchange for these advantages. . . . Lord
Lawrence and those who thought with him in
England prophesied from the first the disastrous
results which would arise from the alie-jation of
the Afghans. . . . The suggestion of Lord
Lytton that an English Commission should go
to Cabul to discuss matters of common interest
to the two Governments, was calculated . . .
to excite feelings already somewhat unfriendly
to England. He [Shore Ali] rejected the
mission, and formulated his grievances. . . .
Lord Lytton waived for a time the despatch of
the mission, and consentod to a meeting between
the Minister of tlie Ameer and Sir Lewis Pelly
at Peshawur. . . . The English Commissioner
was instructed to declare that the one indispen-
sable condition of the Treaty was the admission
of an English representative within the limits of
Afghanistan. The almost piteous request on
the part of tho Afghans for the relaxation of
this demand proved unavailing, and the sudden
death of the Ameer's envoy formed a gooil
excuse for breaking off the negotiation. Lord
Lytton treated the Ameer as incorrigible, gave

AFGHAN ISTiVN, 1869-1881.

AFGHANISTAN, 1869-1881.

bim to understand that the English would pro-
ceed to secure their frontier without f urtlier refer-
ence to him, and witlulrew his native agent
from Cabul. While the relations between the
two countries were in this uncomfortable con-
dition, information reached India that a Russian
missirm had been received at Cabul. It was just
at this time that the action of the Home Govern-
ment seemed td be tending rapidly towards a
war with Kussia. ... As the despatch of a
mission from Russia was contrary to the
engagements of that country, and its reception
under existing circumstances wore an unfriendly
aspect. Lord Lytton saw his way with some
plausible justification to demand the reception
at Cabul of an English embassy. He notified
his intention to the Ameer, but without waiting
for an answer selected Sir Neville Chamberlain
as his envoy, and sent him forward with an
escort of more than 1,000 men, too large, as it
was observed, for peace, too small for war. As
a matter of course the mission was not admitted.
. . . An outcry was raised both in England and in
India. . . . Troops were hastily collected upon
the Indian frontier; and a curious light was
thrown on what had been done by the assertion
of the Premier at the Guildhall banquet that
the object in view was the formation of a ' scien-
tific frontier;' in other words, throwing aside all
former pretences, he declared that the policy
of England was to make use of the opportunitj'
offered for direct territorial aggression. ... As
had been foreseen by all parties from the first,
the English armies were entirely successful in
their first advance [November, 1878]. ... By
the close of December Jellalabad was in the
hands of Brown«, tiio Shutargardan Pass had
been surmounted by Roberts, and in January
Stewart established himself in Candahar. When
the resistance of his army proved ineffectual,
Shere Ali had taken to flight, only to die. His
refractory son Yakoob Khan was drawn from
his prison and assumed the reins of government
as regent. . . . Yakoob readily granted the
English demands, consenting to place his foreign
relations under British control, and to accept
British agencies. With considerably more
reluctance, he allowed what was required for the
rectification of the frontier to pass into English
hands. He received in exchange a promise of
support by the British Government, and an
annual subsidy of £60,000. On the conclusion
of the treaty the troops in the Jellalabad Valley
withdrew within the new frontier, and Yakoob
Khan was left to establish his autliority as best
he could at Cabul, whither in July Cavagnari
with an escort of tw^enty-six troopers and eighty
infantry betook himself. Then was enacted
again the sad story which preluded the first
Afghan war. All the parts and scenes in the
drama repeated themselves with curious
uniformity — the English Resident with his
little garrison trusting blindly to his capacity
for inliuencing the Afghan mind, the puppet
king, without the power to make himself
respected, ir ted by tlie constant presence of
the Resident, a chiefs mutually distrustful and
at one in nollang save their hatred of English
interference, the people seething with anger
against the infidel foreigner, a wild outbreak
which the Ameer, even had he wished it, could
not control, an attack upon the Residency and
the complete destruction [Sept., 1879] after a

gallant but futile resistance of the Resident and
his entire escort. Fortunately the extreme
disaster of the previous war was avoided. The
English troops which were withdrawn from the
country were still within reach. . . . About the
24th of September, three weeks after the out-
break, the Cabul field force under General
Roberts was able to move. On the 5th of Octo-
ber it forced its way into tlie Logar Valley at
Charassiab, and on the 12th General Roberts
was able to make his formal entry into the city
of Cabul. . . . The Ameer was deposed, martial
law was established, the disarmament of the peo-
ple required under pain of death, and the
country scoured to bring in for punishment
those chiefly implicated in the late outbreak.
While thus engaged in carrying out his work of
retribution, the wave of insurrection closed
behind the English general, communication
through the Kurani Valley was cut off, and he
was left to pass the winter with an army of
some 8,000 men connected with India only by
the Kybur Pass. ... A new and formidable
personage . . . now made his appearance on
the scene. This was Abdurahman, tlie nephew
and rival of the late Shere Ali, who upon the
defeat of his pretensions had sought refn ■^" in
Turkestan, and was supposed to be supji led
by the friendship of Russia. The expected
attack did not take place, constant reinforce-
ments had raised the Cabul army to 20,000, and
rendered it too strong to be assaijed. ... It
was thought desirable to break up Afghanistan
into a northern and southern province. . . . The
policy thus declared was carried out. A cer-
tain Shere Ali, a cousin of the late Ameer of
the same name, was appointed Wall or Gover-
nor of Candahar. In the north signs were
visible that the only possible successor to the
throne of Cabul would be Abdurahman. . . . The
Bengal army under General Stewart was to
march northwards, and, suppressing on the way
the Ghuznee insurgents, was to join the Cabul
army in a sort of triumphant return to Peshawur.
The first part of the programme was carried out.
. . . The second part of the plan was fated to
be interrupted by a serious disaster which
rendered it for a while uncertain whether the
withdrawal of the troops from Afghanistan was
possible. . . . Ayoob had always expressed his
disapproval of his brother's friendship for the
English, and had constantly refused to accept
their overtures. Though little was known
about him, rumours were afloat that he intended
to advance upon Ghuznee, and join the Insur-

fents there. At length about the middle of
une ['1880] his army started. . . . But before
the end of June Farah had been reached and it
seemed plain that Candahar would be assaulted.
. . . General Burrows found it necessary to fall
back to a ridge some forty -flve miles from
Candahar called Kush-y-Nakhud. There is a
pass called 3Iaiwand to the north of the high-
road to Candahar, hj which an army avoiding
the position on the ridge might advance upon
the city. On the 27th of Julj^ the Afghan
troops were seen moving In the direction of this
pass. In his attempt to stop them with his
small force, numbering about 2,500 men, Gen-
enil Burrows was disastrously defeated. With
diflJculty and with the loss of seven guns, about
half the English troops returned to Candahar.
Cteneral Primrose, who was in command, had no

AFGHANISTAN. 1869-188<

AFRICA, 1884-1801.

choice but to sitrcngtlien thn place, submit to an
iuvestincnt, and wait lill lie should be rescued.
. . . The trooiis at Cabul were ou the point of
withdrawiui^ when the news of the disaster
reached them. It was at once decided that tli!)
pick of the army under General Roberts should
push forward to the beleaguered city, while Gen-
eral Stewart with the remainder should carry
out the intended withdrawal. . . . With about
10,000 liirhtingmcn and 8,000 camp followers
General Hoberts brought to a successful issue
his remarkable euteri)ri.se, . . . falling upon
the army of the Ameer and entirely dispersing
it a sliort distance outside the city. All tho.se ut
all inclined to tiie forward policy clamoured for
the maintenance of a British force in Candahar.
lint the Government firmly and decisively
refu.sed to consent to anything approaching to
a permanent occupation. . . . The struggle
between Abdurahman and Ayoob continued for
a while, and until it was over the English
troops remained at Quetta. But -when Abdurah-
man had been several times victorious over his
rival and in October [1881] occujjied Herat, it
was thought .safe to complete the evacuation,
leaving Abdm'ahman for the time at least gen-
' erallyacceptedas Ameer." — J. F. Bright, lUst.
of Eng., period 4, pp. 534-544.

Also in A. Forl)es, The. Afghan Wars, pt. 2.—
Duke of Argvll, 2'/ie Afghan Question from- 1841
to 1878.— G' B. Mallesou, The Itusno- Afghan
Question.

AFRICA: The name as anciently applied.
See Libyans.

The Roman Province. — "Territorial sov-
ereignty over the whole of North Africa had
<loubtless already been claimed on the part of
the Roman Republic, perhaps us a portion of
the Carthaginian inheritance, perhaps because
' our sea ' early became one of the fundamental
ideas of the Roman conunonwealth; and, in so
far, all its coasts were regarded by the Romans
even of the developed republic as their true pro-
perty. Nor had this claim of Rome ever been
properly contested by the larger states of North
Africa after the destruction of Carthage. . . .
The arrangements which the emperois niiulo
were carried out cpiitc after the same way in the
territory of the dependent princes as in the
immediate territory of Rome ; it was the Roman
government that regulated the boundaries in all
North Africa, and constituted Roman com-
munities at its discretion, in the kingdom of
Mauretania no less than in the province of
Numidia. We cannot therefore speak, in the
strict sense, of a Roman subjugation of North
Africa. The Romans did not conquer it like the
Phaniicians or the French ; but they ruled over
Numidia as over Jlauretania, first as suzerains,
then as successors of the native governments.
... As for the previous rulers, so also doubtless
for Roman civilization there was to be found a
limit to the south, but hardly so for the Roman
territorial supremacy. There is never mention
of any formal extension or taking back of the
frontier in Africa. . . . The former teiritory of
Carthage and the larger part of the earlier king-
dom of Numidia, united with it by the dictator
Cicsar, or, as they also called it, the old and new
Africa, formed until the end of the reign of
Tiberius the province of that name [Africa],
which extended from the boundary of Gyrene to
2

the river Ainpsagr, embra'-i'U' the modem state
of Tripoli, as well as Tunis-- and the French prov-
ince of Constantine. . . . Mauretania was not
a heritage like Africa and Numidia. . . . The
Romans can .scarcely have taken over the Empire
of the Mauretanian kings in quite the .same ex-
tent as these i)ossessed it; but . . . probably the
whole south as far as the great desert passed as
imperi.al land." — T. Mommsen, Hint, of Home, bk.
8, eh. 13.— 8ee, also, Cartiiaoe, Numidia, and

CVIUCNK.

The Mediseval City. See Bakbakv States:
A. 1). 1543-1 noo.

Moslem conquest and Moslem States in the
North. Se<' .Mahometan Conqiest, &c. : A. D.
040-040; G47-709, and 908-1171; also BAunAKY
St.vtes; Egypt: A. D. 1250-1517, and after; and

SlDAN.

Portuguese Exploration of the Atlantic
Coast. — The rounding of the Cape. See Pou-
TidAi.: A. I). 1415-1400, and 1403-1408.

Dutch and English Colonization. See South
Ai'iacA.

A. D. 1787-1807.— Settlement of Sierra
Leone. See Sieiiha Leone.

A. D. 1820-1822. — The founding of Liberia.
SecSr.AVEUY, Necuo: A. 1). 1810-1847.

A. D. 1884-1891.— Partition of the interior
between European Powers. — "The partition
of Vfrica may be said to date from the Berlin
("<mference of 1884-85 [see Congo Fuee State].
Prior to that Conference the (piestion of inland
bimudaries was scarcely considered. . . . The
'oiiiuling of the Congo Independent State was
Ii:-ob;'.bly the most important result of the Cou-
ference. . . . Two months after the Conference
had concluded its labours, Great Britain and Ger-
mauj' had a .serious dispute in regard lo their re-
spective spheres of influence on the Gulf of
Guinea. . . . The compromise . . . arrived at
placed the Mission Station of Victoria within the
German sphere of inlluence." The frontier be-
tween the two spheres of intluence ou the Bight
of Biafra was subsequently defined by a line
drawn, in 1886, from the coast to Yola, on the
IJeuue. The Royal Niger Company, constituted
by a royal charter, "was given ajlministnitive
powers over territories covered by its treaties.
The regions thereby placed under British pro-
tection . . . apart from the Oil Rivers District,
which is directly administered by the Crown,
embrace the coastal lands between Lagos and the
northern frontier of Camarons, the Lower Niger
(including territories of Sokoto, Gandu and
Borgo), and the Benue from Yola to its con-
fluence." By a Protocol signed December 24,
1885, Germany and France "defined their re-
spective spheres of influence and action on the
Bight of Biafra, and also ou the Slave Coast and
in Senegambia." This " fixed the inland cxten-
si(m of the German'sphere of intluence (Camarons)
at 15° E. longitude, Greenwich. ... At present
it allows the French Congo territories to expand
along the western bank of the M'bangi . . . pro-
vided no other tributary of the M'bangi-Congo is
fouud to the west, in which case, according to
the Berlin Treaty of 1884-85, the conventional
basin of the Congo would gain an extension."
On the 12th of May, 1886, Fnnire and Portugal
signed a convention by which France " secured
the exclusive control of both banks of the Ca.sa-
manza (in Senegambia), and the Portuguese
frontier in the south was advanced approximately

AFHICA, 1884-1891.

AFRICA, 1884-1891.

to the .snutlicrn limit of the basin of the Casini.
On tiic CoriKo, Portugal retained the ^la.ssahi dis-
trirt, to which France luul laid claim, hijt both
banlis of th(! Loaugo were left to France." In
18H4 three representatives of the Society for
German Colonization — Dr. Peters, Dr. Jllhlke,
and Count Pfeil — (juietlv concluded treaties with
the chiefs of U.seguha, L^kami, Nguru, and Usa-
gara, by which thost; territories were convcjcd
to tile Society in (luestion. "Dr. Peters . . .
armed with his "uties, returned to Berlin In
February, 1885. i the 27th February, the day
following the sIl tire of the General Actof the
Berlin Confcreim . an Imperial Schutzbricf, or
Charter of Protection, secured to the Society for
German Colonization the territories ... ac-
(juired for them tiiroiigh Dr. Peters' treaties: in
other words, a German Protectorate was pro-
claimed. When it becaiiu; known tliat Germany
had seized upon tlie Zanzibar mainland, tlie in-
dignation in colonial circles knew no bounds.
. . . Prior to 1884, tlu; continental lands facing
Zanzibar were almost exclusively under British
influence. The principal traders were British
subjects, and the Sultan's Government was ad-
ministered under the advice of the ]?ritish Resi-
dent. The entire region between the Coast and
the Lakes was regarded as being under tlie nomi-
nal suzerainty of the Sultan. . . . Slill, Great
Britain had no territorial claims on the dominions
of the Sultan." The Sultan formally protested
and Great Britain championed his cause ; but to no
effect. In tlie end the Sultan of Zanzibar yielded
the German Protectonite over f he four inland prov-
inces and over Vitu, and the British and German
Governments arrangetl questions between tliem,
provisionally, by the Anglo-German Convention
of 188G, which was afterwards superseded by
the inori! definite Convention of July 1890, wliich
will be spoken of below. In April 1887, the
rights of the Society for German Colonization
were transferred to the German East Africa As-
.sociation, with Dr. Peters at its head. The Brit-
ish East Africa Conipanj' took over' conces.sions
that had been granted by the Sultan of Zanzibar
to Sir William Mackinnon, and received a royal
charter in September, 1888. In South-west Af-
rica, "an enterprising Bremen merchant, Herr
LUderitz, and subsequently the German Consul-
General, Dr. Nachtigal, concluded a series of po-
litical and commercial treaties with native chiefs,
whereby a claim was instituted over Angra
Peipiefia, and over vast districts in the Interior
between the Orange River and Cape Frio. . . .
It was useless for the Cape colonists to protest.
On the 13th October 1884 Germany formally
notitied to the Powers her Protectorate over
South- West Africa. . . . On 3rd Augu.st 1885 the
German Colonial Company for South- West Af-
rica was founded, and . . . received the Im-
perial sanction for its incorporation. But in
August 1880 a new Association was formed —
the German West- Africa Company — and the ad-
ministration of its territories was placed under an
Imperial Commissioner. . . . TL., intrusion of
Germany into South-Wcst Africa acted as a check
upon, no less than a spur to, the extension of
Britisli inlluencc northwards to the Zambezi.
Another obstacle to this extension arose from the
Boer insurrection." The Transvaal, with in-
creased independence had adopted the title of
South African Republic. "Zulu-land, having lost
its independence, was partitioned : a third of its

territories, over which a rcptiblic had been pro-
claimed, was absorbeil (October 1887) by the
Transvaal ; the remainder was added (14th May
1887) to the British possessions. Amatonga-hiud
was in 1888 also taken under British protection.
By a convention with the South African Repub-
lic, Britain acquired in 1884 the Crown colony
of Bechuana-Iand; and in the early part of 1885
a British Protectorate was proclaimed over the
remaining portion of Bcchuana-land." F'urther-
more, "a British Protectorate was instituted
[1885] over the country bounded by the Zambezi
m the north, the British possessions in the south,
' the Portuguese province of Sofala ' in the east,
and the 20tli degree of east longitude in the west.
It was at this juncture that ^Ir. Cecil Rhodes
came forward, and, having obtained certain con-
cessions from Lobengula, founded the British
South Africa Comjiany. ... On the 'J9th Oc-
tober 1889, the Britisli South Africa Company
was granted a royal charter. It was declared in
this cliarter that ' the principal tick' of the opera-
tions of tlui British South African Company shall
be the region of South Africa lying immediately
to the north of British Bec'huanaland, and to
the north and west of the South African Repub-
lic, and to the west of the Portuguese doniin- '
ion.s. '" Xo northern limit was given, and the
other boundaries were vaguely defined. The
position of Swazi-land was definitely settled in
1890 by an arrangement between Great Britain
and the South African Republic, which provides
for the continued indepeiulence of Swazi-land and
a joint control over the white settlers. A Britisli
Protectorate was i)roclaimed over Nvassa-land
and the Shire Highlands in 1889-90. "To return
now to the proceedings of other Powers in Africa:
"Italy took formal possession, in July 1882, of
the bay and territory of Assab. The Italian,
coast-line on the Red Sea was extended from Ras
Kasar (18" 2' N. Lat.) to the southern boundary
of Raheita, towards Obok. During 1889, shortly
after the death of King Johannes, Keren and'
Asmara were occupied by Italian troops. iVIene-
lik of Shoa, who succeeded to the tlironc of
Abyssinia after subjugating all the Abyssinian
provinces, except Tigre, dispatched an embassy
to King Humbert, the result of which was that
the new Negus acknowledged (29th September,
1889) the Protectorate of Italy over Abyssinia,
and its sovereignty over the territories of Mas-*
sawa, Keren and Asmara." By the Protocols
of 24th March and 15th April, 1891, Italy and
Great Britain define their respective Spheres of
luUueuce in East Africa. " But since then Italy
has practically withdrawn from her jKisition.
She has absolutely no hold over Abyssinia. . . .
Italy has also succeeded in establishing herself
on the Sonuil Coast." By treaties concluded in
1889, ' ' the coastal lands between Cape Warsheikh
(about 2° 30' N. lat.), and Cape Bed win (8=
3' N. lat. ) — a distance of 450 miles — were placed
under Italian protection. Italy subsequently ex-
tended (1890) her Protectorate over the Soma)
Coast to the Jub river. . . . The British Pro-
tectorate on the Somal Coast facing Aden, now
extends from the Italian frontier at Ras Ilafiin
to Ras Jibute (43° 15' E. long.). . . . The activ-
ity of France in her Senegambian province, . . .
during the last hundred years . . . has finally
resulted iu a considerable expansion of her terri-
tory. . . . The French have established a claim
over the country intervening between our Gold

AFRICA, 1884-1891.

AGELA.

Ooast Colony and Libi-riii. A more precise de-
liniitiition of the frontier between Sierra Leone
and Liberia resulted from tlie treaties sifrncd at
Jlonroviu on the lltli of November. 1887. In 1888
Portugal witlidrew all rights over Dehome. . . .
Ueeently, a Freneh sphere of inlluence has been
instituted over the whole of the Saharan regions
between Algeria and Senegambia. . . . Declara-
tions were exchanged (")th August 1890) betwe(!n
[France and Great Britain] with the following
results: France liceamea consenting party to the
Anglo-German Convention of 1st July 1890. (2. )
Great Brit^iin recognised a French sphere of in-
lluence over Madagascar. . . . And (3) Great Brit-
ain recognised the sphere of intluenceof France to
the south of her 3Iediterraucan possessions, up to
a line from Say on the Niger to Barrua on Lake
Tsad, drawn in such a manner as to comprise in
the sphere of action of the British Niger Com-
pany all that fairly belongs to the kingdom of
Bokoto.'' The Anglo-German Convention of
July, 1890, already referred to, established by its
main provisions ilie following (h'linitions of ter-
ritory: "The Anglo.-German frontier in East
Africa, which, by the Convention of 188G, ended
at a i)oint on the eastern shore of the Victoria
Nyanza was continued on the same latitude across
the lake to the cctnlines of the Congo Indepenilent
State; but, on the western side of the lake, this
frontier was, if necessary, to be deHectcd to the
soutli, in order to include .Mount ^I'funibiro within
the British sphere. . . . Treaties in that district
were made on behalf of the British East Africa
Company bv ^Ir. Stanlev, on his return (Mav
18S9) from the relief of "Emin Pasha. . . . (2'.)
The southern boundary of the German sphere of
inlluence in East Africa was recognised as that
originally drawn to a point on the eastern shore'
of Lake Nyassa, whence it was continued by the
eastern, northern, and western shores of the lake
to the northern bank of the mouth of the River
Songwe. From this point the Anglo German
frontier was continued to Lake Tanganika, in
such a manner as to leave the Stevenson Koad
within the British sphere. (3.) The Northern
frontier of British East Africa was defined by
the Jul) River and the conterminous boundary o'f
the Italian sphere of inOuence in Galla-land and
Abyssinia up to the confines of Egypt ; in the
west, by the Congo Stati and the' Congo-Nile
watershed. (4.) Germany withdrew, in favor of
Britain, her Protectorate over Vitu and her claims
tt) all territories on the mainland to the north of
the Ilivcr Tana, as also over the islands of Patta
and Manda. (o.) Li South- West Africa, the
Anglo-German frontier, originally fixed up to 23
south latitude, was confirmed; but from this
point the boundary -line was drawn in such a man-
ner eastward and northward as to give Germany
free access to the Zambezi by the Chobe River.
(6.) The Anglo-German frontier betw(!en Togo
and Gold Coast Colony was fixed, and that be-
tween the Camarous and the British Niger Ter-
ritories was provisionally adjusted. (7.) The
Free-trade zone, defined by the Act of Berlin
(1885) was recognised as apijlicable to the present
arrangement between Britain and Germany. (8.)
A British Protectorate was recognised over the
dominions of the Sultan of Zanzibar -within the
British coastal zone and over the islands of Zan-
zibar and Pemba. Britain, however, undertook
to use her influence to secure (what have since
been acquired) corresponding advantages for

Germany within the German coastal zone and
over tlie island of Alalia. Finally (9), the island
of Heligoland, in the North Sea, was ceded by
Britain to (termany." By a treaty concluded in
June, 1891, between Great Britain and Portugal,
" Great ]}ritain acquired a broad central sphere
of influence for the expansion of her poscessions
in South Africa northward to and b^-yond the
Zambezi, along a path which provides for the im-
interrupteil pa.ssage of British goods and British
enterpri.se, up to the contlneS of the Congo In-
dependent Stale and German East Africa. . . .
Portugal, on tlu; East Coast secured the Lower
Zambezi from Zumbo, and the Lower Shire from
the Ruo Confluence, the entire Hinterland of
Mosambique up to Lake Nyassa and the Hinter-
land of Sofala to the confines of the Sovith African
Republic and the JIatabele kingdom. On the
West Coa.st, Portugal received the entire Hinter-
land behind her ])rovin( cs in Lower Guinea, up
to the confines of the Ctmgo Independent State,
and the ujjper course of the Zambezi. . . . On
May 2oth 1891 a Convention was signed at Lis-
bon, which has put an end to the dispute between
Portugal and the Congo Independent State as to
the possession of Lunila. Roughly speaking, the
country was equally divided between the dispu-
tants. . . . J^ord Salisbury, in his negotiations
with Germany and Portugal, very wi.sely upheld
the jjrinciple of free-trade which was laid down
by the Act of Berlin, 188."), in regard to the free
transit of goods through territories in which two
or more i)owersare indirectly interested." — A. 8.
AV'hite, T/ic Derdopmeiit of Afnai, Second Ed.,
liev., 1892.

Also in: J. S. Keltic, The Partition of ^ Af-
rica, cfi. 12-23. — See, also, Soutu Afhica, and

U(i.\NI)A.

The inhabiting races. — The indigenous races
of Africa are consiilered to be four in number,
namely : the Negroes proper, who occupy a cen-
tral zone, stretching from the Atlantic to the
Egyptian Sudan, and whoi:ompri.se an enormous
number of diverse tribes ; the Fulahs (with whom
the Nubians are associated) settled mainly be-
tween Lake Chad anil the Niger; the Bautus,
who occupy the whole South, except its extrem-
ity, and the Hottentots who are in that extreme
southern region. Some anthropologists include
with the Hottentots the Bosjesmans or Bushmen.
The Kafirs and Bechuanas are Bantu tribes. The
North and Northeast are occupied bj* Semitic and
Ilamitic races, the latter including Abyssinians
and Gallas. — A. II. Keane, The African Races
{Stanford's Compendium: Africa, app.).

Also IN: R. Brown, The Itaces of Mankind, v.
2-3. — R. N. Cust, Sketch of the Modern Languages
of Africa. — See, also, South Africa.

AGA MOHAMMED KHAN, Shah of Per-
sia, A. 1). 179r)-lT9T.

AGADE. See Babylonia: The Early
(Chaldkan) Monakciiv.

AGAPETUS II., Pope, A. D. 946-956.

AGAS. See Si uli.mi: Pomi:.

AGATHO, Pope, A. I). 6T8-G82.
\ AGATHOCLES, The tyranny of. See
I SvuAccsi:: B. C. 317-289.
i AGE OF STONE.— AGE OF BRONZE,
I &c. See Sto.nk Ai:i;.

AGELA,— AGELATAS.— The youths and
j young men of ancient Crete were publicly

AOELA.

AORI DECUMATKS.

tniinednnd disripliufd in divisions or rompnnics,
each of whicli was calliil an Aj^cla, and its
lender or director the Agclutas.— (i. Sebinlmnii,
Antiq. of (imw: The State, pt. 3, ch. 2.

AGEMA, The.— The royal escort of Alex-
andt-r tiic (rrcnt.

AGEN, Origin of. 8c<; NiTioiiui(ii:a

AGENDICUM OR AGEDINCUM. See
Skn(im;s.

AGER PUBLICUS.— "itome was always
making;; frcsli acquisitions of territory in her
early liistory. . . . Lartre tracts of country bc-
eaine Honian land, the i)ro])erty of tlie Uoinan
state, or public domain (aper publieus), as tlie
Romans called it. The condition of this land,
the use to Avhich it was apidicd, and tlie dis-
putes which it caused between the two orders at
Rome, are amony; the most curious and i)eri>le.\-
ing questions in Roman history. . . . Tliat, part
of iKiwlyacfiuired territory which was neither
.sold nor given remained public propertj-, and it
was occupied, according to the Roman term, by
private jiersons, in whoso hands it was a Pos-
scs.sio. Ilyginus and Siculus Flaccus represent
this occupation as being made without any
order. Every Roman took what he could, and
more than he could use profitably. . . . "We
should be more inclined to believe that this
public land was occupied under some regula-
tions, in order to prevent disimtes; but if such
regulations existed we know nothing about
them. There was no survey made of the public
land which was from time to time acquired, but
there were certainly general boundaries lixed for
the purpose of determining what had become
public property. The lands which Avere sold
and given were of necessity surveyed and fixed
by boundaric's. . . . There is no direct evidence
that any payments to the state were originally
made by the Po.sses.sors. It is certain, however,
that at some early time such payments were
made, or, at least, were due to the state." — G.
Long, Decline of the Ri»nan Eepubtic, ch. 11.

AGGER. See Castii.v.

AGGR AVI ADOS, The. See Spain: A. D.
1814-18'.J7.

AGHA MOHAMMED KHAN, Shah of
Persia, A. D. 1795-1797.

AGHLABITE DYNASTY. See ]\LvnoME-
TAN CoNQUKST AND Empike : A. D. 71.'3-7.TJ,

AGHRIM, OR AUGHRIM, Battle of (A.
D. 1691). See Ireland: A. 1). 1689-lGPl.

AGILULPHUS, King of the Lombards.
A. D. 590-616.

AGINCOURT, Battle of (1415). See
Fkance: A. 1). 1415.

AGINNUM. — Modern Agen. See NiTio-
BRIGE8.

AGNADEL, Battle of (1509). See Venice :
A. I). 1508-1509.

AGNATL— AGNATIC. See Gens, Roman.

AGNIERS, The. See American Abokigi-

NES: AONIEIIS.

AGOGE, The.— The public discipline en-
forced in ancient Sparta; the ordinances attri-
buted to Lycurgus, for the training of the young
and for the regulating of the lives of citizens. —
O. SchOmann, Antiq. of Greece : The State, pt. 3,
ch. 1.

AGORA, The. — The market-place of an ancient
Greek city was, also, the centre of its political
life. "Like the gymnasium, and even earlier
than this, it grew into architectural splendour

with the increasing culture of the Greeks. In
maritime cities it generally lay near the sea; in
inland ])laces at the foot of the hill which carried
the old feudal castK'. IJeiiig the oldest part of
the city, it naturally becanu! the focus not only
of eonmiercial, but also of religious and political
life. Here even in Homer's time the citizens
assembled in consultation, for which i)urpose it
was su]iplied with seats; here were the oldest
sanctuaries; here were celebrated the first fes-
tive games; here centred the; roads on which the
intercommunication, both religious and commer-
cial, with neighbouring cities and states was car-
ried on; from here started the processions which
<'ontinually ])assed betwt'cn holy places of kin-
dred origin, though locally sejjarated. Although
originallj' all public transactions were carried on
in these market-places, special local arrange-
ments for contracting public business soon
became neces.sary in large cities. At Athens, for
instance, the gently rising ground of the Philo-
pappos hill, called Pnyx, touching the Agora,
was used for political consultations, while most
likelj', about the time of the Pisistratides, the
market of Kerameikos, the oldest seat of Attic
industry (lying between the foot of the Akropo-
lis, the Areoi)agos and the hill of Theseu.s),
became the agora proper, i. e., the centre of
Athenian commerce. . . . The description by
Vitruvius of an agora evidently refers to the
splendid structures of post-Alexandrine times.
According to him it was quadraiigular in .size
[? siiape] and surrounded by wide cTouble colon-
adcs. The numerous columns carried architraves
of common stone or of marble, and on the roofs of
the porticoes were galleries for walking purposes.
This, of course, does not apply to all market-
places, even of later date; but, upon the whole,
the remaining specimens agree with the descrip-
tion of Vitruvius." — E. Guhl and W. Koner,
Life of the Greeks and Romans, tr. by Ilueffer, pt.
1, sect. 26. — In the Homeric time, the general
assembly of freemen was called the Agora. — G.
Grote, Hist, of Greece, pt. 1, ch. 20.

AGR.^1, The. See Akaknanians.

AGRARIAN LAWS, Roman.—" Great mis-
takes formerly prevailed on the nature of the
Roman laws familiarly termed Agrarian. It
was supposed that by these laws all land was
declared conunon property, and that at certain
intervals of time the state resumed possession
and made a fresh distribution to all citizens,
rich and poor. It is needless to make any
remarks on the nature and consequences of such
a law ; suflicient it will be to say, what is now
known to all, that at Rome such laws never
existed, never were thought of. The lands
which were to be distributed by Agrarian laws
were not private property, but the property of
the state. They were, originally, those public
lauds which had been the domain of the kings,
and which Avere increased whenever any city
or people was conquered by the Romans ; because
it was an Italian practice to contiscate the lands
of the conquered, in whole or in part." — II. G.
Liddell, Hist, of Rome, bk. 2, ch. 8.— See Rome:
B. C. 376, and B. C. 133-121.

AGRI DECUMATES, The.— "Between the
Rhine and the Upper Danube there intervenes a
triangular tract of land, the apex of which
touches the confines of Switzerland at Basel;
thus separating, as with an enormous wedge,
the provinces of Gaul and Vindelicia, and pre-

AGKI DECIMATES.

AIX-LA-CIIAPELLE.

senling ut its base uo uiituml line of defencu
from one river to the other. This tract was,
however, occupied, for tlie most part, by forests,
• and if it broke the line of tlie Uomiui defences, it
miglit at least be consi<lered imi)(!netrablc to an
enemy. Abandoned by the warlike and preda-
tory tribes of Germany, it was seiziMl by wander-
ing immigrants from Gaul, many of them Roman
adventurers, before whom the original inhabit-
ants, the >Iarcomanni, or men of the frontier,
seem to have retreated eastward beyond the
Ilercynian forest. The intruders claimed or
solicited Roman protection, and offered in return
a tribute from tlie produce of the soil, whence
the district itself came to be known by the title
of the Agri Decumates, or Tithed Laud. It was
not, however, oflicially connected with any
province of the Empire, nor was any attempt
made to provide for its permanent security, till
a period much later than that on which wo are
now engaged [the period of Augustus]." — C.
Merivale, Hist, of the Roimins, ch. 30. — "Wur-
temburg, Badea and Ilohenzollern coincide
with the Agri Decumates of the Roman writers. "
— R G. Latham, Ethiidoijij of Europe, ch. 8. —
See, also, ALK^^.v^•^■I, and Sukvi.

AGRICOLA'S CAMPAIGNS IN BRI-
TAIN. See RuiTAix: A. D. 78-84.

AGRIGENTUM. — Acragas, or Agrigentum,
one of the youngest of the Greek colonies in
Sicily, founded about B. C. 582 by the older col-
ony of Gela, became one of the largest and most
splendid cities of the age, in the fifth century
B. C, as is testified by its ruins to this day.
It was the scene of the notorious tyranny of
Phalaris, as well as that of Theron. Agrigen-
tum was destroyed by the Cartliagenians, B. C.
405, and rebuilt by Timoleon, but never recovered
its former importance and grandeur. — E. Cur-
tius, Hist, of Grce.ce, hk. 4, ch. 3. —See, also,
Phalaris, Bkazen Bull of. — Agrigentum was
destroyed by the Cartliagenians in 40G B. C.
See Sicily: B. C. 409-405.— Rebuilt by Timo-
leon^ it was the scene of a great defeat of the
Carthagenians by the Romans, in 262 B. C. See
Pdnic War, The First.

AGRIPPINA AND HER SON NERO.
See Ro.me: A. D. 47-5 1, and 54-04.

AHMED KHEL, Battle of (i88o). See
Afghanistan: A. I). 1869-1881.

AIGINA. Sec .Ecina.

AIGOSPOTAMOI, Battle of. See Greece:
B. C. 405.

AIGUILLON, Siege of. — A notable siege in
the "Hundred Years' War," A. D. 1346. An
English garrison under the famous knight. Sir
Walter Manny, held the great fortress of Aiguil-
lon, near the coulluence of the Garonne and the
Lot, against a formidable French army. —J.
Froissart, Chronicles, i\ 1, bJc. 1, ch. 120.

AIX, Origin of. See Salves.

AIX-LA-CHAPELLE : The Capital of
Charlemagne.- The favorite residence and one
of the two capitals of Charlemagne was the city
which the Germans call Aachen and the French
have named Ai.v-la-Chapelle. ' ' He ravished the
ruins of the ancient world to restore the monu-
mental arts. A new Home arose in the depths
of the forests of Austrasia — palaces, gates,
bridges, baths, galleries, theatres, churches,— for
the erection of which the mosaics and marbles of
Italy were laid under tribute, and workmen sum-
moned from all parts of Europe. It wa.s there

that an e.\tcnsivo library was gathered, there
that the school of the palace was made perma-
nent, there that foreign envoys were pompously
welcomed, there that the monarch pi'ifected his
jjlans for tlu; introduction of Roman letters and
the improvement of music." — P. Godwin, Ilist.
of Fraure : Anrinit Gaul, hk. A,ch. 17.

AIX-LA-CHAPELLE, Treaty of (A. D.
803). See Vi.NKi;: .\. D. Gi»7-810.

AIX-LA-CHAPELLE, Treaty of (A. D.
1668). See Mktiikrlands (Holland): A. 1).
lC(i3.

AIX-LA-CHAPELLE, The Congress and
Treaty vrhich eided the War of the Austrian
Succession (1741^1). — The "War of tlu! Austrian
Succession, t ).i .h raged in Europe, and on the
ocean, and i; . India and America, from 1740 to
1748 (se-? AfsruiA: A. D. 1718-1738, 1740-
1741, and aft'-.;, was brought to an end in the
latter year by <i Congress of all the belligerents
which met at Aix-la-Chapelle, in April, and
which concluded its labors on the 18th of Octo-
ber following. "The inllueuce of England and
Holland . . . forced the peace upon Austria and
Sardinia, though both were bitterly aggrieved by
its conditions. France agreed to restore every
conquest she had maile during the war, to aban-
don the cause of the Stuarts, and expel the Pre-
tender from her soil ; to tleinolish, in accordance
with earlier treaties, the fortifications of Dunkirk
on tlie side of the sea, while retaining those on
the side of the land, and to retire from the con-
quest without acquiring any fresh territorj' or
any pecuniary comi)ensation. England in like
manner restored the few coiuiuests she had made,
and submitted to the somewhat humiliating con-
dition of sending hostages to Paris as a security
for the restoration of Cape Breton. . . . The dis-
puted boundary between Canada and Nova
Scotia, which had been a source of constant diffi-
culty with France, was left altogether undefined.
The Assiento treaty for trade with the Spanish
colonics was confirmed for the four years it had
still to run; but no real compensation was
obtained for a war expenditure which is said to
have exceeded sixty-four millions, and which
had raised the funded and unfunded debt to
more than seventy-eight niillious. Of the other
Powers, Holland, Genoa, and the little state of
Modena retained their territory as before the war,
and Genoa remained mistress of the Duchy of
Finale, which had been ceded to the king of
Sardinia by the Treaty of Worms, and which it
had been a main object of his later policy to
secure. Austria obtained a recognition of the
election of the Emperor, a general guarantee of
the Pragmatic Sanction, and the restoration of
everything she had lost in the Xetherlands, but
she gained uo additional territory. She was
compelled to confirm the cession of Silesia and
Glatz to Prussia, to abandon her It.ilian con-
quests, and even to cede a considerable part of
her former Italian dominions. To the bitter
indignation of Maria Theresa, the Duchies of
Parma, Placentia and Guastella passed to Don
Philip of Spain, to revert, however, to their
former possessors if Don Philip mounted the
Spanish throne, or died without male issue. The
King of Sardinia also obtained from Austria the
territorial cessions enumerated in the Treaty
of Worms [see Italy: A. D. 1743], with the
important exceptions of Placentia, which passed
to Don Philip, and of Finale, which remained

aix-la-ciiapp:lle.

ALABAMA.

with tlio Oonwse. For tlio loss of tlioso he
obliiimd no CDiiipcnsatioii. Frederick [thu (Irfiit,
of Prijssiii] ol)l:iiiuil ii K<'i><nil j,'Uiiratitte for the

1)ossessi(>n of his newly u('()uiri'(l territory, and a
ong list of old treiilies was formally coutirnied.
Tlius small were tlio chatiires elTeeted in Eiirof)e
b^ fio much bkxKlshed und trcacliery, V)y nearly
nme years of wasteful and desolating war. Tho
design of the dismenilierineiit of Austria had
failed, hut no vexed (luestions liad lieen set at
rest. .... Of nil the anibitious projeets that had
been conceived during the war, thatof Frederidi
alone was substantially rcaliz«'<l." — W. E. II.
Lccky, Hist. i-fJ-Jnff. IHtfi Cnitury, cli. 8.— "Thus
ended the War of tho Austrian succession. In
its origin and its motives one of the most wicked
of all the many conllicts which ambition and
perfidy liave jirovoked in Europe, it excites a
peculiarly mournful interest by the gross in-
equality in the rewards and i)eualties which for-
tune assigned to tho leading actors. Pru.ssia,
Spain and Sardinia were all endowed out of the
estates of the house of llapsburg. But the
electoral house of Bavaria, the most sincere and
the most deserving of all the claimants to that
vast inheritance, not only received no increase of
territory, but even nearly lost its own patri-
monial possessions. . . . 'fhe most trying prol)-
lera is still that offered by tho misfortunes of the
Queen of Hungary [Maria Theresa]. . . . The
verdict of history, as expressed by the public
opinion, and by the vast majority of w ritcrs, in
every country except Prussia, upholds the
justice of the' queen's cause and condemns the
coalition that was formed against her." — II.
Tuttle, Hint, of Prussia, 1745-1756, ch. 2.

Also in W. Russell, Hist, of Modern Europe,
pt. 2, letter 30.— W. Coxe, Hist, of the House of
Austria, ch. 108 (v. 3). — See, also, New Eng-
land: A. D. 1745-1718.

See

AIZNADIN, Battle of (A. D, 634).
Maiiomktan CoNQiKST : A. 1). 632-035).

AKARNANIAN LEAGUE, The.—" Of the
Akarnanian League, formed b}- one of the least
important, but at the same time one of the most
estimable peoples in Greece . . . our knowl-
edge is only fragmentary. The boundaries of
Akarnania fluctuated, but we always lind the
people spoken of as a political whole. , . .
Thucydides speaks, by implication at least, of
the Akarnanian League as an institution of old
standing in his time. The Akarnunians had, in
early times, occupied the hill of Olpai as a ])lace
for judicial proceedings connnon to the w hole
nation. Thus tho supreme court of the Akar-
nanian LTnion held its sittings, not in a town, but
in a mountain fortress. But in Thucydides'
own time Stratos had attained its position as the
greatest city of Akarnania, and probably the
federal assemblies were already held there. . . .
Of the constitution of the League we know but
little. Ambassadors were sent by the federal
body, and probably, just as in the Achaian
League, it would have been liold to be a breach
of the federal tie if any single city had entered
on diplomatic intercourse with other powers. As
in Achaitt, too, there stood at the head of the
League a General with high authority. . . .
The existence of coins bearing the name of the
whole Akarnnniiin nation shows that there was
unity enough to admit of a federal coinage,
though coins of particular cities also occur." —

E. A. Freeman, Hist, of Federal Oott., ch. 4,
Sect. 1.

AKARNANIANS ( Acarnanians). — The

Aliariianians t'oriiicd "a link of transition"
betwei'ii the ancient Greeks and their barbarous
or non-Hellenic neighbours in the Epirus and
beyond. " They (tecupied tiics territory betweeti
the river Acheloils, the Ionian sea and the
Ambrakian gulf: they were Greeks and
admitted as such to contend at the Pan-Hellenic
games, yet they were also closely connected
with the Amphilochi and Agra'i, who were not
Greeks. In manners, sentimeuts and intelli-
gence, they were half-IIellonicand half-Epirotic,
— like till! ..Etolians and the Ozolian Lokrians.
Even down to the time of Thucydides, these
nations were subdivided into numerous petty
comnuinities, lived in unfortified villages, were
frequc.-ntly in the habit of plundering each other,
and never permitted themselves to be unarmed.
. . . Notwithstanding this stato of disunion and
insecurity, liowcver, the Akarnanians main-
tained a loose political league among themselves.
. . . The Akarnanians appear to have produced
many i)roi)het3. They traced up their mythical
ancestry, as well as that of their neighbours the
Amphiiochians, to the most renowned prophetic
family among the Grecian heroes, — Amphiaraus,
with his sons Alkmteon and Ampilochus: Akar-
nan, tho eponymous hero of the nation, and
other eponymous heroes of the separate towns,
were supposed to be the sons of AlkmreGn. Tiiey
are spoken of, together with the .^tolians, as
mere rude shepherds, by the lyric poet Alktuan,
and so they seem to have continued with little
alteration until the beginning of the Pelopon-
nesian war, wlien we hear of them, for the first
time, as allies of Athens and as bitter enemies'
of the Corinthian colonies on their coast. The
contact of those colonies, however, and the large
spread of Akarnanian accessible coast, could not
fail to produce some eifcct in socializing and im-
proving the people. And it is probable that this
effect would have been more sensibly felt, had
not the Akarnanians been kept back by the
fatal neighbourhood of the ^Etolians, with whom
they were in perpetual feud, — a people the most
unprincipled and unimprovable of all who bore
the Hellenic name, and whose habitual faithless-
ness stood in marked contrast with the rectitude
and steadfastness of the Akarnanian character."
— G. Grote, Hist, of Greecf, pt. 2, ch. 24.

AKBAR (called The Great), Moghul
Emperor or Padischah of India, A. D. 1556-
1605.

AKHALZIKH, Siege and capture of (1828).
SeeTtUKS: A. I). 182(i-1821).

AKKAD.— AKKADIANS. See Babylonia,
PiuMiTivr:.

AKKARON. See Piiiustines?.

AKROKERAUNIAN PROMONTORY.
See KoRKYKA.

ALABAMA : The Aboriginal Inhabitants.
See Amehican Abouioines: Apalaciies;
MusKiioGKE Family; Ciie'hokees.

A. D. 1539-1542.— Traversed by Hernando
de Soto. See Flouida: A. D. 1528-1543.

A. D. 1629.— Embraced in the Carolina
grant to Sir Robert Heath. See America:
A. 1). 1629.

A. D. 1663. — Embraced in the Carolina
grant to Monk, Shaftesbury, and others. See
NouTU Carollna : A. D. 1663-1670. , ,

ALAB^VAIA,

ALABiUIA CLAIMS.

A. D. 1702-171 1. —French occupation and
first settlement.— The founding of Mobile.
8,.,. LonsiANA: A. D. UJOH-lTl','.

A. D. 1732. — Mostly embraced in the new
province of Georgia. StiOKoiKiiA: A. 1). 17;{'.'-

A. D. 1763.— Cession and delivery to Great
Britain.— Partly embraced in West Florida.
Sco Skvkn Vkaiis' War; uikI Fi.oiuda: A.^D.
17(>;5; and NouTiiwKST Tkkiutouy: A. D. ITO:?.

A. D. 1779-1781.— Reconquest of West
Florida by the Spaniards. Sic Fi.ohida: A. I).
I77!t-I7«l. ^ , ^ ,. .

A. D. 1783.— Mostly covered by the English
cession to the United States. tSco Umteo
Statics OK Am. : A. 1). 1783 (Si.i'tkmuku).

A D. 1783-1787.— Partly in dispute with
Spain. SccFi.okida: A. 1). 17S3-1787.

A. D. 1798-1804.— All but the West Florida
District embraced in Mississippi Territory.
.SccMississii-i'i: A. I). 1798-1H04.

A. D. 1803.— Portion acquired by the Louis-
iana purchase. Si'cLdiisiAXA: A. 1). 1798-1803.

A. D. 1813. — Possession of Mobile and
West Florida taken from the Spaniards. See
Flouipa: a. D. 1810-1813.

A. D. 1813-1814.— The Creek War. See
U.MTKi) Statks of A.\r. : A. I). 1813-1814
(AuorsT— Ai'Hil).

A. D. 1817-1819. — Organized as a Territory.
—Constituted a State, and admitted to the
Union. — "Uy an act of Congress dated ]Miirch 1,
1817, Mississii)i)i Territory was divided. Another
act, bearing the dale March 3, thereafter, organ-
ized the western [? eastern] portion into a Terri-
tory, to be known as Alabama, uud with the
boundaries as they now exist. . . . By an act
approved March 2, 1819, congress antliorlzed the
inhabitants of the Territory of Alabama to form
a state constitution, 'and that said Territory,
when formed into a State, shall be admitted into
tlic Union upon the same footing as the original
States.' . . . The joint resolution of congress
admitting Alabama into the Union was approved
by President Monroe, December 14, 1819." — W.
Brewer, Ahilxtinit, ch. 5.

