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Considering the celebrity which Alessandro Scarlatti 
enjoyed during his lifetime, and the important position 
which he occupies in the history of music, it is strange 
that so little attention has been paid to him. This is 
partly due to the fact that the modern period of careful 
research in matters of musical history which produced 
Spittas Bach, Chrysander's Handel, Jahn's Mozart, and 
Thayer s Beethoven, was also marked by a decided re- 
action against that enthusiasm for Italian music which 
flourished in the days of Santini, Kiesewetter, Winterfeld, 
and F6tis. There are, however, signs of a revival of 
interest at the present day ; the labours of Dr. Emil 
Vogel, Dr. Hugo Goldschmidt, M. Romain RoUand, 
Professor Kretschmar, and Sir Hubert Parry have done 
much for the history of the Italian music of the seven- 
teenth century. 

But Alessandro Scarlatti, though he has by no means 
been forgotten by them, has not been treated in any great 
detail ; and I hope that this biography, if it does not 
succeed in explaining more fully his relation to the music 
that preceded and followed him, may at least serve as a 
useful foundation for future workers in the same field. 

To give a list of books consulted seems superfluous ; 
for the general history of Italian music in the seventeenth 
and eighteenth centuries several bibliographies have re- 
cently been printed, and for Alessandro Scarlatti there are 
no special authorities. Grove's Dictionary of Music and 
Musicians gives practically all the information that previous 
biographers have recorded. The difficulty of collecting 
and sifting the large mass of scattered biographical material 
no doubt goes far to account for the incompleteness not 
only of Florimo, Villarosa, and Gennaro Grossi, but also of 



Burney and Hawkins ; but it has been greatly lightened 
by modern Italian historians of the musical drama, such 
as Signor A. AdemoUo (/ teatri di Roma nel secolo xvii.y 
Rome, 1888), Professor Benedetto Croce (/ teatri di 
Napoli nei secoli xv.-xviiiy Naples, 1891), Professor 
Corrado Ricci (/ teatri di Bologna nei secoli xvii. e 
xviii.j Bologna, 1888), and Cav. Taddeo Wiel (/ teatri 
veneziani nel secolo xviii.y Venice, 1892), to whose labours 
I am much indebted. Wherever possible, however, I 
have consulted original documents, and have given exact 
references to them throughout the book. 1 have also 
derived valuable assistance (though less directly) from 
Vernon Lee's Studies of the Eighteenth Century in Italy, 
and Professor Corrado Ricci's Vita Barocca (Milan, 1904). 
The catalogue will give some idea of the large number 
of Scarlatti's compositions that exist in manuscript. Auto- 
graphs are comparatively rare ; but contemporary copies 
are very numerous, made for the most part by three or 
four copyists who seem to have been regularly employed 
by Scarlatti, and whose work is extremely accurate. Of 
modern copies the most numerous and the most important 
are those made by Fortunato Santini. The originals of 
many of these, either autographs or contemporary copies, 
are still accessible, but for much of the church music we 
are obliged to accept Santini's copies for want of anything 
better, until it becomes less difficult for the foreigner and 
the heretic to obtain admission to Italian ecclesiastical 
libraries.^ They are not very accurate, either in the notes 
themselves or in the headings and titles, which are some- 
times of great value in determining the date of a com- 
position. Moreover, Santini, like other librarians of his 
time, has a tendency to ascribe to Scarlatti any anony- 
mous composition of his period, and to give the title of 
cantata to almost any secular vocal composition. Other 

^ This does not apply to the Vatican or to Montecassino, where every 
facility is offered for research. 


» I" 


modern manuscripts are comparatively rare and nearly 
always traceable to more authoritative originals. 

The identification of libretti and of detached airs from 
operas has presented some difficulty. The airs seldom 
bear the name of the opera from which they are taken, and 
from 1679 to 1709 the libretti of Scarlatti's operas (and by 
no means only of Scarlatti's) hardly ever bear his name. 
We may expect to find the names of the impresario, 
the ballet-master, the scene-painter, and (less often) the 
poet ; but it is extremely rare to find the name of the 
composer of the music. However, with the help of the 
admirably arranged collections of the libretti at Naples 
(R. Conservatorio di Musica), Bologna (Liceo Musicale), 
and Brussels (Conservatoire), together with M. Alfred 
Wotquenne's invaluable Catalogue des livrets italiens du 
xvii* siecle (Brussels, 1901), and an alphabetical index of 
first lines of arias from all Scarlatti's extant operas, which 
I prepared myself, but which there is not room to print 
here, a certain amount of identification has been done ; but 
several hundred airs still remain that I have not been able 
to assign to their proper dates and places. 

It only remains for me to express my sincerest thanks 
to the librarians of the various libraries in which I have 
worked, a list of which precedes the catalogue, not for- 
getting the much valued kindness shown to me in some 
libraries — notably at Florence, Bologna, and Naples — by 
subordinate members of the library staff. To Mr. Barclay 
Squire (British Museum) and M. Alfred Wotquenne 
(Brussels Conservatoire) I am exceptionally indebted for 
continued kind assistance, as well as generous contribution 
of important material. My thanks are also due to Dr. H. 
P. Allen (Oxford), Mgr. Azzocchi {^Prefetto delta musica 
at S. Maria Maggiore, Rome), Mgr. Bartolini {Custode 
Generale d' Arcadia, Rome), Mgr. Beccaria (Palermo), 
Cav. Antonio D'Ali (Trapani), Miss Dent, Col. H. A. 

Douglas (Rome), Mr. F. G. Edwards, Mgr. Fratta 



(Ferrara), Mr. H. D. Grissell (Rome), Comm.* Alessandro 
Kraus (Florence), Cav. Glacomo Leo (Naples), Prof. 
Alessandro Longo (Naples), Comm. Carlo Lozzi (Rome), 
Comm. G. Moriconi (Rome), Miss Paget (Florence), Sir 
Walter Parratt, Prof. A. Scontrino (Florence), and Dr. 
Voltz (Darmstadt), for courteous assistance of various 
kinds, as well as to Messrs. Breitkopf and Haertel for 
kindly giving me permission to reprint (with some correc- 
tions) the list of Scarlatti's operas, which appeared first 
in the Sammelband der Internationalen Musikgesellschaft 
for November 1902. 

By the kindness of Mr. J. S. Shedlock, I was recently 
allowed to inspect the manuscript volume of Scarlatti's 
harpsichord and organ music described by him in the 
Sammelband der Internationalen Musikgesellschajt for 
November 1904; but the printing of this book was then 
so far advanced that it was too late for me to ask per- 
mission to discuss it. For the textual criticism of this 
department of Scarlatti's work it is undoubtedly the most 
important and authoritative manuscript that I have seen; 
nevertheless, except for the organ music, which shows 
us Scarlatti in a hitherto unknown capacity, the historical 
and musical value of the pieces peculiar to it would 
not have much affected my account of Scarlatti as a 
composer of instrumental music. 

The portrait of Alessandro Scarlatti which forms the 
frontispiece of this book is reproduced from the engraving 
in the Biografia degli Uomini illustri del Regno di Napoli 
(Naples 18 19). This engraving seems to have been taken 
from an oil painting attributed to Francesco Solimena, now 
in the possession of the R. Conservatorio di Musica at 
Naples, for the direct reproduction of which I regret to 
say that I was unable to obtain permission. It is also the 
source of various unimportant lithographed and engraved 
portraits which all exhibit the mannerisms of their day 
rather than fidelity to the original. 




EARLY YEARS; ROME, 1679-1684 i 

NAPLES, 1684-1702 34 

FLORENCE, 1702; ROME, 1 703-1 706; VENICE, 1707 . 71 

URBINO, 1707; NAPLES, 1708-1718 113 

ROME, 1718-1721; NAPLES, 1722-1725 .... 156 




INDEX 233 




EARLY YEARS; ROME, 1679-1684 

"The Renaissance of Music" is a name often given to 
that change of style which spread over the art towards the 
end of the sixteenth century. If we consider the move- 
ment in its initial phase only, the title is sufficiently repre- 
sentative of the truth. The change was essentially a 
^v return to nature, and was intended to be a return to the 
musical ideals of ancient Greece. That the new spirit 
should not have dominated the art of music, even in Italy, 
until the other arts had submitted to its influence for a 
hundred years and more, need not surprise us. The ten- 
dencies of the Renaissance may indeed be traced dimly 
even through the polyphonic music of the age of Palestrina ; 
but the fact that the Church had a practical monopoly of 
scientific music is sufficient to explain the lack of enterprise 
in a definitely secular direction. Musicians who had been 
brought up to devote their skill to the service of the Church 
were not likely to be much affected by the trend of general 
culture in the direction of Hellenism. Almost always 
ecclesiastics themselves, their learning was naturally con- 
fined to the narrow channel of their own trade, and they 
would be the less likely to attempt radical innovations 
when they were in possession of an art which had just 
reached a stage of technique that offered an apparently 
unlimited vista of possible development. Painters and 
sculptors could hardly help being influenced by the new 
learning; painting and sculpture required subjects to 


illustrate, and the truth to nature of their representations 
could in most cases be judged by the eyes of all. Music, 
which even with all the resources of the twentieth century 
cannot definitely represent any visible object whatever, 
could hardly make an appreciable appeal to its audience in 
that direction at the time when one of the principal means 
of serious expression seems to have been the making of 
puns on the Guidonian syllables. 

The first decisive step, therefore, was made not by the 
learned contrapuntists, but by a body of amateurs. The 
noble Florentines to whom we owe the birth of the musical 
Renaissance brought very little technical ability to bear on 
their experiments ; but they brought what perhaps only 
noble Florentine amateurs could have brought — a pure 
and lofty ideal moulded by the Hellenistic influences of 
contemporary literature, and entirely free from ecclesias- 
tical prejudice. Yet in studying the history of music from 
this point onwards, we must beware of letting ourselves be 
misled by the idea that the Renaissance of music followed 
a course exactly parallel to that of the Renaissance of the 
plastic arts. Peri's '* Euridice" may be said to exhibit the 
technical ability of a Giotto applied to the expressive inten- 
tion of a Botticelli ; with the spread of the ** new music " to 
Mantua, Rome, and Venice fresh influences made them- 
selves felt, and caused the art to develop in a direction 
very different from that which Bardi and his friends had 
imagined. *'Dafne" and **Euridice" were literary ex- 
periments addressed only to cultured audiences ; Monte- 
verdi and Cavalli seized on the musical and spectacular 
elements which they presented, and transformed a resusci- 
tated Greek tragedy into Italian opera, a new creation full of 
its own natural life and energy. Freed from the restraining 
influence of Florentine Hellenists, encouraged either by 
splendour-loving courts or by a pleasure-seeking populace, 
to whom spectacular effect counted for a good deal more 
than literary elegance, this second generation of composers 
catered frankly for the taste of their time, and in an age 
notorious for extravagance in every direction were deter- 


mined not to be left behind by the exponents of the sister 
arts. Indeed, so successful were their efforts that towards 
the latter part of the seventeenth century music had not 
only overtaken, but to some extent outdistanced its rivals 
in importance and popularity. 

For the whole of the seventeenth century the history 
of Italian music is the history of the opera. Other forms 
were cultivated, but to a comparatively slight extent, and 
they were in almost all cases merely tributaries to the main 
stream of progress. This importance of the musical drama 
accounts largely for the strange way in which Italian music 
developed from "Euridice" to ** Don Giovanni." The 
opera brought music into immediate contact with dramatic 
poetry and the plastic arts, united for theatrical purposes 
under the leadership of architecture. We have only to 
glance at the building of the age to see the sort of in- 
fluences to which music was being submitted. Florence 
still preserved some remnant of her ancient traditions of 
purity of style, but Venice and Rome, followed by the 
smaller capitals, were rioting in all that exuberance of the 
baroque which we associate with the names of Longhena 
and Bernini, Guido Reni and Luca Giordano. Some 
courage is required to defend the baroque style of archi- 
tecture at the present day. It was so essentially the 
expression of the pomps and vanities of its own time that 
the modern spectator, unable to enter into the details of 
its environment, can see nothing but the dismal wreck of 
its mannerisms and affectations in its faded ceilings, its 
crumbling stucco, and its mutilated marbles. But churches 
and palaces are only a small part of the life of the seven- 
teenth century, and though to us they are its most con- 
spicuous monuments, they are in reality not the most 
representative. The true moving spirit of the baroque 
must be looked for in the social life, in the literature, the 
drama, and the music of the period. This is not the place 
to treat in detail of the social history of "that strange and 
savage century in which all was baroque, from its painting 
to its passions, from its manners to its crimes, from its 


feastings to its funerals, from its heroes to its cowards," 
which has recently been depicted by Professor Corrado 
Ricci,^ not only with his customary learning, but also with 
an illuminating sense of the grotesque that throws all its 
characteristic lights and shadows into the sharpest possible 
relief. For us the opera sums up in brief all the most 
typical features of the baroque. When Venice possessed 
seventeen opera-houses, when Bologna was so insanely 
devoted to music that the despairing Cardinal Legate was 
driven to issue an edict (in 1686) forbidding any woman, 
whatever her age or condition, the nuns included, to receive 
instruction in music from any man, however closely he 
might be related to her, when Dukes of Modena and 
Doges of Venice were quarrelling in public over the affec- 
tions of a prima donna, there can be no doubt about the 
opera being the most important art-form, and the most 
characteristic expression of the ideas of the period. 

And this is only the natural result of the fact that of 
all art-forms the opera afforded the most ample scope for 
the realization of those ideas. To the minds of most of 
us the baroque is represented by the typical church fa9ade 
of the seventeenth century, on which the ** pious orgies " 
of saints and angels as well as of pillars and pediments 
are petrified for all time in the decent convulsions of 
a symmetrical earthquake. But if it offends us, the fault 
is less often that of the design than of the limitations 
imposed by the material ; and we are ourselves frequently 
to blame for not regarding it with the necessary eye for 
the grotesque. We are brought a step nearer towards 
the baroque ideal by such a work as Fumiani's famous 
ceiling in the church of S. Pantaleone at Venice. The 
architect who carried out his designs in solid stone 
and marble was necessarily limited by the tiresome con- 
sideration that they had to be made to stand firm somehow 
or other. The decorator of ceilings might freely disregard 
the laws of gravity ; but even his advantages were slight 
compared with those of the theatrical scene-painter. We 

^ ytfa Barocca, Milan, 1904. 


need only turn to the illustrations that adorn the more 
sumptuous libretti of the day, or, still better, to the original 
designs to be found in many public collections, to see what 
possibilities were offered by the stage to the unrestrained 
imagination of the architect. Paint and canvas could raise 
to an appearance of solidity infinite perspectives of galleries 
and colonnades magnificent beyond the most ambitious 
dreams of the Pope himself. The statues that adorned 
them could come to life and descend from their pedestals 
to take part in a ballet ; and before the open-mouthed 
spectators had had time to weary of it, the scene could 
vanish, to be succeeded by another and yet another, each if 
possible more surprising than its predecessor in its formal 
eccentricity of splendour. 

How important the scenery was to the baroque opera 
IS clear also from the names of the scene-painters, among 
whom we often find such distinguished artists as Bibbiena 
and Antonio Canale ; and it may be noted that their names 
are often given in libretti that make no mention whatever 
of the composer of the music. And though our imagi- 
nations may find it difficult to realize the enthusiasm 
which their wonderful erections aroused, yet they are 
sufficiently important to us to require consideration in 
some detail on account of their intimate connexion with 
the music of the period. The passion for building which 
had been characteristic of the best period of the Renais- 
sance was still strong ; the characteristic tendency of the 
baroque was the strange attempt to inspire the essential 
solidity and repose of architecture with the restless 
animation and unrestrained extravagance that marked 
the whole life of the century. The ideal creation would 
have been an architecture not only of unlimited magni- 
ficence, but alive with perpetual movement in every 
part, a transformation-scene that should include the whole 
of time and space, along with the whole range of 
human passions and emotions, not forgetting the antics 
of Arlecchino, Brighella, and the Dottor Graziano. 

It is hardly necessary to point out to the modern reader 


that what could never be realized for the eye might 
at any rate be brought considerably nearer realization 
for the ear. The primitive state of musical technique 
at the beginning of the seventeenth century naturally 
made it impossible at first for music to attain the same 
level of impressiveness as the other arts; but progress 
was rapid, and after a hundred years music had so far 
advanced as to be fully recognized as the art which 
most completely satisfied the needs of the time. Goethe's 
well-known comparison of architecture to frozen music, 
apt enough in his own day, though less intelligible to 
modern concert-goers, was still truer of the music and 
of the architecture that preceded him by two or three 
generations. While architecture, on the stage, was adopt- 
ing every expedient to produce an illusive sense of 
motion, music, which if it cease to move, ceases to 
exist, was passing through a phase almost aggressively 
architectural in the severe symmetry of its forms. The 
baroque opera is, in fact, the bridge by which the 
artistic emotions of Italy passed finally from architecture 
as a chief means of expression to music, thus calling 
into existence the classical school of the early eighteenth 
century in which Haydn, Mozart, and Beethoven were 
to learn the first principles of the sonata and the sym- 
phony. And this early structural development of music, 
althoughj like all such movements, it was the work of 
many hands, owed its chief greatness to Alessandro 
Scarlatti. Architectural in principle with a more than 
Palladian severity, yet always vigorous in outline and 
luxuriant in decorative detail, he represents the baroque 
style at its best, and his working life of nearly fifty 
years, during which he never failed to maintain an 
astonishing fertility of production as well as a high 
standard of style, covers the extremely interesting period 
of transition from the earlier Renaissance of music to 
the decorous classicism of the eighteenth century. 

It has been generally asserted that Alessandro Scarlatti 
was born in 1^9, at Trapani in Sicily. No record of his 


birth or of his early years has yet been found, in spite of 
careful search in Trapani and the neighbourhood ; the 
assertion rests solely on the evidence of an autograph 
score of the opera '* Pompeo," said to bear the inscription, 
" Mtisica del Signor Alessandro Scarlatti da Trapani!^ 
This score was seen by Fetis in the possession of Gaspare 
Selvaggi,^ but, like many other manuscripts described by 
him, it is not to be found now. Selvaggi's collection of 
music was bought by the Marquis of Northampton, and 
presented by him to the British Museum in 1847 ; but the 
score of ** Pompeo " is not there. There is a score of 
" Pompeo " (the only one known) in the F^tls collection, 
now in the Royal Library at Brussels ; but it is not auto- 
graph, and it does not mention the composer's birthplace. 
In the records of the Arcadian Academy at Rome, Scarlatti 
is described as a native of Palermo, but neither the 
original manuscript list of members nor those subsequently 
printed can be relied upon for absolute accuracy any more 
than the Biographic Universelle des Musiciens, That 
he was a Sicilian is quite certain, as will be seen later ; 
and the year of his birth (1658 or 1659) is deduced from 
the statement on his tombstone that he died on October 
24, 1725, at the age of sixty-six. 

Of his parentage nothing whatever is known. In 
order to account for the absence of a baptismal register at 
Trapani, it has been ingeniously suggested that his father 
must have been a soldier, in which case he would have 
been baptized in the chapel of the fortress, of which no 
records were kept. But it seems easier to suppose that he 
was born elsewhere. The name Scarlatti is not Sicilian 
at all, but Tuscan. If he was of Sicilian origin, his real 
name was probably Sgarlata or Scarlata, both fairly 
common in Sicily then and now ; and his name is spelled 
Scarlati in the archives at Naples and in Conforto's Diary. 

^ Florimo also professed to have seen it^ and gives the inscription as 
^^ Pompeo del Cav, Alessandro Scarlatti di Trapani^ As "Pompeo" was 
composed in 1683, and Scarlatti does not appear to have received the title 
of Cavaltere before 1716, Florimo's statement hardly deserves very much 



On the other hand, those libretti that mention his name 
invariably print it, as he invariably signed it himself, 
Scarlatti, It is conceivable that he came of a Tuscan 
stock ; but this is a mere conjecture. It may be noted that 
he hardly ever set to music words in the dialect of Naples ; 
his one comic opera is all in Italian, though composed 
after a long residence in Naples, for a theatre which for 
some years had made a speciality of comic operas in 
Neapolitan. Moreover, his early life appears to have 
been spent mostly in Northern Italy. 

Before 1679 we have no definite information about 
him. Various statements have been made with regard 
to his teachers, but none are supported by trustworthy 
evidence. The tradition which finds most credence is 
that he was a pupil of Carissimi, and it probably repre- 
sents the truth, though it must not be forgotten- that 
Carissimi died at an advanced age when Scarlatti was only 
fifteen. That he should have been a pupil of Giovanni 
Salvatore and Francesco Provenzale at Naples was a 
natural conjecture for those biographers who believed 
Naples to have been his birthplace. But there is no 
reason to suppose that he had any connexion with Naples 
before 1684; indeed it will be shown later that he was 
regarded as a stranger there when he received his appoint- 
ment as Maestro di Cappella. Besides, the musical life of 
Naples was at this period so far behind that of Rome and 
Northern Italy that it is inconceivable that Scarlatti should 
have found opportunities there for developing his talents 
as he did. The first operatic performance in Naples seems 
to have been that of Monteverdi's ** Nerone," given in 1651 
by the Febi Armonici^ a company of Venetian singers who 
continued their representations of Venetian operas until 
Naples was able to start a school of its own under the lead 
of Francesco Provenzale. His " Teseo" appeared in 1658, 
and his last opera, "Lo Schiavo di sua Moglie," in 1671 ; 
but both this and ** La Stellidaura Vendicata" (1670), the 
only operas of his that remain, show him to have been far 
inferior to his Venetian and Roman contemporaries. 


The early compositions of Alessandro Scarlatti point 
clearly to the influence of the Roman master Carissimi, 
and to that of Cavalli, Cesti, and Legrenzi, who may 
legitimately be classed as Venetians. He was also much 
influenced by Stradella, whose work seems to have been 
done mostly in Rome and Northern Italy. If we look 
at any of the contemporary manuscript collections that 
include early chamber-cantatas by Scarlatti, we shall be 
sure to find him in Stradella s company, along with other 
north Italian composers, such as Alessandro Melani, Perti, 
Gasparini, and Pier Simone Agostini. And no sooner had 
he made a success in Rome with his first opera, '*Gli 
Equivoci nel Sembiante," than his work was immediately 
in demand at Bologna and Modena, besides smaller places 
in Northern Italy, probably including the private theatre 
of the Contarini family at Piazzola near Venice. 

It is impossible to arrive at the exact chronology of 
Scarlatti's early Roman works. Writing to Ferdinand de' 
Medici in 1 705, he says that he has composed eighty-eight 
operas in less than twenty-three years ;^ but of those eighty- 
eight only thirty-five have survived, and not all of them 
complete. This would place his first opera soon after 
1682, when he was twenty-three years old; but there is 
no doubt that " Gli Equivoci " was produced as far back 
as 1679. It is indeed possible that **Gli Equivoci" was 
not his first opera ; it is, however, the earliest that has 
survived, and seems to have been the first that brought 
him fame. 

In any case we may be fairly certain that some of the 
chamber-cantatas date from still earlier years, and these 
are of such importance as to call for treatment in some 
detail. The immense popularity of the chamber-cantata 
during the whole of the seventeenth and the early part of 
the eighteenth century is a phenomenon for which musical 
historians seem to have had some difficulty in accounting. 
Even Sir Hubert Parry* finds it *'a strange puzzle that a 

* Not " thirty-three," as erroneously printed by Puliti. 

* " Oxford History of Music," vol. iii. p. 393. 


form of art which is so undeniably long-winded should 
have been so popular." But the puzzle is not quite so 
strange when we consider the remarks which immediately 
follow. "It would appear to have been the main staple 

• of domestic vocal music for many generations, and if is 
certainly creditable to the taste of the prosperous classes 
that a branch of art which had such distinguished qualities 
should have been so much in demand; for the standard 
of style, notwithstanding obvious defects, is always high." 
It may seem ridiculous at the present day to maintain that 
music which is acknowledged to be good is therefore sure 
to be popular ; but we must remember that music in the 
seventeenth century occupied a different position to that 
which it occupies in the twentieth. The music of the 
people in seventeenth-century Italy is practically unknown 
to us ; the music that has survived has been preserved in 
the libraries of princes and nobles, or in those of churches. 
Students of seventeenth-century Italian music know how 
rare it is to find more than a single manuscript copy of 
any given composition ; and we may safely assume that 
the chamber-cantata was cultivated only by those who were 
ready to bring serious enthusiasm to bear on any music 
that they could get. *^ That the cantata a voce sola should 
have been the favourite musical form is by no means 
strange. To understand the music of the seventeenth 
century, we must bear in mind, above all things, that the 

^supreme executive artist of the time was the singer. Not 
only was the technique of vocalization by far the most 
advanced, but a very much higher intellectual standard 
was expected and attained than modern composers even 
hope for. Justly indignant if a singer presume to embellish 
Wagner or Brahms with extemporary graces, we find it 
inconceivable that Scarlatti and his contemporaries should 
have expected such additions as a matter of course ; and 
we can hardly realize that in elaborating his written melodies 
in performance with such exquisite ornaments as Geminiani 
records, Corelli was only following the example of the 
great singers of his generation. Before Corelli and his 


school had shown that from a purely musical point of view 
the violin could do as much as the voice and a good deal 
more, there could have been no instrumental competition 
against the singers. The cembalo had no sustaining power; 
the large organ, besides being unwieldy, was confined to 
the churches, and the resources of the small regals and 
organi di legno were very limited ; of wind instruments the 
trumpet alone had an advanced technique, but its imperfect 
scale necessarily caused it to take a subordinate position. 
LThe voice was the only instrument for which chamber- 
music of a really advanced type could be written ; it was the 
only instrument which combined a finished technique with 
the greatest variety of beautiful tone-colour, and which in 
the majority of cases was governed by minds of a high 
order of intelligence. Besides, the spirit of the Renais- 
sance had not yet died out, and the ancient Greek principle, 
that the function of music is to express the words of a poet, 
was still fresh in the minds of composers. 

Under these circumstances it need not surprise us to 
find that at the^end of the seventeenth century the 
chamber-cantata was at the climax of its excellence and 
popularity among serious lovers of music in I taly j? indeed, 
it is to the seventeenth century what the violm-sonata 
is to the nineteenth. ^Alessandro Scarlatti is at once its 
greatest and its most fertile exponent. His extant can- 
tatas number over five hundred, and every phase of his 
artistic development is reflected in themT^ They are of 
very special importance, because they always represent 
the composer in earnest. Some are dull, but not one 
is trivial or vulgar ; many are of great beauty, and the 
majority of them are deeply interesting as studies in 

\The earliest dated cantata b elongs to 1688 , but there 
are many which are undou^tedlysome ten or twelve years 
earlier. At this time the cantata had not received a 
s harpl y defined, form. It was origina lly narrative ; VTn- 
cenzo Galilei's setting of the story of Conte Ugolino is 
the first example of the style, although according to 



Burney the term cantata wa s first used by Benedetto 

Ferrari in 1638. But the lyrical^element very soon came 

in, and by Sca rlattTs time it was the more impor tan t pau: t 

of the composition. Still there is nearly always a pretence 

at a narrative, or else the poem takes the form of a dramatic 

monologue put into the mouth of some classical personage. 

Some of Scarlatti's early cantatas, such as " II Germanico " 

(" Gia di trionfi onusto ") and "II Coriolano " (" La/ortuna 

di Roma "), are little more than lectures on Roman history 

set to recitative with an occasional aria. On the other 

hand, we get a few in which four or five arias or ariosi 

succeed each other directly, with only a short recitative 

at the beginning or end. This irregularity of form is one 

of the distinguishing characteristics of ScarlaJti's , early 

cantatas : ^ about i^ooT or even earlier, he had adopted 

a regular alter nation of recitative and formal aria from 

^Juch-JifL.very r^irely diverged. cTo this early period 

also belong airs in binary forms, airs on a ground bass, ^ 

and all airs, in whatever form, that have two stanzas ; and ^^^ 

there are other characteristics of the early style that are ^s, 

easily recognized. 

The cantata ^' Augelltn sospendi i vannV is a good 
specimen of this period. It opens with a little air of two 
stanzas in f time in C minor ; this modulates first to G 
minor, then by a sequence to B flat major and B flat minor, 
and returns to C minor by a repetition of the two previous 
phrases in G minor and C minor respectively, ending with 
a codetta. The melody is decidedly awkward and angular, 
with frequent imitations between the voice and the bass. 
The recitative which follows soon drops into an arioso 
in f time, and here the struggle with technical difficulties 
is very obvious. The composer is unable to get a clear 
idea of a key, and hovers undecidedly between tonic and 
dominant, repeating his stiff little phrase first in C minor 
and G minor, then in G minor and D minor, and finally 
returning to C minor only to end at once in G minor. 
Next comes what he definitely marks as ^' aria'' — two 
stanzas in C minor on a ground bass. Another recitative 


follows, again dropping into arioso with the same sort of 
angular imitations, this time dividing the key between 
tonic and subdominant. After this the first aria, ''Augellin 
sospendi^' is repeated : then, after a recitative, comes an- 
other '^ aria " of two stanzas in B flat in a still more curious 
form. It begins with a short section in common time, 
evolved bar by bar with some difficulty, which runs on 
into a longer section in f ; the first part of this is on a 
ground bass, ending in the dominant, after which the 
figure is abandoned, and a new one, more freely treated, 
takes its . place. Finally, after a recitative leading to 
another awkward arioso, the first air is again repeated, 
and the cantata ends with a little contrapuntal ritornelh 
for two violins and bass.^ 

Scarlatti's want of fluency in the early cantatas is 
very curious, the more so since in his later works his 
supply of melody is inexhaustible. It must, of course, 
be remembered that at this time the^vocabulary of monodic 
music was very limited. It was left for Scarlatti himself to 
invent many of those conventional turns of phrase which 
became the common property of later composers. The 
ground bass was no doubt considered a valuable aid 
to composition.^ The history of the form is more complex 
than is generally imagined. As used by the seventeenth 
century Italians in vocal music it has very little in common 
with the chaconnes and passecailles of Bach and Handel. 
CProbably the instrumental movements of Monteverdi, built 
up on sequentially recurring figures,* are the real ancestors 
of the ground basses of Legrenzi and Scarlatti. The 
chaconne is simply a set of variations, each clearly defined, 
though forming a continuous movement ; Legrenzi and 
Scarlatti, on the other hand, often conceal the symmetry 
of their foundations by arranging their superstructure 

^ In the autograph at Berlin the ritornello has been sketched first for two 
violins, viola and bass. No other manuscript has this movement^ and the 
violins are not employed at all before. 

* For a full analysis of these see ^^ Die Instrumentalstucke des Orfeo^* by 
Dr. Alfred Heuss {Sammelband der Intemationalen Musikgesellsckaft, Jahr- 
gang iv. 2). 



on different rhythmical principles. It is obvious that 
such basses as these — 

Ex I. 

Cantata, " Augellin sospendi i vanniJ* 


i ^^f f^i^Tf^ ^ 

Cantata, ^^ Augellin sospendi i vanni" 

Ex. 3. 

s lji^fES^ 

*' L'Hoaestknegli Amori" (1680). 

Ex. 4. 

"Agar et Ismaele esiliati'' (1683). 

^h}^ ggirrCaSiCfujpiiJC 3^Ii*imI 

|^*= — H-:J ^ i g- H;^ — k H ^ » — H ^ -^= — r '\^ ^_J — L 

Ex. 5. Largo, 

" Agar et Ismaele esiliati " (1683). 

taken from early works of Scarlatti, could not be treated 
in the spirit of a chaconne, still less so when the bass 
is seldom repeated more than twice consecutively in 
the same key. Thus the bass in Ex. i is given out 
four times in the tonic, twice in the dominant, twice in 
the relative major, and finally three times in the tonic. 
The first statement of it is introductory, the third is 
due to the habitual repetition of the first vocal phrase, 
and the last forms a coda. The treatment of Ex. 3 is 
more elaborate. After a single introductory statement 
by the continuo alone, the bass is given out twice in 
the tonic and twice in the dominant ; two entries in the 
relative major form a strongly contrasting second section, 




after which it is heard not twice but eight times in the 
tonic, the first four corresponding to the four entries 
in tonic and dominant, the next two forming a vocal 
coda and the last two a ritornello for the strings. The 
scheme may be represented shortly thus — 

B. Introduction. 

B B Ptf Fft . First section ending in dominant. 

D D. Contrasting second section. 

B B B B. First section ending in tonic. 

B B. Vocal coda. 

B B. Instrumental ritornello. 

That by itself, disregarding the voice part, is a very 
neat piece of ternary form on a small scale, and it is 
clear that both these examples are akin not so much 
to the variation type as to Monteverdi's instrumental 
movements, of which the following bass 

Ex. 6. 




Monteverdi, " Orfeo.'* 




i-j- ^ 1 '^ 4" 



shows clearly the typical structure. It will be noted 
too that the basses quoted have a very distinctive 
individuality ; indeed Ex. 5 is derived directly from the 
initial vocal phrase — ** CAi non sa che sta dolore'' This 
feature of Scarlatti's early work is noteworthy, because 
it helps to explain the origin of what is the most important 
factor in all modern music, from Scarlatti to the present 
day, namely, thematic development. Scarlatti seems to 
have discarded the ground bass soon after he went to 
Naples, and with good reason. In his early years, when 
a good phrase was a rarity to be made the most of, 
he saw that more could be done with it by placing it 
in the bass than by giving it to the voice alone ; but 
as soon as he acquired a greater fluency of inspiration, 
the ground bass became a hindrance rather than a help 



to composition. Besides, it subordinated the voice to 
the instruments, a state of things at all times undesirable 
(being detrimental to the highest effects, both musical 
and dramatic), and especially so in an age when instru- 
mental technique was very immature. He therefore 
abandoned it in favour of thematic development, which 
is exhibited to advantage in all his chamber-music, and 
to a less extent in his work for the stage. 

The influence of Carissimi and Cavalli is apparent 
in his early recitative and also in his contrapuntal sense 
of harmony. If his arias are sometimes awkward, his 
recitative is generally most expressive from the very 
outset, as will be seen from the following illustration, from 
one of his earliest cantatas. 

Cantata, " Lagrime dolorose* 


La - grime do 

lo - ro-se, dagl'oc-chi 






I* *i t ^ 

miei ve - ni - te, 



^ >^ 

ve - ni - te, ve - ni - te, con dop-pio 

^ . 1 ^ 

fiumead in-on-dar 

mi il se-no, 



His coloratura is for the most part restrained, thoroughly 
vocal and in good taste. He never commits such extra- 
vagances as are found in the cantatas of Stradella, who 



often gives the voice figures obviously derived from the 
cembalo^ such as this from " L'Ariana " — 




Ex. 8. 


Stradella, " L'Ariana." 










Scarlatti shows a very keen sense of harmony as a 
means to dramatic expression, and it is interesting to watch 
the development of this sense in his later work. The 
feeling for harmonic expression remains, but the methods 
employed undergo a considerable modification. In his 
early work he still adopts the attitude of his predeces- 
sors, whose harmonic combinations resulted from the con- 
trapuntal ^ movement of parts. Another example from 




Stradella will show a progression which was now common 
property : — 

Ex. 9. 



Se dol-ce^'l suo Ian - gui - re, se vi-ta^'l suo mo 

■*!• -J -i |Ji f- ^ 





^^Eggscir ig r cfl'ir' c r 

ri - re, si, si, si, si, ch'io sem - pre sof - fri - r6. 







4 m 

Scarlatti uses it at first like every one else, and some- 
times goes a good deal farther in the same direction. The 
early motet for two sopranos, " Vexilla Regis^' has a 
characteristic example : — 

Ex. 10. 




Vex-il-la, vex - 11 - la Re-gis pro-de-unt, ful-get cru - cis, cm 


n — T-rtfT^ 


% ' 


- ciS; ful - get cm 

6 «6 7 

cis mys-te - - ri - um. 

cis, ful-get cm- cis mys-te 

n • um. 

and it appears in an even more curious form in the cantata 



^' Lagrime dolorose^' the second time rendered additionally 
harsh by inversion of the parts. 



Ex. II. 

•|^ nJ""^'£:zg 




Ex. 12. 




These asperities are for the most part confined to the 
chamber-cantatas. In opera they were not appropriate, 
and since opera was for the next twenty years the field in 
which Scarlatti did most work, they soon disappear from 
his music entirely. They are, however, not without their 
interest. It is in connection with them and with the 
recitatives that we must consider the early ariost^ 
which often present harmonic treatment of great dramatic 
value. The arioso is most frequent in the early cantatas. 
In the very earliest it is singularly awkward, but the 
composer soon finds a surer footing, and the next few 
years bring us many beautiful specimens, such as the 
following : — 

Ex. 13. 

c ccgfrr-i.^a 

Co - si, mentre bra - ma-i dis-cior quel-Ie ca - te - ne in cui men 





H^ .. \ I ^ J S I 




vi-vo, vuo-le I'em-piamiasor-te 

Che ri - novi il na 






^^'^ tal 

¥■ r^ lip 



f' l T f" 


la mia mor 













- — b^ 


a^^r^ r 



te, Che ri 

p- r= > zg= 












-rJ gl- 



del - la mia 









^ V, 


^ Vs. 


..-^ V. 



'-» " ^ l "'^t^ 








This example illustrates several characteristics : the 
broad sweeping line of the melody, the co-ordinate arrange- 
ment of phrases, as well as the keen sense of contrast 
between the major and minor modes. That eternal diffi- 
culty of the student of musical aesthetics, the melancholy 
effect of the minor mode, will probably have i^me light 
thrown upon it when it is investigated from a historical 
point of view. Scarlatti affords important material for 
such investigation, being probably the first composer who 
sharply defined the emotional difference which all later 
composers have almost invariably adopted. 

It is these ariosi, more than the arias themselves, which 
foreshadow the style of Scarlatti's maturity. The arias in 
the early cantatas are for the most part long and strag- 
gling, and in curious forms, which, like the ground bass, 
he abandoned later. Although ternary form is as old as 
Monteverdi, it was a long time before composers realized 
the subtler applications of its principle. In the cantatas 
of Luigi Rossi, Carissimi, Stradella, and Scarlatti we may 
find the separate movements arranged in the scheme of 
a rondo, either obviously, as in Scarlatti's ^^ Augellin 
sospendi i vanntj' or disguised, as is often the case with 
Rossi, by the recurrence, not of the same movement, but 
of a movement of the same character, an exact parallel in 
key and time, sometimes even built upon an identical bass. 
Scarlatti's motet, ** Vexilla Regis** furnishes a specimen 
of this. But within a single movement the alternation of 
subjects is rare. There are comparatively few airs which 
conform even to the simplest ternary type (ABA); those 
that are more organized are in binary forms, in which 
different subjects may be sharply defined, but do not 
alternate. The formula A^B^B^ is a convenient repre- 
sentation of the type, the letters representing subjects 
and the figures keys. Variations, such as A^A^BjBj and 
AjBjBjCjCj, are derived from the first. The curious thing 
is that the types AiBgA^B^ and A^BgAgBj are conspicu- 
ously rare. Probably the natural desire for alternation 
was felt to be satisfied by the immediate repetition of the 


whole scheme sung to a second stanza of the poetry. This 
is the more likely, since the second stanza disappears more 
or less simultaneously with the air in binary form. Ternary 
form also admitted of greater musical expansion, which 
would have been too long-winded if each air were sung 
twice. This long-windedness is often seen in Stradella, 
who carries repetition of phrase to excess, and rarely uses 
ternary forms. 

Scarlatti's early devotion to the opera is undoubtedly 
an important factor in his development. The chamber 
style, as has been shown, admitted and even encouraged 
a certain diffuseness, but the necessity of stage effect forced 
him to be concise, and to pack his material into small and 
clearly organized forms. Moreover the large number of 
airs required for a single opera stimulated his invention, 
and taught him to economize material. We shall see later 
that it also led him to write a great deal that had no 
permanent value ; but the practice and facility so gained 
were doubtless of great importance to him, and also to his 
followers, who turned his musical commonplaces to good 

Opera was being carried on in Rome with some difficulty. 
The first Roman opera-house had been opened in 1671, 
before which year operas had been given frequently, but 
only in private houses. This theatre, at the Tor di Nona, 
had been built by a certain Count D'Alibert before 1660, 
and he now obtained a concession from Pope Clement X. 
that whenever musical entertainments were allowed to be 
given, open to the public on payment, they were to take 
place only in this building. The count was a Frenchman 
in attendance on Queen Christina of Sweden, who had 
made Rome her residence after her abdication and con- 
version to the Catholic faith. A woman of strong inde- 
pendent character, thoroughly religious, yet tolerating no 
interference even from the Pope himself, she was a liberal 
patron of literature and art, and her original personality 
exerted its influence as much here as in the world of 
politics. Her profession of Catholicism at Innsbruck in 


1655 was celebrated with the performance of an opera by 
Bernardo Pasquini, who afterwards became her Maestro 
di Cappella, and when in Rome she was an enthusiastic 
supporter of the musical drama. But in 1676 Clement X. 
was succeeded by Innocent XL, who immediately began 
to introduce reforms and economies of all kinds. Of his 
political quarrels with the queen we are not concerned 
here; but he did not confine his innovations to politics. 
The opera was the object of his special aversion, and he 
issued a decree absolutely forbidding all public perform- 
ances with a charge for admission. He even tried to 
suppress private and gratuitous performances, by forbidding 
those who had sung in theatres to sing in churches, and by 
refusing to allow women to appear on the stage at all. 
The decree, however, was naturally circumvented, and 
things appear to have gone on much the same as before, 
except that the female parts were always taken by castrati. 
In 1677 this came to the queen's ears, and with character- 
istic impetuosity she sent word to the Pope that she much 
regretted having allowed Count D'Alibert to make use of 
the concession granted to him by Clement X., and that in 
future she should feel it her duty to burn down the theatre 
if operas were still given before a paying public. But her 
severity does not seem to have lasted long, for in 1678 she 
was interceding with his Holiness for Don Benedetto 
Pamphili, who was in disgrace for having secured the 
services of the Pope's own singers for a performance in 
which they appeared in female costume. To any one who 
reads the libretti of these operas, Innocent XI. seems to 
have been unnecessarily prudish, but even if authors and 
actors were blameless the audiences certainly were not.^ 

Scarlatti's first known opera, ** L'Errore Innqcente 
ovvero Gli Equivoci nel Sembiante," was produced 
privately at the CoUegio Clementino on February 8, 1679. 
The libretto was by the Abb6 Contini — ** un tale architetto 

* Sec the A wist di Roma quoted by AdemoUo (/ TecUri cURoma nel Secolo 
XVII.)^ and the same writer's articles in UOpinione^ Rome, January 1882. 
Casanova's memoirs also throw a curious light on the subject. 