A. D. 1861 (January). — Secession from the
Union. See Unitki) Statks of Am. : A. I). 18G1
(Januauy— Fkhklahy).

A. D. 1862.— General Mitchell's Expedition.
See United Statks of Am. : A. 1). 1802 (Apiul
— -May: Alaijama).

A. D. 1864 (August).— The Battle of Mobile
Bay. — Capture of Confederate forts and fleet.
See Unitkd States OF Am. : A. D. 1864 (August:
Alabama).

A. D. 1865 (March— April).— The Fall of
Mobile.— Wilson's Raid.— End of the Rebel-
lion. See Umteu States of Am. : A. D. 1805
(Ai'iiiL — May).

A. D. 1865-1868. — Reconstruction. Sec
United States of Am. : A. 1). 1805 (May-
July), to 1808-1870.

ALABAMA CLAIMS, The: A. D. 1861-
1862.— In their Origin.— The Earlier Con-
federate cruisers.— Precursors of the Ala-
bama. — The connnissioning of privateers, and
iif inotv oHicially commanded cruisers, in the
American civil war, by the government of the
Southern Coufedcmcy, was begun eUrly in the
progress of the movement of rebellion, pur-
suant to a proulamution issued by Jelfersou

Davis on the 17lh of April, 1801. "Before the
close of July, 1801, more than 20 of those depre-
dators were alloat, and had cai)tured millions
of property belonging to American citizensj. 'Hie
most formidable and notorious of the .sea-going
•ships of this character, were tiie Nashville, Cap-
tain R. B. Pegram, a Virginian, who had aban-
doned his Hag, and the Sumlcr [a regularly
commissioned war vessel]. Captain l{ai)liael
Semmes. The former was a side-wheel steamer,
carried a crew of eighty men, and was armed
with two long 12-poun(ler rilled cannon. Her
career was short, but quite sueeessful. She was
linally (hstroyed by the Montauk,' Cai)tain Wor-
sen, in the Ogeecliei- Uiver. The career of the
Sumter, which had been a New Orleans and
Havana packet steamer named Manjuis de Ha-
bana, was also short, but much more active and
destructive. She had a crew of si.\ty-liv(! men
and twenty-five marines, and was heavily arimd.
She ran the blockade at the mouth of the Jlissis-
sippi Blver on the 30tli of June, and was pur-
sued some distance by the Brooklyn. Slu; ran
among the "West India' islands and on tlu- Spanish
Main, and soon made prizes of many vessels
bearing the American Hag. She was every-
where received in British Colonial jiorts with
great favor, and was alTorded every facility for
her i)iratical openitions. She became the terror
of the American merchant service, and every-
where eluded National vessels of war sent out
in pursuit of her. At length she cro.ssed the
ocean, and at the close of 1801 Avas compelled to
seek shelter under British guns at Gibraltar, where
she was watched by the Tuscarora. Early ia
the year 1802 she was sold, and thus ended her
piratical career. Encouraged by the practical
friendship of the British evincetl for these cor-
sairs, and the substantial aid they were receiving
from British subjects in various ways, especially
through blocikade-runncrs, the consi)irator,s de-
termined to procure from those friends some
jiowerful i)iratical craft, and made arrangements
for the purchase and construction of vessels for
that purpose. ]Mr. Laird, a ship-builder at Liver-
pool and member of the British rarliaineut, was
the largest contractor in the business, and, in dc-
liance of every obstacle, succeeded in getting
pirate ships to sea. The first of these shijis that
went to sea was tlu; Oreto, ostensibly built for a
house in Palermo, Sicily. Mr. Adams, the
American mini.ster in London, was so well satis-
lied from information received that she was de-
signed for the Confederates, that he called the
attention of the British government to the matter
so early as the 18th of February, 1802. But
nothing effective was done, and she was com-
pleted and allowed to depart from British watei-s.
She went first to Nassau, and on the 4th of Sep-
tember suddenly appeared off ilobile harbor,
flying the British Hag and pennants. The block-
ading squadron there was in charge of Com-
mander George II. Preble, Avho had been specially
instructed not to give offense to foreign nations
while enforcing the blockade. He believe I the
Oreto to be a British vessel, and while deliberat-
ing a few minutes as to what he should do, she
passed out of range of his guns, and entered the
harbor with a rich freight. For his seeming
remissness Commander Preble was summarily
dismissed from the service without a hear-
ing — an act which subsequent events seemed
to show was cruel iuj ustice. Late in December

ALAIJAMA CLAIMS.

ALAU.UIA CLAIMS.

the Onto cKciiixd from ^loliilc, fully armed for
a pirtilical cruise, uiulcr l\w coimniiiiil of Jolin
Ncwhind Mutllt. . . . Tlu'imiiu-of ili(!()reto\viis
diaiiKcd to tluit of Florida."— H. J. Losslii^.
FiM liook of the Ciril War, r. 3, ch. 21. — The
fate of th(! Floriiln i.s related »)elo.v— A. D. 1802-
1865. — H. S(.'innK'S, Ml ■•' ^ Service Ajloat,
ch. 0-20.

Ai.w) IN J. Davl.'i. fUne a 'I Fill of the Con-
federate (ronriiiiieut, ch. UO-Jl («. W,

A. D. 1862-1864.- -The Alabama, ucr career
and her fate.— '• The Aliiliama [tiie seeinid
eruiser Imill in Kn^daiid for the Coiit'ederateM]
... i.s thus described by Semines, her coni-
maii(Ur: 'She was of about DOO tons burden,
2;W feet in length. ;52 feel in breadth. 20 feet in
depth, and drew, when provisioned and coaled
for cruise, 1.") feet of water. She was barkcn-
line-rig;jjed, with lonj,' lower masts, which
enabled her to carry large fon; and aft sails, as

iibs and try-Siiils. . . . ller en^dne was of 800
lorse-power, and she had attached an ai)pamtus
for condensing from the vapor of sea-water nil
the Iresli Aviiter that her crew might require.
. .. Her arnianieut consisted of eight guns.'. . .
The Ala])ania was built and, from the out.set,
was 'iutended for u Confederate vessel of war.'
The contract for her construction wa.s '.signed
by Captain liullock on the one part and 3Iessrs.
Laird on the other.'. . . On the l.llh of May
[1862] she was launched under tliu name of the
290. Her olhcei-s were in England awaiting lier
completion, and were paid their salaries
'monthly, about the first of the month, at Fraser,
Trcnliohn »fc Co.'.s oflicein Liverpool.' The pur-
pcse for which this vessel was being constrm^ted
was notorious in Liverpool. Before she was
launched she became an object of suspicion with
the Consul of the United States at that port, and
she was the subject of constant correspondence
on his part with his Government and with Mr.
Adams. . . . Earlj' in the history of this cruiser
the jioint was taken by the British authorities —
a point maintained throughout the struggle —
that they would originate nothing themselves
for the maintenance and performance of their
international duties, and that they would listen
to no representations from the olllcials of the
United States which did not furnish technical
evidence for a criminal prosecution mider the
Foreign Enlistment Act. ... At last .Mr. Dud-
ley [the Consul of the United States iit Liver-
pool] succeeded in thiding the desired proof. On
the 21st day of July, he laid it in the form of
alBdavits before the Collector at Liverpool in
compliance with the intimations which Mr.
Adams had received from Earl KusscU. These
affidaxits \vere on the same day transmitted by
tlie Collec;tor to the Board of Customs at London,
with a request for instructions by telegra])h, as
the ship appeared to be ready for sea and might
leave any hour. . . . It . . . appears that not-
withstanding this ollicial information from the
Collector, the pai)ers were not considered by the
law advisers until the '28th, and that the case
appeared to them to be so clear that they gave
their advice upon it that evening. Under these
circumstances, the delay of eight days after the
21st in the order for the detention of the vessel
was, in the opinion of the United States, gross
negligence on the part of Her Majesty's Govern-
ment. On the 29th the Secretary of the Com-
nussion of the Customs received a telegram from

Liverpool saying that 'tlie vessel 290 came out
of dock last night, and left the port this morn-
ing. ' . . . After leaving the dock she 'pro-
ceeded slowly down the iMersey.' Both the
Laiids were on board, and also Bullock. . . .
The '290 slowly steamed on to Moelfra Bav, on
the coast of Anglesey, where she remained ' all
that night, all the next day, and tlie nc.\t night.'
No effort was madi' to .seize Jier. . . . When the
Alabama left Moelfra Hay he* crow nund)ered
al)out 90 men. Slu; ran part way down the Irisli
Channel, then round the north coast of Ireland,
only sto|)i)ing near the Giant's Causeway. .She
then made for Terceira, on(? of tlie Azore.s,
which she reached on the 10th of August. On
18th of August, while slie was at Terceira, a
sail was observed maUihg for the anchorage. It
jnoved to be ihe 'Agripi)ina of London, Cap-
tain I^leQueen, having on board si.\ guns, with
ammunition, coals, stores, «&c., for the Alabama.'
Freparations were immediately made to transfer
this important cargo. t)n the afternoon of the
20th, while employed discharging the bark, the
screw-steamer Bahama, Captain Tessier (the
same that had taken the armament to the Florida,
wliose insurgent ownei-ship and character were
well known in Liverjiool), arrived, ' having on
board Commander Rai)hael Semmes and ollicers
of the Confederate States steamer Sumter.'
There were also taken frouj this steamer two 32-
pounders and some stores, which occiipied all
the remainder of that day and a part of the ne.\t.
The 22(1 and 23d of August were taken up in
transferring coal from the Agrippina to the
Alabama. It was not mitil Sunday (the 24th)
that the insurgents' Hag was hoisted. Bullock
and tho.se wlio were not going in the 290 went
back to the Bahama, and tlie Alabama, now first
known under that name, went off with ' 26 ofli-
cersand 8.5 men.'" — The Case of the United Stated
licfiire the Tribunal of Arbitration at Geneva (42rf
Cong., 2d Se*8., Senate Ex. Doc, Jfo. 31, pp.
146-151).— The Alabama "arrived at Porto
Praya on the 19th xVugust. Shortly thereafter
Cai)t. Raphael Semmes assiuned command.
Hoisting the Confederate flag, she crui.sed and
captured several vessels in the vicinity of Flores.
C-'ruising to the westward, and making several
captures, she approached within 200 miles of
New York ; thence going southward, arrived, on
the 18th November, at Port Royal, Martinique.
(Jn the night of the 19lh she escaped from the
harbour and the Federal steamer San .Jacinto,
and ou the 20th November was at Blancpulla.
On the 7th December she captured the steamer
Ariel in the passage between Cuba and St.
Domingo. On January Uth, 1863, she sunk the
Federal gunboat Ilatteras off Galveston, and on
the 30th arrived at Jamaica. Cruising to the
eastward, and making many captures, she
arrived ou the 10th April, at Fernando de
Noronha, and ou the 11th }tliiy at Bahia, where,
ou the 13th, she was joined by the Confederate
steamer Georgia. Cruising near the line, thence
southward towards the Cape of Good Hope,
numerous captures were made. On the 29th
July she anchored in Saldanha Bay, South
Africa, and near there on the 5th August, was
joined by the Confederate bark Tuscaloosa, Com-
mander Low. lu September, 1863, she was at
St. Simon's Bay, and in October was in the
Straits of Sunda, and up to January 20, 1864,
cruised in the Bay of Bengal and vicinity, visit-

ALABAMA CLAIMS.

Ing Singapore, and making a luinilxr of very
vnluaMi! captures, including the Highlander,
Sonorn, I'tf. From tJiiw jioint nho. cruised on h<T
homeward Inici; via Cape of Gcxxl Hope, cap-
turing tlie Itarit Tycoon and slup Uo< Idngham,
and arrived ut Clieihourg, rranc(>. in June, 1804,
wliere slie repaired. A Federal fiteiimer, tlie
Keursarge. was lying off the harbour. Capt.
Sen\nu'S ir.iglit easily have evaded thi.s enemy;
the l)usineHs of liis vessel was that of a privateer;
an<l her value to the Confederacy was out of all
comparison with a single vessel of tlie enemy.
. . . But Capt. Semtnes had been twitted with
the name of 'pinite;* and he was easily per-
suaded to attempt an eclat for tlie Southern
Confederacy by a naval tiglit within sight of the
French coast, wliicii contest, it was calculated,
would prove tiu! Alabama a legitimate war ves-
sel, and give such an exhibition of Confederate
belligerency as possibly to nn-ivc the question
of 'recognition in Paris anil London. These
were the secret motives of tlie gratuitous light
with which Capt. Semmes obliged the enemy
off the port of Cherbourg, The Alabama car-
ried one 7-inch Blaliely rifled gun, one 8-inch
smooth-bore pivot gtm, and si.x :J3-poundcrs,
smootli-bore, in l)roadsi(le; the Kearsargo carried
four broadside 32-pounders, two 11-inch and one
28-pound ritle. The two vessels were thus
about equal in match and nrmamcnt; and their
tonnage was about the same." — E. A. PoU.ird,
T/ic Lout Citmc.p. 549. — Captain Winslow, com-
manding the United States Steamer Kcarsarge,
in a report to the Secretary of the Navy
written on the afternoon of the day of his battle
with tiic Alabama, June 19, 1864, said: "I have
the honor to inform the department that the day
subsequent to tlic arrival of the Kcarsarge off
this port, on the 24th [14tli] instant, I received
a note from Captain Semnies, begging that the
Kcarsarge would not depart, as lie intended to
fight her, and would delay her but a day or
two. According to this notice, the Alabama
left the port of Cherbourg this morning at about
half past nine o'cloclv. At twenty minutes past
ten A. y[., we discovered her steering towards
us. Fearing the question of jurisdiction might
arise, we steamed to sea until a distance of si.K
or seven miles was attained from the Cherbourg
break- water, when we rounded to and com-
menced steaming for the Alabama. As we
approached her, within about 1,200 yards, she
opened fire, we Toceiving two or three broad-
.sides before a shot was returned. The action
contimied, the respective steamers making a cir-
cle round and round at a dist.anco of about 900
yards from each other. At the expiration of an
hour the Alabama struck, going down in about
twenty minutes afterward, carrying many per-
sons with her." In a report two days later.
Captain Winslow gave the following pafticidars:
"Toward the close of the action between the
Alabama and this vessel, all available sail was
made on the former for the purpose of again reach-
ing CMierbourg. Wlien tlie object was apparent,
the Kcarsarge was steered across the bow of the
Alabama for a raking fire; but before reaching
this point the Alabama struck. Uncertain
•whether Captain Semmes was not using some
ruse, the Kearsjirge was stopped. It was seen,
shortly afterward, that the Alabama was lower-
ing her boats, and an officer came alongside in
one of them to say that they had surrendered,

and were fast sinking, and begging that boats
wouM be despatched immediately for saving
life. The two boats not disabled were at onco
lowenMl, and a.s it was apparent the Alabama
was settling, this olllcer wan jiermitted to leave
in his boat to alToi'd assistance. An ICngiiiih
yacht, the Deerhound, had npproa<;lie(l neiir the
Kearsjirgn at tliis time, wlien I hailed and
begged tlu! commander to run down to the
Alabama, as siio was fast sinking, and we hud
l)Ut two boats, and assist in picking U[) tlie men.
He answered atlirmatively, and steamed toward
tlie Alabama, but flu; latter sank almost
immediately. The Deerhound, however, sent
her boats and was actively engaged, aided by
several others which ha(l come from shore.
These boats were busy iu bringing the wounded
and others to the Kcarsarge; whom wo were
trying to make as comfortable as pos.sible, when
it was reported to mo that the Deerhound was
moving off. I could not believe that the com-
mander of tiiat vessel could bo guilty of so ilis-
graccful an act aa taking our pirisoners off, and
therefore took no means to prevent it, but con-
tinued to keep our boats at work rescuing the
men in the water. I am sorry to say that I was
mistaken. The Deerhound ma(le o(T with
Captain Semmes and others, and also the very
officer who had ccmo on board to surremler." —
In a still later report Captain Winslow gave the
following facts: "The fire of the Alabama,
although it is stated she discharged 370 or more
shell and shot, was not of serious damage to the
Kcarsarge. Some 13 or 14 of these had taken
effect in and about the hull, and 16 or 17 about
the masts and rigging. The casualties were
small, only three persons having been wounded.
. . . The fire of the Kcarsarge, although only
173 projectiles had been discliarged, acconling
to the prisoners' acctounts, was terrific. One
shot alone had killed and wounded 18 men, and
disabled a gun. Another had entered the coal-
bunkers, exploding, and completely blocking up
the engine room; and ("aptain Semmes states
that shot and shell had taken effect in the sides
of his vessel, tearing large holes by explosion,
and his men were every wlierc knocked down." —
IfcbclUoti liccord, v. 9, pp. 221-225.

Also ix J. 11. Soley, I'he Blockade and the
Cruisers {'Hie Navy ill the C'iril War, v. 1), ch. 7.
—J. R. Soley, J McI. Kell and J. M. Browne,
The Confederate Cruisers {Battles and Leaders,
v. 3). — it. Semmes, Memoirs of Service Afloat,
ch. 29-55.— J. I). Bullock, Secret Service of the
Confederate States ill Europe, r. 1, ch. 5.

A. D. 1862-1865. — Other Confederate cruis-
ers. — "A score of other Confederate cruisers
roamed the seas, to prey upon United States
commerce, but none of them became quite so ,
famous as the Sumter and the Alabama. They in-
cluded the Shenandoah, which made 38 captures,
the Florida, which made 36, the Tallahassee,
which made 27, the Tacony, which made 15, and
the Georgia, which made 10. The Florida was
captured in the harbor of Baliia, Brazil, in
October, 1864, by a United States man-of-war
[the Wachu.sett, commander Collius], in violation
of the neutrality of the port. For this the
United States Government apologized to Brazil
and ordered the restoration of the Florida to the
harbor where she was captured. But iu Hamp-
ton Roads she met with an accident and sank. It
was generally believed that the apparent acci-

ALABAMA CLAIMS

ALAIJAMA C LAIM8.

dent vviiH contriviMl witli tlic coniiivunw, if not
by (Unci onlcr, of tlu; (lovcrniuciit. Slust of
thi'sc ( luiscrH were built in Mritisii Hiiipyunls." —
R. .lohiisiiii, Short JIi»f. of l/if W'lir of ,Sr«W"«,
rh. 2i. — 'I'lii' last f)f iIh; (l<stniv(rs of Aiiwricaii
roiiiiut'rr(.',llu'Slifimiui(iali, WMsa iJiitish nicrcliaiit
.sliip — liic S«ii Kiiij; — l)iiilr for tiic Hoiiihay
inidc, liiit piirclmscd by the Confi'dcritf^ ">," "'.
Japtain HuIIimU, arimd witli wix j:ims, and coni-
rnissioiicd (OcIoImt, 18(15) uihIcp Ikt new name.
In .FuiH', lH((r», tlic Shfiiandoali, after a voya.irt!
Id Australia, in tiie eoiirs(M)f wliieli slio destroyed
a do/cii iiiereliaiit sliiiiM, inaile lier ai)i)earane(! in
llie Notilieni Sea, near IJt liriiij^ Strait, wliere
siic tell in witli the New Bedford wiialini,' lleet.
"In the coiirHe of one week, from the 2l,st to
the 2Hth, twenty-tlve wlialers wero captured, of
whieii four were ransonud, and tlic reinuinini^
21 were burned. The loss on theso 21 whalers
wa.4 estimated lit upwardsof !j;i,000,(X)0, and con-
sidering that It occurred . . . two montlis after
the Confederacy had virtually passed out of ex-
istence, it may be characterized as tbc most vise-
less act of hostility tliat (wciuTcd during the
whole war." The captain of the Shenandoab
had ne^vs on the 2;!(l of tho fall of Richmond;
vet after tliat lime he destroyed 15 vessels. On
his way southward ho received information,
August 2d, of tlie final collapse of the Con-
federacy, lie then sailed for Liverpool, and
surrend(!red hi.i V(v-..sel to the British Government,
which delivered lier to the United States. — J. IJ.
Soley, Tfie (.'unfcdirKle Criiiscrs (IJuttlcH and
I^'ii()crs, V. 4).

A. D. 1862-1869.— Definition of the indemnity
claims of the United States against Great
Britain. — First stages of the Negotiation.
— The rejected Johnson-Clarendon Treaty,
— "A review of tlie histcjry of the negoliiUions
between the two Governments jiriorto thccorre-
8j)ondence between Sir Edward Thornton and Mr.
Fish, will show . . . what was intended by these
words, 'gcnerically known as the Alabama
Claims,' used on each side in that correspondence.
The correspondence between the two Goverments
was opened by Mr. Adams on the 20th of Novem-
ber, 1H63 (less than four months after the escape of
the Alabama), in a note to Earl Russell, written
under instructions from the Government of the
United States. In this note Mr. Adams sub-
mitted evidence of the acts of the Alabama, and
stated: 'I have the honor to inform Your Lord-
ship of the directions which I have received
from my Governtnent to solicit redress for tho
national and private injuries thus sustained.'. . .
Lord Russell met tliis notice on the 19lh of
December, 1862, by a denial of any liability for
any injuries growing out of the acts of tlie Ala-
bama. ... As new losses from time to time
were suffered by individuals during the war,
they were brought to the notice of Her Majesty's
Government, arid were lodged with the national
and individual claims already preferred; but
argumentative discussion on the issues involved
was by common consent deferred. . . . The
fact that the first claim preferred grew out of
the acts of the Alabama explains how it was
that all the claims growing out of the acts
of uU the vessels came to be 'generically
known as the Alabama claims.' On the 7th of
April, 1865, the war being virtually over, Mr.
Adams renewed the discussion. lie transmitted
to Earl Russell an oliicial report showing the

number and totinagc of Vmerii-an vessels trans-
ferred to the Uritisli \]\% (luring the war. He
said; "I'he rniled Stutis ( ommerce'is rapidly
vaidshing from .Ik; face of the oc»'an, and that of
Great I'rit.iin is mi Miplying in nearly the same
ratio.' ' 'I'liis pn ees-* is going on by rea.son of the
action of Hritish subj«'cts in codperatioii with
emis.saries of the insurgents, wlio liave supplied
from the pt.rts f He- Majesty's Kingdom all the
materials, such a. vesacls, armament, supi)lies,
and men, indisp ns dde to the cllective prosecu-
tion (f this re. ult on the ocean.' . . . Ilettated
that l.e 'was under tlie painful iieces.sity of
uMiioun.ing tliat his Governnieiit cannot avoid
<'iitailing upon the Gtivernineiit of (treat Britain
the responsibilit}- for this damage.' Lord Rus
sell . . . said in reply, 'lean never admit that
the duties of Gnat Ilritain toward the United
States are to be measured by the los.ses which
the trade and commerce of the United States
have sustained. . . . Referring to the offer of
arbitration, madoontlie26thday of October, 1803,
Lord Russell, in the same note, said: 'Her
Majesty's (tovernnient mu.st deeliiu! eitlier to
make reparation and compensation for the cap-
tures made by the Alabama, or to refer the
question to any foreign State.' This terminated
the fii-st stage of the negotiations between the
two Governments. . . . In the summer of 1866 a
change of .Ministry took place in England, and
Lord Stanley became Secretary of State for For
eigu Affairs in the place of Lord Clarendon,
lie took an early opportunity to give an intima-
tion in the House of Commons that, should the
rejected claims be revived, the new Cabinet was
not prepareil to say what answer might be given
them; in otlier words, that, should an oppor-
tunity be offered, Lord Russell's refusal might
pijssibly be reconsidered. Mr. Seward met these
overtures by instructing Mr Adams, on the 27th
of August, 1806, 'to call Lord Stanley's attention
in a respectful but earnest manner,' to 'a sum-
mary of claims of citizens of the United States,
for damages which were suffered by them
during the period of the civil war,' and
to say that the Government of the United
States, while it thus insists upon these par-
ticular claims, is neither desirous nor willing
to assume an attitude unkind and uncou-
ciliatory toward Great Britain. . . . Lord Stan-
ley met this overture by a communication to Sir
Frederick Bruce, in which he denied the liability
of Great Britain, and assented to a reference,
' provided that a fitting Arbitrator can be found,
and that an agreement can be come to as to the
jioints to whicli the arbitration shall ajiply.' . . .
As the first result of these negotiations, a con-
vention known as the Stanley- Johnson convention
was signed ut London on tlie 10th of November,
1808. It proved to be unacceptable to the Gov-
ernment of the United States. Negotiations
were at once resumed, and resulted on the 14th
of January, 1809, in the Treaty known as the
Johnson-Clarendon convention [having been
negotiated by Mr. Reverdy Johnson, wlio had
succeeded Mr. Adams as United States Minister
to Great Britain]. This latter convention pro-
vided for tlie organization of a mixed commission
with jurisdiction over 'all claims oa the part of
citizens of the United States upon the Govern-
ment of Her Britannic Majesty, including the
so-called Alabama claims, and all claims on the
part of subjects of Her Britannic Majesty upon

ALAHAMA CLAFMS.

ALABAMA CLAlMfl.

ihc Government of the UniU'tl States wliicli may
liavf birn iir-sciitcd to litluT jrovcriiiiMiit for
its intcrpioilion with tlic oilier since llie "JIUli
.Inly, IH.');}, and wiiieii yet remain unsettled.'"
Tlie Joluisont'lareiKlon "treaty, wiien suliinitled
to tlie Senate, was rejected 'liy llnil liody, in
April, "lieeause, .dllionKli it made provision for
the part of the Aialianm claims which consisted ;
uf claims for individual losses, the pr()>isi()n for |
the more extensive national lo^ses was not satis- ^
factory to the Senate."— 7'Ac .l/y/j/ /«(/(( of the \
Uniu'd Statis tldirerc.d to the Trihuixil »/ Aihi-
tniti'in itt Geiiera, June 15, 1873, JJirinioii 1!],

A. b. 1869-1871. — Renewed Negotiations.
— Appointment and meeting of the Joint
High Commission.— The action of the Senate
in rejeclint; the .Fohns<m-Clarendon treaty was
taken" in April, 1M((9, n few weeks after Presi-
(lent Grant entered upon liis olllee. At thi.s tina!
"the condition of Europe was su(;h as to induce the
British .Ministers li. take inio consideration the
foreiu:n relations of Great Ikitain; and, as Lord
Granville, the Uriiisli Minister of ForeiLfu Affairs,
has liimself stated in the House of Lo.ds, they
avw cause to look with solicitude on the uneasy
relations of tlic British Government with thc'
United States, and the inconvenience thereof in
case of possible comj)lications in Europe. Tims
impelled, the Government disi)at(hed to Wash-
ington a gentleman who enjoyed the contidence
of both Cabinets, Sir John Uo.se, to ascertain
whether overtures for reopenini^ negotiations
would be received by the President in spirit and
terms acceptable to Great Britain. ... Sir John
Rose found the United States disposed to meet
with perfect correspondence of good-will the nd-
vancx'S of the British Government. Accordingly,
on the 20th of January, 1871, the British Gov-
ernment, through Sir "Edward Thornton, finally
proposed to the American Government the aj)-
pointment of a joint lligu Commission to hold its
sessions at 'Washington, and there devise means
to settle the various peniling ([ue.stions between
the two Governments affecting the British pos-
sessions in North America. To this overture 31 r.
Fish replied that the President woidd with
pleasure appoint, as invited, Commissioner:^ on
the part of the United States, provided the
deliberations of the Commissioners should be
extended to other dilTerences, — that is to say,
to include the differences growing out of incidents
of the late Civil War. . . . Tlie British Gov-
ernment promptly accepted this proposal for
enlarging the sphere of the negotiation." The
joint lligh Commission was sp(>edily constituted,
as propo.sed, by appointment of the two govern-
ments, and the promptitude of proceeding was
such that the British commissioners lamled at
New York in twenty-seven days after Sir Edward
Thornton's suggestion of January 2Gth was made.
They sailed Avithout waiting for tlieir connnis-
sions, which were forwarded to them by special
messenger. The High Commission wixs made
u?^ as follows: "On the part of the United
.States were live persons, — Hamilton Fish, Robert
C. Schenck, Samuel Nelson, Ebenezer Rockwood
Hoar, and George II. Williams,— eminently fit
representatives of the diplomacy, the bench, the
bar, and the legislature of the tnited States: on
the part of Great Britain, Earl De Grey» and
Ripon, President of the Queen's Council; Sir
S'atTord Northcote, E.\ Minister and actual Mem-

Iht of the nou.s4< of Commons; Sir Kdwani
Thornton, the univrrsjilly rcspe( ted British .Min-
ister at Wasliinv'toii; Sir John [.\.| .Macdonald,
the able and riu(|Uent I'reniier of the Canadiun
Do'iiinion; i.nd, in revival of the good ulil tinu>,
when learning was equal to iuiy other title 01
public honor, the Universities in the person of
I'rofessor Montagui' JSernard. ... In the face
of manv dilliculties, tli<' Commissioners, un tin
8th of Nlay, IH71, completed a treaty [knowi. as
the Treaty of Washington], which received the
lndinpt approval of their respective Gover:i-
inents." — C. Cushing, The Traifi/ of M'ltiihiiKj-
ton, pp. 18-20, (ii)d ll-i;l.

Also IX A. Lang, /-//'', Letterx, <iiid Diurim
of Sir Sliiff'oi'd \'>rlhrijlc, Fimt Earl of LUliHleiiih,
rh. 12(". '2).— A. Ba(h-iu. <i runt in i'lurr, rh.\l5.

A. D. 1871.— The Treaty of Washington.—
The treaty signed at ^VasIlinglon on the 8th day
of M.iy, 1871, and tiic ratifications of which
were exchanged at Loud in on the 17tli day of the
following June, .set forth its principal agio;ment
in the first two articles as follows: "Whereas
differences have arisen between the Governnent
of the United States and the Government of jler
Brittanic Majesty, and still e.'ii•^ growing out of
the acts committed by th(; KCAeriil ves.sels which
have given rise to the claims generieally known
as the 'Alabama Claims;' and whereas Her
Britannic Majesty has authorized Her High Com-
missioners and Plenipotentiaries to express in a
friendly spirit, tlu; regret felt by Her Majesty's
Government for the e?cape, under whatever cir-
(Munstanccs, of the J^ labama and other vessels
from British ports, and for the depredations com-
mitted by those v"^si.■ls: Now, in order to
reiiiove and adjust all complaints and claims on
the part of the United States and to provide for
the speedy settlement of such claims which arc
not admitted by Her Britannic 3Iajesty's Gov-
ernment, the high conf 'cting parties agree that
all the said claims, growing out of acts com-
mitted by the aforesaid ve.ssi.ls, and geuerically
known as the ' Alabama Claims, 'shall be referred
to a tribunal of arbitration to be composed of
five Arbitrators, to be appointed in the following
manner, that is to .say: One .shall be named by
the President of the United States; one sliall lie
named by Ilcr Rritanuic Majesty; His Majesty
the King of Italy shall be recpiested to name one;
tlie President oi' the Swiss Confederation shall
be ro(]ucstcd fo name one; and His Majesty the
Emperor of Brazil shall be requested to name
one. . . . The Arbitrators shall meet at Geneva,
in Switzerland, at the earliest convenient day
after they shall have been named, and shall pro-
ceed impartially and carefully to examine and
decide all questions that shall be laid before thcni
on the part of the Governments of the L'nitcd
States and Her Britannic Majesty respectively.
All questions considered by the tribunal, includ-
ing tlie final aw-ard, shall be (h^cided by a majority
of all the Arbitrators. Each of the high con-
tracting parties shall also name one per.son to
attend the tribunal as its Agent to represent it
generally in all matters connected with the arbi-
tration." Articles !!, 4 and 5 of the treatj' specify
the mode in which each j)arty shall submit its
case. Article 6 declares that, "In deciding the
matters submitted to the Arbitrators, they shall
be governed by tlie following three rul '< '■- '•
are agreed upon by the high contracting p les
as rules to be taken us applicable to the case, and

ALABAMA CLAIMS.

ALABA3IA CLAIMS.

by such printiplt's of internatiopul law not incon-
sistent thcR'witli as the Arliitratois shall dett-r-
minc to have ht-vn applicahle to the case: A
neutral Oovernineiit is hound — First, to use due
dilificnee to prevent the littin;; out, arming, or
f<piij)ping, within its jurisdiction, of any vessel
wliieli it has reasonalile ground to believe is
intenih'd to eruise or to carry on war against
a Power with which it is at peace; and also to
use like diligence to prevent the departure from
its jurisdiction of any vessel intended to cruise
or carry on war as I'diove, such vessel having
been specially adapte;!, in whole or in part,
within such jurisdiction, to warlike use. Hec-
ondly, not to pernnt or suffer either belligerent to
make use of its jjorts or waters as the base of
naval openitions against the other, or for the
purpose of the renewal or augmentation of mili-
tary supplies or arms, or the recruitment of men.
Thirdly to exercise due diligence in its own
ports and waters, and, aS to all jiersons within
Its jurisdiction, to prevent any violation of the
foregoing obligations and duties. Her Britannic
Majesty has counnandcd her High Commis-
sioners and Plenipotentiaries to declare that Her
Majesty's Government cannot assent to the fore-
going rules as a statement of principles of inter-
national law which were in force at the time
when the claims mentioned in Article 1 arose,
but that Her Majesty's Government, in order to
evince its desire of strengthening the friendly
relations between the two countries and of
making satisfactory provision for the future,
agrees that in deculing the questions between
the two countries arising out of thos': claims, the
Arbitrators should assume that Her Majesty's
Government had imdertaken to act upon the
principles set forth in these rules. And the
high contracting parties agree to observe these
rule* 3 between them.selves in future, and to
bring chem to the knowledge of other maritime
powers, and to invite them to accede to them."
Articles 7 to 17, inclusive, relate to the procedure
of the tril)unal of arbitration., and provide for
the determination of claims, by assessors anil
commissioners, in ca.se the Arbitrators should
find any liability on the part of Great Britain
and should not award a sum in gross to be paid
in settlenu Mt tliereof. Articles 18 to 25 relate to
the Fisheries. By Article 18 it is agreed that in
addition to the liberty secured to American lish-
crmen by the convention of 1818, "of taking,
curing and drying fish on certain coasts of the
Britisii- North American colonies therein delined,
the inhabitants of the United States shall have,
in common with the subjects of Her Britannic
Majesty, the liberty for [a i>erio(l of ten years,
and two years further after notice given by
cither party of its wish to terminate tlie arrange-
ment] ... to take fish of every kind, except
shell tish, on the sea-coasts and'shoivs, and in
the bays, harboura and creeks, of t!ic provinces
of Quebec, Nova Scotia and New Brunswick,
and the colony of Prince Edword's Island, and
of the several islands thereunto adjacent, with-
out being restricted to any distance from the
shore, with permission to land upon the said
coasts and shores and islands, and also upim tiie
JIagdalen Islands, for the purpose of drying
their nets and curing their tish; provided that,
in so doing, they do not interfere with the rights
of private property, or with British (ishermen,
in the peaceable use of any part of tlie said

coasts in their occupincy for the same purpose.
It is understood that the above-mentioned liberty
applies solely to the sea-tishery, and that the
salmon and shad lisheries, a:'d all other lisheries
in rivers and the mouths of rivers, are hereby
reserved exclusively for British fishermen."
Article 19 secures to British subjects the corre-
sponding rights of fishing, &c., on the eastern
sea-coasts and shores of the United States north
of the 39th narallel of north latitude. Article 20
reserves from these stipulations the places that
were reserved from the common right of fishing
under the first article of the treaiy of June 5,
1854. Article 21 provides for the reciprocal
admission of fish and tish oil into each country
from the other, free of duty (excei)tiiig fish of
the inland lakes and fish preserved in oil).
Article 22 pi'ovides that, "Inasmuch as it is
asserted by the Government of Her Britannic
Jlajesty that the privileges accorded to the
citizens of the United States under Article
XVIII of this treaty are of greater value than
those accorded by Articles XIX and XXI of this
treaty to the subjects of Her Britannic ^Majesty,
and this assertion is not admitted by the Gov-
ernment of the United States, it is further
agreed that Commissioners shall be appointed
to determine . . . the amount of any compensa-
tion which in their opinion, ought to be paid by
the Government of the United States to the Gov-
ernment of Her Britannic Majesty." Article 23
provides for the appointment of such Commis-
sioners, one by the President of the United
Stivtes, one by Iler Britannic Slajesty, and the
third by the President and Her 3Iajesty con-
jointly; or, failing of agreement within three
months, the third Commissioner to be named by
the Austrian Minister at London. The Commis-
sioners to meet at Halifax, and their procedure
to be as prescribed and regidated by Articles 24
and 25. Articles 20 to 31 define certain recipro-
cal privileges accorded by each government to
the subjects of the other, including the naviga-
tion of the St. Lawrence, Yukon, Porcupine and
Stikinc Rivers, Lake Michigan, and the Welland,
St. Lawrence and St. Clair Flats canals; and the
transportation of goods in bond through the
territory of one country into the other without
payment of duties. Article 32 extends the pro-
visions of Articles 18 to 25 of the treat}' to New-
foundland if all parties concerned enact the
ncccssiiry laws, but not otherwise. Article 33
limits the duration of Articles 18 to 25 and Arti-
cle 30, to ten years from the date of their going
into effect, and "further until the expiration of
two years after either of the two high contract-
ing parties shall have given notice to the oilier
of its wish to terminate the same." The rc^Bin-
ing articles of the treaty provide for submilting
to the arbitration of tlie Emperor of Germany
rhe Northwestern water-boundary question (iu
the channel between Vancouver's Lsland and the
continent) — to complete the settlement of North-
western boundary disputes. — Treaties and Con-
rentions between the U. S. and other Poxccrs (ed. of
1889), pp. 478-493.

Also in C. Cushing, Tfte Treat;/ of Wafhinff-
ton, app.

A. D. 1871-1872.— The Tribunal of Arbi-
tration at Geneva, and its Award. — " The ap-
])oint«ient of Arl)itrators toolt place in due
course, and with the ready good-will of the three
neutral governments. The LTnited States ap-

ALABAMA CLAIMS.

ALANS.

pointed Mr. Charles Francis Adams; Great
Britain appointed Sir Alexander Cockburn; the
Kill!,' of Italy nanu-d Count Frederic Kclopis;
t lie "President of tlie Swiss Confederation. Mr.
Jacob Stainiptli; and the Emperor of Brazil, tlie
Baron d'ltajuba. Mr. J. C. Bancroft Davis was
appointed Agent of the United States, and Lord
Tenterden of Great Britain. Tlie Tribunal was
oriianiz'.d for the reception of the case of each
jiartv, and held its first conference [at Geneva,
Switzerland] on the loth of December, 1871,"
Count Sclopii being chosen to preside. "The
printed Case of the United States, with accom-
panying dociunents, was tiled by Mr. Bancroft
Davis, and the printed Case of Great Britain,
with documents, • by Lord Tenterde* The
Tribunal made regulation for the filing of the
r('Si)ective Counter-Cases on or before the 15th
(lav of April next ensuing, as required by the
Treat v; and for the convening oi a special meet-
ing of the Tribunal, if occasion should require;
and tiien, at a .second meeting, on the next day,
they adjourned until tlie 15th of June next ensu-
ing, subject to a i)rior call by the Secretary, if
there should be occasion." The sessions of the
Tribunal were resumed on the 15th of Jiuie,
1872, according to the .adjournment, and were
continued until the 14th of September following,
wjien the decision and award were annoimced,
and were signed by all the Arbitrators except
tlie British repr.-?sentative; Sir Alexander Cock-
burn, who di&3ented. It was found by the
Tribiuial that the British Government had
"failed to use due diligence ' the performance
of its ucutral obligations" ^\I,ll respect to the
cruisers ^Mabama and Florida, and the several
tenders of those vessels; and also with respect
totlu! Shenandoah after her departure from Mel-
bourne, Feb. 18, 1805, but not before that date.
With respect to the Georgia, the Sumter, the
Nashville, tl>" Tallahassee and the Chickamauga,
it was the Ending of the Tribunal that Great
Britain had i.ot failed to perform the duties of a
neutral power. So far as relates to the vessels
called the Sallie, the Jefferson Davis, the jSIusic,
the Boston, and the V. II. Joy, it was the deci-
sion of the Tribunal tiiat tney ought to be
excluded from consideration for want of evi-
dence. "So far as relates to the particulars of
the indemnity claimed by the United States, the
costs of pursuit of Confederate cruisers " are
dedaret' 'o be "not, in the judgment of the
Tribun, properly dis.i guishable from the gen-
eral exp(!nses of the war carried on by the
United States," and "there is no ground for
awarding to the United States any sum by way
of indemnity under this head." A similar deci-
sion put aside the whole consideration of claims
for " prospective earnings." Finally, the award
was rendered in the following" language;
"Whereas, in order to arrive at an equitable
compensation for the damages which have been
sustained, it is necessary to set aside all double
( hiiins for the siime losses, and all claims for
'gross freights 'so far as they exceed 'net freights;'
and whereas it is just and reasonable to allow
interest at a reasonable rate ; and whereas, in ac-
cordance with the spirit and letter of the Treaty
of W^ashington, it is preferable to adopt the
form of adjudication of a sum in gross, rather
than to refer the subject of compensation lor
further discussion and deliberalion to a Board of
Assessors, as provided by Article X of the said

Treaty: The Tribunal, making u.sc of the au-
thority conferred ui)ou it by Article VII of the
said Treaty, b\' a majority of four voices to one,
awards to the" United States the sum of fifteen
millions five hundred thousand Dollars in gold
as the indemnity to be paid by Great Britnin to
the United States for the .satisfaction of all the
claims referred to the c(. isideratiou of the Tri-
bunal, conformably to the i)rovision3 contained
in Article VII of the aforesiiid Treaty." It
should be stated that the so-called "indirect
claims " of the United States, for consequential
losses and damages, growing out of the encour-
agement of the Sotithern H(!bellioii, the prolong-
ation of the war, (kc, were dropped froiu con-
sideration at the outset of the session of the Tri-
bunal, in June, the Arbitrators agreeing then in
a statement of opinion to the efTect that " these
claims do not constitute, upon tlie principles of
international law aiiplicable to such cases, good
foundation for an award of compensation or
computation of damages between nations." This
declar.' 'ion was accepted by the United States as
decisix of the question, and the hearing pro-
ceeded accordingly. — C. Cushiug, T/ie Tredty of
Wdx/tiiir/t'iii.

Ai.so" i.\ F. Wharton, Digest of the Interna-
tional Law of tlic U. S., ch. 21 {v. 3).

ALACA3, OR TOLOSO, Battle of (1212).
See Almohauks. and Spain: A. D. 1146-1 2o3.

ALADSHA, Battles of (1877). See Toiuia:
A. D. 1877-1878.

ALAMANCE, Battle of (1771). See NoHxn
Cauolina: a. D. 1760-1 771.

ALAMANNI. See Am:manxi.

ALAMO, The massacre of the {1836). See
Texas: A. 1). 1824-1830.

ALAMOOT, OR ALAMOUT, The castle
of. — The stronghold of the "Old Man of tlie
3Iountain," or Sheikh of the terrible order of the
Assassins, in nortli(!ru Persia. Its name signifies
"the Eagle's nest," or "the Vulture's nest." See
Assassins.

ALANS, OR ALANI, The.— "The Alani
are first mentioned by Dionysius the geographer
(B. C. 30-10) who joins them with the Daci and
the Tauri, and again places them between the
latter and the Agathyrsi. A similar position (in
the south of Russia in Europe, the motlem
Ukraine) is assigned to them by Pliny and
Josephus. Seneca places them further west ujion
the Ister. Ptolemy has two bodies of Alani, one
in the position above described, the other in
Scylhia within the Imaus, uorlh and partly east
of "the Caspian. It must have beeu fn.m the.se
last, the successors, and, according to some, the
descendants of the ancient Mas.sagcttc, that the
Alani came who attacked Pacorus and Tiridates
[in iMedia and Armenia, A. D. 75]. . . . The
result seems to have been that the invaders, after
ravaging and harrying JSIedia and Armenia at
their pleasure, carried off a vast number of
prisoners and an enormous booty into their own
country." — G. liawlinson, Sixth Great Oriental
Monarchy, ch. 17. — E. II. Lunbur,% Hint, of
Ancient Geo;/., ch. 6, note II. — " The first of this
[the Tartar] race known to the Pomans were
tlie Alani. In the fourth century they pitched
tiieir tents in the country betw«.cii the Volga and
the Tanais, at an equal distance from the Black
Sea and tiie Caspian."— J. C. L. Sismoudl, Fall
of the Roman Empire, ch. 3.

ALANS.

ALBA.

A. D. 376.— Conquest by the Huns, Sec
OoTiiH (Vist(ioTHS): A. I). ;}76.

A. D. 406-409. — Final Invasion of Gaul.
See Oal'j,: A. 1). 4U()-40y.

A. D. 409-414. — Settlement in Spain. See
Spain: A. 1). 4(i»-4U.

A. D. 429. — With the Vandals in Africa.
Sec Vandals: A. D. 429-4:W.

A. D. 451.— At the Battle of Chalo.is. Sue
Hlns: a. I). 4J1.

ALARCOS, Battle of (A. D. 1195). Sec

Al.MOIIADKS.

ALARIC'S RAVAGES IN GREECE

AND CONQUEST OF ROME. See Goths:

A. I). 'Mr,; 4l)(Ml»;i aiul Ho.MK,: A. D. 408-410.

ALARODIANS. — IBERIANS. — COL-

CHIANS.— "Tlic Aliirodiiuis of Herodotus,
joined witli the Sajieires . . . are almo.st cer-
tainly the inhabitants of Armenia, wliosc Semitic
name was Urarda, or Ararat. ' Alarud,' indeed,
is a mere variant form of 'Ararud,' the 1 and r
being undistinguishable in the old Persian, and
' Ararud ' serves determinately to connect the
Ararat of Scripture with the Urarda, or Urartha
of the Inscriptions. . . . The name of Ararat is
constantly used in Scriiiture, but always to de-
note a C(")untry rather than a particular moun- i
tain. . . . Till' eonne.xion . . . of Urarda with
the Babylonian tribe of Akkad is jiroved bj' the
application in the inscriptions of the ethnic title
of liurbur (?) to the Armenian king . . . ; but
there is nothing to prove whether the Burbur or
Akkad of Babylonia descended in a very remote
age from the mountains to colonize the plains,
or whether the Urardians were refugcesof a later
period driven northward by the growing power
of the Semites. The former supposition, how-
ever, is most in cimforniity with Scripture,
and incidentally with the tenor of the inscrip-
tions." — 11. C. Iliiwlinson, Jlist. of IkrodotuK,
bk. 7, app. 3. — "The broad and rich valley of
the Kur, which corresponds closely with the
modern Russian province of Georgia, was
[anciently] in thepossession of a people called by
Herodotus Saspeircs or Sapeires, whom we may
identify with the Iberians of later writers. Ad-
joining upon them towards the south, probably
m the coiuUrv about Erivan, and so in the
neighbourhood of Ararat, were the Alarodians,
whose name must be connected with that of the
great mountain. On the other side of the
Sapeirian country, in the tracts now known as
Mingrelir and Imeritia, regions of a wonderful
beauty and fertility, were the Colchians, — de-
pendents, btit not exactly subjects, of Pei"sia." —
G. Bawliusou, Five Great Moiutrchi€.H : Perxia,
eh. 1.

ALASKA : A. D. 1867.— Purchase by the
United States. — As early as 1809 there were un-
ollicialconinnmications between the Uu.ssian and
American governments, on the subject of the
sale of Alaska by the former to the latter. Rus-
sia was more tlian wilHng to part with a i>iece of
territory which she fouml ditliculty in defending,
in war; and the interests connected with tlio
lisheries and the fur-trade in the north-west
were disiio.sed to prom ite the transfer. In
March, 1807, definite negotiations on the subject
were opened by the Russian minister at Wash-
ington, and on the :;^d of that month he received
from Secretiiry Seward an offer, subject to the
President's approval, of $7,200,000, on condition

that the cession be " free and imencumbcred by
any reservations, privileges, franchise.i, grants,
or possessions by any associated companies,
whether ("orporate or incorporate, Russian, or
any other." "Two days later an answer was
returned, .stating that the minister believed him-
self authorizeil to accept these terms. On the
29th tinal instructions were receivfl by cable
from St. Petersburg. On the same note

v.as addressed by the minister to the . , yof
state, informing him that the tsar indented to
the cession of Russian America for the stipu-
lated sum of §7,200,000 in gold. At four
o'clock the ne.\t morning the treaty was signed by
the two parties without further phrase or negoti-
ation. €n May the treaty was ratilied, and on
.lune 20, 1867, the usual proclamation was issued
by the president of the United States." On the
18th of October, 1867, the fornuil transfer of the
territory was made, at Sitka, General Rousseau
taking po.ssession in the nai of the Govern-
ment of the United States. I. H. Bancroft,
Jlint. of the Pacific States, v. 2b, ch. 28.

Also in W. H. Dall, Alnskn and its liesonrces,
pt. 2. ch. 2. — For some account of the aboriginal
inhabitants, see Amkkican Abouigines: Es-
KiMAr '.N Family and Athapascan Family.

ALATOONA, Battle of. See Unitki) Statks
OK Am.: a. 1). 1864 (Skpte.mueu — Octokkk:
Gkouoia).

ALBA. -Alban Mount. — "Cantons . . .
having tLiMr rendi/.vous in .'■■ome stronghold, and
including a certain number of clanships, form
the primitive political unities with which Italian
history begins. At what period, and to what
extent, such cantons were formed in Latium,
cannot be determined with precision ; nor is it a
matter of special historical interest. The
isolated Alban range, that natural stronghold
of Latium, which offered to settlers the most
wholesome air, the freshest springs, and the
most secure position, would doubtless be first
occupied by the new comers. Here accord-
ingly, along the narrow plateau above Palaz-
zuola, between the Alban lake (Lago di Castello)
and the Alban mount (Monte Cavo) extended
the town of Alba, which was universally
regarded as the primitive seat of the Latin
stock, and the mother-city of Rome, as well as
of all the other Old Latin communities. Here,
too, on the slopes lay the very ancient Latin
canton-centres of Lanuvium, Alicia, and Tus-
culum. . . . All these cantons were in primitive
times politically sovereign, and each of them
was governed by its prince with tlie co-opera-
tion of the council of elders and the assembly of
warriors. Nevertheless the feeling of fellow-
ship based on community of descent and of
language not only pervaded the whole of them,
but manifested itself in an important religious
and political institution — the perpetual league
of the collective Latin cantons. The presidency
belonged originally, according to the universal
Italian as well as Hellenic usage, to that canton
within who.so bounds lay the meeting-place of
Uw league; in this case ic was the canton of
Alba. . . . The commimities entitled to partici-
pate in the league were in the beginning thirty.
. . . The rendezvous of this union was, like the
Pambcpotia and the Paniouia among the similar
confederacies of the Greeks, the ' Latin festival '
(feria; Latina') at which, on the Mount of Alba,
upon a day annually ai)pointed by the chief

ALBA.

ALBEKONI

magistrate foi the purpose, an ox was offered in
^ sacrifice by tlie assembled Latin stocli to the

' Latin god ' (Jnpitor Latiaris)."— T. Mommsen,
Ilid. of Rome, hk. 1, ch. 3.

Also in Sir W. Goll, Tojviij. of Rome, v. 1.

ALBA DE TORMES, Battle of. See
Spain: .V. D. IHOK (Auoi.sT— Novembek).

ALBAIS, The. See American Auonuu-
NEs: Pampas Tkiiies.

ALBAN, Kingdom of. See Albion; also,
Scoii.ANi): 8tii-(>tii Centduies.

ALBANI, The. See Britain, Tribes of
Cei/i'K'.

ALBANIANS: Ancient. See Epibus and

Il,T,YUIAN8.

Medixval. — "From the settlement of the
Servian Sclavoniaus witliin the bounds of tlie
empire [during the reign of Ilcraclius, lirst half
of the seventli century], we may . . . venture to
date the earliest encroachments of the Illyrian or
Albanian race on the Ilellcuie population. The
Albanians or Arnauls, who are now called by
themselves Skiptars, are suj)i)oscd to be remains
of the great Thracian race which, under various
names, and more ]ii!rticularly iis Paionians,
Epirots and ^lacedonians, take an important part
in early Grecian history. No distinct trace of the
period at which tiiej' began to be co-proprietors
of Greece with the Hellenic race can be found
in history. ... It setMus very dilUcult to trace
back the history of the Greek nation without
su.s[)ectiiig that the germs of their modern con-
dition, like those of their neighbours, are to bo
souglit in the singular events which occurred in
the reign of lleraclius." — G. Finlay, Greece Viuhr
the Uomans, ch. 4, sect. 6.

A. D. 1443-1467.— Scanderbeg's War with
the Turks. — "John Cast riot. Lord of Emal-
thia (tiie modern district of IMoghlcne) [in
Epirus or Albani.;] had submitted, like the
other petty despots of those regions, to Anmrath
early in his reign, and had placed his four sons
in tiie Sultan's hands as hostages for his fidelity.
Three of tiiem died young. The fourth, whose
name was George, pleased the Sultan by his
beauty, strength and intelligence. Amurath
caused him to be brought up in the Mahometan
creed; and, when he was only eighteen, con-
ferred on him the government of one of the
Sanjaks of the empire. The young Albanian
proved his courage and skill in many exploits
under Amurath's eye, and received from him the
name of Iskanderbeg, the lord Alexander.
When John Castriot died, Amurath took pos-
session of his principalities and kept the son con-
stantly employed in distant wars. Scanderbeg
brooded over this injury ; and when the Turkish
armies were routed by Ilunvades in the cam-
paign of 1443, Scanderbeg deiermined to escape
from tiieir side and assume forcible possession of
his patrimony, lie suddenly entered the tent
of the Sultan's chief secretarv, and forced that
functionary, with the poniard at his throat, to
write and seal a formal order to the Turkish
connnander of the strong city of Croia, in
All)auia, to deliver that i)lace and the adjacent
territory to Scanderbeg. as the Sultan's viceroy,
lie then stabbed the secretary and hastened to
Croia, where his strategem gained him instant
Jidniittance and submission. He now publicly
alijured the Mahometan faith, and declared his
mtiMition of defending the creed of his fore-
fathers, and restoring the independence of his

native land. The Christian population flocked
readily to his banner and the Turks were mas-
sacred without mercy. For nearly twenty-five
years Scanderbeg contended against all the
j)ower of the Ottonnins, tliough directid by the
skill of Amurath and his successor Mahomet,
the conqueror of Constantinople." — Sir E. S.
Creasy, Hid. of the Ottoman Turks, ch. 4. —
"Scanderbeg died a fugitive at Lissus on the
Venetian territory [A. 1). 1467]. His sepulchre
was soon violated by the Turkish conquerors:
but the janizaries, who wore his bones enchased
in a bracelet, declared by this superstitious
amulet their involuntnry reverence for his
valour. . . . His infant son was saved from the
national shipwreck ; the Castriots were invested
with a Neapolitan dukod;)m, and their blood
continues to fiow in the noblest families of the
realm." — E. Gibbon, Decline aTid Fall of tlie
Roman Empire, ch. 67.

Also in A. Lamartine, Ilist. of Turkey, bk. 11,
sect. 11-25.

A. D. 1694-1696. — Conquests br the Vene-
tians. See Tuuivs: A. D. 1084-16!iU.

ALBANY, N. Y. : A. D. i623.-The first

Settlement. — In 1614, the year after the first
Dutch traders had established their operations on
Maniiattan Island, they built a trading house,
which they called Fort Nassau, on Castle Island,
in the IIud.son River, a little below the site of
the present city of Albany. Three years later
this small fort was carried awa^' by a flood and
the island abandoned. In 16:23 a more impoitant
fortification, named Fort Orange, was erected on
the site afterwards covered by the business part
of Albany. That year, " about eighteen families
settled themselves at Fort Orange, under Adriacn
Joris, who 'staid with them all \?inter,' after
sending Ins ship home to Holland in charge of his
son. As soon as the colonists had built them-
selves ' some huts of bark ' arouuil the fort, the
Mahikanders or River Indians [AIohegan.s], the
3Iohawks, the Oneidas, the Onondagas, the
Cayugas, and the Scnecas, with the Mahawawa
or Ottawawa Indians, 'came and made covenants
of friendship . . . and desired that they might
come and have a constant free trade with them,
which was concluded upon.'" — J. R. Brodhead,
IliM. of the State of y. Y., r. 1, pp. 55 and 151.

A. D. 1630. — Embraced in the land-purchase
of Patroon Van Rensselaer. See New York:
A. D. 1621-1046.

A. D. 1664. — Occupied and named by the
English. SeeNEwYouK: A. 1). 1664.

A. D. 1673. — Again occr.pied by the Dutch.
See New York: A. 1). 167:J.

A. D. 1 754. — The Colonial Congress and its
plans of Union. Sec I'.NtTKi) States ok Am.:
A. I). 1754. »

ALBANY AND SCHENECTADY RAIL-
ROAD OPENING. See Steam Locomotion
ON Land.

ALBANY REGENCY, The. See New
Youk; .\. I). I.s2:i.

ALBEMARLE, The Ram, and her de-
struction. See United States ok Am. ; A. D.
1864 (April — May: North C.vrolina), and
(Octoukk: N. Carolina).

ALBERONI, Cardinal, The Spanish Min-
istry of. See Spain: A. 1). 1713-1725; and
Italy: A. D. 1715-1735.

ALliEUT.

ALBIGENSES.

ALBERT, King of Sweden, A. D. 1365-1388.
...Albert, Elector of Brandenburg, A. I).

147(>-14W(i Albert I., Duke of Austria and

King of Germany, A. D. l'2<J8-i;}08. .. Albert
II., Duke of Austria, King of Hungary and
Bohemia, A. 1). 1437-1410; King of Germany,
A. I). M3H-M40.

ALBERTA, The District of. Sec Noutii-

W1;hT 'rKUKITOlilKS OK C'.\N.M).\.

ALBERTINE LINE OF SAXONY. See
Sa.xony: a. 1). 1180-1553.

ALBICI, The.— A (iullic tribe which occu-
l)i('(l tiie hills above M!iH.siliii (Marseilles) and
who are (leseribed as a savaj;e people even in
the time of C^tesar, when they helped the Mas.sil-
iots to defend their city aj;ainst him. — G. Long,
Dedi ne of the Romiiii Uipuhlie, r. 5, fh. 4.

ALBIGENSES, OR ALBIGEOIS, The.
— •'Nothin/f is more curious in Christian history
than the vitality of the Jhuiichean oi)inioiis.
That wild, half poetic, half rationalistic theory
of Christ iaiiity, . . . apjiears almost suddeidy
in the I'Jth century, in living, almost irresist-
ible power, lirst in its inlcniiediate settlement
in Bulgaria, and on the borders of the Greek
Em])ire, then in Italy, in France, in Ger-
many, in the remoter West, at the foot of the
Pyrenees. . . . The chief seat of the.se opinions
was the south of France. Innocent III., on his
accession, found not only these daring insur-
gents scattered in the cities of Italy, even, as it
were, at his own gates (among his lirst acts
was to sulxlue the Pateriiies of Viterbo), he
found ft whole province, a realm, in some re-
spects the richest and noblest «)f his spiritual do-
main, absolutely dissevered from his Empire,
in almost imiversjil revolt from Latin Christian-
ity. ... In no [other] European country had
the clergy ^p entirely, or it should seem so de-
servedly, forfeited its authority. In none had
the Church more absolutely ceased to perform
its j)roper functions." — II. II. Jlilman, Hint, of
Latin Oliristianity, hk. 9, ch. 8. — "By mere
chance, the sects scattered in South France
received the common name of Albigen.ses, from
one of the districts where the agents of the
church who came to combat them found them
mostly to abound, — the district around the
town of Alba, or Alby ; and by this common
name they were well known from the commence-
ment of the thirteenth century. Under this
general denomination j)artic9 of different tenets
were comprehended together, but the Catharists
seem to have constituted a predominant element
among the people thus designated." — A. Neau-
dcr, (Jen. Ilist. of the Ghriatian ]}<l. and Ch.,
5th per., dii\ 3, serf. 4, ;)M8.— " Of the sectaries
who shared the errors of Gno.sticism and Mani-
cha!ism and opposed the Catholic Church and
her hierarchy, the Albigenses were the most
thorough and radical. Their errors were, in-
deed, partly Gnostic and partly Manicluean,
but the latter Avas the more prominent and
fully developed. They received their name
from a district of Languedoc, iiduibited by the
Albigeois and surrounding the town of Albi.
Thev are called Catliari and Patarini in the acts
of the Council of Tours (A. 1). 11C3), and in
those of the third Latcran, Publiciaui (i. c., Pauli-
ciani). Like the Cathari, they also held that the
evil spirit created all visible things."— J. Alzog,
Manual of Unio. Ch. Hint., jKriod 2, ejuch 2,
pt. 1, ch. 3, »ect. 238.— "The imputations of

irreligion, heresy, and shameless debauchery,
which have been cast with so much bittterness
on the Albigenses by their jjcrsecutors, and
which have been so zealously denied by their
ajjologists, are probably not ill founded, if the
word Albigenses be employed as synonymous
with the words Provenyaux or Languedocians;
fr)r they were apparently a race among whom
tiie hallowed charities of domestic life, and the
reverence due to divine ordinances and the hom-
age due to divine truth, were often impaired,
and not seldom extinguished, by ribald jests, bj'
intidel scollings, and by heart-hardening inii)un-
ties. Like other voluptuaries, the Pruvenvaux
(as their remaining literature attests) were ac-
customed to find matter for merriment in vices
which would have moved wise men to tears.
But if by the word Albigenses be meant the
Vaudoi.s, or those followers (or associates) of
Peter Waldo who revived the doctrines against
which the Church of Pome directed her censurcc,
tlieu the accusation of dissoluteness of manners
may be safely rejected as altogether cahunuious,
and the charge of heresy may be considered, if
not as entirely unfounded, yet as a cruel and
injurious exaggeration." — Sir J. Stephen, i^<;<«.
on the Uiit. of France, Icct. 1.

Ai,80 IN L. JIariotti, Frd Bolcino and 7iiit
Tinu'n. — See, also, Paidiciann, and Catharixts.

A. D. 1209. — The First Crusade. — Pope
"Imioctnt III., in organizin<' the ])ersecution of
the Catharins [or ('atharistsj, tiie Patarins, and
the Pauvres de Lyons, exercised a spirit, and
displayed a genius similar to those which had
already elevated him to almo.st universal domin-
ion; which had enabled him to dictate at once to
Italy and to Gcrniiuiy; to control the kings of
France, of Spain, and of England; to overthrow
the Greek Empire, and to substitute in its stead
a Latin dynast\' at Constantinople. In the zeal
(jf the Cistercian Order, and of their Abbot,
Arnaud Amalric; in the licry and unwearied
jireaching of the lirst Inquisitor, the Spanish
Missionary, Dominic ; in the remorseless activity
of Foulquet, Bishop of Toulouse ; and above all,
in the strong and \iupityiug arm of Simon dc
Montfort, Earl of Leicester, Innocent found ready
instruments for his purpose. Thus aided, he ex-
communicated Pfxymond of Toulouse [A. D.
1207], as Chief of the Heretics, and he promised
remission of sins, and all the privileges which
had hitherto been exclusively conferred on ad-
venturers in Palestine, to the champions who
should enroll themselves as Crusaders in the far
more easy enterprise of a Holy War against the
Albigenses. In the first invasion of his territories
[A. 1). 1209], Kayiuoud \T. gave way before the
terrors excited by the 800.000 fanatics who pre-
cipitated themselves on Languedoc; and loudly
declaring his personal freedom from heresy, he
surrendered his chief castles, underwent a humili-
ating penance, and took the cross against his own
subjects. The brave resistance of his nephew
Raymond Itoger, Viscount of Bczi^res, deserved
but did not obtain success. W'lien the crusaders
surrounded his capital, which was occupied by a
mixed population of the two Peligions, a cjues-
tion was raised how, in the approaching sack, the
Catholics should be distinguished from the Here-
tics. ' Kill them all,' was the ferocious reply of
Amalric; 'the Lord will easily know His own.'
In compliance with this advice, not one human
being within the walls was permitted to survive;

ALBIGENSE8.

ALBIGENSES.

and the tale of shuishter bas been variously
estimated, by those who have perhaps exagger-
ated the numbers, at 60,000, but even in the ex-
tenuating despateh, whieh the Abbot himself
addressed to the Pope, at not fewer than 15,000.
Raymond Roger was not iueUuled in this fearful
ma'ssaeve, and lie repulsed two attaeks upon Car-
eassonne, before a treaeherous breach of faith
placed iiim at the disposal of de Montfort, by
whom he was poisoned after a short imprison-
ment. The removal of that young and gallant
Prince was indeed most important to the ulterior
project of his captor, who aimed at permanent
establishment in the South. The family of do
:SIontfort had ranked among the nobles of France
for more than two centuries ; and it is traced by
some writers through an illegitimate channel
even to the throne : but tiie possessions of Simon
himself were scanty; necessity had compelled
him to .sell the County of Evrcu.x to Philippe
Augusto; nnd the English Earldom of Leicester
which he inherited maternally, and the Lordship
of a Castle about ten leagues distant from Paris,
formed the whole of his revenues." — E. Smedley,
Iliat. of France, ch. 4.

Also in J. C. L. de Sismondi, Hist, of the
Crusades a'j'st the Albif/enscs, ch. 1.— IL II. 3Iil-
man. Hist, of Latin Chnstianitii, bk. 9, ch. 8. —
J. Alzog, Man. of Unicersal Church Hist., period
2, e}}och 2, yd. 1, ch. 3. — Sec, also. Inquisition:
A. D. 1203-1525.

A. D. 1210-1213.— The Second Crusade.—
"The con([uest of the Viscounty of Beziers had
rather inllamed than satiated the cupidity of De
Montfort and the fanaticism of Amalric [legate
of the Pope] and of the monks of Citeaux.
Raymond, Count of Toulouse, still possessed the
fairest part of Languedoc, and was still sus-
pected or accused of affording shelter, if not
countenance, to his heretical subjects. . . . The
unhapi)y Raymond was . . . again excommuni-
cated from tiie Christian Church, and his domin-
ions offered as a reward to the champions who
should execute her sentence against him. To
earn that reward De ilontfort, at the head of a
new host of Crusaders, attracted by the promise
of earthly sj)oils and of heavenly blessedness,
once more marched through the devoted land
[A. D. 1210], and with him advanced Amalric.
At each successive conquest, slaughter, rapine,
and woes such as may not be describe(i tracked
and polluted their steps. Heretics, or those sus-
pected of heresy, wherever they were found,
were compelled l)y the legate to ascend vast piles
of burning fagots. ... At length the Crusaders
reached and laid siege to the city of Timlouse. . . .
Throwing himself into the place, ftiynumd . . .
succeeded in repidsiug De Jlontfort and Amal-
ric. It was, however, but a temi)orary resintc,
and the inelude to a fearful destruction. Prom
beyond the Pyrenees, at the head of 1,000
knights, Pedro of Arragon had inarched to the
rescue of Raymond, his kinsman, and of the
counts of Foix and of Comminges, and of the
Viscount of Beam, his va.ssals ; and their united
forces came into conununieation with each other
at Muret, a little town which is about three
leagues distant from Toulouse. There, also, on
the 1 2th of Septeml)er [A. D. 1313], at the head
of the champions of the Cross, and attended by
seven bishops, appeared Simon de Montfort in
full military array. The battle which followed
was tierce, short and decisive. . . . Don Pedro

was numbered with the slain. His army, do
l)rived of his conunand, broke and dispersed,
and the whole of the infantry of Raymonil and
his allies were either jjut to the sword, or swept
away by the ciurent of the Garonne. Toulouse
innuediately siu'rendercd, and the whole of the
dominions of Raymond submitted to the con-
querors. At a council subsequently held at
^Montpellitr, composed of live archbishops and
twenty-eigiit bisiiojjs, De Montfort was unani-
mously acknowledged as princ(i of the tief and
city of Toulouse, and of the other counties con-
quered by the Crusadr-rs under his command." —
Sir J. Stephen, Lcct's on the Hist, of France,
led. 7.

Also in J. C. L. de Sismondi, Hist, of Crusades
arfxt the Alhi'jcnscH, ch. 2.

A. D. 1217-1229. — The Renewed Crusades.
— Dissolution of the County of Toulouse. —
Pacification of Languedoc. — "The cruel spirit
of De ilontfort would not allow him to rest
qtnet in his new Empire. Violence and perse-
cution marked his rule; he sought to destroy the
Proven(;al population by tlie s'vord or the stake,
nor could he bring himself to tolerate the liber-
ties of the citizens of Toulouse. In 1217 the
Toidousans again revolted, and war once more
broke out betwixt Count Raymond and Simon
de Montfon. The latter formed the siege of the
capital, and w;i3 engaged in repelling a sally,
wlien a stone from one of the walls struck him
and put an end to his existence. . . . Amaury
de Montfort, son of Simon, offered to cede to tho
king all his rights in Languedoc, which he was
unable to defend against the old house of Tou-
louse. Philip [Augustus] hesitated to accept
the important cession, and left the rival hou.ses
to the continuance of a struggle carried feebly on
by either side." King Philip died in 1223 and
was succeeded by a son, Louis VIII., who had
none of his father's reluctance to join in the
grasping persecution of the unfortunate people
of the south. Amaury de Jlontfort luul been
fairly driven out of old Simon de IMtJutfort's con-
quests, and he now sold them to King Louis for
the oflice of constable of France. "A new cru-
sade was preached against the Albigenscs; and
Louis marelie<l towards Languedoc at the head
of a fornddablc armj^ in the spring of the year
1226. Til J town of Avignon hail preferred to
the crusaders the facilities of crossing the Rhone
under her walls, but refused entry within them
to such a host. Louis having arrived at Avig-
non, insisted on jiassing through the town: tlic
Avignonais shut their gates, and defied the mon-
arch, who instaiUly fornvd the siege. One of
the rich municipalities of the south was almost a
match for the king of France. lie was kept three
'.nonths under its walls; his army a prey to fam-
ine, to disease and to the assaults of a brave garri-
son. Tlie crusaders lost 20,000 men. The people
of Avignon at length submitted, but on no dis-
honourable terms. This was the only resistance
that Louis experienced in Languedoc. . . . All
submitted. Louis retired from his facile con-
quest; he himself, and the c.iiefs of his army
stricken by an epidemy which had prevailed in
the conquered regions. The monarch's feeble
frame .could not resist it; he expired at Montpen-
sier, in Auvergne, in November, 1226." Louis

VIII. was succeeded by his young son, Louis

IX. (Saint Loui.s), then a boy, un<ler the regency
of his energetic and capable mother, Blanche of

ALBIGENSES.

ALCANTARA.

Ciislile. "The termination of the war with tlie
Albigenses, and the pueitication, or it might be
calh'd tlie aecjuisition, of Languedoc, was tlic
chief act of li»iecn Bhinclie's regency. Louis
VIII. had overrun tlie country witliout resistance
in Ilia last campaign; still, at his departure, Ray-
mond VI. again api)eare«l, collected soldiers and
continued to struggle against the rojal lieuten-
ant. For upward of two yeara he maintained
himself; the attention of Rlahche being occupied
by the league of the barons against her. The
successes of Raymond VII., accompanied by
cruelties, awakened the vindictive zeal of the
pope. Languedoc was threatened with another
crusade; Raymond was willing to treat, and
make considerable cessions, in order to avoid
such extremities. In April, 1229, a treaty was
signed: in it the rights of De Montfort were
passed over. About two-thirds of the domains
of the count of Toulouse were ceded to the king
of France; the remainder was to fall, after
Raymond's death, to his daughter Jeanne, who
by the same treaty was to marry one of the royal
princes: heirs failing them, it was to revert' to
the crown [which it did in 12T1]. On these
terms, with the humiliating additicm of a public
penance, Raymond VII. once more was allowed
peaceable possession of Totilouse, and of the
part of his domains reserved to him. Ali)honse,
brother of Louis IX., married Jeanne of Tou-
louse soon after, and took the title of count of
Poitiers; that province being ceded to him in
apanage. Robert, another brother, was made
count of Artois at the same time. Louis himself
married Margaret.the eldestdaughterof Raymond
Bereiiger, count of Provence." — E. E. Crowe,
Hist, of France, n. 1, ch. 2-3. —"The struggle
ended in a vast increase of the power of the French
crown, at the expense alike of the house of Tou-
louse and of the house of Aragon. The domin-
ions of the count of Toulouse were divided. A
number '>f fiefs, Bezierf Narbonne, Nimes, Albi,
and some other districts »vere at once annexed to
the crown. The capital itself and its county
passed to the crown lifty years later. . . . The
name of Toulouse, except as the name of the
city itself, now passed away, and the new ac-
quisitions of France came in the end to be known
by the name of the tongue wliiih Avas conunon
to them with A([uitaiue and Imperial Burgundy
[Provence]. Under the name of Languedoo
they became one of the greatest and most valu-
able provinces of the French kingdom. " — E. A.
Freeman, IliHt. Geog. of Europe, eh. 9.

The brutality and destructiveness of the
Crusades.— " The Church of the Albigenses
had been drowned in blood. These supposed
heretics had been swept away from the soil of
France. The rest of the Languedocian people
had been overwhelmed with calamity, slaughter,
and devastation. Tlie estimates transmitted to
ns of the mmibers of the invaders and of the
slain are stich as almost surpass belief. We can
neither verify nor correct them; but we cer-
tixinly know that, during a long succession of
years, Languedoc had been invaded by annies
more numerous than had ever before been
brought together in European warfare since
the fall of the Roman empire. We know that
these hosts were composed of men inllamcd by
bigotry and unrestrained by discipline ; that they
had neither military i)ay nor magazines; that
they provided for all their wants by the sword.

living at the expense of the country, and seizing
at their pleasure both the harvests of the peas-
ants and the merchandise of the citizens. Alore
than three-fourths of the landed proprietors had
been despoiled of their liefs and castles! In
hundreds of villages, every inhabitant had been
massacred. . . . bince the sack of Rome by the
Vandals, the European world had never mourned
over a national disaster so wide in its extent or
so fearfid in its character." — Sir J. Stephen,
Lects. on the Hist, of France, led. 7.
♦ ■

ALBION. — "The most ancient name known
to have been given to this island [Britain] is
that of Albion. . . . There is, however, another
allusion to Britain which seems to carry us much
further back, though it has usually been ill
understood. It occurs in the story of the labours
of Hercules, who, after securing the cows of
Geryon, comes from Spain to Liguria, where lie
is attacked by two giants, whom he kills before
making his way to Italy. Now, according to
Pomponius Slcla, the names of the giants were
Albiona and Bergyon, which one may, without
much hesitation, restore to the forms of Albion
and Iberiou, representing, undoubtedly, Britain
and Ireland, the position of which in the sea
is most appropriately symbolized by the story
making them sons of Is'eptune or the sea-god.
. . . Even in the time of Plin}', Albion, as the
name of the island, had fallen out of use with
Latin authors; but not so with the Greeks, or
with the Celts themselves, at any rate those of
the Goidelic branch; for they are probably right
who supj)ose that we have but the same word
in the Irish and Scotch Gtelic Alba, genitive
Alban, the kingdom of Alban or Scotland bej'ond
the Forth. Albion would be a form of the name
according to the Brythonic pronunciation of it.
... It would thus appear that the name Albion
is one that has retreated to a corner of the island,
to the whole of Avhicli it once ai)plit'd." — J.
Rhys, Ciitic Britain, ch. 6.

Also in E. Guest, Origincs Cdticae, ch. 1. —
See Scotland: 8tu-9tii ck.ntiiuks.

ALBIS, The. — The ancient name of the river
Elbe.

ALBOIN, King of the Lombards, A. D.
569-573.

ALCALDE. — ALGUAZIL.-CORREGI-
DOR. — "The word alcalde is from the Arabic
' al cadi,' the judge or governor. . . . Alcalde
mayor signities a judge, learned in the law, who
exercises [in Spain] ordinary jurisdiction, civil
and criminal, in a town or district." lu the
Spanish colonies the Alcalile mayor was the chief
judge. "Irving (Columbus, ii. 331) writes er-
roneously alguazil mayor, evidently confounding
the two oHices. . . . An alguacil mayor, was a
chief constable or high sheriil." " Corregidor,
a magistrate having civil and criminal jurisdic-
tion in the firet instance ( 'nisi jirius ') and gub-
ernatorial inspection in the political and eco-
nomical government in all the towns of the district
assigned to him." — IT. II. Bancroft, llist. of the
Pari fie States, r'. 1, pp. 297 and 2oO, foot-notes.

ALCANIZ, Battle of. See Spain: A. D.

1809 (FeHKUAUY — J INE).

ALCANTARA, Battle of the (1580). See
Poktuoal: a. D. 157D-1580.

ALCANTARA, Knights of. — " Towards
the close of Alfonso's reign [Alfonso VIII. of
Castile and Leon, who called himself ' the Em-

ALCANTARA.

ALEMANNI, A. D. 259.

peror,' A. D. 1126-11571. may be assigned the
origin of the militjiry order of AlcanUira. Two
cavaliers of iSuliunanca, don Suero and don
Gomez, left that city with the design of choos-
ing and fortifying some strong natural frontier,
whence they could not only arrest the continual
incursions of the Moors, but make hostile irrup-
tions themselves into the territories of the misbe-
lievers. Proceeding along the banks of the
Coales, they fell in with a hermit, Amando by
name, who encouraged them in their patriotic
design and recommended the neighbouring her-
mitage of St. Julian as an excellent site for a
fortress. Having examined and approved the
situation, they applied to the bishop of Sala-
manca for permission to occupy the place: that
permission was readily granted : with his assist-
ance, and that of the hermit Amando, tho two
cavaliers erected a castle around the hermitage.
They were now joined by other nobles and by
more adventurers, all eager to acquire fame and
wealth in tiiis life, glory in the next. Ilcnce the
foundation of an order which, under the name,
first, of St. Julian, and subsequently of Alcan-
tara, rendered good service alike to king and
cliurch." — S. A. Dunham, Hist, of Spain and
Portugal, hk. 3, sed. 2, eh. 1, dir. 2.

ALCAZAR, OR " THE THREE KINGS,"
Battle of (1578 or 1579). See Mauocco: Tiik

-Vll.VU CoNqUKST AND SiNCE.

ALCIBIADES, The career of. See

Gukece: B. C. 421-418, and 411-407; and
Athens: B. C. 415, and 413-41L

ALCLYDE. — Khydderch, a Cumbrian prince
of the sixth century who was the victor in a
civil conflict, " fixed his headquarters on a rock
in the Clyde, called in the Welsh Alclud [pre-
viously a Roman town known as Theodosia],
whence it was known to the English for a time
as Alclyde; but the Goidels called it Uunbret-
tan, or the fortress of the Brythons, which has
prevailed in the slightly modified form of Dum-
barton. . . . Alclytle was more than once de-
stroyed by the Northmen." — J. Rhys, Celtic
Britain, ch. 4. — Sec, also, CuMiniiA.

ALCMiKONIDS, The curse and banish-
ment of the. See Athens: B. C. 612-595.

ALCOLEA, Battle of (1868). See Spain:
A. I). 1860-1873.

ALDIE, Battle of. See United States ok
Am.: a. D. 1863 (June — July: Pennsyl-
vania).

ALDINE PRESS, The. See Pkinting
andtuePuess: A. 1). 1469-1515.

ALEMANNIA: The Medieval Duchy.
See Germany: A. D. 843-902.

ALEMANNI, OR ALAMANNI: A. D,
213.— Origin and first appearance.— " Under
Antoninus, the Sun of Sevorus, a new n„ri more
severe war once more (A. D. 213) broke out in
Raetia. This also was waged against the Chatti ;
but by their side a second people is named,
which we here meet for the first time — the
Alamanni. Whence they came, we known not.
According to a Roman writing a little later, they
were a conflux of mixed elements; the appella-
tion also seems to point to a league of communi-
ties, as well as tiie fact that, afterwards, the
different tribes comprehended under this name
stand forth — more than is the case among the
other great Germanic peoples — in their separate
character, and the Juthungi, the Lentienses, and
other Alaniannic peoples not seldom act inde-

pendently. But that it is not the Germans of
this region who here emerge, allied under the
iiiw name and strcngthenctl by tho alliance, is
shown as well by the naming of the Alamanni
along side of the Chatti, as by the nuntion of
the unwonted skilfulness of the Alamanni in
eciuestrian combat. On the contiiuy, it was
certainly, in the main, hordes coming on from
the East that lent new strength to the almost
extinguished German resistance on the Rhine; it
is not improbable that tho powerful Semnones,
in earlier times dwelling on the middle Elbe, of
whom there is no further mention after the end
of the second century, furnished a strong con-
tingent to the Alamanni." — T. Mom m se n, i/is<.
of Home, bk. 8, ch. 4. — "The standard iiuotation
respecting tho derivation of the name from
'al'—' air and m-u=>'man', so that tho word
(somewhat exceptionably) denotes ' men of all
sorts,' is from Agathias, who quotes Asinius
Quadratus. . . . Notwith.sianding this, I think
it ia an open question, whether the name may
not have been applied by the truer and more
unequivocal Germans of 6uabia and Franconia,
to certain less definitely Germanic allies from
Wurtemberg and Baden, — parts of the Decu-
mates Agri — parts which maj' have supplied a
Gallic, a Gallo-Roman, or even a Slavonic ele-
ment to the confederacy ; in which case, a name
so German as to have given the present French
rind Italian name for Germany, may, originally,
have applied to a population other than Ger-
manic. I know the apparently paradoxical ele-
ments in this view ; but I also know that, in the
way of etymology, it is quite as safe to trans-
late ' all ' by ' alii ' as by ' omnes': and I cainiot
help thinking that the ' al- ' in Ale-manni is the
' al- ' in ' alir-arto '(a foreigner or man of another
sort), ' eli-benzo ' (an alien), and 'all-land ' (cap-
tivity in foreign land). — Grimm, ii. (S'iS. — Rcfli-
salterth, p. 359. And still more satisfied am I
that the ' al- ' in Al-emauni is the ' al- ' in Al-
satia=' el-sass '=' ali-satz '=' foreign settlement. '
In other words, the prefix in question is more
probiibly the ' al-' in ' el-se ', than the ' al- ' in
' all.' Little, however, of im|)()rtauce turns
on this. The locality of the Alemanui was the
parts about the Limes Romanus, a boundary
which, in the time of Alexander Severus,
Niebuhr thinks they first broke through. Hence
they were the !Marchmen of the frontier, who-
ever those Marchmen were. Other such March-
men were tho Sucvl; unless, indeed, we con-
sider tho two names as synonymous. Zeuss ad-
mits that, between the Suevi of Suabia, and the
Alemanui, no tangible dilTerence can bo found."

— R. G. Lathan, The Oermania of Tacitus;
Epilegomena, sect. 11.

Also in T. Smith, Arminiiis, pt. 9, ch. 1. —
See, also, Suevi, and Bavahians.
A. D. 259. — Invasion of Gaul and Italy.

— The Alcmanni, "hovering on the frontiers
of tho Empire . . . increased the general dis-
order that ensued after the death of Decius.
They indicted severe wounds on the rich
provinces of Gaul; they were the first who
removed the veil that covered the feeble majesty
of Italy. A numeroui body of the Alemaniu
penetrated across the Danube and through the
Rhatian Alps into the plains of Lombardy, ad-
vanced as far as Ravenna and displayed the vic-
torious banners of barbarians almost in sight
of Rome [A. D. 259]. The insult and the danger

ALEMANNI, A. D. 359.

ALEMANNI, A. D. 547.

rekindled in the Hcnntc some sparks of tlu'ir
ancient virtue. Hotli tlie Emperors were en-
Knged in l;ir tlisliint wars — Vuleriuu in the
East and (ialiemis on the Uhini'. " The senators,
liowcver, suceeeded in confront inj; tlie audacious
invaders with a force whicii dice kcd tlieir ad-
vance, and tiicy "retired into Germany laden
with spoil." — E. (}il)l)on, iJiclineand Full of the
Itt/ntan h'l/i/iiri', fh. 10.

A. D. 270. — Invasion of Italy. — Italy was
invaded by tlie Alemamii, for tlie second time,
in tiie rei^'n of Auniian, A. D. 270. They rav-
uj^ed the provinces from the Danube to the Po,
and were retreating', laden with spoils, when the
vigorous Emperor intercepted them, on the
banks of the former river. Half tlie host was
permitted to cross the Danube; the other half
was surprised and surrounded. Hut the.se last,
unable to regain their own country, broke
through the Roman lines at their rear and sped
into Italy again, spreading havoc as they went.
It was only after three great battles, — one near
Placentia, in which the Romans were almost
beaten, another on the Metaurus (where Has-
drubal was defeated), and a third near Pavia, —
that the Germanic invaders were destroyed. —
E. Gibbon, Decline and Fall of the Jioinan Em-
pire, ch. 11.

A. D. 355-361. — Repulse by Julian. See
Gaul: A. 1). 355-361.

A. D. 365-367. — Invasion of Gaul. — The
Alcmanniiiivadetl Gaid in;{t)5, committing wide-
spread ravages and carrying away into the for-
ests of Germany great spoil and many captives.
The next winter they crossed the Rhine, again,
in still greater numbers, defeated the Roman
forces and captured the standards of the Ileru-
lian and Batavian auxiliaries. But Valentiniau
was now Emperor, and he adopted energetic
measures. Ilis lieutenant Jovinus overcame the
invaders in a great battle fought near Chalons
and drove them back to their own side of the
river boundary. Two years later, the Emperor,
himself, ])asse"d the RhiJie and inflicted a memo-
rable chastisement on the Alemaimi. At the
same time he strengthened the frontier defences,
and, by diplomatic arts, fomented quarrels be-
tween the Alemanni and their neighbors, the
Btirgundians, which weakened both. — E. Gib-
bon, Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire,
ch. 25.

A. D. 378. — Defeat by Gratian. — On learn-
ing that the young Emperor Gratian was pre-
paring to lead the military force of Gaul and the
West to the help of his uncle and colleague,
Valens, against the Goths, the Alemanni swarmed
across the Rhino into Gaul. Gratian instantly
recalled the legions that were marching to Pan-
noniaand encountered the Gernian invaders in a
great battle fought near Argentaria (modi'rn
Uolinar) in the month of May, A. D. 378. Tlie
Alemaiuii were routed with such slauiihter that no
tnore than 5,000 out of 40,000 to 70,000, are said
to have escaped. Gratian afterwards crossed the
Rhine and humbled his troublesome neighbors
in their own country. — E. Gibbon, Decline and
Fall of the Roman Empire, ch. 26.

A. D. 496-504. — Overthrow by the Franks.
—"In the year 496 A. I), the Salians [Salian
Franks] began that career of conquest which
they followed up with scarcely any intermission
until the death of their warrior king. The
Alemanni, extending themselves from their origi-

nal seats on the right bank of the Rhine, between
the Main and the l)anul)e, had i)ushed forward
into (Jermanica Prima, where they came into
collision witii the Prankish subjects of King
Sigebert of Cologne. Clovis lli.w to the a.ssist-
ance of his kinsman and defealcil the Alemanni
in a great battle in tiie neighbourhood of ZUl-
pich [calleil, commonly, tlic battle of Tolbiacl.
lie thenestal)lisii(»l a considcral)!e niunber of his
Franks in tlie territory of the Alemanni, the
traces of whose residence are found in the names
of Franconia and Frankfort." — \V. C. Perry,
The Frankx, rh. 2. — "Clovis had been intending
to cross the Rhine, but tlu! hosts of the Alamanni
came upon him, as it seems, unexpectedly and
forced a battle on the left bank of the river. He
seemed to be overmatched, and the horror of an
impending defeat overshadowed the Fraiikish
king. Tlien, in his despair, he bethought him-
self of the God of Clotilda [his queen, a Burgun-
diau Christian princess, of the orthodox or
Catholic faith]. Raising his eyes to heaven, he
said: 'Oh Jesus Christ, whom Clotilda declares
to be the Son of the living God, who art said to
give help to those who are in trouble and who
trust in Thee, I humbly beseech Thy succour! I
have called on my gods and they arc far from
my help. If Thou wilt deliver me from mine
enemies, I will believe in Thee, and be baptised
in Thy name. ' At this moment, a sudden change
was seen in the fortunes of the Franks. The
Alamanni began to waver, they turned, they
fled. Their king, according to one account was
slain; and the nation seems to have accepted
Clovis as its over-lord." The following Christ-
mas day Clovis was baptised at Reims and 3,000
of his warriors followed the royal example. " In
the early years of the new century, probably
about 503 or 504, Clovis was again at war with
his old enemies, tlie Alamanni. ... . Clovis
moved his army into their territories and won a
victory much more decisive, though less famous
than that of 4'JO. This time the angry king
would make no such easy terms as he had done
before. From their pleasant dwellings by the
3Iain and the Neckar, from all the valley of the
Middle Rhine, the terrified Alamanni were
forced to flee. Their place was taken by Prank-
ish settlers, from whom all this district received
in the Middle Ages the name of the Duchy of
Francia, or, at a rather later date, that of the
Circle of Franconia. The Alamanni, with their
wives and children, a broken and dispirited host,
moved southward to the shores of the Lake of
Constance and entered the old Roman province of
Rhictia. Here they were on what was held to
be, in a sense, Italian ground; and the arm of
Theodoric, as ruler of Italy, as successor to the
Emperors of the West, was stretched forth to
protect them. . . . Eastern Switzerland, AVest-
ern Tyrol, Soutlicrn Baden and WUrtcmberg and
Southwestern liiv.iria i)robably formed this new
Alamannis, which will figure in later history as
the ' Ducatus Alamanni*, ' or the Circle of Swabia.
— T. Ilodgkin, Rali/and Her Invaders, bk. 4, ch. 9. *

Also ra P. Godwin, Hist, of France : Ancient
Gaul, hk. 3, rh. 11.— See, also, Suevi: A. D.
460-500; and Fuanks: A. D. 481-511.

A. D. 528-729.— Struggles against the
Frank Dominion. See German v: A. 1). 481-
76S.

A. D. 547.— Final subjection to the Franks.
SeeBAVAUiA: A. D. 547.

■1

ALEPPO.

ALEXANDRIA, B. C. 282-240.

ALEPPO: A. D. 638-969.— Taken by the

Anil) followers of .Mulioiiut in «;W, this city wus
reiovereil l)v the Uyziuitiiies in J»OU. See Hyzan-
tinkEmi'iuk: A. D. mJ-HW.").

A. D. 1260.— Destruction by the Mongols.
—The :M()n^'ols, uuder Klmlii,i,ni, or lloula^jou,
brother of >Iaiij,'u Khun, having overrun Meso-
potamia and e.xtinguished the t-'aliphate at Bag-
dad, crossed the Euphrates in tlie Hpring of 1260
and advanced to Aleppo. The city was taken
after a siege of Kcven days and given up for live
days to pillage and slaughter. "When the
carnage ceased, the streets were cumbered with
corpses. ... It is said that 100,000 women and
children were sold as slaves. The walls of
Aleppo were lazed, its mosques destroyed, and
its gardens ravaged." Damascus submitted and
was spared. Kiuilagu was meditating, it is said,
the conquest of Jerusalem, when news of the
death of the Great Khan called him to the East.
—II. H. Ho worth, Jlist. of the Mongols, pp. 209-
211.

A. D. 1401. — Sack and Massacre by Timour.
Sec TiMoru.

ALESIA, Siege of, by Csesar. See Gaul:

B. ('. m--A.

ALESSANDRIA: The creation of the city
(11C8), See Italy: A. D. 1174-1183.

ALEUTS, The. See Amekican ABonioi-
NEs: Eskimo.

ALEXANDER the Great, B. C. 334-323.
— Conquests and Empire. See Mackuonia, v\:c.,
B. C. 334-330, and after. . . .Alexander, King of
Poland, A. D. 15(il-l,-)0T. . . .Alexander, Prince
of Bulgaria. — Abduction and Abdication. See
BiLCAuiA: A. D. 1878-1880.... Alexander I.,
Czar of Russia, A. D. 1801-1825. .. .Alexan-
der I., King of Scotland, A. D. 1107-1124. . . .

Alexander II., Pope, A. D. 10(51-1073

Alexander II., Czar of Russia, A. D. 185.^-

1881 Alexander II., King of Scotland,

A. I). 1214-1249. . . .Alexander III., Pope, A. D.
1159-1181.... Alexander III., Czar of Russia,
A. D. 1881—. . . .Alexander III., King of Scot-
land, A. D. 1249-1286. . . .Alexander IV., Pope,
A. D. 12.54-1261. . . .Alexander V., Pope, A. D.
1409-1410 (elected by the Council of Pisa)....
Alexander VI., Pope, A. D. 1492-1503. . . .Alex-
ander VII., Pope, A. D. 1655-1 607.... Alex-
ander VIII., Pope, A. D. 1689-1091.... Alex-
ander Severus, Roman Emperor, A. D. 222-235.

ALEXANDRIA: B. C. 332.— The Found-
ing of the City.— "AViien Alexander reached
the Egyptian military station at the little
town or village of Rhakotis, he saw with
the quick eye of a great commander how
to turn this petty settlement into a great
city, and to make its roadstead, out of which
ships could be blown by a change of wind,
into a double harbour roomy enough to
shelter the navies of the world. All that was
needed was to join the island bv a mole to the
continent. The site was admirably secure and
convenient, a narrow strip of land between the
Mediterranean and the great inland Lake Mare-
otis. The whole northern side faced the two
harbours, which were bounded east and west by
the mole, and beyond by the long, narrow rocky
island of Pharos, stretching parallel with the
coast. On the south was the inland port of Lake
Mareotis. The length of the citv was more tlian
three miles, the brcidth more than three-quarters
of a mile; the mole was above three-quarters of

a mile long and six hundred feet broad; its
breadth is now doubled, owing to the silting up
of tl;e sand. Modern Alexandria until lately
only occupied the mole, and was a great town in
a corner of the space which Alexander, with
large provision for the future, measured out.
Tile form of the new city was ruled by that of
tile site, ])ut the fancy of Alexander designed it
in the shape of a Macedonian cloak or chhiniys,
such as a national hero wears on the coins of flie
kings of Maci'don, Ids ancestors. The situati;)n
is excellent for coninierce. Alexandria, with the
best Egyptian harbour on the .Mediterranean,
and the inland port ('onnectcd willi the Nile
streams and canals, was the natural emporium
of the Indian trade. Port Said is superior now,
because of its grand artificial port and the
advantage for steamships of an unbroken sea-
route."— R. S. Poole, Cities of E<j!ii>t, ch. 12.—
See, also, AIackdonia, &c. : B. C. 334-330; and
Egypt: B. 0. 332.