Conttniy' as he is called in the A wist di Roma. The 
young composer was evidently in high favour with Chris- 
tina, judging from the A wist. "Her Majesty, who was 
so much pleased on Sunday by Contini's comedy, that she 
desired to hear it at the CoUegio Clementino, desired to 
hear it these last two evenings also ; and since the Pope's 
Swiss guard, who were keeping the door from the tumult 
of the people, would not admit the lackeys of Cardinal 
Colonna, who was in attendance on her Majesty, his 
Eminence ordered them to enter, which they did, with 
many blows to the Swiss guard. It is commonly known 
that the composer of the music of the said comedy, a 
Sicilian, is in very bad odour with the Court of the Vicar 
on account of the secret marriage of his sister with an 
ecclesiastic. But the Queen sent one of her own carriages 
to fetch him, that he might play in the orchestra, even 
when the Cardinal Vicar was himself in attendance on her 

" Gli Equivoci nel Sembiante " is on quite a small scale, 
as was suitable to a private performance. It is a very 
innocent little drama, containing four characters only. 
Clori is in love with Eurillo and Eurillo with Clori; but 
the unexpected arrival of Armindo^ Eurillds exact 
"double," produces confusion, further complicated by the 
jealousy of Ltsetla^ and it is only after three acts of sighs 
and recriminations that matters are cleared up. There is 
not much scope for variety, though the distribution of 
voices (two sopranos and two tenors) was decidedly un- 
usual at a time when the castrato reigned supreme ; but 
Scarlatti at least provided a good many pretty little airs, 
and even attempted character-drawing to an extent which 
he himself seldom equalled for some time afterwards. 
Clori and Lisetta are as distinct as Agathe and Aennchen 
in " Der Freischtitz " ; indeed Clori is an even more insipid 
inginue than the heroine of Kind's drama, and Lisetta can 
only be described as a spiteful little cat. 

The airs are never very remarkable, though always 
pleasant. One recognizes the individual Scarlatti style at 


once, especially in melodies of a curious half pathetic, half 
playful type, which for a long time remained very charac- 
teristic of him. Perhaps the contemporary hearer did not 
feel them to be as pathetic as we do, for it cannot be 
doubted that the prevalence of minor keys in the music of 
this time was the result of modal survivals rather than of 
melancholy temperaments. The best numbers are the 
little duet in Act I., '* St, si, tivoglio amar^' which com- 
bines clever characterization with great neatness of form ; 
Eurillo^s air, ^^ Se ho d'amar^' a pleasing example of the 
typical Scarlatti style, as is also the air for Armindo, " Cara 
sempliciW in Act III., and Cloris beautiful melody, 
^^ Dormi pur e sogni intanto.^^ The third act has also an 
air for Clori, ** Vaghi rivi,'' which although binary and in 
two stanzas has florid coloratura and elaborate string parts 
that seem to forecast the style of the next century. 

"Gli Equivoci" was followed in 1680 by "UHonestk 
negli Amori." The opera is interesting from the glimpse 
which it gives of the composer's personality. The libretto 
of " Gli Equivoci," like many libretti of Scarlatti's operas, 
makes no mention whatever of the composer of the music ; 
that of ** L'Honestk " is, however, unusually full of inform.a- 
tion. The Awiso al Lettore informs us that *' the music 
is the composition of Signor Alessandro Scarlatti, called 
the Sicilian, Maestro di Cappella to the Queen of Sweden, 
a virtuoso who at other times has deserved your applause, 
and for whose praise it will suffice to say that in the 
springtime of his years he has begun where many of his 
profession would be proud to end." ^ 

But there is a more curious allusion to Scarlatti in the 
opera itself. In the third act there is a scene for the two 
comic characters, Bacucco, an old servant, and Saldino^ a 
page, in which they comment on the events of the preced- 
ing scenes, Bacucco saying that it is a tragedy rather than a 

^ "Z<» compositione delta Musica I del Sig. Alessandro Scarlatti, detto it 
Siciliano, Maestro di Cappella delta Regina di Svetia, Virtuoso^ che altre volte 
hd meritato i tuoi applausi, per lode del quale basterd, it dire, che nella Prima- 
vera delta sua etd hd cominciato, dove molti delta sua professione sipregiareb^ 
bero difinire^ 


comedy that they are acting. Saldino takes up the word 
comedta, and adds '' 'tis a Sicilian has set it to music " ; 
Bacucco continues — 

" Ah yes, 'tis that young fellow — softly now — 
This is the same that wrote a year ago 
That opera which is going everywhere. 
The songs are charming, new, of sundry kinds ; 
They tell me he has brought 
From the far end of Christendom itself 
A whole sack full of airs." ^ 

From this it is clear that **Gli Equivoci*' was regarded 
as a great success, and that the composer was a very 
young man, the evidence of the tombstone as to the year 
of his birth being thus corroborated. It also seems to 
imply that *'Gli Equivoci" was his first opera, and indeed 
the first work of his to bring him into public notice. 

"L'Honestk" is a good deal stronger than ** Gli 
Equivoci." It is on a larger scale, being of the type 
described as opera semi'Seria. It has several airs on a 
ground bass, the best of which is Eliscis '' lo per gioco vi 
mirai,^' analysed earlier in this chapter (Ex. 3), and an- 
other very interesting air in a form derived from the ground 
bass — '^ Scogli vol che v' indurated It is accompanied by 
the strings in five real parts from beginning to end except for 
a single bar's rest — a most unusual style of treatment. The 
J. gloomy opening phrase (see Ex. 

14 opposite) is repeated at once 

ijT I " in the relative major, but with 
^ ^ a different bass figure (Ex. 15) 
and modified so as to end in C sharp minor. The cadence 

^ " Saldino, £ in mustca Pha posta un Siciliano. 
Bacucco. Ah si, quel Giovinotto ; oh piano, piano, 
Questo h quel, che compose un anno fk 
QuelP opera che tanto intomo vk. 
Son le canzone belle, nove e varie ; 
Mi dicon, che hk portato 
Sin dal confin della Christianity. 
Un sacco pieno d' Arie." 

Scarlatti omitted these lines in setting the libretto to music 



Ex. 14. 

*"Tt' ' 



* * * * « ^ J: 



(Contralto), \ 


^ }f^ abJ 




gli vol 

che v'in - du - 

P^J-JJTlJPtJ ^^ ' ^J l '^ »^ 

- tar. 


- de fre - men - ti, 



is no sooner made than the music modulates at once to D 
major, with a repetition of the same vocal subject on the new 
bass figure, ending in F sharp minor, the tonic. Here a new 
subject appears, more or less derived from the first, modu- 
lating strangely to E minor ; and it is immediately repeated 
a tone lower, to end in the tonic by an audacious change 
of key. The little coda finishes the movement neatly. 
The construction of this last section presents an interest- 
ing parallel to the opening of Brahms' violin sonata in 
A major, where an analogous device is used. 

£x. 1 6. 









- ter. 

e non po - ter mo-ri 












c non po - ter mo - n 


Apart from the tragic feeling of the song and its 
strange sense of oppression, of groping in darkness, the 
structure is very noteworthy. In regular ternary forms 
Scarlatti is almost always sure of his key at this time ; but 
in his airs on a ground he modulates on different principles 
and covers a wider area. Here, working on the lines of 
a ground but not observing it strictly, he seems to have 
lost his way and only extricated himself by sudden modula- 
tions, as beautiful as they were unexpected. 

Of Scarlatti's characteristic charm and delicacy of treat- 
ment no better example could be given than the little duet, 
" DzU amanii" perfect in finish, with a wistful expression 
that culminates just before the Da Capo in the following 
beautiful phrase: — 

Ex. 17. 

Elisa. S'fe tor - men - to per - che pia • ce, ^h pia - cer, s'd pia - 





cerper-che tor -men - ta Di-tc a-man-ti 

~ ■ ^ h. ^ 


c c 'ff^ I ^ 

Ali (Tenor.) Di-te a-man - ti 

iyr r ^-M^iJ Tt I ' 

** Pompeo " (1683) was probably Scarlatti's first attempt 
at opera seria. It contains a few good airs, but on the 
whole it is stiff and tedious. Arioso is for the most part 
avoided, though it would have relieved the monotony of 
the recitative, the composer not yet having developed 
that fine declamatory style which served as a model to 
all succeeding generations. The libretto is poor. The 
librettists of this period are, as a rule, either ignored or 
ridiculed by modern critics, and their contemporaries speak 
litde better of them. Quadrio,^ although he devotes con- 
siderable space to them, and finds some worthy of high 
praise, begins his chapter with a good description of their 
style : — 

** He who would justly describe what a Musical Drama 
is, should say that it is a strange work made up of Poetry 
and Music, in which the Poet and the Composer, each 
alternately the slave of the other, wear out their brains to 
make a bad Opera ; but in which the superior is servant to 
the inferior, and in which the Poet occupies the position of 
a Fiddler that plays for Dancing. . . . Wherefore truly 
never did Poetry give her name to absurdities more 
ridiculous or more unendurable than these ; nor could any 
person of sense tolerate their improprieties, if he were not 
enchanted by the Musicians, the proof of which is suffi- 
ciently seen in the fact that in most cases the recollection 
of such compositions perishes with their sound." 

Nevertheless some of the libretti were at least adequate 
for their purpose, either in the pastoral or the heroic style. 
" Pompeo " aims at the heroic ; but in the second act it 
lapses into a stupid intrigue of mistaken identity in the 

^ Delia Staria e della Ragione eP ogni Poesia^ vol. iii. p. 434. 


dark, which is not even amusing as farce. The best move- 
ments are Sestds charming airs, '' Non mi euro delta vita' 
and '' Da qiugti occhi tuminost' ; the well-known '' O cessate 
dipiagarmV; and a very interesting study in expression, 
" Tormentosa getosia,'' sung by the half- civilized king 
Mttridate, whose passionate jealousy is well suggested 
by the straining syncopations.] 

Tor - men- to - sa ge - lo - si - a 

These three operas — **Gli Equivoci nel Sembiante/* 
"L'Honesta negli Amori," and **Pompeo" — are all that 
remain to represent Scarlatti's first period of dramatic 
composition. But although it has not been possible 
hitherto to identify any other libretti set to music by 
Scarlatti before he left Rome in 1684, there can be hardly 
any doubt that he produced several other operas about this 
time. There is an enormous quantity of single arias 
extant which certainly belong to this period, mostly in 
the libraries of the Conservatoires of Paris and Naples, 
and in the British Museum (Harleian MSS.). There is 
also a collection of *' Thirty-six Ariettas " by Scarlatti, 
printed in London towards the beginning of the eighteenth 
century, all of which are in his early style, some being 
identified as belonging to operas already known. 

Mhe strongest influences in Scarlatti at this period are 
those of Legrenzi and Stradella, each in rather different 
directions. From_ Legrenjd Scarlatti gets his ^ancing^ 
d^Ct^ic melodies, and many other characteristic turns of 
phraseT"'ev€n more i mpo rtant than these is his r.onriRpgfiQg 
and _clearness ,£)f fb^"^u Here Legrenzi offers a great 
contrast to Stradella, who even in his operas is con- 
spicuously wanting in this respect. He is by no means 
without a sense of form, but he applies it almost entirely 
to the detailed development of small figures, neglecting the 
larger outlines ; and the result is that nearly all his airs are 


interminably straggling. Yet he had certain characteristics 
which Legrenzi had not, and which Scarlatti was quick to 
seize. It is from Stradella that Scarlatti gets his jiharac- 
te ristic ch arm of melody ^^ though he soon surpassed his 
predecessor. Stradella's best melodies are often very 
beautiful, and full of that sunny tenderness of expression 
which is very typical of Scarlatti ; but they are always so 
extremely simple that a whole opera in this style strikes 
the reader as almost childishly naive, all the more owing 
to the composers habit of stating nearly every phrase 
twice in succession, if not oftener. Scarlatti gets rid of 
much of this repetition, thus simplifying . the organization 
of his tunes, and also shows a greater fertility of invention 
as well as a deeper poetic feeling in the melodic themes 
themselves. Sjradella is also greatly s uperioi:Jx^ Ti^grpny.i 
in the mov ement of h is basses. Legrenzi, though he 
made frequent use of the ground bass, seldom shows much 
character in this most important part of his music. His 
basses are at all times quite uninteresting. Stradella 
seldom uses the ground bass ; but his basses are generally 
full of life and individuality, and here his passion for the 
development of small figures shows to the greatest possible 
advantage. He seems to have been altogether more of an 
instrumental composer than Legrenzi, using his violins and 
trumpets very effectively, though, of course, not at all in 
a modern spirit. His feeling for bass movement shows 
itself again in his recitatives, which are often founded on 
thoroughly logical successions of chords, besides being as 
a rule well declaimed. Indeed the general style of his 
operatic recitatives is rather different to Legrenzi s, and 
seems to have served as Scarlatti's model ; though here, 
as in everything else, the younger composer soon improved 
upon it. This improvement, however, can hardly be said 
to have taken place altogether until after Scarlatti left 
Rome. His early operas show the germs of his great 
genius, but they also show the immaturity of youth ; and 
considered as a whole, Stradella s *'Floridoro" is a much 
better opera than any of Scarlatti's first three. 


The strong influence of both Stradella and Legrenzi 
on the young Scarlatti suggests that in his earlier years he 
may have had some connection with Modena. The Biblio- 
teca Estense, which is peculiarly rich in manuscripts of 
Stradella s works, also possesses many of Scarlatti's early 
compositions, including the autograph parts of the motet 
** Vexilla Regis,'' as well as two operas of Legrenzi, which 
were performed at the court theatre. Information about 
Stradella's life is so scanty that it can be at best no more 
than a plausible conjecture that the two composers may 
have met under the protection of Duke Francis II. ; it is 
equally possible that Rome may have offered similar oppor- 
tunities. But in any case the direct influence of Stradella, 
like that of Legrenzi, though strong at first, did not last 
very long. Scarlatti's own individuality matured rapidly, 
and with the transference of his sphere of activity to 
Naples a new phase began which led to a change of style 
that is of considerable importance in the history of his 
artistic development. 


NAPLES, 1684-1702 

Naples had already made the acquaintance of Scarlatti's 
music with **Gli Equivoci" in 1680, and in February 1684 
**Pompeo" was performed at the Royal Palace. The 
libretto describes Scarlatti as Maestro di Cappella to 
Queen Christina, but it was his last appearance in that 
capacity, for in the same month his services were secured 
to the Court of Naples.^ On February 17, 1684, he was 
appointed Maestro di Cappella on the retirement of 
Pietro Andrea Ziani, and on the same day his brother 
Francesco was appointed a violinist of the royal chapel. 
The career of Francesco Scarlatti is even harder to trace 
than that of Alessandro, and such details of it as have 
been recorded may conveniently be given here. His 
stipend from the royal chapel, like his brother s, was paid 
him for a year only, and the next we hear of him is that in 
1699 his oratorio " Agnus Occisus ab Origine Mundi " was 
performed at the Vatican. In 1715 he turned up in 
Vienna, and applied for the post of Vice- Kapellmeister* 
Fux was favourably impressed with him — ^' Ich finde 
diesen Supplicanten wegen seiner virttl vnd sonst beywoneten 
gutten Aigenschafften sehr tauglichy' he reported to the 
Emperor; Francesco, however, did not get the appoint- 
ment, although he urged that his sympathies with Austria 
had lost him his post as Maestro di Cappella at Palermo 
after twenty-six years' service.^ This, however, was pos- 
sibly an invention on his part ; the archives at Palermo 
make no mention of him, and Mongitore's diary expressly 

^ Naples, R. Archivio di Stato : Scrivania di Razione e Ruota d^ Conti, 
vol. iii. fol. 82 verso. 

* L. von Kdchel,/.y. Fux^ Hofcompositor und Ho/kapellmeister. Vienna,. 

1872, p. 378. 



names one Giuseppe Dia as Maestro di Cappella there in 
1703. He then seems to have returned to Naples, as he 
was on the staff of the royal chapel in 1 7 1 9 ; but he 
was not there long, as he gave a concert in London on 
September i, 1720, *'the greatest part of his own compo- 
sition." He advertised himself as ** brother to the famous 
AUessandro [sic] Scarlatti," and no doubt was encouraged 
by the presence of Domenico in London for the produc- 
tion of "Narciso" at the Haymarket in 1719. He is 
supposed to have resided later at Venice. 

The circumstances under which the two Scarlattis 
received their appointments were peculiar. The Nea- 
politan diarist, Domenico Conforto, tells the story thus : 

'*At the beginning of November [[684] the Viceroy 
deprived of their offices and disgraced the Secretary of 
Justice, by name Don Giovanni de Leone, Don Emma- 
nuel . . . , [stc] the chamberlain, who was also Governor 
of Pozzuoli, and a favourite page, for holding close and 
illicit intercourse with certain actresses, one of whom was 
called the Scarlati [sic], whose brother was by this Viceroy 
made Maestro di Cappella of the Palace, though there 
competed other virtuosi who were of this country. For 
they had formed a triumvirate to dispose as they pleased 
of such posts and offices as were to be distributed, getting 
them filled by those who offered and gave them the best 
price, and doing other unlawful acts to make money and to 

please their actresses {gradire alle loro Puttane 

Commediantt), and this without the knowledge of the 
Viceroy, who, being made aware of everything, deprived 
them, as has been said, of their offices and disgraced them ; 
and he had orders given to the Scarlati and her companions 
that they should either leave this city or else go into a 
convent ; and in obedience to this order they entered the 
convent of S. Antoniello, near the Vicaria."^ 

We have already seen what sort of a reputation Anna 
Maria Scarlatti had at Rome in 1679. In the following 
year she was singing in Venice at the Teatro S. Giovanni 

^ Giomali del Sig. Domenico Conforto (MS. in the Bibl. Nazionale, Naples). 



Crisostomo,^ and in the same company was Giovanni Fran- 
cesco Grossi, called Siface, who sang the part of Mitridate 
in her brother s opera, *' Pompeo," at Naples. The Spanish 
Viceroy, Don Gasparo d'Haro y Guzman, was only adding 
hypocrisy to his other vices when he vented his righteous 
indignation on the protectors of ** La Scarlati " and her 
friends. All over Italy, Muratori tells us,^ opera in the 
most sumptuous style was the fashionable entertainment 
of the day. The courts of Modena and Mantua vied with 
each other in the extravagance of their productions and 
in the acquisition of the most celebrated singers, for whom, 
by a strange irony, virtuoso and virtuosa became the recog- 
nized title. The court of Naples, at this time more than 
ever the ** city of pleasures," though it had not yet attracted 
composers of any great distinction, had at any rate as great 
a reputation as any for its liberal appreciation of profes- 
sional " virtue." It was the fashion to have opera-singers 
as mistresses, and the Viceroy set the example on the scale 
that became his position.' 

The exact history of the affair can only be conjectured. 
We may be fairly certain that Anna Maria Scarlatti de- 
pended less upon her musical ability than on her personal 
attractions as a means of livelihood. She could not have 
been singing in opera at Rome in 1679, as no women 
were allowed to appear on the stage. Her part in ** II 
Ratto delle Sabine " at Venice was only a small one, and 
there is no record of her having sung in any other opera. 
Even in her brothers "Pompeo" she did not take part, 
unless it were in the chorus or the ballet. And it is signi- 
ficant that when given her choice either of leaving Naples 
or of entering a convent there, she preferred the latter 
alternative, probably having little chance of obtaining a 
serious musical engagement elsewhere. 

There can, however, be no doubt that " Pompeo " was 

* In " 11 Ratto delle Sabine/' of Pietro Simone Agostini. (A. Wotquenne, 
Catalogue des livrets itcUiens du XVII* sihU,) 

* Annali d Italia^ anno 1690. 

8 Benedetto Croce, / UatH di Napoli mi secoli XV.-XVIII. Naples, 1891. 


a great success at Naples, and that its success was largely 
due to the singing of Giovanni Francesco Grossi. He was 
the most celebrated singer of his time, and had probably- 
had plenty of experience of Scarlatti's style when singing 
in Rome under the protection of Queen Christina. He 
was in the service of the Duke of Modena, but much in 
demand everywhere else, in spite of his rather capricious 
manners. For us he has a special interest, as having been 
sent by the duke to his sister Mary of Modena, wife of 
James H. He was only five months in England (January 
1 8 to June 16, 1687), and suffered considerably from the 
climate ; but he had time to acquire some considerable 
celebrity there, and may very likely have helped to intro- 
duce Scarlatti's music to English audiences. 

Don Gasparo d'Haro y Guzman made every effort to 
retain Siface for the opera at Naples. He made him 
write to the Duke of Modena, and wrote to the duke 
himself as well, begging him to allow Siface to stay, both 
letters being dated from Naples on February 19, two days 
after the appointment of the two Scarlattis. How far 
the Viceroy approved of the appointment cannot be said ; 
probably he was personally inclined towards it, in view of 
the si\ccess of *' Pompeo," and was carefully persuaded to 
ratify it by the "triumvirate" of whom Conforto tells us, 
in spite of the dissatisfaction which seems to have arisen, 
according to Conforto, from the post being given to one 
who was not a Neapolitan. In any case Anna Maria 
Scarlatti deserves to be remembered, since, had it not been 
for her, Alessandro might not have remained at Naples to 
be for eighteen years the leading composer of operas 
there. And these eighteen years, though they do not 
represent the best period of Scarlatti s production, are of 
the greatest importance for his own career and for the 
history of music generally, since the encouragement that 
he received at Naples, in spite of obvious disadvantages, 
enabled him to develop his style steadily in one direction 
in a way that he could never have done under other 



It was probably on the strength of this appointment 
that Alessandro Scarlatti married a certain Antonia 
Anzalone, by whom he had three children, of whom 
Giuseppe Domenico, born October 26, 1685/ was the 
eldest. He apparently received no stipend after February 
1685, but he stayed on in Naples and retained his title 
until 1702, hardly a year passing in which he did not 
compose at least two operas, most of which were produced 
either at the royal palace or at the royal theatre of S. 

We can hardly be surprised that, under such circum- 
stances, he soon took to modelling his work on fixed 
patterns, from which he hardly ever departed. But the 
system had its advantages as well as its drawbacks. It 
limited the composer's sphere of action, but it gave him 
leisure to develop this style to the utmost within the 
limits imposed. Thus this period, which, more than any 
other, marks the first step to the final decadence of old- 
fashioned Italian opera, is of the greatest importance in 
the history of pure music, and it is mainly from this point 
of view that it will be treated in this chapter. 

It is not easy for the modern reader to form a clear 
conception of what an operatic performance was like at 
this time. The modern romantic opera, to say nothing 
of the modern music-drama, seems to have nothing 
tangible in common with the opera of Scarlatti. The 

* Parocchia di S, Liboria delta Carith {Chiesa di Moniesanto), fol. 65 : 

Die p™« 9mbre 1685. lo sud<> curato (D. Gius* Sorrentino) ho batt« uno 
figliuolo nato a 26 del caduto figlio del Sig' Alessandro Scarlati e Sig*^ Antonia 
Anzalone coniugi hebbe nome Gius* Dom*» fu tenuto al sacro fonte dalla Sig" 
D. Eleonora del Carpio Principessa di Colobrano, e dal Sig' D. Domenico 
Martio Carafa Duca di Maddaloni. 

Fol. 97. Catarina Eleonora Emilia 29 9*>" 1690 f^ di Alessandro e Antonia 
Scarlati Padrini D. Marino Caracciolo P^e di Avellino e D. Eleonora Cardines 
Pssa di Colobrano come proc^ della Sig** D. Emilia Carafa Duchessa di 

Fol. 107. A 12 Maggio 1692 Carlo Francesco Giacomo figlio del Sig' 
Alessandro Scarlati et la Signora Antonia Ansalone [sic] coniugi, nato a 5 d^ 
fu battezzato p me D. Nicola Cuoci sacrista et economo li Padrini li Sig'* Ecc°** 
D. Nicola Gaetano p procura in nome del Sig" D. Carlo Caracciolo Duca d' 
Ayrola, et la Sig™ D. Aurora Sanseverino. 


descendants of Scarlatti's operas move now in somewhat 
humble circles, but they still keep their original title — 
melodrama. The persecuted heroine, the splendid hero, 
the heavy father, the adventuress, and even the comic 
lovers, familiar to us, if no longer on the boards of the 
Adelphi, at least in the pages of Mr. Jerome, were all 
stock characters at the ^'Real Teatro di S. Bartolomeoy 
The details of the plot may vary, but there is hardly any 
variation in the characters, and none whatever in the love- 
making which is their one and only occupation. The 
author may cite Aulus Gellius and Polydore Vergil in the 
most learned manner in the awiso al lettore^ but once the 
curtain is up history retires into the background, and for 
three acts we do nothing but watch the progress of 
interminable love intrigues between personages whose 
very existence is often no more than one of the poet's 
'^accidentz verissimi'' The scenery too, as has been 
already pointed out, was a most important part of the 
entertainment, there being generally three if not four 
separate scenes in each act, each no doubt of a most ela- 
borate kind, judging from the designs that remain ; and 
many operas included some sort of transformation-scene. 

An outline of " L'Olimpia Vendicata '* will serve to 
illustrate the type. When the curtain rises, Olimpia^ a 
princess of Holland, is discovered alone on a desert island 
in the Spanish main, where she has been left by her 
faithless lover Bireno, prince of Zealand. She is immedi- 
ately taken prisoner by Araspe, a pirate chief, to whose 
inquiries she answers that her name is Ersilla. The scene 
now changes to the court of Spain. The king Oberto 
wishes to marry his sister, the princess Alinda^ to Osmiro^ 
prince of somewhere else (his country is not named) ; 
Alinda, however, refuses, preferring a stranger who has 
just arrived in the guise of a pilgrim. At this juncture 
Araspe appears, having been cast ashore by a convenient 
storm, and Ersilla-Olimpia is given to Alinda as a slave, 
Oberto himself immediately falling in love with her. This 
ends the first act. In Act II. Alinda receives a letter 


from the pilgrim, revealing himself to be Bireno in dis- 
guise and professing his love for her. It being apparently 
one of ''Ersillds' duties to read Alindas love-letters aloud 
to her, and write the answers at her dictation, Olimpia is 
thus made aware of the situation, and determines to avenge 
herself. Bireno sees her and recognizes her. He attempts 
to explain his rather awkward position ; she cuts short his 
apologies and protests that she is not Olimpia but Ersilla. 
Believing himself to have been mistaken, he proposes to 
elope with Alinda, who says she will give him an answer 
by letter. She dictates a refusal to Olimpia, but immedi- 
ately tears it up, and the act ends with her again refusing 
Osmiro. In Act III. Olimpia tells Bireno that Alinda 
loves OsmirOy and invites him to surprise them together 
and kill his rival. Bireno comes at the appointed hour, 
and Olimpia prepares him supper. As she has drugged 
the wine he falls asleep, and she is just on the point of 
murdering him, when she is prevented by Alinda, She 
then reveals herself and tells the story of her desertion ; 
Bireno is cast into prison, Olimpia marries ObertOy and 
Alinda consoles herself with Osmiro. 

It is obvious that the complication of the plot leaves 
very little opportunity for the study of character. Whether 
the dramatis personae are princes and princesses of medi- 
aeval Holland or of ancient Greece, they act and talk and 
sing in precisely the same way, just as they no doubt 
wore the same sort of costumes in front of the same sort of 
scenery ; indeed everything, including the turgid language 
of the libretti, to which no translation could do justice, 
belongs to no other age than the last twenty years of the 
seventeenth century. 

Scarlatti was not by temperament a reformer or an 
iconoclast. He took things as he found them, and did the 
best that could be done on the lines of his predecessors. 
The libretti of his day offered him any quantity of heroic 
sentiments, which he set to a dignified recitative, as well 
as straightforward obvious emotions, which he could express 
in a neat aria at the end of each scene. He soon found 



that the best type of aria for his purpose was the ternary 
form. It satisfied the natural aesthetic need of contrast and 
recognition in the clearest possible way, and the Da Capo 
gave the singer a favourable opportunity of exhibiting his 
skill in extemporizing variations, as was expected of him 
by both audience and composer. Writing every air (and 
each opera would contain some fifty or sixty) in the same 
form, Scarlatti attained a wonderful mastery over his 
material, and besides displaying an infinite variety of style 
within the given limits, he gradually developed the form to 
a very high degree of emotional and structural organization. 
Outside the aria, there was hardly any formal music in the 
opera. There was the overture, the evolution of which 
will be discussed in detail later on, and there were 
occasional dances and marches. The marches and pageant 
music are all written by Scarlatti himself, but the ballets 
are frequently absent from the score. From the indications 
given in the libretti they seem to have been almost always 
of a comic nature, and sometimes they are directly 
associated with the comic characters. It seems probable 
that they were not regarded as an integral part of the 
opera, and that the ballet music, like the ballet-master, was 
generally imported from France. 

The descriptive symphonies which are so important in 
the earlier Venetian operas find no place in Scarlatti. 
Musical scene-painting is really a modern growth. In 
'*Der Freischlitz" and ** Der Fliegende Hollander" the 
orchestra is used to stimulate emotions which the stage 
carpenter cannot awaken. The music throws our nerves 
into a state of abnormal excitement, in which our own 
imagination can easily complete the illusion which the 
scenery has suggested. The emotional aspect of land- 
scape is essentially a characteristic of the nineteenth 
century, and in connection with this we must also take 
into account that owing to altered circumstances of 
theatrical management, scenic arrangements in Weber's 
and Wagner's days were not so elaborate as in the seven- 
teenth century, when opera was the plaything of princes. 


In Scarlatti's time the theatrical architect was technically 
far ahead of the dramatic composer, whose work was con- 
fined to the objective expression of personal and individual 
emotion. The subjective expression, or rather suggestion, 
of the collective emotions of the audience is a different 
thing, and is certainly not older than Gluck. It is very 
easy to think that it existed already in Peri, Monteverdi, 
and Cavalli, but we must beware of letting our modern 
romanticism run away with us. It is not reasonable to 
suppose that because Monteverdi or Purcell happened 
accidentally on a device, be it structural or harmonic, that 
to our ears is characteristic of Wagner or Tchaikovsky, 
they or their audiences necessarily attached the same 
emotional impression to it that we do. In studying the 
dramatic music of the first half of the seventeenth century 
we must always remember that, however anxious com- 
posers might be in theory to get away from polyphony, 
* vocal or instrumental, they were obliged to fall back upon 
it in practice, because it was a material which they were 
accustomed to handling, and which their audiences would 
understand without effort. There is no direct connection 
between the choruses and descriptive symphonies of 
Monteverdi and those of Weber, except by the circuitous 
route that traverses the stony asperities of French opera. 
The chorus and the descriptive symphony disappear simul- 
taneously from Italian opera as soon as composers had 
acquired sufficient mastery over the new style to put all 
they wanted into the solo parts, and it was only when 
instrumental technique progressed in advance of vocal 
technique that the orchestra began to be used for indepen- 
dent dramatic effects. Scarlatti's work covers exactly the 
period when concerted instrumental music was beginning 
to be recognized as a possible rival to the voice, and it is 
interesting to trace the gradual development of instru- 
mental music in the work of a composer whose natural 
sympathies were all with the singers, but who was quick to 
take advantage of any other means that facilitated the 
expression of his thought. 



There are many places in Scarlatti's operas where the 
recitative is interrupted for an appreciable time by some 
sort of action, such as the wrestling match and the lottery 
extraction in '* Olimpia Vendicata," and numberless duels 
and battles, or by an elaborate change of scene such as 
takes place in *' Massimo Puppieno." But Scarlatti never 
seems to think it necessary to fill up this gap with descrip- 
tive instrumental music, unless we suppose that he ex- 
temporized it himself at the cembalo. That is conceivable, 
for we do sometimes find a battle scene accompanied by a 
direction for a trumpet fanfare, which is very rarely written 
out in full. But he more probably realized that such music 
was impracticable, owing to the great difficulty of making 
it synchronize exactly with the action on the stage, and 
also owing to the noise that would be made by the energetic 
movements of combatants or scene-shifters, to say nothing 
of the buzz of conversation among the audience. But if 
the stage be quiet, and it be desirable to produce some 
sort of illusion of mystery, he is ready with his band. 
Thus in ** Massimo Puppieno," when Massimino the African 
king, after fighting outside, staggers in mortally wounded 
to die on the stage, the few bars played by the strings 
must have invested the action with a simple dignity that 
would lift the audience for a moment into a higher 
emotional plane. 

Ex. 19. 

The great advantage of music of this kind is that it 
falsifies our sense of time. The Intermezzo in ** Cavalleria 
Rusticana " takes some three or four minutes in perform- 
ance. Suppose that in *' Cavalleria Rusticana" there 



were no intermezzo, the curtain falling between the two 
scenes ; the break would be intolerable. The drama is so 
exciting that we want to go straight on ; yet a certain 
amount of time must elapse while the people are supposed 
to be in church. We cannot really wait all that time, 
whether the curtain be up or down ; and if there was a 
long silence, and no fall of the curtain, the audience would 
resume their talk — if indeed they had ever interrupted 
it — ^and lose their interest. But by putting in the inter- 
mezzo our attention is held ; we are able to keep up the 
religious feeling of the previous scene, and at the end we 
are quite willing to believe that thirty minutes have 
elapsed instead of three. Another example of the same 
thing occurs in ** Fidelio," where Florestan falls asleep after 
his solo, and the orchestra makes us forget how short an 
interval actually elapses before Rocco and Leonora enter. 
Scarlatti's ** Olimpia Vendicata " is interesting as showing 
us the first germs of this idea in a way that makes it 
impossible to mistake the principle which guided him. 
When the curtain rises, Olimpia is discovered asleep on 
her desert island, and speaks a few unconscious words 
before she awakes.^ 

Ex. 20. 





■"«"'• (^^ 

7 6 

6 # S 

^ The original has two flats in the signature ; but it is evidently a copyist's 
error, since the E flat is always marked as an accidental wherever it is 



J!j I uN 1^ J I - I 


ro, ca - romioben, 

pur ti stnn 




n( J rr i r-tg 


4 t^3 6 



As soon as she awakes, the violins leave off, and she 
soliloquizes in reciiaiivo secco. The example quoted is 
more an arioso than a recitative ; but in the third act 
the device is employed again, when Bireno falls asleep 
after having been drugged by Olimpia; and here we 
have an unmistakable recitativo stromentatOy the earliest 
(i686) that I have been able to find. 



Ex. 21. 








Quanto, quanto tar-da -te pi-gri mo- men-ti, ohDt-o! 

JJ i j JJV-^ 

Ma qual pos-sen-te o - bli - o le pu - pil - le m' ingombra ? 


bg / ^ ^\ - 









Por - ta - mi o son - no in om - bra fra i tuoi fan -tas - mi al - 










• men I'i • do • to mi - 0. 



-^ ZC2 ^-- g> 1 g 





Nevertheless, accompanied recitative is rare in these 
Neapolitan operas, and it is not until the last years of 
Scarlatti's life that it becomes the rule to have at least one 
example in each opera. One reason for its sparse employ- 
ment is that it would have been far more tedious than 
recitativo secco, since it necessarily was sung slower, and 
took a still longer time owing to the pauses for the instru- 
mental phrases. It could hardly ever be employed except 
in very impassioned soliloquies. 

The disappearance of the chorus has been viewed by 
historians with unnecessary regret. Like the descriptive 
symphony, it was a survival of the polyphonic period, and 
it was all the better that it should die down and be 
absorbed into the soil only to push up again later with 
new vitality. The elaborate choruses of the earlier 
Roman operas ^ are not really dramatic at all : the chorus 
is merely a background, not a factor in the development 
of the plot. Scarlatti, in confining his chorus to short ex- 
clamations — shouts of " ^zwiz'tf " or ^' mora il tiranno'^ — such 
as a crowd might really utter, is much more dramatic than 
if he made them sing long polyphonic movements. The 
choral finale was a device that had to wait many years 
for its development. The choral finales of the earlier 
operas were traditional survivals of the madrigals sung 
as intermezzi at the dramatic performances of the previous 
century; and Arteaga points out that when it became 
customary to have a different scene for each act, it was 
dramatically absurd that the same chorus should always be 
there. Besides, as he says, by clearing away the chorus, 
the composer was able to get variety by ending his acts 
with a solo or a duet. The customary ** coro " at the end of 
an opera, which was often sung by the principals only, 
must not be regarded as a step towards the ** concerted 
finale " of Mozart. Scarlatti nearly always treats it in the 
most perfunctory way possible. " Gli Equivoci '* ends with 
five bars of quartet — just the words, " Oh nozze fortunate, 

^ E.g, the scene representing a fair in the opera of Vergilio Mazzocchi and 
Marco Marazzoli, "Chi soffre, speri." 


oh lieto giornoV **L'Honesta" ends with an air for the 
heroine; **Clearco in Negroponte " with a recitative. 
" Olimpia Vendicata '* ends with a quartet of some length ; 
but it has no dramatic importance, nor is it developed even 
to a purely musical climax. It is to the final scenes of the 
first two acts that we must look for the first tendencies 
towards a dramatic ensemble. 

The invention of the concerted finale is generally 
ascribed to Logroscino. Logroscino certainly treated it 
with a sense of humour peculiarly his own ; but it had 
been often used by Leo and Vinci several years 
before. It was only in comic opera that the form could 
receive any vigour of treatment, for in opera seria it was 
regarded as a gross impropriety that one personage should 
interrupt another. A duet was only possible when the 
characters taking part in it were supposed to be in 
harmony of sentiment. But Scarlatti does not seem to 
have accepted this convention entirely. The concerted 
movements of his later operas will be discussed in detail 
in a subsequent chapter : here it need only be said that 
though he had a very much more vivid feeling for ensemble 
than his immediate successors in serious opera, he hardly 
ever places a serious ensemble at the end of an act. 

The reason of this is simple. Comic opera, as a 
separate form, of the type of Leo and Logroscino, had not 
yet come into being, and the serious opera or dramma per 
musica still kept up its parti buffe, Scarlatti is the last 
composer with whom the comic characters are essential to 
the opera itself. But although they have their part in the 
development of the play they are already sufficiently con- 
ventionalized to be given a regular scene to themselves in 
each act.* This scene comes at the end of the first two 
acts, and just before the end of the third. The finale 
therefore of the first two acts was in their hands, and this 
accounts for the history of its development. 

It is not necessary to trace here the history of the 

* In some operas, e,g, *' La Caduta del Decemviri," the comic characters 
have two scenes in each act. 


comic characters from the traditional comedy of masks 
through Vecchi and Banchieri to the Roman and Venetian 
operas of the seventeenth century. In Scarlatti's early 
operas they are generally an old woman and a page ; but 
the old man is also found. The soubrette was impossible 
in the early Roman operas, because women were not 
allowed to appear on the stage. The tragic female parts 
were sung by castrati^ and from all accounts it was fairly 
satisfactory ; but a soubrette s part could obviously be taken 
only by a woman. 

The old woman was, of course, always sung by a tenor. 
She is generally the heroine's nurse — sometimes a lady- 
in-waiting, in which character her grotesque humour and 
her invariably very outspoken desire for matrimony must 
have been startlingly incongruous. But Italian audiences 
seem to have enjoyed a touch of the grotesque at the 
most tragic moments, perhaps realizing that the tragedy 
was thus made all the more true to real life. So in '' II 
Figlio delle Selve/' when Teramene, the dethroned king 
in disguise, asks for news of his queen Arsinda, who is 
supposed to have been drowned, though really wandering 
about disguised as a man, Gobrina, her former maid-of- 
honour, replies — 

" Fu detto^ e mi rincresce, 
Che andasse afar da cena h piii d^un pesceP 

This juxtaposition of serious and grotesque is by no 
means confined to the opera of the period. The Ferragosto 
of Zappi and Crescimbeni, to which reference will be made 
later, is a good example of its literary treatment. In 
painting we can trace it back as far as Paolo Veronese, 
and it reaches its height in Tiepolo. The frescoes of the 
Palazzo Labia show exactly the operatic arrangement — a 
large serious composition in the centre, with popular types 
in narrow panels at either side, so designed as to be yet 
continuous with the main picture ; and in the frescoes 

^ ^ It was said, and I regret it, that she went to make a supper for more 
than one fish." 



from the life of Abraham in the archbishop's palace at 
Udine we may see a perfect parallel to Scarlatti's grotesque 
old women and pert little pages in the figures of Sarah, 
attired as a fine lady of the seventeenth century, her tooth- 
less mouth convulsed with hideous laughter, and the very 
debonair young angel who hitches up his gaily-patterned 
skirt and appears to be almost as much amused at the 
situation as she is. 