Reign of Ptolemy Philadelphus, B. C. 282-
246. — Greatness and splendor of the City. —
Its Commerce. — Its Libraries. — Its Museum.
— Its Schools. — Ptolemy Philadelplius, son
of Ptolemy Soter, succeeded to the throne of
Egypt in 282 B. C. when his father retired from
it in his favor, and reigned until 240 B. C.
"Alexandria, founded by the great conqueror,
increased and beautifled by Ptolemy Soter, was
now far the greatest city of Alexander's Empire.
It was the first of those iu;w foundations which
are a marked feature in Hellenism; there were
many others of great size and importance —
above all, Antioch, then Seleucia on the Tigris,
then Nicomedia, Nicaa, Aparaea, which lasted;
besides such as Lysimacheia, Antigoueia, and
others, which early disappeared. . . . Alexan-
dria was the model for all the rest. The inter-
section of two great principal thoroughfares,
adorned with colonnades for the footways, formed
the centre point, the omphalos of the city. The
other streets were at right angles with these
thoroughfares, so that the whole place was quite
regular. Counting its old part, Rhakotis, which
was still the habitation of native Egj'ptiaus,
Alexandria had live quarters, one at least devoted
to Jews who had originally settled there in great
numbers. The mixed population there of Mace-
donians, Greeks, Jews, and Egyptians gave a
peculiarly complex and variable character to the
population. Let us not forget the vast number
of strangers from all parts of the world whom
trade and politics brought there. It was the
great mart where the wealt h of Europe and of Asia
changed hands. Alexander had opened the sea-
^vay by exploring the coasts of ]Media and Persia.
Caravans from the head of the Persian Gulf, and
ships on the Red Sea, brought all the wonders of
Ceylon and China, as well as of Further India, to
Alexandria. There, too, the wealth of Spain and
Gaul, the produce of Italy and Macedonia, the
amber of the Baltic and liie salt tish of Pontus,
the silver of Spain and the copper of Cj-prus, the
timber of Macedonia and Crete, the pottery and
oil of Greece — a thousand imports from all the
Mediterranean — came to be excliaugiHl for the
spices of Arabia, the splendid birds and embroi-
deries of India and Ceylon, the gold and ivory of
Africa, the antelopes, the apes, the leopards, the
elephants of tropical climes. Hence the enormous
wealth of the LagiiiiC, for in addition to the mar-
vellous fertility and great population — it is said

ALEXiVNDlUA, B. C. 282-246.

ALEXANDUIA, B. C. 282-24C.

il!

to Imve iH'cn wvon iiiillirms — of ERvpt, they
made all tin- jjiolits of tiiis enonnous carrying
trade. Wi' ^caiii a pMxl idea <>f wiial the splcu-
dours of the capital wen- liy the very full account
preserved to lis by Atiieiia'iis of the UP'at feast
which iiiaiiKuraled the reiirn of i'hiladelphus.
. . . All this seems idle pomp, and the dointr of
an i<lle sybarite. l*hiIadel|>hHH was anything' hut
that. ... It was he who opened up the Kgyp-
tiaii trade with Italy, and made I'uteoli the >;reat
I)ort for ships from Alc.vandria, which it remained
for centuri( s. It was lie who explored Ethiopia
and the southern parts of Africa, and l)rouy;ht
back not oidy the curious faiuia to his zoolofiical
^fardeiis, but the first knowleilL'c of the Tro;.jlo-
dytes for men of sciiuice. The cultivation of
science aixl of letters too was so remarkably one
of his pursuits that the proj;ress of the Alexan-
dria of his day forms an epoch in the world's
history, and we jnust separate his University and
its professors from this sununary, and devote to
them a separate section. . . . The Justory of tiie
organization of tiie University and its stair is
covered with iilmost impeiietrabk! mist. For the
Museum and Library were in the strictest sens*;
what we should now cull an University, and one,
too, of the Oxford ty|)i!, where learned men were
invited to take Fellowships, and si)end their
learned leisure close to observatories in scienc(>.
and a jrreat library of books. Like the media-val
luiiversities, this endowment of research naturally
turned into an eiiijrine for teaching, as all who
desired kni>wle(lge Hocked to such a centre, and
persuadi'd the Felk w to become a TvUor. The
nuxlcl came from .\thcns. There the schools,
beginning with the Academy of Plato, had a
(ixed jjroperty — a home with its surrounding
garden, and in order to make this foundation
sure, it was made a shrine where the Muses wen-
worshipped, and where the head of the school, or
a priest appointed, performed stated sacritices.
This, then, being held in trust by the successors
of the douor, who betjueathed il. to them, was a
property which it would have bti-en sacrilegious
to invade, and .so the title ^lusfium arose for a
school of learning. Demetrius the Phalerean, the
friend and protector of Theophnistus, brought
this idea with him to Alexandria, when his name-
sake drove him into exile [see Ghkkce: B. C.
307-197] and it was no doubt his advice to the
first Ptolemy which originated the great foun-
dation, though Philadelphus, who again e.xiled
Demetrius, gets the credit of it. The pupil of
Aristotle moreover impressed on the king the
necessity of storing up in one central repository
all that the world kiiew or couM produce, in
ordc- to ascertain the laws of things from a iiro-
per analysis of detail. Hence was founded not
only the great library, which in those tlays had a
thousand times the value a great library has now,
but also observatories, zoological gardens, col-
lections of exotic plants, and of other new and
strange things brought by exploring expeditions
froni the furthest regions of Arabia and Africa.
This library and mu.seum proved indeed a home
for the Muses, and about it a most brilliant group
of students in literature and science was formed.
The successive librarians were Zenodotus, the
grammarian or critic; Callimachus, to whose
poems we shall presently return; Eratosthenes,
the astronomer, who originated the process by
which the size of the eanh is detemiineil to-day;
Appollonius the Rhodian, disciple and enemy of

Callimachus; Aristophanes of Byzantium, founder
of a school of philological criticism; a!ul Aristar-
chus of Samos, n-puted to have becai the greatest
critit; of ancient tinu-s. The study of the text of
Homer was the chief labour of ZciuMlotus, Aris-
tophanes, and Arisiarchus, and il was Arislar-
(bus who mainly fixed the form in which the
Iliad and Odys.si-y remain to this day. . . . The
vast collections of the library and museum
actually determined the whole character of the
literature of Alexandria. One word sums it all
up — erudition, whether in philosophy, In criti-
cism, in science, even in poetry. Strange to say,
they neglected not only oratory, for which there
was no scope, but history, and this we may attri-
bute to tlu! fact that history before Alexander had
no charms for Hellenism. ]\Iythical lore, on the
other hand, strange uses and curious wonls, were
dei)artmenls of research dear to them. In science
they did great things, so did they in geography.
. . . But were they original in nothing? Did
they add nothing of theii" own to the splendid
record of Greek literatureV In the next gener-
ation came the art of criticism, which Aristar-
chus developed into a real science, and of that
we may sjjcak in its place; but even in this
generation we may claim for them the credit of
three original, or nearly original, developments
in liteiiiture — the pastoral idyll, as we have it
in Theocritus; the elegy, as we have it in the
Homan imitators of Philctas and Callimachus;
and the romance, or love story, the parent of our
modern novels. All these had early prototypes
in the folk songs of .Sicily, in the love songs of
Mimnermus and of Antimachus, in the tales of
Miletus, but still the revival was fairly to be
lalled original. Of these the pastoral idyll was
far the most remarkable, and laid hold upon the
world for ever." — J. P. Jlahafly, The iStory oj
Ale.ramJev'n Entpive, cfi. 13-14. — " There were two
Libraries of Alexandria under the Ptolemies, the
larger one in the quarter called the Bruchium,
and the smaller one, named 'the daughter,' in
the Serapeum, which was situated in the quarter
called Uhacotis. The former was totally
destroyed in the conflagration of the Bruchium
during Ciesar's Alexandrian War [see below:
B. C. 48-47] ; but the latter, which was of great
value, ^remained nninjured (see flatter, Ilutoire
de lEcolc d'Alexandric, vol. 1, p. 133«f(7.,237
seq.) It is not stated by any ancient writer
where the collection of Pergamus [sec Pe»oa-
Mt:M] was placed, which Antony gave to Cleo-
patra (Plutarch, Anton., c. 58); but it is most
probable that it was deposited in the Bruchium,
as that quarter of the city was now without a
library, and the queen was anxious to repair the
ravages occasioned by the civil war. If this
supi)osition is correct, two Alexandrian libraries
continued to e.xist after the time of Caesar, and
this is rendered still more probable by the fact
that during the first three centuries of the Chris-
tian era the Bruchium was still the literary
quarter of Alexandria. But a great change took
place in the time of Aureliun. This Emjieror, in
suppressing the revolt of Firmus in Egypt, A.
D. 273 [see below: A. D. 273] is said to have
destroyed the Bruchium ; and though this state-
ment is hardly to be taken literally, the Bruchium
ceased from this time to be included within the
walls of Alexandria, and was regarded only as a
suburb of the city. Whether the great library
in the Bruchium with the museum and its other

ALEXANDRIA. B. C. 282-246.

ALEXANDRIA. A. D. 273.

Hterary establishments, perished at this time, wc
do not liuow; but tlie Serupeiim for tlu' next
eentury tulies its pliieo iw tlic lilemry (piarter of
Alexandria, and l)et'omes the chief library
in the eity. Hence later writers erroneously
speak of the Serupeum as if it had been fnmi the
bei^inning the gnat Alexandrian library. . . .
Gibbon seems to tliink that the whole of the
Serai)eum was destroyed [A. I). ;W», by order of
the Emperor Theodosius— see below]; but this
was not the ease. It wo\dd ai)pearlliat it was
only the sanctuary of the jrod that was
Icvellcil with the fxround, and that the library,
the halU and other i)uildings in the consecTatcd
ground remained standing longafterwartls."— E.
Gibbon, Ihdine und Full of Ihe lioinan Empire,
<'A. 28. Notislni Dr. WiUium .V//u7/(.— Concern-
ing the reputed lliial destruetiim of the Libriry
by the Moslems, sec below: A. D. <141-04fl.

Also in (). Delepierre, J/Morieal DiffiaiUirH,
ch. 3.— S. Sharpe, IIM. of Egypt, <•/'■ '''. Maud 12.
— See, also, Ni:oPi,.\ tonics.

B. C. 48-47.— Caesar and Cleopatra.— The
Rising against the Romans.— The Siege. —
Destruction of the great Library.— Roman
victory.— From the battle Held of Pharsalia (see
UoMK : B. C. 48) Pompeius lied to Alexandria
in Egypt, and was treacherously nmrdered as ho
.stepped on shore. Ca'.sar arrived a few duy.s
afterwards, in close pursuit, and shed tears, it is
said, on Ix.'ing shown his rival's mangled head.
He had l)rought scarcely more than 3,000 of his
soldiers with him, and he foinid Egypt in a tur-
bulent state of civil war. The throne was in
dispute between children of the late king,
Ftolemitus Aidetes. Clecpatra, the elder daugh-
ter, and PtolemuBUS, a son, were at war with
one anotiier, and ArsinoO, a yoimger daughter,
was ready to put forward claims (see Egypt:
B. C. 80-48). Notwithstanding the insignifi-
cance of his force, Cajsar did not hesitate to as-
sume to occupy Alexandria and to adjudicate the
dispute. But the fascinations of Cleopatra
(then twenty years of age) soon made him her
partisan, and lier scarcely disguised lover. This
aggravated the irritation which was caused in
Alexandria by the presence of Caesar's troops,
and a furious rising of the city was provoked.
He fortified himself in the great palace, which
he had taken possession of, and which com-
manded the causeway to the island. Pharos,
then;by commanding the port. Destroying a
large part of the city in that neighborhood, he
made his position cx'ceedingly strong. At the
same time he seized and burned the royal fleet,
and thus caused a conflagration in which the
greater of the two priceless libraries of Alex-
andria — the library of the Museum — was, much
of it, consumed. [Sec above: B. C. 282-246.]
By such measures Ca?sar withstoocl, for
several months, a siege conducted on the part of
the Alexandrians with great determination and
animosity. It was not until ilarch, B. C. 47,
that he was relieved from his dangerous situa-
tion, by the arrival of a faithful ally, in the per-
son of Mithridates, king of Pergamus. who led
an army into Egypt, reduced "Pelusium, and
crossed the Nile at the head of the Delta.
Ptolemieus advanced with his troops to meet this
new invader and was followed and overtaken by
Cajsar. In the battle which then occurred the
Egyptian army was utterly routed and Ptole-
majus perished in the Nile. Cleopatra was then

married, after the Egyptian fashion, to a
younger brother, and estai>lished on the throne,
while ArsinoJ^ was sent a prisoner to Home. —
A. Hirtius, The Alr-nindrian War.

Also in G. liong, Derline if the Jltimnrt lie-
piihlir, r. 5, rh. 20.— C. MeriVale, Hint, of tfui
liomiiHH, rh. 18. — S. Sharpe. Hist, of E/i/pt, rh. 12.

A. D. 116.— Destruction of the Jews. See
.iKWs: A. 1). 110.

A. D. 215. — Massacre by Caracalla.—
"Canu'alla was the common eiu luy of mankind.
He left lh<' capital (and he never returned to it)
about a year after the nuirder of Gela [A. 1).
213]. The rest of his reign [four years] was
spent in the several jirovinces of tiie Empire,
particularly those of the lOast, and every prov-
ince was, by turns, the scene of his raiiine and
cruelty. ... In the midst of jieaee, and upon
the slightest jirovocation, he issued his commands
at Alexandria, Egyi)t [A. 1). 215], for a genend
massacre. From a secure jjost in the temple of
Serapis, ho viewed and directed the slaughter of
many thousand citizens, as well as strangers,
without distinguishing either the number or the
crime of the sulTerer.s. " — E. Gibbon, Decline and
Fall of the limniui Finpirr, rh. 0.

A. D. 260-272. — Tumults of the Third Cen-
tury. — "The iK'ople of Alexandria, a various
mixture of nations, united the vanity and incon-
stancy of the Greeks with the superstition and
obstinacy of the Egyptians. The most trifling
occasion, a transient scarcity of flesh or lentils,
the negh'ct of an accustomed salutation, a mis-
take of i)recedency in the public baths, or even
a religious disjiutc', were at any time sufflcient
to kindle a sedition aiiiong that vast multitude,
whose resentments were furious and implacable.
After the captivity of Valerian [the Uoman Em-
peror, made prisoner by Sapor, king of Persia,
A. I). 260] and the insolence of his son had re-
laxed the authority of the laws, the Alexandrians
abandoned themselves to the iingoverned rage of
their passions, and their mdiapjiy country was
the theatre of a civil war, which continued (with
a few short and suspicious tru(;cs) above twelve
years. All intercourse was cut off between the
several quarters of the atllictcd citj', every street
was polluted with blood, every building ol
strength converted into a citadel; nor did the
tumult subside till a considerable ])art of Alex-
andria was irretrievably ruined. The F.pacious
and magnificent district of Bruchion, with its
pahices and museum, the residence of the kings
and philosophers of Egypt, is described, above a
century afterwards, as already reduced to its
present state of dreary solitude." — E. Gibbon,
Decline and Fall of the Roman Fnipire, rh. 10.

A. D. 273. — Destruction of the Bruchium by
Aurelian. — After subduing Palmyra and its
(iueen Zenobia, A. D. 272, the Emptror Aure-
lian was called into Egypt to prt down a re-
bellion there, headed liy one Firmus, a friend
and ally of the Palmyrene queen. Firmus had
great wealth, derived from trade, and from the
pai)er-nianufacturo of Egypt, which was mostly
in his hands, lie was defeated and put to death.
"To Aurelian's war against Firmus, or to that
of Probus a little before in Egypt, may lie re-
ferred the destruction of Bruchium, a great
quarter of Alexandria, which according to Am-
mianus Marcellinus, was ruined imder Aurelian
and remained deserted c^erax'', . " — .1. B. L. Cre-
vier. Hint, of the Iiomj,n Einperuis, bk. 27.

AI.KXANDUIA. A. D. iiW).

ALEXANDRIA, A. I). 641-«4fl.

A. D. 296. - Siege by Diocletian. — A p-ncrnl
n-volt III ila- Aliicaii nroviiicrs of the Uoiimn
Emi)irc (K'rtirii'tl A. I>. ~1M1. 'I'lie burburoiiH
IriltiH iif Ktliiiipiii itiiil till- (Ic.mri were broiifjht
into iilliaiiLc witli the iii'iiviiuiiils of K^^ypt.
('ynnaica, ('ai'llia;:(' aiiu Maiiritaiiia, and tlie
llauu' of war was iitiiviTsnl. Botli the enipurors
of the •.iiiie, Diocletian and Maxlniiau, were
culled to the African tield. " Diocletian, on his
side, opened the canipai;,'! in Kjrypt hy the
ulcjje of Alexandria, cut otfthe aijueducts which
conveyed the waters of the Nile into every (luar-
ter il' that ininien.sc city, and, renderinfj; his
cainji impregnable to the wdlies of the besieged
niulti:u(h-, he pushed his reiterated attacks with
caution and vigor. After a siege of eight
months, Alexandria, wasted by the sword and
by lire, implored the clemency of the coiKpieror,
but it experienced the full extent of his severity.
Many thousands of the citizens perished in a pro-
miscuous slaughter, and tliere were few obnox-
ious jtersons in Egynt wlio escaped a sentence
t'ilJicr of deatli or at least of exile. The fate of
Bu.siris and of Coptos was still more melancholy
than that of Alexandria; those proud cities . . .
were utterly destroyed."— E. Gibl)on, Decline
and luill of the Uoukiil Empire, ch. 18.

A. D. 365. —Great Earthquake. See Eautii-
«iiAKH IN riiic H0.MAN Woui.D: A. D. 305.

A. D. 389. — Destruction of the Serapeum.
— " After tlie edicts of Tlitodosius had severely
prohibited the saeritices of the pagans, llieywcre
still tolerated in the city and lemple of Serapis.
. . . The urcliepiscopal throne of Alexandria
was tilled by Tlieophilus, the perpetual enemy
of peace and virtue; a bold, bad man, whose
hands were alternately pointed witli gold and
with blood. His pious indignation was excited
by the honours of Serapis. . . . Tlje votaries of
Serapis, whose strengtli and numbers were much
inferior to tlio.se of their awtagouists, rose in
arms [A. D. 389] at the instigation of the philo-
sopher Olympius, who exljorted them to die in
the defence of the altars of tlie gods. These
pagan fanatics fortitied themselves in the temple,
or ratlier fortress, of Serapis; repelled the be-
siegers by daring siUlies and a resolute defence;
and, by tlie iuliuman cruelties which they exer-
cised on their Christian prisoners, obtained the
last consolation of despair. The efforts of the
prudent magistrate were usefully exerted for the
establishment of a truce till the answer of Tlieo-
dosius should determine tlie fate of Serapis."
The judgment of the emperor condemned the
great lemple to destruction and it was reduced
to u heap of ruins. "The valuable library of
Alexandria was pillaged or destroyed : and, near
twenty years afterwards, the appearance of the
empty shelves excited the regret and indignation
of every spectator whose mind was not totally
darkened by religious prejudice." — E. Gibbon,
Decline and Fall (if t!ie Roman, Empire, ch. 28. —
Gibbon's statement as to the destruction of the
great library in the Serapeum is called in ques-
tion by his learned anuotator. Dr. Smitli. See
above: B. C. 283-24G.

A. D. 413-415.— The Patriarch Cyril and
his Mobs. — "His voice [tluit of Cyril, Patri-
arch uf Alexandria, A. D. 413-144] inllamed or
appeased the passions of the multitude: his com-
mands were blindly obeyed by his numerous and
fanatic parabolani, familiarized in their daily
otfice with scenes of death ; and the pnefects of

Egypt we•r'a^ved or provoked bv the temporal
power of hi'se Christian pontics. Ardent 1;.
die i)ros«'( I'tion of heresy, Cyril auspiciously
opened his reign by oppressing the Novatians,
the most innocent and hariidess of the sectaries.
. . . The toleration, and (!ven the privileges of
the Jews, who had nuilliplicd to the tuunber of
40,000, were secured bv tlie laws of the Casars
and Ptolemies, and a long iiresiription of 7lMt
years since tiie foundation of Alexandria. Witli-
out any legal sentence, without any royal man-
dale, the patriarch, at the dawn of day, led a
seditious multitude to the attack of the syna-
gogues. I'narnied and unprepared, the. Jews were
incaiiable of nsi.stance; their houses of i)raycr
were levelled with lli ground, and tiie episcoi)al
warrior, after rewarding his Iroops with ihe
plunder of tlieir goods, expelled from Ihe city
the remnant of the mi.sbelieving nation. Per-
hajis lie might plead Ihe insolence of their
prosperity, and their deadly liatred of the Chris-
tians, whose blood they had rcci'ntly shed in a
malicious or accidental tumult. Such crimes
would have deserved \\w animadversions of the
magistrate; l)ut in this promi.scuous outrage the
innocent were confounded with the guilty." —
\ E. Giblion, jKrlinf iind Juill of the li'omiui Em-
' j)iri\ ch. 47. — 'llefore long tlie adherents of the
j archliishop were guilty of a more atrocious an<l
improvoked crime, of the guilt of which a deep
suspicicm altached to Cyril- AH Alexandria
re.«|)ected, honoured, took pride in the celebrated
Ilypatia. She was a woman cf extraordiuarv
learning ; in her was centred Ihe lingering knowl-
edge; of that Alexandrian Platonism cultivated
by Plotinus and his school. Iler beauty was
equal to her learning; her modesty commended
both. . . . Ilypatia lived in great intimacy witli
the pra'fect Orestes; the only charge whispered
against her was that she encouraged him in his
hostility to the patriarcli. . . . Some of Cyril's
ferocious i)artisans seized this woman, dragged
her from her chariot, and with the most revolt-
ing indecency tort Ikt clothes off and then rent
her limb from hmb."— II. H. Milman, Hist, oj
Latin Chrintiiih.'ti/, bk. 2. ch 3
Also ik C. Kingsley, jlypatia.
A. D. 616.— Taken by Chosroes. See
Egypt: A. D. 610-028.

A. D. 641-646. — The Moslem Conquest. —
The prec''3c Jate of events in the Moslem con-
quc'it of Eg) pi, by Amru, lieutenant of the
Caliph Omar, is uncertain. Sir Wm. Muir fixes
the first surrender of Alexandria to Amru in
A. D. 041. After that it was rcoccupied by the
Byzantines cither once or twice, on occasions of
neglect by the Arabs, as they pursued t'leir con-
quests elsewhere. The probability seems to be
that this occurred only once, in 040. It seems
also probable, as remarked by Sir W. Muir, that
the two sieges on tlie taking and retaldng of the
city — C41 and 046 — have been much confused in
the scanty accounts whicli have come down to us.
On the first occasion Alexandria would appear to
have been generously treated; while, on the
second, it suffered pillage and its fortifications
were destroyed. IIow far there is truth in the
commonly accepted story of the deliberate burn-
ing of the great Alexandrian Library — or so muCli
of it as had escaped destruction at the hands
of Roman generals and Christian patriarchs — is
a question still in dispute. Gibbon discredited
the story, and Sir William >Iuir, the latest of

A^EXANDIUA. A. D. 041-840.

ALLonUfKIES.

students in Miilionictun history, ilt'diiies ••von the
incntion of it in iiis niirmtivc of the coiKjucst of
K^fypt. Hut (itiuT hisloriiiiis of repute inaintiiin
llii'prolmijie accunicv of tiio tiile toltl hy Ahui-
jilmriifrus— tlmt ("alipli Omar ordered tlio de-
atruction of tlio liihrary, on the jjround tliat,
if tile tioolts ill it ajrret'd witli tiic FCoraii tlicy
were useless, if tliey disajjreed witli it tlu'y were
periiiciouH.— See . Mahometan (-"oNQi'EHT: A. I).

A. D. 815-823.— Occupied by piratical Sar-
acens from Spain. HeeCuKTi;: A. 1). H2'.i.

A. D. 1798.— Captured by the French under
Bonaparte. See Fiunce: A, D. 17liS (May —
AiorsT).

A. D. 1801-1802. — Battle of French and
English.— Restoration to the Turks. See
Fuanck: a. I). lM(»l-iN(i2.

A. D. 1807.— Surrendered to the English.—
The brief occupation and humiliating capitu-
lation. See Tihkh: A. 1). 1S0(!-1SIIT.

A. D. 1840.— Bombardment by the English.
Sei- TiUKs: A. 1). ISDl-lHtd.

A. D. 1882. — Bombardment by the English
fleet. — Massacre of Europeans. — Destruction.
SeeEovrr: A. I). lM7r,-lMS3, aiul 18H3-1HH:{.

The Burning of.
A. 1). 1804 (Maucii

ALEXANDRIA, LA.,
See Unitki) Statkhof Am.
— May: Louisiana).

ALEXANDRIA, VA., A. D. i36i (May).—
Occupation by Union troops.— Murder of Col-
onel Ellsworth. See LMted States op Am.:
A. 1), WW (May: Viuoinia).

ALEXANDRIAN TALENT. See Talent.

ALEXIS, Czar of Russia, A. I). 1645-1670.

ALEXIUS I. (Comnenus), Emperor in the
East (Byzantine, or Greek), A. I). 1081-1118.
...Alexius II. (Comnenus\ Emperor in
the East (Byzantine, or Greek), A. I). 1181-

1183 Alexius III. (Angelus), Emperor

in the East (Byzantine, or Greek), A. 1). 1105-

Vi(Y,i Alexius IV. (Angelus), Emperor in

the East (Byzantine, or Greek), A. I). 120;{-

1204 Alexius V. (Ducas), Emperor in

the East (Byzantine, or Giftek), A. I). 1'204.

ALFONSO I., King of Aragcn and Navarre,
A. D. 1104-1184. . . .Affonso I.', iCingof Castile,
A. D. 1072-1109; and VI. of Leon, A. I). 1005-

1109 Alfonso I., King of Leon and the

Asturias, or Oriedo, A. 1). 739-757 Alfonso

I., King of Portugal, A. D. 1112-1185...,
Alfonso I., King of Sicily, A. D. 1416-1458. . . .
Alfonso II., King of Araeon, A I). 1163-1196.
....Alfonso II., King ofCastile, A. D. 1120-

1157 Alfonso II., King of Leon and the

Asturias, or Oviedo, A. I). 791-842 . . Alfonso
"•. King of Naples, A. D. 1494-1495....
Alfonso n.. King of Portugal, A. D 1211-

Joo^ • ;,.''^'^°"^° ^"^ King of Aragon, A. D.
128.J-1291 . Alfonso III., King of Castile, A.
D. 11 08-1314.... Alfonso III., King of Leon
and the Asturias, or Oviedo, A. i). 806-910. .
Alfonso III., King of Portugal, A. D 1244-
1279.... Alfonso IV., King ofAtacon. A I)
1327-1336 ...Alfonso IV.,^King o^Leon and
A.f -f^stunas, or Oviedo, A. 1). 925-930.
Alfonso IV., King of Portugal, A. D. 1323-
Ui7 . . .Alfonso v., King of Aragon and I. of
Mfi'^\4- I^- 1^»8-1458; I. of Naples, A. I).
.443-1408.,.. Alfonso V., King of^Leon and
the Asturias, or Oviedo, A. D. 999-1027
Alfonso v.. King of Portugal, A. D. 1438-1481;

Alfonso VI., King of Portugal, .V.

1656-1667. . . .Alfonso \/II., King of Leon, A.
D. 1109-1126. . . Alfonso VIII., King of Leon,
A. D. 1 12(1-1157. . . Alfonso IX., King of Leon,
A. I). 1188-1230... Alfonso X., King of Leon
and Castile, A. I). 12.VJ-12M4 . . Alionso XI.,
King of Leon and Castile, A. !>. i:il2-13."iO. . . .
Alfonso XII., King of Spain, A. I). 1874-
1885.

ALFORD,
Sr«)Ti,AM): \.

ALFRED,
Wessex, .V. I)

Battle of (A. 1
1). 1644 lOJ.V
called the Great,

871-901.

»645)-
King

See
of

ALGIERS AND ALGERIA— ' The term
Algiers literally sijjnilies ' tlie islutul,' and was
derived from "the orij^nnal coiistruetion of its
harbour, one sich; of which was separated from
the land. "—M. Itussell, JIiMt. of the linrhai-y
States, p. 314.— For history, see Bahhauy
States.

ALGIHED, The.— The term by which a
war is proclaimed amonj^ the Mahometans to be
a Holv War.

ALGONKINS, OR ALGONQUINS, The.
See .Vmkuica.n .VnouuiiNKs: Ai.oonkin Family.

ALGUAZIL. See Alcalde.

ALHAMA, The taking of See Spain : A. D.
1476- 1492.

ALHAMBRA, The building of the. See
Spain: A. I). 1238-1273.

ALI, Caliph, A. 1). 6.")-661.

ALIA, Battle of the (B. C. 390^. See RoNre:
IJ. C. 390-347.

ALIBAMUS, OR ALIBAMONS, The.
See Amkkican Ahoukunes : Mi'skiiooee
P'amily.

ALIEN AND SEDITION LAWS, The.
Sec United States of Am: A. D. 1798.

ALIGARH, Battle of (1803). Sec India:
A. \). 1798-18(»5,

ALIWAL, Battle of (1846). See India:
A 1). 1845-1849.

ALJUBAROTA, Battle of (1385). See
Portugal: A. D. 1383-1385, and Spain: A. D.
1368-1479.

ALKMAAR, Siege by the Spaniards and
successful defense (1573). See JSetiiehlands:
A. 1). 1573-1574.

ALKMAR, Battle of See France: A. D.
1799 (Septemueu — Octoher).

"ALL THE TALENTS," The Ministry
of. See England: A. !), 1801-1800, and 1800-
1812.

ALLEGHANS, The. See American Abo-
rigines: Alleghans.

ALLEMAGNE. — The French name for
Germany, derived from the conl'ederuiion of the
Alemanni. See Alemanni: A. I). 213.

ALLEN, Ethan, and the Green Mountain
Boys. See Vermont. A. 1). 1749-1774...
And the Capture of Fort Ticonderoga. See
United States of Am. : .A.. D. 1775 (May).

ALLERHEIM, Battle of (or Second battle
of Nbrdlingen, — 1645.) See (Germany: A. I).
1640-1645.

ALLERTON, Isaac, and the Plymouth
Colony. See 3Iassaciiusettr (Ply.moutii) : A.
I). 162:M629, and after.

ALLIANCE, The Farmers', See United
States of Am. • A. D. 1877-1H91.

ALLOBROGES, Conquest of the. — The
Allol)roji:es (see ^Edui ; also Gai-ls) liaving
sheltered the chiefs of the Salyes, when the lat-

ALLOBHOOES.

ALOD.

t^r sucnimbod to llic Konmns, and having
refused to deliver them up, tlie proconsul Cii.
DoniitiuM niarclied his army toward their eoun-
try, B. C. 121. The Allobroges advanced to
meet liim and were defeated at Vin(hdiuin, near
liie junction of tlie Sorgues witli tlie Rhone, and
not far from Avignon, having 20,000 men slain
and 3,000 t alien prisoners. Tiie Arverni, who
were the allies of the Allobroges, then took the
field, crossing the Cevennes mountains and the
river Ulioue with a vast host, to attack the small
Uoman army of ;?0,()00 men, which had passed
unihT the iiinunand of Q. Fabius Ma.xinuis
.Kniilianus. On the .Sth of August. B. ('. 121,
the (Jaulish horde encountered the legions of
Uome, at a ]u)int near the junction of the Lsere
and the Khoiic, and were routed with such enor-
mous slaughter that loO,!^^) are said to have
been slain Or drowned. This battle settled the
fate of the Allobroges. who surrendeicd to Home
without further struggle; but the Arverni were
ni>t pursued. The tiiial compiest of that people
was ix'servcd for Cicsar. — G. Lung, .Utcliiie of
till' Roman liepubhc, c. 1, ch. 21.
ALMA, Battle of the. See Ru8si.\: A D.

18")4 (SKI'TK.Mr.KIt).

ALMAGROS AND PIZARROS, The
quarrel of the. See Vv.nv: A. I). 1"):!:!-154S.

ALMANZA, Battle of (A. D. 1707). See
Spain: A. D. 1707.

ALMENARA, Battle of (A. D. 1710). See
Si'.MN: A. I). 1 707-1710.

ALMOHADES, The. — The empire of the
Almoravidf's, in Morocco and Spain, which
originated in a Moslem missionary movement,
wa.s overturned in the middle of 'he twelfth cen-
tury by a movement of somewhat similar nature.
The agitating cause of the revolution was a re-
ligious teacher named 3Iahomct Inn Abdallah,
who rose in the ivign of AH (successor to the
g;reat Almoravide prince, Joseph), r'^'ho gained
tlic odor of sanctity at Morocco and who took
the title of Al Mehdi, or El JIalidi, the Leader,
"giving himself out for the person whom many
Mahometans expect under that title. As before,
the sect grew into an army, and the army grew
into an empire. The new dynasty were called
Almohudcs from Al Mehdi, and by his appoint-
ment a certain Abdelmumen was elected Caliph
and Commander of the Faithful. Under his
vigorous guidance the new kingdom rapidly
grt'w, till the Almohadcs obtained (piitc the
upper hand in Africa, and in 1146 they too
passed into Spain. Under Abdelmumen and his
successors, Joseph and .lacob Alniansor, the Al-
mohades entirely sujiplanted the Almoravides,
and became more formidable foes than they had
been to the rising Christian pr)W(Ti. Jacob Al-
man..or wnn in li!)."» the terrible battle of Alarcos
against Alfon.so of Castile, and carried his eon-
quests deep into that kingdom. His fame spread
through tlie whole Moslem world. . . . With
.Tacob Almansor perislied the glory of the Alnio-
hades. His successor, Mahouict' lost in 1211
[June 10] the great battle of Alacab or Tolo.sa
against Alfon.so, and that day may be said to
have decided the fate of Miiliometanism in Spain.
The Almohade dynasty grndually declined. . . .
The Almohades, like tln^ (.'mmiads and tlie Al-
moravides, vanish froiii history amidst Ji scene of
confusion the details of which it were hopeless to
attempt to rememl'cT." — E. A. Freemun, Hist,
and Conquests of the iktraceim, led. 5<

Also in II. Coppee, Conquest of Spain by the
Arab- Moors, bk. 8, ch. 4. — See, also, Spain . A. D.
1146-1232.

ALMONACID, Battle of. See Spain: A.

D. ]«0!» (.ViursT— NovE.MiiEU).
ALMORAVIDES, The.— During the con-
fusions of the lltli century in the Moslem world,
a missionary from Kairwan — one Ahdallah —
preaching the faith of Islam to a wild tribe in
Western North Africa, created a religious move-
ment which "naturally led to a political one."
" The tribe now calle<l themselves Almoravides,
or more properly ^lorabethali, which api)ears to
mean followers of the Marabout or religious
teacher Abdallah does not ajipear to have h'm-
self claimed more than a religious authoritj',
but their i)riiices Zachariah and Abu Bekr
were completely guided by his counsels. After
his death Abu Bekr founded in 1070 the city
of ^Morocco. There he left as his lieutenant
his cousin Joseph, who grew so powerful
that Abu Bekr, by a wonderful exercise of
moderation, abdicated in his favour, to avoid
a probable civil war. This Josepli, when he had
become lord of most part of Western Africa,
was requested, orcauscii hiin.self to be requested,
to assume the title of Emir al ^lomenin. Com-
mander of the Faithful. As a loyal subject of
the Caliph of Bagdad, he shrank from such sacri-
legious usurpation, but he did not scruple to
style himself Emir Al Muslemin, Commander of
the Mo.slems. . , . The Almoravide. Joseph passed
over into Spain, like another Tarik; he van-
quished Alfonso [the CJhristian prince of the
rising kingdom of Castile] at Zalacca [Oct. 23,
A. D. 1086] and then conv<Tted the greater por-
tion of Mahometan Sjiain into an appendage to
his own kingdom of jMorocco. The chief por-
tion to escape was the kingdom of Zaragossa,
the great (nit-post of the Saracens in north-
eastern Spain. . . . The great cities of Andalu-
sia were all brougiit under a degrading submis-
sion to the Almoravides. Their dynasty how-
ever was not of long duration, and it fell in turn
[A. D. 1147] befoic one whose origin was strik-
ingly similar to their own" [the Almohades]. —

E. A. Freeman, Hist, and Conquests of the ikira-
cens, kct. 5.

Also in II. Coppee, Conquest of Spain hi/ the
Arab-Moors, hk. 8, ch. 2 and 4. — See, also,'PoiiTU-
oal: Eaui.y History.

ALOD.— ALODIAL.— "It may be ques-
tioned whether any etymological connexion ex-
ists between the words odal and alod, but their
signilieation applied to land is the same: the alod
is the hereditary estate derived from primitive
occupation ; for which the owner owes no service
except the personal obligation to aiq)ear in the
host and in the council. . . . The land held in full
ownership might be either an etliel, an inherited
or otherwi.se aciiuired portion of original allot-
ment: or an estate created by legal process out
of public land. Both these are included in the
more common term alod; but the former looks
for its evidence in the iiedigree of its owner or
in the »viiness of the co'iimunity, while the lat-
ter can produix! the charter or' book by whicl'
it is created, and is called bocland. As tl
priinltive allot nieiils gradually lost their
tor'.cal character, as the jirimitive luodcf
Iraasfer became obsolete, and the use of wri ' •'
n .'ords took their place, the etliel is lost sighv l
iu the bookland. All the land that is not so 'c

ALOD.

AMALFI.

iii^^M^^

counted for is folrhind, or public land."— W.
Stubbs, Comf. Mist, of Eng., ch. 3, /ort. 24, aiul
ch. 5, Hect. 30. — "Alodial lands arc commonly
opposed to beneficiary or feudal ; tlie former be-
ing strictly proprietary, wliiie the latter depended
uj)()n a superior. In this sense the word is of
continual recurrence in ancient histories, laws
and instruments. It .sometimes, however, bears
the sense of inheritance. . . . Hence, in the
charters of the eleventh century, hereditary fiefs
are frequently termed alodia."— H. Ilallara, Mid-
dle Afjes, ch. 2, i^t. 1, note.

Also in J. il. Kemble, The Saxons in England,
bk. 1, ch. 11. — See, also, Foi.cland.

ALP ARSLAN, Seljouk Turkish Sultan,
A. I-). 10(i8-1073.

ALPHONSO. Sec Alfonso.

ALSACE.— ALSATIA: The Name. Sec
Allmanm: a. I). 213.

A. D. 843-870.— Included in the Kingdom of
Lorraine. See Loiiuaink: A. D. 843-870.

loth Century.— Joined to the Empire. See
Louh.unk: a. D. <Jll-i>8().

loth Century.— Origin of the House of
Hapsburg. bee Aistulv: A. D. 1246-1282.

A. D. 1525.— Revolt of the Peasants. See
Geumaxy: a. D. ir)21-ir.2r).

A. D. 1621-1622. — Invasions by Mansfeld
and his predatory army. See Ge«.\ian\ : A. D.
1621-1023.

A. D. 1636-1639. — Invasion and conquest by
Duke Bernhard of Weimar, — Richelieu's ap-

gropriation of the conquest for France. Sec
•eumany: a. D. 1034-1039.

A. D. 1648. — Cession to Frrnce in the
Peace of Westphalia. See Geumanv: A. D.
1048.

A. D. 1659. — Renunciation of the claims of
the King of Spain. Sec Fuanck : A. D. 1059-
1001.

A. D. 1674-1678.— Ravaged in the Cam-
paigns of Turenne and Conde. See Netiier-
LANUs (Holland): A. 1). 10:4-1078.

A. D. 1679-1681.— Complete Absorbtion in
France. — Assumption of entire Sovereignty by
Louis XIV. — Encroachments of the Chamber
of ReannexatJon.— Seizure of Strasburg. —
Overthrow of its independence as an Imperial
City. See Fuanck: A. D. 1079-1081.

A. D. 1744.— Invasion by the Austrians.
See AusTUtA: A. D. 1743-1744.

A. D. 1871.— Ceded to the German Empire
by France. See Fk.\nce : .^ D. 1871 (Januaky
-May).

1871-1879.— Organization of government as
a German Imperial Province. See Geumaxy:
A. D. 1871-1879.

ALTA CALIFORNIA.-Upper California.
Sec Cai.ikoknia: A. 1). l.")43-1781

ALTENHEIM, Battle of (A. D. 1675).
See Netheulanus (Holland): A. 1). 1674-

ALTENHOVEN, Battle of (1793). See

France: A. 1). 1793 (Febuuauy— Ai'iul)

<VLTHING, The, See Thing; also. Nor-

— Northmen: A. D. 860-1100; and Scan-

!T 8t.\te8 (Denmark— ICELA.ND): A. D.

^*:_*^' ^^*- ^^^ Olympic Festival.
ALTMARCK. See Buandenburq: A. D.
1143-11.)2.

ALTONA: a. D. 1713.— Burned by the
Swedes. See Scan ijin avian States (Sw den);
A. 1). 1707-1718.

ALTOPASCIO, Battle of (1325). See Italy.
A. D. 1313-1330.

ALVA IN THE NETHERLANDS. See
Nethkrlands: A. D. 1500-ir)08 to 1.573-1574.

AMADEO, King of Spain, A. 1). 1871-1873.

AMAH U AC A, The. See American Aror-
UilNES: Andesians.

AMALASONTHA, Queen of the Ostro-
goths. See lioMK : A. I). 535-553.

AMALEKITES, The.— " The Amalekites
were usualh- regarded as a brancli of the
Edomites or ' Ked-skins'. Anialck, like Kenaz,
the father of the Kenizzites or ' Hunters,' was
the grandson of Esau (Gen. 30: 12, 10). He thus
belonged to the group of nations, — Edomites,
Ammonites, and Moa bites, — who s^Jod in a
relation of close kinsliij) to Israel. But they Iiad
preceded the Israelites in dispossessing the older
iiiliabitants of the land, and establishing tliem-
•selves in their place. The Edomites hail partly
lU'stroyed, partly amalgamated the llorites of
Mount Seir (Dent. 2: 12); the Moalutes had done
the same to the Einini, ' a jieople great and many,
and tall as the Anakim' (Deut. 2: 10), while the
Ammonites had extirpated and succeeded to the
Hephaiin or 'Giants,' who in that i)art of the
country were termed Zamzummim (Deut. 3: 20;
Gen. 14: 5). Edoni however stood in a closer
relation to Israel than its two more northerly
neighbours. . . . Separate from the Edomites or
Amalekites were the Kenites or wandering
'smiths.' They formed an important Guild iu
an age when the art of metallurgy was contined
to a few. In the time of Saul -ve hear of them
as camping among the Amalekites (I. Sam. 15:6.)
. . . The Kenitea . . . did uotcon.stitute a race,
or even a tribe. They were, at most, a caste.
But they had originally come, like the Israelites
or the Edomites, from those barren regions of
Northern Arabia which were peopled by the
^Menti of tlie Egyj)tian in.scriptions. Racially,
therefore, we may regard them as allied to the
descendants of Abraliam. While the Kenites
and Amalekites were thus Semitic in their origin,
the Hivites or 'Villagers' are specially asso-
ciated with Amorites." — A. II. Sayce, i?a«'A of
the Old Test, ch. 0.

Also in II. Ewald, Hist, of Israel, bk. 1, sect.
4. — See, also, Araiua,

AMALFI.—" It was the singular fate of this
city to have filled up the interval between two
periods of civilization, in neither of which she
was destined to be distinguished. Scarcely
known before the end of the si.\th century,
Amalti ran a brilliant career, as a free and trad-
ing rej)ublic [sec Home: A. D. 554-800], which
was checked by the arms of a conqueror in the
middle of the twelfth. . . . There mu.st be, I
suspect, some exaggeration about the commerce
and opulence of Amalli, in the only age when
she possessed any at all." — II. Ilallam, The
Middle Ages, ch. 9, pt. 1, with note. — " Amalfl
and Atrani lie close together in two . . .
ravines, the mountains almo.st arching over them,
and the sea washing their very house-walls.
... It is not easy to imagine the time when
Amalli and Atrani were one town, with docks
and arsenals and harbourage for their associated
fleets, and when these little communities were
second in importauco to uu naval power of

4 a

v^-

AMALFI.

AMAZO^■S RIVER

rhristian Europp. The By?:antiin; Empire lost
its hold on Italv durin;; tlic" fifililh oentiirv; Mini
uflor this lime the hislory of ('Mlubriu is niiiiiily
(:()nc<'rnc(l with llic rcpuMics of Naples mid
Ainalli, their ronfliet witli liie Lombard dukes
of Beiievento, their op|iositioii to tlie Saracens,
an<l tlieir linal sulijugation hy tiie Norman
conquerors of Sicily. IJctween the year 8:59
A. 1)., wlien Amalfi freed itself from the con-
trol of Naples and the yoke of Benevento, and
the your 1131, when Roger of Ilauteville incor-
porated the reiiuidic in his kingdom of the Two
Sicilies, this city was tlie foremost naval aud
commercial port of Italy. The l)urgliers of
Amalti elected their owu doge; founded the
Hospital of Jerusalem, whence; sjiraug the
kinghtly order of S. John; gave their name
to the richest qinirter in Palermo: and owned
trading establishments or factories in all the chief
cities of the Levant. Their gold coinage of
'tari' formed the standard of currency before the
Florentines iiad stamped the lily and S. John upon
tlie Tusaiu lloriu. Their shipping regulations
supplied Europe with a code of maritime laws.
Their scholars, in the darkest depths of the dark
ages, prized and conned a famous copy of the
Pandects of Justinian, and their seamen deserved
the fame of having first used, if they did not
actually invent, the compass. . . . The republic
had grown and nourished on the decay of the
Greek Empire. When the hi:rd-handed race of
Ilauteville absorbed the heritage of Greeks and
Lombards and Saracens in Southern Italy [see
Italy (Southern): A. I). 1000-1090], these
adventurers succeeded in annexing Amalti. But
it was not their interest to extinguish the state.
On the contrary, they relied for assistance upon
the navies and the armies of the little common-
wealth. New powers had meanwhile arisen iu
the North of Italy, who were jealous of rivalry
upon the o|)en seas: and when the Neapolitans
resisted King Roger in 1185, they called Pisa to
their aid, and sent her lleet to destroy Amalfl.
The shipis of Amalfl were on guard with Roger's
navy in the Bay of Naples. The armed citizens
were, uniler Roger's orders, at Aversa. 3Iean-
while the home of the republic lav defenceless cm
its mountain-girdled seaboard. I'he Pisans sjiiled
into the harbour, sackeil the city ami carried off
tne famous Pandects of Justinian as a trophy.
Two years later they returned, to comi)lete the
wo?k of devastation. Amalfl never recovered
from the injuries and the humiliation of these two
attaiks. It was ever thus that the Italians, like
the children of the dragon's teeth which Cadmua
sowed, consumed each other." — J. A. Symonds,
Sketches and Studim in IMi/. pp. 2-4.