The most amusing of Scarlatti's old women is Filocla, 
in ** Clearco." There is no other comic character in the 
opera, and she flits across the stage at odd times, absurd 
under all circumstances. At the end of the second act 
Asteria, the heroine, has an air in which she invokes the 
** horrid spectres of Cocytus " ; Filocla immediately follows 
with a parody of it, after which there is an elaborate comic 
ballet. A pavilion rises from a trap during the aria, and 
Filocla, believing it to be occupied by a young man on 
whom she has fixed her affections, **goes to open the 
pavilion, from which comes forth a phantom, and Filocla 
wishing to escape from one of the wings, there appears 
a Moor, and the same thing follows at the others \i.e. she 
tries to escape at each exit in turn, and on each occasion 
another Moor appears]. Finally, she hides in the pavilion, 
whence she peeps out, while the said Moors dance with the 
phantom. Filocla, after the dance is finished, thinks that 
they have gone away, and comes out. The phantom, who 
is hidden, takes hold of her by her dress ; she tries to 
escape, leaves her dress behind, and runs away. The 
phantom follows her." There is not a note of music to all 
this, nor to the ballet at the end of the first act, which is 
indicated in the stage directions. 

At Naples there were no restrictions on female singers, 
but the soubrette does not appear for some time. The 
usual types are the old man and the old woman, bass and 
tenor respectively. In " La Caduta de' Decemviri" (1697) 
the old nurse Servilia is a soprano, but the first real soubrette 
appears to be Lesbina in **Odoardo" (1700). In "La 
Caduta de' Decemviri " the comic characters are very pro- 



minent, and are both closely concerned with the abduction 
of Virginia. Flacco, the servant oi Appto, who is rather 
like Leporello^ has an amusing air in Act L with a colascione^ 
which he thrums at intervals during the recitative. The 
instrument was a kind of lute with two strings tuned a 
fifth apart, and being popular in South Italy, often appears 
in later comic operas. Scarlatti gives it a characteristic 
figure : — 

Ex. 32. 



There is a good scene in Act III., where Flacco, dis- 
guised as a woman, is discovered asleep by Servilia. The 
song which he sings before falling asleep is a very clever 
study of a yawn. 



Ex. 23. 

i^ic n*— T-r 


Mi sti 







sba - di 





r~i"r~r >i[;ic'1g i f"^r r | 


go-lo il ci-glio; 



i^f ffcf c'lrrr- p c/ i r r 


mor - 



- to di son - no, di son 

.... 4^4 



^r34 4 ,4 4j 







to di son • no. 

% ^ 1 J J 

As a contrast to this, there is the duet ^*Non ti voglio!^ 
in '*Tiberio imperatore d'Oriente" (1702), with a page of 
breathless " patter " worthy of Sullivan, 

Ex. 24. 

Per te piango,per te peno, M'esce Pa - ni-ma dal seno, Per te manco, per te 



The close connection of the parti buffe with the ballet 
may be seen in " Odoardo," where a duet between Lesbina 
and Adolfo is continually interrupted by a troop of crippled 
beggars. On the exit of Lesbina and Adolfo the cripples 
dance to a rather stupid little tune in f time, after which 
Lesbina returns dressed as an old beggar woman, and the 
dance is repeated, Lesbina refusing to give the others 
anything. Adolfo returns and sings a ciacona^ which is a 
lively movement in f on a free ground bass» after sur- 
prising the cripples in their dance and giving them a 
beating. Even if they are not associated with a regular 
ballet, the comic characters often dance themselves, as 
in "Tito Sempronio Gracco." 

There being never more than two comic characters in 
a serious opera, it is obvious that the nearest Scarlatti 



could get to a concerted finale wais a duet. But in these 
duets there is never any dramatic development. In the 
finales of Mozart the drama is still in progress ; the 
situation at the end is not what it was at the beginning. 
In the finales of Leo and Logroscino, which are in one 
movement only, this was hardly possible, yet we can 
see that they were dimly working towards it. But in 
Scarlatti's comic duets we must be content to find the 
tendency indicated only by a conflict of interests. His . 
characters quarrel, but he does not go so far as to 
let either win. This conflict of interests may easily be 
illustrated by contrasting a serious duet such as this 
from "Eraclea" — 

Ex. 25. 

Mo-rirperte de-si - o. 

^ j 


Deh non m(mr per me, i - dolo, i - dolo mi - o ! 

6 6 t 



with a duet such as this from "La Teodora Augusta," 
which is one of the earliest of its kind — 


{a page). 


{an old 



Ex. 26. 

Tu troppo m' of-fendi, troppo m' of-fen-di. Da me che pre- 








ten - di, da me che pre - ten - di, Sap - pia-mo-lo, dl, sap - pia - mo-lo, 


Bgrr T : 





Va det - to co-sl, va det - to co - si, hai ra-gio - ne, fal • 


i^-C— ip 



Oh tu vuoi ch'io ti can • ti la sol - £^^ ti can - ti la 


done, for - ci • na ! 




sol - fa, mar-col - fa, Ga - bri-na ! 

I, 1 — . — _^ 

£^"-r ^ 

Sc t'ar - ri - vo, se t'ar - 

fe^-gm- ^ i^^ ^^p^ 



U ^ ' 



tt 0-, 

mar - col - fa, 

Ga • bri-na! 


fe S^^ gj lST^ ^ g i^^yT-^ 

- ri - vo ti vu6 far tonni - na, ti vu6 far ton - ni-na,fal-do-ne,for-ci - na ! fal - 








" U ^ fi ig 

Ga-bri-na ! marcol-fa,Ga- bri-na I 

marcol-fa,Ga • bri-na 1 

do-ne, for-ci-na! 




fial-do • ne, forci - na I 

f^^^^- [- 



{jsegue Ritomello\ 

The comic duet is made up of short vigorous phrases 
tossed from one voice to another, which would lend them- 
selves to thematic development on a larger scale, while the 
serious duet is really no more than a simple aria divided 
between two voices. Still, the division of a single melody 
between various voices has a charm of its own, and in 
this same opera, *' Eraclea," there is a very interesting 
septet, which is so obviously conceived as a single 
melody, not a combination of melodies, that the copyist 
has saved space by trying to write out all the voice parts 
on one stave. He has, however, mutilated the music in 
so doing, and I give it here in score, emending the obvious 



Ex. 27. 


in Unison, 

Che ma-es-ti I che bri - o ! ' che brio ! che lu-mi- 


I? ^6 


- no 


se, lu-mi-no - se fa - ci I 


Non mi tra-dir, ben mi • 

f^ri'-ri j^ g 



b ^ ^ 

la-bra a -me - nel 

Irene {Contr^to), 






Che dol - ci rai vi - va - ci ! 




¥' vi > f P'^^ i ^'^/ra-^ 

n ' II I ir~* 6 6 



Quan - to, quan-to, quan-to, cor mio, mi pia 

- trice I - re - ne ! 

• ci! 


« 6 if 






Ser-vi, e ta - 




Che maesta! 


che bri-o ! 





V ! p i 

- Cl. 


Quan ' • to mi pia-ci ! 



Che vaghela-bral 

Che lu-mi- 



Che dol - ci rai I 


In-gan-na-tri-ce ! 


fv pij ,r;'r I , r I'l c J'^^ 


There is nothing in any previous opera of Scarlatti's that 
in the least leads up to this. ' It was hardly the sort of 
thing to please a Neapolitan audience, except by its 
novelty, and the composer did not repeat the experiment 
until nearly twenty years later. We cannot regard it as 
being a direct ancestor of the concerted finale, but it was 


at any rate an interesting contribution to the technique of 
ensemble writing. 

It was during this period of Scarlatti's activity that he 
definitely settled the form of the Italian overture. During 
the seventeenth century the opera overture had been 
gradually developed and extended, mainly by the Vene- 
tians ; but the struggle between counterpoint and harmony 
was still undecided by the time that Scarlatti began his 
career. If the use of free imitation in a fugal style was a 
convenient aid to the composition of vocal chamber music, 
it was still more so in writing for the orchestra alone. It 
was natural, therefore, that when composers began to write 
quick movements as introductions to operas they should 
make use of contrapuntal forms. But the Italians soon 
found that it was quite sufficient to start a movement 
contrapuntally and then abandon counterpoint as soon as 
all the voices had entered. It is easy to sneer at them, as 
Gounod has been sneered at, for "setting out with a 
pompous fugue exposition and discarding counterpoint at 
the moment when its difficulties begin." But in dramatic 
music, where a parade of learning is out of place, and a 
composer is bound to do his best to get the maximum of 
effective contrast with the minimum of labour, Cavalli did 
quite right to remember that the fewer the parts are in a 
contrapuntal movement, the more ''contrapuntal" it will 
sound, and that when all the instruments are playing their 
loudest together, plain harmonic successions will produce 
the most imposing result. With Cavalli and his immediate 
followers there is no regular plan for the connexion of 
different movements in an overture. The fragmentary 
slow movements still survived, but the scheme of the over- 
ture as a whole was not clearly organized. The tendency, 
if any, was to the French form, though xh^/ugato between 
two slow movements, as written by Cavalli and Agostini, is 
still far removed in spirit from the pompous Lullian type.^ 

^ For a more detailed treatment of the subject see '' Die Venetianischen 
Opem-Sinfonien," by Dr. Alfred Heuss, in the Sammelband der Intemationalen 
Musikgesellschaft, Jahrg. iv. 3. 



Scarlatti's early overtures are still experimental. '* Gli 
Equivoci" has a slow introduction, not stiffly rhythmical, 
like LuUi s, but built up of organ-like suspensions in the 
regular Italian manner, followed by a quick movement in 
f time in a rough ternary form somewhat obscured by its 
vagueness of tonality ; after this comes a " balletto'' This 
final dance movement is the essential characteristic of all 
Scarlatti's opera overtures from "Gli Equivoci" to *'Gri- 
selda." It appears in various forms — minuet, march or 
gigue — ^and occurs in some of the oratorio overtures as 
well, though in these it generally wears the more sober 
guise of an allemande. The distinguishing features of the 
movement are its clear division into two parts, each re- 
peated, and its vigorously rhythmical character. 

The balUtto, which occurs several times in Scarlatti's 
early works, is a dance of quite definite character, as this 
example from ** Gli Equivoci " will show — 

Ex. 28. 



Its characteristic feature is the "double knock" at the 
beginning, and the fact of this being the first type of 
dance tune selected by Scarlatti to conclude his overtures, 
shows how much importance he attached to the insertion 
in this place of a sharply rhythmic movement. 

" Pompeo " begins with a grave of fifteen bars in a 
definitely binary form, followed by two dance movements, 
a balUtto and a corrente, though neither is expressly so 
called. "La Rosmene" (1688) exhibits a similar form. 
This type of overture is found also in some of the early 
chamber cantatas with instrumental accompaniment ; in 
these a solid allegro in the grand manner would have been 
out of place. The oratorio "Agar et Ismaele" (1683) 


brings us nearer to the ** Italian overture" type. It 
begins with a grave in a very clearly binary form 
(AiAgBgBi) ; then comes a presto in the Venetian 
style, starting contrapuntally, but continuing on a 
harmonic basis. A largo, which is purely transitional, 
leads into a square-cut movement in two repeated sections, 
followed by a curious little coda in a different tempo. This 
type of coda never occurs in the opera overtures, but in 
most of the oratorios and serenatas there is some sort of 
attempt to make the overture run straight on into the 
work itself. It is not so much a tail-piece to what precedes 
as an introduction to what follows, and seems to have been 
designed to provide a new nervous stimulus to the audience 
to make up for the loss of the one which they would have 
received in the theatre on the rising of the curtain. We 
find much the same form in ''La Rosaura" (1690), an 
analysis of which is given in the ** Oxford History of 
Music," vol. iii. Two serenatas of 1696 ("Genio di 
Partenope " and " Venere, Adone, Amore ") give us a 
quick movement in clear binary form, both preceded by 
an introduction of slow suspensions and followed by a 
dance movement ; in the second this is separated from the 
presto by fifteen bars of tremolo passing through various 
chromatic chords from the relative minor to the tonic. 
This overture marks the transition to the new style. The 
first example of it is the overture written about 1696 for 
the revival of ** Dal Male il Bene." The slow introduc- 
tion drops out altogether, the overture beginning at once 
with a quick movement in no very definite form, though 
more or less ternary as regards key distribution. A grave 
of eight bars leads from the relative minor to its dominant 
through various suspensions, and the overture ends with a 
minuet in two repeated sections. From this date the over- 
ture form is fixed, and hardly ever varies. The first 
movement gradually develops into a more organized struc- 
ture ; the second fluctuates between a mere chromatic 
transition passage and a definite slow movement ; the third 
exhibits all varieties of rhythm — but the main idea 



remains the same. It took some time, however, to arrive 
at a clear alternating binary form (AiBgAjBi) in the first 
movement. In "La Caduta de' Decemviri" Scarlatti still 
retains the old-fashioned arrangement AiA2B2Bi, in which 
the subjects do not alternate. '*I1 Prigioniero Fortunato " ^ 
provides no more than a series of antiphonal trumpet 
flourishes ; the opportunity for colour effects provided by 
the use of four trumpets seems to have distracted the 
composers attention. In ** Eraclea" there is more definite 
organization, though the type is more that of a rondo. 
The first subject is given out by the trumpets — 

in Unison. 


Ex. 29. 

I t r TJlZlTf 








and immediately repeated by the* flutes and oboes, the 
trumpets continuing an independent part, from which we 
may infer that the two groups balanced in tone, though we 
certainly should not expect them to do so now if playing 
forte. This is followed by a second subject — 

Ex. 30. 

Ob. ^ Ft, 

V iolins. 

after which the first reappears in the violins, in its original 
key. The second subject is then developed in various 
keys, as far as the trumpets will permit, and finally the 
first subject reappears imitated at half a bar's distance by 
flutes and oboes in unison, violins, and trumpets in turn, 

* Extracts are to be found in Grove's Dictionary of Music and Musicians^ 
vol. iii. p. 620. 


ending with two and a half bars of coda on the tonic and 
dominant. The whole movement occupies only twenty 
bars, and is a very neat piece of construction. 

These extracts from " Eraclea " will also show the 
change that was taking place in Scarlatti's melodic style. 
Dealing always with conventional passions, his melodies 
get conventionalized, and his operatic style gradually di- 
verges farther and farther from the intimate intellectuality of 
his chamber-music. ** La Rosaura," of which two acts have 
been reprinted by the Gesellschaft fUr Musikforschung, is 
very characteristic of the composer at his best, representing 
a slightly earlier style, and one that approaches more nearly 
to that of the chamber-music. It was performed both at 
Rome and Naples in 1690, but though there is no definite 
evidence of date, it is almost certain that it was originally 
written for Rome for private festivities on the occasion of 
two marriages in the Ottoboni family. It is eminently 
suited for a private performance, being on the same sort of 
small scale and in the same quiet pastoral manner as '' Gli 
Equivoci nel Sembiante." It seems to have been revived 
later, as the only two complete manuscripts of the score 
show considerable differences, especially in the third act, 
which possibly was one reason why the recent reprint did 
not include more than the first two. ** La Statira," com- 
posed in the same year, is . a very fine example of the 
grand manner.^ The libretto, by Cardinal Ottoboni, is very 
typically baroque, but is on the whole interesting, and 
presents several good situations. Scarlatti seems to have 
treated it with more care than usual, and has drawn 
his characters very clearly. Not only are the principal 
figures well distinguished — the youthful and magnanimous 
Alessandro^ Statira magnificent in despair, but also the 
minor personages — Oronte, cherishing a secret passion 
which at times breaks out savagely ; Campaspe^ worldly and 
frivolous, yet attractive in her way ; Perinto, the boy of 
inexhaustible cheerfulness ; Demetrio, the rough but kind- 
hearted old soldier; and ^/^//<?, the rather languishing painter 

* An extract is printed in the " Oxford History of Music," voL iii., p. 385. 


— all are quite clearly individualized There are no comic 
scenes ; Perinto is the only approach to a parte buffa^ and 
he has very little to do ; but all through there runs a little 
vein of humour, as in the libretto of Scarlatti's later opera 
" Tigrane," which rather seems to suggest that the author, 
in the true spirit of the baroque, caught the grotesque 
aspect of his own creations. The airs are for the most 
part strikingly good, and the opera is also very interesting 
from its employment of recitativo stromentato. As we 
have already seen, the device had been used by Scar- 
latti before,^ but in "La Statira" it is employed with 
great dramatic effect, both on the first rising of the curtain, 
when Oronte is discovered on guard with the Persian army 
in the moonlight, and later in the introduction to his fine 
air ^^ Re trafitto'' {'^ Crtido cielo, etnpio fato''\ in which 
Scarlatti makes use of a more vigorous and broken style of 
accompaniment than he had hitherto attempted. The 
whole opera has that sense of brilliant effect that charac* 
terizes the gorgeous frescoes with which the school of 
Guido Reni decorated the palaces of Rome or Bologna. 

" Pirro e Demetrio " (1694) is perhaps the best of the 
earlier Neapolitan operas. Its airs show us Scarlatti in 
his first maturity, after he had definitely shaken off the 
traditions of Stradella and Legrenzi, and begun to develop 
a style that may be considered as really his own. The 
opera had a great success, and even reached England ; 
it was performed in London in an English version in 
1708, and no doubt contributed much to the popularization 
of Italian opera in this country. Unfortunately it was the 
only one of Scarlatti's operas that was ever given in 
London as a whole. With the advent of Italian singers 
came the custom of " polyglot opera," which has survived 
down to our own time, though we have for the most part 
got rid of the ''pasticcio'' as the favourite type of operatic 

* In the reprint of " La Rosaura " published by the Gesellschaft fur Musik'- 
forschungj Professor Eitner stated that the reciteUivo stromentato in Act III. 
was the earliest known. It cannot, however, be even anterior to that in ^ La 
Statira," as it is found only in the manuscript representing a later revival of 
the opera. 



entertainment. Some of the airs in ** Pirro e Demetrio" 
are well known still — '' Rugiadose^ odorose,'' and ''Ben ti 
stUy traditor^' both reprinted fairly recently, are typical 
examples of Scarlatti's style during this period. 

But with " La Caduta dei Decemviri" (1697) and ** II 
Prigioniero fortunato " (1698) there appears a new element. 
Here Scarlatti either languishes to cloying airs in -^ time, 
all charming, and all exactly alike,^ or else stamps across 
the boards to music of that straightforward, square-cut 
character that one would naturally describe as ** Han- 
delian." They remind one of nothing so much as Sullivan's 
famous parody in ** Princess Ida." Needless to say, the 
style did not originate with Handel, and judging from 
Handel's early Italian compositions, it does not seem 
likely that Handel got it altogether from Scarlatti. Its 
inventor was probably Giovanni Bononcini, of whom it is 
very characteristic. His opera, ** II Trionfo di Camilla," per- 
formed at Naples in 1697, is full of vigorous, incisive rhythms 
of this type; and some readers will perhaps recollect the 
once very popular airs in a similar style, *' Lesperto nocchi- 
ero " and " Vado ben spesso^' both from his opera '• Astarto." ^ 
It was the kind of tune to which even a viceregal foot 
could quite easily beat time, and no doubt Scarlatti re- 
ceived an intimation from high quarters that he would do 
well to apply his talents in that direction. He did, and 
between 1697 and 1702 provided the viceroy with as much 
rubbish as the most exalted patron of the fine arts could 
desire to encourage. Nothing could be more tedious than 
to wade through such operas as " Odoardo," '* Tiberio 
Imperatore d' Oriente," and the first version of "Tito 
Sempronio Gracco." They were evidently written in a 
great hurry, with the thinnest possible scoring, and seldom 
contain anything worth remembering except now and then 

* ^^ Povera Pelhfrrina^^ (from **I1 Prigioniero fortunato")* reprinted in Les 
Gloires de Vltalie^ is an easily accessible example. 

* ^' Vado ben spesso " has sometimes been erroneously ascribed to Salvator 
Rosa. '* n Trionfo di Camilla" is attributed in M. Wotquenne's catalogue of 
libretti to M. A. Bononcini ; but a score at Miinster, dated 1697 (Naples, 
Teatro S. Bartolomeo), bears the name of his brother. 



a comic scene of some humour. They seem, however, to 
have been successful, as many airs have survived in manu- 
script ; still we may note that whereas of the earlier operas 
we often find complete scores, sometimes written out in 
the most beautiful handwritings, and elaborately bound, 
these later Neapolitan operas are hardly ever to be found 
complete. Of most of them we possess only collections of 
airs, without any recitatives to connect them with an in- 
telligible story, except in the comic scenes ; often the 
instrumental parts are omitted with the exception of the 
bass, and the handwriting is that of the ordinary copyist 
of the music-trade. *' Eraclea " is the best and the most 
characteristic of the type; " Laodicea e Berenice" (1701) 
seems also to have been a great favourite, no doubt on 
account of the jerkily pompous style of most of its airs. 

Not only at the theatres of the palace and of S. Bar- 
tolomeo was Scarlatti's work in demand, but also for the 
celebration of court functions and the entertainments of 
the nobility. On these occasions the form taken by the 
music was the Serenata, a dramatic cantata for from two 
to five singers accompanied by the orchestra. As in the 
operas, the chorus hardly ever appears at all. The usual 
serenata consists simply of a number of airs and duets 
strung together on a flimsy thread of recitative. The 
subjects are pastoral or mythological ; but, as with the 
operas, the subjects are of little importance. Arcadian 
love-making at the beginning, versified politics at the 
end — one could scarcely imagine anything less inspiring. 
Conforto has many very vivid descriptions of the kind of 
entertainment for which it was evidently the proper thing 
to secure the services of the royal Maestro di Cappella, 
and the following account, though it certainly tells us little 
about the actual music, gives us a characteristic glimpse 
of the social surroundings in which Scarlatti was obliged 
to work : — 

** There is no lack of change to be seen in this city, the 
vanity and folly of both the nobles and the people having 
reached its highest; nor do they care if they reduce 


themselves to poverty to satisfy their tastes. Scipione 
Giavo . . . [obliteration in MS.] posthumous son of 
Scipione . . . [obliteration in MS.] not wishing to do less 
than his elder brother, who wasted all his inheritance (and 
that a very rich one) in vain extravagance (wherefore he 
is reduced to living in ^ome straitness on nothing but 
the dowry of his wife, daughter of Captain Peppo Pepe), 
determined that he too would ape the other's ways ; where- 
fore, having obtained at great expense from the Count 
Palatine of the Rhine, Duke of Neuburg, the title of 
Marquis of Landskron, of which he took possession at the 
Palace in order to enter the Chamber of Nobles, he, to 
this same end, gave an entertainment, lasting several days, 
in a house of his near the fountain of Mont' Oliveto, in the 
most sumptuous style, inviting ladies and gentlemen of 
the first rank, and spending indeed some thousands of 
ducats. Among other things, on Monday of last week, 
the eighth of this month [October 1691], he held at his 
house a most lively assembly, with the choicest music, 
consisting of ten instruments and four of the best voices of 
this city, directed by the Maestro di Cappella, Alessandro 
Scarlati [szc] ; and to the large crowd of titled persons, 
gentlemen, and ladies that attended, he caused to be 
offered continuously an unspeakable quantity of meats and 
drinks of all kinds, with various fruits both fresh and 
candied, as he did also for the large number of servants 
in attendance on them. His palace was all most nobly 
decorated, and all lit with wax torches as far as the court- 
yard ; the sideboard consisted of two long tables of silver 
fairly and symmetrically disposed, and there was visible 
in the distance a most beautiful fountain, also of silver, 
which for seven continuous hours spouted perfumed water, 
about which fluttered a large number of live birds. There 
was also a pavilion of crimson damask, under which were 
fourteen superb trionfi^ of fruit both fresh and candied, as 
well as other curious inventions. The which entertain- 

^ A trionfo was an erection in sugar, &c., rather after the manner of a 
modern wedding-cake. 


ment lasted some time after midnight, the ladies and 
gentlemen, according to their usual habit, after having 
filled their bellies and their bosoms with sweetmeats,^ and 
having had every pleasure of sight, taste, and hearing, 
not failing to scoff and make a mock of the solemn folly 
of the last new marquis." 

Evidently the music was quite the least important 
feature of these entertainments, and private persons merely 
imitated the extravagances of the Spanish court. Yet, 
considering the occasions for which they were written, 
Scarlatti's earlier Neapolitan serenatas are fairly good. 
The most charming of all his youthful works in this form, 
" Diana ed Endimione," was probably written before he 
left Rome, as it is in the careful manner of his earliest 
operas, with airs on the smallest possible scale, and ac- 
companiments finished with a delicacy for which he had 
no time at Naples. The best of the Neapolitan serenatas 
is one composed in 1696 for the birthday of the viceroy's 
wife, in which she is saluted by three allegorical represen- 
tatives of Naples, the Genius of Parthenope, the Delight 
of Mergellina^ and the Glory of Sebeto^ Here Scarlatti 
seizes such advantages as the form presented. Not being 
represented on the stage, there was more scope for purely 
musical treatment, and the composer could approximate 
more nearly to the chamber style ; at the same time the 
very best singers were available. The result is something 
half-way between the chamber and the stage, and this 
particular example contains some very good music, the 
most attractive number being an air, ^'Venticelli lenti^ lenti^' 
accompanied by the concerto grosso and two concertini, one 
at a distance, producing the effect of two sets of echoes. 
The final air, *' Godi e spera^'' in which the Gloria del 

* " Doppio (Tkaversi empito il ventre et il seno di canditi^ — Conforto seems 
to mean either that they stuffed sweetmeats into the bosoms of their dresses to 
take home with them, or perhaps more probably that, being greedy and in a 
hurry, they spilt half of what they tried to eat. 

' The Mergellina (the extreme part of the Riviera di Chiaja, before the 
ascent towards Posillipo) and the river Sebeto are the western and eastern 
boundaries of the city. 


Sebeto expresses the hope that the viceroy's wife will 
shortly give birth to a son and heir, is also extremely 

Indeed, in writing music of this kind Scarlatti seems to 
have been less quickly influenced by the style of Bononcini 
than in the opera. Even the serenata, " Clori, Dorino, 
Amore," composed for the visit of Philip V. of Spain to 
Naples in 1702, and sung while the king was at supper, 
though it contains nothing very striking, is still good 
on the whole. It is not until we reach '* II Giardino 
d' Amore " that we find Scarlatti descending to positive 
vulgarity. The date of this serenata cannot be definitely 
fixed, nor can we be certain whether it was written for 
Rome or Naples ; but it is more probably Neapolitan, 
owing to the inclusion of an air with a florid violin solo, 
which also occurs in ** Laodicea e Berenice," produced at 
Naples in 1701. 

But although the chamber style still afforded Scarlatti 
an opportunity of writing serious music, as will be shown 
in the next chapter, yet Naples was becoming more and 
more irksome to him. He was probably in financial diffi- 
culties, since in February 1699 he had written to complain 
of his stipend being four months in arjear, adding that he 
was urgently in need of payment owing to the large family 
which he had to support.^ He no doubt earned a certain 
amount by his operas and serenatas, but we may be sure 
that the kind of patrons whose reckless extravagance 
Conforto describes were not very likely to have been 
regular in payment of their debts. The political dis- 
turbances of the kingdom of Naples may very well have 
been an additional reason for his deciding to leave the 
capital and find a home elsewhere. The struggles for 
the Spanish succession had been troubling the peace of 
Europe for some little time, and in 1703 the Austrian 

^ Naples, R. Archivio di Stato, Mandati dei Vicerl^ vol. 313, fol. 138. From 
the registers of the church of Montesanto, quoted on page 38, it would appear 
that his " numerosa famiglia " consisted of three children only : but perhaps 
others had been born to him, and baptized elsewhere. 


claimant, the Archduke Charles, formally assumed the 
title of King of Spain ^s Charles III. On May 5, 1705,- 
he was proclaimed king at Madrid, and on July 7, 1707, 
Count Daun marched into Naples at the head of the 
Austrian troops, being appointed viceroy very soon 
afterwards; not, however, for long, as in July 1708 he 
was sent to Piedmont on active service, and was succeeded 
by Cardinal Grimani, a Venetian. We shall see later how 
favourable a reception Scarlatti obtained when he yielded 
to the cardinal's persuasions, and returned in 1 709 ; it 
therefore seems reasonable to connect his departure from 
Naples in some way with politics, although there is no 
means of knowing whether he himself took any active part 
in them. 


FLORENCE, 1702; ROME, 1703-1706; VENICE, 1707 

On January 9, 1702, Scarlatti applied for ten months 
leave of absence on full stipend for himself and his son 
Domenico. It can hardly surprise us that this was not 
granted ; nevertheless, on June 14, he succeeded in obtain- 
ing leave for himself and his son to go to Florence for four 
months.^ At Florence he was under the protection of 
Ferdinand III., son of the Grand Duke of Tuscany, and 
though he never held any regular appointment under him, 
as far as we know, he was employed by him to write operas 
for several years. The prince was keenly devoted to 
music, and if we may to some extent trust the flattering 
letters that he received from various musicians, he possessed 
some considerable skill in the art himself. 

He appears to have been a good performer on the 
harpsichord, and some interesting instruments still survive 
that were made for him by Bartolomeo Cristofori, the 
inventor of the pianoforte. Fired with enthusiasm after a 
state visit to Venice in 1687, then, as we have seen, the 
most celebrated city in Italy for operas, he built a theatre 
at his villa of Pratolino, not far from Florence, and started 
a series of operatic performances there. He also gave his 
protection to the opera-houses of Florence, Pisa, and Leg- 
horn, and probably of other Tuscan towns as well. He 
took the most detailed personal interest in the performances, 
selecting the librettists himself, and giving the most minute 
directions to the composers as to the style in which he 
wished them to be set to music, a great part of his 
voluminous correspondence being still preserved in the 
Archivio Mediceo at Florence. 

* Naples, R. Archivio di Stato, Mandati dei Vicer^, vol. 317, fol. 80 verso, 

and vol. 318, fol. 60. 



Scarlatti s early connection with Ferdinand is not easy 
to determine. Probably his first appearance on the 
Tuscan stage was in 1688, when *'Pompeo" was given 
at Leghorn. The same year, however, he produced " II 
Figlio delle Selve *' at Florence in the Teatro della Pergola, 
rebuilt at the prince s direction and newly opened on the 
occasion of his wedding. This was not a new opera, 
having been given at Rome in 1687, and possibly earlier. 
It is a ^'favola boscareccia,'' and, though rather absurd, 
contains some good music, in a style that points to a fairly 
early date of composition. Another opera, of which the 
title is not known, came out at Pratolino in 1690, and 
in 1698 ** L' Anacreonte Tiranno," which had appeared 
in Naples nine years before. But although these first 
operas of Scarlatti performed at Pratolino were not entirely 
new, they were probably much rewritten. The sixteen 
airs which survive of the version of " Flavio Cuniberto " 
given at Pratolino, are not to be found in either score 
or libretti representing earlier performances ; indeed, the 
manuscript describes the opera as '' nuovafnente posta in 
musica.'' It was probably for this performance that 
Scarlatti went to Florence in 1702. Once safely out of 
Naples, he had no intention of returning. He appears 
to have stayed on at Florence for the production of 
'* Arminio*' in the following year, but he probably found 
that F'erdinand was not inclined to give him a permanent 
appointment, as he went to Rome at the end of the year. 
He nevertheless continued to write operas for Pratolino, and 
during the next few years carried on a considerable corre- 
spondence with the prince, evidently in the hope of obtain- 
ing some more satisfactory position than he held in Rome. 

On the recommendation of Cardinal Pietro Ottoboni, 
Archpriest of S. Maria Maggiore {Basilica Liberiana) at 
Rome, the chapter of that church had on December 31, 
1703, appointed him assistant Maestro di Cappella to 
Antonio Foggia.^ The appointment cannot have been a 

* Archives of S. Maria Maggiore. This is the only occasion on which 
Scarlatti's name occurs there. 



very lucrative one compared to that which he had held at 
Naples, at least if his salary had been paid him, and the 
subordinate position in a purely ecclesiastical establish- 
ment must have been additionally irksome to him. Naples 
indeed seems still to have held out some hope of his re- 
turning, as his post there was not officially declared vacant 
until October 25, 1704.^ 

How unsatisfactory both places were to him may be 
seen from his letters to Ferdinand de' Medici. He writes 
to him from Rome on May 30, 1705, presenting his son 
Domenico, whom he has sent on a musical tour with 
Nicolino, the singer : — 

*' I have removed him [Domenico] by force from 
Naples, where his talent had room indeed, but it was not 
the sort of talent for that place {dove benche avesse luogo il 
sua talento, non era talento per quel luogo). I send him 
away from Rome also, since Rome has no roof to shelter 
Music, that lives here in beggary." ^ 

Writing again (July 18, 1705) about his opera, ** Lucio 
Manlio," which was to be produced at Pratolino, he 
says: — 

" May your Royal Highness deign to regard the opera 
as your vassal ; and as a wandering maiden who, with no 
home to shelter her from the mocking blows of fortune, 
kneels at the feet of your Royal Highness, and invokes 
as a suppliant the mighty shield of your high protection 
and assistance, as in a safe harbour where she may rest 
without having to fear the violence of the tempest."* 

This flowery language appears to mean that neither in 
Naples nor in Rome could Scarlatti find an opera-house to 
produce his works ; and this was very probably the case, 
owing to political disturbances at Naples, and at Rome 
owing to clerical hostility. Pope Innocent XL, as we 
have seen, did all he could to suppress operatic perform- 
ances, although they were carried on with some success 

* Naples, R. Archivio di Stato, MandcUi dH Vicerey vol. 319, fol. 20. 

* Archivio Mediceo, Filza 5891, No. 502. 
' Ibid., Filza 5903, Na 165. 

- f 



by various noble impresari under the pretence of private 
entertainments. The short pontificate of Alexander VII I. 
(Ottoboni), who, being a Venetian, was known as Papa 
PantalonCy as his Milanese predecessor was called Papa 
Minga^ was more favourable to opera, especially as . his 
great-nephew Pietro, whom he raised to the purple in 
1690, cherished ambitions as a dramatic composer. The 
young cardinal's opera, ** Colombo," which was performed 
at Rome in 1692, was not very successful — an amusing 
satire on it is quoted by M. Wotquenne in his catalogue 
of Italian libretti — but he was certainly a sincere and 
enthusiastic lover of music, and will always be remembered 
gratefully in the history of the art for the generous en- 
couragement which he gave to Corelli, Alessandro and 
Domenico Scarlatti, Handel, and many other musicians. 
Alessandro's friendly relations with him probably dated ^ 

from 1690, when he set his libretto of ** La Statira" and 
also composed ** La Rosaura" for festivities at the French 
Embassy in honour of the marriages of Marco Ottoboni 
with Tarquinia Colonna and of Urbano Barberini with 
Cornelia Ottoboni. Conforto also tells us that when the 
cardinal and his father. Prince Antonio Ottoboni, a general 
of the papal army, came to Naples in 1694, almost the 
first thing they did was to go and hear the opera at 
S. Bartolomeo, the opera being Scarlatti's " Pirro e 
Demetrio." It is not until 1707 that we have definite 
evidence of Scarlatti s being his Maestro di Cappella,^ 
but he probably received the appointment immediately 
on his return to Rome in 1703 or 1704. The cardinal 
seems to have had a considerable connexion with the 
French government, as he became Protetlore delta Corona 
di Francia at the papal court in 17 10, contrary to the 
will of the Venetian Senate, who for this offence struck 
his name off the list of the Venetian nobility and deprived 
him of his patrimony; and it may have been partly 1 

through his interest that Lulli s " Armida " was per- ] 

^ Minga is a Milanese form of the negative. 

2 He is so described in the libretto of " Mitridate Eupatore/' 


formed at Rome in Italian in 1690. Innocent XII., who 
became Pope in 1691, was not favourable to opera, but 
encouraged oratorio ; and Alessandro Scarlatti, though 
principally occupied at Naples, composed a Christmas 
Oratorio for him in 1695. There were also a few opera 
performances during his reign, including Scarlatti's ** La 
Teodora Augusta" (1693) ^^^ ^'^ " Gerone Tiranno di 
Siracusa" (1694), which does not appear to have been 
very successful. But in 1697 the Pope ordered the de- 
struction of the Tordinona theatre on grounds of public 
morality — the wits of Rome quoting the psalm, ** Manus 
tuae fecerunt me et sic repents praecipitas me " — since 
the same theatre had been almost entirely rebuilt earlier 
in his reign. The performances were also forbidden at 
the Teatro Capranica, which was the property of Count 
D'Alibert, who had built it at considerable expense. Even 
after the death of Innocent XII. things were little better, 
there being no performances of operas that year on account 
of public mourning. During the next two years (1701 and 
1 702) there were some private performances, but in 1 703 
the earthquake again put a stop to opera, and no records 
of further operatic productions in Rome are forthcoming 
until 1709, when the Queen of Poland (Marie Casimir) 
took Domenico Scarlatti into her service. 

Under such circumstances Alessandro, as long as he 
remained in Rome, was inevitably reduced to confining 
his talents to the chamber and the church. Fortunately 
Cardinal Ottoboni was as devoted to chamber-music as to 
the opera, and it was at his weekly music meetings that 
Scarlatti's cantatas were in the greatest demand. An 
exceptionally large number of them date from this period, 
beginning indeed as early as 1701, and it is interesting to 
see that while Scarlatti was obliged to write his operas 
down to the level of the taste of the Neapolitan court, he 
found in the chamber-music an outlet for the truer utter- 
ances of his genius. At Rome these were better appre- 
ciated, and the more genuinely musical atmosphere of the 
place, as well as the influence of such musicians as Corelli 



and Francischiello the violoncellist soon made itself appa- 
rent in the steady improvement of his work from both the 
poetical and the technical point of view. 

The charming cantata " Sarei troppo felice " is one of 
the most interesting of those written before he left Naples/ 
It is rather more elaborate in form than most, and shows 
the way in which Scarlatti was constantly using the cantata 
as a field for experiment. It begins with a very charac- 
teristic arioso, 

Ex. 31. 



S'io po-tes-si dar leg-ge al mio pen-s 

' The autograph bears the date 30 April 1701. 






- li - ce, S'io po" - tes - si dar leg - ge al mio pen-sie 



^ IL/ r~^ 


4 3 


P-gj [S ^^^^ 

S'io po-tes - si dar leg - ge al mio pen - sie - 


the main idea of which is repeated several times in the 
course of the cantata. These repetitions come at the close 
of the recitatives, and are all much curtailed except the 
final one, which forms the conclusion of the cantata. 
Here Scarlatti treats the theme at greater length. I quote 
the recitative in its entirety, so that the scheme of key- 
relationship may be understood. The preceding aria is in 
G minor. 

Ex. 33. 




Or chi bra-ma go-der tran-quil-la pa-ce^ pia-cer fer-mo e sin- 

J ^ 





n~F~'^P^ ^ 

ce • ro in - ca - te-ni ilpen-sier, se v'6 ca-te-nac^umanpen- 






^ ggr c c i ^ ^^ ^^ ^ 


sie-ro in-ca-te-nar si van-ti ; io per me la de - sio, ma non la spero. 




r i rr 


4 3 

df tempo. 


4 3 



1 f- 


Sa - rei trop - po fe - li ■ ce, trop-po fe - li - ce, 

s'io po - tes - si dar leg - ge al mio pen - sie - ro, 





s'io po-tes-si dar leg-ge, Sa - rei trop-po fe - li -ce trop - po fe- 





7 6 

- li - ce, s'io po -tes-si dar leg - ge, 


s'io po - tes - si dar 



leg-gc al mio pen - sie - ro, 

al mio pen-sie-ro. 

The modulation through the dominant to the super- 
tonic, as soon as the theme ^' Sareitroppo felice^' returns, is 
unexpected, the hearer being accustomed to the invariable 
return of the theme in its original form. But the variation 
is welcome, as is the alteration in the voice part, and the 
return to F major is made all the more striking by being 
deferred and brought in at a melodic climax. The simple 
and natural use of a sequence and a deceptive cadence in 
the last five bars shows Scarlatti's easy mastery of musical 
rhetoric, and still more so does the final fragment of 
recitative which makes a characteristic coda. These five 
notes are of course historically a survival of the original 
narrative idea of the chamber cantata, when it was usual 
to end with a recitative, the arias being considered as 
merely incidental. But here, following the arioso, they give 
an interesting illustration of the aesthetic ideas of the 
period. The arioso forms a complete whole in a quite 
modern spirit, but it wants a little coda of some sort to 
round it off. All composers since Schumann and many 
before him would have given this coda to the accom- 
paniment ; we feel that the voice part has come to its 
proper end, and if anything more has to be said, it must 
be said differently. Scarlatti evidently felt exactly the 
same : but for him the cembalo was not the right medium 
for the expression of such ideas as Schumann puts into his 
codas for the pianoforte. The voice alone is both adequate 
and available, and he gets over the difficulty of the vitally 
necessary differentiation of style by the use of recitative, 
and that in a conspicuously conventional formula. 