AMALINGS, OR AMALS.— The royal
race of the ancient Ostragoths, as the Balrhl or
HalUnngs were of the Visigoths, both claiming -i
desci'iit from the irods,

AMAZIGH, the. See Lihyans.
AMAZONS.— "The Amazims, daughters of
ArCs and llar!m)nia, are both early crea'aons, und
frequent reprinl net ions, of the ancient ei)ie. . . .
A nMti"n of courageous, hanly and indefatigable
women, dwelling apart from men, permiilinii
only a short temporary intercourse for the pur-
pose of renovating their luiiiibers, aud burning
out their right breast with ir view of enabling
tliein.selves to dniw the bow freely, — this was at
once a general type stimulating "to the fancy of
the poet, and a theme eminently popular with

his hearers. Nor was it at all repugnant to the
faith of the 'alter — who had no recorded facts
to guide them, and no other standard of credi-
bility as U> th(! past except such poetical narra-
tives themselves — to conceive conunuuities of
Amazons as having actually existed in anterior
time. Accordingly we find these wnrlike females
constantly reap|)earing iu the mi oems, and

universally accepted as jiast . .vs. In the
Iliad, when Priam wishes to illusHnle emphatic-
ally the mo.st numerous host in which he ever
found himself included, he tells us that it was
assembled iu Phrygia, on the banks of the San-
garius, for the I'lfrpose of resisting the formida-
ble Amazons. When Bellerophon is to be em-
ployed on a deadly and jicrilous tuidertaking, by
those who indirectly wi^h to procure his death,
he is desiiatched against the Amazons. . . . The
Argonautic heroes lind the Amazons on the river
Thermodon in their expedition along the south-
ern coast of the Euxine. To the same spot
Ilcraklesgoes to attack them, in the performance
of the ninth labour im[)osed upon him by Eurys-
theus, for tlie purpose of i)rocuring the girdle of
the Amazonian (lueen, Ilippolj te ; and we are told
that they had not yet recovered from the losses
sustained in this severe aggression when Theseus
also assaulted and defeated them, carrying off
their queen AntiopO. Thi^i injury they avenged
by invading Attica . . . and penetrated even
into Athens itself: where the flnal battle, hard-
fought and at one time doubtful, by whicli ThG-
seus cru.shed them, was fought — in the very
heart of the city. Attic antiquaries confldcntly
pointed out the exact position of the two con-
tending annies. . . . No portion of the ante-his-
torical epic appears to have been more deeply
worked into the national mind of Greece than
this invasion aud defeat of the Amazons. . . .
Their proper territory was asserted to be the town
and plain of Themi-skyra, near the Grecian colony
of Amisus, on the river Thermodon [northern
Asia Elinor], a region called after their name by
Roman historians aud geographers. . . . Some
authors i)laced them in Libya or Ethiopia." —
G. Qroti:, llt'yf. of Greece, pt. 1, c/i. 11.

AMAZONS RIVER, Discovery and Nam-
ing of the. — The momh of the great river of
South America was discovered in 1500 by Pin-
zou, or Pinyon (see Amkiuoa: A. D. 1499-1500),
who called it ' Santa Maria de la Mar Dulce '
(Saint Mary of the Fresh- AVater Sea). "This
was the flrst name given to the river, except that
older and better one of ihe Indians, 'Parana,'
the Sea; afterwards it was Maraiiou and Rio das
Amazonas, from the female warriors that were
supposed to live near its baidis. . . . After Pin-
yon's time, thee were others who saw the fresh-
water sea, but no one was hardy enough to
ve:iture into it. The honor of its real discovery
was reserved for Francisco de Orellana ; and he
explored it, not from the east, but from the
west, in on;' of the most daring voyages that was
ever recorded. It was accident rather than
design that led him to it. After . . . Pizarro
had coiKjuered Peru, he sent his brother Gon-
zalo, with 'W) Spanish soldiers, and 4,000
Indians, to e.iplore the great forest east of Quito,
' where there were cinnamon trees.' The expe-
dition started late iu 15:59, and it was* two years
before the starved and ragged stuvivors rettirued
to Quito. In the course of their wanderings they
had struck the river Coco; building here a brig-

AMAZONS RIVEK.

AMEIXAL.

antine, they followed down the current, ii part of
them in the vessel, a pan oil shore. After a
while thev met some Indians, wlio told them of
a rieh countrj- ten days' journey b-yond — a
country of gold, and with plenty of provisions.
Gonzalo placed. Orellana in command of the hrig-
antine, and ordered him, with T)!) soldiers, to go
on to this goM-land. and return with a load of
provision?. Orellana arrived at die mouth of
the Coco in three days, but found no provisions;
'and lie considered that if he should return v.itli
this news to Pizarro, he would not reach him in
a vcar. on account of the strong current, and
that if he remained where he was, he would be
of no use to the one or to the other. Not know-
ing how long Gonzalo Pizarro would take to
reach the place, without consulting any one he
set sail and prosecuted his voyage onward,
intending to ignore Gonzalo, to reach Spain, ami
obtain that government for himself.' Down the
Napo and tiie Amazons, for seven months, these
Spaniards tloatc.'d to the Atlantic. At times they
suffered terribly from hunger: 'There was
nothing to eat but the skins which formed tiieir
girdles, and the leather of their shoes, boiled
witli a few herbs.' When they did get food
they were often obliged to flght hard for it ; and
again they were attacked by thousands of naked
Indians, who came in canoes against the Spanish
vessel. At some Indian villages, however, they
were kindly received and well fed, so they could
rest while building a new and stronger vessel.
. . . Onthe26thof August, 1541, Orellana and his
men sailed out to the blue water ' without either
pilot, conii)ass, or anythinj, useful for naviga-
tion; nor did they know what direction they
should take.' Foiiowing the coast, they jiassed
inside of the island of Trinidad, and so at length
reached Cubagua in September. From the king
of Spain Orellana received a grant of the land
he had discovered; but he dii'd winle returning
to it, and his company was dispersed. It was
not a very reliable account of the river that was
given by Orellana and his chronicler, Padre C'ar-
bajal. So llerrera tells their story of the warrior
females, and very properly adds: 'Every reader
may believe as much as he likes.'"— II. II.
Smith, Brazil, the Amazons, and the Coast, eh. 1.
— In ch. 18 of this same work "The Amaz(m
Myth" is discus.sed at lengtii, with the reports
and opinions of numerous travellers, both early
and recent, con;erning it. — Mr. Southey had so
nmch respect for the memory of Orellana tli;it
lie made an elTort to restore that bold but unprin-
cipled discoverer's name to the great river. " He
discarded .Maranon, as having too mucii resem-
blance to ^laranlmm, and Amazon, as being
fonnded uptm liction and at the same time incDU-
venient. Aecordinuly, in his map, and in all his
references to the great river he denominates it
Orellana. This decision of tiie poet laureate of
(}ri at Britain lias not proved authoritative in
Hrazil. O Amazonus is the universal appellation
of the great river among those who lloat upon its
w:iters and who live upon its banks. . . . Para,
the aboriginal name of this river, was more
appropriate than any other. It signilies 'the
lather of waters.' . . . The origin of the name
and mystery cimcerning the female warriors, I
think, has been solved within the last few vears
by the intrepid Mr. Wallace. . . . Mr. Wallace,
I think, shows conclusively that Friar Gaspar
Lt'urbajalJ aud his cumpunlons saw ludiau male

warriors who were attired in habiliments such as
Europeans would attribute to women. ... I
am strongly of the opinion that the story of the
Amazons has arisen from these feminine-looking
warriors encountered by the arly voyagers." —
J. C. Fletcher anil I). P. Kidi. r, Jirazil and tlu
BmzUiam, ch. '27.

Also in A. Ii. WaUace, Trnrels on the Ama-
zon and Rio Niqro, ch. 17. — It. Southey, Ili-tt. oj
Jlra-il. ch. 4(/-.' 1).

AMAZULUS, OR ZULUS.— The Zulu
War. See Sorru Africa: Tut-: Ahoiuoixai,
iNHAUiTAvrs; and the same: A. D. 1877-1871).

AMBACTI.— "The Celtic aristocracy [of
Gaul] . . . developed the system of retainers,
that is, the privilege of the nobility to surround
themselves with a number of hired mounted ser-
vants — the ambacti as they were calle<i — and
thereby to form a state within a state; and,
resting on the support of these troops of tiu'ir
own, thej' defied the legal authorities and the
common levy and practically broke up the com-
monwealth. . . . 'riiis remarkable word [am-
bacti] must have been in use as early as the
sixth century of Rome among the Celts in the
valley of the Po. ... It is not merely Celtic,
however, but also German, the root of our
'.Vint,' as indeed the retainer-system itself is
common to the Celts aud the Germans. It would
be of great historical importance to ascertain
whetiier the word — an<l therefore the thing —
came to the Celts from the Germans or lo the
Germans from the Celts. If, as is usually sup-
posed, the word Is originally German and pri-
marily signified the servant standing in battle
'against the back' (' and '=against, 'bak'=-
back) of his master, this is not wholly irrecon-
cilable with the singularly early occurrence of
the word among the Celts. . . . It is . . . prob-
able that the Celts, in Italy as in Gaul, em-
plincd Germans diiefly as those hired servants-
at-arms. The 'Swiss guard' would therefore in
that case be .some thousiinds of ^ears older than
people suppo.se." — T. Mommseu, Jlist. of Home,
bk. o, rh. 7, and foot-note.

AMBARRI, The.— A small trilie in Gaul
•which occupied anciently a district between the
Saone, the Rhone and the Ain. — Napoleon III.,
lliM. of Cwmr, hh: 3, ch. 2, note.

AMBIANI, The. See Beuj/K.

AMBITUS. — llribery at elections was termed
ambitus among the Romans, and many unavail-
ing laws were enacted to check it. — W. Ramsay,
Manuiil of Itonuui Antiq., ch. 9.

AMBIVARETI, The.— A tribe in ancient
Gaul which oceuined thii left bank of thcMeuse,
to the south of the marsh of Peel. — Napoleon
III., lli.it.. of Cesar, U: 3, ch. 2, luAe.

AMBLEVE, Battle of (716.) See jmianks
(MKUOVIMilAN KmI'iUI): \. I). r)ll-7.VJ.

AMBOISE, Conspiracy or Tumult of. See
FiiANci:: A. I). 1. >-.!)- 1, Kil.

AMBOISE, Edict of. Se.
i ,")()( )-l,-)(33.

AMBOYNA, Massacre of.
1). lt)(l()-1702.

AMBRACIA (Ambrakia). See Koukyua.

AMBRONES, The. See CiMiiia and Teu-
ToM-.s: H, ('. li;{-102.

AMBROSIAN CHURCH. — AMBRO-
SIAN CHANT. See Milan: A. I). :ni-;3!)7.

AMEIXAL, OR ESTREMOS, Battle of
(1663). See Poutuual; A. D. I(i;l7-100H.

FuANCE: A. D,
Sec India: S.,

AMERICA.

Prehistoric,

A3IER1CA.

AMEiRICA.

The Name. See bclriw: A. D. 1500-1514.

Prehistoric. — " Widely sciittcred tLrouphout
tlio United States, from sea to 8«a, artiticial
mounds are discovered, which may be euinner-
atcd by the thousands or hundreds of thousands.
Tiiey vary greatly in size; some are so small that
a half-dozen laborers with shovels might con-
struct one of tliem in a day, while others cover
acres and are scores of feet in height. These
mounds were observed by the earliest explorers
and pioneers of the country. They did not
attract great attention, however, until the
science of archa-ology demanded their investiga-
tion. Then they were assumed to furnish evi-
dence of a race of people older than the Indian
triin'H. P.seud-archii'ologists descanted on the
Mound-builders tiiat once inhabited the land,
and they told of swarming populations who liad
reached a high condition of culture, erecting
temples, practicing arts in the metals, and using
hieroglyphs. So the Mound-builders formed the
theme of many an essay on the wonders of
ancient civilization. The research of the past
ten or fifteen years has put this subject in a
proper light. First, the annals of the Colum-
bian epoch have bten carelully studied, and it
is found that some of the mounds have been con-
structed in historical time, while early explorers
and settlers found many actually used by
tribes of North American Indians; so we know
that many of them were builders of mounds.
Again, hundreds and thousuTids of these m(»unds
have been carefully examined, an<l the works of
art found therein have been collected and assem-
bled in museums. At the same time, the works
of art of the Indian tribes, as they were pro-
duced before moditication by European culture,
have been assen\bi(>d in the same niusuems, and
the two classes of collections have been carefully
compared. All this has been done with the
greatest painstaking, and the Mound-builder's
mi» and the Indian's arts arc foinul to be sub-
stantially identical. Xo fnigment of evidence
remains to support the figment of theory that
there was an ancient race of Mound-builders
superior in culture to the North American
Indians. . . . That some of these mounds were
built and used in modern times is proved in
another waj'. They often contain articles mani-
festly made by white men, such as glass beads
and copper ornaments. ... So it chances that
to-day luiskilled arclurologists are collecting
many beautiful things in copper, stone, and
shell wliich were made by white men and traded
to the Indians. Now, some of these things are
fomul in the mounds; and bird pipes, elephant
pipes, banner stones, copper spear heads and
knives, and machine-matlo wampum are col-
lected in (juantities and sold at high prices to
wealthy amateurs. . . . The study of these
mounds, historically and archteologically, proves
that they were used for a variety of purposes.
Some were for sepulture, and such are the most
common and widely scattered. Others were
iised as artiticial hills on which to builfl com-
munal houses. . . . Some of the very large
motmds were sites of large communal hou.ses in
which entire tribes dwelt. There is still a tliinl
c1b.ss . . . constructed as jilaces for })ublic
a.ssembly. . . . Hut to explain the mounds and
their uses would expand this article into a book.

It is enough to say that the Mound-builders were
the Indian tribes discovered by white men. It
may well ue that some of the mounds were
erected by ^ribes extinct when Columbus first
s!iw these shores, bit they were kindred in cul-
ture to the peoples that still existed. In the
southwestern portion of the United States, con-
ditions of aridity prevail. Forests are few and
are found only at great heights. . . . The tribes
lived in the plains and valleys below, while the
highlands were their hunting grounds. The
arid lands below were often naked of vegetation ;
and the ledges and clilTs that stand athwart the
lands, and the canyon walls that inclose the
streams, were everywhere quarries of loose rock,
lying in blocks ready to the builder's hand.
Jlence these people learned to build their
dwellings of stone; and they had large com-
munal hou.ses, even larger than the structures of
wood made by the tribes of the east and north.
Many of these stone pueblos are still occupied,
but the ruins are scattered wide over a region of
country embracing a little of California and
Nevada, much of Utah, most of Colorado, the
whole of New Mexico and Arizona, and far
southward toward the Isthmus. . . . No ruin
has been discovered where- evidences of a higher
culture are found than exists in modern times at
Zuiii, Oraibi, or Laguna. The earliest may have
been built thor sands of years ago, but they were
built by the ancestors of existing tribes and
their congeners. A careful study of these ruins,
made during the last twenty years, abundantly
demonstrates that the pueblo culture began with
rude structures of stone and brush, and gradu-
ally developed, until at the time of the explora-
tion of the country by the Spaniards, beginning
about 1540, it had reached its highest j^hase.
Zuiii [in New Mexico] has been built since, and
it is among the largest and best villages ever
estiiblished v.ithin the territory of the United
States without tlie aid of ideas derived from
civilized men." With regard to the ruins oi
dwellings found sheltered in the craters of extinct
volcanoes, or on the shelves of cliffs, or other-
wise contrived, the conclusion to which all recent
archaeological study tends is the same. "All
the stone pueblo ruins, all the clay ruins, all the
clitl dwelling.s, all the crater villages, all the
cavate chaml)ers, and all the tufa-block houses
are fully accounted for without resort to hypothet-
ical peoples inhabiting the country anterior to
the Indian tribes. . . . Pre-Columbian culture
was indigenous; it began at the lowest stage of
savagery and developed to the highest, and was
in many placec passing into barbarism when the

?:ood queen sold her jewels." — Major J. W.
*owell, Prehiittorie Man in Armrica; in " The
Forum," January, 1890. — " The writer believes
. . . that the majority of American archffiolo-
gists now sees no suflicient reason for supposing
that any mysterious superior race has ever lived
in any portion of our continent. They find no
arch.Tological evidence proving that at the time
of its discovery any tribe had reached a stage
of culture that can pniperly be called civiliza-
tion. Even if we accept the exaggerated state-
ments of the Spanish conquerors, the most intelll
gent and advanced peoples found here were
only semi-barbarians, in the stage of transition
from the stone to the bronze age, possessing no

A3IERICA.

Norte Ditcovery.

AMERICA.

written language, or what can properly be
styled an alphabet, and not yet having even
learned the use of beasts of burden."— II. AV.
Havncs, I'rehistovic Arch(rol(i;iy of N. Am. (». 1,
c/t. "C, (/ " Xurratire and Critiail Hist, of Am.").
— " It may be premised . . . that the Spanish
adventurers who thronged to the New World
after its discovery found the same race of lied
Indians in the West India Islands, in Central
and South America, in Florida and in ^Mexico.
In tiu'ir mode of life and means of subsistence,
in their weapons, arts, usages and customs, ip
their institutions, and in their mental and physi-
cal characteristics, they were the same i)eople in
dillerent stages of advancement. . . . There was
neither a political .society, nor a state, nur any
civilization in America when it was discovered;
and, excluding tiie Eskimos, but one race of
Indians, the Red Race." — L. H. Morgan, Houses
(tnd House-life of the American Aboriyi/ics : (C'li-
tribiitioiisto'X. A. Ethnology, v. 5.), ch. 10. — "We
have in this country the conclusive evidence of
the e.vistence of man before the time of the
glaciers, and from the primitive conditions of
tliat time, he has lived here and developed,
through stages which correspond in many par-
ticulars to the Homeric age of Greece." — F. W.
Putnam, llept. Pcabody Museum of Archaeology,
IHSO.

Also in L. Carr, The Mounds of the Mississippi
Vidley. — C. Thomas, Burial Mounds of the
Xorthern Sectiona of the U. S.: Annual Rept. of
the Bureau of Ethnology, 1883-84. — JIarquis de
Nadaillac, Prehistoric America. — J. Fiske, I'he
Discovery of America, ch. 1. — See, also, ^Mexico;
Pkiu:; and Amicuican Abouiginks: Allegii.vns,
Cni;KOKKi:s, and Mayas.

loth-^iith Centuries. — Supposed Discover-
ies by the Northmen. — Tiic fact that tlic Nortli-
inen knew of tlic existence of tlic Western Con-
tinent prior to tiie age of Columbus, was promi-
nently brought before the people of this country
in tlie year 1837, when tiie Royal Societ3'' of
Xortliern Antiquaries at Copenhagen published
tlu'ir work on tiie Antiquities of North America,
under the editorial supervision of the great Ice-
landic scholar, Professor Rafn. But we are not
to suppose that the first general account of these
voyages was then given, for it has always been
known that the hist(jry of certain early voj-ages
to America by the Nortiunen were preserved in
tiie libraries of Denmark and Iceland. , . . Yet,
owiiig to the fact that the Icelandic language,
though simple in construction and easy of acqui-
sition, was a tongue not understooil by scholars,
the subject hiis until recent years been suffered to
lie in tiie background, and permitted, through
a want of interest, to share in a measure the
treatment meted out to vague and uncertain re-
ports. ... It now remains to give tiie reader
some general account of the contents of the nar-
ratives which relate more or less to the discovery
of tlie western contii:eut. . . . The lirst extracts
given are very Inief. They are taken from the
'Landanama Book,' and relate to tlie reijort in
geueral circulation, wliicli indicated one Gunni-
born as tlie discoverer of Greenland, an evcMit
whicli has been tixed at the vear 87G. . . . The
next narrative relates to I'lie rediscovery of
Greenland by the outlaw, Eric the Red, in' 983,
who there passed three years in exile, and after-
wards returned to Iceland. About the year UH6,
he brought out to Greenland a considerable colony

of settlers, who (Ixed their abode at Brattahlid,
in Ericsflord. Then follow two versions of
the voyage of Biarne Heriulfsou, who, in the
same year, 980, when sailing for Greenland, was
driven away during a storm, and saw a new
land at the southward, which he did not visit.
Next is given three accounts of the voyage of
Leif, son of Eric the Red, who in the year 1000
sailed from Brattahlid to lind the land which
Biarne saw. Two of these accounts are hardly
more than notices of the voyage, but the third is
of considerable length, and details the successes
of Leif, who found and explored this new land,
where he spent the winter, returning to Green-
land the following spring [having named diller-
ent regioi.s which he visited Ilelluland, Mark-
land and Vlnland, the latter name indicative of
the finding of grajies]. After this follows the
voyage of Thorvald Ericson, brother of Leif,
wlio sailed to Yiiiland from Greenland, which
was the point of departure in all these voyages.
This expedition was begun in 1002, and it cost
him his life, as an 'urow from one of the natives
pierced his side, causing death. Thorstein, his
brother, went to seek Viuland, with the inten-
tion of bringing home his body, but failed in the
attempt. Tlie most distinguished explorer was
Thorlinn Karlsefne, the Hopeful, an Icelander
whose genealogy runs back in the old Northern
annals, through Danish, Swedish, and even
Scotch and Irish ancestors, some of whom were
of royal blood. In the year 1006 lie went to
Greenland, where he met Gudrid, widow of
Thorstein, whom ho married. Accompanied by
his wife, who urged him to the umh-rtaking, he
sailed to Vinland in the spring of 1007, with
lliree vessels and 100 men, where he remained
tliree years. Here his son Snorre was born. He
afterwards became the founder of a great family
in Iceland, which gave the island several of its
first bishops. Thortinn finally left Vinland be-
cause he found it dillicult to sustain himself
against the attacks of the natives. The next to
undertake a voyage was a wicked woman named
Freydis, a sister to Leif Ericson, who went to
Vinland in 1011, where she lived for a time with
lit • two ships, in the same places occupied by
Leif and Thorfinn. Before she returned, she
caused the crew of one ship to be cruelly mur-
dered, assisting in the butchery with her own
hands. After this wc have what are called the
Minor Narratives, whicli are not essential." — B.
F. De Costa, Pre-Colundjan Discovery of Am., Gen-
eral Lit rod. — By those who accept fully the
claims made for the Northmen, as discoverers of
the American continent in the voyages believed
to be authentically narrated in these sagas, the
Ilelluland of Leif is commonly identified with
Newfoundland, Markiand with Nova Scotia, and
Vinland with various jiarls of New England,
^lassachusetts Bay, Cajie Cod, Nantucket Island,
Martha's Vineyard, Buzzard's Bay, Narragan-
selt Bay, iMouut Hope Bay, Long Island Sound,
and New York Bay are among the localities
sujiposed lO be recognized in the Norse narm-
fives, or marked by some traces of the presence
of the Viking explorers. Prof. Gustav Storm,
the most recent of the Scandinavian investiga-
tors of this subject, finds the Ilelluland of the
sagas in Labrador or Northern Newfoundland,
Markiand in Newfoundland, and Vinland in
Nova Scotia and Cape Breton Island. — G. Storm,
Studies of tlic Vineluiul Voyages. — "The only dis-

AMEHICA.

Columbian
Ditcovery.

AMERICA, 1484-1492.

crwiit which hiis been thrown upon tlie story of the
Viuhmd voyaircs, in the eyes eitliir of scholars or
of the gi.iicrul i)ui)lii;, has arisen from the eager cre-
dulity with \vliich ingenious aiili(iuarians have
now and then tried to i)rovu more tlian facts will
warrant. . . . Arehi'Iogieal remains of the North-
men ahnund in (Jreenland, all tli(! way from Im-
martinek to near Cape Farewell; the existence
of one such relic t)n the North American on-
tinent has never yet been proved. Not a single
vestigc! of the Northmen's presence here, at all
worthy of credence, has ever been found. . . .
The most convincing proof that the Northmen
never founded a colony in America, south of
Davis Strait, is furni.she'd by the total absence of
horses, cattle and other domestic animals from
the soil of North America mitil they were
brought hither by the Spanish, French and
English settlers." — J. Fiske, The Dincorcry of
America, ch. 2. — " What Leif and Karlsefne
knew they experienced," writes Prof. Justin
Wins'jr, "and what the sagas tell ns they
underwent, uuist have just the dillerence be-
tween a crisp narrative of personal adventure
and the oft-repeated and embellished story of a
fireside narrator, since the traditions of the
Norse voyages were not put in the shape of
records till about two centuries had elapsed, and
wo have no earlier manuscript of such a record
than one made nearly two hundred years later
still. ... A blending of history and myth
prompts Horn to say that 'some'of the sagas
were doubtless originally based on facts, but the
telling and retelling have changed them into
pure myths.' The unsympathetic stranger soes
this in stories that the patriotic Scaudinavians
arc over-anxious to make appear as genuine
chronicles. . . . The weight of probability is in
favor of a Northman descent upon the coast of
the American mainland at some point, or at
several, somewhere to the south of Greenland;
but the evidence is hardly that which attaches to
well established historical records. , . . There is
not a single item of all the evidence thus ad-
vanced from time to time which cau be said to
connect by archajological traces the presence of
the Northmen on the soil of North America
south of Davis' Straits." Of other imagined
pre-Columban discoveries of America, by the
Welsh, by the Arabs, by the Basques, «S:c., the
possibilities and probabilities are critically dis-
cussed by Prof. Winsor in the same connection.
— J. Winsor, Narrative and Critical Hint, of
Am., V. 1, ch. 2, and Critical Notes to tlw same.

Ai-80 IN Bryant and Gav, Popular Hist, of the
U. 8., ch. 3.— E. F. Slafter, Ed. Voyages of t!ic
N&rthimii, to Am. {Prince Soc, 1877). — The same,
Discocenf of Am. by the Northmen {N. II. Hist.
Soc., 1888). — N. L. Beamish, Diimvery of Am.by
the Northmen. — A. J. Weisc, Discoveries of Am.,
ch. 1.

A. D. 1484-1492.— The great project of
Columbus, and the sources of its inspiration.
— His seven years' suit at the Spanish Court.
— His departure from Pales.— 'AH attempts
to diminish the glory of Columbus' achievement
by proving a previous discovery whose results
were known to him have signally failed. . . .
Columbtis originated no new theory respecting
the earth's form or size, though a jwpular idea
has always i)re vailed, notwithstanding the state-
ments of the best writers to the contrary, that
he is entitled to the glory of the theory as well

as to that of the execution of the project. He
was not in advance of his age, tntertiined no
new theories, believed no more thau did Prince
Henry, his predecessor, or Toscantlli, his <;on-
temi)orary ; nor was he the first to conceive the
]iossibility of reaching the cast by sailing west.
He was however the first to act in accordance
with existing beliefs. The Northmen in their
voyages liad entertained no ideas of a New
World, or of an Asia to the West. To knowl-
edge of theoretical geography, Columbus added
the skill of a practical navigator, and the iron
will to overcome obstacles. He sailed west,
reached Asia as he believed, and proved old
theories correct. There seem to be two unde-
cided points in that matter, neither of which can
ever be settled. First, did his experience in the
Portuguese voyages, the perusal of some old
author, or a liint from one of the few meu
actiuainted with old traditions, first suggest to
Columbus his project ? . . . Second, to wliat ex-
tent did hi.s voyage to the north [made in 1477,
probably with au English merchantman from
Bristol, in which voyage he is believed to have
visited Iceland] influence his plan ? There is no
evidence, but a strong probability, that he heard
in that voyage of the existence of laud in the
west. . . . Still, his visit to the north was in
1477, several years after the first formation of
his plan, and auy information gained at the time
could onlj' have been conflrmatorj^ rather than
suggestive." — H. H. Bancroft, Hist, of the
Pacific States, v. 1, summary a pp. to ch. 1. — "Of
the works of learned men, that which, according
to Ferdinand Columbus, had most weight with
his father, was the ' Cosmographia ' of Cardinal
Aliaco. Columbus was also confirmed in his
views of the existence of a western passage to
the Indies by Paulo Toscanelli, the Florentine
philosopher, to whom much credit is due for the
encouragement he afforded to the enterprise.
That the notices, however, of western lands were
not such as to have much weight with other
men, is sulficiently proved by the diflficulty
which Columbus had in contending with adverse
geographers and men of science in general, of
whom he says he never was able to convince any
one. After a new world had been discovered,
many scattered indications were then found to
have foreshown it. One thing which cannot be
denied to Columbus is that he worked out his
own idea himself. ... He first applied himself
to his countrymen, the Genoese, who would have
nothing to say to his scheme. He then tried the
Portuguese, who listened to what he had to say,
but with bad faith sought to anticipate him by
sending out a caravel with instructions founded
upon his plan. . . . Columbus, disgusted at the
treatment he had received from the Portuguese
Court, quitted Lisbon, and, after visiting Genoa,
as it appears, went to see what favour he could
meet with in Spain, arriving at Palos in the year
1485." The story of the long suit of Columbus
at the Court of Ferdinand and Isabella ; of his
discouragement and departure, with intent to
go to France; of his recall by command of
Queen Isabella; of the tedious hearings and
negotiations that now took place; of the lofty
demands adhered to by the confident Genoese,
^^llo required "to be made an admiral at once,
to bo appointed viceroy of the countries he
should discover, and to have an eighth of the
profits of the expedition;" of his second rebuff.

AMERICA, 1484-1492.

('(tliimhidtl
Discovery.

AMERICA, 1492.

nis second (lepiirture for France, and Bccond re-
call iiy IsalH'llii, who tinally put her liciirl into
the enterprisu nmi p(rsuiiilc<l lier more skeptical
consort to assent to il — the story of those seven
years of the stru;,'^'le of Columbus to obtain
means for his voyaue is familiar to all readers.
"The agreement' between Coliunbus and their
Catholic highnesses was signed at Santa F6 on
the 17th of April, 1492; and Columbus went to
Palos to make preparation for his voyage, bear-
ing with him an order that the two ves.sels whiidi
that city furnished annually to the crown for
three months sliouM be placed at his disposal.
. . . The Pinzoiis, riili men and skilful mariners
of Palos, joined in tlie undertaking, subscribing
an eighth' of the e.\i)enses; and thus, l)y these
united exertions, three vessels were manned with
90 mariners, and provisioned for a year. At
length all the preparations were complete, and
on a Friday (not inauspicious in this case), the
3d of August, 1492, alter they had nil confessed
and received the sacrament, they set sail from
the bar of Saltes, making for the Canary
Islands." — Sir A. Helps, Tfm Spanish Conqucut
in America, bk. 2, eh. 1.

Also in J. Winsor, Chrintoplier Columbus, ch.
5-9, (in4 20.

A. D. 1492.— The First Voyage of Colum-
bus. — Discovery of the Bahamas, Cuba and
Hayti. — The three vessels of Columbus were
calltMl the Santa Maria, the Pinta and the
Nina. "All had forecastles and high poops,
but the 'Santa Maria' was the only one that
was decked amidships, and she was called a 'nao'
or ship. The other two were caravclaa, a
class of small ves.sels built for speed. The
'Santa Maria,' as I gather from scattered notices
in the letters of Columbus, was of 120 to 130
tons, like a modern coasting schooner, and she
carried 70 men, much crowded. Her sails were
a foresail and a foretop-sail, a sprit-sail, a main-
sail with two bonnets, and maintop sail, a mizzen,
and a boat's sail were occasionally hoisted on
the poop. The ' Pinta ' and ' Nifia ' only had
square sails on the foremast and lateen sails on
the main and mizzen. The former was 50 tons,
the latter 40 tons, with crews of 20 men each.
On Friday, the 3d of August, the three little
vessels left the haven of Palos, and this memor-
able voyage was commenced. . . . The expedi-
tion proceeded to the Canary Islands, where the
rig of the ' Pinta ' was altered. Her lateen sails
were not adapted for running before the wind,
and she was therefore fitted with square sails,
like the ' Santa Maria. ' Repairs were completed,
the vessels were filled up with wood and water
at Goincra, and the expedition took its final de-
parture from the island of Qomera, one of the
Canaries, on September 6th, 1492. . . . Cohini-
bns had cho.sen his route most happily, and with
that fortunate prevision which often "waits upon
genius. From Gomeni, by a course a little
south of west, he would run down the trades
to the Bahama Islands. From the parallel of
about 30° N. nearly to the equator there is
a zone of perpetual winds — namely, the
north-east trade winds — always moving' in the
same direction, as steadily as" the current of a
river, except where they are turned aside by
local causes, so that the ships of Columbus were
steadily carried to their destination by a
law of nature which, in due time, revealed
itself to that close observer of her secrets. The

con.stancy of the wind was one cause of alarm
among the crews, for they began to murmur
that the provi.sons would all l)e exhausted if they
had to beat against these unceasing winds on
th(! return voyage. The next event which excited
alarm among the pilots was the di.scovery that
the conii)a.sses had more than a point of easterly
variation. . . . Tliis was observed on the 17th
of Septemlter, and about 300 miles westward of
the meridian of the Azores, when the ships had
been eleven daysat sea. Soon afterwards the voy-
agers found tiiemsclves surrounded by masses of
seaweed, in what is called the Sarga.s.so Sea, and
this again aroused their fears. They thought
that the ships wotdd get entangled in the beds
of weed and become immovable, and that the
beds marked the limit of navigation. The cause
of liiis acciunulation is well known now.
If bits of cork are put into a basin of water,
and a circular motion given to it, all the corks
will be found crowding together towards the
centre of the pool ^yhere there is the least motion.
The Atlantic Ocean is just such a basin, the
Gulf Stream is the whirl, and the Sargasso Sea
is in the centre. There Columbus found it, and
there it has remaineil to this day, moving up
and down and changing its position according to
seasons, storms and winds, but never altering its
mean position. ... As day after day passed,
and there was no sign of land, the crews became
turbulent iind nuitinous. Columbus encouraged
them with hopes of reward, while he told them
plainly that he had come to discover India, and
that, with the help of God, he would persevere
until he found it. At length, on the 11th of Oc-
tober, towards ten at night, Columbus was on
the poop and siiw a light. ... At two next
morning, land was distinctly' seen. . . . The
island, called by the natives Guauahani, and by
Columbus San Salvador, has now been ascertained
to be Watling Island, one of the Bahamas,
14 miles long by 6 broad, with a brackish lake
in the centre, in 24° 10' 30" north latitude. . . .
The difference of latitude between Gomera and
Watling Island is 235 miles. Course, W. 5° S. ;
distance 3,114 miles; average distance made
good daily, 85' ; voyage 35 days. . . . After dis-
covering several smaller islands the fleet came
in sight of Cuba on the 27th October, and ex-
plored part of the northern coast. Columbus
believed it to be Cipango, the island placed on
the chart of Toscanelli, between Europe and
Asia. . . . Crossing the channel between Cuba and
St. Domingo [or Hayti], they anchored in the
harbour of St. Nicholas Mole on December 4th.
The natives came with presents and the coun-
try was enchanting. Columbiis . . named the
island 'Espanola' [or Ilispaniola]. But with all
this peaceful beauty around him he was on the eve
of disaster." The Santa ]\Iaria was drifted by
a strong current upon a sand bank and hopelessly
wrecked. "It was now necessary to leave a
small colony on the island. ... A fort was
built and named 'La Navidad,' 39 men remain-
ing behind supplied with stores and provisions,"
and on Friday, Jan. 4, 1493, Columbus began
his homeward voyage. Weathering a danger-
ous gale, which lasted several days, his little
vessels reached the Azores Feb. 17, and arrived
at Palos March 15, bearing their marvellous
news. — C. li. Markham, The Sea Fathoi's, ch. 2. —
The same, Life of Coliunbus. ch. 5. — The statement
above that the island of the Bahamas ou whicb

AMEUICA, 141)2.

I\ipal Orant.

iUIERlCA, 1493-1490.

Columbus first landed, niid which 1:l' called Han
Salvador, ' ' has now been ascertained to be Wathng
Island " seems hardly jii.stilied. The (luestion be-
tween ^V:l iij; Island, SanHalvadororC'atlsland,
Haniana, oi Atlwotxl'sCav, Marinnnna, the Grand
Turk, and others is sti(l in disimlt;. Profes-
sor Justin Win.sor says "the weiirht of modern
testimony seems to favor Watlini^'s Island;"
but at the same tin\e lie thinks it " probable that
men will never quite agree which of the Baha-
mas it was upon which these startled and exul-
tant Europeans llrst stepped."—.!. Winsor, Chrix-
toi>/i,r V<ilitinliuH, ch. Si. — The sjune, 2\(trr(iticc and
Critical Ilixt. of Am., v. 2, ch. 1, note 11—
Professor John Fiske, says: "All that can be
positively asserted of Ouaiiahani is tiiat it was
one of the Ilalianias ; there has been endless discus-
sion as to which one, and the (juestion is not easy
to settle. Perh:ii)S the theory of Captain Gustavus
Fo.\, of the United states Js'avy, is on the wliolc
best supported. Captain Fox maintains that
the true Guanahaui was the little Island now
known as Samana or Attwood's Cay." — J. Fiske,
The Dincociri/ of America, ch. 5 (r. 1).

Also in I'. S. CoaHand Geoddic Survey, liept.,
18H0, UfJK 18.

A. D. 1493. — Papal grant of the New
World to Spain. — "Spain was at this time
connected witii the Pope about a most moihcn-
tous matter. The Genoese, Cristoforo Colombo,
arrived at the Spanish court in March, 1493,
with the astounding news of the discovery of
a new continent. . . . Fcrdinaml and Isabella
tiiought it wise to secure a title to all that might
ensue from their new discovery. The Pope, as
Vicar of Clirist, was held to "have authoiiiy to
dispose of lands inhabited by the heathen; and
bv papal Bulls the discoveries of Portugal
along the Al'ric.'in coast had been secured. Tlio
Portuguese showed signs of urging claims to the
New NVorld, as being already conveyed to them
by !the papal grants previously issued in their
favour. To remove all cause of dispute, the
Spanish monarchs at once had recourse to Alex-
ander VI., who issued two Bulls on JIay4 and 5
[1493] to determine the respective rights of Spain
and Portugal. In the first, the Pope granted to
the 8panisli monanhs and their heirs all lands'
discovered or henal'ter to be disct)vcrcd in the
western ocean. In the second, he defined his
grant to mean all lands that might be discovered
west and south of an imaginary line, drawn from
the North to the South Pole, at the distance of a
hundred leagues westward of the Azores and
Cape de Verd Islands. In the light of our pres-
ent knowledge we are amazed at this simple
means of disposing of a vastextcntof the earth's
surface." Under the Pope's stupendous patent,
Spain was able to claim every part of the American
Continent excej)t the Brazilian coast. — M. Creigli-
ton, Jlixt. of the P<ipac.y during tlie Scforina-
lion, bk. 5, ch. 6 (i\ 3).

Also IN E. G. Bourne, TJie Demarcation Line of
Pope. Alemnder \1. {Yale Be d.. May, 1892).— J.
Fiske, The Discovery of America, ch. 6 {v. 1). — J.
Gordon, The BuUh dintributing America {Am. ify)e.
ofCh. Hist., r. 4).— See, also, below: A. I). 1494.

A. D. 1493-1496. — The Second Voyaee of
Columbus. — Discovery of Jamaica ana the
Caribbees. — Subjugation of Hispaniola. —
"The departure of Columbus on his .second
voyage of discovery presented a brilliant con-
trast to Ms gloomy embarkation at Palos. On

the S.lth of September [1493], at tiie dawn of day,
the bay of Cadiz was whitened by his fleet.
'J'liere were three large ships of heavy burden
and fourteen caravels. . . . Before sunrise the
wiutle fleet was under way." Arrived at the
Canaries on tlic 1st of October, Columbus
])ureliased tlu're calves, goats, slie(!p, hogs, and
fowls, with ■which to stock the island of
Hispaniola; also "seeds of oranges, Knions,
bergamots, melons, and various orchard fruits,
whicii were thus first introduced into the islands
of the west from the llesperidcs or Fortunate
Islands of the Old World." It was not luitil the
13th of October that the fleet left the Canaries,
and it arriveil among the islands since called the
I.csser Antilles or ('aribl)ees, on the evening of
Nov. 2 Sailing through tiiis arcidpelago, dis-
covering the larger island of J^orto Hico on the
way, Columbus reached the eastern extremity
of ilispauiola or Ilayti on the 22d of November,
and arrived on the 2Tth at La Navidad, where
he had left a garrison ten months before. He
found nothing but ruin, silence and the marks
of death, and learned, after nnicli inquiry, that
his unfortuuate men, losing all discipline after
his departure, had provoked tlu; natives by rajvi-
city and licentiousness until the latter rose agiunst
them and destrov-ed them. Abandoning the
sieue of this disaster, Columbus found an
excellent harbor ten leagues east of ilonte
Christi and there he began the founding of a
city which he named Isabella. " Isabella at the
present day istpiite overgrown with forests, in
the midst of whicli arc still to be seen, partly
standing, the pillars of the church, some remains
of the king's storehouses, and })art of the resi-
dence of Columbus, all built of hewn stone."
"While the foundations of the new citj^ were
being laid, Columbus sent back part of his shijis
to Spain, and undertook an exploration of the
interior of the i:;!and — tlie mountains of Cibao
— where abundance of gold was promised. Some
gold washings were found — far too scanty to
satisfy the expectations of the Spaniards ; and, as
want and sickness soon made their appearance
at Isabella, discontent was rife and mutiny afoot
before the year had ended. In April, 1494,
Columbus set sail with three caravels to revisit the
coast of Cuba, for a more extended exploration
than he had attempted on the first discovery. ' ' He
supposed it to be a continent, and the extreme end
of Asia, and if so, by following its shores in the
proposed direction he must eventually arrive
at Cathay and those other rich and commercial,
though semi-barbarous countries, described by
Mandoville and Marco Polo." Reports of gold
led him southward from Cuba until he discovered
the island whicli he called Santiago, but which
has kept its native name, Jamaica, signifying the
Island of Springs. Disappointed in the search for
gold, he soon returned from Jamaica to Cuba
and sailed along its southern coast to very near
tlie western extremity, confirming himself and
his followers in the belief that they skirted the
shores of Asia and might follow them to the Red
Sea, if their ships and stores were equal to so
long a voyage. "Two or three days' further
sail Avould have carried Columbus round the
extremity of Cuba; would have dispelled his
illusion, and might have given an entirely differ-
ent course to his subsequent discoveries. In his
present conviction he lived and died; believing
to his last hour that Cuba was the extremity of

AMERICA, 1403-1490.

Cabot'n
Ditcoveriti.

AMERICA, 1407.

the Asifttic continent. " Returning eastward, lie
visited Juinaicii again and jxirposed some f urtlur
cxploralion of the Carilthee Islands, wluin liis
toils and anxieties overeanio liini. " lie fell into
a ileep letiiargy, resembling death itself. His
crew, alarmed at this jjrofound torpor, feared
tliat death was really at liand. They abandoned,
therefore, all further ])rose(ution of the voyage;
and spreading their sails to the east wind so
l)revalent in those seas, bore Columbus back, in
a state of eomplete insensibility, to the harbor
of Isabella,"— Sept. 4. Recovering conscious-
ness, the admiral was rejoiced to tind his
brother Bartholomew, from whom he had been
sejiarated for years, and who had been sent out
to him from Spain, in command of three ships.
Otherwise there was little to give pleasure to
Columbus when he returned to Isabella. His
followers were again disorganized, again at war
witii the natives, whom they plundered and
licentiously abused, and a mischief-making
priest had gone back to Sjjain, along with
certain intrigtung otlicers, to make comjilaints
and set enmities astir at the court. Involved in
war, Columbus prosecuted it relentlessly,
reduced the island to submission and the
natives to servitude and misery by heavy
exactions. In JIarch 1490 lie returned to Sjiain,
to defend himself against the machinations of
his enemies, transferring the goverimient of
Hispaniola to his brother Bartholomew. — W.
Irving, Life and Voyaf/cn of Columbus, bk, 0-8
(J). 1-2).

Also in II. II. Bancroft, Ilisf. of the Piirifie
States, V. 1, cJi. 2. — J. Winsor, C'/iristop/icr
Columbus, ch. 12-14.

A. D. 1494.— The Treaty of Tordesillas.—
Amended Partition of the New World between
Spain and Portugal. — " When speaking or writ-
ing of the conquest of America, it is generally
believed that the only title upon which were
based the conquests of Spain and Portugal was
the famous Papal Bull of i)artition of the Oce.'in,
of 1493. Few modern authors take into consid-
eration that this Bull was amended, iipon the pe-
tition of the King of Portugal, by the [Treaty of
Tordesillas], signed by both powers in 1494,
augmenting the portion assigned to the Portu-
guese in the partition made between them of the
Continent of America. The are of meridian fixed
by this treaty as a dividing line, which gave rise,
owing to the ignorance of the age, to so many
diplomatic congresses and interminable contro-
versies, may now be traced by any student of
elementary mathematics. This line . . . runs
along the meridian of 47° 32' 06" west of Green-
wich. . . . The name Brazil, or'tierradel Bra-
zil,' at that time [the middle of the IGth century]
referred only to the part of the continent pro-
ducing the dye wood so-called. Nearly two
centuries later the Portuguese advanced toward
the South, and the name Brazil then covered the
new j)osses.sions they were acquiring." — L. L.
Dominguez, Introd. to " The Conquest of the River
"'■'• " (IMluyt 80c. Pubs. No. 81).

Plate

A. D. 1497.— Discovery of the North Ameri-
can Continent by John Cabot.— " The achieve-
ment of Columbus, revealing the wonderful truth
of which the germ may have existed in the
imagination of every thoughtful mariner, won
[in En'ghmd] the admiration which belonged to
genius that seemed more divine than human;
and ' there was great talk of it in all the court of

Ilcnry VII.' A feeling of disjippointment re-
mained, that a series of disasters had defeated
thewisliof the illustrious Genoese to make his
voN'age of i'ssay under the Hag of England. It
was, therefore, not dilllcult for John Cabot, a
denizen of Venice, residing at Bristol, to interest
that politic king in plans for discovery. On the
5th of March, 1 H)(l, he obtained imder the gn^it
seal a conunission empowering Inmself and i.is
three scms, or either of them, their heirs, or their
de[>uties, to sail into the eastern, western, or
northern sea with a lleet of (he sldps, at their
own expcns(% in search of islands, provinces, or
regions hitherto unseen by (,'hristian people; to
aliix the bannei-s of England on city, island, or
continent; and, as vassals of the English crown,
to po.ssess and occupy the territories that might
be found. It was further stipulated in this ' most
ancient American State i)aperof England,' that
the i)atentees should hv. strictly bound, on every
return, to land at the port of Bristol, and to p.-iy
to the king ouc-lifth i)art of their gains; wliilc
the exclus.ve right of frccpienting all the coim-
trieij thnt nught be found was reserved to them
and to their assigns, without limit of time.
Under this patent, which, at the first direction of
English enterprise towanl America, embodied the
worst features of monopoly and commercial
restriction, John Cabot, taking with him Iiis son
Sebastian, embarked in <iuest of new Lslands and
a passage to Asia by the north-west. Aftctr sail-
ing prosperously, as he reported, for 700 leagues,
on the 24th day of June, early in th(f morinng,
almost fourteen months before Columbus on his
third voyage came iu siglit of the main, and
more than two years before Amerigo Vespucci
sailed west of the Canaries, he discovered the
western continent, probably in the latitude of
about 50° degrees, among the dismal clilTs of
Labrador. He ran along the coast for many
leagues, it is said even for 300, and landed on
what ho considered to be the territory of the
Grand Cham. But he encountered no human
being, although there were marks that the region
was inhabited. Ho pl.mted on the land a large
cross with the flag of England, and, from atfcc-
tiou for the republic of Venice, he adtled the ban-
ner of St. ]\Iiirk, which liad never been borne so
far before. On his homeward voyage he saw on
his right hand two islands, which for want of
provision.^ ho could not stop to explore. After
an absence of three months the great discoverer
re-entered Bristol harbor, where due honors
awaited him. The king gave hiui money, and
encouraged him to continue his career. The peo-
ple called him the great admiral ; he dressed in
silk; and the English, and even Venetians who
chanced to be at Bristol, ran after him with such
zeal that he could enlist for a new voyage as
many as lie pleased. ... On the third" day of
the month of February next after his return,
'John Kaboto, Venecian,' accordingly obtained
a power to take up ships for another voyage, at
the rates llxed for those employed iu the service
of the king, and once more to set sail with as
many companions as wouhl go with him of their
own will. With this license every trace of John
Cabot disappears. He may have died before
the summer; but no one knows certainly the
time or the place of his end, and it Jias not even
been ascertained in what country this tinder of a
continent first saw tlic light." — G. Bancroft,
Hist, of the U. S. of Am. (Author's last Revision),

AMEURA. U97.

Amrrien*
Ve$puciua.

AMElilCX, 1407-14U8.

pt. I. fh. 1.— In tlioOitlril Kssny appomlod to
a clmjilrr on lli<' v<>y;i;,'cH of llie Ciiiiots, in tin'
Narnitin-niiil Cn'lirii/ llisl. "f Am., there is i)iili-
llslicd, for tlu! tirsl tiiiic, nii Kiifflisli lraii>^liilioii
of II (lispiitrli fruin KaiiiiDiKiode Noncino, oiivoy
of the Duke of .Mihm to llciny \'U., written
\\iK. i-M, 1 11)7, mill Kiviii!,' an ncioimtof the voy-
BK(' from whieli ' Mii.sler'.Iohii Calioto,' 'iv Vene-
tian f( How," hiul just retmiied. This jjaperwaH
broiiirht toliirlitin IHtsr*. from tlie Stale Archives
of Mih»n. Hefcrring to tlm dispnteh, ami to a
It'tter, also (pioted, front the ' Venetian Calen-
dars,' written Auif. '2-i, 141t7, by Lorenzo Pas-
qiializo, a merchant in F,ond(-n, to liis brothers in
Venice. Mr. Cli.irles Deanesays: " Tiiese lettei-H
are Hiillicient to show that North America was
discovered by John Cabot, the name of Sebastian
being nowhere incntione<l in them, and that the
discovery was made in 1497. Tiie i)lace which
ho I'lrst 'si'.;hted i.s given on the map of l.")44
[ft map of Sebastian Cabot, discovered in (Jer-
many m \x\',]] as the norlli jiart of (':ipe JJreton
Island, on wliich is inscribed ' jirima ticrra vista,'
which was reiu bed, according to the Legend, on
the 2Uh of June. Pascpialigo, tlm oidy one who
mentions it, says he (oasled IJOO leagues. Mr.
IJrevoort, who 'accepts the statement, thinks ho
made the iieriplus of the (tulf of St. Lawrence,
passing out at the Straits of IJelle Isle, and thence
home. . . . The extensive sailing up and down
tho coast described l)y chroniclers from conversa-
tions with Sebastian Cabot many years aftef-
wards, though api)arently told as occurring on
the voyage of discovery — as only one voyage is
ever mentioned — must have taken place on a
later voyage." — C Deane, Namitin: nnd Criti-
cal llixf. of Am., T. 3, rh. 1, Vrit. Kn.iiiii.

Also in It. lliddle, Mrmoir of fyhi(.sti(in Cabot,
rh. 1-8.

A. D. 1497-1498. — The first Voyage of
Aniericus Vespucius. — Misunderstandings
and disputes concerning it. — Vindication of
the Florentine navigator.— His exploration
of 4,000 miles of continental coast. — "()ur
inforniation concerning Aniericus Ves]iiicius,
fnmi the early part of the year 1490 until after
his return from the Porluu;uese to the Spanish
service in the latter part of 1504, rests primarily
upon his two famous letters; the one addressed
to his old patron Lorenzo di Pier Francesco <le'
Medici (a cousin of Lorenzo the Magnificent) and
•written in ^larch or April, l.^OS, giving an ac-
count of his third voyage; the other addres.sed
to his old school-fellow PiiMO Sodcrini [tlien
Gonfaloni(*reof Florence] and dated from Lisbon,
September 4, 1504, giving a brief account of
four voyages which he liiul made under various
commanders in the capacity of astronomer or

f)iIot. These letters . . . became speedily popu-
ar, and many editions were published, more
especially in France, Germany, and Italy. . . .
The letter to Soderini gives an account "of four
voyages in which the w liter took j)art, the first
two in the service of Siiain, the other two in the
service of Port;igj>l. The first expedition sailed
from Cadiz ^lay 10, 1497, and returned October
15, 1498, after having exi)lored a coast so long
as to .^ecm nnqtiestionably that of a continent.
This voyage, as we shall see, was concerned
with parts of America not visited again until
1513 and 1517. It discovered nothing that was
calculated to invest it with much importance in
Spain, though it by no means passed without

notice there, n.s has often been wrongly asserted.
Outside of Spain it c.ime to attract more atten-
tion, but in a 1 unfortunate way, for n wlight but
very serious error in proof-reading or editing, in
tho most important of the Latin versions, <'aused
it after II w hile to be practically identified with
the second voyage, made two years later. This
confusion eventually led to most outrageous
im|)utations upon tho good name of Aniericus,
which it has been left for the present century to
remove. The second voyage* of Vespucius was
that in which be accompanied Alonso de (Jjedii
and Juan de la Costa, from May 20, 1499, to
June, 1500. They exploreil the northern coast
of South America from some point on what we
would now call the north coast of Hra/il, as far
as tli(! Pearl Coast visiti'd by Columbus in the
preceding year; and they went beyond, as far as
the Gulf of Maracaibo. Here the sipiadron
seems to have become divid<'d, Ojedii going over
to Ilispaniola in September, while Vespucius
remained cruising till February. ... It is cer-
tainly much to bo regretted thai in the narrative
of his first expedition, Vespucius did not haiipen
to mention the name of the chief commaiuler.
. . . However ... he was writing not for us.
but for his friend, and he tcdd Soderini only what
he thought would interest him. ... Of the
letter to Sodcrini the version which has jjlayed
the mo.st important part in history is the Latin
one first published at the press of the little
college at Saint-Die in Lorraine, April 25 (vij
Kl'Maij), 1507. . . . It was criinslated, not from
an original text, but from an intermediate French
version, which is lost. Of late years, however,
we have detected, in an excessively rare Italian
text, the original from which tin; famous Lor-
raine version was ullimat<ly derivf.'d. ... If
now we compare this iirimitive text with the
Latin of the Lorraine version of 1507, we observe
that, in the latter, one proper name — the Indian
name of a iilace visited by Aniericus on his first
voyage — has been altere<l. In tho original it is
'Lariab;' in the Latin it lias become 'Piirias.'
This looks like an instance of injudicious editing
on the part of tho Latin translator, although, of
course, it may be a case of careless proof-reading.
Lariab is a queer-looking word. It is no woiider
that a scholar in his studj' among the mountains
of Lorraine could make nothing of it. If he had
happened to be acquainted with the language of
the Huastecas, who dwelt at that time about the
ri ver Paiiuco — fierce and dreaded enemies of t heir
southern neighbours the Aztecs — he would
have known that names of plaecjs in that region
were apt to end in ab. . . . But as such facts
were quite beyond our worthy translator's ken,
we cannot much blame him if he felt that such
a word as Lariab needed doctoring. Parias
(Paria) was Icnown to be the native name of a
region on the western shores of the Atlantic, and
so Lariab became Parias. As the distance from
the one place to the other is more than two thou-
sand miles, this little emendation shifted the
scene of the first voyage beyond all recognition,
and cast the whole subject into an outer dark-
ness where there has been much groaning and
gnashing of teeth.. Another curious circumstance
came in to confirm this error. On his first voy-
age, shortly before arriving at Lariab, Vespu-
cius saw an Indian town built over the water,
'like Venice.' He counted 44 large wooden
houses, ' like barracks,' supported on huge tree-

AMEHirA, 1497-1498.

AmeHcu»
VeipuciuM.

AMEUICA. 1497-1498.

tninkH nnd ooiiuminicutiiiK with ciich other by
briilp's ihut cmild iR-driiwii up in ciiscof (liini,'<r.
Tliis may well liiivc been a villajrc of coiumiiiial
houHt'Sof the Clioiitals on tlic roast of Talwsco;
but stuli villancH wt-n; ufterwanls seen on tiic
Gulf of Maracaibo, and one of liu'ni was called
Wnczufla, or ' I-ittlc Vcnict',' a naino since
spread over a territory nearly twice as larjie as
France. Ho tlie anipliibioustown describefl by
Vesi>ucius was incontinently moved to Mamcaibo,
us if there could be only one such place, as if
that style of defensive "building.; had not been
common enough in many ajres and in many parts
of the lartli, from ancient Switzerland to modern
Slum. . . . Tluis in spite bf the latitudes and
longitudes distinctly slated by Vesi)uelus in his
letter, did Larial) and tlie little wooden Venice
get shifted from the Oulf of Mexico to the
northern coast of South America. Now there is
no (jueslion tiiat Vespucius in his .second voyage,
with Ojeda for ca|)taiii, did sail along that coast,
visiting the gulfs of I'aria an<l Maracaibo. This
was in the sununer of 141l)>, one year after a
l)art of the .same coast hail been visited by Col-
umbus. Hence in a later period, h)ng after the
actors in these scenes had been gathered mito
their fathers, and when people had begun to
wonder how the New World could ever have
come to Ihj called Americii ins' cad of Columbia,
it was suggested that the first voyage descrilx'd
by Vespucius nuist be merely a clumsy and fic-
titious duplicate of the second, and that^ Ik;
invented it-aud thrust it back from 141)9 to 1497,
in order that he might be accreilited with ' the
discovery of the continent' one year in mlvance
of ids friend C'nhunbus. It was assumed that ho
must have written his letter to Soderini Avith the
ba.se intention of supplanting his friend, and that
the shalib}' device was successftd. This expla-
nation seemed so simple and intelligiiile that it
became quite generally adopted, and it held its
ground until the subject began to be criticallv
st\idied, and Alexander vou Humboldt showeil,
aljout sixty years ago, that the lirst nannng (;f
America occurred in no such way as had been
supp<jsed. As] .soon as wo refrain from project-
ing our modern liuowledge of geography into tlio
past, as soon as we pause to consider how these
great events ajiiieared to the actors themselves,
the absurdity of this accusation against Ameri-
cus becomes evident. We are told that he falsely
pretended to have visited Paria and Maracaibo
in 1497, in order to claim priority over Colum-
bus in the discovery of 'the c(mtinent.' Whiit
continent V Wljen Vespucius wrote that letter to
Soderini, neither he nor anybody else suspected
that what we now call America had been dis-
covered. The only continent of which tlu're
could be any question, so far as supplanting
Columbus was concerned, was Asia. But in
1504 Columbus was generally supposed to have
discovered tho continent of Asia, by his new
route, in 1493. ... It was .M. Varnhagen who
first turned in<nury on this subject iu the right
direction. . . . Having taken a correct start by
simplv following tho words of Vespucius him-
self, from a prinutive text, witliout reference to
any preconceived theories or traditions, M. Varn-
hagen finds " that Americus in his first voyage
made land on the northern coast of Honduras;
"that lie s)uled around Yucatan, and found his
aquatic village of communal houses, his little
w oodeu Venice, on the shore of Tabasco. Thence,

after a. flglit with tlio natives in which a few
tawny jirisoners were captured and carried on
boanl the caravels, Vespucius seems to have
taken a straight course to the lluasteca country
by Tainpico, without touching at points in the
regh)n subject or tributJiry to the Aztec confed-
eracy. This Tampico country was what Vespu-
cius imderslood to be called Lariab. He again
gives the latitiKh; deflnitx'ly and correctly as '2',P
N., and he menti(ms a few interesting circum-
stances. He saw the natives roasting a dread-
fidly ugly animal," of which he gives what
.seems to'bc "an excellent description of the
iguana, the tiesh of which is to this day an im-
jiortant article of food in tropical America. . . .
After leaving this country of Larial) the; ships
kept still to tho northwest for a short distance,
and then followed the windings of the coast
for 870 U'agues. . . . After traversing ll'.c 870
leagues of crooked coast, the ships found them-
selves ' in tho finest harbour iu the world ' [which
M. Varnhagen supposetl, at first, to have; been
in Chesapeake Bay, but afterwards reached con-
clusions i)oiuting to the neighbourhood of Cape
Canaveral, ontlu! Florida coast]. It was in. lime,
1498, thirteen months since they had started from
Spain. . . . They spent seven-and-thirty days in
this unrivalled harbour, preparing lor the homo
voyage, and found the natives very hospitid)le.
These red men courted the aid of the white
strangers," in an attack which they wished to
make u])on a fierce race of cir 'libals, who inhab-
ited certain islands sohk; di>tap(;e out to .sea.
The Spaniards agreed to the expedition, and
sailed late iu August, t. iking seven of the friendly
Indians for guides. "After a week's voyage
they fell in with the islands, some peopled, others
uninhabited, evidently tho Bermudas, (iOO miles
from Cape Hatteras as the crow files. The
Spaiuards landed on an island called Iti, and had
a brisk fight," resulting in the capture of more
than '200 prisoners. Seven of these were given
to tho Indian guides, who paihiled homo with
them. " ' >Ve also [wrote Vesi)uciiisJ s( t sail
for Spain, with '2'J3 prisoners, slaves; and arrived
in the i)ort of Cadiz on the loth day of Ociober,
1498, where we were well received and sold our
slaves.'. . . The obscurity in which this voy-
age liiis so long been enveloped is duo chiefly to
the fact that it was not followed up till many
years had elap.sed, and the reason for thisnegK'ct
impresses upon us forcibly the impossibility of
understanding the history of the I)iscovery of
America unless we bear in mind all the attend-
ant circumstances. One might at first sujjpose
that a voyage which revealed .some 4,000 miles of
the coast of North America would have attracted
much attention in Spain and have become alto-
gether too famous to bo soon forgotten. Such
an "argument, however, loses sight of tho fact
that these early voyagers were not trying to 'dis-
cover America.' 'rhero was nothing to astonish
them in tho exlst^'nce of 4,000 miles of coast
line on this side of tho Atlantic. To their minds
it was simply the coast of Asia, about which
they knew nothing except from Marco Polo, and
tho natural effect of such a voyage as this
would be' simply to throw discredit upon that
traveller." — J. liske, T/ie Discovery of America,
ch. 7 (v. 2).

Also uj : C. E. Lester and A. Foster, Life and
Voyages of Americus Vespucius, pt. 1, ch. 7.
Winsor, Christopher Columbus, ch. 15.

AMERICA, 1498.

Sehattian
Cabot.

AMERICA, 1498-ir)05.

A. D, 1498.— Voyage and Discoveries of
Sebastian Cabot.— The ground of English
claims in the New World.— "Tlic son of .lolm
(.'ul)()t, ScbastiiiH, is not iiK'ntioucd in this imtcnt
[issued bv Henry VII., Feb. 3, 14l)8j, as he had
been in that of 1406. Yet he alone profited by
it. For the father is not again mentioned in con-
nection wilh the voyage. . . . Sebastian was
now, if Hwniboldfs sui)position is true that he
was born in 1477, a young man of about 20 or 21
years of age. And as he had become proticient
In astronomy and mithematics, and hail gained
naval exi)cricnce in the voyage he had made in
company witii his father; and as he knew l)ettcr
tlian any one else his lather's views, and also the
position of the newly discovered regions, he may
jiow have well appeared to Henry as u lit jiersoii
for the connnand if another expedition to tlu;
northwest. Two ships, matmed with 'Ml) marin-
ers anil volunteers, were reatly for him early in
the spring of 1498; and he sailed with them from
Bristol, probably in the begimiing of the month
of JIay. AVe have no <-ertain information reganl-
ing his ro\jtc. Rut ho appears to have ilirected
Ins course again to the country which he had
seen th" year before on the voyage with his
father, u\ir present Labrador, lie sailed along
the coast of this country so far north that, even
in tlio mouth of July, he encountered nnich ice.
Observing at the same time, to his great dis-
l)leasure, that the coast was trending to the east,
he resolved to give up a further advance to the
north, and re .nod in u .southern direction. At
NewfoiMitlland, J. • probal)ly came to anchor in
some port, Jid refreshed his ni<'n, and refitted his
vessels after their Arctic hardships. . . . Ileimib-
iibly was the first tishermanon the banksorshores
(if Newfoundland, whicii through him became
famous in Europe. Hailing from Newfoundland
southwjst, he kept the coast in view as nuich as
possible, on his right side, ' always with the intent
to find a passage and open water to India.' . . .
After having rounded Cape Cod, he must have
felt fresh hope. He saw a coast running to the
west, and open water before him in that direc-
tion. It is thercfere nearly certain that he en-
tered .somewhat that broad gulf, in the interior
corner of which lies the harbor of New York.
. . . From !v statement contained in the work of
Peter Miirtyr it appears . . . cert.dn thai Cabot
landed on some places of the coasi along which
lie sailed. This author, relating a conversation
■which he had with his friend Cabot, on the sub-
ject of his voyage of 1498, cays that Cabot told
him ' he lia.d found on most of the places copi cr or
brass among the aborigines.' . . . From another
authority we learn that he captured some of these
aborigines and brought them to England, where
they lived and were seen a few years after Ins
ri'ttirn by the English chronicler, Robert Fabyan.
It is not stated at what place he cai)tured those
Indians; but it was not customaiy with tlic navi-
gators of that time to take on board the Indians
until near tiie lime of their leaving the country.
C'al)ot's Indians, therefore, were probably cap
tured on some sl.ore south of New York hart)or.
. . . The southern terminus of Ins voyage is
lirctt} well ascertained. He himself informed
liis friend Peter Martyr, that he went as far
south as ab( \it the latitude of the Sira" of Gil)-
ndtar, that is to say, about ilfi^ north latitude,
which is r.ear that of Cupc Ilattcras. . . . On
their n-turu from their first voyage of 1497,

the Cabots believed that they had discovered
I)()rtions of Asia and so proclaimed it. Rut the
more extensive discoveries of the second voyage
corrected the views of Sebastian, and revealed to
him nothing but ;\ wild and barbari.us coast,
stretching through 80 degrees of latitude, from
G7i° to H(P. The discovery of this impassable
barrier across his passage to Cathay, as he often
complained, was a sore displeasure to him. In-
stead of the rich possessions of China, which he
ho|>e(l to reach, he was arrested by a New found
land, savage and uncultivated. A spirited Ger-
man author. Dr. G. ^I. Asher, in his life of Ilenry
Hudson, published in Lomhm in 18()0, observes:
' The displeasure of Cabot involves the .scientific
discovery of a new world. He was the first to
recognize that a new and unknown continent
was lying, as one vast barrier, between Western
Europe and Eastern Asia.'. . . When Cabot made
proposals in the following year, 1499, for another
expedition to the same regions, he was supported
neither by the king nor tiie merchants. For sev-
eral 3"ears the scheme for the discovery of a
north-western route to Cathay was not much
favored in England. Nevertheless, the voyage
of this gifted and enterprising youth along the
entire coast of the present United States, nay
along the whole extent of that great continent,
in which now the English race and language pre-
vail and flourish, has always been considered as
the true begimiing, tlio foui.i non and corner-
st();ie, of all the English claims and possessions
in the nortliern half of America." — ^'J. G. Kohl,
Hint, of (he Discorerij of Maine, ch. 4.

Ai.so in: R. Riddle, Memoir of t^chantian Vnbot,
ch. 1-10.— .J. F. Nicholls, Life of Sebastian Cabot,
ch. 5.

A. D. 1498-1505.— The Third and Fourth
Voyages of Columbus. — Discovery of Trini-
dad, the northern coast of S. America, the
shores of Central America and Panama. —
When Columbus reached Spain in June. 1496,
"Ferdinaml and Isabella received him kindly,
gave him new honors and promised him other
outtits. Enthusiasm, however, had died out and
delays took place. The reports of the returning
ships did not correspond with the jiictures of
^larco I'olo, and the new-found world was
thought to be a very poor Inilia after all. Most
]ieople were of this mind; though Columbus was
not disheartened, and the jiublic treasury was
readily opened for a third voyage. Coronel
sailed early in 1498 with two shipc, and Colum-
bus followed with six, embarking at San Lucas
on the 30tli of ^lay. He now discovered Trini-
dad (.Jul\' 31), which he named either from its
tliree peaks, or from the Holy Trinity; struck
the northern coast of South America, and skirted
what was later known as the Pearl coast, going
as far as the Island of Margarita. Ho wondered
at the roaring fresh waters which the Oronoco
jiours into the Gulf of Pearls, as he called it, and
he half believed that its exuberant tiile came
from the terrestrial paradise. He touched the
southern ■ ^t of Ilayti on the 30tli of August.
Here :iirca(ly his colonists had established a for-
tified jiost, and founded the town of Santo
Domingo. His brother Bartholomew had ruhul
energetically during the Admiral's absence, but
he had not prevented a revolt, which was headed
by Roldan. Columbus on his arrival found the
insurgents still defiant, but he was able after a.
while to reconcile them, and he even succeeded

AMERICA, 149&-1505.

Lrmt Voyaget
of Coluiiibiis.

A3IERICA, 1499-1.500.

ill attiu'liing Roldiin wnrmly to his interests.
Colmnbiis' iibsence from Spain, however, left his
piod niime witliout sponsors; iuul to satisfy
(li'tractors, ii new commissioner was sent over
witii enlarged powers, even with authoritv to
supersede Columbus in general command, if
necessarv. This emissary was Francisco de Bo-
badiila, who arrived at Santo Domingo with two
caravels on the 2;}d of August, loUO, finding
Diego in conmiand, his brother, the Admiral,
being absen'. An issue was at once made.
Diego refused to accede to the eonunissiouer's
orders till Columbus returned to judge the case
himself; so IJobadilla assumed charge of the
crown iiroperty violently, took possession of the
Admiral's house, and when Columbus returned,
he with his brother was arrested and put in irons.
In this condition the prisoners were placed on
shipboard, and sailed for Spain. The captain of
tlie ship oifered to remove the manacles: but
Columbus would not permit it, being determined
to land in Spain bound as he was; and so he did.
The effect of liis degradation was to his advant-
age; .sovereigns and people were shocked at the
sight; and Ferdinand and Isaliella hastened to
make amends by receiving him with renewed
favor. It was soon apparent that everything
reasonable woidd be granted him by tl>e mon-
arehs, a:id that he coidd have all he might wish
short of receiving a new lease of power in the
islands, which the sovereigns were determined
to see pacitied at least before Cohunbus should
again assimie government of them. The Admiral
had not forgotten his vow to wrest the Holy
Sepulchre from tlie Inlidel; but the monarchs
did not accede to his wish to undertake it.» Dis-
ap])ointeil in this, he )iroposed a new voyage;
and getting the roj-al countenance for this
scheme, he was supplied with four vessels of
from tifty to seventy tons each. ... He sailed
from Cadi/, ]\[ay 9, l.jO'2, accompanied by his
brother Bartholomew and his son Fernando.
The vessels reached Sau Domingo .T..ne 21).
Bobadilla, whose rule of a year and a half had
been an unhaiipy one, had given place to Nicho-
las de Ovando; and tlie lleet which brought the
new governor — with Maldonado, Las Casas and
others — now lay in the harbor waiting to receive
Bobadilla for the return voyage. Columbus had
been instructed to avoid llispaniola; but now
that one of his vessels leaked, and he neetled to
make repairs, he sent a boat ashore, asking per-
mission to enter the harbor. He was refused,
though a storm was impending. lie sheltered
his vessels as best he coidd, and roihs out the
gale. The lleet which had on board Bobadilla
and- Roldan, with their ill-gotten gains, was
wrecked, and these enemies of Columbus were
drowned. The Admiral found a small harbor
where he could make his repairs; and then, luly
14, sailed westward to tind, as he suppose(r,
the richer portions of India. ... A landing was
made on the coast of Honduras, August 14.
Three days later the explorers landed again
fifteen leagues farther east, and took po.ssession
of the country for Spain. Still east they went;
and, in gratitude for safety after a long storm,
they named a cape which they rounded, Gracias
a Dios— a name still ]>reserved at the point
where the coast of Honduras begins to trend
southward. Columbus was now lying ill on
his bed, placed on deck, and ^^as half the time
in revery. Still the vessels coasted south,"

along and beyond the shores of Costa Rica; then
turned with "the bend of the coast to the north-
east, until they reached Porto Bello, as we call
it, where they found houses and orchards, and
passed on "to the farthest spot of Bastidas'
explorinir, who had, in 1501, .sailed westward
along tli(-' northern coast of South America."
There turning bark, Columbus attempted to
foimd a colony at Veragua, on the Cosia Rica
coast, where signs of gold were temi)ting. But
the gold proved scanty, the natives hostile, and,
the Admiral, withdrawing his colony, saileil
away. " He abandoned one worm-eaten caravel
at Porto Bello, and, reaching Jamaica, beached
two others. A year of disappointment, grief,
and want followed. Cohunl)us clung to his
wrecked vessels. His crew alternately ni>itinied
at his side, and roved about the island.
Ovando, at llispaniola, heard of his straits, but
only tardily and scantily relieved him. Tne dis-
(^ontented werelinally hiMnl)led; and .some ships,
despatched by the Admiral's agent in Santo
Domingo, at last reached him anil brought him
and his companions to that i)lace, where Ovando
received him with ostentatious kindness, lodging
him in his house till Columbus departed for
Spain, Sept. 12, loOl." Arriving in Spain in
November, disheartened, broken with disease,
neglected, it was mtt until the following ^May
that he had strength enough to goto the court at
Segovia, anil then oidy to be coldly received by
King Ferdinand — Isabella being dead. "While
still hope was deferred, the intirmities of age and
a life of hardsliips brought Columbus to his end;
and on Ascension Day, the 20th of 3lay, lolMi, he
died, with his son Diego and a few devoted
friends by his bedside." — .1. Winsor, yumitice
and Vritind IIM. of Am., v. 2, rh. 1,

Also in: H. H. Bancroft, Hid. of the Pocifc
S/(iti'ii, V. 1, ch. 2 (iiid 4. — \V. Irving, Lif3 und
Voi/U'je.i of ColiimhiiK, bk. 10-18 (?'. 2).

A. D. 1499-1500. — The Voyages and Dis-
coveries of Ojeda and Pinzon. — The Second
Voyage of Amerigo Vespucci. — One of the
most daring aiid resolute of the adventurers who
accompanied (Columbus on his second voyage
(in 14!»:>) was Alonzo de Ojeda. Ojeda quarrelled
with the Admiral and returned to Spain in 1498.
Soon afterwards, "he was provided by the
Bishop Fonseea, Cohunbus' enemy, with a
fragment of the map which the Admiral had
sent to Ferdinand antl Isabella, showing the dis-
coveries which he had made in his last voyage.
AVith this assistance Ojeda set sail for South
America, accompanied by the jiilot, .Tuan de la
Cosa, who had accompanied C'olumbus in his
first great voyage in 1492, and of whom Colum-
bus complained that, 'bi'ing a clever m;ui, he
went about saying that he knew mori; than he
did,' and also by Amerigo Vespucci. They set
sail on the 20th of May. 1499, with four vessels,
and after a passage of 27 days canu; in sight of
the contineiU, 200 leagues east of the Oronoco.
At the end of June, they landed on the shores of
Surinam, in A\ degrees of north latitude, and
proceeding west saw the mouths of the Esse(^ aibo
and Oronoco. Pas.sing the Boca del Drago of
Trinidad, they coasted westward till they reached
the Capo de la Vela in Granada. It was in this
voyage that was discovered the Gulf to which
Ojeda gave the name of Vent^zuela, or Little
Venice, on account of the cabins binlt on piles
over the water, a mode of life which brought to

AMERICA, 1499-1500.

Third Voyagf
"'•'^.acius.

AMERICA, 1500-1514.

hia mind the water-city of ilic Adriatic. FrL
till- .\iiuTicaii coast <Jjcda went to tlie Ci.rit)bci-
Islands, and <m tiio 5tli of Sciitcnilicr readied
Ya^'uinu), in llispaiiiola, where lie raised a
revolt auainst the authority of Colmiibiis. His

Elans, however, were frustrated by Roldan and
.scobar, the deleirates of ("olumbus, and he was
compelled to withdraw from the island. On the
5tli of February, 1500, he roturned, carryinj?
with him to Cadi/ an cxtraordi. .iry number of
filaves, from which he realized an enormous sum
of money. At the beginning' of December, 1499,
the same year in which Ojeua set sail on his last
voyaf;e, another companion of Columbus, in his
first voyaj,'e, Vicente Yanez Pinzon, sailed from
Pulos, was tlK first to cross the line ou the
Aineiiean side of the Atlantic, and on the 20th
of .lanuary, LIOO, discovere<l Ca))e St. Augustine,
to whi<h in- jrave the nanie of Cabo SaiUa Mana
do la ('oiisolacii>n, whence returning northward
he followed the westerly- trending coast, and so
discovered the mouth of the Aniaztm, which he
named Paricura. Within a month after his de-
parture from Palus, he was followeil from the
name port and on the same route by Diego de
Lepe, who was the first todi.scover, at the mouth
of the Oronoco, by means of ii closed vessel,
which only opened when it reached the bottom
of the water, that, at a dei)th of eight fathoms
and a half, the tw(» lowest fathoms were salt
water, but all al);)ve was fresh. Lepe also made
the observation that beyond Cai)e St. Augustine,
which he doubled, as well as Pinzon, the coast
of Brazil trended south-west." — R. II. ^lajor,
Jjifi' cf Prince Iliiiri/ af J'or(<if/((l, c/i. 19.

Also IN: AV. Irving, Life and Voyages of
C'o/'iiiiliKs, r. ',), ch. 1-15.

A. D. 1500.— Voyages of the Cortereals
to the far North, and of Bastidas to the
Isthmus of Darien. — "The I'orluguese did not
overlook the north while making their imi)ortant
di.scoveries to the south. Two vessels, i)iobably
in the spring of 1500, were sent out under
Caspar Cortcreal. Xo journal or chart of the
voyage is now in existence, hence little is known
of its object or results. Still more dim is a
previotis voyage ascribed by Cordciro to Jotlo
Vaz Cortcreal, father of Gasjjar. . . . Touching
ut the Azores, Gaspar Cortcreal, jiossiijly follow-
ing Cabot's charts, struck the coast of Xewfound-
land north of Cape Race, and sailing north
diseovered a land whieh he cidled Terra Vi'i'de,
perhaps Grei'uland, but was stopped iiy ieo at a
river which he named Rio Nevado, whose loca-
tion is unknown. Cortcreal returned to Lisbon
before the cud of 15'J0. ... In October of this
same year l{odrigo de Rastidas sailed from Cadiz
with two vessels. Touching the shores of South
America near Isla Venle, winch lies between
Guadalupe and the main laud, he followed the
coast westward to El Retrcte, or ])"rhaps Noinbre
do Dios, on the Isthmus of Darien, in about 9^
80' north latitude. Returning he was wrecked
on Espanola toward the end of 1501, and reached
Cadiz in Sejjtember, 1502. This being the first
authentic voyage by Europeans to the territory
herein defincil as the Pacific States, such inci-
ilents as are known will be given hereafter." —
II. II. Raneroft, IIM. of the Pudjie ,Sf<ites, v. 1, p.
li;{. — "We have Las Casas's authority for .say-
ing that Bastiilas was a bumuue man toward the
Indians, indeed, he afterwards lost his life by
this humanity ; for, whea governor of Sauta

Martha, not consenting to harass the Indians, he
alienated his tneu that a conspiracy was
formed against him, and he was murdered in his
bed. The renowned Vasco Nunez [de Ralboa]
was in this c.viiedifiou, and the knowledge he
gained there had the greatest influence on the
fortunes of his varied and eventful life." — Sir
A. Helps, SjHininh Confined in Ant., hk. 5, ch. 1.

Also in: J. G. Kohl, Jlixt. of the Dincovery of
Jfaine, ch. 5. — R. Riddle, Memoir of Scbustiau
Cii/jot, bk. 2, ch. ;{-5. — See, also, Newfound-
land: A. 1). 1501-15TS.

A. D. 1500-15 14.— Voyage of Cabral,— The
Third Voyage of Americus Vespucius. — Ex-
ploration of the Brazilian const for the King
of Portugal. — Curious evolution of the conti-
nental name " America."- -" Affairs n(;w be-
came curiously co;ni)licatcd. King Emanuel of
Portugal intrusted to Pedro Alvarez de Cabral
the command of a fleet for Hindustan to follow-
up the work of Gama and establisii a Portu-
guese centre of trade on the Malabar coast.
This licet of 13 vessels, carrying about 1,200
men, sailed from Lisbon March 9, 1500. After
pas.siug the Cape Verde Islands, March 22, for
some reason not clearly known, whether driven
by stormy weather or seeking to avoid the calms
that were apt to be troublesome on the Guinea
coast, Cabral took a somewhat more westerly
course than he realized, and on April 22, after a
weary progress averging less than 00 miles per
day, he found himself on the coast of Brazil not
far beyond the limit rea' ' d by Lepe. . . .
Approaching it in such a way Cabral felt sure
that this coast must fall to the east of the papal
meridian. AccordingU' ou ^lay day, c' Porn
Seguro in latitude 10=^ 30' S., he took formal
pos.scssiou of the countiy for Portugal, and .sent
Gaspar de Lemns in one of his sliijis back to
Lislion with the news. Ou ^lay 22 Cabral
weighed anchor and stood for the C'ape of Good
Ik)pe. . . . Cabral called the land he had found
Vera Cruz, a uame which presently became Santa
Cruz; but when Lemos arrived m Lisbon with
the news he had with liim some gorgeous i)aro-
(juels, and among tlie earliest names on old maps
of the J5razilian coast wc find 'Land of Paro-
(juets'and ' Land of the Holy Cross.' The land
lay obviously so far to the ea.st that Sjiain could
not deny that at last there was something for
Portugal out in the 'ocean sea.' ^luch intcrist
was felt at Lisiion. King Emanuel began to
prejiare an expedition for exploring this new
coast, and wished to secure the scrviees of some
eminent pilot and cosmographer familiar with
the western waters. Overtures were made to
Americus, a fact which proves that he had
already won a high reputation. The overtures
were accepted, for what rea.son we do not know,
anil soon aftir his return from the voyage with
Ojcda, jjrobably in the autumn of 15{)0, Ameri-
cus ])a.ssed from the service of Sp.in into that of
Portugal. . . . On May 14, 1501, Vespucius,
who was evidently jirincipal pilot and guiding
spirit in this voyage luidcr unknown skies, set sail
from Lisbon with three caravels. It is not (juite
clear who was chief captain, but M. Varnhagcn has
found reasons for believing that it was a certain
Don Nuno Manuel. The first halt was made on
the African coastal Cape Verde, the firstf week
inJune. . . . After 07 days of 'the vilest weather
ever seen by man ' they reached the coast of
Brazil in latitude about 5° S., ou the evening

AMERICA, 1500-1514.

yarning of
America.

AMERICA, 1500-1514.

of the 16th of August, the festival-day of San
Uoquc, whose name was accordingly given to
till' cape before wliicli tliey drop|)ed anclior.
From this point they slowly followed the const to
tlie southward, stopping now and then to exam-
ine the country. ... It was not until All Saints
day, the first of November, tliat they reached
tlie bay in h.dtude 13° S., whicli is still known
by tlie name which they gave it, Hahiade Todos
Santos. On New Year's day, 150',', they arrived
at the noble bay wlierc 54 years later tiie chief
city of Brazil was foimded. They would seem
to 'have misUiken it for the mouth of another
huge river, like .some that had already been seen
in this strange world; for they called it Ilio de
Janeiro ( Ui vcr of January). Thence by February
15 they had j'asseil Ca[)e* Santa .Alaria, when they
left the coast and took a southeasterly course out
into the ocean. An-ericus gives no satisfactory
rea.son for this change of direction. . . . Per-
haps he may have looked into the mouth of the
river La I'liita, winch is a bay more than a hun-
dred miles wide; and the sudden westward
trend of the shore may have led him to suppose
that he had reached the t'nd of the continent.
At any rate, he was now in longitude more than
twenty degrees west of the meridian of Cape
San Kotjue, and therefore uiKiueslionably out of
Portuguese waters. Clearly there was no use in
going on and discovering lands which could
belong only to Spain. This may account, I
think, for the change of direction." The voyage
southeastwardly was pursued until the "little
fleet had reached the icy and rocky coast of the
i-sland of South Georgia, in latitude 54° S. It
was then decided to turn homeward. " Ves-
pucius . . . headed straight N. N. E. through
the huge ocean, for Sierra Leone, and the dis-
tance of more than 4,000 miles was made — with
wonderful accuracy, though Vespucius says
nothing about that — in 33 days. . . . Thence,
after some further delay, to Lisbon, where they
arrived on the 7th of September, 1.j02. . . .
Among all the voyages made during that event-
ful period there was none that as a feat of navi-
gation surpas.sed this third of Vespucius, and
there was none, except the lirst of Columbus,
that outranked it in historical imporiauce. For
it was not otdy a voyage into the remotest
strctelies of the Sea of Darkness, but it was
preOnunently an incursion into the antipodal
world of the Southern henusphere. ... A
coast of continental extent, beginning so near
the meridian of the Cape Verde islands and run-
ning southwesterly to latitude '6'^^ S. and per-
haps beyond, did not lit into anybody's scheme
of things. ... It was land unknown to the
ancients, and Vespvieius was right in saying that
h<' had beheld there things by the thousand
which I'liny had never mentioned. It was not
strai.ge that he should call it a 'New World.'
and in meeting with this phrase, on this lirst
occasion in which it appears in any iloeument
with ref(;renc(! to any part of what we now call
America, tlie reader must be careful not to clothe
it with the meaning whicli it wears in our mod-
ern eyes. In using the expression ' New World '
Vespucius was not thinking of the Florida coast
which he had visited on a former voyage, nor of
the ' islands of India' discovered by Columbus,
nor even of the Pearl Coast which he had fol-
lowed after tlie Admiral ia exploring. The
exiiressiou occurs iu his letter to Lorenzo

de'Medici, written from Lisbon in March or April,
1503, relating solely to this third voyage. The
letter begins as follows: ' I have formerly writ-
ten to you at suflicient length about my return
from those new countries which in the ships and
at the exiiensc and command of the most gracious
King of l\)rtugal we have sought and found.
It is proper to call them a new world.' Observe
that it is only the new countries visited on this
third voyage, the countries from Cape San
Uo(}ue southward, that Vespucius thinks it
proper to call a new v.orld, and here is his reason
for so calling them: ' Since among our ance>itors
there was no knowledge of them, and to .all who
hear of the affair it is most novel. For it tran-
scends the ideas of the ancients, since most of
them say that beyond the ecpiator to the south
there is no continent, but only the sea which
they called the Atlantic, and if any of them
asserted the existence of a continent there, they
found many reasons for refusing to consider it a
habitable country. Hut this lasl voyage of mine
has proved that this ojiinion of theirs was
erroneoiis and in every way contrary to the
facts.'. . . This expression ' Novus .Mundus,'
thus occurring in a private letter, had a remark-
able careei. Early in June, 15(»3, about the lime
when Americus was starting on his fourth voyage,
Lorenzo died. By the beginning of 15(14, a
Latin version of the letter [translated by Giovanni
Giocondo] was printed and published, with the
title ' Mundus Novus.'. . . The little four-
leaved tract, '^lundus Novus,' turned out to
be the great literary success of the day. M.
llari.sse has deseribeil at least eleven Latin edi-
tions probably ptiblished in the course of 1504,
and by 150() not less than eight e(iitions of Ger-
man versions had been issued. Intense: curiosity
W'as arouseil l>y this announcement of the exis-
tence of a populous land beyond the ('(piator and
unknown (could such a thing be possible) to the
ancients, " — who did know something, at least,
about the eastern parts of thi- Asiatic continent
which (!olumbus was supposed to have reached.
The "Novus Mundus," so named, began .soon to
be represented on maps and globes, generally as
a great island or (luasi-continent lying on and
below the eijuator. "Europe, Asia and Africa
were the three parts of the earth fiireviously
known], and so this ojiposit;! region, hitherto
Unknown, but mentioned by Mela and indicated
by Ptolemy, was the Fourth Part. We can now
begin to understand the intense and wildly
ai)Sorbing interest with which people read the
brief story of the third voyage of Vespucius,
and we can see that in the nature of that interest
there was nothing calculated to bring it into com-
parison with the work of Coluniluis. Th(! two
navigators were not regarded as rivals in doing
tlie same thing, but as men who hail done two
very different tilings; and to give credit to one was
by no means eiiuivalent to withholding credit
from .the other." In 1507, .Martin Waldsee-
mlUler, jirofcssor of geography at Saint-Die,
published a small treatise entitled "Cosmo-
graphie Introductio," with that second of the two
known letters of Vespucius — the one addressed
to Soderini, of which an account is given above
(A. 1). 1497-1498)— appended to it. "In this
rare book occurs the lirst suggestion of the namo
America. After having treated of the division
of the earth's inhabited surface into three jjarts
— Europe, Aaia, and Africa — WaldBeeinllller

AMERICA, ISOO-iriH.

AMERICA, 1509-1511.

speaks of the discovery of ii Fourtli Part," and
says: " ' Wlicrefon! I "do not see what is riirhtly
tohinder us from oallinif it Anierige or Amcricii,
i. e., the land of Amcrirus, after its discoverer
Arnerieiis, a man of sai,'acious mind, since both
Europe and Asia have jrot their names from
women.'. . . Sucli were the winged words but
for which, as .M. Ilarisse reminds us, the western
Jiemispliere nught hivo come to be known as
Atlantis, or IIesi)erides, or Santa Cru/, or New-
India, or ]ierliaps ("olumbiu. ... In about a
(juarter of a century tlie tirst stage In tlie devel-
ojiment of tlie nainiiig of America had been
completed. Tliat stage consisted of live distinct
steps: 1. Americus called the regiims visited by
him beyond the ecjuator "a new world' becau.se
they were unknown to the ancients: '2. Giocemdo
made this striking phrase ' .Mundus Xovus' into
a title for his translation of tht; letter. . . ; '6.
the name Mundus Noviis got placetl upon sev-
eral maps as an cfpuvalent for Terra .Sanctie
Crucis, or what we call IJrazil; 4. the sugges-
tion was made that Mundus Xovus was the
Fourtli Part of tlu; earth, and might properly bo
named America after its discoverer; 5. the name
America tiius got jilaced ujioii several majjs [the
first, so far as known, being a ma[) ascribed to
Leonarilo da Vinci and published about 1514,
and the second a glolie made in 1515 by Johann
Schoner, at Nuremberg] as an ('((uivalent for
what we call Brazil, and .sometimes came to
stand alone as an ei|uivalent for what we call
South America, but still sigiiitied only a part of
the dry land beyond the Atlantic to which
Columbus had led the way. . . This wider
meaning [of South America] became all the
more linnlj' established as its narrower meaning
was usurped by the name Hrazil. Three cen-
turies before tlie time of Columbus the red
dj'e-wood call' brazil-wood was an article of
commerce, undi that same name, in Italy and
Spain. It was one of the valuable things
brought from the East, and when the Portu-
guese foimd the same dye-w'ood abimdant ir
those tropical forests that had seemed so bciuti-
ful to Vespucius, the name IJrazil soon became
fastened upon the country and helped to set
free the name America from its local associa-
tions." AVhen, in time, and by slow degrees,
the great fact was learned, that all the lands
found beyond the Atlantic b\" Columbus and
his successors, formed part of one contiuentiil
system, and were all to be embraced in the con-
ception of a New World, the name which had
become synonymous with New World was then
naturally e.vtemleil to the whole. The evolu-
tionary i)roees3 of the naming of the western
hemisphere as a whole was thus nuxle complete
in 1541, by Mercator, who spread the name
America m 'arg(! letters upon a globe which ho
constructed that year, so that part of itappeared
upon the northern and part upon the southern
continent. — J. Fiske, The Discoccry nf Amevica,
c/i. 7 (/>. 2).

Also in : W. B. Scaifc, America : Its Geor/raph-
idil UMoni, sect. 4.— R. II. Major, Life of
Prince Henry of Portngul, ch. 1!>.— J. W'iusor,
Narratire und Critical Hint, of Am., v. 2, ch. 2,
notes.— W. \l. Bancroft, Hist, of the Pacific States,
t. 1, lip. ))'.)- 11 2, and 123-125.

A. D. 1501-1504.— Portuguese, Norman and
Breton fishermen on the Newfoundland Banks.
See Newkounuland : A. D. 1501-1,578.

A. D. 1502. — The Second Voyage of Ojeda.

— The tirst voyage of Alonzo de Ojcila, from
which he returned to Spain in June 1500, was
profitabie to nothing but his reputation as a bold
and enterprising e.\plorer. ]}y way of reward,
he was given "a grant of laud in Ilispaniola,
and likewise the government of Cf)(iuibacoa,
which plac(! he had (iiscovered [and which he had
called Venezuela]. He was authorized to lit out a
number of sliijis at his own e.vpense and to i)ros-
ecute discoveries on the coast of Terra Firma.
. . . With foiir vessels, Ojeda set sail for the
Canaries, in 1502, and thence iiroceeded to the
Gulf of Paria, from which loca'ity he found his
way to Cocpiibacoa. Not liking this jxxir
country, he sailed on to the Bay of Ilonila,
where he determined to found his settlement,
which was, however, destined to l)e of short
duration. Provisions very soon became scarce;
and one of his jjartners, who had been .sent to
procure supplies from Jamaica, failed to return
luitil Ojeda's followers were almost in a state of
mutiny. The; result was that the whole colony
set .sail for Ilispaniola, taking the governor with
them in chains. All that Ujeda gained by his
e.vpedition was that he at leiigth came nil winner
in a lawsuit, the co.sts of which, however, left
him a ruined man." — R. G. AVatsou, SjMnish and
Portiif/iiexe >'. Am., hk. 1, ch. 1.

A. D. 1503-1504. --The Fourth Voyage of
Americus Vespucius. — First Settlement in
Brazil. — In June, 1503, ' Amerigo sailed again
from Lisbon, with si.\ ships. The object of this
voyage was to discover a certain island called
ilelciia, which was suppo.sed to lie west of Cali-
cut, and to l)e as famous a mart in the commerce
of the Indian world as (,'adlz was in Europe.
They made the Cape de Verds, and then, con-
trary to the judgiueut of Vespucci and of all the
fleet, the Commander persisted in standing for
Serra Leoa." The Commandi-r's shij) was lost,
and Vespucci, with one vessel, only, reached the
coast of the New World, linding a i)ort which
is thought to have been Bahia. Here "they
waited above two months in vain expectation of
being joinetl by the rest of the squadrou. Having
lost ail hope of this they coasted ou for 200
leagues to the Southward, and there took port
again hi 18° S. 35^ W. of the meridian of Lis-
bon. Here they remained five mouths, upon
good terms with the natives, with whom some
of the party penetrated forty leagues into the
interior; and here they erected a fort, in which
they left 24 men who had been saved from the
Commander's ship. They gave them 12 gunr,
besides other arms, and provisions for si.v
mouths; then loaded with brazil [wood], sailed
homeward and returned in safety. . . . The
honour, therefore, of having formed the first
settlement in this country is due to Amerigo
Vespucci. It does not appear that any further
attention was as t! is time paid to it. . . . But
the cargo of brazil which Vespucci had brought
home tempted private adventurers, who were
content with peaceful gains, to trade thither for
that valuable wood; and this trade became so
well known, that in cousetjuence the coast and
the whole country obtained the name of Brazil,
notwithstanding the holier appellation [Santa
Cruz] which Cabral had given it." — R. Southey,
Hist, of Brazil, r. 1, ch. 1.

A. D. 1509-1511. — Ths Expeditions of
Ojeda and Nicuesa to the Isthmus.— The Fet-

AMERICA, 1509-1511.