Attention has been drawn to the sequence and the 
deceptive cadence. We are so accustomed to these 


devices in Bach and Handel that it may be hard to 
realize how gradual is their adoption by Scarlatti. But 
it should be observed that both of them, together with 
various other rhetorical devices, receive their full value 
only when used in conjunction with modern tonality. We 
have already seen in Scarlatti's early work how the 
influence of the modes was still comparatively strong 
in Italy after German and English composers had almost 
entirely shaken it off. The more rapid progress of 
Germany and England in this direction is due mainly 
to the healthy influence of the Reformation and the 
consequent increase of serious interest in the squarely 
rhythmical tunes of the people. Northern composers, 
too, have always had more sense of harmony than of 
melody, and it will easily be seen how the study of 
harmony, in connexion with simple rhythmical tunes like 
German chorales, led to the concise organization of 
harmonic principles on a sharply defined rhythmic basis. 
The air from a wedding cantata of Pachelbel, quoted in 
the ** Oxford History of Music," vol. iii. p. 441, is a 
convenient illustration of this. It is to some extent under 
Italian influence ; but it is thoroughly German in the 
forcible logic of its harmonic progressions taken in con- 
junction with its straightforward obviousness of rhythm. 
The blunt directness of its style could never have been 
acquired by composers who, both during their early 
training and in later life, were obliged, owing to the 
traditions of the Catholic Church, to devote themselves 
to elaborate contrapuntal studies on the pulseless and 
drawling rhythms of the ecclesiastical canto fermo, that 

" the serpent sly 
Insinuating, wove with Gordian twine 
His braided train, and of his fatal guile 
Gave proof unheeded." 

It was only when both composers and audiences 
were absolutely certain of the principle of tonic relations 
that even the easy modulation to the subdominant could 


be employed with a sense of security as a necessary 
balance to the influence of the dominant, to say nothing 
of modulation to keys more remote. 

Returning to the cantata '' Sarei troppo felice^' the arias 
offer interesting material for the study of structural 
development. The first, in B flat, is in a developed 
binary form, with no Da Capo. This is quite exceptional 
in the cantatas of this period, and indeed the structure 
of the whole cantata is abnormal ; but its variety of 
forms and the beauty of its material make it useful for 
analysis here. The words of the air consist of four 
short lines : — 

" Tal se premo stntiero odorato. 
Dura spina che punge il mio core 
Va dicendo ; costante dolore 
2\on vien nunofra i vezzi del prato.^^ 

The normal practice is to divide such a stanza in half, 
setting the third and fourth lines as a second section, after 
which the first two are repeated. In this case, however, 
such treatment was impossible, owing to the sense not 
following the metre ; and the same thing has happened in 
the second aria, thus compelling Scarlatti to abandon the 
Da Capo form in both cases. This is no doubt the reason 
why he has seized on the poets repetition of the line 
' * Sard troppo felice sio potessi dar legge al mio pensiero " 
in the recitatives, and extended it into an arioso oli 
sufficient musical importance to make up by its return 
for the want of the Da Capo in the first two arias. The 
third aria suits the conventional plan admirably, and the 
ternary form is therefore adopted : but the fact that the 
poet has supplied two stanzas has again guided the 
composer to a particular treatment of structural details. 
As in almost all cases, the first two lines are sung twice 
to form the first section. Now, if a composer sets the 
same words twice over in one continuous section of a 
composition, he may treat them, roughly speaking, in"^ 
three different ways. Excluding the case in which the 
music is exactly repeated, under which circumstances 




the composer cannot really be said to have set the 
words twice, he may make his second setting corre- 
spond to the first in rhythm, but not in melody ; he may 
make it correspond in both melody and rhythm, varying 
only in key, or he may make it definitely contrast in 
rhythm as well as in melody and, tonality. In the aria 
before us, Scarlatti adopts the third plan. It is obvious 
that if, in the formula ABA, A can be represented as 
dib^ftj^i, or some such group, the repetition will be 
intolerable when the original formula ABA is itself 
immediately repeated in its entirety. If A is to be 
heard four times, we can afford to put more material 
into it, and make its organization more subtle. Scarlatti 
therefore utilizes the continuo as a means of unification* 
Its introduction 

Ex. 33. 

1 ^ 






f^-n r\^f \ 




^ r J-U 

4 3 


is made up of two figures, which accompany the first and 
second statements of the words respectively, 

Ex. 34 (a). 









II pen-sie-ro 

h un prato a - me - no ove 


sen -SI 






4 1^3 

Ex. 34 W. 

1 1 pen • siero h un prato a 


no ove, 1 sen - si 



Mrr^r i rrrf i rrr' [ 




both being developed a lit tie beyond the quotations given. 
The second phrase naturally is made to end in G minor, 
and, as usual, a little coda follows. The vocal material is 
new, but the bass is not : — 

Ex. 35. 

J-jJ ,J I - ,] \ fjJ_[i^l3p i 









4 3 

4T3 7 ^ 8" 


no il con - fi 


^y=Y= J-j-J4^ 





6 I? 6 

4 3 

and the continuo adds yet another coda on the same subject 
after the voice leaves off. The form cannot in any way be 
classed as a ground-bass, but there is a certain analogy with 
the air '^ lo per gioco vi mirat' analysed in Chapter I. The 
second section (B) must be studied in connexion with the 
first. Just as there were three types for section A, so for 
section B we may apply much the same system of classifi- 
cation. B may be as complete a contrast to A as possible 
both in melody and rhythm (its tonality is always contrast- 
ing as a matter of course) ; it may reproduce A more or 
less in rhythm or melody, or both ; or it may combine both 
schemes, as it does here. As a whole, it forms a complete 
contrast : in detail it is almost entirely made up of fragments 
of A worked up into something like a regular modern 
** development section." This is complicated ; but the 
complication is justified because the poet's two stanzas 
cause the whole movement to be heard twice. 

Let us now turn back to the first aria — ^^Tal se prentoy 
Here there is only one stanza, and no Da Capo. Scarlatti 



can therefore treat his words at rather greater length, and 
in this way is better able to organize the aria in such a way 
as to combine elaboration with lucidity. 

Ex. 36. 

A tempo gius to. 

pre • mo sen - tie - ro o - do - ra - to, 

feJ r l QTi 

du - ra spi • na, 

Ye 6 6 

du - ra spi - na che pun-ge il mio co • re 

m^r r i t^. ' "r- nfig 

ritH=^ J I 

6 5 6 

cen - do va di - cen • do, co - stan - te do - lo - re non vien 


7 6 t|"6 H 



7 6 

me-no fra i vez 

zi del pra 

6 #6 



4 5 



• to* 



Tal se pre -mo sen - 

^ rr\Tr\'\^ ^^^ 

« M6 « 


CO - re 


va di - cen-do, co - stan-te, co - stan- te do - 




7 6 



vy r j^j i ij J 

lo-re non vien meno,non vien meno fra i vez 



•rr 1^ ^ if trT^i^r^rT ^;^,^ 

^4 3 436666 



7666 76 

6 6 
4 5 

( bi>j^Ti^''''rTf^^ 

I have quoted the aria at length in order that the 
variety of detail and the relation of the parts may be fully 
appreciated. The four lines of verse are cut up into six 
groups of words, each of which is quite sharply defined, 
though together they form a melodious whole of singular 
beauty. Lines one and four provide what we may call 
definite first and second subjects 0/ strongly contrasting 
character, and the subsidiary figures taken from lines three 
and four are useful for purposes of modulation, and not 
without an individuality of their own. The ingenuity of the 
construction is further enhanced by the vocal coda derived 
from the second subject, and the instrumental coda derived 
from the first but modified so as to ballast the whole aria 
with a powerful subdominant influence. At the same 
time it should be noted, in connexion with what has been 
said about the use of the subdominant and modern tonality, 
that the aria contains no example whatever of a deceptive 
cadence. "^" 

The second aria is less important. It is shorter than 
the first, but is definitely organized in a scheme based on 
the formula A ABB. The first strain A ends on the 
dominant ; the second starts again on the tonic, and does 
not modulate. The first strain B is in the relative 
minor ; the second, which is rather extended, starts in the 



supertonic minor and returns to the tonic. There are 
short vocal and instrumental codas. Here again the music 
is unified by a single characteristic figure in the continuo 
which runs all through against both subjects. This time it 
is more definitely instrumental : — 

Ex. 37. 
a tempo giusio. 

and we fi-equently find in the cantatas of this period basses 
that seem to demand imperatively the assistance of a 
violoncello. It was always customary to play the continuo 
on violoncello and cembalo : but in the earlier cantatas there 
is nothing distinctively instrumental about the basses. 
Later, Scarlatti acquired the reputation of writing ex- 
ceptionally difficult violoncello parts, and it is to the 
influence of Francischiello, a virtuoso whose playing, 
as well as Scarlatti's accompaniment of him, excited 
Geminiani's enthusiastic admiration at Naples, that we 
may safely ascribe such development of instrumental style 
as is apparent in the following examples. 

Ex. 38. 

dar - ti, oh Dio ! 


oh Dio! Hon so. 







Ex. 39. 


Verserb mille e mil-le 


ealde stiMe dal tra-di > to e mes-to cor 


The refinement of violin technique in Corelli's time was 
due to the desire to emulate the example of the singers, 
and no doubt the violoncello felt the same influence. But 
as early as 1702 the influence of the instrumentalists was 
beginning to react in the converse direction, as we see 
from the following extracts. 

Ex. 40. 

(The slurs are in the MS,) 



ha, non ha mai pa - ce. 

Ex.41. ( End 0/ first section). 


Here we can still say that the influence is for good ; 
the figure is as apt to the voice as to the violoncello. 
This development of instrumental style is important also in 
its relation to structure. cJhe arias in almost every cantata 
begin with an introduction for the coniinuo a\one. In most 
of the earlier cantatas and in some of the later ones this 
introduction is derived from the opening vocal phrase, and 
an audience would no doubt watch with interest to see how 
the accompanist would treat as a bass what in the majority 
of cases seems more adapted to harmonization from below. 
But when in the later cantatas the voice is accompanied on 
its entry by a contrasting and clearly individualized instru- 
mental figure, it is this figure that forms the introduction, 
and it often becomes easy for the composer to use it 
throughout, independently of the formal scheme of the 
voice-part. In theory a mere figure of accompaniment, it 
gains additional thematic importance in practice from the 
fact that the whole is conceived in two-part harmony;^ the 
examples already given, as well as those to follow, will 
sufficiently illustrate its value as a structural element. 

On April 26, 1706, Corelli, Alessandro Scarlafti, and 
Bernardo Pasquini (then organist of S. Maria Maggiore) 
were admitted members of the Arcadian Academy under 
the pastoral names of Arctmelo^ Terpandro^ and Protico} 

^ The bass would, of course, be harmonized on the cembalo^ but its thin 
metallic sound would give the chords a jingling elusiveness that we can hardly 
realize on a modern pianoforte. For us it is better to treat the accompaniment 
polyphonically, but not in more than three parts ; and indeed Scarlatti's own 
polyphony is so complete that it is often difficult enough to add a single part 
in a worthy style. 

' The entry in the original MS. catalogue runs as follows : — 
Ragunanza LXXX 
Chiamata Generale 
j4/x'> di Targelione stante fanno P del Olimp. DC XX I ab A J. OlUnp. IV. 
An, IV, giomo lieto 
Furono surrogati 



Terpandro Politeia — dalle Camf^ presso 

la Terra di Politeia in Acaia 
Alessandro Scarlatti Palermitano 
Insigne Maestro di Musica. 


Crescimbeni gives us picturesque glimpses of their musical 
performances in his curiously **precious|" records of the 
early Arcadian meetings. We see them on one occasion 
taking part in a concert at the house of Melaureo—M^dXe 
Domenico Riviera.^ It was arranged by Scarlatti, and 
there was a considerable band of strings and wind. First 
came a Sinfonia of Corelli ; then two cantatas of Pasquini 
to words by Gian Battista Felice Zappi (Tirsi\ After 
this came a duet by Scarlatti, also to words by Zappi, 
followed by an instrumental piece of some sort. Scarlatti 
was at the harpsichord, but managed at the same time to 
observe that Zappi was in process of thinking out a new 
poem. He begged Zappi to produce it ; Zappi agreed 
to do so on condition that Scarlatti set it to music at once. 
Scarlatti assented, and " no sooner had Tirsi finished his 
recital than Terpajidro, with a truly stupendous prompt- 
ness, began to transcribe the verses recited, with the music 
thereto ; and when these had been sung, the souls of those 
present received of them so great delight, that they not 
only obliged the singer to repeat the song again and again, 
but also urged both poet and musician to display their skill 
afresh." After some pressing, Zappi and Scarlatti repeated 
their impromptu performance, and " meanwhile every one 
was astonished to see how two such excellent Masters, the 
one of poetry and the other of music, did contend ; and 
their contention was so close that scarce had the one 
finished repeating the last line of the new air than the 
other ended the last stave of his music." 

Prince Ruspoli was another great Arcadian and patron 
of Scarlatti. For him were written some of the serenatas, 
a form of composition for which Scarlatti was much in 
request at Rome. They were probably sung at entertain- 
ments, as at Naples, rarely as serenades beneath a lady's 
window, though there are a few solo cantatas with some 
direction indicating the latter purpose. In such cases there i 

is nearly always some characteristic style of treatment, as J 

in the cantata ** Hor che di Febo ascosV for soprano and two ' 

* Crescimbeni, Arcadia^ Lib. vii. Prosa v. 



violins, the last movement of which is irregular in form, 
with a curious ending that makes the voice and violins 
vanish like ghosts into the starry distance. 

Ex. 42. 




donna il vos - tro splen-dor, ch'io par 



The larger serenatas have little intrinsic interest, though 
there are a few good numbers, such as ** Sento un aura " from 
" Endimione e Cintia." But they sometimes have over- 
tures in curious experimental forms, and the treatment of 
the instruments has peculiarities. The orchestra is often 


divided into concerto grosso and concertino, which in the operas 
is unusual. It is moreover in these serenatas that the influr 
ence of Corelli is most apparent. To what extent Scarlatti 
and Corelli were personal friends it is difficult to say. 
According to Burney, whose information, coming from 
Geminiani, ought to be trustworthy, Scarlatti had no very 
great opinion of Corelli as a composer, though he admired 
his playing and his direction of the orchestra. It can 
hardly be doubted that Corelli did quite as much for 
orchestral playing as for solo playing or composition. 
How great his reputation as a leader was is seen from 
the quaint description of him in the Ferragosto of Zappi 
and Crescimbeni : — 

" Or vedi lui, ch' al Coro altno gentile 

Sovrasta, e par la destra armi dipenne f 

Egli h a se solo, e a null* altro simile. 
Degli Angelici Spirti ei gih sostenne 

Le melodie ; poscia a beare il suolo, 

Lascib il celeste Coro, e a noi sen venne ; 
E seco trasse dal suo chiaro Polo 

U unisonanza non piit in Terra udita ; 

Onde crediam cento stromenti un solo?^ ^ 

To his influence we may safely attribute the develop- 
ment of that definitely orchestral style which made its 
appearance in Scarlatti's operas after his second return to 
Rome; and however little Scarlatti may have professed 
to admire his compositions, he at any rate did not disdain 
to imitate them. Indeed the lilt of Corelli's gigues seized 
him like a St. Vitus' dance, and turns up everywhere, 
sometimes in the most unexpected places. 

Geminiani's well-known story (recorded by Burney) of 
Corelli s break-down in a composition of Scarlatti's at Naples 

^ " Seest thou that gentle soul that leads the quire, 
Bearing as 'twere a feather in his hand ? 
Like to none other but himself alone, 
Once of the angels' holy songs he bore 
The tuneful burden ; then to bless the earth, 
Left the celestial quire and came to us ; 
And with him brought from his bright heavenly home 
That pure concent ne'er heard on earth before, 
By which a hundred instruments seem one." 


is hard to understand. Corelli, as we know, was never a 
great executant, but Scarlatti is hardly likely to have written 
difficult passages for him after being so much under his influ- 
ence. Indeed in the whole of Scarlatti's extant works there 
is only one passage of violin music which seems intended 
for a display of virtuosity — the introduction to the air " Ti 
rendo ancor la paltna'^ in *' Laodicea e Berenice.'' Fetis 
supposed it to have been written for Corelli ; but as 
** Laodicea" came out at Naples in 1701, and Corelli never 
visited Naples till about 1708, this does not seem very 
plausible. The passage is not at all in Corelli s style, and 
goes a good deal higher than he was accustomed to, besides 
including a trying passage across two strings in a high 
position ; but it is curious that Scarlatti should have trans- 
planted the entire air, solo and all, into the serenata **I1 
Giardino d' Amore," especially as it was quite contrary to 
his custom to dish up a composition a second time. 

It was hardly possible for a composer to live in Rome, 
especially under the patronage of a cardinal, without 
writing a certain amount of music for the church. It was 
still the tradition to write masses '' alia Pales trina,'' and 
Scarlatti accordingly produced the ** Missa Clementina I.'' 
in 1703, and in 1706 a mass for Cardinal Ottoboni. The 
first is well written and contains many canons, but although, 
judging from the number of copies to be found, it seems 
to have excited the admiration of professional contra- 
puntists, like the Mass in F, which is all in canon, it is 
extremely dry. Of the ecstatic feeling of Palestrina there 
is not the least trace. The Ottoboni Mass^ is rather 
better; it has a sense of modern tonality and a certain 
amount of feeling. But Scarlatti was not by nature a 
church-composer, least of all at this period of his life. 

^ The autograph is in the Vatican ]ibrar>\ It is a huge folio, with the music 
not in score but in separate parts so arranged that all the singers could sing 
from the same book, the notes being very large. The whole manuscript is so 
beautiful a specimen of musical caligraphy that one could hardly believe it to 
be the autograph of a great composer were it not for the words ^^ propria 
manu scripsit Alexander Scarlattus^ on the title-page. It is unfortunately in a 
very bad state, the ink having eaten through the paper so that the pages are 
literally dropping to pieces. 



In his motets and oratorios he is often picturesque and 
sometimes quite beautiful ; but he is too classical in spirit, 
too much of a poet, to write such music as is usually con- 
sidered to be devotional. Of the early oratorios '* Agar 
et Ismaele " (1683) is the best; like the early operas, it 
is carefully written, with great attention to poetic expres- 
sion. ** II Martirio di S. Teodosia" (1685) is of interest 
only for the fine fugal chorus which concludes it Ap- 
parently, however, it was not to the taste of the audience, 
as nothing of the kind occurs in the later oratorios. 

The Concerti Sacri published by fitienne Roger at 
Amsterdam probably date from somewhere about 1700. 
These are a series of ten motets for from one to four voices, 
accompanied by two violins and contintw. They consist 
mostly of Da Capo airs and recitatives, with an occasional 
arioso or ground-bass ; there is little four-part writing. 
The style is generally florid, and suggests the gay 
decorations of the Italian Jesuit churches. Sometimes 
it is positively ludicrous in its baroque brilliance ; and 
when one comes across a passage like this — 

Ex. 43, 




qui tri-bu-it xni-hi in-tellec 


Continuo\ ^' 1 1 g | |^ ' f p 

6 7 6 I 6 

i- iJariTf^j i,gj hjj jj 


r -ig-ir gBpr ler i r q[^p '^ 






? kr ^ III ^li i J"^ r>r"^ 

6 t^^6l^^6 6 

it is hard to believe that there was not a malicious intention 
in the choice of such peculiarly grotesque fioriture. Yet 
along with these oddities there is much that is genuinely 
beautiful — the peaceful duet, " O fluida vita,'' the melodious 
pastorale, ** O nimis clara hix^' the happy grace of '' Rorate 
coeli^^ as well as the bold harmonies and passionate earnest- 
ness of ** Infirm ata vulneratar 

Ex. 44- /• Q if ^gO' 

Viohns. MC'i\ - Ik ! M i r ^j 




%^ 6 6 |6 

6 166 67 6^4 S #« 
5 6 5 





na - ta, in-fir-ma-ta vul-ne - ra-ta pu - ro de - fi.-cit a - mo- re 


^r rrf^''' 

With such music as this to be heard in the churches, it 
is small wonder that Benedict XIV. was obliged to order 
that the consecrated elements should be kept in a side 
chapel, because the congregations habitually turned their 
backs on the high altar to listen to the singers placed in 
the western gallery ! ^ 

The papal taste, however, does not seem to have been 
too severe, at any rate in Scarlatti's time. He produced 
several oratorios and sacred cantatas while in Rome, 
mostly for performance at the Vatican, but there is very 
little serious music in them. They are generally either 
dull or frivolous. "II Sedecia" contains a beautiful duet. 

Gr^try, M^moires. 


" Col ttw veld,'' * but the greater part of the oratorio is 
extremely tedious, and it is curious that it should have been 
so much admired as the number of extant copies, both 
contemporary and modern, would seem to attest. The 
Annunciation Oratorio is rather better ; the air *' Verginella 
fortunata^' in which the angel delivers his message, is pure 
and dignified in style, and the Virgin has a very beautiful 
air, " Stesa a pil del tronco amarOy' in which she con- 
templates her future sorrows with a fine expression of 
exalted feeling. The work is also interesting from a 
curious arrangement of the introductory Sinfonia which 
recalls Mendelssohn's " Elijah " ; indeed, the displacement 
of the movements is made from an analogous motive. The 
overture begins with an allegro of fifteen bars in G minor 
ending in the dominant ; this is immediately followed by 
the Virgin's air, " Sommo Dio," which is in a calm and 
serious style. The rest of the overture is then play^ed ; a 
short passage of slow-moving suspensions and an allegro 
in binary form, not a definite dance-movement, but, as is 
usual in the oratorios, strongly rhythmical, and fulfilling 
the same aesthetic purpose. This movement, however, is 
not in the key of the first, but in F major, and is at once 
followed by the angel's air in the same key ; Scarlatti 
seems to have wished to effect a compromise between the 
conventional overture-form and a descriptive symphony 
suggesting the angel's arrival. 

As a rule the libretti of the oratorios are not very 
inspiring. They read like inferior opera-books, and 
indeed, except that the operas are in three acts and the 
oratorios in two, the only difference is in the absence of 
professedly comic characters, and of the formal statement 
in which the author protests that the words Fato, Dio^ 
Dettd, &c., are only scherzi poettci and imply nothing 
contrary to the Catholic Faith. Indeed, when in the 
Ferragosto of Zappi and Crescimbeni Alfesibeo can thus 

^ Published (not without some touching up) in Carl Banck's '^ Duette Alter 



explain to Tirsi the shaven polls and hairless faces of the 
papal singers — 

" Servono dl sommo Pan quei^ che vedesti 
Senza le chiome^ e son cantor^ del tempiOy 
Adomi di pensier saggi e modestly* ^ 

it seems almost curious that an analogous protest was not 
required for the oratorios from the point of view of 

Scarlatti, as usual, makes the best of a bad job. 
'* Humaniti e Lucifero " is rubbish from beginning to end, 
but in the ** Rosary" oratorio he probably delighted his 
audience by giving Penitence an air — ** Starh nel mto 
boschetto qual dolce rosignuolo'* — accompanied by two 
violas and a nightingale, the latter being treated in the 
toy-symphony style, at the player's discretion ; and the 
Assumption oratorio ends with a duet for the heavenly 
Bride and Bridegroom, the fascinating grace of which 
could only be paralleled in the frescoes of Correggio. 

Ex. 45. 





r ' r * r jrn 

i^'^ ^^ 'r cL'-r 



3-JU J . rfij: 

1 '^ They serve great Pan whom here thou dost behold 

With hair and beard close shorn ; chaste are their thoughts 
And wise, for in the temple rites they sing.'' 



F=^^ ^Ci^ 

Dol - ce no - me! 

-P =1Hg £ 

la • to fi - glio t 

A - ma • to fi 




r 1 ^^?^^^ 



Christmas was a season at which oratorios were 
customary, and Scarlatti shows us some interesting 
examples of the traditional pastoral style. Besides a very 
attractive solo cantata, '* Oh di Betlemme altera " (words by 
Prince Antonio Ottoboni), there is a duet for two shepherds 
— Arcadian, needless to say — and a formal oratorio, in 
which Abraham, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Daniel, and Ezechiel 
prophesy the birth of the Messiah in a series of charming 
airs, the cheerfulness of which is somewhat tempered by 
the '' lacrimoso Prof eta " Jeremiah. The other three 
prophets remonstrate with some curtness in recitativo 
seccoy but to no purpose, until finally Daniel draws their 
attention to the hymns of the angels and shepherds at the 
manger. The air is singularly beautiful, and interesting 
as the prototype of the " pastoral symphonies " of Handel 
and Bach. 






Sen - ti che lie-ti in-tor • no al bel pre-se • pe Viol.\ 

I r 1 

I * 1 " ' 




rlJ. Or' 




gran-gio-li van can-tan - do, 

J. Viol 

gPan-gio-li van can- 


1 ^ — r—i T=f 


5 6 6 



- tan 

e 1 pas - to • rel 


7 6 







Compositions of this kind were always performed at the 
Vatican on Christmas Eve after vespers, before the Pope 
and the cardinals sat down to a banquet decorated with 
trionfi, representing the Nativity.^ Corelli's once very 
popular Pastoral Concerto was, no doubt, composed for a 
similar occasion. The question has been much discussed 
as to whether the Pastoral Symphony in "The Messiah " is 
an original composition of Handel's or not, and I believe 
that the word '' Ptfa'' with which he headed it has been 
sometimes accepted as definite proof of its being an 
actual folk-tune. It seems much more reasonable to 
consider the movement simply as an imitation of the tradi- 
tional style. To recover the precise melodies of the 
zampognari of Handel's Roman days is impossible ; most 
probably they played then as they do now, tuneless 
melodies, picturesque enough in rhythm and colour to 
make the passing stranger stop and listen for a moment, 

^ Adami, Osseruasioni per ben regolare il Coro dei Contort della Cappella 
PonHficia, Rome, 1711. 


but not sufficiently definite in character for a composer to 
utilize without modification. The variety in similarity 
displayed by the numerous specimens in Scarlatti's works 
should be enough to prove that they were not derived 
from any one particular traditional tune. The most we 
can say of HandeFs Pastoral Symphony is that it was 
very probably modelled on this particular air of Scarlatti, 
certainly the most attractive of all his pastoral movements. 

Rome was not Scarlatti's only field of activity at this 
period. His dramatic talent found scope at Pratolino, 
though it may be doubted whether his work there was 
entirely satisfactory to him. An "Arminio" was per- 
formed at Pratolino in 1703, but there is not sufficient 
evidence to identify it with Scarlatti's opera of that name 
given at Naples in 1714. But it is fairly certain that 
" Turno Aricino " was the drama of Stampiglia which 
Scarlatti's letters prove him to have set to music in 1 704, 
although for the later revival at Rome it must have been 
almost entirely composed afresh. There can be no doubt 
as to *' Lucio Manlio Tlmperioso" (1705) and " II Gran 
Tamerlano " (1706). The music to all four operas, except 
fragments of the revised version of '* Turno Aricino," has 
entirely disappeared, a loss the more to be regretted since 
Scarlatti evidently took a great deal of trouble over both 
the last two, and seems to have considered them as the 
best that he had produced up to that time. 

His correspondence with Ferdinand throws an in- 
teresting light on his ideas and his methods. The opera 
performances at Pratolino took place in September; 
accordingly Ferdinand sends Scarlatti the first act of Silvio 
Stampiglia's drama, ** Lucio Manlio," on June 9, 1705, 
Scarlatti acknowledges the receipt of it on June 13, with 
his usual compliments, and a fortnight later sends Ferdi- 
nand the music. ** I have paid more attention," he writes, 
"to the mixed character of the audience, than to the natural 
impulses of my own insipid pen, precisely as the author 
of the drama seems to desire ; and perhaps the music will 
be able to give more pleasure to those who like to take 


home with them some tune that they can easily remember, 
and that all can sing." A year before he had assured 
Ferdinand of his efforts to be " pleasant and tuneful, rather 
than learned " ; but the prince seems to have been rather 
hard to please. 

" Lucio Manlio'* was finished on July 18, having taken 
only five weeks to write. " I humbly lay at the feet of 
your Royal Highness," he writes, **the third act of ' Lucio 
Manlio ' set to music, which ends the opera, but not my 
most feeble labours, the which, in blind obedience to the 
revered directions of your Royal Highness, I am ready to 
resume with untiring devotion ; to rewrite the whole from 
the beginning in such a way as may best satisfy whatever 
commands the high and mighty clemency of your Royal 
Highness shall deign to impose upon me ; for which sole 
reason (as is indeed my un forgotten duty as well as the 
highest honour and glory that I could ever desire), I have 
changed the style of my most feeble pen ; yet have I not 
been able to do so to the extent of abandoning entirely 
that character which it has by nature. This pen, however, 
overshadowed by a new spirit, has been able, with a 
felicity that I seldom have obtained, to render me so fer- 
tile (especially in composing this third act), that when I 
thought to let the fruit ripen by giving it more time, I 
saw the work completed with rapidity and without op- 
position from my imagination, accustomed though it be 
to blame my pen's ideas. ^ Nevertheless, I have set it 
before myself in judgment dispassionately, and have 
diligently examined it with regard to the style that the 
author of the words desired, and which he has repeatedly 
informed me to be the amiable will of your Royal Highness ; 
and I think that in this third act at any rate, if not in the 
whole opera, I have found means to fulfil the revered com- 

^ *' Q^esta [penna]perd olmmbrata da nuovo spiritOy hd potuto can felicititf 
rare volte ottenuta^ rendermi una ial fecanditd di specie nel vestire questo ters^ 
atto, che quando credevo dimcUurame iiparto^ colPimpiego di maggiar tempOy 
tho veduto posto in luce con velocitd^ e senza opposizione della fantasia^ awezza 
in me cui accusame le idee}* 


mand that was laid upon me. Nevertheless, I may have 
deceived myself; perhaps from the vehemence of my 
desire to fulfil it in that form which should best succeed in 
meeting with that most gracious compassion which the 
noble and heroic mind of your Royal Highness has 
deigned to grant me, if only from excess of the inimitable 
clemency which there occupies its rightful throne. Having 
complete confidence in the same, I take the liberty of 
offering, in the semblance of a holocaust, a brief epitome of 
my intentions in composing the music of this opera, al- 
though as regards the two preceding acts, I can say little, 
not having them by me ; although I have given precise 
instructions with all possible clearness to the author of the 
words : saying that where the music is marked grave ^ I do 
not mean it to be melancholy ; where marked andante^ not 
fast, but with a feeling of melody. Where allegro^ not at a 
headlong rate ; where allegrissimoy not in such a style as to 
drive the singer to despair, or to drown the words. Where 
andante UntOy in a style that should not be pathetic, but 
rather tender and charming, so as not to lose the sense of 
melody; and in all these airs there should be no melan- 
choly.^ I have always made it my aim, in composing for 
the theatre, to make the first act resemble a child that 
takes its first steps but feebly ; the second a youth that 
walks erect and sure ; and the third should be like a young 
man, swift and strong, bold of undertaking and successful 
in all that he undertakes. This I have done in * Lucio 
Manlio,* an opera which completes the number of eighty- 
eight dramatic works composed in less than twenty-three 
years, and to which I should have wished to give a crown 
as being the queen of all the others. If I have not had 
the ability to make it such, I have at least been bold 
enough to attempt to do so.**^ 

* " DovelsegncUogravey non intendo malencomco; dove andante^ nonpresto^ 
ma arioso. Dove allegrOy non precipitosoj dove allegro^ tale eke non affanni il 
Caniante^ ni affoghi la parole. Dove andante lento^ in forma^ che esclude il 
patetico, md sia un amoroso vago, che non perda Pariosoj ed in tutte le arie 
nessuna malenconicaj* 

^ Archivio Mediceo, Filza 5903, No. 165. 


This lengthy letter, of which the rest has already been 
quoted earlier in this chapter, is of interest as showing us 
something of Scarlatti's methods. He seems to imply that 
composition was almost a mechanical process for him, and 
that the function of the imagination was not to direct but 
to criticize. And indeed the process, strange as it may 
seem to a generation that has not yet been able to shake 
off the false sentiment of the romantic movement, was yet 
legitimate and natural enough to a composer who belongs 
to the severest period of classicism, when beauty and purity 
of style were still considered as more important than 
originality and violence of expression. 
^ The directions given as to style, as well as several 
passages in other letters, show that Scarlatti was any- 
thing but indifferent as to the proper interpretation of his 
music. I have been careful to give the original Italian 
as well as a translation, since it is difficult to find adequate 
equivalents in English for some of Scarlatti's expressions. 
The composer's meaning becomes rather clearer if we re- 
member the extent to which singers were accustomed to 
vary the melody of an air. Audiences of Scarlatti's day 
must have been sufficiently familiar with this habit to be 
able, perhaps half unconsciously, to decipher the original 
melody under the variations of the singer, or at any rate 
to form an idea of the principles of its construction that 
would suffice to give them a logical understanding of the 
performance. It is however obvious that a singer who 
was not a good musician might not merely extemporize 
bad variations, but might even so far ignore the original 
melody as to entirely stultify the faculty of the audience 
for the appreciation of musical form. Thus the word 
arioso, wh ich we now use conveniently and not illog^cally 
to denote a kind of music between recitative and air, 
was u sed by Scarlatti not as the title of a form»..buLa5 
a directio n to t he s inger to .be^oargful tn prpgpfy^ the 
melodic sense in music which at first sight might seem 
to demand the declamator y sty^^ <^f rp^jtativp ; and it was 
equally nat ural that he should nsf" \^ '" 


sing er migh t havej>een te mpted to take too many libertie s 
with the time or to indulge in an excess of ext empo rary 
coloratura. H is insistence on avoiding the ^'patetico'' and 
" malenconico " shows us that even the age of bel canto was 
not free from singers who made a speciality of the tearful 
and mawkish style. 

" Lucio Manlio'* was Scarlatti's eighty-eighth opera: 
"II Gran Tamerlano," which was written for Pratolino 
the following year, he describes in a letter as his ninetieth. 
What was the eighty-ninth, and for what theatre was it 
written ? No trace of it is to be found, unless we suppose 
Scarlatti to have counted as an opera the few airs which 
he added to a pasticcio called **La Pastorella," composed 
by Cesarini, Giannino (Giovanni del Violone.^), and 
Bononcini, that was represented by marionettes — the real 
singers singing behind the scenes — at the Palazzo Venezia 
in 1705. 

**I1 Gran Tamerlano" seems to have given Scarlatti 
some trouble. The part of Rossane^ composed originally 
for a contralto who had sung the previous year, had to 
be rewritten for Signora Tilla, who was a soprano ; and 
in spite of all efforts, "Lucio Manlio" appears to have 
been too serious, as Ferdinand wrote to Scarlatti on 
April 2, 1706 : *' I shall be very much pleased if you will 
make the music [of * U Gran Tamerlano'] rather more 
easy, and noble in style ; and if, in such places as is per- 
missible, you will make it rather more cheerful." ^ Scarlatti 
was very much pleased with the libretto (by G. A. Salvi). 
* * I have read the third act of * Tamerlano ' and find it all 
that it ought to be, and an excellent end to its admirable 
beginning and continus^tion, the proof of which is that in 
the whole course of this beautiful work I find the plot 
so strong, so charming, so new and so spirited, that the 
strength and quality of the recitative (in which the scenic 
action is represented) prevents me from wishing for the 
airs, as is generally the case." * The opera was finished 

^ Archivio Mediceo, Filza 5903, No. 497. 
« Ibid., Filza 5903, Na 208. 


in six weeks, and Ferdinand seems to have been satisfied 
with it, graciously considering it quite unnecessary that 
Scarlatti should make any further alterations. It appar- 
ently had a finale of some special interest, as Scarlatti 
acknowledges having received Ferdinand's instructions 
on this point through Salvi ; and the prince especially 
mentions that the finale has given him satisfaction. 
"Tamerlano" was performed at Pratolino in September 
1706. Whether Scarlatti directed the production himself 
is doubtful. He was very busy in Rome during that 
year with various compositions, and he would hardly 
have insisted so minutely on details of style in his cor- 
respondence if he had been able to superintend the 
rehearsals in person. 

Certainly, however, the most interesting work of this 
period is the opera "Mitridate Eupatore," written for 
Venice and produced at the Teatro S. Giovanni Crisostomo 
in 1707. It was followed by a second opera, " II Trionfo 
della Libertk," in the same year. Both are entirely 
different from anything that Scarlatti had done before, 
being five-act dramas with ballets, but without comic 
characters. The poet, Count Girolamo Frigimelica Roberti, 
was evidently a man of considerable literary ability. He 
shows a close familiarity with Greek tragedy, and imitates 
its methods freely ; he also has a strong dramatic instinct 
and an eye for effective situations. Unfortunately, he is 
too anxious to point the political moral, and often spoils 
good work by being didactic ; and the reader soon realizes 
that dramatic instinct is not the same thing as theatrical 
experience. Roberti, like Scarlatti's first librettist Contini, 
was an architect as well as a poet, best known to us as 
the designer of the Villa Pisani at Stra, between Padua 
and Venice ; and indeed we may see in the opera the same 
intention of severe grandeur, and the same effect of frigid 
immensity that characterize the palace. 

The main idea of the plot is borrowed from the ** Electra" 
of Euripides. Stratonica, wife of Mitridate, king of Pontus, 
has murdered her husband and raised her paramour Famace 


to the throne. Her son Mitridate Eupatore, the rightful 
heir, has disappeared, and his sister Laodice has been 
married to a shepherd to get her out of the way. At the 
beginning of the opera Stratontca and Famace^ fearing the 
return of Eupatore, offer a reward for his head. Two 
strangers undertake to bring it ; needless to say one of the 
two is Eupatore in disguise, and the other is his wife 
Issicratea in male attire. The brother and sister have a 
recognition-scene in the classical manner, and the opera 
ends with the death of Farfiace and Eupatore^ s return to 
his kingdom. 

Scarlatti seems to have done his best to produce a 
masterpiece worthy of the glorious traditions of Venetian 
opera. The style of '* Eraclea " is not altogether aban- 
doned, but the airs are mostly broader and more dignified, 
besides having more material put into them. The charac- 
terization too is very good. Eupatore himself is perhaps 
a rather conventional primo tu>mo^ but the tyrant Farnace^ 
cynical and cowardly, is well drawn. Still finer creations 
are the two women. Stratontca is an eighteenth-century 
Ortrud- — the political woman, ready to commit any crime to 
gratify her ambition. Laodice, however, is far removed 
from the type of Elsa or any other namby-pamby heroine 
of early German romanticism ; hers is the classic grandeur 
of Leonora, Donna Anna, and Ipkigenie. It is curious 
that in this opera, perhaps the finest that Scarlatti ever 
wrote, there should be no love scenes. The most passionate 
emotional outburst is that of Laodice, when she laments 
the supposed death of her beloved brother. No love-song 
of Scarlatti's, beautiful as his love-songs often are, can 
rival the intense sincerity with which he has painted a 
sister's affection ; is it too fantastic to suppose that we 
have here a touch of autobiography, and that he remem- 
bered Anna Maria in the convent of Sant' Antoniello at 
Naples — Anna Maria, who, nearly thirty years ago, was 
singing on the stage of this very theatre ? 

The fourth act, in which this occurs, opens with a 
solemn march, during which the procession starts that is 
to carry Eupatore s head to the usurpers. Two muted 



trumpets and drums lead off, echoed by two trumpets ^ and 
drums from the ship at the back of the stage : — 

Ex. 47- 


Due Trombe 

mlP Orchestra 

alia Sardina 

delle Trombe 





Trombe marine. 

Timpano delle Trombe marine. 

after which the strings effect modulations to the dominant 
and the relative minor, ending with a few bars of coda in a 
brisker tempo. Handel seems to have remembered this 
when he wrote " Saul," for if he did not actually hear it 
performed, he may very likely have seen the score, being 
thrown much with the Scarlattis at this time. 

Laodice enters. She takes the funeral urn from 
Eupatares reluctant hands, and pours out her lamenta- 
tions on it in a magnificent recitative, too long to quote 
here entire. 

Ex. 48. 



g s c f; 1 ^ 

W ^ ^ ir ^ 

O Mi-tri-da-te mio! per na-tu • ra German, mioRe per 


tU — ^^ 



Mt is hardly conceivable that the " Trombe marine^ as they are called in 
the score, were the stringed instruments of that name, although the parts might 
have been played on them. The instrument was almost entirely obsolete in 
1707, and at the height of its popularity was practically confined to Germany 
and France. 





^ ^ ^ ^ P P ^^^ 

fi > 

gra-do, Per cu-ra, per e - tk per a-mor, Fi-glio! 









4 3 

£x. 49. 


S^^ p I P g i 

lu - sin-ghie-ra, fu - nes - ta, em-pia al-le-grez-za ! Da chi piu 

J U.^4 J i 






cer-co ai-u-to, o piu con - for- to ? o in cie - lo o in ma-re o in ter-ra, 





o neg-li ab-bis-si ? Ahi ! ahi ! Mi-tri-da - te h mor - to ! 


* |4 4 


6' 43 5«w 




The air '* Cara tomba del mio diletto " which follows 
is worthy of J. S. Bach at his best. The accompaniment 
of plain repeated chords for the strings is of course not in 
his style, but it is very masterly — always subordinate to 
the voice, yet full of feeling in the fragment of violin solo, 
and the numberless suspensions which add poignance to 
the sweeping phrases of the melody. The ritomello, with 
its broad arpeggio figure climbing from agony to agony 
and then sinking down suddenly to an unutterable despair, 
makes a frame well worthy of the picture. 

Ex. 50. 

Moderato e staccato. 
Viol. /. 

r 1 

=".i tJ 4 ^ J- J ^ J 


6 4 





6 7 


-J. ApianoS 

M Laodice. 

^ - J 






ra, ca - ra, ca-ra 

ca-ra, ca-ra 

Viola (f ^Cello unis. 



The recognition takes place directly after this, and 
brother and sister join in a duet that strangely expresses 
their half-frightened joy ; but after a good scene between 
Laodice and Stratanica the act loses in interest. The last 
act is most disappointing ; Scarlatti makes nothing of the 
fine dramatic situation where Eupatore presents Stratanica 
with the head, not of her son, but of her lover. Still, 
although '* Cara tomba " stands head and shoulders above 
all the rest, and indeed above any other air in any other 
opera of Scarlatti, "Mitridate Eupatore" contains a great 
many very fine movements, in spite of its inequalities. 
But it appears to have been rather beyond the appreciation 
of the audience, for his second Venetian opera, '* II Trionfo 
della Libertk," as far as we can judge from the fragments 
that remain, was far inferior to its splendid predecessor. 