Settlement at
Darien.

AMERICA, 1509-1511.

tlement at Darien. — "For sevpiil years after
liis ruinous, thougii successful lawsuit, we lose
all traces of Alnnzu <le Ojedii, excepting that we
are told he made another voyage to Coquibacoii
[Venezuela], in 1505. No record remains of tlii."
expedition, which seems to have been equally
unprotilable with the precedivig, for we lind
him, in loOf^, in tlie island of Hispaniola as poor
in purse, thousrh as proud inspirit, as ever. . . .
AI)out this time tiie cupidity of King Ferdinand
was greatly excited by the "accounts by Colum-
bus of the"gol(l mines'of Veragua, in which the
admiral fancied he had discovered the Aurca
Chersonesus of the ancients, whence King Solo-
mon procured the gold used in building the tem-
ple of Jerusalem. Subsequent voyagers had
corroborated the opinion of Cohunbus as to the
general riches of tlie coast of Terra Firma; King
Ferdinand resolved, therefore, to found regular
colonies along that coast, and to place the whole
mider some capable commander." Ojeda was
rcconunended for this post, ))ui found a competi-
tor in one of the gentlemen of the Spanish court,
Diego de Xicuesa. "King Ferdinand avoided
the dilemma by favoring both ; not indeed by
furnishing them with shi]i3 and money, but bj'
granting patents and dignities, wliicii cost noth-
ing, and might bring rich returns. He divided
that part of the continent which lies along the
Isthmus of Darien into two provinces, the
Ixiuiulary line running through the Gulf of
Uraba. Tlie eastern i)tu-t, extending to Cape de
la Vela, was called New Andalusia, and the gov-
ernment of it given to Ojela. The other to tiie
west [called Castilla'' 1 Oro], including Veragua,
and reaching to Cape Gracias Sl Dios, was as-
signed to Nic\iesa. The island of Jamaica was
given to the two governors in conunon, as a place
whence to draw sup])lies of provisions." Slender
means for the equipment of Ojeda's expedition
were supplied by tl»c veteran pilot, Jtian de la
Cosa, who accompanied him as his lieutenant.
Nicuesa was more amply provided. The rival
arm;iments arrived at San Domingo about the
same time (in l.'iOO), and much quarreling be-
tween the two conunandera ensued. Ojeda
found a notary in San Domingo, ]\Iartin Fer-
nandez de Enciso, Avho had money whicii he con-
sented to invest in the enterprise,*and Avho prom-
isal to follow him with an additional ship-load of
recruits and supplies. Under this arrangement
Ojeda made ready to sail in advance of his com-
petitor, eniharliing Nov. 10, 1509. Among those
who sailed with him was Francisco Pizarro, the
future concjuerorof Peru. Ojeda, by his energy,
gained time enough to nearly ruin li'is expedition
before Nicuesa reached the' scene; for, having
landed at Cartiiagena, he made war upon the na-
tives, pursued them recklessly into the interior of
the country, with 70 men, and was overwliclmcd
by the desperate savag-js, escaping with only one
companion fronj their poisoned arrows. Ili.s
faithful friend, the pilot, Juan de la Cosa, w;is
among the slain, and Ojeda himself, hiding in the
forest, was nearly dead of hungt and exposure
when found and resoied by a searching jiartv
from his .ships. At this juncture the lleet of Ni-
lue.sa niade its appearance. Jealousies were for-
gotten in a common rage against the natives and
the two expeditions were joined in an attack on
the Indian villages which spared nothing. Nicu-
esa then proceeded to Veragua, while Ojeda
founded a town, which he called San Sebastian,

nt the east end of the Gulf of Uraba. Inces.santly
liarassed by the natives, terrilied by the eifects of
the poLson which these u.sed in their warfare, and
threatened with starvation by the rapid exhaustion
of its supplies, the settlement lost courage and
hope. Enciso antl his promised ship were waited
for in vain. At length there came a vessel which
certain i)iratical adventurers at Hispaniola had
stolen, and which brought some welcome i)ro-
visions, eagerly bouglit at an exorbitant price.
Ojeda, liaif recovered from a jjoisoned wound,
which he had treated heroically with red-hoi
plates of iron, engaged the pirates to convey him
t) Hispaniola, for the procuring of sujjplies.
The voyage was a disastrous one, residting in
shipwreck on the coast of Cuba and a month of
desperate wandering in the morasses of the island.
Ojeda survived all these perils and sufferings,
made his way to Jamaica, and from Jamaica to
San Domingo, found that his partner Enciso had
sailed for tho colony long before, wUh abundant
supi)lies, but could learn nothing more. Nor
could he obtain for himself any means of return-
ing to San Sebastian, or of dispatching relief to
the place. Sick, penniless and disheartened, he
went into a convent and died. Jleantime the
despairing colonists at San Sebastian waited until
death had made them few enough to be all taken
on board of the two little brigantines which were
left to them; then Uiey sailed away, Pizarro in
command. One of the brigantines soon went
down in a squall; the other made its way to the
harbor of Cartiiagena, where it found the tardy
Enciso, .searching for his colony. Enciso, under
his commission, now took command, and insisted
upon going to San Sebastian. There the old ex-
periences were soon renewed, and even Enciso
was ready to abandon the deadly place. The
latter haa brought with him a needy cavalier,
Vasco Nunez de Balboa — so needy that he
smuggled himself on board Enciso's shii) in a
cask to escape li is creditors. Vasco Nuiiez, who
had coasted this region with Bastidas, in ir)0O,
now advised a removal of tlie colony to Darien,
on the opposite coast of the Gulf of Uraba. His
advice, which was followed, proved good, and
the hopes of the settlers were raised; but Enciso's
modes of government proved irksome to them.
Then Balboa called attention to the fact that,
when they crossed the Gulf of Uraba, they passed
out of the territory covered by the patent to
Ojeda, under which Enciso was commissioned,
and into that granted to Nicuesa. On this sug-
gestion Enciso was promjitly deposed and two
alcaldes were elected, Balboa being one. While
events in one corner of Nicuesa's domain were
thus establishing a colony for that ambitious gov-
ernor, he himself, at the other extremity of it,
was faring badly. He had sulfered hardships,
separation from most of his command and long
abandonment on a desolate coast; had rejoined
his followers after gicat sufferimr, only to suffer
yet more in their company, until les.s than one
hundred remained of the 700 who .sailed with
liin. a few months before. The settlement at
Veragua iiad l>eeu deserted, and another, named
Ncmbre de Dios undertaken, with no improve-
ment of circumstances. In fliis situation he was
rejoiced, at last, by the arrival of one of his lieu-
tenants, Rodrigo de Colmenares, who came with
supplies. Colmenares brought tidings, moreover,
of the prosperous colony at Darien, which he liad
discovered on bla M'ay, with an invitation to

AMERICA, 1009-1511.

OiKovery of
the Pttcific.

AMEUICA, 1513-1517.

NiciK'sa lociPiTicftiid iissiinio tlif covomment of it.
III! ac'cc-pU'd llie invitation wiili (l(.'li.i,;.t ; but,
olii.sl tho coninmnity ut Daiicn had rciK'ntcd of
it iK'fonj he iciiched th"ni, and they rtduscd
torctcivohim when hearrivcd. i ennittcd finally
to land, he was seized by a tieaclierous parly
among tlie colonists — to whom Balboa is said
to have opposed all the lesistanee in his power —
was i)ut f>n board of an old and crazy brigantine,
with Bcventecn of Ins friends, and compelled to
tak(! an oath that hi; would siul straight to Spain.
"The frail bark set sail on the lirst of March,
1511, and steered across the Carilibcan Sea for tlie
island of Ilispaniola, but was never seen or heard
of more." — \V. It\ in j^, Life and Voyaycs ofColum-
bus mid hin (Ji/iijHiniiini<, r. 3.

Ai.st) IN II. II. Manvxait, Hist, of tlus Pacific
Siut'x, V. 1, ch. 0.

A. D. 15TI. — The Spanish conquest and oc-
cupation of Cuba. See CiiiA: A. 1). 1511.

A. D. 1512. — The Voyage of Ponce de Leon
in quest of the Fountain of Youth, and his
Discovery of Florida. — "Whatever may have
been the So\ithernmost point reached by Cabot
in coastiiif? America on liis return, it Is certain
tliat he (lid not land in Florida, and that the
honour of lirst exploring that country is due to
Juan Ponce dc Leon. This cavalier, who was
governor of Puerto Ilieo, induced by the vague
t^raditions circulated by the natives of tiio West
Indies, that tliere was a country in the nortli
possessing a fountain whose waters restored the
aged to yoTith, made it an object of Ids ambition
to be the first io discover this marvellous region.
AVith tlus view, he resigned the governorship,
and set sail with three caravels on the 3d of
March 1512. Steering N. i N., he came \ipon a
coimlry covered with fl()wcr3 and verdure; and
as the day of his discovery happened to be
Palm Sunday, called by the Spaniards 'Pasqua
Florida,' he gave it the name of Florida from this
circumstance. He landed on the 2d of April, and
took possession of the country in the name of
the king of Castile. The warlike people of the
coast of Cautio (a name given by the Indians to
all the country lying between Cape Cafiaveral
and the southern point of I'lorida) soon, how-
ever, compelled him to retreat, and lie pursued
his exploration of the coast as far as 30° 8' n rlh
latitude, and on the 8lh of May doubled Cape
Canaveral. Then retracing his course to Puerto
Rico, in the hope of finding the island of Bimini,
which he believed to be the Land of Youth, and
described by the Indians as opposite to Florida,
he discovered the Bahamas, and some other
islands, previously unknown. Bad weathercom-
pelling him to put into the isle of Guanima to
repair damages, he despalehed one of liis cara-
vels, under the orders of Jaun Perez dc Ortubia
and of the jiilot Anton de Alamiiios, to gain in-
formation respecting the desired land, which he
had as yet been totally unable to discover. He
returned to Puerto Rico on the 21st of Septem-
ber; a few days afterwards, Ortubia arrived also
with news of Bimini. Ilcreiiorted that he had
explored the island, — which he deserilied as
large, well wooded, and watered by numerous
streams, — but he had failed in discovering the
fountain. Oviedo ])laee3 Bimini at 40 leagues
west of th? island of Bahama. Thus all the ad-
vantages wliich Ponce de Leon i)roiiiised himself
from this voyage turned to the profit of geogra-
phy : the title of ' Adelautado of Biraiui and

Florida,' which was conferred upon him, was
purely honorary ; but the route taken by him in
order to return to Puertcj Rico, showed theadvan
tage of making the homeward voyage to Sjiain by
the Baiiama Channel." — W. B. Rye, Introd. to
" Discmery ntid Coiujucut of Terra Florida, by a
gentleman of Elvas" {Uakluyt Soc, 1851).

Also IN G. U. Fairbanks. Hint, of Florida, ch. 1.

A. D. I 3-1517.— The discovery of the
Pacific by Vasco Nuflez de Balboa. — Pedra-
rias Davila on the Isthmus. — With Enciso de-
posed from autlKaity and Nieiiesa sent adrift,
Va.sco Nunez de Balboa seems to have easily
held the lead in alfairs at Darien, though not
without much opposition; for faction and turbu-
lence were rife. Enciso was permitted to carry
his grievances and complaints to Spain, but Bal-
boa's colleague, Zamudio, went with him, and
another comrade proceeded to Hispaniola, both
of them well-furni.shed with gold. For the quest
of gold had succeeded at last. The Darien ad-
venturers had found considerable quantities in
the po.ssession of the surrounding natives, and
were gathering it with greedy hands. Balboa
had the prudence to establish friendly relations
with one of the most important of the neigh-
boring caciques, whose comely daughter he wed-
ded — according to the easy customs of the
country — an .1 whose ally he became in wars with
the other caciques. By gift and tribute, therefore
as well as o\ plunder, he harvested more gold
tliau any before him had found since the ransack-
ing of the New World began. But what they
olitalned seemed little compared with the treas-
ures reported to them as existing beyond the
near mountains and toward the south. One In-
dian youth, son of a friendly cacique, particu-
larly excited their imaginations by the talewhicli
he told of another great sea, not far to the west,
on the southward-stretching shores of which
were countries that teemed with every kind of
wealth. He told them, however, that they would
need a thousand men to fight their way to this
Sea. Balboa gave such credence to the story
that he sent cnvo3-sto Spain to solicit force" from
t'le king for an adequate expedition aero, j the
mountains. Tliey sailed in October, 1512, but
did not arrive in Spain until the following 3Iay.
They found Balboa in mucli disfavor at the court.
EncKso and the friends of the unfortunate Nic-
uesal. id unitedly ruined him by their complaints,
and the king had caused criminal proceedings
against him to be commenced. Meantime, some
inkling of these hostilities had reached Balboa,
himself, conveyed by a vessel which bore to him,
at the same time, a commission as captain-gen-
eral from the authorities in Ilispaniola. He now
resolved to become the discoverer of the ocean
which his Indiiin friends described, and of the
rich lands bordering it, before his enemies could
interfere with him. ' ' Accordingly, early in Sep-
tember, 1513, he set out on his renowned expe-
dition for finding 'the other sea,' accompanied
by 190 men well armed, and by dogs, whicli were
of more avail than men, anil by Indian slaves
to carry the burdens. He went by sea to the ter-
ritory of his father-in-law, King Careta, by whom
he was well received, and accompanied by whose
Indians he moved ca into Poucha's territory."
Quieting the fears of this caciiiuc, l»o jiassed his
country without fighting. The next chief encoun-
tered, named Quarequa, attem])tcd resistance,
but was routed, with a great slaughter of his

AMERICA. 1513-1517.

Finilinri of
Mexico.

AMERICA, 1517-1518.

people, and Balboa pusliod on. "On the 25th
of September, 151:}, he came near to the top of a
mountain from whenee the South Sea was visi-
ble. The distance from Ponclia's chief town to
this point was forty leai^ues, reckoned tiun six
days journey, but Viisco Nunez and his men
took twenty-five days to accomplish it, as they
EuiTcred much from tlie roughness of the ways
and from tlie want of provisions. A little before
Vasco Xuflez reached the luight, Quarequa's In-
ilians informed him of his near approach to tlic
sea. It was a sight in beliolding wliich, for the
first time, any man would wish to be alone.
Vasco Nufiez "bade his men sit down while he
ascended, and then, in solitude, looked down
upon the vast Pacific — the lirst man of the Ohl
World, so far as we know, who liad done so.
Palling on his knees, he gave thanks to God for
the favour shown to him in hi" being permitted
to discover the Sea of the Sotith. Then with his
hand be beckoned to his men to come up. Wh( n
they had come, both he and they knelt down and
l)ourcd forth their thanks to fJod. He then ad-
dressed them. . . . Ilaviii' . . . addressed his
men, Vasco l.'uilez procecilcd to take formal
possession, on behalf of the kings of Castile, of
the sea and of all that was in it; and in order to
make memorials of the event, he cut down trees,
formed crosses, and heaped up stones. He also
inscribed the names of the monarchs of Castilo
upon great trees in the vicinity." Afterwards,
when he had descended the western slope and
found the shore, " he entered the sea up to his
thighs, having his swoid on, and with his shield
in his hand ; then he calle(l the by-standers to
witness how he touched with his person and took
pos.session of this sea for tlie kings of Castile, and
declared tliat he would defend the possession of
it against all comers. After this, Vasco Nuiiez
made friends in the usual manner, first conquer-
ing and then negotiating with " the several cliiefs
or caciques whose territories came in his waj-.
He explored the Gulf of San Miguel, linding
much wealth of pearls in the region, and re-
turned to Darien by a route which crossed the
isthmus considerably farther to the north, reach-
ing his colony on the 29th of January, 1514, liav-
ing been absent nearly live months. " His men
at Darien received him with exultation, and he
lost no time in sending his news, * sucli signal
and new news,' ... to the King of Spain, ac-
companying it with rich presents. His letter,
which gave a detailed account of his journey,
and which, for its length, was compared by
Peter Martyr to the celebrated letter that came
to the senate from Tiberius, contained in every
page thanks to God that he had escaped from
such great dangers and labours. Both the letter
and the presents were intrusted to a man named
Arbolanche, who departed from Darien about tho
beginning of :\Iarch, 1514. . . . Vasco Nunez's
mes.senger, Arbolanche, reached the court of
Spain too late for his master's interests." The
latter had already been superseded in the Gov-
ernorship, and his successor was on the way to
tiike his authority from him. The n^w gover-
nor was one Pedrarias De Avila, or Davila, as
the name is sometimes written; — an envious and
malignant old man, under whose rule on the
isthmus the destructive energy of Spanish con-
quest rose to its meanest and most heartless and
brainless development. Conspicuously exposed
as ho was to the jealousy and liatred of Pedra-

rias, Vasco Nufiez was probably doomed to ruin,
in some form, from the lirst. At one time, in
1510, there seemed to be a pronuse for him of
alliance with his all-powerful enemy, by u mar-
riage with one of tlie governor's daughters, and
lie received the command of an expedition which
again crossed the isthmus, carrying ships, and
began the exploration of the Pacilic. But cir-
cum.stances soon arose which gave Pedrarias an
opportunity to accu.se the explorer of treasonabl-
designs and to accomplish his arrest — Francisco
Pizarro being the ollicer lit !y charged with the
execution of the governor's warrant. Brought
in chains to Ada, Vasco Nufu-z was summarily
trieil, found guilty and led forth to swift death,
laying his head upon the r-n'k (X. D. 1517).
"Thus perished Vasco Nufiez ie Balboa, in the
forty-second year of liis age, the man who, since
the time of Columbus, had shown "ho most states-
manlike and warrior] ike powers \v that part ui
the world, but who.se career only too much re-
sembles that of Ojeda, Nicucsa, and the other un-
fortunate commanders who devastated those
beautiful region." of the earth." — Sir A. "Telps,
Spanish Comptcd in Am., bk. 6 (r. 1). — "If I
have applied strong terms of demmciation to
Pedraias Davila, it is because he unquestionably
deserves it. He is by fjir the worst man who
came ofllcially to tho New World during its
early government. In this all authorities agree.
And all agree that Vasco Nunez was not dcscrv-
iiigof death."— II. II. Bancroft. Ilixt. of the Paci-
fic St(tt<'s, V. 1, eh. 8-13 {fo,d-n<>te, p. 458).

Also in W. Irving, Life and Voyages of Col-
nmbuHandhiii Conipnniona, v. 3.

A. D. 1515.— Discovery of La Plata hj
Juan de Solis. See PAUAor.vv: A. I). 151.")-
1557.

A. D. 1517-1518.— The Spaniards find
Mexico. — "An liidalgo of Cuba, named Her-
nandez do Cordova, sailed with three vessels on
an expedition to one of the neighhourii'g
Bahama Islands, in quest of Indian slaves (I?'eb.
8, 1517). He encountered a succession of Jicavy
gales which drove him far out of his coi.rse, and
at the end of three weeks he found him >elf on a
strange and unknow i (loast. On landing and
a.sking the name of the country, lie was answered
by the natives 'Tect.'lan,' meaning 'I do not
understand you,' but \liich the Si.anifrds, mis-
interpreting into the n.^me of the p'ace, easily
corrupted into Yucatan. Some w.itors give a
difTerent etymology. . . . Bcr. ' L»1;'Z says the
word came from the vegetable ' yuca ' and * tale,'
the name for a hillock in which it is planted.
... 31. Waldeck finds a much more plausible
derivation in the Indian word ' Ouyouckatan,'
'listen to what they say.'. . . Cordova had
landed on the north-eastern end of the peninsula,
at Cape Catoche. He was astonished at the size
and solid materials of tliM buildings constructed
of stone and lime, so ''.ifl'ereut frf^i the frail
tenements of recdf and rushes which ior: ie(( the
habitations of the islanders. He was . 'uck,
also, v>iih the higher cultivation of the soil, ml
with the delicate texture of the cotton garncnts
and gold ornaments of the natives. Every* hing
indicated a civiliziit'on far superior toanyJiing
he had before witnessed in the New "World. He
saw the evidence of a different race, moreover,
in the warlike spirit of the people. . . . Where-
ever they landed they v,ere met with the most
deadly hostility. Cordova himself, in one of hi*

AMERICA, 1517-1518.

I'njiage of
MaytUan.

AMERICA, 1519-1524.

skirmishes with tlie Iiulimis, received more tlian
a dozen wounds, mid one only of his party
eseap<(l unhurt. At lenjjth, wlien he had
coasted tlic ]uiiin.sula ii.s far u.s C'anipeaciiy, ho
returned to Cui)a, winch lie rea< lied after an
ahsence of several nionths. . . . The reports ho
had brouLrht hadi of the country, and, still more,
the specinieii.s of curiou.sly wrou;^lit gold, con-
vinced Velasijuez [irovernor of Cuba] of the iin-
jMirtance of tlii.s discovery, and he prepan'd
with all (lesi)atch to avail liiinself of it. IIo
acciirdinirly lilted out a lillle stjuadron of four
vessels lor the newly discoveicd lauds, and
placed it undix tlio conunand of his nephew,
Juan do Grijalva, a man on whoso jirohily,
])rudence, nnil allaclinient to himself he knew
lie c<nild rely. The licet left the port of St. Jas^o
do Cuba, 3Iay 1, 1.118. . . . Grijalva soon
passed over to tlic continent and coasted the
peninsula, touchin!;^ at tlio sanio places us his
predecessor. Everywhere ho was struck, like
iiim, with the cndences of a higher civilization,
especially in the architecture; as ho well might
bo, .since this was the region of those extraordi-
nary remains which liave become recently the
subject of so much speculation. He was aston-
ished, also, at the sight of large slono crosses,
evidenlly obj(>cts of worshij), which he met w ith
in various jilaces. Komiiuled by these circium-
stances of his own country, ho gave the penin-
sula ihc name New Spain, a name since ap-
propriated to a much wider extent of territory.
^Vherever Grijalva landed, ho cx]ierienced the
sumo unfriendly reception as Cordova, though
he suffered less, being belter prep.'ired to moot
it." lie suc<eeded, however, at last, in opening
a friendly conference and tralllc with one of the
chiefs, on the Hio do Taliaseo, and "had tlie
satisfaction of receiving, for a few worthless
toys and trinkets, a rich treasure of jewels, gold
ornaments and vessels, of the most fantastic
forms and workmanship. Grijalva now thought
that in this successful traffic — successful beyond
his most s.-mguine exi)eclalioiis — he had accom-
plished the chief object of his mission." Ho
therefore dis]ialehcd Alvarado, one of his cap-
tains, to Velasquez, with the treasure actpiircd,
and conliiiued his voyage along the coast, as far
as the province of Paiuieo, returning to Cuba at
the end of aliout six months from his depaiture.
"On reaching the Island, he was surprised to
learn that another and more formidable arma-
ment had been tilted out to follow up his own
discoveries, and to tiud orders at the same time
from the governor, couched in no very courteous
languaije. to repair at once to St. .lago. He was
receiveil by that jiersonage, not merely with cold-
ness, but with reproaches, for having neglected
so fair an opportunity of estal)lishing a colony in
the country he had visited." — W. 11. Prcscott,
Coii'jiii'st (if Mi.rii'o, Ilk. 2, ch. 1.

Also in: C. St. .1. Kancourt, lliist. of Yntatun,
ch. \-i. — Bernal Diaz del Castillo, Memoirs, r. 1,
rli. ','-l!t.

A. D. 1519-1524.— The Spanish Conquest of
Mexico. See .MiAKo: A. 1). l.")ll»-l.")',M.

A. D. 1519-1524.— The Voyage of Magellan
and Sebastian del Cano.— The New World
passed and the Earth circumnavigated. — The
Congress at Badajos.—Fern:indo Magellan, or
^lagalhaes, was "a disaffected Portuguese gen-
tleman who had served his country for live years
in the Indies tmdor Albuiiuerque, and understood

well the secrets of the Eastern trade. In 1517,
conjointly with his geographical luid astronomi-
cal friend, Uuy Falerio, another unre(iuitod Por-
tuguese, ho offered his si-rvices to the Spanish
court. At the same time these two friends pro-
posed, not only to prove that the Moluccas were
within the Spanish lines of dcmarkation, but to
discover a passage thither different from that
nsed bv the PorlugiK'se. Their schemes wero
listened to, adojited and carried out. The Straits
of JIagellan were discovered, the broad Soul 11
Sea was crossed, the Ladrones and the Phil-
lipines wero inspected, the Jloluccas were passed
through, the Cape of Good Hope was doubled
on the homeward voyage, and the globe was
circumnavigated, all in less than three years,
from 1.j19 to iry22. 3Iagellan lost his life, and
only one of his five ships returned [untler Sebas-
tian del Cano] to loll the marvelous story. Tin;
magnitude of the enterprise was c(iuallod only
by the magnitude of the results. The globe for
the first time began to assume its true character
and size in theniindsof men, and the minds of
men began soon to grasp and utilize the results
of t'.iis circumnavigation for the enlargement of
trade and commerce, and for the benelit of geog-
raphy, astronomy, mathematics, and the other
sciences. This wonderful story, is it not told in
a thousand books ? . . . The Portuguese In Ind'.
and the Spicories, as well as at homo, now seoi.'i!
the inevitable contlict approaching, were tt ^r-
ouglily aroused to the importance of maintai 'uc
their rights. They openly assorted them, i.iii
l)ronounced this trade with the Molm as by the
Si)anish an encroachment ou their prior discov-
eries and possession, as well as a violation of tlie
Papal Compact of 1494, and prepared themselves
energetically for defen.se and offense. Ou the
other hand, the Spaniards as openly declared
that jMagellan's fleet carried the first Christians
to the Moluccas and by friendl)' intercourse widi
the kings of those islands, reduced them to Chris-
tian subjection and brought back letters and
tribute to Ca;sar. Hence these kings and their
people came under the protection of Charles V.
Besides this, the Spaniards claimed that tlio
3[(duccas were within the Spanish half, and were
therefore doubly theirs. , . . Matters thus wax-
ing hot. King John of Portugal bogged Charles
V. to delay dispatching his new fleet until the
disputed points could be discussed and settled.
Charles, Avho boasted that he had rather be riglit
than rich, consenteil, and the ships were staid.
These two Christian princes, who owned all the
newly discovered and to be di.scovered parts of
the whole world between them by deed of gift
of the Po|)e, agreed to meet in Congress at
Badajos by llieir representatives, to discuss and
settle all matters in dispute about the division of
their patrimony, and to detine and stake out
their lands and waters, both parties agreeing to
abide by the ilecision of the Congress. Accord-
ingly, in the early spring of l.')24, up went to
this little border town four-and-twenty wise
men, or thereabouts, chosen by each prince.
They comprised the first judges, lawyers, mathe-
maticians, astronomers, cosmographers, naviga-
toi-s and pilots of the lar.d, among whose names
wen; many honored now as then — such as Fer-
nando Columbus, Sebastian Cabot, Estevaa
Gomez, Diego liiboro, etc. . . . The debates and
proceedings of this Congress, as reported by Peter
Martyr, Oviedo, aud Gomara, are very amusing,

(V2

AMERICA. 1519-1534.

Voyngn of
Verrnzano.

AMERICA, 1523-1524.

but no rpguliir joint decision could bo rcnchrd,
the Portuguose dfclininj; to subscribe to tim ver-
dict of Uic SpaniiinlH, iniismucli lis it deprived
them of tiie Moluccas. So each party published
and proclainied its own decision after the Con-
gress bro lie up in confu.sion on tin last day of
May, 1524. It was, however, tacitly understood
that the Moluccas fell to Spain, wliilc Brazil, to
the extent of two hundred leagues from Capo
St. Augustine, fell to the Portuguese. . . .
However, much good resulted from this first
geographical Congress. The extent and breadth
of the Pacific were appreciated, and the intluence
of the Congress was soon afterseeu in the greatly
improved maps, globes, and charts." — H. Ste-
vens, //w<. and Geoff. Notes, 1453-1530.— " For
three months and twenty days he [>Tagellan]
sailed on the Pacific and never saw inhabited
land. He was compelled by famine to strip olf
the pieces of skin and Icatlier wherewith his
rigging was here and there l)ound, to soak them
in the sea and then soften them with warm
water, so as to make a wretched food ; to eat the
sweepings of the ship and other loathsome mat-
ter; to drink water gone putrid by keeping; and
yet he resolutely held on his course, tliough his
men were dying daily. ... In the whole his-
tory of human luidertakings there is nothing that
exceeds, if indeed there is anything that equals,
this voyage of Magellan's. That of Columbus
dwindles away in comparison. It is a display of
superhmiian courage, superlnmian persever-
ance." — J. W. Draper, Iliat. of the Intellectual
Development of Europe, ch. 19. — "The voyage [of
Magellan] . . . was doubtless the greatest fi'at
of navigation that has ever been performed, and
nothing can be imagined that would surpass
it except a journey to some other planet. It has
not the unique historic position of the first voy-
age of Columbus, which brought together two
-streams of human life that hail been disjoined
.since the Glacial Period. But as an achieve-
ment in ocean navigation that voyage of Colum-
bus sinks into insignificance by the siile of it,
and when the earth was n second time encom-
pa.ssed by the greatest English sailor of liis age,
the advance in knowledge, as well as the differ-
ent route chosen, had much reduced the dilli-
culty of the performance. "When we consider
the frailness of the ships, the immeasurable ex-
tent of the unknown, the mutinies that were
prevented or quelled, and the banlships that
were endured, we can have no hesitation in
speaking of Magellan as the prince of naviga-
tors." — J. Fiske, The Discovery of America, ch. 7
{V. 2).

Also in Lord Stanley of Alderlev, The First
Voyage round the World {Ilakliiyt ^/c, 1874^—
R. Kerr, Collection, of Voi/aqes, v. 10.

A. D. 1519-1525.— The Voyages of Garay
and Ayllon.— Discovery of the mouth of the
Mississippi.— Exploration of the Carolina
Coast.— In 1519, Francisco de Garay, governor
of Jamaica, who had been one of the companions
of Columl)u3 on his second voyag'j, having
iieard of tlie richness and beauty of Yucatan,
"at his own charge sent out four ships well
equipped, and with good pilots, under the com-
mand of Alvarez Alonso de Pineda. His pro-
fessed object was to search for some strait, west
of Florida, which was not yet certainly known
to form a part of the continent. The strait
having been sought for in vain, his .ships turned

toward the west, attentively examining the
ports, rivers, inhabitants, and everything else
that seemed worthy of remark; and especially
noticing the vast volume of water l)roughtdown
by one very large stream. At last they came
upon the track of Cortes near Vera Cruz. . . .
The carefully drawn map of the pilots showed
distinctly the Mississippi, which, in thi.s earliest
authentic trace of its outlet, bears the name of
the Espiritu Santo. . . . But Garay thought not
of the .Mississip])i and its valley: he coveted
access to the wealth of Mexico; and, in 1523,
lost fortune and life ingloriously in a dispute
with Cortes for the government of the country
on the river Panuco. A voyage for slaves
brought the Siianiards in 1520 still farther to tho
north. A company of seven, of whom the most
distinguished was Lucas Vasquez do Ayllon,
fitted out two slave ships from St. Domingo, in
quest of laborers for their jdantations and mines.
From the Bahama Islands they pas.sed to the ciKist
of Sotith Carolina, which was called Chicora.
The Combahee river received tho name of
Jordan; the name of St. Ilelenii, whose day is
the 18th of August, was given to u cajie, but
now belongs to the sound." Luring a large
number of , tho confiding natives ou hoard their
ships the adventurers treacherously set sail with
them ; but one of the vessels foundered at sea,
and most of tho captives on tho other si(!kened
and died. Vasquez de Ayllon was rewarded for
his treacherous exploit by being authorized and
appointed to make the conquest of Chicora.
" For this bolder enterprise tho undertaker
wasted his fortune in preparations; in 1525 his
largest ship was stran(led in the river Jordan;
many of his men were killed by the natives; and
ho himself escaped only to suffer from tlie con-
sciousness of having done nothing worthy of
lionor. Yet it may be that ships, sailing under
his authority, made the discovery of the Chesa-
peake and named it tho bay of St. Jlary; and
perhaps even entered the bay of Delaware, which,
in Spanish geoirraphv, was called St. Christo-
pher's."— G. Bancroft, Jlist. of the U. S., pt. 1,
ch. 2.

Also in II. II. Bancroft, Ilisf. of tfie Pacific
States, v. 4, ch. 11, and v. 5, ch. (5-7. — W. G.
Simms, Hist. of S. Carolina, hk. 1, ch. 1.

A. D. 1523-1524. — The Voyages of Verra-
zano. — First undertakings of France ia the
New World. — " It is constantly admitted in our
history that oiu' kings paitl no attention to Amer-
ica before the year 1523. Then Francis I., wish-
ing to excite the emulation of his subjects in
regard to navigation and conmierce, as ho bad
already so succe.ssfuUj' in regard to the sciences
and fine arts, ordered John Verazani, who was in
his service, to go and explore the New Lands,
which began to be much talked of in France.
. . . Verazani was accordingly sent, in 1523, with
four ships to discover North America; but our
historians have not spoken of his first expedition,
and we should be in ignorance of it now, had
not liamusio preserved in his great collection a
letter of Verazani himself, addressed to Francis I.
and dated Dieppe, July 8, 1524. In it he sup-
poses the king already informed of the success
and details of tho voyage, so that ho contents
himself "with stating that ho sailed from Dieppe
in four vessels, which he had safely brought back
to that port. In January, 1524, he sailed with
two ships, the Dauphine and the Xormande, to

AMERICA, 152»-15.J4.

VincoriTy of
I'eru.

AMEUICA, 15a4-153a.

cruise against the Spiinianls. Towards the close
of tilt' same year, or tarly in the next, he again
lllleil out the I)aui>hiue, on which, embarking
witli 00 men and [irovisionsfor eiglit months, he
first sailed to tiie island of Madeini."— Father
Charlevoix, JIM. ofy<iD Franre (trans, bj/ J. (!.
S/uii), ^k. 1.— "On the 17lh of January, 1524, he
[V'jTrazano] parted from tiie 'Islas desiertas.'a
well-kuowu little group of islands near ^ladeira,
anil sailed at lirsl westward, running in 25 days
500 leagues, with a light and pleasant easterly
breeze, along the northern border of the trade
winds, in ai)out 30^ N. His track was conse-
(|uently nearly like that of Columbus ou his first
voyage. On the llili of February he met 'with
as violent a hurricane as any ship ever en-
countered.' But he weatlKTedit, and pursued
his voyage to the west, ' with a little deviation
to the north ;* when, after having sailed 24 days
and 400 leagues, be descried a new country which,
as he suppof*'d, had never before been seen
either l)y motlern or ancient navigators. The
country was very low. From the above des-
criptiori it is evident that Verrazano came in
sight of the east coast of the United States about
the loth of March, 1524. He places his land-fall
ia 34=' N., which is the latitude of Cape Fear."
He first sailed .southward, for about 50 leagues,
he stiites, looking for a harbor and finding none.
lie then turned northward. " I infer that Verra-
zano saw little of the coast of South Carolina
and nothing of that of Georgia, and that in these
regions he can, at most, be culled the discoverer
only of the coast of North Carolina. ... He
rounded Cape llattcras, and at a distance of about
50 leagues came to another shore, where he an-
chored and spent several days. . . . This was
the second principal landing-place of Verrazano.
If we reckon 50 leagues from Cape Hatteras, it
would fall somewhere upon the east coast of Del-
aware, in latitude 38° N., where, by some
authors, it is thought to have been. But if, as
appears most likely, Verrazano reckoned his dis-
tance here, as he did in other cases, from his last
anchoring, and not from Cape llattcras, we must
look for his second landing somewhere south of
the entrance to Chesapeake Bay, and near the en-
trance to Albemarle Sound. And this better
agrees with the ' sail of 100 leagues ' which Ver-
razano says he i Ic from his second to his third
landing-place, in New York Bay. . . . lie found
at this tlnrd lauding stiition an excellent berth,
where he came to anchor, well-protected from
the winds, . . . and from which he ascended
the river in his boat into the interior. He found
the rihores very thickly settled, and as he passed
up half a league further, he discovered a most
beautiful lake ... of three leagues iu circum-
ference. Here, more than 30 canoes came to him
with a multitude of people, who seemed very
friendly. . . . This description contains several
accounts which make it still more clear that the
Bay of New York was the scene of these occur-
rences."— Verrazano's anchorage having been at
Gravcsend Bay, the river which he entered being
the Narrows, and the lake he found being the
Inner Harbor. From New York Bay Verrazano
siiiled Ciistward, along the southern shore of
Long Island, and following the New England
coast, touching at or describing points which are
identified with Narragansett Bay and Newport,
Block Island or Martha's Vineyard, and Ports-
mouth. His coasting voyage was pursued as far

as 50'^ N., from which point he sailed homeward.
" He entered the port of iJiepiie early in July,
1524. His whole exploring expedition, from
Maileira iind back, had accordingly lasted but
live and a half months. " — J. G. Kohl, Hint, of the
JJinroirry < if Maim {Me. Hist. Soc. Coll., 2(/ Scries,
V. 1), ck 8.

Also i.n O. Dexter, Cortcreal, Verrazano, dr.
(Narrative and Critical Hist, of Am., v. 4, eft. 1).
— Itelation of Verrazano (\. }' J/int. Soc. Coll.,
r. 1, and X. 8., v. 1). — J. C. Brevoott, Verrazano
the Navigator.

A. D, 1524-1528. — The Explorations of
Pizarro and Discovery of Peru. — "The South
Sea having i)eeu discovered, and the inhab'tants
of Tierra Firme having been conquereil and
pacified, the Governor Pedrarias de Avila
founded anil settled the cities of Panama and of
Nata, and the town of Nombre de Dios. At this
time the Captain Francisco Pizarro, son of the
Cajitain Gonzalo Pizarro, u kiught of the city of
Truxillo, was living in the city of Panama;
possessing his house. Ins farm and his Indians,
as one of the principal people of the land, which
indeed he always was, having distinguished him-
self iu the conquest and .settling, and iu the
service of his JIajesty. Being at rest and iu re-
pose, but full of zeal to continue his laboiu-s
and to perform other more distinguished services
for the royal crown, he sought permission from
Pedrarias to discover that coast of the South
Sea to the eastward. He spent a large part of
his fortune on a good ship which he built, and
on necessary supplies for the voyage, and he set
out from the city of Panama ou the 14th day of
the mout!; of November, in the year 1524. lie
had 112 Sjianiards in his company, besides some
Indian servants. He commenced a voyage iu
which they suffered many hardships, the season
being winter and unpropitious." From this
unsuccessful voyage, during which many of his
men died of hunger and disease, and in the
course of which he found no country that
tempted his cupidity or his ambition, Pizarro re-
turned after some months to "the laud of
Panama, landing at an ludian village near the
island of Pearls, called Chuchama. Thence he
sent the ship to Panama, for she had become un-
sea worthy by reason of the teredo ; and all that
had befallen was reported to Pedrarias, while
the Captain remained behind to refresh himself
and his companions. When the ship arrived at
Panama it was found that, a few days before,
the Captain Diego de Almagro had sailed in
search of the Captain Pizarro, his companion,
with another ship and 70 men." Almagro and
his party followed the coast until they came to
a great river, which they called San Juan [a few
miles north of the port of Buenaventura, in New
Granada]. . . . They there found signs of gold,
but there being no traces of the Captain Pizarro,
the Captain Almagro returned to Chuchama,
where he found his comrade. They agreed that
the Captain Almagro should go to Panama, re-
pair the ships, collect more men to continue the
enterprise, and defray the expenses, which
amounted to more than 10,000 castellanos. At
Panama much obstruction was caused by
Pedrarias and othera, who said that the voyage
should not be persisted in, and that his 3Iajesty
would not be served by it. The Captain Alma-
gro, with the authority given him by his com-
rade, was very constant in prosecuting the work

AMERICA, 1534-1528.

Cnrtier in the
St. Litwrencc.

AMEHICA. 1534-1535.

he h.'id commcnrcd, iiiul . . Pfdrarius was
forfcd to allow liiin to I'liRaKO men. He set out
from I'aimina with 110 men; ami went to llio
|)l:i<f where Plzarro waited with another 50 of
the llrst 110 who sailed with him, and of the 70
wiio accompanied Almairro when ho went in
searcli. The otlu-r VM were dead. Tiie two
cajjtains, in their two hhips, saili'd with 100 men,
and coasted along the land. When they thought
thev saw signs of haiiitalioiis, they went on
sliore in three canoes they had with them, rowed
l)v 00 men, and so lliey sought for i)rovisions.
They continued to sail in this way for three
years, sulfering great hardships from hunger
and cold. The greater ])art of the crews died ()f
hunger, insomuch that there were not 50 surviv-
ing, and during all those three years they dis-
covered no good land. All was swamp and in-
undated country, without inhabitants. Tlie
good (!ountr}' they discovered was as far as the
river .San .hian, where the Captain Pizarro re-
mained Willi the few survivors, sending ii cap-
tain with the smaller ship to discover some good
land further along the coast. lie sent the other
ship, with the Caiitaiu Diego do Almagro to
Panama to get more men." At the end of 70
day.s, the exploring ship came hack with good
reports, and with specimens of gold, silver and
cloths, found in a country further 'south. "As
soon as the Captain Almagro arrived from
Panama with a shij) laden with men and horses,
the two ships, with their conunanders and all
their people, set out from the river Sau Juan, to
go to that newly-discovered land. But the
navigation was dilUcult; they were detained so
long that the provisions were exhausted, and the
people were oblige<l to go on shore in search of
supplies. The ships reached the bay of San
Mateo, and some villages to which the Spaniards
gave the name of Santiago. Ne.xt they came to
the villages of Tacamez [Atacames, on the coast
of modern Ecuador], on the sea coast further
on. These villages were seen by the Christians
to be large and well peopled: and when 90
Spaniards had advanced a league beyond the
villages of Tacamez, more than 10,000 Indian
warriors encountered them; but seeing that the
Christians intended no evil, and did not wish to
take their goods, but rather to treat them peace-
fully, with much love, the Indians desisted from
war. In this land there were abundant supplies,
and the people led well-ordered lives, the vil-
lages having their streets and squares. One
village had more than 3,000 liouses, and others
were smaller. It seemed to the captains and to
the other Spaniards that nothing could bo done
in that lard by reason of the smallness of their
numbers, which rendered them unable to cope
with the Indians. So they agreed to load the
ships with the supplies to bo found in the
villages, and to return to an Island called Gallo,
where they would be safe until the ships arrived
at Panama with the news of what had been dis-
covered, and to apply to the Governor for more
men, in order that the Captains might be able to
continue their undertaking, and conquer the
land. Captain Almagro went in the ships.
Many persons had written to the Governor
entrcatmg him to order the crews to return to
Panama, saying that it was impossible to endure
more hardships than they had suffered during
the last three years. The Governor ordered that
all those who wished to go to Pauuma might do

HO, while those who doHircd to continue the dis-
coveries were at liberty to remain. Sixteen men
stayed with Pizarro, and all the rest went back
in the shiiis to Panama. The Captain Pizarro
was on that island, for live months, when one of
the ships retunu'l, in which he ccmtinued the
discoveries for a hui\dred leagues further down
the coast. They found many villages and great
riches; and they brought away more specimens
of gold, silver, and cloth.H than had been found
before, which were presented by the natives.
The Caj)tain returned bei'au.se the time grantcfl
by the governor had expired, ami the last da.v
of the jierioil had been reached when he entered
the i)ort of Panama. The two Cai)tains were ao
ruined that they couM no longer jtrosecule their
undertaking. . . . TIk' Captain Francisco Pizarro
was only able to borrow a little more than 1,000
castcllanos among his friends, with which sum
he went to Castile, and gave an account to his
.Majisly of the great and signal services he had
performed." — F. de Xeres (Sec. of Pizarro), .!'•-
coii/il of the Priiriiife (if t'uzco ; tr. and al. hy (J.
It. MarklHini.(IIiildiint S>c., 1873).

Also in: \V. II. Prcscott, Hint, of the Conquest
of Pern, bk. 2, ch. 2-i(i\ 1).

A. D. 1525, — The Voyage of Gomez. See
Canada (Ni;w Fuam.i;): Tin; Namks.

A. D. 1526-1531. — Voyage of Sebastian
Cabot and attempted colonization of La Plata.
See Pauaocav: a. D. I.">l5-ir).")7.

A. D. 1528-1542. — The Florida Expeditions
of Narvaezand Hernando de Soto. — Discovery
of the Mississippi. See Fi.okiua: A. 1). l.-j^S-
154',\

A. D. 1531-1533. — Pizarro's Conquest of
Peru. See Pkui': A. 1). l.VJ8-l."):jl, and ir);;i-
15;i3.

A. D. 1533. — Spanish Conquest of the King-
dom of Quito. See Ectadou.

A. D. 1534-1535.— Exploration of the St.
Lawrence to Montreal by Jacques Cartier. —
"At last, ten years after [the voyages of Verra-
zano], Philip Chabot, Admiral of France, induced
the king [Francis I.] to resume the project of
founding a French colony in the Xew World
whence the Spaniards tlaily drew such great
wealth; and he presented to lum a Captain of St.
Malo, by name Jacques Cartier, whose merit he
knew, and whom that prince accepted. Cartier
having received his instructions, left St. Malo the
2(1 of April, 1534, with two ships of 60 tons and
122 men. He steered west, indiinng slightly
north, and had such fair winds that, ou the lOth
of May, he nuide Cajjo Bonavista, in Newfound-
land, at 46° north. Cartier found the land there
still covered with snow, and the shore fringed
with ice, so that he could not or dared not stop.
He ran down six degrees south-.southcast, and
entered a port to which he gave the name of St.
Catharine. Thence he turned back north. . . .
After making almost the circuit of Newfound-
land, though without being able to satisfy him-
self that it was an island, he took a southerly
course, crossed the gulf, approached the conti-
nent, and entered a very deep bay, where he
suffered greatly from heat, Avhcncc he called
it Chaleurs Bay. He was charmed with tlie
beauty of the country, and well pleased with the
Indians that he met and with whom he ex-
changed some goods for furs. ... On leaving
this bay, Cartier visited a good part of the coasts
around the gulf, and took possession of the coun-

AMEIUrA. l.-):J4-ir.35.

Catiada,

AMERICA. IMl-lOOS.

•''6'S.

try In llu- iiniiic i>f tlu' most Cliiislian kinp, iis
VVni/.iuii IiikI tliiiH' ill hII tlir pluccs wlicif lie
lunilitl. lie set sail Mv'Min on the ITith of Aiii,'iist
to icliini III rruinc, and rcacla-d St. Mulo safiiy
on the rith of Bfiitcnitxr. . . . On tlic r(|)ort
wiiicli 111- inail(! of his voyii^Ci'. Hk' court coii-
cludiil tiial it would lie usc'ful to France to liavc
n Hclllcnunt in that part of America; lait no one
to k tiiin alTair mon; to iicart tlian tlic Vice-
A in.iral ( 'harh h dc Mony. Kicur dc la Maillcrayc.
. iiis mihic oliiaincd a new conunission for ("ar-
tier, more ample tlian tlu; first, ami pive him
three ships well eiiuipjied. Tliis Heel was ready
about the miildle of .May. and ('artier . . . em-
l)arke<l on ^Vedne>day "iIk; UMli." Mis three
vessels were sejiarated hy violent storms, hut
found one another, near the close of July, in the
gulf which was their appointed jilaee of rendez-
vous. "On the l.stof Anu'usthad weatherdrovc
him to take refuire in the port of St. Nicliolas, at
the mouth of the river on the north. Here Car-
tier jilanted a cross, with the arms of France, and
remainecl until the 7tli. This i>ort is almost the
oidy spot in Canaila that has ke|)t the name
given hy ("artier. ... On the lUth the three
vessels re-entered the ;;ulf, and in honor of the
saint whose feast is celehralcd on that day, (."ar-
tier pave the j,'ulf tlu; name of St. liawreiice; or
rtither he pave it to a bay lyinp between Anti-
costi Island and the north shore, whence it ex-
tended to the whole pulf of which this bay is
1)art: ami lie<'ause the river, before that called
{Iver of Canada, emjities into the .same gulf, it
insensibly acipiired tlie name of St. Lawrence,
which it still bears. . . . The three ve.ssels . . .
nsccnded the river, and on the 1st of September
they entered the river Sapuenay. ("artier merely
rec'onnoilered the mouth of this river, and . . .
hastened to seek a jiort where his vessels might
winter in safety. Eight leagues above I.sle aux
Coudres he found another much larger and hand-
somer island, all covered with tri'cs and vines.
He called it Hacclius Island, but the name has
been changed to Isle d'Orleans. The author of
the relation to this voyage, printed under the
name of ("artier, i)ret( nds that only here the
cotuitry begins to be called Canada. But he is
surely mistaken; for it is certain that frotu tlu^
earliest times the Indians gave this name to the
whole country along the river on both sides, from
its mouth to the Saguenay. From Bacchus
Island, ("artier jjroceeded to a little river which
is ten leagues olf, and comes from the north; he
called it Hivii^re do Sto Croix, because he entered
it on the 1-lth of September (Feast of the Exalta-
tion of the Holy (,"ro.s,>,); but it is now commonly
calleil Riviere ilc Jaccpies Cartier. The day aft('r
his arrival he received a visit from an India?
chief named Donnacona, whom the author of the
relation of that voyage styles Lord of Canada.
Cartier treated with this chief by means of two
Indians whoni he had taken to France the year
befoic, and who knew a little French. They
informed Donnacona that the strangers wished
to go to Hochelaga, which seemed to trouble him.
llochelaga was a pretty large town, situated on
an island now known under the name of Island of
Montreal, ("artier had heard much of it, and
was loth to return to France without seeing it.
The reason why this voyage troubled Donnacona
was that the people of Hochelaga were of a dif-
ferent nation from his, and that he wished to
profit exclusively by the advantages which he

hoped to derive from the slay of the French in
his co\intrv." Proceeding with one vessel to
Lake ,St. iMerre, atid thence; in two lK)ats, Car-
tier reached IliKhelagii Oct. !i. "The shape of
the town was round, and three rows of pa''sade8
inclosed in it about f)0 tuimel shapid cabins, each
over T)!) paces long and 14 or b") wide. It wa8
entered bv a single gate, above which, as well
as along the first palisade, ran a kind of gallery,
reached by hulders, and well provided with
liieces of rock and p. bbles for the defence of the
place. The inhabitants of the town sjioke the
lliiron language. They received the French
very well. . . . Cartier visited the mountain at
the foot of w liicli the town lay, and gave it the
nam(; of Mont Uoyal, which has become that of
the whole Island [.Montreal]. From it he dii*-
covered a great extent of country, the sight of
which charmed him. . . . He left Hochelaga on
the nth of October, and on the 11th arrived at
Saint(! Croix." Winteving at this ])lace, where
his crews sufTered terribly from the cold and
from scurvy, he returned to Fnuice the following
si)ring. "Some authors . . . ])retend that Car-
tier, disgusted with Canada, dissuaded the king,
Ids master, from further thoughts of it; anil
Champlain seems to have been of that oiiinion.
But this dees not agree with what Cartier him-
self says in his ni. nioirs. . . . Cartier in vain
extolled the cotintry w hich he had discovered.
His small returns, and the wretched condition to
which his men had been reduced by cold and
scurvy, persuaded most that it would never bo
of any use to France. Great stress was laiil on
the fact that ho nowhere saw any appearance of
mines; and then, even more than now, a strange
laud which produced neither gold nor silver was
reckoned as nothing." — Father ("harlovoix, Hint,
of JS'i-iP France (tvauK. h)/ J. G. Shed), lik.^X.

Ai.so IX: H. Kerr, General Coll. of Voy<if/eK, pt.
2. /'/•. 2, ch. VI (i\ 6).-F. X. Garneau, Hid. of
Oniiiihi, V. 1, e/i. 2.

A, D. 1535-1540.— Introduction of Printing
in Mexico. See I'kintino, >.V;c. : A. D. l"):!.")-
ITO'J.

A. D. 1535-1550. — Spanish Conquests in
Chile. See ("r.ii.i:: A. D. 14r)0-1724.

A. D. 1536-1538. — Spanish Conquests of
New Granada. See Colomuian Statks: A. D.
ir);](;-i73i.

A. D. 1541-1603. — Jacques Cartier's last
"Voyage. — Abortive attempts at French Colo-
nization in Canada. — ".Jian Francois de la
liocpie, lord of Kol)erval, a gentleman of Picardy,
was the most earnest and energetic (»f those who
(h'sired to colonize the lands discovered by
Jac(iU''s Cartior. . . . The titlu and authority
of lieutenant-general was conferred upon him;
Ills rule to extend over Canada, Hochelaga,
Saguenay, Newfoundland, Belle Isle, Carpoii,
Labrador, Lii Grand Baye, and Baccalaos, with
the delegated rights and powers of the Crown.
This patent was dated the 15th of January,
1540. Jacciucs Cartier was named second iu
conmiand. . . . Jacques Cartier sailed on the
2:kl of May, 1541, having provisioned his fleet
for two yeai-s." He remained on the St. Law-
rence until the following June, seeking vainly
for the fabled wealth of the land of Saguenay,
finding the Indians strongly inclined to a
treacherous liostility, and sulferiug severe
hardships during the winter. p]ntirely dis-
couraged and disgusted, he abaudouod his under-

AMERICA, iMi-nm.

ffdirkinnand
the staff Trade.

AMEUICA, ir)62-15«7.

tftklnff cftfly In the Biininicr of 1543. nnd sjtllcd
for lionic. 'In the road of St. .IoIui'h, Ncwfound-
liiiid, Ciirticr met Ids tardy rliicf, Holxrval, jiint
coining; to join him; but no i)crsuasioii could
iiiducr tin; diHappoiiitcd exploriT to turn hack.
"To avoid thi' chanc(! of an open rupture witli
Uohcrval, the Ucutcnant silently weifjlied anchor
durinir the niirht, and made idl sail for France.
This in;;lorious withdrawal from I'le enter|)rise
l)araly/.cd Holierval's power, and deferred the
IMTniiinent settlement of Canada for ;,'enerations
then unl)orn. .Iac(iues Cariier died soon after
his return to Kurope." Hoherval proceeded to
Canada, iiuijt a fort at Ste Croix, four leaK'ies
west of Orleans, sent back two of his three ships
to France, and remained throu.i;h the winter
with his colony, havini,' a troublecl time. There
is no certain account of the endinif of the enter-
pri.so, but it ended in failure. For halt a cen-
tury afterwards there was little attempt maiU-
by the French to coloni/.c; any jiart of New
France, though the French tisheries on the >»ew-
foundland Dank and in the Gulf of St. Lawrence
were steadily growing in activity and import-
ance. "When, after fifty years of civil strife, the
strong and wis(! sway of Henry IV. restored
rest to troubled f^rance, the spirit of discovery
again arose. The ]SIar(iuis de la Hoche, a Breton
gentleman, obtained from the kmg, hi loOH, ii
patent granting the same powers that Koberval
had posses.sed." But J^a Hoche's unilertaking
proved more tlisastrous than Koberval's had been.
Yet. there had bi'en enough of successful fur-
trading opened to .stimulate enterprise, despite
these misfortunes. "Private ad venturers, unpro-
tected by any special privilege, began to barter
for the rich i)eltries of the Cana(lian hunters.
A wealthy mereiiant of St. .Malo, named Pout-
grave, was the boldest and most successful of
tliese traders; he made several voyages to Ta-
doussac, at the mouth of the Sagiieiiay, bringing
back each time a rii'h cargo of rare and valuable
furs." In ICOO. Pontgrave effected a partner-
ship with one Chauvin, a naval captain, who
obtained a patent from the king giving liim u
monopoly of the trade; but Chauvin died in 1602
without having succeeded in establishing even u
trading post at Tadoussac. De Chatte, or De
Chastes, governor of Dieppe, succeeded to the
privileges of Chauvin. and founded a company
of merchants at Uoueu [100:3] to undertake the
development of the resources of Canada. It was
under the auspices of this company that Samuel
Chainplain, the founder of New France, came
upon the scene.— E. Warburton, T/ie Corujuest of
CaiKtdti, i\ 1, ch. 2-!3.

Also in : F. Parkman, Pioneers of France in
tlwNew World: Ghatnjdiiin, ch. 1-2.

A. D. 1562-1567.— The slave trading Voy-
ages of John Hawkins.— Beginnings of Eng-
lish Enterprise in the New World.— "The
history of E,,glish America begins with the
three shive-trading voyages of John Hawkins,
niade in the years 1.562, 1564, and 1507. Noth-
ing that Englishmen had done in connection
with America, previously to those vovages, had
any result worth recording. England had
known the New World nearly seventy years, for
John Cabot reached it shortly after its discovery
by Columbus; and, as the tidings of the dis-
covery spread, many English adventurers had
crossed the Atlantic to the American coast. But
as years passed, and the excitement of novelty

subsided, tlie English voyages to America had
become fewer and fewer, and at length ceasi-d
altogether. It is easy to account for this.
There was no oiieiiing for con(|uest or plunder,
for the Tudors were at i)eace with the Spanish
sovereigns: nnd there could be no territorial
o<;cupation, for the Papal title :)f Spain and
Portugal to the whole of the new continent
could not be disputed by Catholic England.
No trade worth having existed with the natives:
and Si)ain and Portugal kept the trade with
their own settlers in their own hands. ... As
the plantations in America grew ami multiplied,
the demand for negroes rapidly increased. The
Spaniards had no Afri<'an settlements, but tlu;
Portuguese had many, ami, with the aid of
French and English adventurers, they procured
from these settlements slaves enough to supjily
both themseb. .'S and the Spiiniards. But the
Brazilian i)lantations gr w so fast, about the
middle of the century, that they absorbed the
entire supply, and the Spanish colonisl.s km^w
not where to look for negroes. This penury of
slaves in the Spanish Indies became known to
the English and French cai)tains who fre()Uented
the Guinea coast; and John Hawkins, who had
been engaged from boyhood in the trade with
Spain and the Canaries,' resolved in 15(!2 to take
a cargo of negro slaves to llispmuola. The
little siiuadroii with whi(;h lu; executed this
project was the first English scpiadron which
navigated the West Indian seas. This voyage
opened those seas to the English. Englamlhad
not yet broken with Spain, and the law excluding
English ves.sels from trading with tin; Spanish
colonists was not strictl> enforced. The trade
was profitable, nnd Hawkins found no dillieulty
in disposing of his cargo to great advantage. A
meagre note . . . from the pen of Hakluyt con-
tains all that is known of the first American
voyage of Hawkins. In its details it must have
closely resembled the second voyage. In the
first voyage, howcv'er, Hawkins hiid no occasion
to carry his wares further than three ports on
the northern side of llispaniola. These ports,
far away from San Domingo, the capital, were
already well known to the French smugglers. He
did not venture into the Caribbean Sea; and
having loaded liis ships with their return cargo,
he made the best of his way back. In his
second voyage ... he entered the Caribbean
Sea, still keei)ing, however, at a safe distance
from Sun Domingo, and sold his slaves on the
mainland. This voyage was on a much larger
scale. . . . Having sold his slaves in the conti-
nental ports [South American], and loaded his
vessels with hides and other goods bought with
the produce, Hawkins determined to strike out a
new path and sail home with the Gulf-stream,
which would carry him northwards past the
shores of Florida. Sparke's narrative . . .
proves that at every point in these expeditions the
Englishman was following in the track of the
French. He had French pilots and seumen on
board, and there is little doubt that one at least
of these had already been with Laudonniere in
Florida. The French seamen guided him to
Laudonniere's settlement, where his arrival was
most opportune. They then pointed him the
way by the coast of North America, then uni-
versally know in the mass as New France, to
Newfoundland, and thence, with the prevail-
ing westerly w^inds, to Europe. This was the

AMERICA, 1363-1507

Drake's
Voyayes.

AMERICA, 1572-1.')80.

pioneer voynjjt- made by Englislinicn nlong
coasts (ifttTwards famous in history tlirougli
Eugiisii colonization. . . . The extremely inter-
esting narrative . . . given . . . from the pen
of John Sparke, one of Hawkins' gentlomen
comjianions . . . contains the lirst information
concerning America an<l its natives which was
pii!)lishe(l in England by an English eye-wit-
ness." Hawkins planned a third voyage in
I'M. hut tiie remonstrances of the Spanish king
c;iused hiiii to he stopped by the English court.
He sent out his ships, however, and they came
hiime in due time richly freighted, — from what
source is not known. "In another year's time
the aspect of things liad changed." England
was venturing into war with Spain, "and Haw-
kins was now able to execute his plan;:, without
restraint. He fcnuided a permanent fortitied
lactory on the Guinea coast, where negroes
might* bo collected all the year round. Thence
he sailed for the "West Indies a third time.
Young Francis Drake sailed with him in com-
mand of the 'Judith,' a small vessel of lifty
tons." The voyage )iad a prosperous begiiniing
and a diiastrous ending. After dispo.sing of
most of iheir slaves, they were driven b\ storms
to take refuge in the ^lexican port of Vera
Cruz, and there they were attacked by a Spanish
fleet. Dralv*.' in thV "Judith "'and Hawkins in
another small vessel escajied. But the latter
was overcrowded with men and obliged to put
half of them ashore on the Jloican coast, 'ilie
majority of those left on board, as well as a
majority of Drake's crew, died on tiie vovage
homo, and it was a miserable remnant that
lan(h'd in England, in January, loC9. — E. J.
Payne, Voi/nycs of the EUzdbdhun hkamen to
Am., ch. 1.

Also in: The Hawkins Vot/ar/es; ed. hy ('. 11.
Murkhnm (Ihikhnjt S>c., JVa. 57). — It. Southej',
Linx of th<' JirittKh Adiiiinih, r. 11

A. D. 1572-1580. — The Piratical Adventures
of Drake and his Encompassing of the World.
— •'Eiiuicis Drake, the lirst of the English Hue-
cancers, was one of the twelve children of Ed-
ward Drake of Tavistock, in Devonshire, a
.tauiich Protestant, who had lied his native
place to avoid persecution, and had then become
u ship's chaplain Drake, like Columbus, had
been a seaman by ])rofession from boyhood; and
. . . had served as a young man, in coniniand
of the Judith, under Ihiwkins. . . . Haw-
kins had confined himself to simiggling: Drake
advanced fn»n this to i>iracy. This practice
was authorii'. 1 by law in t!ie middle ages for
the purpos' f recovering ilebtis or damages
from the sr ".'ts of anot!ier nation. The Eng-
lish, espec those of the Avest ccuntry, were
the most . midable pirates in the world; and
the whole uatioi was by this time roused against
Spain, in consecpience of Ue ruthless war waged
again.st Protestantism in the Jfethcrlands by
Pliilip II. Drake had accounts of his own to
Bcttle with the Spaniartls. 'J'hough Elizabeth
had not declared for the revolted States, and
pursued a shifting policy, her interests and
theirs were identical: and it was Avith a view
of <'uttiiig off those supplies of g(Jd and silver
from America which enabled Philip to bribe
politicians and j^ay soldiers, in pursuit of his
policy of aggression, that the famous voyage
was authorized by English statesmen. Drake
had recently made more than one successful

voyage of plunder to the Amencnn coast, ' In
July, 1573, he surprised the Spanish town of
Nonibre de Dios, which was the shipping port
on the northern side of the Isthmus for the
treasures of Peru. His men made their way
into the royal treasure-house, where they laid
hands on a hea]) of bar-silver, 70 feet long, 10
wide, and 10 high; but Drake himself had re-
ceived a wound which compelled the pirates to
retreat with no very large part of the splendid
boot}^ In the winter of 1573, with the lielp of
the runaway .slaves on the Isthmus, known as
Cimarrones, he crossed the Isthmus, looked on
the Pacilic ocean, approached witliin sight of
the city of Panama, and waylaid a transportation
party conveying gold to S'oinbre de Dios; but
Avas disappointed of his prey by the excited con-
duct of some of his men. When he saAV, on this
occasion, the great ocean bej-ond the Isthmus,
"Diakc then and there resolved to be the
pioneer of England in the Pacitic; and on this
resolution he solemnly besought tlie blessing of
God. Nearly four years elaj)sed before it av.-is
executed; for it Avas not until November, 1577,
that Drake embarked on his famous A'oyage, in
t! "ourse of Avhich he proposed to plunder Pern
itself. The Peruvian ports Avero unfortified.
The Spaniards knew them to be by nature al)so-
liitely secured from attack on the iiorth; and
they never dreamed that the i nglish ])irates
Avoiild be daring enough to pass the terrible
.straits of 3Iagellan and att;>ck them from the
south. Such Avas the plan of Drake; and it av,.3
executed Avith complete success." He sailed
from Plymouth, Dec. 13, ].'i77, Avith a lleet of
four vessels, and a pinnace, but lo.st one of tlii^
ships after he had entered tiie Pacilic, in a slorni
Avhich drove him .southward, and Avhich made
him the di.scoverer of Cape Horn. Another of
his ships, separated from the scjuadron, returned
home, and a third, Avhile attempting to do the
same„ Avas lost in the river Plate. Drake, in his
oAvn ves.sel, the Golden Hind, proceeded to the
Peruvian coasts, Avlierc he cruised until he had
taken and ])luii(tered a score of Spanish ships.
" [^aden Avitli a rich liooty of P-.-ruvian treasure
he deemed it unsafe to return by the way tiiat he
came. He there fo:"e re.soh'cd to strike across the
Pacilic, and for tliis purjiose made the latitude
in Avhich this voyage Avas usually ;ierforiiied by
the Spanish government vessels which sailed
annually from Acai)ulco to the Phil!)i! .les.
Drake thus reached the coast of ('aliforni;i,
Avliere the Indians, delighted beyond measure by
presents of c' ling and trinkets, invited him to
remain and ,le over them. Drake took pos-
session of the country in the name of the Queen,
and retitted his vessel in preparation for the
unknoAvn t^erils of the Pacitic The i)lace Avheiu
he landed nnut have been either the great bay
of San Franciscvt [per contra., see C^.m.ikoum.v:
A. D. 1846-1847] or the small bay of Bodega,
Avhici. lies a fcAv leagues further north. The
great seaman had already coasted live degrees
more to the nortliAvard before finding a suitable
harbour, lie believed him f to be the first
European avIio had coasted tnese shores; but ''♦
is now Avell knoAvii that Spanish cxjdore -s '
preceded him. Drake's circuiunavigatii
the globe aa-us thus no deliberate feat of seaman-
ship, but the necessary result of circumstances.
The voya^Tc made in iikjic than one Avay a great
epoch in English uautiml history,'"' Drake

AilERICA, 1572-1580.

Raleigh's
First Colony.

AMERICA, 1584-158v>.

rcaclioil PlviiKiiitli on his return Sept. 20, 1580.

E. J. Pavue, Vo^d'jcn of the ElizaMlMa Seamen,

pp. 141-143.

Al80 in F. Fletcher, The World Encor passed
by Sir F. Drake {Ha/dtii/t .S/c, 1854).— J. Barrow,
Life of Drake.— \\. Southcy, Live^ of British
Admirals, v. 3.

A. D. 1580 —The final founding of the City
of Buenos Ayres. See AmiioNTi.NE Kki-ublic:
A. D. 1580-1777.

A. D. 1583.— The Expedition of Sir Hum-
phrey Gilbert.— Formal possession taken of
Newfoundland.— In 1578, Sir Humphrey Gill'crt,
an Eniilisli gentleman, of Devonshire, whose
younger half-hrothcr was the more famous Sir
Walter Iljilelgh, obtained from Queen Elizabeth
a charter cini)owering him, for the ne.\t si.x
years, to discover "such remote lieathen and
barbarous lan'K not ctually possessed by any
Christian prin"" or ople," as he uight bo
shrewd or f. mate . h to find, and to oc-

cupy the san as their proprietor. Gilbert's first
expedition was attempted the next year, with
Sir Walter Kaleigh associated in it; but misfor-
tunes drove back the adventurers to port, and
Spanish intrigue prevented their sailing again.
" In June, 1583, Gilbert sailed from Cawsand Bay
with five vessels, with tlie general intention of
discovering and colonizing tlie northern parts of
America, It was the first colonizing expedition
whicli left tl e sht^res of Great Britain ; and the
narrative of the expedition by Hayes, who com-
manded one of Gilbert's vessels, forms the first
page in the hi.':*:,._> of English colonization.
Gilbert did no more than go through the empty
form of taking possession of the Island of New-
foundland, to which the English name formerly
api)lic'd to the continent in general . . . was
now restricted. . . . Gilbert dallied here too
long. When he set sail to cross the Gulf of St.
Lawrence and take possession of Cape Breton
and Nova Scotia the season was loo far advanced ;
one of his largest ships went down wit!i» all on
board, including the Hungarian scholar Par-
mcnius, who hud come out as the historian of
the expedition; the stores were exhausted and
the crews dispirited ; and Gilbert resolved on
sailing home, intending to return and prosecute
his discoveries the next spring. On the home
voyage the little vessel in which he was sailing
foundered; and th" pioneer of English coloniza-
tion found a watery grave. . . , Gilbert was a
man of courage, p'f'ty, md learning. Ho was,
however, un indL.orent seaman, and quite in-
competent for the task of colonization to which
he had set his hand. Th-j misfortunes of his ex-
pedition induced Amadas and Barlow, who fol-
lowed in his steps, to abandon the northward
voyage and sail to the shores intended to be oc-
cupied by the easier but more circuitous route of
the Canaries and the West Indies."— E. J.
Payne, Voyages of the Elizabethan Seamen, pp.
173-17-i.— '-On Monday, the <Jth of September,
in the afternoon, the frigate [the ' Squirrel '] was
near cast away, oppressed by waves, yet nt that
time recovered ; and giving forth s'gns of joy,
the general, sitting abaft with a book in his
hand, cried out to us in the ' Hind ' (so oft as we
diu approach within hearing), ' We are as n- ar
to heaven by sea as by land, ' reiterating the same
speech, well l)eseeming a soldier resolute in
Jesus Christ, as I can testify he was. On the
same Monday night, about twelve o'clock, or not

1( g after, the frigate being ahead of us .n .''j
'Gohlen Hind,' suddeidy her lights we; <'ii,
whereof as it were in a moment we lost wi
sight, and withal our watch cried the General was
cast away, which was too true; for in that
moment the frigate was devoured and swallowed
up by the sea. Yet still wo looked out all tliat
night and ever after, until wo arrived upon the
coast of England. ... In great torment of
weather and peril of drowning it pleased Goil to
.send .safe home the ' Golden Hind,' which arrived
ii' Falmouth on the 22d of September, being
Sunday.' — E. Hayes, A lieport of the Voyaciehij
Sir Humph rey Gilbert {reprinted in Payne's
Voyages).

Ar.so IN E. Edwards, Life <f Raleigh, v. 1, ch.
5. — K. Ilakluyt, Principal JS'c ations ; cd. by
E. Goldsmid, r. 12.

A. D. 1584-1586.— Raleigh's First Coloniz-
ing attempts and failures. — "The task in
which Gilbert had failed was to be undertaken
by one better qualified to carry it out. If any
Englishman in that age seemed to be marked out
as the fo'under of a colonial emjiire, it was
Raleigh. Like Gilbert, he had studied books;
like Drake ho could rido men. . . . nie associa-
tions of his youth, and the training of his early
manhood, fitted h'mto sympathize with the aims
of his half-brother Gilbert, and there is little
rea.son to doubt that Raleigh had a share in his
undertaking and his failure. In 1584 '• btained a
patent preci.sely similar to Gilbert's, ilis first stop
showed the thoughtful and well-planned system
on which he begun his task. Two ships wore
sent out, not with any idea of settlement, but to
cxan ine and report upon tlio country. Their
commanders were Arthur Barlow and Philip
Amines. To the former we owe the extant
record of the voj-ago: the name of the latter
would suggest that he was a foreigner. Whether
by chance or design, they took a more southerl}'
counse than any of their predecessors. On the
2d of Jtdy the presence of shallow water, and a
smell of sweet tlowers, warned them that land
was near. The promise thus given was amply
fidlilled upou their approach The sight before
them was far ditferent from i lat which had met
the eyes of Iloro and Gilbert. In.stead of the
bleak' coast of Newfoundland, Barlow and
Amidas looked upon a scene which might recall
the softness of the ^lediterraneau. . . . Coasting
.dong for about 120 miles, tlie voyagers reached
an inlet and with some ditliculty entered. They
then solemnly took possession of the land in the
Queen's name, and then delivered it over to
Italeiga according to his patent. They soon dis-
covered that the land upon which they had
touched was an i.sland about 20 miles long, and
not above six broad, named, as they afterwards
learnt, Roanoke, ikyond, separating thena from
the mainland, lay an enclosed sea, studded with
more than a hundred fertile and well-wooded
islets." The Indians •.)roved friendly, and wore
described bj Barlov is being "most gentle, lov-
ing and faithful, vjid of all guile and treason,
and tauch as live alter the manner of the gDlden
age." "The rej)ort whicl the voyagers took
home spoke as favourably of the land itself as of
its inhabitants. . . . With m they brought
two of the .savages, named W auchesc and Man-
teo. A probable tradition tells us that the queen
herself named the country Virginia, and that
Raleigh's kuightiiood wae the reward and ac-

AMERICA, 1584-1586.

Lout Colony
of Roanoke.

AMERICA, 1587-1590.

t'l ;•

knowlodj^mcnt of hi.s success. On the strength
of this report Itaki^'li at once made preparations
for a settlement. A fleet of seven sliips was pro-
vided for the conveyance of 108 settlers. Tiio
fleet was under the conunand of Sir Richard
Grcnvillc, wlio was to establish the settlement
and leave it imder the charjre of Raljdi Lane.
. . , On the yth of April [1585] the emiiu'rants
set sail." For some reason not well explained,
the fleet made n circuit to the West Indies, and
loitered for five weeks at the island of St. John's
and at Hispauiola, reachint,' Virginia in the last
days of .June. Quarrels between the two com-
manders, Grenville and I.ani', had already begun,
anil both .seemed equally ready to provoke the
emnity of the natives. In August, after explor-
ing .some si.xty miles of the coast, Grenville re-
turned to England, promising to come back tlie
next sjiring with new colonists and stores. The
settlement, thus left to the care of Lane, was
established "at the north-east corner of the island
of Roanoke, ■whence the .settlers could conunand
the strait. There, even now, choked by vines
and underwood, and here and there broken by
the crumbling remains of an earthen bastion,
may be traced the outlines of the ditch which
enclosed the camp, some forty yards square, the
home of the first English settlers in tlie .Xew
World. Of the doings of the settlers during the
winter nothing is recorded, but by the next
spring their prospects looked gloomv. The In-
dians were no longer friends. . . . 'I'he settlers,
luiable to make fisldng weirs, and without seed
corn, were entirely dependent on the Indians for
their daily foo<l. Vnder these circumstances,
one would have supposed that Lane would have
best cm[)loyed himself in guarding the .settle-
ment and improving its condition, lie, however,
thought otherwise, and a])plied himself to the
task of exploring the neighbouring territory."
Rut a wide combination of liostile Indian trii)es
had been formed against the English, and their
situation became from day to day more imperilled.
At the beginning of June, 1586, Lane fought a
bold battle with the savages and routed them;
but no sign of Grenville appeared and tlie jjros-
pect looked hopeless. Just at this junct\ire, a
great English fleet, sailiiig homewards from a
piratical expe<lition to the Spanish 3Iain, under
the famous Captain Drake, came to anchor at
Roanoke and offered succor to the disheartened
colonists. With one voice tliey petitioned to bo
taken to England, and Drake received the wIk '.c
party on board his ships. "The help of wh'ch
tlie colonists had despaired Avas in reality close
at hand. Scarcely had Drake's fleet left the coast
when a ship well furnished by Raleigh with need-
ful supplies, reached Virginia, amrafter search-
ing for the departed settlers returned to England.
About a fortnight later Grenville himself arrived
with three ships. He spent some time in the
country exphn-ing, searching for the settlers, and
at last, unwilling to lose po.s.scssion of the coii:;-
try, landed fifteen men atKoanoke well supplied
for two years, and then set sail for England,
plundering the Azores, luid doing much damage
to the Spaniards."— J. A. Doyle, The Eitfjlixhiiv
Aritirica : yinjimo, dr., rh. -1.—" It seems to l.j
generally admitted that, when Lane and h'.scom-
pany we-it back tt) England, th-y carried with
them tobacco .as one of the products of the coun-
try, whiih they presented to Raleigh, us tlie
planter of the colony, and by him it was brought

into use in England, and gradually in other
European countries. 'The authorities are not en-
tirely agreed upon this i)oint. Josselyn says:
'Tobacco lirst brought into England by Sir John
Hawkins, but first brought into use by Sir
Walter Rawlcigh many years after.' Again he
says: ' Now (.say some) Tobacco was first brought
into England by >lr. Ralph Lane, out of Virgini.a.
Others will have Tobacco to be first brought into
England from Peru, by Sir Francis J)rake's
JIariners.' Camden fixes its introduction into
England by Ralph Lane and the men brought
back with liim in the ships of Drake. He .say.s:
' And these men which were brought back were
the first that I know of, which brought into
Englaiul that Indian jilant which they call To-
bacco and Nicotia, and use it against crudities,
being taught it by the Indians.' Certainly from
that time it began to be in great requ<!st, and to
be sold at a higli rate. . . . Among the 108 men
left in the (;oiony with Ralph Lane in 1585 was
!Mr. Thomas Ilariot, a man t)f a strongly mathe-
matical and scientific turn, whose services in this
connection were greatl_y valued. He remained
there an entire year, and went back to England
in 1586 lie wrote out a full account of his ob-
serva'ions in the Xew World." — I. N. Tarbox,
ISir Walter IlcUeigh and his Colony {Prince 8oc.,
1884).

Also in T. Ilariot, Brief and true liciwrt (Re-
printed -in, atjove-iKtmcd Prince Soc. Publication). —
F. L. Hawks, Hint, of N. Carolina, v. 1 {contain-
ing reprints of Lane's Account, Ilariot's Jiejwrt,
dc. — Original Doc's ed. by E. E. Ilalc (ArcJia-
ologia Americana, r. 4).

A. D. 1587-1590. — The Lost Colony of
Roanoke. — End of the Virginia Undertak-
ings of Sir Walter Raleigh. — " Ualeigli, undis-
mayed by losses, determined to jilant an agricul-
tural state; to send emigrants with their wives
and families, who should make their homes in
the New World; and, that life and projierty
might be secured, in January, 158T, he granted a
charter for the settlement, and a municipal
government for the city of 'Raleigh.' John
White was appointed its governor; and to him,
with eleven assistants, tlio administration of the
colony was intrusted. Transport ships were
j)rcpared at the expense of the proprietary;
'Queen Elizabeth, tlio godmother of Virginia,'
declined contributing 'to its education.' Em-
barking in April, in July they arrived on the
coast of North Carolina; they were saved from
the dangers of Cape Fear; and, passing Cape
Hatteras, they hastened to the isle of Roanoke,
to search for the handful of men whom Grei'-
ville had left there as a garrison. They found
the tenements deserted and overgrown with
weeds; huniiin bones lay scattered on the field
where wild deer were reposing. The fort was
in ruins. No vestige of surviving life appeared.
The instructions of Raleigh had designated the
l)lace for the new settlement on the bay of
Chesapeake. Rut Fernando, the naval ollicer,
cai^'er to renew a profitable traflic in the West
Iiulies, refused his assistance in exploring the
coast, and White was compelled to remain on
Roanoke. ... It was there that in July the
foundations of the city of Raleigh were laid."
Rut the colony was ilooined to disaster from the
beginning, being quickly involved in warfare
with the surrounding natives. "With the re-
turning sliip White embarked for England, uu-

AJIERICA. 1587-1590.

land.

AMERICA, 1603-1C05.

■%

■■'*

(ler the excuse of intercedinj? for re-enforconnnis
and supplies. Yet. on the IHth of August, nine
(lays previous to his departure, his daughter
Eleanor Dare, the wife of one of the assistants,
gave birth to a female child, the first olVspring
of English parents on tiie soil of tlie United
States. The infant was named from tlic i)lace
of its birth. The colony, now composed of 8'J
men, 17 women, and two children, Mhose nsMnes
are all preserved, might reasonably hope for the
sjx'cdy return of the governor, as lie left with
them his daughter and his grandchild, "Virginia
Dare. The farther history of tliis plantation
is involved in gloomy uncertainty. The inhabit-
ants of 'the city of Haleigh,' the emigrants from
Kngland and tlie first-born of America, iiwaiteil
death in tiie land of their .idoption. For, when
White reached England, he found its attention
absorbed by the threats of an invasion from
Spain. . . . Yet Raleigh, whose jiatriotism di<l
notdimin'sh his generosity, found means, in April
1588, to despatch White with supplies in two ves-
sels. But the comi)any, desiring a gainful voy-
age rather than a safe one, ran in chase of prizes,
till one of tiiem fell in with men of war from
Udchellc, and, after a bloody fight, was boarded
and ritled. Both ships were comiiellcd to return
to England. The delay was fatal: the English
kingdom and the Protestant reformation were in
danger; nor lould the piwtr colonists of Roanoke
be again rciinembered till after the discomfiture of
the Invincible Armada. Even then Sir Walter
Raleigh, who had already incurred a fruitless
expense of £40,000, found his impaired fortune
insulFicient for further attempts at colonizing
Virginia. He therefore used the privilege of his
patent to endow a company of merchants and ad-
venturers with large concessions. Among the
men who thus obtained an assignment of the pro-
prietary's rights in Virginia is found the name of
Richard Hakluyt; it connects the lirst efforts of
England in North Carolina with the final coloniza-
tion of Virginia. Tl<c colonists at Roanoke had
emigrated willi a charter; the instrument of
March, 1589, wag not an assignment of Raleigh's
patent, but the extension of a grant, already iield
(nider its san'^tion by increasing the number to
whom the rights of tliat cliarter belonged. ^lore
than another year elapsed before White could
return to .search for liis colony and his daughter;
and then the island of Boanoke was a desert.
An inscription on the bark of a tree pointed to
C'roatan ; but the season of the year and the dan-
gers from storms were pleaded "as an excuse for
an immediate return. The conjecture has been
liazarded that the deserted colony, neglected by
their own countrymen, were hospitably adoptcll
into the tribe [the t'roatansj of llatteras Indians.
Raleigh long cherished the hope of discovering
some vestiges of tlieir existence, and sent at his
own charge, and, it is said, at i\\\ several times,
to search for his liege men. But imagination
received no iielp in its attempts to trace the fate
of the colony of Roanoke."— G. Bancroft, //m^ of
I he U. S., pt. 1, ch. 5 (13. l)._"The Croatans of
to-day claim descent from the lost colony.
Their habits, disposition and mental characferis-
lies show tiaces both of savage and civilized
iiiccstors. Their language is the English of 300
years ago, and their names arc in many cases
the same as tiiose borne by tiie original cuknists.
No other theory of tlieir origin has been ad-
vanced."— S. B. Weeks. T/ie Lost VMiiy of

Roanoke (Am. Hint. Assn Pajwrn, v. 5, pf. 4). —
"This last expedition [of Wiiite, searching for
his lost colony 1 was not despatclied by Raleigh,
but by his successors in th(^ American jiatent.
And our history is now to take leave of that
illustrious man, with whose schemes ami enter-
prises it ceases to have any further connexion.
The ardour of his mind was not exhausted, but
diverted by a multiplicity of new and not less
:irduous undertakings. . . . Desirous, at the
same time, that a project which he had carried
so far shoukl not be entirely abandoned, and
hoping that the spirit of commerce would pre-
serve an intercourse with Viruinia that might
terminate in a colonial est.iblisli.nent, he con-
sented to assign his patent to Sir Thomas Smith,
and a company of mcrchant:i in London, who
undertook to establish and maintain a trallic
between England and Virginia. ... It ap-
l)eared very soon that Raleigh had transferred
ids patent to hands very dilTerent from his own.
. . . Satislled with a paltry traflic carried on
by a few small vessels, they made no attempt to
take possession of the country: and at the ])eriod
of Elizabeth's death, not a single Englishman
was settleil in America." — J. Giahame, Hist, of
the llisfl and Progress of the U. S. (/AT. Am. till
1G88, ch. 1.

Also in W. Stith, Hist, of Va., hk. 1. — F. L.
Hawks, //A^ of \. C. r. 1, A'-w. 7-8.

A. D. 1602-1605.— The Voyages of Gosnold,
Pring, and Weymouth. — The First English-
men in New England. — Bartholomew G(Jsnold
was a West-of-Eiigland mariner who had served
in the expcilitious of Sir Walter Raleigh to the
Virginia coast. Under his command, in the
spring of l(i02, "with the consent of Sir Walter
Raleigli, and at the cost, among others, of Ilcnry
Wriothesle}-, Earl of Southampton, the accom-
plished patron of Shakespeare, a .small •vessel,
called the Concord, was e(iuipped for exploration
in 'the north part of Virginia,' with a view to
the establishment of a colony. At this time, in
the last year of the Tudor dynasty, and nineteen
years after the fatal termination of Gilbert's
enterprise, there was no European inhabitant of
Xorth America, except those of Spanish birth in
Florida, and some twenty or thirty French, the
miserable relics of two frustrated attempts to
settle what they called New France Gosnold
sailed from Falmouth with a company of thirty-
two persons, of whom eight were seamen, and
twenty were to become planters. Taking a
straight course across the Atlantic, instead of the
indirect course by the Canaries and the West
Indies which had been hitherto imrsued in
voj-ages to Virginia, at the end of seven weeks
he saw land in Massachu.setts Bay. probalily near
what is now Salem Harbor. Here a boat came
olT, of Bas(iue build. maniKid by eight natives,
of whom two or three were dressed in European
clothes, 'udicating the presence of earlier foreign
voyagers iu these waters. Next he stood to the
southward, and his crew took great quantities of
codfish by a liead land, called by him for that
rea.son Cape Cod, the name which it reteins.
Gosnold, lirereton, and three others, went on
shore, the lirst Englisjimen who are known to
have set foot upon the soil of Massachusetts.
. . . Sounding his way cauiiously along, first
in a southerly, and then in a westerly directio:i,
and ])robabIy passing to the south of Nantucket,
Gosnold next landed ua a small island, now

AMERICA, 1002-1005.

Ilmison 'n
Ex2>lorakona.

AMERICA, 1009.

called No Mau'.s Land. To this he gave the
iianu- of Martha's Vineyard, since transferred to
the laru'er i.sland further north. . . . South of
liuzzunl's Bay. and separated on tlic south by
the Vineyard Sound from Martha's Vineyard, is
scattered the groujj denoted on modern maps as
the Elizabeth Islands. The south westernmost
of the.se, now known by the Indian name
of Cutlyhunk, was denominated by Gosnold
Elizal)et"h Island. . . . Here Gosnold found a
jiond two miles in circumference, s '^arated from
the sea on one side by a beach thirty yards wide,
and enelosintf 'a rocky i.slet, containing near an
acre of ground, full of wood and rubbish.' This
islet was fixed ii,..>n for a settlement. In three
weeks, while a pi.rt of the company were absent
on a trading exiKilition to the mainland, the rest
dug and stoned a cellar, prepared timber and
built a house, w hich they fortified with palisades,
and thatched with sedge. Proceediug to make
an inventory of their i)rovisious, they found that,
after supplying the vessel, which was to take
twelve men' on" the return voyage, there would
be a su(hci<'iuy for only six weeks fcjr the
twenty men who would remain. A dispute
aro.se upon the question whether the party to be
left behind would receive a share in the i)rocceds
of the cargo of cedar, sassafras, furs, and other
commodilies which had been collected, A small
party, gt)ing out in quest of shell-lish, Avas
attacked by some Indians. With men liaving
already, it is likely, little stomach fur such
cheerless work, these circumstances easily led to
the decision to abandon for the present the
scheme of a settlement, and in the following
month the adventurers sailed for England, and,
after a voyage of Ave weeks, arrived at Exinouth.
. . . The expedition of Gosnold was pregnant
with consequences, though their development
was sl(jw. The accounts of the hitherto unknown
country, which were circulated by his C(jmiiany
on their return, excited an earnest interest."
The next year (April, 1003), ]\Iartin Pring or
Prynne was sent out, by several merchants of
Bristol, with two small vessels, seeking cargoes
of .sassafras, which had acquireil a high value on
account oi' supjiosed medicinal virtues. Pring
coasted from .Maine to 3Iartha's Viueyanl,
secured his desired cargoes, and gave a good
account of the comitry. Two years later (March,
lOOo), Lord Southampton and Lord Wanlour
sent a vessel conunanded by George Weymouth
to reconnoitre the same coast witl an eye to
settlements. 'Weymouth a.scended either the
Kennebec or the Penobscot river some 50 or (10
miles and kidnajiped live natives. "Excej)! for
this, and for some addition to the knowledge of
the local geoirraphv, the voyaire was fruitle.ss."
—J. G. Palfrey, Jlini. of A'. Eng., v. 1, <•//. '4.

Ai.so IN ,}fiisK. Hint. Sic. Coll., M Sines, r. 8
(1848). — I. ^IcKeen, On tin Voi/iir/r of Geo. M\y-
Vl-i'itfl i.lfiiilir Ili.sf. Sic. Cull., r. !)).

A. D. 1603-1608.— The First French Settle-
ments in Acadia. See (anad.v (New Fkance):
A. I). lUO;i-l(l().-). atid l(i00-l(;08.

A. D. 1607.— The founding of the Engjlish
Colcny of Virginia, and the failure in Maine.
See Viit(ii.M.\: A. D. 10(iti-l(iU7, and after; and
JIaink: a. I). KiOT-Uids.

A. D. 1607-1608.— The First Voyages of
Henry Hudson. — •The lirst recorded voyage
made by Henry Hudson was undertaken . . .
for the Muscovy or Russia Company [of Eng-

land]. Departing from Graveseiul the first of
May, 1G07, with tlie intention of sailing straight
across the north pole, bv the north of wliat is
now called Greeidand, ifudson found that this
land stretched further to the eastward than he
had anticijjated, and that a wall of ice, along
which he coasted, extended from Greenlan<l to
Spitzbergeu. Forced to relin(iuish the hope of
finding a pas.sage in the latter vicinity, he once
more attempted the entrance of Davis' Straits by
the north of Greenland. This design. was also
frustrated and he apparently renewed the at-
tempt in a lower latitude and nearer Greenland
on his homeward voyage. In this cruise Hudson
attained a higher degree of latitude than any
l)revious navigator. . . . He reached England on
his return on the 15th September of that vear
[1007]. ... On the 22d of April, 1008, Henry
Hudson commenced his second recorded voyage
for the j^luscovy or Russia Comjiauy, witll the
design of ' finding a passage to the East Indies
by the north-cast.'' . . . On the 3d of June, 1GU8,
Hudson had reached the most northern point of
Norway, and on the 11th was in latitude 75' 24',
between Si)itzbergen and Nova Zembla." Fail-
ing to jiass to the north-east bej'ond Nova
Zembla, he retuiued to England in August. — J.
!M. Read, Jr., JJiKt. Inquiry Concerning Henry
Ihnhoii, ]ip. 133-138.

Also in G. M. Asher, Henry Iludnon, the
Kavi(i(itor(]Iiikh(>it S>c., 1800).

A. D. 1608 1616.— Champlain's Explora-
tions in the Valley of the St. Lawrence and
the Great Lakes. See Canada (New Fkanci:):
A. D. UiOS-lOll, and 1011-1010.

A. D. 1609. — Hudson's Voyage of Discovery
for the Dutch. — "The failure of two expedi-
tions daunted the enterprise of Hud.son's em-
ployers [the ]\Iuscov3- Company, in England];
they could not daunt the courage of the great
navigator, who was destined to become the rival
of Snulh and of Chamijlain. He longed to tempt
once more the dangers of the northern seas; and,
repairing to Holland, he offered, in the service of
the Dutch East India Company, to explore tlie icy
wastes in search of the coveted passage. The
voyage of Snnth to Virginia stimulated desire;
the Zealanders, fearing the loss of treasure, ob-
jected; but, by the infiuence of 13allha/ar
Moucheron, the' directors for Amsterdam re-
solved on cijtiipping a small vessel of discovery;
and, on the 4th day of April, 100!), the ' Crescent '
[or ' Half-Moon,' as the name of the little ship
is more commoidy translated], commanded by
Hudson, and manned by a mixed crew of En::-
lishmen and llollaiiders, his son being of the
number, set sail for the north-western passage.
Classes of ice impeded the navigation towards
Nova Zembla; Hiulson, who had examined the
maps of .John Smith of Yirgiina, turned to the
west; and passing beyond Greenland and New-
foundland, and running down the coast of
Acadia, he anchored, prol)ably, in the mouth of
the Pi'iiobscot. Then, following the track of
Gosnold, he came ujion the ])romontory of Cape
Cod, and, believing himself its first discoverer,
gave it the name of New IloU^uid. Long after-
wards, it was claimed as: the north-eastern bmmd-
ary of New Netherlands. From the sands of
Cape Cod, lie steered a southerly course till he
was opposite the entrance into the bay of Vir-
ginia, wnerc Hudson remcnd)ered that his coun-
trymen were planted. Then turning again to

AMERICA, 1609.

Captain
John Smith.

AMEinCA. 1014-1615.

the north, he discovered tlie Delaware Bay, ex-
amined its currents and its soundings, and, with-
out going on sliore, tooic note of tlie aspect of
tlie country. On tlie 3d day of September,
almost at the time when C'hainplaia was invad-
ing New York from the north, less than five
months after the truce with Spain, which gave
the 2>ethcrlaiiil3 a diplomatic existence as a
st:ite, the 'Crescent' anchored within Sandy
Jlook, and from the neighboring shores, that
were crowned with 'goodly cakes,' attracted
frc(iuent visits from the natives. After a week's
delay, Hudson sailed through the Narrows, and
at the mouth of the river anchored in a harbor
which was jironounced to be very good for all
winds. . . . Ten days were employed in explor-
ing the river; the first of Europeans, Hudson
went sounding his "w ay above the Highland!^,
till at last the ' Crescent ' had sailed some miles
beyond the city of Hudson, and a boat had ad-
vanced a little beyond Albany. Frequent inter-
course was held with the astonished natives [and
two battles fought with them]. . . . Having
completed his discovery, nuds(m descended the
stream to which time has given his name, and on
the 4th day of October, about the season of the
return of John Smith to Englaml, he set sail for
Europe. ... A happy return vo3-age brought
the 'Crescent' into Dartmouth. Hudson for-
warded to his Dutch employers a brilliant ac-
comit of his discoveries; but he never revisited
the lands which he eulogized: and the Dutch
East-India Company refused to search further for
the north-western i)assage." — Ct. Bancroft, Jli-st.
of the U. S., ch. 15 {f>r pt. 2, ch. 12 of •'Author's
Last Rccmon").

Also in II. R. Cl':vkla\d, Z/fc of Henry
Hudson (Lib. of Am. Bio;/., r. 10), ch. 3-4.— K.
Juet, Joarnid of JIud.so/i's ]o>/age (X. Y. Hint.
Soc. Coll., Se