URBINO, 1707; NAPLES, 1708-17 18 

It can hardly be doubted that Scarlatti went himself to 
Venice to direct his operas ; it was the general custom for 
composers to preside at the harpsichord, at any rate for a 
first production, and Scarlatti is not likely to have been 
absent on so important an occasion as this. If further 
evidence be needed, there is the cantata in Venetian dialect 
^' Dove xestu, cor miof*' which he is not likely to have 
written anywhere else. He probably remained at Venice 
up to the end of the Carnival, or perhaps not so long. We 
hear of him next at Urbino, and it is not unlikely that he 
went there from Venice by way of Ferrara. Two Misereres 
for five voices and strings were copied by Santini at 
Ferrara in 1824, apparently from the library of the cathe- 
dral. One is dated 1705, and another copy by Santini of 
the same composition is dated 17 14. The latter date is 
quite a possible one as far as the music itself is concerned, 
but Scarlatti seems to have been firmly established at 
Naples then; 1705 is an equally unlikely date, as his 
correspondence with Ferdinand de' Medici shows him to 
have been at Rome during Lent of that year. It is only in 
1707 that there is a decided probability of his having 
passed through Ferrara. No trace, however, of the 
original manuscript is now to be found in the library of 
the cathedral, and it is not even mentioned in a catalogue 
of the eighteenth century. Why he should have visited 
Urbino is not very clear, though as the reigning Pope 
(Giovanni Francesco Albani) was a native of Urbino, at 
that time no longer an independent duchy but incorporated 
with the Papal States, there may have been some special 
reason for Scarlatti s remaining there from April to Sep- 

1X3 H 


tember. The length of his stay at Urbino is proved by a 
manuscript of the beautiful duet-cantata " Questo silenzio 
ontbroso'' dated **/« Urbino^ 17 ^^ 1707." Another 
charming duet-cantata, ^'Ahi eke sard di me,'' was written 
on September 2, no doubt for the same singers. 

Scarlatti seems to have been in financial difficulties 
again, as far as can be deduced from his correspondence 
with Ferdinand. He wrote to the prince from Urbino in 
April, sending his good wishes for Easter and hinting 
obscurely at misfortunes of some kind. The etiquette of 
the day apparently considered it indecent to allude frankly 
to money matters in corresponding with royalty ; but we 
gather that he was without occupation and unable to support 
his family.^ Ferdinand, however, must have been convinced 
by this time that Scarlatti's operatic style was too learned 
for the autumn diversions of Pratolino, and had no intention 
of appointing him permanently as Maestro di Cappella. 
Indeed he was now entirely taken up with Perti, who wrote 
the next four operas for Pratolino, and who, to judge from 
his epistolary style, was more inclined to write music ac- 
cording to Ferdinand's taste and less given to long-winded 
explanations. F*erdinand's answer to Scarlatti, written on 
April 23 from Florence, is conventionally polite, but not 
encouraging; he contents himself with saying that he 
is sure that Scarlatti will always meet with the due reward 
of his merit, and that he may count upon his sympathy and 
his prayers. 

Scarlatti was probably back at Rome for Christmas, 
since it was for this occasion that he wrote the first of his 
two masses in A with orchestral accompaniment. The 
work is interesting as being one of the earliest of its kind ; 
but it is very evidently a first attempt in a new style and 
not altogether successful. The second, which will be dis- 
cussed later on, is very much better. 

Few works can be ascribed to 1708. Of the opera 
** L'Humanitk nelle Fere," which was probably a revival 
of an earlier work under a new title, the music is lost, 

* Archivio Mediceo, Filza 5903, No. 287. 



as is also that of the Passion Oratorio, unless some lucky 
chance brings it to light at the Biblioteca Casanatense in 
Rome ; as not infrequently happens, the catalogue names 
it, but the manuscript is not to be found. Otherwise the 
work is represented only by the libretto and by a score 
at Dresden attributed to Scarlatti, but which from the 
style seems rather to be an original work of Scarlatti 
very much altered and expanded by a later hand, 
probably Masses. Four cantatas and the motet '' Adorna 
thalamum'' are the only other known compositions of 
this year. 

Scarlatti was still in correspondence with Ferdifiand de' 
Medici, and possibly the prince had changed his mind and 
was thinking of getting Scarlatti back again, as he appar- 
ently sent him money both in April and October 1708. 
Scarlatti outdoes himself in fulsome adulation, but we may 
suspect him of having had an ironic intention (trusting no 
doubt to Ferdinand's being too vain to see the point of his 
sneer) when he wrote of the prince's " having wished to 
give me a token of satisfaction for the most feeble services 
that I have rendered with various musical compositions, 
which your Royal Highness has been pleased to choose 
rather from mine than from those of many other composers, 
much better than myself, any one of whom could be a 
master to me.'* ^ And again in October he writes : *' The 
more I enjoy the benefits of your Royal Highness' 
generosity, the more I am confounded by the sense of 
my own unworthiness, and I do not know how I may give 
proof to your Royal Highness of the gratitude of my heart 
for such great and lasting kindness. Silence, respectful 
and profound, shall best speak for me, accompanied by the 
most feeble though incessant prayers of myself and my 
family."* It was evidently not worth while sending Ferdi- 
nand serenatas and madrigals by way of polite attentions, as 
he had done in previous years. The correspondence ended 
with this letter : Ferdinand remained faithful to Perti 

^ Archivio Medtceo, Filza 5904, No. 40. 
2 Ibid., Filza 5904, No. 143. 


until in 171 1 his last lingering illness put a final stop to 
the operatic performances at Pratolino. 

According to Baini ^ Scarlatti resigned his post at S. 
Maria Maggiore in 1 709, having succeeded Antonio Foggia 
as principal Maestro in May 1707. But it seems more 
probable that he left Rome towards the end of 1 708, since 
the Gazzetta di Napoli^ mentioning his opera ** Teodosio " 
produced at the Teatro S. Bartolomeo on January 28, 
1709, says that he **was persuaded by His Eminence 
during the last few months to return here from Rome to 
the service of this royal chapel." His Eminence was of 
course Cardinal Vincenzo Grimani, then Austrian Viceroy 
of Naples. 

Scarlatti s precise position at the Neapolitan court is a 
little difficult to determine. After the leave of absence 
granted him in 1702 had expired without his returning, a 
certain Gaetano Veneziano was appointed to the vacant 
post on October 25, 1704.* Gaetano VenezianO was 
succeeded on December 5, 1707, by Francesco Mancini.^ 
On December i, 1708, Cardinal Grimani ordered that 
Alessandro Scarlatti, having been obliged to give up his 
post after nearly twenty years' service, should again be 
admitted to the service of the royal chapel to act as deputy 
first organist in the absence or illness of other musicians.* 

It was only natural that Scarlatti should feel such 
favours as humiliating ; and he probably refused to accept 
them, since on January 9, 1 709, the cardinal gave instruc- 
tions that Scarlatti should be restored to his original office 
of Maestro di Cappella, and that his stipend should be 
increased from thirty to forty-two ducats a month (about 
£^\ a year), Mancini being consoled with the title of Vice- 
Maestro, and being allowed to retain his original stipend 
of thirty ducats a month (about £60 a year), with the duty 

* Memorie storico-critiche della vita e delle opere di Giovanni Pierluigi da 
Palestrina, Rome, 1828. 

^ Naples, R. Archivio di Stato^ Mandati dei Vicerl^ vol. 319, fol. 20. 

* Ibid., Mandati dei Viceri, vol. 322, fol. 16. 
Ibid., Mandati dei Vicer^, vol. 324, fol. 28 verso. 


of acting as Scarlatti's deputy in his absence or illness, and 
the right of eventually succeeding to his post.^ 

Scarlatti certainly returned to Naples, and seems to 
have been well received by the court, since in addition to 
** Teodosio " (the music of which has disappeared) he pro- 
duced an oratorio for the feast of St. Joseph, ** II Trionfo 
del Valore " (also lost), at the palace ; in May appeared 
the opera ** L'Amor Volubile e Tiranno," and on August 28 
a cantata for four voices for the birthday of the queen — 
Elizabeth, wife of Charles III. But it seems doubtful 
whether he was definitely reinstated as Maiestro di Cappella, 
or at any rate whether he accepted the position, since in 
1713 (May 27) the new viceroy. Count Daun, repeated the 
orders given by the late Cardinal Grimani on December i, 
1708, and January 9, 1709, with regard to Scarlatti's rein- 
statement and increase of salary.^ This time he must have 
accepted the post definitely, since on July 22, 17 13, the 
viceroy allowed him an additional five ducats a month for 
the servant whose duty it was to call the musicians of the 
chapel together for the ceremonies in which they took part. 

It is possible that Scarlatti ' did not establish himself 
definitely at Naples. He is described as Maestro della 
Real Cappella in the libretto of '*L'Amor Volubile e 
Tiranno" (1707) and " La Principessa Fedele" (17 10), but 
during the next three years he does not seem to have 
written anything for Naples. In 171 2 he produced "II 
Ciro " at Rome, having composed it in the previous autumn, 
and in 17 13 his oratorio **S. Filippo Neri" was performed 
at Foligno, whether for the firaj time may be doubted. 
But the confirmation of his appointment by Count Daun 
seems to have been definite, and for the next few years, 
at any rate, Scarlatti remained at Naples. 

**L'Amor Volubile e Tiranno" is a retrogression towards 
the style of **Eraclea"; no doubt Scarlatti thought that 
Neapolitan taste would be no better now than it was ten 
years before. But with ** La Principessa Fedele " he enters 

* Naples, R. Archivio di Stato, Mandati dei Victrl^ vol. 324, fol. 39-40. 

* Ibid., Mandati di Vicere^ vol. 331, fol. i verso and 2. 


definitely upon the new phase to which " Mitridate " 
looked forward. None of the operas of this period rise to 
the height of " Mitridate," but they show a continuous 
progress in technical development. One of the most 
noticeable features is the treatment of accompaniments. 
In the early operas the cembalo is almost always the 
principal accompanying instrument, the violins being used 
only in occasional airs, and then as a rule only for colour 
effects, like the trumpets ; it is very rarely indeed that they 
support the main burden of the harmony. But as violin- 
playing improved Scarlatti made more use of the strings, 
sometimes even trying experiments in dividing them. 
These, however, are less modern than would appear at 
first sight; for the object of Scarlatti's division of the 
violins into four parts is not to get four-part harmony from 
them, but to obtain two orchestras which play antiphonally, 
as for instance in Appios air, ^^Ma il mio ben che/a, dov ^ ? " 
in the first act of ** La Caduta dei Decemviri." In most of 
the airs in " Eraclea " and the other operas of this time 
we find the strings accompanying all through, as well as 
the cembalo. The noise must often have been consider- 
able, but it perhaps suited the cast-iron style of the tunes. 
In " Mitridate," however, there is a tendency to get rid 
of the cembalo^ and during this further period it becomes 
Scarlatti's frequent practice to accompany the voice with 
violins, violas, and violoncellos alone — ^sometimes, indeed, 
without violoncellos, or even violas — letting the cembalo 
and double-basses enter in the ritornelli only. 

The airs, too, contain much more material than before. 
Then, the only contrast was between the first part and the 
second, and that a slight one at the best; now, by en- 
larging the scheme, Scarlatti gets quite strongly contrasted 
material into both parts, as well as a sharp contrast between 
the parts themselves. The theatrical style of the third 
period is still kept up, and considerably developed, but 
though his work has gained in vigour and incisiveness of 
expression, it has lost much of its old tenderness and 
charm. He uses coloratura very freely — sometimes, it 



must be admitted, in rather doubtful taste, but generally 
with a keen sense of dramatic effect Two examples from 
'* La Principessa Fedele " will illustrate his methods. 

The first is in the vigorous style, and calls down 
the vengeance of heaven in a most spirited manner : — 

Ex. 51. 

lam - po ful - mi - ne e sa - et - te ca-der-an 

sul tra - di 


sul tra 

di - tor. 

Coloratura employed in this way has a dramatic value 
which no declamation, to however elaborate an accompani- 
ment, can equal. Such a triumphant rush of rapid notes 
can only produce its proper effect when sung. The modern 
plan of giving the coloratura to the orchestra and de- 
clamation to the voice makes us almost always feel that 
the singer is battling against the instruments instead of 
leading them. 

The second example shows a different use of coloratura^ 
less obvious, but none the less beautiful. The "faithful 
princess " Cunegonda, disguised as a boy, is asked to sing, 
to soothe the sleep of the Sultan Aladino, and complies 
with a quiet little ditty, which she says was composed by 
a lover in prison. It is in the style of Scarlatti's early 
Neapolitan period, and contains little coloratura beyond 
delicate flourish which marks a cadence in the second 
section ; but at the end of the first part there is a wonder- 
ful long, lulling passage of great decorative beauty — 

Ex. 52. 


spe-ra, spe - ra, ch'avrai ji^s-to, presto, pres - to tua be! - 



which is not virtuoso music at all, and was most probably 
sungpzamsszmo in a tender, dreamy style. The idea is carried 
out by the recitative in which she tells the story of the song, 
quite in the manner of a chamber-cantata. But it is rare 
to find such luxuriant coloratura used in this way ; for 
later composers it was not showy enough, though there is 
just a touch of it in Leo's '* S. Elena al Calvario." We 
shall find a truer parallel in the Choralvorspiele for the 
organ of Buxtehude and J. S. Bach. 

"II Giro," begun in October 17 ii, and produced in 
Rome for the Carnival of 17 12, is notable for its ballets. 
Whether they are all Scarlatti's cannot be sard, since the 
autograph score has been much altered for a later revival. 
But some are undoubtedly his, being in his own hand- 
writing. They are for the most part curious little scraps 
of music, so short, even with the repeats, that the dance 
could hardly have got well started before it was all over. 
The dances of Furies at the end of Act II. are typical of 
the style. 



£x. S3. 

i if a. 


4 #3 


^ 3C-2 — i_. g^: z:. 


Ex. 54. 

'olinsA JL fl— ST 


«/i' altro, pure presto in menaet. 


6 6 




Such quaint little movements are in themselves sufficient 
proof that the ballet in Italian opera was still regarded 
as necessarily grotesque. The heading of the second 
^^ presto in menuet^^ is curious. There are plenty of minuets 
in Scarlatti's operas, and it is clear that they must have 
been danced much quicker than the '^menuetdela cour'' as 
we know it in ** Don Giovanni." Indeed Rousseau in his 
dictionary tells us that the minuet was always danced faster 
on the stage. But we can hardly conceive Ex. 54 
being played as fast as the other minuets seem to require, 
although its rhythms do not seem very suitable to the 
stately movements of the classical dance. It must, however, 
be borne in mind that in Scarlatti's day there was always 
less difference between fast and slow tempt than there is 
now. We have already seen how he protests against an 
extreme interpretation of his tempo-tmrks, although he 
wishes careful attention to be paid to them. As M. Saint* 




SaSns has said in his preface to Rameau's Pieces de 
Clavecin, '^ Jusqtiau milieu du Steele dernier le degrd de 
Vitesse on de lenteur, si important d notre ipoque, n avail 
probabtement pas la mime importance qu aujourdhui ; 
d^ailleurs, la distance entre les mouvements extremes itait assez 
faible. Tons Us mouvements devaient itre compris entre ce 
que nous appelons actuellement r Allegro moderato et 
rAndante^ He might have added that we shall always 
get nearer to the spirit of the older composers when we 
translate their directions quite literally, instead of giving 
them the conventional values which the same words bear 
in modern music. Another specimen from ** II Giro " shows 
how indifferent Scarlatti was to the exact regulation of 
pace that modern composers require. It is a dance or 
march of priests, accompanying Elcino (i.e. Ciroxn disguise) 
in the performance of a sacrifice to Apollo. The same 
music serves both as ritomello and dance, "at whatever 
pace may be necessary." 

Ex. 55, 

Coro di SacerdoH che portano vittime per Sacrtficio accompagnando Elcino 
can bcdlo^ suono, e canto, 

Ritor^ e ballo insieme^ a tempo che sard necess^, grave, allegro a piacere. 

Con oubuo^ 
air urns, de' 

Violini se 
cosi piacerU, 

W-T. .-- \r:j ^ 

A.^4'j'4-^4' 44 

t6 i 









P^— t i p — 1^ 


jJU.Ji_4 J 





jd. -^. • ^ -^^^ ^ • N J 

gir f 

Although called " ballot' it can hardly have been any- 
thing less stately than a march. It is followed by a hymn, 
sung by Elcino and repeated in chorus, which seems to 
anticipate the similar scenes in ** Alceste," '* Iphig^nie en 
Tauride," and " Die Zauberflote." 

*' Tigrane " (1715) is the most famous of all Scarlatti's 
operas, and though no doubt it owes much of its dictionary 
reputation to its being his hundred and sixth work for the 
stage, it certainly is the best representative of this particular 
period. It has the great advantage of a clear and well- 
designed plot, which in addition to its regular parti buffe 
has a vein of subtle humour running all through ; Tomiri 
makes fun of her lovers as she plays off one against the 
other, and her rival Meroe in the disguise of a gipsy 
fortune-teller makes fun of everybody. But from a musical 
point of view the opera is not equal to its reputation. It 
produces a general impression of brilliance and mag- 
nificence ; but examples of really deep feeling or exalted 
musical beauty are rare. This is characteristic of the 
whole of this period. The characters are striking, the 
music is striking ; variety of expression, brilliant coloratura 
and melodic beauty contribute to make everything as 


showy and effective as possible; but there is no getting 
away from the utter unreality of the whole business. The 
outrageous incongruities of the comic scenes are a positive 
relief; crazy as their characters are, they are very much 
more human and natural than the heroes and heroines 
of the conventional tragedy. 

The comic scenes of '* Tigrane " are distinctly good, 
and are also notable as being among the very few where 
dialect is employed ; not Neapolitan, however, but 
Bolognese, and that only for a few sentences, mixed with 
the absurd Latin of Orcone as a Dottor Graziano, and 
Dorillas still more absurd attempts at German.^ The 
final scene of Act I. deserves mention, as it shows a 
certain sense of musical parody in the use of pompous 
recitativo stromentcUo for comic purposes. In the previous 
scene Meroe has arranged a simulated evocation of her own 
ghost for Tigrane, who believes her dead ; the part of the 
wizard is played by her servant Orcone. During the 
serious interview between Tigrane and the supposed ghost 
of Meroe, he has gone to sleep, but wakes up after they 
are gone and is discovered by Dorilla. She of course sees 
through his disguise, and wishing to have some fun with 
him, requests him to raise her a ghost ; he somewhat 
reluctantly proceeds to perform an incantation, stammering 
with fear lest it should really take effect. The stammering 
is a rather trite form of humour, but contrasted with the 
solemn movements of the orchestra it becomes absurdly 

Ex. 56. 
\Jntanto va fcuendo circolo colla verga, s pauroso.) 

^^*^' jtaccaio. 

I ir 2, 




^ Dorilla fortunately supplies an Italian translation herself of her air, 
'* Ic bin Upaber, iclibe, libedu^ which turns out to represent " Ich bin Liebhaber, 
ich liebe, liebe Du,'' — "iV? sono amante, io amo^ ama tu!* 



dai cu-pi vor-ti-ci dell' ombre or-ri - bi-li. 

^zr r ^-an^ 

6 6 tl6 

"Tigrane" is also interesting as being the first of 
Scarlatti's operas that shows a tendency towards modern 
orchestral writing. It contains a good many little dances 
and marches, but these are generally scored thinly, all the 
upper instruments playing in unison, or at most in two 
parts. But Tigrane has an air in Act I. accompanied by 
two horns, " concerto dioubuoh'' ^ [i,e. oboes and bassoons in 

^ The spelling ^^'oubuol^ which is regularly used by Scarlatti and his con- 
temporaries, is as exact a representation as is possible in Italian of the French 
^^hautbais/* as it was pronounced at that time. 


three-part harmony, with probably several instruments to 
each part) and strings, in which the horns are fairly 
prominent ; and there are also airs with solo parts for the 
lute and the violetta damore. But on the whole the 
orchestration is old-fashioned, and it was not until later 
that Scarlatti adopted a style which we can recognize as 
consistently modern in spirit. 

In 17 18 Scarlatti produced his one comic opera, ** II 
Trionfo dell' Onore," at the Teatro de Fiorentini. This 
theatre had for some years made a speciality of comic 
operas in Neapolitan dialect, the most prominent composer 
being Leonardo Vinci, who, if not actually a pupil of Scar- 
latti, was very much under his influence. It must be 
clearly understood that these comic operas were not inter- 
mezzi. It is true that by this time it had become fairly 
common to transplant the comic scenes from one opera to 
another. They were always a speciality of Naples, and if 
an opera by a stranger was to be performed there, some 
Neapolitan composer provided these, as Vignola did for 
Handel's ** Agrippina." But the first occasion on which a 
series of comic intermezzi appears to have been recognized 
as an independent organism was the performance of 
Pergolesis famous "Serva Padrona'' in 1731, although we 
should perhaps give the honour to the intermezzi from 
Scarlatti's opera "Scipione nelle Spagne" (Naples, 17 14), 
which was revived at Bologna in 1730 under the title 
of •* La Dama Spagnuola ed il Cavalier Romano," and 
printed in a separate libretto, not incorporated with that 
of any other opera. 

The Neapolitan ^* cummedeja in mtiseca," however, is 
a full-sized opera in three acts. We should trace its 
descent from the pastoral operas and ''favole boscareccie^' 
such as ** La Rosaura" and "II Figlio delle Selve," and 
since the first recorded example of the new type, " Patri 
Calienna de la Costa " ( 1 709), seems to have been produced 
as a stop-gap, accompanied by the apologies of the manage- 
ment, it is possible that it was mainly written in dialect, 
because there was no time to turn the rough draft into 


literary Italian. Being a success, the experiment was 
repeated, and a style was developed that depended for its 
interest on the lively presentation of popular types of 
character, with an occasional parody of the turgid style of 
opera seria. In the early comic operas all the characters 
talk Neapolitan except those who are held up to ridicule 
as Romans or Florentines ; later the number of dialect 
characters is reduced. Scarlatti's opera presents a very 
curious exception, since not one of the characters talks 
Neapolitan or any other dialect. 

The plot has a remarkable resemblance to that of 
** Don Giovanni," except that the hero repents at the end, 
without supernatural interference. The scene is laid at 
Pisa, and the time was probably the present day or any 
period that happened to suit the costumier's convenience. 
Riccardo, 3, young profligate from Leghorn, while visiting 
his uncle Flaminio, arranges to elope with Doralice, niece 
of Cornelia, an old lady whom Flaminio is anxious to 
marry on account of her wealth. The elopement is frus- 
trated by Leonora, whom Riccardo has deserted, and her 
brother Erminio, who is in love with Doralice. Leonora 
and Erminio are not unlike Donna Elvira and Don Ottavio, 
but Doralice certainly has nothing in common with Donna 
Anna, being quite ready to run away with Riccardo. 
Rodimarte and Rosina, the servants of Riccardo and 
Cornelia respectively, are ordinary parti buffe, but with 
more part in the general action than usual ; we see in 
them the prototypes of Leporello and Zerlina. Musically 
they look as far forward as Rossini ; even Mozart hardly 
arrived at such exuberant humour as we find in their 
duets — ** Or via dameggia^' with its absurd parodies of grand 
opera, and ^^ Ferma^ ferma, o cospettaccio^' a string of short 
chattering, giggling phrases, evidently intended to be 
spoken rather than sung, unified by a short violin-figure, 
with now and then a real musical phrase to round off 
a cadence. 



Ex. 57. 



Oboes 8f Violins^ 




Inuo. ( P=e— ^ 

ROSINA (Contralto), 


Fer - ma, 


fer-ma, o cos-pet-tac-cio ! 





■- F 




no, no, no, no, non v6 ques- to ! 

- ro - re, ec-co il braccio, il braccio ! 








^ ^-^fc^=fe- ftf^^-g ^^ 

pur, go - da pur di quest' o - no - re, lei lo pren-da, lo 

^J^-= ^ 

■=1— asFtP— 







i « 


?~J uJn^ft* ,. ^ f * r 

| *^-^-g^- j| J ji 

No, no, non ^ o - ne - sta I 




Vi - a! 



pren-da ! 


lei si ser-va, 


si ser-va 1 




Of the rest it is difficult to pick out single airs as 
illustrations. The music is always full of life and humour, 
sometimes in the orchestra, as when Cornelia scolds Fla- 
minio for making love to her servant Rosina, sometimes in 
the voice-part itself, as iii some oi Riccardds airs. This 
part, which is for a soprano, was sung by a woman, not 
by a castrato, and its florid phrases well suggest the hero's 
vanity and profligate cynicism. 

Rosinas air '' Avete nelvolto'' has a very arch effect of 
aposiopesis which is of interest from a technical point of 
view, besides exhibiting the characteristic charm of Scar- 
latti's light and playful style. 



Ex. 58. 


(/Contralto), I 




A - ve - te nel vol-to, ch'fe mol - to vi-va-ce, Si 







^^^ 1^ jc gTgt" 

dolce at-trat-ti-va ch'ar - ri - va,che piace, die 

ba-sta,ba-sta co - sL 


Indeed the whole opera is so fresh and so full of vitality 
that under favourable circumstances it might be quite 
possible to revive it, especially as it requires no elaborate 
scenery or stage effects, and contains no part for a castrato 
except Erviinioy which is a very small one. Certainly its 
old-fashioned methods ought not to stand in its way when 
we see ** La Serva Padrona " still remembered and per- 
formed in Italy. 

Two serenatas belong to this period — ** Pace, Amor, 
Providenza," and the ** Seasons.*' The first of these 
appears to have been composed for the Emperor's name- 
day, with special allusion to the Peace of Rastatt (17 14). 
The libretto is more than usually political. Providence quite 
early in the work informs Peace and Love that it is all 
very well for them to sing *' Viva amore,'' but that it is really 
owing to him {^Providence is a bass) that Charles is firmly 
established, not only on the throne of Naples, but on several 
others as well. Love^ however, insists that it was he who 
*' smoothed his path to the Iberian throne" and also pre- 
sented Charles to ''afflicted Germany." Pea^e appears to 
feel rather hurt at the other two taking to themselves all 
the credit of the recent diplomatic successes, and threatens 
to go away, but is restrained by Providencey and 

** Now that the Ebro, Danube, and the Rhine 
Haste with their tribute to the feet of Charles," 


we end with the usual chorus of jubilation. The music is 
of little interest. 

The other serenata was composed in 1716 for the birth 
of the Archduke Leopold, who, however, died the same 
year. It is on a very large scale, having parts for five 
voices (the four seasons and Jupiter) and being scored for 
what was then a large orchestra. With regard to the score, 
however, there is some confusion, as the manuscripts ex- 
hibit divergencies. Each part is preceded by a sinfonia, 
the second having only the last two movements of the 
conventional form. The whole composition well illustrates 
the serenata style, which was intended to combine the 
brilliance of the stage with the elaboration of the chamber : 
but although it sometimes attains to a remarkable beauty, 
it is very often extremely tedious, especially at this period 
when Scarlatti's "brilliant" manner was occasionally inclined 
to superficiality. Spring has an attractive air, ** Cantadolce 
il RosignuolOy' in the Siciliana style, the flute representing 
the nightingale with an unusual simplicity and restraint, 
and Autumn (contralto) has an air in the first part, '^ Fuor 
deir urna le belle onde,'' with a very carefully written 
accompaniment for violins in unison, two violas, and two 
violoncellos. But the part of Autumn seems to have been 
sung by a singer who made a speciality of ** rippling " effects, 
and by the end of the serenata they become most weari- 
some. The work is brought to a conclusion by a quintet 
in rondo-form ; some of its themes are graceful — it was 
hardly possible not to be graceful in ^ time — but generally 
it exhibits Scarlatti's curious inability to grasp the possi- 
bilities of choral effect. 

The birth of the Archduke was also celebrated with an 
opera, ** La Virtu Trionfante dell* Odio e deir Amore," pre- 
ceded by a special prologue also by Scarlatti ; and it was 
probably in connexion with this that he received the 
honour of knighthood, as he is called Cavaliere for the first 
time in the libretto of ** Carlo Re d' Allemagna," produced 
at the Carnival of 17 16. It has been suggested that he 
was made a knight of the Golden Spur by the Pope, at the 


request of Cardinal Ottoboni. If I 
curious that he should not have beei 
he was living in Rome as Cardinal 
Cappella. In any case the order w; 
Zedler^ tells us that by 1677 it wj 
for the Venetian ambassador to be ' 
at receiving it, while in later year 
value, being scattered broadcast by 
many other dignitaries of the Churc 
on Scarlatti's tombstone suggests tl 
Malta, but no documentary evidei 
has yet come to light. 

Two oratorios, " San Filippo 
"Trinity Oratorio" {17 15), present 
seems to illustrate well Scarlatti's a 
music. The libretto of the latter \ 
the nature of the Trinity betweer 
(soprano). Theology (alto), Unbeli 
(bass). Whether the arguments 
particularly convincing is not a qi 
historian ; but however sound th 
the operatic stanza is hardly a co 
for their presentation, nor does th 
appropriate to musical treatment, 
sible, surpassed his poet in dryness. 

" San Filippo Neri," on the 1 
his best oratorios. There is a n 
about it, though not all of it i< 
modern taste. The simile of a • 
voyage leads St. Philip into voce 
pretty, but rather out of place, and 
destriero " the pawing and champii 
violins throw Handel's frogs quite 
where genuine human feeling come 
the occasion. There is something se 
of Charity's high soprano airs ; Fai 
Handelian dignity, and the pathetic 
' Universal-Lexicon, Halle and 


in which 



the sufferings of the crucified Christ are 

Ex. 59. 

I and 2. 




Con mo -ri- bun-do ci - glio 


e-gli in - 











chi - na la fron - te e il sen pia-ga - to mos - tra e par che ti 

di-ca a-ma-mi, a- ma-mi, o fi-gliot a- ma-mi, o fi -glio! che le 




J. J ^ 


spi-ne eichio-di, Pas - ta cru-de - le e labe-vandaa-ma-ra, 

















•I — r 

un a-mor con-trol - 16 pertuasa-lu 


is worthily followed by the quiet and beautiful air in 
which St. Philip acknowledges the divine call. 

Two masses "^alla Palestrina' (17 lo and 17 16) show an 
advance upon previous work of the kind in the healthy feel- 
ing for modern tonality and the free treatment of discords. 

Ex. 60. 

re mi - 

- se - re 

di, mi - se 
re no 






{ • "'Y^^a 




re no 

-d- ^ J.|,J 



mi - se - re 

The Mtssa Clementina 11. (17 16) is the better of the 
two. Its style is dignified, with a firm sense of tonic 
relation, and the two fugato movements, **/« gloria Dei 
Patris'' and ^^ Et vitam venturi^' are full of vitality and 
breathe a thoroughly modern spirit. The same modern 


spirit is shown in the well-known Laetatus sunty for four 
voices,^ which is as vigorous as any work of Leo. It was 
probably composed as a study in counterpoint, as the only 
contemporary manuscript has no words, and is headed 
'* Modulaiio sexti toni: tres cogitationes unaque Armonia^' 
referring to the three subjects, exhibited first separately 
and finally all together. The Requiem is in a style similar 
to that of the other masses, and may perhaps be ascribed 
to this period. It is not known for what occasion it was 
written; possibly for the death of Clement XI. in 172 1, 
though the mass for the accession of his successor, Inno- 
cent XIII., was merely dished up from old work; and at 
so late a date we should expect a still more modern style. 
The Requiem is rather unequal, and seems to vary in 
quality with the character of the words. Where they are 
merely liturgical, Scarlatti is dull ; where they touch some 
genuine human emotion, as in the Requiem aeternam the 
Sanctus and Osanna, Scarlatti is genuinely poetical. The 
Dies irae is not set, being sung to the traditional plain-song. 

The same poetical touch is seen in the two Misereres 
for five voices, strings, and organ in E minor (17 15) and 
C minor (1716).* These, like many other settings of 
psalms, are rather loose in tonality, but this is due as much 
to looseness of form as to modal survivals. Indeed, form 
appears only in a free balancing of rhythmic sections and 
in the recurrence every now and then of fragmentary 
phrases which make for a vague unification of the whole, 
the idea being to express the words just as they come, as in 
Verdi s Stabat Mater, though there the strophic character 
of the poem necessarily gave a more symmetrical disposition 
to the music within the limits of single sections. 

The other psalms are for the most part unsatisfactory. 
They have some beautiful moments, but are very un- 
equal. Generally they include some treatment of an 
ecclesiastical canto fermo^ 30 that the trail of the modes 

* Printed in Proske*s Musica Divina, 

^ It is possible that these were written some ten years earlier, as suggested 
at the beginning of this chapter. 


is still over their harmony, and though the style of 
Palestrina is definitely abandoned, the new technique 
of harmonic counterpoint is not yet quite perfected. 
Leo has a complete mastery over it, but Scarlatti 
does not always realize the necessity of individualizing 
his parts in a polyphonic choral movement. It cannot 
have been due to lack of skill, for his two-part writing 
in the chamber-cantatas is not surpassed by J. S. Bach 
himself, and the Missa Clementina II. shows that he 
saw in what direction choral music had to go — indeed, 
the final chorus of ** S. Teodosia " pointed thither as 
early as 1685. But in much of his choral writing the 
parts cross and recross so often, and contrast so little 
with each other, that the listener is quite unable to pursue 
the development of a particular subject. The best of the 
psalms is the Laudate pueri Dominunt for five voices and 
organ. It begins with a bass solo in E minor, practically 
in unison with the continuo, varied by coloratura. It is 
not in the style of an aria, but has the character of a fugue- 
subject, and immediately gives a rough suggestion of a 
fugal answer by repeating itself in the subdominant ; it 
then returns to a second repetition in the tonic, extended 
by a coda. The other voices enter at " Sit nomen Domini^' 
sung by the second soprano to the fourth tone as a canto 
fermOy the other voices having free imitations. This 
movement is also in E minor. ** A solis ortu " and " Laud- 
abile nomen " are set for soprano, alto, and tenor only, the 
first theme* being repeated at the end of nine bars, after 
which the second is developed for twenty-five bars more. 
The movement is gentle and melancholy in character, and 
the ^^ A solis ortu*' has a despairing expression strangely 
out of place in so cheerful a psalm of praise. 

Ex. 61. 

A so-lis or - tu us - que ad oc-ca • - sum. 

A so-lis or - tu us - que ad oc-ca - sum. 



The ^' Excelsus super omnes'' forms a welcome contrast, 
being in five-part harmony in C major, and the next 
section, '' et super coelos^' though mostly in minor keys, is 
fairly vigorous and massive. It ends in C major, after 
which comes a duet, ** Qjiis sicut Dominus'' for soprano 
and alto in the imitative manner of the chamber-duets. 
** Suscitans a terra " is set as a florid soprano solo, treated 
in a fugal spirit, like the opening bass solo, if one can 
conceive of a fugaio for one voice. The continue never 
imitates it at all. 

Ex. 62. 



citans a ter 

ra in - o 

4 $3 

/ J B^J-;^ 


pes, sus 

citans a 

It is followed by a well-developed y^^^/^ on ''ut collocet 
eum '* for all five voices, 

Ex. 63. 

ut coMo-cet eum cum prin - ci • pi-bus po-pu - 11 su - i po 

col-fo-cct e -urn cum prin- 

contrasted with which is ** Qui habitare fecit^' a long 
movement in full harmony, falling into definite rhythmical 
periods. The Gloria is given out by the first soprano 
alone in a sort of arioso; ''sicut eraf' is sung to imita- 
tions on the canto fermo. The tonality of the motet is 
firm throughout, in spite of the use of an ecclesiastical 
canto fertJto, so that it evidently belongs to a late period ; 



and in connection with this clear feeling for tonic relations 
the oppressive melancholy of the work is the more strange. 
It seems so sincere, so intimately tragic, that one cannot 
regard it as a mere modal survival. Yet to interpret it 
in a modern spirit as the expression of the composer's 
personal feeling, strong though the temptation may be to 
arrive in this way at a plausible explanation, would, I 
think, be false psychology. However repugnant it may be 
to leave a work of art as a wholly unexplained mystery, we 
must always remember that we have no right to attempt 
serious analysis of what we may imagine to be its emo- 
tional content until we have absolutely and entirely mastered 
its structural organization down to the innermost details. 

Three motets for double choir may safely be assigned 
to this period, since we know that one of them, '* O 
magnum mysterium^' was written in 1707. The " Tu es 
Petrus'' has always been a famous composition, and 
thoroughly deserves its great reputation.^ ** O magnum 
mysterium " is rather more archaic, though firm in tonality, 
while " Volo, Pater'' is a perfect specimen of the modern 
style, masterly in its counterpoint, yet founded on a 
subject that might have come from a chamber-cantata, 
so melodious is its flow. 

Ex. 64. 

Operas and serenatas, motets and oratorios, are, how- 
ever, left far behind by the chamber-cantatas that are 
contemporary with them. Scarlatti had been appointed 
master at the Conservatorio del Paveri di Gesil Crista in 
1709, and it may have been his occupation as a teacher 

^ It has been reprinted several times. 



that stimulated him to such extraordinary studies in ad- 
vanced harmony as the chamber-cantatas exemplify. It 
was in 17 12 that he made the celebrated exchange of 
cantatas with Francesco Gasparini. The details of the 
correspondence are not known. Apparently it began by 
Gasparini sending Scarlatti a setting of the cantata 
'' Andate miei sospiri'^ Scarlatti replied to this com- 
position, which is remarkable for nothing except its 
dryness, by sending two settings of the same words. 
The first is in G minor, headed **m idea humana^' and 
the last air has an alternative setting ^^per intingolo''^ 
The other setting is in F sharp minor, "m ideainhumana^ 
ma in regolato Cromatico, non ^ per ogni Prof essore^ 

The ** human '* cantata may fairly be taken to represent 
the best setting of the words that Scarlatti could conceive. 
The airs are melodious, and though their harmonies 
present nothing startling, they are quite modern in feel- 
ing. The most interesting movement from a historical 
point of view is the introductory arioso and recitative. 

Ex. 65. 


te o miei sospi - ri, omieisospi - ri al cor d'l-re-ne, 

t!4 ^ 

t» 6 -^ 6 S6 



6 7 4 3 

^ Intingolo = a ragout. 

^ Scarlatti's habit of making an h that somewhat resembles an E (for a 
good facsimile of his handwriting see the catalogue of the library of the Brussels 
Conservatoire, vol. i.) led Bumey and others to read this word as inEumana^ 
which, it was suggested, must have been an academic pseudonym ! 



^rrcPT rri 

an-da - te, an-da - te, an-da - te o miei sospiri o miei sos- 








I? \^7\>6 6 t] l7 6 

JJ^J- -^JJT 

pi - n 

al cor al cor d'l-rc-nc : 


^Pr^ Tferfni 

es-so delmiole pe - • ne sappia, sappiadavoi 

This is comparatively simple, and shows at once that 
the composer has just began to realize the possibilities of 
the chord of the diminished seventh. It was by no means 
a new chord ; but Scarlatti is probably the first composer 
who grasped what might be done with it considered as an 
absolute chord, not as a suspended discord arrived at by a 
contrapuntal process of preparation. And in the above 
extract there are more diminished sevenths than those 
marked ^l ; the second chord of the fourth bar may be 
safely regarded as implying an A flat and not a G. Scar- 
latti's figuring is always rather irregular ; but by comparing 
basses with voice-parts it is found to be a fairly general 
rule, though not an absolute one, that jl implies the third 
inversion of the minor ninth, while the third inversion of 
the dominant seventh is generally figured J, and the dis- 
cordant second prepared. The last bar of this example, 
however, supplies an exception. 




The next step is to go from one diminished seventh 
straight to another by a fall of a semitone. This example 

Ex. 66. 

) ch*el - la non vi cc 


CO - no - see 

non v*in - ten - de 





7^ 4 3 


IS from the second recitative of the same cantata. A single 
diminished seventh will carry a modulation a fairly long 
way without obvious eccentricity of resolution, but two or 
more together can make the listener lose his bearings 
so completely that he does not know whether the next 
resolution be complicated or simple. 

The second cantata was written with the deliberate in- 
tention of puzzling Gasparini. Indeed to the modern reader 
it is not easily intelligible at first sight, even allowing for 
modern unfamiliarity with the style and the notation ; so we 
can imagine how Gasparini must have been bewildered by 
its amazing successions of chromatic harmonies, especially as 
Scarlatti, with a characteristic sense of humour, has started 
straight off with a third inversion of the supertonic seventh 
in the key of F sharp minor, and has left the bass unfigured. 
This at any rate was his intention, but either from force of 
habit, or possibly with deliberate irony, he has put in a 
harmless figure here and there in places where the most 
elementary pupil would have had no difficulty in supplying 
them instinctively. 

The first recitative shows his methods. 



Ex. 67. 



1 .. f^ tt J* J ^ 

C- g^ Jz^J 


An -da - te, an - da • te o miei so - spi - ri al 






t^y-r ^-i--i^-^Fv^=Xy::^H^ ^ 


al cor d'l - re • ne. 

es - so del mio le 



tut - to con voi sen vie • ne an - che il mio co • re. An - 






da - te, 

an < da • te 



quel bel se 






tan • to ch'un sol al • me - no es • sa n'ac - col - ga, pien del mio fo • co 



r^ gy 




l j^(;-^g-^ ; ^--g=g ^l 4-^_^-1 ^=^^S 

o - gn'un di vol s'ag • gi - ri ; 

an .da - te. 


- da-te al cor d'l-re - ne, an • da-te al cor d*I-re - ne, o miei so- spi- ri ! 


It is at once apparent that the accidentals make the 
music look more complicated than it really is. As it is, 
modern notation saves several of these, and three sharps 
to the signature would have saved several more. The 
sudden change to flats in the fourth bar might have been 
avoided by writing the second bass note as F double- 
sharp. Bar 8 shows a curious treatment of a | chord, and 
we find an analogous case in the second recitative, which 
begins unmistakably on the second inversion of the chord 
of C sharp minor, and resolves it on to a chain of diminished 
sevenths whose basses descend by semitones. 



Ex. 68. 


¥ r /C¥MSi^ 


Ma di die mi lu - sin -go? oh Dio 1 che pen - so ? 





The diminished seventh is the key to the rest. But 
the close of the second recitative presents more striking 

£x. 69. 
J e pur sa quell' in - gra - ta, lo sa con suo pia- cer che 







^^ -Ai 

qual suo bar-ba-ro cor) ci6. . . . che chie - de 

le • te. 


The modulation to A flat two bars before the end is 
extremely bold. The explanation must be sought in the 
words — though not merely as a piece of eccentricity on the 
word **6ardaro" The sentence includes a parenthesis — 
'* and she understands (but that barbarous heart of hers 
feigns not to do so) that which ye ask." Scarlatti has 
ingeniously attempted to represent this rhetorical figure in 




his music, for if we cut out what is in parenthesis, the music 
makessense just as the words do, ''tntende . . . ^<) " being 
on the same chord. Now probably Scarlatti's first instinct 
was to get *• barbaro'' on to a diminished seventh, so that 
we should read E natural for E flat, and the chord of F 
minor for that of A flat major. This would be a very 
characteristic progression. But the jump from F minor to 
the I on G, which is attractive enough to our ears, was 
probably more than Scarlatti could manage. He would 
feel that the bass must descend to G from A flat. But the 
leap from E natural to A flat, whether the latter bears a | 
or a 6, was awkward, and to flatten the E was an obvious 
way out of the difficulty. Whether the G on the fourth 



beat should bear a #4 or a Jt4, I am not certain ; the previous 
G must certainly bear a $4, and Scarlatti probably con- 


templated the same chord following the parenthesis ; but it 
is possible that he would have preferred eventually to 
soften the progression by using an inversion of his favourite 
diminished seventh. 

Another progression common enough to us but unusual 
for Scarlatti is the resolution of the Neapolitan sixth on 
the first inversion of the supertonic minor ninth, on the 
word '^piacer^^ in the preceding example. The Neapolitan 
sixth is, of course, plentiful in Scarlatti's work; indeed 
it is so conspicuous a mannerism of his that it may well 
have got its name from him. It appears frequently even 
in his earliest work, although in Stradella and Legrenzi 
it is employed very seldom, and even then with some 
timidity. The flat supertonic from which it is derived is 
characteristic of Neapolitan folk-song, as may be seen 
from the camonette in the comic operas of Vinci and Leo ; 

Ex. 7a _ Vinci, ** Lc Ziten Galera " (1722). 

Vor • ri • a re - ven*ta - re. • • . so - re - cii • lo 

Per met-te-re pa- u-ra a.... la Sia Anella,a la Sia A- nella, 



but this type of popular song had not yet been appropriated 
by serious composers. The rhythm is characteristically 
Neapolitan, and is never found in Scarlatti. It is much 
more probable that he found the flat supertonic in the songs 
of his native Sicily. Scarlatti was too good a musician 
to be much affected by the " assumption of simplicity by 
courtly persons who had become artificialized, and wanted a 
new sensation," which, as Mr. FuUer-Maitland^ well points 
out, was a fashionable characteristic of the early eighteenth 
century, and which we can observe in our own day in the 
recrudescent craze for folk-song. But he did yield to it on 
rare occasions, and two examples have survived of airs 
specially described by Scarlatti as ^' alia siciliana^' one in 
the opera ** La Donna h, ancora fedele," the other in the 
cantata '* Una belta cK eguale^ Both of these are of the 
type which we associate with the name '^ Sictliana*' 

flowing melodies in ^ time ; but that rhythm could hardly 
have been the essential of the Sicilian type, since the 
operas and cantatas are full of such airs, undistinguished 
by any special title. What distinguishes these two from 
the others is the frequent appearance of the flat supertonic. 
The characteristic cadence of the air " Non mi tradir mat 
piil " in the opera shows it only tentatively ; the raising of 
B flat to B on its last appearance was no doubt a con- 
cession to the audience, who would not have time in an 
opera to take in properly so unusual a melodic progression. 

Ex. 71. 

Mai piili, 





mai pi^ n^ men per gio - co, per gio 




But in the cantata there was less need for such precau- 
tions, and Scarlatti has treated his theme much more freely. 
The characteristic interval appears, and is even allowed to 
distort the harmony of the conventional \ \ cadence; in- 

* " Oxford History of Music," voL iv. p. 63. 



deed Scarlatti, having once impressed this distortion on 
the listener, shows how it can be ingeniously used to effect 
a striking modulation. Yet even here he has not intro- 
duced it at the end of the air, feeling that it would not 
give a sufficient impression of finality. The air is so in- 
teresting in its melody, harmony, and form that it is worth 
quoting entire. 

Ex. 72. 
Aria alia Siciliana. 

a6 6 



Bel • la, sevuoiperte far 

a J. J. , ^ i T'iprcrT-Circr'Sf" rij 



«6 6 

T\'^ \ ^ 

la, se vuoi per te for - mi langui - re, con nn pia • cer. 

16 its 6 « "I '~f(,<, I 




appaga il mio pen-sier,. 

1^6 6 \>s 
4 3 


\>6 6\>s 
4 3 


fftr'^^xfr n^ ^p 

fc n?r c^ r7 i l 

e poi, e poi, e poi mo - n • 




• mi lan-goi - re e poi mo-ri - re, mo-ri • re. 

b-J-J. JJJ/IJ. j-rrJJ i j. Jl*'^^^ 

6 6 




EZi^gT^i^-'rc i rr^rcg:^ 

Bel • la, ap - pagail miopenaier se vaoi con un piacer far* 

- mi lan-gui • re, .... ap - paga il mio pensier, ... e poi,.. . e poi, e 


poi mo - n - re,. 

mo - n - re, mo-n - re. 

^ r ''c^^' ^y 

pot mo-n 





Jfj^f ^- i f r^ 

I have purposely abstained from filling up the har- 
monies of the accompaniment. Scarlatti's figuring is al- 
ways rather sketchy, and naturally so, since the system was 
in theory and in practice one of convenience. Rousseau * 

^ Dicttonnaire de Musique^ art. Accompagnement. 


and Marcello ^ tell us, each in his own characteristic way, 
how little attention was paid by Italians to the figures in 
accompanying ; and composers of that day were probably 
quite reasonable in trusting to the common sense and 
natural artistic instinct of players. But in this air there 
are several places where the bass might be harmonized in 
two or three different ways. Probably Scarlatti would 
have approved of any of them, and for that reason I have 
avoided suggesting that any particular way is the only 
right one. 

I have not been able to identify this air with any 
recorded Sicilian folk-song, although it has a decidedly 
Sicilian character in its rhythms and its flat supertonic.^ 
The Sicilian type of melody must not be judged by the 
'' Sicilianas'' of J. S. Bach and Handel, who had no con- 
nexion with Sicily, and merely imitated the airs in y time 
that are common throughout Scarlatti's work, but which 
never bear the indication ^' alia siciliana^^ \ Scarlatti, 
as a Sicilian, realized, as his imitators did not, what 
characteristics were essential, and not accidental, to the 
native melodies of the island. 

The ** Cantata inhumana " represents the furthest point 
to which Scarlatti carried his harmonic audacities. In his 
later work he merely shows a completer mastery over the 
same material, with the result that it is less startling but 
more beautiful. There are no extravagant chords or 
progressions in the airs even of '^Andate miei sospiri'' ; 
the hrst air is certainly difficult, but its difficulty arises 
from the closeness of its texture — the modulations are so 
tersely executed that the hearer has to make haste to get 
a firm footing in one key before Scarlatti twists him into 
another. Syncopations too and suspensions add to the 
complication. The second air is remarkably beautiful. 
In this, as in the air ^' Cara tomba'* from *' Mitridate 
Eupatore/* the harmony gives poignance to the melody, 

* // Teatro alia Moda, 

' I owe this information to. Prof. £. P. Morello, librarian of the R. Con- 
servatorio di Musica at Palermo. 



but IS never allowed to tyrannize over it, as it does in 
some of the still later cantatas. 

A very beautiful use of chromatic harmony is to 
be found in the air ** Qimnte pene " from the cantata 
'' Lontananza crude W (17 13); such a phrase as this — 

Ex. 73. 

tor-men-to-sa lon-ta -nan-za, tor-mento • sa lon-ta - nan • za, 

96 7 6Jf6 6 ij6 b'6 b6 6Jt6 

is quite in the spirit of Mozart, and there are many that 
remind us of J. S. Bach. 

Even in the operas, where clearness was the first 
consideration, we find some new harmonic effect. Strange 
progressions and complicated modulations were not suit- 
able to the theatre ; but Scarlatti shows in " Scipione nelle 
Spagne " what an effect can be made with a cadenza on a 
diminished seventh, 


LucEio. m\^]>' Yhj. h J* I h 11 J" I t^ 

1 ^2. 

f't^iiJ J J 

nol deg • gio dir, nol deg 


fn^^ J, ^ I J ^f^jjy^n^ 





oh Diol 

oh Dio ! nol deg - gio dir, i 









dol mio. 




oh Dio! 

nol deg - gio dir. 





and the chord is made all the more striking by its appear- 
ance as the resolution of a deceptive cadence. There is a 
somewhat similar case in "II Trionfo dell' Onore," in- 
Riccardds air, "5/, si^ che tutto goder mi /ardy' where a 
single diminished seventh is dwelt upon for three bars, 
and is additionally emphasized by a peculiarly insistent 
rhythmic figure. 

It will be observed that the main characteristic of 
Scarlatti's new harmonic developments is that he considers 
his music vertically as well as horizontally. He was, of 
course, far from being the first composer to do so, and he 
is equally far from being among those for whom the 
vertical aspect of composition predominates. But he is 
one of the first to apply the vertical principle to chromatic 
chords, and especially to chromatic discords. There can 
be no doubt that he was influenced in this direction by 
the development of keyed instruments. The first impulse 
was given by the organ, under the hands of such com- 
posers as Frescobaldi, and from the organ the style 
extended itself to the cembalo. The invention of recita- 
tive, as well as the mechanical development of the instru- 
ment, must have greatly increased the importance of the 
cembalo as an accompaniment to the voice, the lute 
gradually retiring into the background. Alessandro 
Scarlatti's compositions for the cembalo are of little im- 
portance and by no means represent him at his best ; but 
we can see from his toccatas how he grasped the possibili- 
ties of the instrument in this direction. The contrapuntal 
style was the normal style of the day, and he therefore 


writes mainly in contrapuntal forms ; but his fugues for the 
cembalo are mere hollow shells. A subject stands out here 
and there, and there is a great deal of bustle and fuss, but 
he wastes no energy on inner parts which would never be 
heard clearly whether they were of contrapuntal value or 
not. if his fugues sound more or less like fugues, that 
is enough for him, as it was no doubt enough for most 
listeners. And scattered here and there among the quasi- 
contrapuntal passages we come upon slow successions of 
thick chords, often chromatic, played quite ad Itintum^ 
rattling up and down in varied arpeggios from one end of 
the keyboard to the other, or decorated by the right hand 
with passing-notes in his characteristic dactylic rhythms,^ 
whilst the left hand sustained the harmony, giving the 
audience time to wonder what might come next, and into 
what new key the composer's carefully frenzied inspiration 
might take him — surely the precise musical equivalent of 
that florid luxuriance of adulation, expressed in the most 
extraordinary jumble of metaphor, which he pours forth 
without intermission in his correspondence with Ferdinand 
de' Medici. 

The Regale per Principianti {i.e. in the art of accom- 
panying from a basso continuo) show that Scarlatti was 
in favour of a free style of playing, perhaps more so than 
his contemporaries, as in introducing some of his rules he 
qualifies them with the words — "at any rate such is the 
style of the present writer." Most of the rules are such 
as are familiar to us all, and need not be quoted ; and his 
rules for filling up a bass that is not figured amount to 
little more than would be carried out instinctively by any 
modern player who had a feeling for scholarship. But 
there are two rules which are specially interesting, and 
which he seems to have considered peculiarly character* 
istic of his own style. The second inversion of the 
dominant seventh, figured 6, and theoretically considered 
as a concordant second inversion of the "imperfect triad," 
is always to be given the fourth as well as the third in 

^ He gives an example in his Regole per Principianti, 


practice, when the bass descends conjunctly. When the 
bass ascends, the fourth is not to be sounded. He adds 
as an excuse that the fourth prepares — or, as we should 
rather say, anticipates — the fifth of the succeeding bass 
note ; but his real reason seems to have been the best of 
all reasons — '* because it sounds well." ^ 

He gives the same reason for his next rule : — 
*' It should be noted that for an agreeable style of 
playing, every time that a perfect cadence is made, or 
when the bass moves up a fourth or down a fifth, the 
minor seventh is to be added to the major third of the 
bass-note that proceeds in this way.*** 

Modern scholars have generally considered both these 
licenses as foreign to the spirit of the music of Scarlatti's 
time ; but Scarlatti's words leave no room for doubt, and 
are further confirmed by actual examples in score in many 
of his works, at least as regards the first of these two rules. 
The dominant seventh as a cadence appears only in the 
form of a passing-note, and it is conceivable that he also 
wished it to be regarded as such in playing from a figured 
bass. And we may see how conscious he was of his being 
in advance of other composers in the words that follow 
these two rules — ** Other accidental circumstances required 
by the harmony of the style of the present writer, and 
considered by him to belong to the most dignified manner 
of playing, cannot be described in writing." Indeed 
dignity, notwithstanding harmonic licenses, is a very 
essential quality of his style, as he never ceases to insist on 
the ^^ nobile portamento delle mani'' 

^ ^^ E da notare per bella maniera di sonare {e questo k secondo lo sHU di chi 
scrive nellopresenU libro) tutte U volte eke accade la consonanza di 6* maggiore 
^ c^Sgl^^g^ i<* 4* sopra la $• di delta consonanza^ fierM fit bel sentire^ oltre di 
essere preparativa delta 5" nota del basso susseguente, quando questo discende per 
un tuono; ma quando ascendeper un tuono non si aggiunge delta 4^ come si I 

* ^k da notarsi similw^ che per modo grato di sonare^ tutte ie volte che si 
fanno cadenze 6 pure movimento del basso di 4^ in sii b 5' in gii^y alia 3* 
maggiore delta nota del basso c^ ^ per mover si di d^ maniera^ vi si aggiunge la 
7* minore perchi fd buon sentireP 


ROME, 1718-1721; NAPLES, 1722-1725 

Although '* II Trionfo deir Onore" was produced at the 
Teatro de' Fiorentini in 17 18, and **Cambise" at the 
Teatro S. Bartolomeo the following year, Scarlatti seems 
during these years to have had more interests in Rome 
than in Naples. He obtained leave on October 18, 17 17, 
to go to Rome for the following Carnival;^ and he 
apparently stayed on there for the next few years, since 
he received no stipend as Maestro di Cappella at Naples, 
although he retained the title — Francesco Mancini acting 
as Vice-Maestro until Scarlatti's death, on which he suc- 
ceeded by right to the post of Prima Maestro. 

At Rome Scarlatti produced a very interesting series of 
operas at the " Sala degli illustrissimi Signori Capranica^^ 
and it is probable that Prince Ruspoli was also concerned in 
the management, since the autograph score of ** Griselda," 
the last of the series — and indeed the last of all Scarlatti's 
operas — states that it was written for him. The first of 
the series was "Telemaco," produced in 17 18, which was 
followed in 17 19 by "Marco Attilio Regolo." "Tito 
Sempronio Gracco" and "Turno Aricino" were revived 
in 1720 with so much new music that they may be counted 
as new operas. 

"Telemaco" is very unequal. Much of it is very 
tedious, though the comic scenes are among the best that 
Scarlatti ever wrote. But we see the beginning of a new 
style in Calipso's fine opening air, " Dio del mar,'' which 

* Naples, R. Archivio di Stato, Mandati dei Vicerl^ vol. 336, fol. 44. 




has a Mozartian breadth of melody, and still more in the 
noble duet for Minerva and Nettuno in the prologue. This 
movement is on a much larger scale than anything that 
preceded it, and was evidently written with a large theatre 
in view. Both melody and harmony are remarkably 
dignified and simple, and produce a striking effect of 
grandeur and serenity — one might almost say, an effect 
of distance. The arrangement of the orchestra is novel 
for the time : Nettuno is accompanied generally by the 
main body of the strings, and Minerva by a smaller body 
of strings placed on the chariot in which she descends 
from heaven. There is also a ^^ concerto di oubuoll' 
and a pair of horns. This is the first time that 
Scarlatti uses horns, except for a single air and a sort 
of fanfare in " Tigrane," and he turns them to very good 
effect here ; indeed they are the life and soul of the 

1 I '^~~X~^~^ I m ^ M ^ I t 


J J^^jj. A 4i4A 




Concerto di Minerva (strings). 

a4 j44jj. a 4-i4A 


Orchestra (strings). 






J J J 











U ^ 



fr^f^ rJ I rj rrrj- #f^^'^^r^ 






^ J. U 




Note. — The horn parts are given in Scarlatti's notation an octave above 
the notes actually sounded. 




This use of the horns seems to have been a happy 
inspiration, for they appear in every subsequent opera, 
generally associated with a harbour-scene, in which some 
characters arrive in a ship and disembark followed by their 
suite. On such occasions there is always a ^^ sinfania 
per lo sbarco'' in the manner of a march, in which 
the horns take a prominent part, the players being 
placed on board the ship, like the trumpeters in '* Mitri- 
date." No doubt the impresario considered that the ship 
also was a happy inspiration, as it could be used again 
every year. 

"Marco Attilio Regolo" is an advance upon "Tele- 
maco " as a whole, though it contains nothing as great as 
the duet mentioned above. Its airs are generally broad 
and dignified ; and it is interesting to find four airs broken 
off abruptly in the middle by the interruption of another 
character. This must have been rather a risky proceeding 
with an audience that came mainly to hear the singers, 
though it required an audience trained to the Da Capo 
form to realize its full dramatic value. The opera also 
contains many pieces of recitativo stromentato, one of 
which is remarkably fine. Attilio has escaped from the 



Carthaginians by a feigned death, which even his wife 
Fausta believes to be genuine. She comes by night to 
weep over his tombstone, Attilio himself watching her in 
concealment, undecided whether to endure her grief in 
silence or to risk recapture by making himself known to 
her. The recitative, which is unfortunately much too long 
for quotation entire, and to which extracts would hardly 
do justice, well illustrates the importance that was given 
to declamation in Scarlatti's day. Over fifty bars in 
length, and followed by an aria of which the middle 
section is also recitativo stromentato^ it illustrates every 
variety of passion. The accompaniment is very vigorous 
and full for its period, but the simplicity of the means 
employed would demand a first-rate actress to make the 
most of it. 

Another interesting feature of the opera is the intro- 
ductory ballet of Carthaginians accompanied "with the 
noise of bagpipes and castanets and rattles in the manner 
of barbarous nations," in which it is evident that Scarlatti 
has done his best to get something like local colour. 
He made a similar attempt in " Tigrane " with a 
ballet of Scythians, but it is not so characteristic as this 

Ex. 76. Strada di Cartas^ine omata di varij trionfi, BaUo di Giovam 
Cartaginesi, Comincia prima il ballo con strepito di Zampogne e Gnaccare 
e Sistri alFuso di barbare Naztoni, 






^' r gri r r tt- 1 ^M- J^ I r r-T^ 



= — ^■ 





Ml I C ^ -^-fJ^— i| 












C ^ ^ 





Of "Tito Sempronio Gracco" and "Turno Aricino" 
only fragments remain, so that it is impossible to judge of 
either opera as a whole. But the airs that have survived 
are often singularly beautiful. They have all the masterly 




technique of Scarlatti's fourth period, all its brilliance of 
dramatic effect, together with an increased sense of dignity 
and spaciousness, as well as a sincerity of expression 
that is often extremely touching. A very characteristic 
mannerism at this time is the use of an introductory vocal 
phrase sung ad libitum; not, as in the earlier operas, a 
fragment of the initial phrase of the air, but designed 
rather as a contrast to what follows, like the beautiful 
opening of Beethoven's pianoforte sonata in F sharp 
major. Employed in every air, it would have been 
wearisome in the extreme ; but Scarlatti has exercised 
a wise restraint, and reserves it as a rule for airs of a 
pathetic character. 

Ex. -JT, 



** Tito Sempronio Gracco. 

Pria di las - ciar - ti, 

^""-y^^ Andante. 



pria di las-ciar - ti, 
" Turno Aricino." 

^b b <♦■ I* 1 - 

So-lo, so • lo, so 



lo, ra - min 


That lie was able to count upon singers of high dra- 
matic ability is shown by the frequent opportunities that 
he gives for free declamation or for extemporary cadenzas. 
The beautiful air " Qtteste son pene^' in "Turno Aricino" 
supplies several examples of this. 

Here it is evident that the word '^ lascV (Scarlatti also 
writes " /a:^«a/tf ") means that the music was to be left 
as it was written; where the voice is marked ''solo'' the 
singer was no doubt free to do what she pleased. The 
final cadence in this air, as in many others, imperatively 
demands an extemporized cadenza of some distinction. 
The short extract given will also serve to show the 



change in Scarlatti's general style ; his chamber-music 
seems to have reacted upon his music for the stage, and 
his later operas contain many airs of great pathos, besides 
some in which more energetic passions find an intensity 
of expression never attained in the Neapolitan operas of 
the preceding ten years. 

Ex. 79. Moiicrato, 

VioL ( 

I «&-2. I 



Dil - lo al mio be 

dil - lo, 









( Violoncello &* Viola,) 



-W 1 ir 1 ; 




- - - la. 



par - la perme. 


' \ '\r 1 


r^4^f ^ 





(Jutti bassi,) 

6 6 t^6 W I? 

( Violonullo ^ Viola:) 

4 53 





r ^r j^-^ 

dil - lo, quest' h do - lo - re, par - la, par - la, ques- 

'r f f t^ir 





son pe 





^f t£!£ri^ 

Scarlatti's last opera **Griselda" (1721) shows him at 
his fullest maturity. The libretto was by Apostolo Zeno, 
and is fairly good, though there is not sufficient material 
for three acts. The story of ** Patient Grizzel " is in some 
ways effective for operatic treatment, as it affords well- 
defined and strongly coloured characters ; but this very 
reason is also a drawback. Gualtiero is so incredibly 
tyrannical and Griselda so incredibly patient that we can 
get up little sympathy for such obviously stagey figures* 
Ottone is the blackest possible of villains; Roberto and 
Costanzd are merely picturesque puppets, and Corrada 
hardly even that. Scarlatti has made the most of the 
characters, such as they are, Griselda and Costanza being 
the most successful. The finest example of dramatic 
expression is Griselda s air in the second act, *' Ftglio f 
tiranno ! oh Dio ! " when Ottone has threatened to kill her 
child before her eyes unless she yields to his desires. Here 
the composer has shown a truly wonderful ingenuity in 
making the conventional aria form serve as a vehicle for 



the most passionate appeals of Griselda to her son, to 
Ottane and to heaven, the short declamatory phrases being 
so arranged as to make up together a perfectly logical and 
formal movement. 

Ex. 80. 
Andante moderate. 




( Viola e Violoncello,) 
ad Ottone 




Fi-glio 1 

Ti*ran-no I 


ad Ottone 

D ite che far poss' io, che ? 


dite che far poss' io, che ? 

{iutti sema cembalo^ 

1 66 



^^ f I'^ tM 

ad Ottone 

oh Dio I fi-glio, fi - glio I che far poss' io ? die far poss* 

(/i^/// j^;/^<i cembalo,) 





ad Oltone 

gfg ^ S J= g=^ 

Ti-ran - no, ti - ran - no, 

^gC J 1^ 

qui guarda ilfiglio: poi d ice irata ad O ttone 

da se, ^ "^-^ (/r) 

ti-ran-no ! (che far poss' io ? ) Ti-ran 

no, ti-ran 

(////// con cembalo,) 6 




Especially good is the contrast in the last few bars be- 
tween her despairing aside, her silent glance at her child, and 
the rush of splendid indignation that concludes the section. 
The second part of the air is more conventionally melodious, 
yet even here there is a great variety of expression. 

A characteristic feature of these last operas is the 
concerted movement which finds a place in each of them. 
The septet in ** Eraclea," quoted in an earlier chapter, finds 
its development at last, after being forgotten for nearly 
twenty years. Yet even now Scarlatti does not seize the 
opportunities that were offered for a developed finale. The 
second act of** II Trionfo deir Onore " ends with a quartet, 
but it is ineffective, and does not even serve to conceal the 
want of a strong dramatic situation at the fall of the cur- 
tain. The duets in the same opera are far superior to it 
in dramatic vitality. The second act of **Griselda" ends 
with a trio which is more interesting musically ; but the 
characters are not well defined. There is much more charac- 
terization in the quartets in "Telemaco*' {''Sdegna — amor — 
desHno") and in the third act of **Griselda" {''Nonfu maicolpa 
amor'). But even these are hardly conceived dramatically, 
any more than the septet in " Eraclea." ** Turno Aricino " 
and " Marco Attilio Regolo " both contain quartets that are 
merely double duets, with no particular conflict of interests ; 
and the type is most beautifully exemplified in the melodious 
'' Ido/o mio ti chiamo" in ** Tito Sempronio Gracco." It is 
significant that the contemporary manuscript calls it an 
'' Aria a quattro'' ; the voices enter at first singly, one 
carrying on the phrase as another drops it,^ 

^ The unimportant parts for strings and oboes in this and the following 
example are omitted to save space. 



Ex. 8i. 
Soprano zdo. 

Soprano imo. 

I - do-lo mio ti chia- mo, 


Mio be-ne, mio te-so - ro ! 


— , — .^ ^ - . 

- ven-ga-ti ch'io-ta - mo, 

Soprano yso. 


Ram-men -ta-ti ch*io mo 

fe^i-pr tuP^^f^^ri^ 




I J ^J ^y J- 



ro, mo • ro 


all four uniting voluptuously on a diminished seventh just 
before the close. 

Ex. 82. (a)-mo, 

10 t'a - mo, 



Soprano 2 
&* Tenor 

1 r 1 11 , 

10 mo • ro, 10 

do lo mi - o ti chiamo, 




mio be - ne, 

r j'j. ^ 1 1 



t'a • mo, t'a 

mo - ro, 10 

ti chia - 



te - so 


mio be 


,. r- r i?f>rr tr¥^-^ ^^ 

With these operas may be classed the oratorio " La 
Vergine Addolorata" (17 17) and two serenatas, one for the 
peace of Passarowitz^ (^7^8) and the other (apparently un- 
finished) for the marriage of the Prince of Stigliano (1723). 
The oratorio deals with the Passion, as witnessed by the 
four interlocutoHy the Virgin, St. John, Nicodemus, and a 

* The lines 

" // TrMC agricoltor 

Ben presto piangerh 

Che i campi suoi vedrd 

Preda delfuoco,^ 

" 5/, J/, sfierar ci giovi 

Veder VAquile altere 

Di Bizanzio rubella sulie ravine 

Un difermarsi il nido^ 

evidently refer to the expedition to Thessalonica, projected by Prince Eugene 
and his allies the Venetians to satisfy the ** zealous Christians" who wished to 
see Turkey more permanently crippled now that there was so good an op- 
portunity (Muratori, Annali d^Jlalia). 


Jewish priest. The treatment is interesting for comparison 
with other oratorios on the same subject. Scarlatti's 
youthful Latin ** Passion according to St. John " told the 
story simply through the mouth of the Evangelist ; here 
we deduce the story from the meditative utterances of 
some of the principal characters concerned in it. The two 
schemes are seen in combination in the ** Passions " of 
J, S. Bach, with the addition of the chorales, which are of 
course peculiar to the Lutheran Church. Indeed in this 
later oratorio of Scarlatti there are many places where one 
is conscious of a similarity of feeling with the ** Matthaus- 
Passion," especially in the final trio representing the Pieta, 
which corresponds closely in spirit with the chorus ** Wir 
setzen uns mit Thrdnen nieder'' 

The serenatas are generally good, but their principal 
interest lies in their treatment of the orchestra, which at 
this period of Scarlatti's career begins to show something 
of that importance which has been assigned to it in more 
modern times. As early as ** L'Amor Generoso" we can 
see here and there a vague tendency towards modern 
orchestral writing. It has already been pointed out 
(Chapter II.) that the Venetian composers before Scarlatti 
had made some advance towards treating the orchestra on 
harmonic rather than contrapuntal principles. Scarlatti's 
early opera overtures show that he realized the effect of 
broken chords played by the strings, as in the extract from 
** La Rosaura" quoted in the "Oxford History of Music," 
vol. iii. ; but after his return from Rome, where he had 
had the opportunity of studying - Corelli s methods, he 
begins to carry this effect still further, by employing 
genuine violin-figures, instead of arpeggios of a type almost 
equally well suited to any instrument. As the violin style 
gets more and more differentiated, so it becomes more and 
more impossible for the trumpets and oboes to play in 
unison with the strings, and in this way Scarlatti begins to 
realise that the contrast of the style between phrases 
suitable for wind instruments and phrases suitable for 
strings enhances the contrast of colour. 

The overture to ** Griselda " will illustrate some of 
Scarlatti's methods. 





Ex. 83. 
Presto, J 






£x. 84. 



The balance of instruments is of course still old- 
fashioned, and we must not forget that there would be 
some five or six oboes playing. The frequent crossing of 
the parts is a relic of still older times ; it was a habit that 
Scarlatti scarcely ever shook off, greatly to the disadvantage 
of his instrumental style. Such gaps as there are in the 
harmony would be well filled up by the two cembali, and 
though the movement is not undeserving of Marcellos 
satire — **the overture shall consist of a Tempo francese, or 
prestissimo of semiquavers in the major key, which of course 
must be followed by ^ piano in the same key, with the minor 
third, ending with a minuet, gavotte, or gigue in the major 
key again, avoiding in these forms fugues, suspensions, 
subjects \i.e. for imitation], &c., as being old-fashioned 
things quite out of modern use," ^ — it shows a keen sense 
of orchestral effect, and certainly would get as much noise 
out of the instruments as they could make. If we cannot 
admire it much as serious music, it is at any rate of great 
importance in the development of the symphonic style. 

^ // Teatro alia Moda^ p. 23. ^ La Sinfonia consisterk in un Tempo 
Francese, o prestissimo di semicrome in Tuono con terza maggiore, al quale 
dovra succedere al soli to un Piano del medesimo Tuono in Terza minore, 
chiudendo finalmente con MinuettOy Gavoita o Gigha^ nuovamente in Terza 
maggiore, e sfuggendo in tal forme Fughe, Legature, Soggetiiy 6^^., come cose 
antiche fiiori affatto del modemo costume." 


Scarlatti himself must certainly have felt that this sort of 
writing was only suitable for theatre-music that had to 
make itself heard somehow above the noise of general 
conversation, for in his instrumental chamber-music he 
holds rigidly to the contrapuntal style. His Sonate a 
quattro, i.e. string quartets, composed some time during 
the last ten years of his life, are if anything less modern 
than Corelli's, at least in form. The fugues which form 
their principal movement are more developed than Corelli's 
— sometimes indeed to a very tedious extent — and there is 
a certain modernity in the brisk little minuets that have 
something of the spirit of Beethoven's scherzos^ but in 
general structure they look backward to the old Sonata da 
chiesa, not forward to the chamber-music of the classical 

The same attitude is to be observed in Scarlatti's twelve 
symphonies ^ or concertos for orchestra. These interesting 
works were begun on June i, 17 15; over how long a 
period their composition extends cannot be definitely 
decided, but it is not likely that they cover a period of 
more than twelve months at the outside. The instruments 
employed are strings, with a few wind instruments ; the 
first has two flutes, the second a trumpet and a flute, the 
third one flute, the fourth a flute and an oboe, the rest one 
flute only. In form they come between the quartets and 
the opera-overtures ; the first movement is an allegro like 
those of the later overtures, spirited and energetic, but 
short and rather formless ; it generally ends suddenly on 

^ A more detailed account of these quartets will be found in the Monthly 
Musical Record for November 1903. They are not of sufficient importance to 
the general history of music to require a full analysis here. 

' The autograph manuscript of these interesting compositions was recently 
discovered by Mr. W. Barclay Squire in the Music Library at Buckingham 
Palace. They are headed thus :• 

Cotninciate al P^ Giugno 17 15 D^ Alesscmdro Scarlatti 

Sinfonia PrimOy di concerto Grosso con due Flauti, 

No other date is given throughout the volume. Each symphony is numbered 
in the handwriting of the composer, who signs his name with the title Cavaliere 
at the head of No. 5 and of Nos. 7-12. I describe them here by kind permis- 
sion of Sir Walter Parratt. 


the dominant. It is followed by the usual transitional 
adagio^ generally in \ time, sometimes starting with the 
character of a slow movement, but sooner or later re- 
lapsing into the conventional series of modulations serving 
as a framework for thematic treatment of some unim- 
portant figure. The third movement is a fugue, some- 
times on two subjects, always developed at great length, 
and showing traces of a feeling that is symphonic rather 
than contrapuntal in its episodes, though it never falls into 
what might be truly classed as sonata form. It is followed 
by a second adagio^ transitional like the first and serving 
merely as an introduction to the march or dance move- 
ment which concludes the composition. Compared with 
the quartets, the symphonies show less solidity and severity 
of workmanship ; the style is often hollow, though effective. 
The slow movements, instead of being definitely contra- 
puntal, are more melodious and modern in spirit ; the final 
movements are more elaborate in form, but sometimes 
almost rowdy. Indeed, the material is hardly ever either 
beautiful or original, and the interest of the work lies 
entirely in the skilful development of themes which are 
themselves of slight intrinsic merit. 

Scarlatti s feeling for orchestral colouring in a modern 
sense is best seen in some of the arias, more particularly in 
the ritomelli. In his middle period he did not get much 
beyond dividing his strings into concertino and concerto 
grosso, with sometimes nightingales and other birds ad 
libitum in the manner of a toy-symphony, and these extra- 
vagances are confined to the serenatas and oratorios. It 
may also be pointed out that even where he divides his 
strings in this way, he shows little or no feeling for the 
true spirit of the concerto. His object seems merely to 
get a contrast of piano and forte in a rough way from 
players who were not much accustomed to such refine- 
ments ; there is hardly ever any attempt to counterbalance 
the superior weight of the orchestra by the superior 
agility of the individual soloist.^ In the operas, at 

* Compare Mr. D. F. Tovey's interesting essay, The Cletsstcal Concerto. 


any rate until his last ten years, he pays less atten- 
tion to instrumental detail. Later in life he was very 
likely influenced by such singers as Vittoria Tesi-Tra- 
montini, who was not at her best in coloratura, but had a 
great dramatic personality and a great voice, since his arias 
are not only less florid and more expressive, but also more 
elaborately scored. Thus in the serenata (**Filli, Clori, 
Tirsi") for the Peace of Passarowitz we find an air 
charmingly accompanied by two flutes, violins all in unison, 
violas, two violoncellos, and continuo, the score being most 
carefully managed so as never to let the mass of violins 
overpower the other instruments except where they have to 
play a broad cantabtle melody, in which they are supported 
by the cembalo, thus contrasting well with the lighter tones 
of the answering pairs of flutes and violoncellos. 

The trumpet is the first wind instrument to appear in 
Scarlatti's scores, and naturally so, as its technique was the 
most advanced of all. Scarlatti's treatment of it differs 
very little from that adopted by J. S. Bach and Handel, 
except that he is less lavish in the use of scale*passages. 
Airs with trumpet obbligato were an almost invariable feature 
of all operas and oratorios, and Scarlatti's are often re- 
markable for their keen dramatic sense ; they seldom give 
the impression of being a show piece for the player, the 
instrument generally playing either a broad sustained 
melody or a series of reiterated notes which suggest its 
military character much more forcibly than the florid runs 
of Handel's trumpet-arias. The oratorio " La Vergine 
Addolorata" makes a very striking use of the trumpet 
in one of the airs, and also in a recitative given by the 
Virgin, which is suddenly interrupted by a single D on the 
trumpet — the signal for the procession to Calvary — blown 
loud and growing gradually softer, while St. John takes up 
the recitative on a different chord. 

The horns were a new ingredient of the orchestra 
when Scarlatti first introduced them into "Tigrane" in 
1 715, and after this first experiment had been successful 
it was natural that they should be given considerable 


prominence. In the later operas they nearly always have 
passages of some length to play by themselves un- 
accompanied, so that their characteristic tone might be 
heard to the fullest advantage. Probably they were played 
by the trumpeters, just as now the cor anglais is often 
played by one of the oboe-players, since the horns and 
trumpets are never used together. 

The oboes and bassoons seldom have parts of much 
individuality. We occasionally find an oboe solo some- 
times effectively contrasted with a solo flute, as in the 
charming duet, '* Vaga ninfa semplicettaj' vfhich. ends the first 
part of the serenata for the Peace of Passarowitz ; and in 
the serenata for the Prince of Stigliano there is a very 
amusing air in which the bassoons imitate the bellowing 
of an angry bull. But for the most part the ^' concerlo di 
oubuoe " seems to have been regarded as a single mass of 
sound valued more for its sonority than for its peculiar 
quality of tone. Indeed, setting aside the advantages 
resulting from later improvements in the mechanism of the 
instrument, the characteristic personality of the oboe could 
scarcely be realized until the advent of its rival, the 
clarinet. It is in the serenata for the Prince of Stigliano 
that Scarlatti approaches nearest to a modern treatment of 
wind instruments. 

The overture, scored for trumpets, oboes, and strings, 
is of little interest, but there is an effective pastoral 
symphony played in the distance by wind instruments 
only — two flutes, two oboes, two horns, and two bassoons, 
the last being supported by the double-basses as in many 
of Mozart's compositions for wind-bands. This is followed 
by two pretty little choruses of shepherds, two sopranos, 
alto, and tenor, accompanied by the same instruments. 
One of the most interesting pieces of scoring is the old 
shepherd's first air, '^ Mentre quel solco ara il bifolco,'' 
attractive also from the cheerful rusticity of its melody, 
which quite suggests the ** impatient husbandman" of 
Haydn's ** Seasons." Only flutes and oboes are used in 
addition to the strings, though perhaps the bassoons would 



play with the continuo ; but even with these small means a 
very picturesque variety of colour is achieved. 

Ex. 85. 




I d*2. 


^■vn.Mprcg>r i cgf^tr' 

Par cantae go -de sua li-ber-tk. 

f 'T ' J 


AJ\m l_ L 

\> ^'] 

^ ^^ c r 





can- ta 

go - de sua li - ber - tk, 

6 « 

ne in- 




Ex. 86. 














^^ ^=^^-=-^^=^^r^^^^^ ^=^^ 

z-in, dan 

zan tal - o • ra le nin-fean - co 







ra, ne al • cun so 

spet - to tur - bar • le 

1 -fj'i 

7 6 







t? _ 



H, l > J. tZ.^ ^ 

sa, sempre in di - let - to, sempre in pia - 

6 6](6 


One of the most interesting works of Scarlatti's latest 
period, though contributing little that is remarkable from 
an orchestral point of view, is the second Mass in A for 
soli, chorus, and orchestra. The most authoritative extant 
manuscript, a score in the Biblioteca Casanatense at Rome, 
written out by a copyist but with a heading in Scarlatti's 
handwriting, has parts for five voices only, with vague 
directions as to when the music is to be sung by the chorus 
and when by solo voices. Santini, however, appears to have 
been in possession of an incomplete set of parts from 
which he prepared a score, filling up the missing portions 
from the score in the Biblioteca Casanatense, and in this 
he indicates what was probably the correct distribution of 
the voices. The mass was composed at Rome in 1720 
for Cardinal Acquaviva for performance on St. Cecilia's 
Day, being coupled with a setting of the Gradual " Audi 
filia et inclina our em " for five voices, oboes and strings. 
The complete autograph of this motet is bound up with 
the score at Rome. Santini's score of the mass inserts it 
between the Gloria and the Credo. 

The mass cannot be considered a great work ; taken 
as a whole it wants breadth and dignity, and for success of 
effect is far surpassed by Leo's compositions in the same 
style. But it is of importance as a forerunner not only of 
Leo's masses, but of J. S. Bach's Mass in B minor. It 
shows a much greater mastery over the new style than 
Scarlatti's first mass with orchestra, and certain movements 
show clearly that the composer must have had a fairly 
definite idea of the kind of effects that would be most 
suitable to this material. Moreover it exhibits in certain 
movements a poetical seriousness of a type which is not 
characteristic of Leo, in spite of all his severity and gran- 
deur ; indeed it is this quality almost as much as any other 
that gives the work its marked affinity to that of Bach. 

The first movement does not look very dignified on 
paper, but with the support of the organ it would be very 
much more solid ; and the soli and ripieni are at any rate 
laid out so as to make an effective contrast. 


Ex. 87. 






It ^"^ 

ij'^ift . it r 







The Cum Sancto Spiritu is set to a well-developed 
fugue of some length in quite a modern style ; the subject 
and its counter-subject are well contrasted, and the strings 
have a definite figure of accompaniment which is kept up 
the whole time. 



Ex. 88. 

Vioi. I. 

Vtoi. 2, 

6- A//0. 




^^ PFf 


- . tfj I , trf-^4^ 

IS\^, . r f^ . tSijI^^^f^ 








Spi - ri 


r^tfn r r 

r.Lr ^U^ 

tu in elo-ri< 






in glo-ri-aDe-i Pa-tris A 




Towards the end, when we should expect a coda, a 
new subject is brought in on the word Amen; but the two 
subjects are never worked together. Whether Bach ever 
knew this mass it is impossible to say ; but there is a 
decided resemblance to Bach's style in the tranquilly 
melodious Cmcifixus, though not to his setting of those 
particular words : — 



Cru-ci- fix- us e - ti-am pro no 

iJt — 1^ ■" ^ 

bis, pro 


Cru-ci-fix-us e - ti-am pro no 

0,1. l &'Vtir r i^ a Hf^T 




bis, pro no 

Cru-ci - fix - us e - ti-am pro no 

and still more so in the Qui tollts, as regards both the 
melodic outline of the bass solo and the carefully worked 
suspensions of the accompaniment 

Ex. 90. 










Qui tol 

lis pec - 


g i"cj;r r ^' c~p^ 


ta, pec • ca 

ta, pec - 





■ * 

se • 

P Sj* 


1* r 




- re 

■ ■ 

P"^^ ^ — U y 

^ f 

- ca - ta mun - di 

j^.j^J?, ^^^^i-r^ ^4 


1 87 







Besides the Gradual ''Atidi filial' which contains some 
brilliant and effective writing, several other works for Saint 
Cecilia's Day seem to have been composed at this date : 
there is a rather florid setting of the Psalm *' Laetatus sum,'' 
for five voices and orchestra, with a fine dignified Gloria 
followed by a most Bacchanalian Amen, and also a simple 
and attractive setting of the hymn ^' Jesu corona virginum^' 
for five voices and strings, as well as a Magnificat and minor 
pieces unfortunately incomplete. A more interesting com- 
position is the Stabat Mater for soprano and alto, two violins 
and continuo. Pergolesi's more celebrated setting of the same 
words is said to have been composed as a substitute for it, 
and it is not surprising that Scarlatti's was forgotten, since 
it has little of the grace and charm of the younger com- 
poser's. But it probably served as a model to Pergolesi, 
and though it can seldom be called attractive, it is sincere 
in expression, as well as interesting from a technical point 
of view. It is evidently one of Scarlatti's very latest 
works, as it employs turns of phrase more characteristic of 
the next generation than of his own, and the appoggiatura, 
rare even in his latest operas, frequently appears here. 
But the general spirit of the work is essentially severe, and 



seems to aim almost painfully at the expression of the words, 
never descending to the superficial prettiness of Pergolesi. 
The first stanza is a duet full of strange modulations in 
long-drawn phrases ; the Cujus antmam is a soprano solo, 
the style of which is characteristic of the whole hymn. 

Ex. 91. Moderato e doke. 


I 6*2. 

IWT^TJ^ f 

Cu-jus a - ni-mam ge-men- tern, contris - tan-tem 


The movements for two voices are generally more or 
less contrapuntal ; the airs, which are always in binary 
form, often have curious experiments in expression in the 
accompaniment. We see this in the '* Sancta Mater " : — 

Ex. 92. 


I ^2. 







is - tud a - - - - - gas, 


t — fc 


and the beautiful " Fac me vere " is very remarkable for 
the persistence with which the syncopations are carried on. 

Ex. 93. 




j '^buJ-JJ I JTJJ Q J l ^jv 


Fac me ve - re te - cum fle - re, Cm - ci 


M -^ 





con do 


^F^p ^^^-^-^^C ^^^^tS^ 



b^j ^-^jjinr] >,^,j ^-j![^^^ ^ 

*'/^3:^ ui portem'' and ''/^z^: »«^ cruce'' are set as 
recitatives which make a very effective contrast, and the 
work concludes with a well-developed fugue on Amen. 

On the whole the style of the Stabat Mater has more 
affinity with the chamber-cantatas than with either the 
oratorios or the motets. Few chamber-cantatas can be 
ascribed with certainty to Scarlatti's closing years ; in- 
ternal evidence is not always a safe guide where the 
chamber-music is concerned, particularly in the last fifteen 



years of Scarlatti's life, after he had pushed harmonic 
audacity as far as ^^ Andate mtei sospiri'^ But we can 
see that in the work of his old age he had more fully 
mastered the science of modulation. His harmony moves 
more easily and sounds more genuinely modern, especially 
when helped by the use of more modern instrumental 
figures in his basses. On the other hand, his melody 
sometimes suffers ; it even comes perilously near being 
unvocal in the Bach-like tortuousness of its coloratura^ as 
may be seen in the cantata ** La dove a Mergellina " (1725). 

pre - gio del - la bel - tk 


6 \>i 


Here we can see that for the moment Scarlatti's interest 
has been entirely absorbed in the sequential development 
of a figure, complicated by a cross-rhythm quite worthy of 
Brahms. In another late cantata, " Nel centra oscurOy' 
there is an air which is obviously nothing but a labyrinthine 
study in modulations, the composer quite frankly trying to 
see how many he can get into the short space of a single 
aria The result strikes the hearer at first as more curious 
than beautiful ; yet it is not without a certain poetic feel- 
ing, like the two well-known preludes of Beethoven, 
modulating through all keys. 

Short extracts cannot do justice to these later cantatas. 
Many of them are written round some interesting problem 
of form or harmony, and all require an alert and sympathetic 
listener to fully appreciate their severely intellectual beauty. 
Scarlatti seems, indeed, to have desired less to make a 
thing perfectly beautiful of its kind than to use the most 
intellectual form at his disposal to sketch the shadowy out- 
lines of ideas more profound than his contemporaries were 
capable of penetrating. Even a German theorist like 
Heinichen considerered his harmony as extravagant, and 
from the account given by Quantz ^ it seems that he was 
regarded at Naples rather as a celebrity to be admired at a 
respectful distance than as an actual creative force in the 
artistic life of his time. 

He probably remained in Rome until after November 
172 1, since in that month he composed a Pastorale at the 
request of the Portuguese Ambassador to celebrate the 
entrance of the new Pope Innocent XIII. into the Vatican. 
In 1722 he appears to have paid a visit to Loreto, 
where he is supposed to have written an Ave Maria and 
the psalm ^^ Memento Domine David,'' But he must have 
been at Naples in 1723 for the wedding of the Prince of 
Stigliano, and probably he remained there until his death. 
Hasse became his pupil in 1724, although he does not 
appear to have been teaching regularly at any of the 

* In Marpurg's Historisch-Kritische Beitrdge zurAufnahme der Musiky 
Berlin, 1744-1762. 


Conservatorit at this time. Hasse's amiable disposition 
seems to have won the old man's friendship, as it did that 
of many other musicians in later years, Porpora always 
excepted. It was only after some persuasion on his part 
that Scarlatti could be induced to receive Quantz, then on 
a visit to Naples. " My son," he said to Hasse, *' you 
know that I cannot endure players of wind-instruments; 
for they all blow out of tune." But he yielded eventually, 
and Quantz gives an account of the interview, telling us, 
however, less about Scarlatti than about himself. " Scar- 
latti let me hear him on the harpsichord,^ which he played 
in a learned manner, although he did not possess as much 
agility of execution as his son. After this he accompanied 
a solo for me. I had the good fortune to gain his favour, 
and he composed a couple of flute solos for me." 

It is significant that although Quantz makes some 
rather extraordinary assertions about Scarlatti (it must be 
admitted that he offers them with a touch of incredulity), 
he never mentions any single one of his compositions by 
name. When we read not only that Scarlatti has written 
a vast quantity of operas {^^ eine grosse Menge Opern'')^ 
but that '*they say he has set the Mass two hundred 
times in addition to Vesper Psalms and other church 
music ; and indeed a certain Neapolitan gentleman boasted 
of possessing four thousand * pieces of his composition, 
mostly solo cantatas, to many of which he had written the 
words himself," it seems fairly clear that the musical 
gossips of Naples were not averse to trying how much the 
^' gemiithlicher Sachse'' could be made to swallow. 

It must have been in the early part of 1725 that 
Scarlatti received Quantz. On October 24 of the same 
year he died, from what immediate cause is not known. The 
Gazzetta di Napoli * recorded his death a few days later. 

•* In the course of last week there died * the celebrated 

^ This has been curiously perverted by later historians into a statement 
that Scarlatti was a performer on the harp. Quantz's word " Clavicymbel ^ 
leaves no room for misunderstanding. 

''^ Not four hundred, as quoted in Grove's Dictionary. 

' No. 45, October 30, 1725. 

* " Rese Panima al Signore^ 


Cavaliere Alessandro Scarlatti, to whom music owes much 
for the numerous works with which he enriched it." 

It is the laconic and conventional eulogy that is paid at 
his death to a great man who has been forgotten by his 
own generation. 

He was buried in the church of Montesanto, in the 
musicians' chapel dedicated to St. Cecilia; his epitaph, 
said to have been written by Cardinal Ottoboni, is on the 
marble slab just under the gate, and runs as follows : — 

















Of Scarlattis personal character it is practically im- 
possible to form an estimate. Contemporary records are 
singularly deficient in anything that can give us an idea of 
him as a man. His correspondence with Ferdinand de' 
Medici is voluminous, but its elaborately complimentary 
style effectually disguises the individuality of the writer. 
Such personal recollections of him as were handed down 
by Quantz and Geminiani have been seized upon by 
historians with avidity, but they really amount to hardly 
anything, and their scantiness has given them a fictitious 
value. Even his attitude towards his art is difficult to 
determine. Not until a century later did music begin to 
be regarded as the intimate expression of the composer's 

personal feelings ; it was only the romantic period of the 



nineteenth century that required an autobiographical expla- 
nation of every bar. Roughly speaking, the intellectual 
side of music was all that a composer was expected to 
provide in Scarlatti's day ; the appeal to the emotions 
was the legitimate province of the singer. 

To us Scarlatti's music often seems conspicuously de- 
void of emotional qualities, compared with that of his con- 
temporaries, such as Purcell, Handel, and J. S. Bach. But 
he certainly was very susceptible to emotion through the 
medium of poetry, for he writes to Ferdinand de' Medici 
full of enthusiasm for Stampiglia's libretto of *' II Gran 
Tamerlano " : — 

** It is almost impossible, even merely reading the 
drama, not to feel stirred by the various passions which 
it exhibits. I confess my weakness ; at some passages, 
while I was composing the music for them, I wept."^ 

And in judging of his emotional qualities, it must not 
be forgotten that Scarlatti speaks a musical language to 
which we are little accustomed. To most lovers of music 
at the present day Schumann, Wagner, and Brahms repre- 
sent the normal style of musical expression. Italian music 
is out of fashion, and since Beethoven's day the only non- 
German composers who have taken a permanent hold upon 
the musical public in England are those who have been 
largely influenced by Teutonic methods. In the eighteenth 
century the converse was the case. The Italian influence is 
the strongest bond of unity even between non- Italian com- 
posers such as Purcell, J. S. Bach, Haydn, and Mozart, and 
we cannot enter into their music at all deeply without some 
sympathy with Italian methods of expression. Scarlatti is 
of course wholly and entirely Italian, and those to whom 
Italian music is an unfamiliar language will naturally fail to 
understand the poetic beauty of his work. 

Yet it must be frankly admitted that it is difficult to 
form a right judgment of his intrinsic merits as a composer. 
Though more than half his operas are lost, the amount 
that remains is still enormous, and bewildering in its 

* Archivio Mediceo, Filza 5903, No. 204. 


variety. Are we to judge him by the pedantic eccentrici- 
ties of his later chamber-music, or by the be-wigged and 
powdered tunes of his Neapolitan operas? Here again 
we must forget modern conditions and take into considera- 
tion the circumstances of his life. Bach, a church organist 
in Central Germany, scarcely known outside his own 
immediate circle, might write what he pleased as long as 
he was content to perform his works as best he could with 
limited means, and leave the rest to posterity ; Handel, 
tyrannizing in musical matters over a land that was ready 
meekly to accept his word as law, had even greater 
advantages, provided that he did not push his learning 
too far. Scarlatti's case was in some ways less fortunate. 
He had to write to make a living, and to write in com- 
petition against other musicians for audiences that had been 
trained to musical drama for nearly a hundred years. More 
genuinely and more lavishly enthusiastic over opera than 
any other nation, then as now, provided that it conforms 
to their particular standard, the Italians are the least 
patient of audiences towards opera that does not. Court 
patronage, though encouraging in some respects, had its 
drawbacks. It is clear that Scarlatti was glad enough 
to escape from the Spanish Court at Naples ; but whether 
Pratolino was really more of **a safe harbour*' to him may 
be doubted. Ferdinand was an amateur musician of some 
ability, but though this may have been an advantage to 
Scarlatti, it must also have been irksome to him to have to 
write and rewrite his operas in accordance with the prince's 
taste. Ferdinand^ complained of the melancholy nature 
of Scarlatti's music, as well as of its difficulty, and Scarlatti 
protests vigorously in his letters that ** Lucio Manlio " and 
^*Tamerlano" contain nothing melancholy, "even in the 
places where it seems that such a character is indispens- 
able." On the whole Scarlatti seems to have done his 
best for his art under difficult conditions. His work 
certainly shows a steady improvement from beginning to 
end in technique at least, if the development of its poetical 

* Archivio Mediceo, Fiha 5903, No. 497. 


side is irregular ; and we can surely find a good proof of 
the loftiness of his aspiration and attainment in the great 
gulf that separates him from his immediate followers. 

Alessandro Scarlatti is always regarded as the founder 
of the school of Naples ; but it seems that Neapolitan 
chauvinism has somewhat exaggerated his connection with 
it. Roughly speaking, he certainly is the founder of the 
style which was developed by Leo, Vinci, and the rest ; and 
certainly Naples would have had little chance of becoming 
a great musical centre if Scarlatti had not been induced to 
settle there, practically to monopolize the stage of S. 
Bartolomeo from 1684 to 1702 and from 1709 to 1719. 
But however considerable his indirect influence must have 
been, he was never very much in demand as an actual 
teacher. It is noticeable that the men who have had the 
greatest reputation as teachers were seldom thought much 
of as composers. Gaetano Greco and Nicola Fago il 
Tarentino, especially the latter, did far more than Scarlatti 
for the actual training of the next generation. 

It is conceivable that Scarlatti may have been too exact- 
ing a teacher for clever boys who would soon realize that 
mechanical accuracy in counterpoint was sufficient for the 
church and natural facility of melody for the theatre. He 
is said to have insisted on not cramping his pupils with 
rules, wishing that they should develop their own ideas 
freely. As we have already seen in his " Regale per prin- 
cipiantiy' his ultimate reason for every exceptional pro- 
gression is always ^' per c he fa buon sentire'' — ** because it 
sounds well ; " and such a passage as that on page 1 80 of- 
this book shows that he was supremely indifferent to con- 
ventional prohibitions. A man of this temperament is not 
suited to be a teacher of beginners, and it is only a few 
enthusiasts who will be content to listen to his advice after 
they think that they have reached maturity. The early part 
of the eighteenth century was not conducive to the produc- 
tion of such types, least of all in the kingdom of Naples. 

The difference between the later operas of Scarlatti 
and those of Leo, Vinci, and Pergolesi is very striking. 


Scarlatti always seems to struggle more or less against 
the formalization of the opera, although to the modern 
reader this is not very apparent at first sight ; the next 
generation not only accepted its formalities but exaggerated 
them, until that intolerable state of affairs was reached 
when every air had its first part in a developed binary 
form, often full of a coloratura interesting at most for its 
difficulty, and still further extended by the lengthiest of 
ritornelli both at the beginning and in the middle. 
We see a faint tendency towards the type in Roberto's airs 
in **Griselda"; but the style had already been pushed 
further by the younger composers, especially by Vinci, 
when Scarlatti's opera came out, and it is probable that 
he wrote the airs only as a concession to popular taste* 
Everything seems to point to the fact that Scarlatti's 
influence in Naples was practically exhausted by about 
17 1 8. "Cambise" (1719) was the last opera which he 
produced there, and his works do not appear to have 
been revived there later, as they were at Rome and 
Bologna, The Neapolitan school of composers which 
professed to regard Alessandro Scarlatti as their head 
imitated him only during his second Neapolitan period, 
of which ** Tigrane '* may be taken as the representa- 
tive opera. Even then his direct influence was slighter 
than might have been expected. His music evidently 
did not altogether suit popular taste, and it was through 
inferior pomposers like Mancini and Sarro, much less 
melodious, but more obviously commonplace in their 
rhythms, that the new style was developed to the stage at 
which we find it in Leo and Vinci. Leo's serious operas 
are his least interesting work ; like Vinci and Logroscino, 
he is at his best in opera buffa, in which all three in- 
herited a good portion of Scarlatti's sense of humour. 
Vinci is on the whole the best of Scarlatti's immediate 
followers in the field of serious opera. His distinguishing 
quality is a swift, incisive vigour, enhanced by coloratura of 
real brilliancy ; but he very often becomes dry and stagey. 
Durante stands rather apart from the rest, as he confined 


himself to music for the church and chamber. He exhibits 
a larger share than any of the others of Scarlatti's poetry 
and tenderness of style ; and we may trace Scarlatti's 
influence through him at second-hand in Pergolesi and 
Jommelli. Pergolesi's nature was not masculine enough 
for him ever to reach anything approaching the grandeur 
of Scarlatti, or even his humour ; the best features of his 
comic operas are the sentimental airs. But the famous air 
in ** L'Olimpiade " — '' Se cerca^ se dice'' — has a touch of 
Scarlatti in the pathetic expression of its broken phrases 
skilfully woven into the texture of a formal design. 

It is a significant fact that Scarlatti was the last great 
writer of chamber-cantatas. Those of the next generation 
are comparatively few, and seldom interesting. Pergolesi's 
are on the whole the best, and these are hardly to be 
classed as chamber-music, all having accompaniments for 
strings, on a much larger scale than Scarlatti's. Durante 
arranged a series of twelve duets from Scarlatti's later 
cantatas, taking recitatives and ariosi and expanding 
them in a more or less contrapuntal style. But these 
were intended, as Burney tells us, only as advanced ^'studij 
for singers, in which the passages being echoed in fugue 
excited emulation in performance, and furnished an oppor- 
tunity of comparing the rapidity and neatness of the 
execution, as the comparative speed of two coursers is best 
known by their running a trials 

As the ideal form of chamber-music the cantata died 
with Alessandro Scarlatti. Probably the rise of instru- 
mental music threw it out of fashion, as well as the increase 
in the number of amateur players and singers, which was a 
prominent factor in the development of music for the 
cembalo. Villarosa's judgment on Scarlatti's cantatas, 
though dating from a hundred years later, nevertheless 
probably represents with fair accuracy the opinion of the 
previous century : — 

" But what music has he left that could be listened to 
to-day? His style was great, it is well understood; but 
his taste was always dry, nerveless and scholastic. If it 


had not occurred to Francesco Durante to arrange some of 
his pieces for two voices, soprano and alto, combining them 
in a masterly mariner, the name of Scarlatti would be no 
more heard among us." To the modern reader it is 
Durante's arrangements that appear **dry, nerveless and 
scholastic," while the original movements, restored to their 
proper places, are full of life and poetry. 

On Handel Scarlatti's influence was strong at the 
beginning, but not very lasting or profound. Certainly 
the change of style that took place in his music after his 
visit to Italy is very noticeable ; " Rinaldo " is as definitely 
Italian as " Almira" was definitely German in its manner. 
But although he began by modelling his phrases on Scar- 
latti after his visit to Italy, he very seldom enters thoroughly 
into Scarlatti's style. There are several reasons for this. 
His acquaintance with Scarlatti lasted a very short time, 
and his age made him more suited to the companionship 
of Domenico, whose influence can also be traced in much of 
his work. Moreover, Handel, though only twenty-three 
when he came to Italy, was a fully fledged composer. He 
was not very familiar with the Italian style, but his Italian 
Dixit Dominus is in some ways stronger than anything 
of Scarlatti's in that line : Handel had had a Protestant 
organist's training, which taught him to build up his music 
on a strong harmonic framework. But in spite of the 
advantages of that wonderful German faculty for translating 
and assimilating the work of other countries which accounts 
for much of the greatness of Handel, Bach, Gluck, and 
Mozart, Handel had also the drawbacks of his nationality. 
He set Italian as he set English, like a foreigner, never 
approaching that delicate intimacy of declamation which is 
as characteristic a quality of Scarlatti as it is of PurcelL 
And it must be remembered that a literary appreciation of 
this kind may take effect not only in impassioned recita- 
tive, but also in the most melodious and florid of arias. 
Handel's coloratura is fairly effective in many cases, but 
it is commonplace in detail ; a florid passage by Handel 
is as different from one by Scarlatti as a cadenza of Liszt 


is from a cadenza of Chopin. Handel seems to nail his 
coloratura to his framework ; Scarlatti's often gains a 
priceless charm by its wayward independence. Handel 
often reminds us of some prudish nymph of Rubens, 
clutching her drapery tightly about her, anxious and un- 
graceful ; Scarlatti recalls Tintoretto's Venus, her loose 
transparent girdle fluttering crisply to the breeze, serving 
its whole purpose in the delicate contrast that it makes 
with the pure firm line of her perfectly poised and rounded 
form. Besides Scarlatti, two other Italian composers exer- 
cised an equally strong influence on Handel : the eclectic 
Steffani, from whom Handel learned to write overtures 
and dances in what we may call an Italian version of the 
style of LuUi, and Bononcini, who in spite of his bad repu- 
tation among Handels admirers seems to have been the 
real originator of what is commonly described as the 
" Handelian style." Bononcini even influenced Scarlatti 
himself, as we have seen, and it is therefore not sur- 
prising that a man of Handel's temperament should have 
seized more readily on the salient mannerisms of Bononcini 
and Steffani than on the more intricate subtleties of Scar- 
latti's music. 

Domenico Scarlatti was to some extent a pupil of his 
father, though he also studied with Bernardo Pasquini and 
Francesco Gasparini. At a first glance there seems the 
strongest possible contrast between father and son. 
Domenico's operas and cantatas are as devoid of char- 
acter and interest as Alessandro's tiresome toccatas for the 
cembalo. But if we compare Alessandro's arias with 
Domenico's sonatas, we shall find that they have much 
in common, after eliminating such qualities as are purely 
accidental to the two personalities, depending merely on 
the form in which their music is cast. We must not expect 
cantabile melodies in the Esercizi i>er Gravicembalo any 
more than wild leaps and rattling arpeggios in the Cantate 
a voce sola. But it certainly could not have been from 
Gasparini or Pasquini that Domenico got his genius for 
neatly organized forms, his extraordinary modulations, his 


skill in thematic development, his quaint mannerism of 
reiterating a characteristic figure, * and above all his 
astonishing Beethovenish sense of humour. 

Among Scarlatti's pupils Hasse has a peculiar interest 
and importance. His later work bears little resemblance 
to his master s, for like all his contemporaries he too was 
obliged to conform to the taste of his generation. But he 
doubtless derived from Scarlatti his careful workmanship, 
especially with regard to accompaniments, and the beauti- 
ful declamation and dramatic feeling of his recitativo 
stromentato. He is moreover the principal connecting 
link between the school of Naples and the school of 
Vienna, and if he did no more than his fellow-pupils to 
carry on the letter of the Scarlatti tradition, probably none 
did so much for the propagation of its spirit as the devoted 
disciple who told Burney ** that the first time Scarlatti saw 
him, he hastily conceived such an affection for him, that he 
ever after treated him with the kindness of a father." ^ 

Indeed the real importance of Scarlatti lies not in his 
direct influence on his immediate followers, but in his rela- 
tion to the whole development of classical music. " Eraclea" 
may be said to divide his work at the meeting of the centu- 
ries. Before 1 700, he had gathered up all that was best of 
the tangled materials produced by that age of transition and 
experiment, the seventeenth century, to form out of them a 
musical language, vigorous and flexible as Italian itself, 
which has been the foundation of all music of the classical 
period. Lesser composers contributed their part to this 
great work, but Scarlatti is so much the most fertile, and 
maintains even at his lowest so high a standard, that the 
main glory of the achievement is certainly due to him. 
His best pupil, we may safely say, is Mozart. Almost 
all those characteristics of style that we are accustomed 
loosely to consider as essentially Mozartian, were learned 
by Mozart from the Italians of the preceding half-century. 
Indeed, Mozart to some extent repeated the work of 
Scarlatti, uniting in himself the massive strength of Leo, 

* The Present State of Music in Germany ^ 6r*c,^ vol. i. p. 348. 


the sweetness of Durante and Pergolesi, the swift energy 
of Vinci and the racy humour of Logroscino, together with 
that divine beauty of melody which belonged to Scarlatti 
alone. Nor was this Italian influence confined to his early 
years ; "Die Zauberflote," in some ways the most German 
of his operas, is also the opera in which he shows the most 
marked affinity to Scarlatti. The Queen of Night, Tamino^ 
and Pamina are all characteristic figures of the Italian 
stage, treated quite in Scarlatti's manner ; and Papageno 
and Papagena, however typically Viennese they may be 
from a psychological point of view, are certainly nothing 
but Italian parti buffe as far as their place in the opera 
is concerned. 

The history of the classical period is the history of 
musical form from the aggressive symmetry of Haydn to 
the masterly freedom of Beethoven. For this development 
Scarlatti prepared the ground. Large symphonic forms 
he never used ; the airs and duets of his later operas and 
cantatas represent the widest schemes of design that he 
could conceive for single movements. It is natural to 
think that this was mainly due to his innate sympathy with 
the voice and his comparative indifference to instrumental 
music. This, however, is probably not the sole reason. Scar- 
latti, as we have seen, always cherished the contrapuntal 
tradition in serious music, both vocal and instrumental, 
although his counterpoint is seldom in more than two 
parts ; hence in his instrumental music the tendency 
towards modern symphonic forms is apparent only in his 
dances, marches, and similar movements. Even in these 
he becomes contrapuntal whenever the occasion demands 
a serious style : the last movement of the overture to 
** La Vergine Addolorata," composed as late as 17 17, is 
thoroughly polyphonic, and not in the least orchestral 
in a modern sense, although its dance form is as clearly 
defined as that of the march in ** II Prigioniero Fortunato." 
In the chamber-cantatas, however, it was easier to extend 
his forms on modern lines ; and we see clearly from such 
examples as are quoted in Chapter III. how much he was 


influenced in this direction by the words which he set 
Long before Scarlatti, composers had found it necessary 
to repeat the words of a song in order to bring the music 
to a sufficient length. Once repeat the words in their en- 
tirety, and common sense demands a more or less well- 
defined binary form. The further the words are extended 
by the repetition of single words or phrases within a 
section, the more complicated must the musical organiza- 
tion become ; and such complication is peculiarly charac- 
teristic of Italian music, because the genius of the Italian 
language has always delighted in the symmetrical group- 
ing of words and the antithetical inversion of phrase. 
The breaking up of the words into small groups would 
naturally tend to the breaking up of the music into con- 
trasting subjects, and this would be still further assisted by 
the necessity of bringing out to the full the opposition and 
interaction of the voice and the violoncello. For it is 
noticeable that in all Scarlatti's cantatas the violoncello has 
a strongly individualized part, the menial duty of accom- 
paniment being left to the cembalo. Practical considerations 
of course restrained music for solo voices within shorter 
limits than were possible for purely instrumental move- 
ments ; but within these limits there is not only a. perfect 
proportion of main divisions, but every bar displays the 
most subtly ingenious organization of figure, and this too 
carried out with a richness of detail that is noticeably 
deficient in the instrumental music of his time. We must 
admit that consciously or unconsciously Scarlatti did as 
much as any composer to bring about that degradation 
of the musical drama that preceded the reforms of 
Gluck ; but when we view the history of European music 
as a whole, it must appear that his sins with regard to 
musical drama were far outweighed by his priceless con- 
tribution to the development of pure music' For we may 
call him not only a great architect, but a great poet as well ; 
formal and rhetorical as his music may seem to us, he 
nevertheless speaks the language of passion as sincerely as 
any later composer. He may almost be said to have 


invented it, for none of his predecessors or contemporaries 
can show the same absolute mastery over it. Monteverdi, 
CavaUi, Heinrich Schiltz and Purcell may give us single 
phrases, even single movements which are often astonish- 
ingly modern in their effect ; Scarlatti never. His music 
is either frankly the music of his own time, or else, 
like Mozart's, it is music for all time. Whenever he does 
anything new he does it with the perfect ease of an 
accomplished master ; even in the chamber-music, where he 
is openly attacking a problem, he is fully conscious of his 
power to solve it. He is entirely devoid of the hysterical 
romanticism which makes wild experiments in the vague 
hope of expressing the inexpressible ; musical composition 
is for him a science, **the daughter of Mathematics."^ 
Well did Cardinal Ottoboni describe him for his own age 
when he wrote upon his tombstone " musices instaurator 
maximus'' We, some two centuries later, tracing the 
development of his art through Haydn, Mozart, Beethoven, 
and Brahms along those lines which he was the first clearly 
to lay down, may legitimately interpret the words — Father 
of Classical Music. 

^ Letter to Ferdinand de' Medici, May i, 1706. (Archivio Mediceo, /^r'/^a 
5903, No. 196.) 









Anna Maria 

m. Antonia Anzalone 





b. 1685 




b, 1690 




b. 1692 

Giuseppe ? 

Flaminia ? 

The Biograjia degli Uotnini Illustri del Regno di 
Napoli is our only authority for the existence of Flaminia 
Scarlatti, who is said to have been a remarkably good 
singer. Giuseppe is described by the same writer as 
grandson of Alessandro, but not son of Domenico. As he 
worked principally at Venice and Vienna it has been 
suggested that he was son of Alessandro's brother 
Francesco, thus being nephew of Alessandro. This is 
not incompatible with the statement in the Biografia, 
if we suppose the writer to have heard of Giuseppe as 
nepote di Alessandro {i.e. nephew of Alessandro) and to 
have misinterpreted the phrase, the word nepote bearing 
both meanings. Burney, however, makes him nephew of 
Domenico, when mentioning him as one of the distin- 
guished musicians of Vienna.^ There was a Pietro 
Scarlatti organist of the royal chapel at Naples in Ales- 
sandro's time, and a Tommaso Scarlatti who, besides 
being a tenor singer in the royal chapel, also took part 
in Alessandro's comic opera ** II Tronfo dell' Onore." 
Whether either of these two were related to Alessandro 
it is impossible to say. 

^ The Present State of Music in Germany^ &*c.j vol. i. p. 369. 



With the Libraries where the MSS. are to he found} 

B, Berlin, Royal Library. 

BA, Bologna, Accademia Filarmonica. 

BC, Brussels, Conservatoire Royal de 

BF. Brussels, Royal Library (F^tis* col- 

BL, Bologna, Liceo Musicale. 

BM. London, British Museum. 

Bod, Oxford, Bodleian Library. 

C, Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum. 
Cos, Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense. 
Cec, Rome, Biblioteca S. Cecilia. 
Chr, Oxford, Christchurch. 

Cor, Rome, Biblioteca Corsiniana. 

D, Dresden, Royal Library. 

Dar, Darmstadt, Grand-Ducal Library. 
F, Florence, R. Istituto Musicale. 
FN. Florence, National Library. 
LA, London, Royal Academy of Music. 
LB. London, Buckingham Palace. 

LC. London, Royal College of Music 

M. Munich, National Library. 

MC. Montecassino. 

Mil. Milan, R. Conservatorio di Musica. 

Mod, Modena, Biblioteca Estense. 

N. Naples, R. Conservatorio di Musica. 

/W. Padua, Biblioteca del Santo. 

Pal. Palermo, R. Conservatorio di Musica. 

PC, Paris, Conservatoire de Musique. 

FN. Paris, Biblioth^ue Nationale. 

FB, Rome, Biblioteca Barberini. 

S. Miinster in Westphalia, Santini's coU 

Sch. Schwerin, Grand-Ducal Library. 
V. Venice, Biblioteca Marciana. 
Vat. Rome, Vatican Library. 
W. Vienna, Imperial Library. 
IVM. Vienna, Gesellschaft der Musik- 


I. Operas. 
II. Oratorios. 

III. Sbrenatas and Cantatas for Festivals. 

IV. Madrigals. 

V. Chamber-Cantatas for Two Voices. 
VI. Chamber-Cantatas for One Voice. 
VII. Masses. 
VIII. Motets. 
IX. Instrumental Music 

X. Theoretical Works, &c. 

^ This catalogue does not include modem printed editions, or MS. arias from un- 
identified operas. 





L'Aldimiro owero Favore per 
Libretto: BL. (Gubbio, 1687), 
BC. (Rome, 1688). Fragments : 
BM, Produced previously at 

L'Amazone Corsara (in the scores, 
Score : MC. M. Cec. Libretto : 
N. (Naples, Royal Palace, 1689). 

L'Amor Generoso. 

Score : BM, Libretto : N, 
(Naples, Royal Palace and 
Teatro S. Bartolomeo, i 
October 17 14). 

Amor non vuol Inganni. See Gli 
Equivoci nel Sembiante. 

L'Amor Volubile e Tiraimo. 

Score: BC, D. Libretto: BL, 
N, (Naples, S. Bartolomeo, 1 709.) 

L'Anacreonte Tiranno. 

Score: 5. Libretto: iV. (Naples, 
1689), BC. (Pratolino 1698). 

L'Analinda. See Le Nozze con 
1' Inimico. 


Fragments : 5. (about 1 700 ? ) 


Libretto: N. BL, (Naples, S. 
Bartolomeo, 1 9 November 1 7 1 4). 
BC, BL. (Rome, Sala Capra- 
nica, 1722). 

La Caduta dei Decemviri. 

Score : BF, BM, N. Libretto : 
BC, N, (Naples, S. Bartolomeo, 
1697). Fragments: D, 


Score: N. ("Opera iii"). 
Libretto : N. (Naples, S. Barto- 
lomeo, 4 February 17 19). 

Carlo Re d'Allemagna. 
I Libretto*: BL. N. (Naples, S. 
Bartolomeo, Carnival 17 18). 
Fragments : BC. D. 

II Giro. 

Score : BC, (autograph, October 
171 1). Libretto : BL. (Rome, 
17 12). Fragments: 5. N. 

Clearco in Negroponte. 

Score : Mod, Libretto : BC. 
Mod, N, (Naples, Royal Palace, 
21 December 1686). 

II Consiglio deir Ombra. See 
U Emireno. 

Dafni e Galatea. 

Fragments: D. PC, (Naples, 

Dal Male il Bene. 

Score: B, MC, (partly auto- 
graph). Libretto: BC, (Naples, 
Royal Palace, 1687). Frag- 
ments : BM, 

La Dama Spagnuola ed il Cavalier 
Romano. See Scipione nelle 

La Didone Delirante. 

Fragments: N, (Naples, 1695 
or 1696?). 

La Donna ancora ^ fedele. 

Libretto : BC, (Naples, S. Barto- 
lomeo, 1698). Fragments: D. 

L' Emireno owero II Consiglio 
deir Ombra. 
Libretto: BC, (Naples, S. Bar- 
tolomeo, 1697). Fragments : 

V Equal Impegno d'Amore. See II 

Gli Equivoci in Amore owero La 
Score : BM, (two copies, repre- 
senting two different perform- 
ances). Libretto: BC. (Rome, 
at the French Embassy, 1690), 
N, (Naples, Royal Palace, 
1690). Fragments: F. N, PC. 
RB. S. 



Gli Equivoci nel Sembiante ovvero 
U Errore Innocente. 
Score: BC. BL. Mod. V. 
Libretto: BL. (Rome, 1679; 
Bologna, 1679; Ravenna, 1635), 
BC. (Monte Filottramo, 1680), 
Mod. (Rome, 1679). Frag- 
ments : W. 

U Eraclea. 

Libretto: N. (Naples, 1700), 
BC. BL. (Parma 1700). Frag- 
ments : BF. D. LB. N. PC. 

V Errore Innocente. See Gli Equi- 

voci nel Sembiante. 

II Figlio delle Selve. 

Score : PC. Libretto : BC. 
(Rome, 1687). 


Libretto: BL. N. (Naples, S. 
Bartolomeo, 6 November 1688). 

II Flavio Cuniberto. 

Score : Chr. Libretto : BC. 
(Rome, Teatro Capranica, 
1698), N. (Rome, n.d.), FN. 
(Pratolino 1702). Fragments: 
S. (Pratolino, 1702. These 16 
airs are not in the Chr. MS.) 
Ademollo mentions a perform- 
ance at Rome (Teatro Tordi- 
nona) in 1695. 

Gerone Tiranno di Siracusa. 

Score : Chr. (composed 1692). 
Fragments: N. It was per- 
formed at Rome in 1694, and 
probably produced at Naples 

II Gran Tamerlano. 

Libretto : FN. (Pratolino, 1706). 

La Griselda. 

Score: B. BC. M. S. (*' Opera 
1 14 "). Libretto : BL. (Rome, 
T. Capranica, Carnival 172 1). 
Fragments : BM. (Acts I. and 
III. autograph), PC. 

V Honestk negli Amori. 

Score: Mod. Libretto: BL. 

BC. (Rome, 6 February 1680). 
Fragments : Cos. PC. 

L'Humanitk nelle Fere owero II 
Libretto : BL. (Naples, S. Barto- 
lomeo, 1708). Probably pro- 
duced before elsewhere, since 
the libretto mentions additions 
by Vignola. 

L'lnfedelt^ Fedele. See La Ros- 

Gli Inganni Felici 

Libretto : BC. N. (Naples, Royal 
Palace and S. Bartolomeo, 1699). 
Fragments: D. 

Laodicea e Berenice. 

Score: PN, Libretto: Mod, 
N. (Naples, S. Bartolomeo, 
1 701). Fragments: BM. BF. 

Lucio Manlio V Imperioso. 

Libretto : FN. (Pratolino, 1705). 

Marco Attilio Regolo. 

Score : BM. (autograph). lib- 
retto: BL. BC. N. (Rome, 
T. Capranica, Carnival 17 19). 
Fragments : BC. BM. (with 
title « Annibale ") PC. 

Massimo Puppieno. 

Score: MC. Libretto: N 
(Naples, S. Bartolomeo, 26 
December 1695). 

II Mitridate Eupatore. 

Score: B. PC. Libretto: BL. 
V. (Venice, Teatro S. Giovanni 
Crisostomo, 1707). 

Le Nozze con Tlnimico owero 
Score: PN. Libretto: BC. 
(Naples, S. Bartolomeo, 1695). 
Fragments : BM. D. 


Libretto : BC. (Naples, S. Bar- 
tolomeo, 1700). Fragments: D. 


L* Olimpia Vendicata. 

Score : London, in possession 
of F. G. Edwards, Esq. Lib- 
retto : BC. N, (Naples, S. Barto- 
lomeo, 1686). Fragments : BM, 

II Pastor di Corinto. 

Score: BF. Libretto: BC, 
(Naples, S. Bartolomeo, 1701). 
Fragments : D. PC, 

II Pirro e Demetrio. 

Score: BF, N. Libretto: N. 
(Naples, S. Bartolomeo, 1694), 
BC. (Rome, 1696). Fragments : 
BM, Performed in London 14 
December 1700 in an English 
adaptation by Swiny and Haym. 

II Pompeo. 

Score: BF. Libretto: BC. 
(Rome, Teatro Colonna, 1683; 
Naples, Royal Palace and S. 
Bartolomeo, 1684), N. BL. 
(Leghorn, 1688). Fragments: 
Bod. PC. S. V. 

II Prigioniero Fortunato. 

Score: BM.N. Libretto: BL. 
BC, (Naples, S. Bartolomeo, 14 
December 1698). Fragments: 
D. PC. S. PN. 

La Principessa Fedele. 

Score : BF. Libretto: BL. N. 
(Naples, S. Bartolomeo, Carni- 
val 1 7 10). Fragments: S. 
(partly autograph). 

La Rosaura. See Gli Equivoci in 

La Rosmene owero L'lnfedelt^ 
Score : 5. Libretto : BC. 
(Naples, S. Bartolomeo, 1688). 
Fragments : BM. F, 

Scipione nelle Spagne. 

Score: BM, BF. Libretto: 
N. (Naples, S. Bartolomeo, 21 
January 1714). Fragments : 
MC. The comic scenes were 

revived at Bologna in 1730 with 
the title '* La Dama Spagnuola 
ed il Cavalier Romano." 

La Statira. 

Score: BM, BC. D. M. Lib- 
retto : BC. (Rome, Teatro Tor- 
dinona, 1690). Fragments : A^. 


Score : PC. S. W. (autograph). 
Libretto: BL. BC. (Rome, T. 
Capramca, 17 18; "Opera 109"). 
Fragments : F. 

La Teodora Augusta. 

Score : Chr. F, Libretto : BC. 
(Rome, T. Capranica, 1693). 


Libretto : N, (Naples, S. Barto- 
lomeo, 1 709). The libretto does 
not mention Scarlatti, but the 
GazzeUa di Napoli names him 
as the composer. 

II Tigrane owero U Equal Impegno 
Score : F, N. LB. Libretto : 
BL. N, (Naples, S. Bartolomeo, 
Carnival 17 15; "Opera 106"). 
Fragments: S. 

Tiberio Imperatore d' Oriente. 
Fragments : N. PC. (Naples, 
Royal Palace, 8 May 1702). 

Tito Sempronio Gracco. 

Libretto : N. (Naples, S. Barto- 
lomeo, 1702, and Rome, T. 
Capranica, 1720), BL, BC. 
(Rome, 1720). Fragments : D. 
N. (Naples, 1702), PC. S. 
(Rome, 1720). 

II Trionfo dell' Onore. 

Score: BM. ("Opera no"). 
Libretto: N. (Naples, T. dei 
Fiorentim, 17 18). 

II Trionfo della Libert^. 

Libretto: BL. N. V. (Venice, 
S. Giovanni Crisostomo, 1707). 
Fragments: BF, 




Turno Aricino. 

Libretto: FiV. (Pratolino, 1704), 
BC. BL. (Rome, T. Capranica, 
1720). Fragments : PC. S, B. 
(Rome, 1720). It is possible 
that the setting produced at 
Pratolino in 1 704 was not Scar- 

La Virtu negli Amori. 

Libretto : BL. (Rome, 18 No- 
vember 1 721). 

La Virtu Trionfante dell' Odio e 
dell' Amore. 
Libretto: BC. N, (Naples, Royal 
Palace, 3 May, 17 16). 

Operas Written in Collaboration 

La Santa Genuinda. 

Score : BM. M. PC. Libretto : 
BC. M. (Rome, 1694). Act L 
by Giovanni del Violone, Act 
IL by A. Scarlatti, Act III. by 
C. F. PoUarolo. 

Giunio Bruto ovvero la Caduta dei 
Score : W. Act I. by Carlo 
Cesarini, Act 1 1, by Antonio 
Caldara, Act III. by A. Scar- 

Additions to Operas by Other Composers 

Odoacre (Legrenzi). 

Libretto : N. (Naples, S. Barto- 

lomeo, 1694). 
La Pastorella (Act I. by Cesarini, 
Act IL by Giannino, Act III. 
by Bononcini). 

Fragments : BM. Represented 

by marionettes in the palace of 

the Venetian ambassador at 

Rome in 1705. 
II Porsenna (Lotti). 

Fragments: MC. Performed at 

Naples in 17 13. 

Aiace, Comodo Antonino^ Etio, 

Muzio Scevola,and Penelope la Casta 
were ascribed by Florimo and others 
to A. Scarlatti without any apparent 
documentary evidence. The libretti 
are without any composer's name, 
and no scores or fragments by Scar- 
latti are known. 

// Medo and Rodrigo (scores in 
PC.) have been ascribed to A. Scar- 
latti by modem hands. // Medo 
is certainly by a much later com- 
poser, and Rodrigo is identical with 
an opera by Stradella {Mod.)j, 
called by Catelani II Floridoro. 


Agar et Ismaele Esiliati. Rome, 
1683. W. 

La SS"** Annuntiata (about 17 10?). 

L'Assunzione della Beatissima Ver- 
gine (about 1705?). S. W. See 
La Sposa dei Sacri Cantici. 

S. Casimiro Re di Polonia (Vienna, 
1713, probably not first per- 
formance). W. 

La Concettione della B.V. (Rome, 
1703, according to Florimo). 

La Conversione di Maddalena. See 
II Trionfo della Gratia. 

Davidis Pugna et Victoria (Rome, 
1700). Libretto :BL. 

San Filippo Neri (Foligno, 14 May, 
1713, probably not first perfor- 
mance). BF. S. Libretto : BL, 


La Giuditta (about 1690?). N. 

II Martirio di S. Teodosia (Modena, 
1685). PN.BF.Mod.W. Lib- 
retto: BL. Mod. Fragments: 

Cantata per la Notte di Natale 
(Rome, Palazzo Apostolico, 
1705). S. 

Pastorale per la Nativity del Bam- 
bino Giesii (Rome, 1705 ?). S. 

Passio secundum Johannem (about 
1680?). N. 

La Passione di N. S. G. C. (Rome, 
1708). Cas.^ Libretto: BL. 

II Sedecia Re di Gerusalemme 
(1706). BC. Cas. D. M. W. 
Fragments: 5. 

La Sposa dei Sacri Cantici (Naples, 
1 7 10, according to Florimo), 

PC. A slightly different version 

of L'Assunzione. 
La SS-** Trinitk (17 15). N. (auto- 

II Trionfo della Gratia owero la 

Conversione di Maddalena. 

(Rome, 1685; Modena, 1686; 

Mantua, 1695 ; Bologna, 1696, 
1699, 1704; Vienna, 1701, 

1707). D. Mod. (partly auto- 
graph). Libretto: BC. Mod. 
Fragments: Cor. 

[La Vergine Addolorata] (1717). 
BC. Fragments: Westminster, 
Chapter Library. So called by 
M. Gevaert: neither score has 
a title. 

La SS"* Vergine del Rosario 
(about 1705?) S. 

Of / Dolori di Maria Sempre Vergine (Rome, 1693), // Martirio di 
S. Cecilia (Rome, 1709), and // Sagrificio d^Ahramo (Rome, 1703), 
ascribed to A. Scarlatti by Fetis, Florimo, and others, I have found 
no trace. 

Ademollo mentions an Oratorio per la Notte di Natale (Rome, 1695), 
and Croce an Oratorio for St. Joseph's Day, // Trionfo del Valore 
(Naples, 1709), but I have found neither libretto nor music. 


Achille e Deidamia (very early, and 

* probably not Scarlatti). N. 
Diana ed Endimione (about 1680- 

1685?). MC. 
II Genio di Partenope, la Gloria del 

Sebeto, il Piacere di Mergellina 

(Naples, 1696). MC. 
Venere, Adone ed Amore — *^Per 

Papertura di Posilipo " (Naples, 

1696). MC. Chr. 

Venere ed Amore (Naples, about 

1695-1700 ?). BF. 
Clori, Lidia, Filli (about 1700?). 

Clori, Dorino, Amore {"Cantata 

a Napoli aUa presenza diFilippo 

V. Re delle Spagne" probably 

1702). B. S. 
II Giardino di Amore (about 1700- 

1705?). B. S. 

' According to the catalogue ; but the MS. is not to be found. The Royal Library 
at Dresden possesses the score of an oratorio attributed to Scarlaiti, which corresponds 
partly with the libretto, but it is probably a rearrangement of Scarlatti's original by a 
later composer, probably Hasse. 

' These compositions scarcely ever have definite titles ; I have therefore given them 
the names of their characters, and arranged them (as fiir as was possible) in chronological 



Endimione e Cintia (Rome, 1705). 

Amore e Virtd ossia il Trionfo 
della Virtu (" scriita per il Prin- 
cipe Ruspoli" Rome, 1706). 

Clori e Zeffiro (1706). B, S. 

Fileno, Niso, Doralbo (Rome, 
1 706). S, 

Le Muse Urania e Clio lodano le 
bellezze di Filli (1706). S. 

Venere, Adone e Amore (Rome, 
1706). S. 

Venere avendo perduto Amore lo 
ritrova fra le Ninfe e Pastori 

dei Sette Colli (Rome, 1706). 

Pace, Amor, Providenza (Naples, 
probably 17 14). B, 

Primavera, Estate, Autunno, Inverno 
e Giove (Naples, 17 16, for the 
birth of the Archduke Leopold). 
BM. M, N. 

Filli, Clori, e Tirsi (Naples, 17 18?). 

Erminia, Tancredi, Polidoro, e 
Pastore {''Per /* ecc'"'' Sig'' Prin- 
cipe di Stigliano in occasione de^ 
suoi Sponsalif'' Naples, 1723). 

MC. N. La 


Arsi un tempoe rardore(SS.A.T.B.). 

Cor mio deh non languire (SSSS. A.). 

B. BL. BM. (Add. 14166) 

C. M. N. 5. Also printed in Mar- 
tini's Saggio di Contrappunto. 

Intenerite voi lacrime mie 
(S.A.TT.B). BAf.(Add.3i4i2). 

Mori mi dici (SS.A.T.B.). N. 

O morte agli altri fosca, a me serena 

(SS.A.T.B.). WM. 
O selce o tigre o ninfa (SS.A.T.B.). 

BM. (Add. 3 141 2). 
Or cheda te mio bene(S.A.T.B.). N. 
Sdegno la fiamma estinse 

(SS.A.T.B.). BM.(Add. 31412). 


{Accompanied by Continuo alone unless additional instruments are 


The asterisk (*) denotes a work of which the authorship is doubtful. 

A^battaglia, pensieri, a battaglia 

(S.A., trumpet, 2 violins, 1699). 

Ahi che sark di me (Floro e Tirsi) 

(SS., 2 Sept., 1707). C.N. 5. 
Arnica, hor che Aprile (Filli e Clori) 

(SS., 2 violins). Bod. BM. 

(Add. 31488, 31506) 5. WM. 
Bel Dorino — amata Clori (Clori e 

Dorino) (S.B., 2 violins). Sch. 
Che pill farai arciero amor (Clori e 

Dorino (S.B.). Sch. 
Cleopatra mia Reina (Marc'antonio 

e Cleopatra (S.A.). S. 

Clori mia — Dorino caro (Clori e 

Dorino) (S.B.). ScK 
Cnidel perche privarmi (SS.). F. 
( Di quel seno al bel candore ) 
\ Di quegli occhi al dolce foco J 

(S.A.). WM. 
*Dimmi crudel e quando (S.A.). 
Disperate pupille hor si piangete 

(S.B.). Sch. 
Dove fuggi o bella Clori (Clori e 

Lidio) (S.A.). iV. 
Another setting (S.A., 2 violins). 


*Due cori a me fan guerra (SS.; 

perhaps by Lotti). N, Pal. 
E pur vuole il cielo (S.A., 1706?). 

BL BM, (Add. 31491). C. 5. 
II ciel seren, le fresche aurette (La 

Primavera, Clori e Lisa) (SS.). 

Lasciami sospirar, io voglio piangere 

(Dorindo e Fileno) (S.B.). PC. 
Lisa, del foco mio (Clori e Lisa 

(SS., 28 Feb. 1706). C.N.PC.S. 
Mentre sul carro aurato (Clori e 

Mirtillo). PC. S. 
*No che lungi da quel volto (SA.; 

perhaps by Lotti). N. Pal. 
No, non ti voglio no (S.A.). S. 
O come bello con onde chiare 

(Tirsi e Clori) (SS.). S. 

Openosa lontananza — o felice lon- 
tananza (S.B.). S. Sch. W. 

Ombre romite e solitarie piante 
(S.A.). M. 

Or per pietk del mio crudel 
destino (S.A.). B. (incom- 
plete ?). 

Perche sospiri o Niso (Doralba e 
Niso) (S.A.). D. 
*Quando un Eroe che s'ama (S.A.), 

Questo silenzio ombroso (S.A., 17 
Sept. 1707). BM. (Add. 
14166, 31412). C. N. PC. S. 
*Son pur care le catene (S.A.). BL. 
*Tirsi che fa il tuo core (SS.; per- 
haps by Lotti). N. Pal. 

Viva, viva mia libertk (SS.). PC 

(i) Accompanied by Continuo with other Instruments 

Air hor che stanco il sole (S., 2 

violins). PC. 
Alma tu che dal Cielo (S., 2 

violins, 12 Sept. 1 709, sacred). 

BM. (Add. 34056;. 
Amanti anch' io son preso (S., 

violin solo). S. 
Appena chiudo gli occhi (S., 

violin). N.PC. 
Appena giunse al forte campo. 

(Oloferne) (B., 2 violins). BM. 

(Add. 14 1 66, incomplete). 
Ardo, b ver, per te d'amore (S., 

flute). N. (incomplete). 
^Augellin sospendi i vanni (S., 2 

violins). B. (autograph). 
Augellin vago e canoro (S., 2 

flutes, 26 June 1699). 5. 
Ben mio, quel verme alato (S., 2 

violins). BM. (Add. 31506). 
Clori mia, Clori bella (S., flute, 18 

June 1699). S. 

Correa nel seno amato (S., 2 

violins). BM. (Add. 31506) 

N. Pal. 
Da dupplicati oggetti (S., 2 violins, 

viola). N. 
Dair oscura magion deir arsa Dite 

(U Orfeo)(S., 2 violins). PC. S. 
Dove fuggo, a che penso ? (S., violin 

solo.) N.PC.S. 
E con qual core, oh Dio (S., 2 

violins). S. 
Ebra d'amor fuggia (L'Arianna) 

(S., 2 violins). N. PC. 
Era r oscura notte (S., 2 violins). 

Ferma omai fugace e bella (A., 2 

violins and viola, Dec. 1724). 

Rome^ Comm. Carlo Lozzi 

Fida compagna del tuo alato 

amante (S., 2 violins). B. iV. 


' See under Cantatas with continuo alone. 



Fileno, oh Dio ! Fileno, di quest' 

anima amante (S., 2 violins). 

Fileno, quel Fileno, tutto fb (S., 2 

violins). 5. 
Filli che fra gl' orrori (S., 2 violins, 

1706). 5. 
Filli, tu sai s'io t'amo (S., 2 flutes, 

April 1 701). 5. 
Hor che di Febo ascosi (S., 2 

violins, 1704). N, Dar. S. 
Imagini d'orrore (B., 2 violins, 16 

July 1 7 10). PC, (autc^raph). 
Lagrime dolorose dagli occhi miei. 

(T., 2 violins). PC. 
*Mentre Clori la bella presso un 

ruscel sedea (S., 2 violins). S. 
Mentre Clori la bella sotto 1' ombra 

d'un mirto (S., 2 flutes). S. 

Mentre un Zeffiro arguto (S., 2 

violins). S. The same for B. 

with a diflerent Sinfonia. Sch, 
Mi contento cos\(T., 2 violins). PC, 
Mia Dorinda, mia vita (S., violin, 

1706). S. 
Mirtillo anima mia, gik che parti. 

(S., 2 violins). S, 
Nel silentio commune (S., 2 

violins, viola). BM, (Add. 

Nella stagione appunto (S., 2 

violins). 5. 
Nella tomba di Gnido (S., 2 

violins). S, 
Notte ch'in carro d' ombre (S., 2 

violins). S, W, 
Oh di Betlemme altera (S., 2 

violins, viola, sacred). BM, 

(Add. 14 1 65). 
Per I'ondoso sentiero (S., 2 

violins). PC. 
Perche, perche tacete regolati 

concenti (A., 2 violins). S. 
Perde al vostro confronto (S., 2 

violins). S. 

Piangete o mie pupille (S., 2 

violins). PC. 
Piango, sospiro e peno (A., 2 

violins). BM, (Add. 31506). 
Prima d'esservi infedele (S., 2 

violins). MC 
Qual' ora io v^go la vezzosa Irene 

(S., 2 violins). N. PC. 
Quella pace gradita (S., flute, 

violin, violoncello). S, (auto- 
Siete uniti a tormentarmi (A., 2 

violins). D, 
Silentio, aure volanti (S., 2 

violins). Bod. S. 
Solitudini amene, apriche colli- 

nette (S., flute). D. 
Sotto r ombra d'un faggio (B., 2 

violins). N. PC. 
Sotto r ombra d'un faggio (S., 2 

violins. MC. PC, LA, (in- 
Sovra carro stellato (S., 2 violins). 

N, (incomplete). 
Sul margine d'un rivo (S., 2 

violins). PC, S. 
Sulla sponda del mare (L' Olimpia) 

(S., 2 violins, viola). W. 
Sull'ora appunto che col carro 

d'oro (La Fenice) (S., 2 

violins). Dar. S, 
Sulle sponde del Tebro (S., 

trumpet, 2 violins). BM. 

(Add. 31487) S. WM. 
Tiranna ingrata, che far dovrb 

(B., 2 violins). N. 
Tirsi pastore amante (S., 2 

violins). PC. S. 
Tra speranza e timore (B,, violin) 

BM. (Add. 1 4166). 
Tu che una dea rassembri (S., 2 

violins). S. 
Tu resti, o mio bel nume (B., 2 

violins). N. 
Tu sei quella che al nome (A., flute, 

2 violins). MC. (incomplete). 


(2) Accompanied by Continuo alone 
(A II for Soprano unless another voice is mentioned,) 

*K chi t'inganna, bella tiranna. 

Mil N. PC. 
A pie d' un verde coUe. BF, LC, 

*A placar la mia bella. BF. 
A privarmi del bel. LC. Mil. S. 
A soffrire impara o core. 5. 
A te Lisa gentile (alto). BC. 
A voi che 1' accendeste. D. N, 

(incomplete) 5. 
Abbandonar Fileno dovea. RB. 

(alto) 5. 
Abbandonato e solo (II Nerone). 

BC. M. S. 
Ad altro uso serbate. N. 
Agitato mio core (1704). Pal. S. 
Agitato sen cade (La Sofonisba). 

Mod. S. 
Agli strali d'amore. BF. 
Ah ben 1 > vedi o core. N. S. 
Ah che pur troppo e vero. Mil. 
Ah fuggi, si, mio core. BF. S. 
Ah, Mi tilde vezzosa (29 July 

1 712). LC. S. 
Al fin m'ucciderete (1718). B. 

BM. (Add. 14165, 31508) 

D. LA. M. Mil. N. PC. S. W. 
Al fine o Clori amata. Pal. S. 
*A\ mormorio d' un vago ruscelletto. 

Al mormorio dell' onda. C. 5. 
Al pensiero miei sguardi (July 

1706). S. 
Al voler del bene amato. BM. 

(Add. 14164) Pal. PC. 
Alba che neghittosa. BM. (Add. 

14165) 5. 
Airhor che il Dio di Delo (La 

Gelosia). BM. (Add. 14 165) S. 
All' hor che il fier leone. PC. 
Alle Trojane antenne (La Didone). 


Alme voi che provaste. BM. 

(Add. 1 42 1 5, 3 1 509) iV. PC. 5. 
*Amai dolce mia vita. S. W. 
Amanti sospirate, Amore ^ morto. 

Amici, s' h vinto. BM. (Add. 

Ammore brutto figlio de Pottana 

(in Neapolitan dialect). 5. 
Amo e negar nol posso (Dec. 

1 704). S. 
Amo, ma 1* idol mio (9 June, 1702). 

BM. (Add. 14227) PC. (alto) 

5. (alto, autograph). 
Amo, peno e languisco. RB. 
Amo, peno, gioisco. N. Pal. S. 

Sch. W. 
Amor, che fia di noi. PC. 
Amor con Tidol mio (3 April 

1702). PCS. 
Amor, Mitilde e morta. BM. 

(Add. 14212) N. PC. S. 
Amor, t'intendo, si (170 1). N. 
Amor, tu che si bella fiamma 

accendesti. PC. 
Amore, o mi togli le fiamme. 

BM. (Add. 14228). 
Andate o miei sospiri (G minor, 

10 March, 1712). BM. (Add. 

14220) LA. LC. N. S. 
MSS. without the additional air in 

V time. BM. (Add. 31509) 

Mil. PC. RofnCy Comm. Carlo 

Lozzi (autograph fi:agment). 
Andate o miei sospiri (F sharp 

minor). BF. BM. (Add. 

14220) LA. LC. Mil. N. PC. 

Rome, Comm. Carlo Lozzi 

The same cantata set by Gasparini. 

BM. (Add. 14220) LA. LC. 




Api industri che volate. Mil, PC. 

^ Appena chiudo gli occhi. N, PC, 
Ardea per Condone Clori. LC, 
Arder per due pupille. M. Mil, 

Ardo, ardo d'amore. BC. BM. 

(Add. 14163) LA» Mil. Sch. 
Ardo tacito amante. PC. S. 
Arse felice un tempo. BM, (Add. 

Assiso in verde prato. S. 
Augelletti semplicetti. M. (incom- 
plete) PC, (incomplete) 5. W, 
^Augellin sospendi i vanni. BC, 

Augellino prigioniero, ferma oh 

Dio. 5. W. 
Aure io son di voi geloso. Pal^ 
Barbara e ingrata Fille. Pal, 

Rome, Comm, Carlo Lozzi 

(autograph), 5. 
Bei prati freschi rivi. BM, (Add. 

3i5i2)IC. M. PC. S. 
Bei prati verdi coUL 5. 
Bella, dunque n'andrai. BM. 

(Add. 31508)- 
Bella, per te d'amore. N. N. 

(alto) Pal, (alto). 
Bella quanto crudel, spietata Irene 

(June 17 1 7). LC S, 
Bella Rosa adorata (Sept. 1704)- 

Bella se quella face. PC, 
* Belle pupille care. S. 
Ben che o sirena bella. BM. (Add. 

14220) N, PC, 5. 
Ben che porti nel volto. BF, 
Ben che vezzosa Irene. N. 
Ben folle e chi non parte. BF. 

Biondi crini che in fronte. 5. 
Boschi amati che cingete. PC 

Cara sempre agli occhi miei. BF. 
BM, (Add. 141 63). 
*Care selve a voi ritomo. LC 
Care selve gradite. B, BM, (Add. 

Caro Fileno mio, quanto mi spiace. 

*Caro laccio, dolce nodo. B. 
Cerca nel cor di mille (10 August 

1706). BA. (autograph) BC 

Cerco, n^ so trovar beltk fedel. 

Ch' io da te mi divida. Pal. 
Che fai mio cor. BM. (Add. 

31 5 1 2, incomplete). 
Che le dolcezze estreme. LC 
Che mai sar^ di me. M. 
Che pill tardi o Ninfa bella. PC 
*Che pretendi o tiranna. S. 
Che Sisifo infelice (25 July 1706). 

5. (autograph). 
Chi batte al mio core ? PC 
Chi m'insegna ov*e quel beae. 

S. W, 
Chi vedesse la ferita. PN. S, 
Chi vidde mai o chi prov6. S. 
Chiudetevi per sempre. B, N. 
Chiusa tra fosche bende. BM. 

(Add. 14164). 
Cinta dei piii bei fiori. N. 
*Cinta di rai splendea. 5. 
Cleopatra la bella, la Venere 

d*Egitto (Lamento di Cleo- 
patra). PC, 
Clori allor ch'io ti vidi (17 April 

1702). S. (autograph). 
Clori, bell' idol mio, Clori mia vita. 

PC S. W. 
Clori, Clori spietata, mio crudel 

tesoro. Mil. 
Clori, Clori superba, e come mai. 

N. S. (See Cruda Irene su- 

^ See under cantatas with continuo and other instruments. 

2 Ibid. 


perbUf of which this is a differ- 
ent version.) 

Clori, mi sento al seno. 5. 

Clori, mia cara Clori, moro. BM. 

(Add. 31508)- 

Clori vezzosa e bella (alto). BM. 
(Add. 142 1 2) F. LC. N. 

Clorinda ^ bella. N. 

Colui che fisso mira (April 1696). 
BM, (Add. 14163) 5. (alto). 

Come il.fuoco alia sua sfera. Sch. 

Come potesti mai. Chr. 

Come pub non esser bella (15 Feb. 
1702). 5. (autograph). 

Come vago augelletto ( 1 7 o i ) . N. 

Come volubil gira la ruota. BM, 
(Add. 315 12) PC. 

Con non inteso affanno. 5. 

Con trasparente velo (13 Dec 
1702). B, (autograph) BM, 
(Add. 14225) S. W, 

Cor di Bruto e che riaolvi. PC. 

Coronate il bel crine. PC. 

Cruda Irene superba. Mil, N. 
PC. S, (See Clori, Clori su- 
perba, of which this appears to 
be a corrupt version.) 

Crudelissimo amore. N, (incom- 

Crudo amor, che vuoi da me. 

D' un platano frondoso. M. 

Da che Tirsi mirai. BM. (Add. 
14220) Pal. 
*Da Tarco d'un bel ciglio (alto). 

Da qual parte celeste (20 Oct. 
1702). S. (autograph). 

Da quel d\ che Matilda. LA. 

Da queir hora fatale ( 1 7 1 6). LC 

Da sventura a sventura (1690?). 
BL. C. (incomplete) N. PC. 
(incomplete) W. (C. has a 
MS. of the first air with ac- 
companiment for four strings.) 

Da turbini di pene. LC, 
*Da voi parto amati rai (bass). B, 
Dagli strali d' amore vivea lieto 

(13 Sept. 1 701). S. 
Dal bel volto d' Irene. BM. (Add. 

141 65) Mil. N. 
Dal colle al pian discesa. BF. M. 
Dal crudele Daliso. PN. 
Dal d\ che amor m' accese. N, 
Dal dl che V empio fato. LC. N. 
Dal grato mormorio. BM. (Add. 

Dalla fida compagna abbandonata. 

Dalla spemc deluso. Mod. S. 
Dalle pene amorose. Rome, 

Comnu C, Lozzi, 
Dalle Tirrene sponde parti Fille. 

Dammi amore. Bod. 
Deh per merce. BM, (Add. 141 64) 

LC. S, 
Deh toma amico sonno (22 Sept. 

1 7 16). N, PC, (autograph?). 
Del faretrato nume Amor tiranno. 

BF. Mil, N. PC. (autograph ?). 
Del lacrimoso lido (17 June 1699). 

BM. (Add. 31487) S. Sch. 
Del mio seno la costanza. BM. 

(Add. 14163). 
Del Tebro in su le sponde. Mil. 

Del Tirreno alle sponde. BM. 

(.Add. 14211) PCS. W. 
Del Tirreno sul lido (alto). S. 
Delia spietata Irene fur T accese 

pupille. S. 
Delle patrie contrade. LC. 
Dentro un orrido speco. W. 
*Di che avete paura ? N. 
Di cipresso funesto. N. Pal. PN. 
Di colore de' cieli. Pal. 
Di due vaghe pupille nere. PC. 
Di me che sark ? V. 
Di pensiero in pensier. BM. 

(Add. 14 1 65). 



Diedi a Fileno il core (1705). 

BM. (Add. 14165) 5. S. (alto). 
Dimmi Clori superba. M. Mil. 

Dimmij mio ben, perche. PN. 
Doppo lungo penar (bass). BM. 

(Add. 14166). 
Dorisbe x miei lamenti. PC. 
Dormono Taure estive. BM. (Add. 

14165, 31508) LC. N. PC. S. 

Dove alfin mi traeste? (L'Arianna). 

B. LC. N. Mil. PC. (auto- 
graph ?). 
Dov'^Filli, dov*^? Chr. Pal. 
Dov'io mi volga o vada. LC. 

Dove in grembo. See Ove in 

Dove r eneta Dori alia reggia. N. 
Dove xestu cor mio ? (in Venetian 

dialect). D. 
Due nemici tiranni (1722). BF. 

Dunque ingrato spergiuro. B. 

BM. (Add. 142 1 2) Mil. N. 

PC. WM. 
Dunque perche lontano. M. 
Dunque sperar non lice. PC. 
£ come, oh Dio, lontana. Pal. 5. 
E come e come, oh Dio, tacito. M. 
E come ohimb poss' io. N. PC, 
i,'\ gran pena V amare. LC. 
i, la s|)eme un desio tormentoso. 

E lungi dal mio bene. BM. (Add. 

E penar deggio ancora. BL. 

(alto) M. S. 
*E pur e pur e vero. BF. S. 
E pur odo e non moro. LC. N. 
E pur tenti il ritomo. LC. MC. 

S. (versions vary). 
Is, pure il gran tormento. B. (alto) 

BM. (Add. 31508) LC. PC. 

(alto) 5. (alto). 

E quando ingrata Nice. Mil. N, 
PC. W. 

E quando io veggio. LC. (incom- 

E quando mai cessate. Pal. 

E satio ancor non sei. LC. 

E sia pur vero. BMf (Add. 14229) 

E sino a quando. Amor. LC, 

E sino a quando, o stelle. PcU. 

fe viva al diletto la mia rimem- 
branza. PC. 

Ecco che a voi ritoma B. BM. 
(Add. 14212, 14225, 14229) 
C. N. Mil. PC. 

Entro a pid foschi horrori. PC. 

Entro romito speco. BM. (Add. 

31509) LC. Mil. N. PC. 
(partly autograph). 

Era gii I'alba (Europa rapita). 

Era giunta quell' ora (29 Nov. 

1704). S. 
Era la notte e giit sorgea dal mare. 

Era I'oscura notte. Florence^ 

Comm. A. Kraus. S. 
Eurilla^ amata Eurilla. BC. BL. 

BM. (Add. 31518) Z>. LC. PC. 
Eurilla^ io parto, addio. Pal. 
Eurilla, oh Dio, nel seno palpita. 

Facile sembra a un core I'amar. 5. 
Farfalla che s'aggira (I^ Pazzia). 

B. BC. BM. (Add. 3 15 10) N. 

Mil. PC. S. 
Farfalletta innocente se correndo. 

BM. (Add. 31510)5. 
Fatto d'amor seguace. BM. (Add. 

31510) PC. 

Fiamma che awampa. BM. (Add. 

31509) Mil. N. 
Fiero acerbo destin dell' alma mia. 

Fileno, ove ten vai ? (1705) BM. 

(Add. 14 1 65, 3 15 10) LC. S. 



^ Filli adorata, ah ben comprendo. 

BAf. (Add. 3 15 10). 
Filli adorata e cara, che fosti e sei. 

B. BM. (Add. 14220, 31510) 

LC. N. PC, 5. 
Filli adorata e cara, io parto. BM. 

(Add. 31510). 
Filli altera e spietata. BM. (Add. 

Fille che del mio core (May 1700). 

Filli crudel, dunque tu partL BM. 

(Add. 315 10) S. 
Filli, di questo cor parte piii cara. 

Fille, dolente Fille. BM. (Add. 

3i5io)2V. PC. 
Fille, miacara Fille (18 Nov. 1704). 

BM. {Add. 31510) LC.S. 
Filli mia, Filli cara (15 Jan. 1702). 

BAf. (Add. 31510)5. 
Fille mia, perche piangi. 5. 
*Filli mia, tu mi consoli. D. 
Filli, mio ben, mia vita (May 1704). 

BM. (Add. 31 5 10) PC. 
Fille, tu parti, oh Dio. LC. Mil. 

N. PC. S. W. 
Flumicel che del mio pianto. BM. 

(Add. 3^510)- 
Flagellava nel Cielo (II Narciso). 

Fonte d'ogni dolcezza (12 March 

1 709). BM. (Add. 3 1 5 10) N. 
Fonti amiche, erbe care. BM, 

(Add. 315 'o> 
Forse di Sirio ardente. BM. (Add. 

Fra mille semplicetti augei canori 

(14 August 1 701). 5. (auto- 
Fra tante pene e tante (23 June 
1705)- ^M. (Add. 31510) 

Frangi Tarco e lo stral (27 August 

1706). BM. (Add. 31510). 
Fu d'oro il primo dardo. BM. 

(Add. 31510, 31512). 
GiJi di trionfi onusto (II Ger- 

manico). BL.N. Pal. PN.S. 
Gik per lunga stagion bersaglio. 

BM. (Add. 31487) 5. 
Gii sorge I'alba (Dorisbe caccia- 

trice). S. W. 
Gik sul carro dorato. M. PC. S. 
Gik vicina h quell' hora (15 June 

1699). BL. Bod. Pal. S. 
Giacea d' un mirto air ombra. LC. 
Giacea presso alia sponda. BM. 

(Add. 14163). 
GiU di Vulcan nella fucina etema 

(1698). 5. 
Giunto h il fatal momento (1705). 

BM. (Add. 14165) S. 
Goderai sempre crudele. BM. 

(Add. 14 164) (incomplete). 
Ha r humore stravagante. PC. 
Ho una pena intomo al core. 

BM. (Add. 315 12) M.iV. 5. 
II cor che vive oppresso. MU. N. 

II genio di Mitilde. BC. BM. 

(Add. 14229) Mil. N. PC. 

II mio sol non e piu meco. 5. 
II pill misero amante. N. 
II rosignuolo se scioglie il volo 

(alto in F major) (19 Dec. 

1698). BL. (printed by 6tienne 

Roger, Amsterdam). Pal. (so- 
prano). S. 
II rosignuolo se scioglie il volo 

(alto in F minor) (26 August 

1700). BM. (Add. 141 65) 

S. W. 
II timido mio core. B. Mil. N. 


^ The name Phyllis appears in both forms — Ft7/i and Ft7/g. I have thought it 
better to disregard the variation in arranging this list. 



In amorosi ardori. BM, (Add. 

[n bel sonno profondo. LC, N. 
[n che giammai t* offesi. 5. (auto- 
'n due vaghe pupille. BM. (Add 

[n placida sembianza. BF. 
In solitaria soglia. N, 
[n traccia del suo bene. PC. 
[n vano, amor tiranno. N. S. 
[ngiustissimo amor. BF. BM. 

(Add. 142 1 5) LC, MC. 
[0 ben so che siete arciere (1704). 

Mil. PC. S. 
[o che ad un tronco. BF. LC. 

[o che con aurea luce. BF. 
[o che dal cor di Fille. BM. 

(Add. 14220, 31509; 14213, 

alto). Mil. N. PC. (also 

alto) S. 
[o credei che felice. Mil. 
[0 m* accendo a poco a poco. Pal. 
[o morirei contento. LC. Mod. 

S. W. 
[o non v' intendo o stelle. S. 
[o per Dori mi struggo. N. W. 

(both incomplete), 
[o son Neron Timperator del 

mondo (1698). S. 
[o son pur solo. LC. Mil. N. 
[o t* amerb e nel mio petto. BF. 
[rene, idolo mio. LC. 

V armi crudeli e fiere. BM. (Add. 


V huom che segue una speranza. 

La beltk ch' io sospiro (16 August 

1 701). BM. (Add. 29249). 

PC. S. (autograph). 
La cagion delle mie pene. BM. 

(Add. 29249). 
*JJi del sassi Latini. N. 
Ui deirAmo sull'onda. BM. 

(Add. 29249). 

lA dove a Mergellina (1725). BF. 

LC. Mil. MC. N. S. 
lA dove al vivo argento. LC. 
La face d'amore ch'il core 

m'ard^. BM. (Add. 34056). 
La fortuna di Roma (II Coriolano). 

BC.BM. (Add. 29249, 31488) 

La gran madre d' amore. PC. 

(autograph ?) 
La grazia, la sembianza (22 Feb. 

1702). BM. (Add. 2924^) 

La liberty perduta (incomplete). 

BF. MC. See Talor per suo 

diletlo, of which this is a frag- 
lit nel bel sen della regal Sirena. 

BF. BL. 
La speranza che lusinga. PC 
I-a vezzosa Celinda. Mil. N. 
Langue Clori vezzosa. N. S. 
Lascia di tormentar (1709). BM. 

(Add. 29249, 31507) LC. 

Lascia piii di tormentarmi (1688). 

''^I^sciami alquanto piangere (May 

1 7 16). D. 
Lasciate ch' io v' adori (October 

1705). BM. (Add. 14165, 

29249) N. S. 
Lasciate homai lasciate. BL. N. 
Lasciato havea V adultero superbo. 

Le vaghe tue pupille. BM. (Add. 

29249, 315 12) M. PC. S. 
Leandro, anima mia, £ro t' attende. 

BM. (Add. 29249) Pal. S. 

Libert^ del mio cor. LC. 
Lidia, in van mi condanni. BM. 

(Add. 29249). 
Liete placide e belle (1709). 

BM. (Add. 29249) LC N. 




Lieti boschi, ombre amiche (18 

August 1704). BM, (Add. 

29249) 5. (alto). 
Lontan dalla sua Clori. BM, 

(Add. 31509) Mil. N. 
Lontan dair idol mio. BM. (Add. 

29249, Harl. 1273) Bod, Ckr, 

Lontan dal suo tesor. Mil. 
Lontan dal tuo bel viso. MC. 
Lontananza che fai (27 Nov. 1701). 

BM. (Add. 29249, incom- 
plete) S, (autograph) W. 
Lontananza crudele deh perche 

(4 Oct. 1 7 13). LA. 
Lontananza crudele tu mi trafiggi. 

N, Pal 
Lontananza non risana. Pad. 
Lontananza tiranna che da te mi 

divide. PC, 
Luci care al mondo sole. PN. S, 
Luci siete pur quelle. BM, (Add. 

Luihi che in fronte al mio bel sole 

(4 Dec. 1703). BM, (Add. 

29249) M. MC^ (incomplete) 

Mil, PC, S, 
Lumi dolenti lumi. B, (alto) BM. 

(Add. 29249) C. LC, Pal, 
Lunga stagion dolente (25 August 

1706). BM, (Add. 29249) 

N, S, (autograph). 
Lungi dal ben ch* adoro. F. 
Lungi dair idol mio. B. 
Lungi dalla cagion per cui sospiro. 

BM, (Add. 14165, 29249) 

M'ha diviso il cor dal core. B. 

BM. (Add, 34056). 
Mai fondati sospetti. PC. 
Mai sicuro b il fior nel prato. 

BM. (Add. 34056). 
Mentre affidan al mar di Cupido. 

Mod. S. 
Mentre al sonno chiudea. S. W. 
Mentre da questo monte. S. 

Mentre Eurillo fedele (infelice). 

* Mentre in un dolce oblio. BF. 
Mentre un zeffiro altero. LC, N, 

Mesto, lasso e ramingo (June 1 704). 

Mi nasce un sospetto. LC. PC. 
Mi parto, Eurilla, addio (alto). B. 

Mi tormenta il pensiero (alto). 

Pal. S. Sch. (also for bass) W. 
*Another setting. S, 
Mia Chimene adorata (17 10). 

BM. (Add. 14225) LC, N. 

Mie speranze fallaci. S. 
Mira o Filli quella rosa. M. 

Mitilde, alma mia, se udiste mai 

(3 July 1720). BF. LC. M. 

Mitilde, anima mia, dove sei ? M. 
Mitilde, dove sei? BC (incom- 
plete) F. 
Mitilde, mio tesoro, e dove sei ? S. 
Mitilde, oh quanto dolce e lusin- 

ghiero. S. 
Morirei disperato. BM. (Add. 

14164) LC. N. S. 
*Mostri deh non temete. S. W. 
Nei languidi respiri. BM. (Add. 

14227) C 
Nei tuoi lumi, o bella Clori. BM. 

(Add. 31512) M. Mil. PC. S. 
Nel centro oscuro. F. N. PC 
Nel dolce tempo (27 May 1712 or 

27 Sept. 1716). LC. MU. N. 

Nel mar che bagna al bel Sebeto 

(bass). N. 

*Nel profondo del mio core. S. 

Nel sen degli antri. N. 

Nel suo fido caro nido. 5. W. 

Nelle arene del Tago (24 July 

1698). 5. 

k ^ 



Nice mia, un solo istante. BM, 

(Add. 31509) 5. 
Ninfa crudel, deh vieni. BC, 

BM. (Add. 14215). 
Ninfe e pastori che nel cor nutrite 

(1712). N. 
No, non deggio, h troppo cara. 

LC, N. S. 
No, non lasciar canora e bella 

(20 Nov. 1704). S. 
No, non posso fingere di non amar 

BM. (Add. 34056). 
No, non vorrei vivere fra le catene. 

Non h come si dice (20 August 

lyoi). S. (autograph) W, 
Non e facile ad un core. B. BM, 

(Add. 14165) N. S. 
Non han core is not a cantata, but 

from La Rosaura, Act III., 

Scene 7. BM. (Add 31488) 

F. LC. N. 
*Non mi credi, deh perche ? S. 
Non per pioggia del ciela BF. 

Non pill contrasti (contese) nb (6 

Oct. 1 721). B. BF. LC. M. 

N. PC. S. 
Non posso gii nb voglio. LA. 
Non temo disastri. PC. 
Notte cara a un cor che langue 

(1705). BM. (Add. 14165) 
* S. 
Notte cara, ombre beate. BM. 

(Add. 1 41 64, incomplete) N. 

PaL W. 
Notte placida e lieta. LC. 
O che mostro, o che furia (20 July 

1709). BM. (Add. 34056). N. 

Oh che pena ^ la mia ( 1 704). BM. 

(Add. 31512) Af. PC. 5. 
O Clori, ahi bella Clori. S. 
O de' pastori diletto stuolo. BM. 

(Add. 29963). 
O de' regni di Dite Eumenidi. BC. 

O di fere e d' augelli cheti ricetti. 

BF. 5. 
O di lucida notte inclita imago. 

Oh Dio, che viene amore. N. 
O dolce servitu. Florence, Comm, 

A. Kraus. 
O Flora, anima mia. BM. (Add. 

14 190). 
Oh Mitilde, fosti meco tiranna 

(171 1). BC.LC. 
Oh Mitilde, oh del core (9 Dec. 

1708). S. 
O pace del mio cor. BF. LC. Mil. 

MC. N. PC. S. WM. 
O pace del mio cor (another set- 
ting). B. C. 
O sol degli occhi miei. BM. 

(Add. 34056). LC. N. 
O sventurata Olimpia. N. 
O voi di queste selve habitatrici 

(1717?) BM. (Add. 14220, 

14229, 31509) LA. (alto) 

Mil. N. PC. WM. 
Occhi miei ch' al pianto awezzi 

(alto). B. 

Omai dal cielo al pili sublime 
punto. PC. 

Or che a me ritomasti. N. 

Or che barbara sorte. PC. 

Or che di te son privo. BM. 

(Add. 142 1 5) PC. 
Or che di Teti in seno. LC. PC. 
*Or che graditi orrori. S. 
Or che graditi orrori (a different 

cantata). LC. 5. 
Or che in petto d'Eurilla. M. 

Or che lungi son io. BM. (Add. 

14220). M. MU. N. PC. 

(versions vary). 
Or che su legno aurato. N. 
Ove al Sebeto in riva. LC. N. 
Ove fuor del mio seno. BM, 

(Add. 315 12) M. PC. S. 




Ove il fiorito impero mostra. M, 

Ove in grembo alia pace. BL, 

LA. Pal, S. 
Ove placido e cheto. PC, 
Paria mia pena omai. BM, (Add. 

14T65, 31511) B, (alto). 
Parte da me Cupido. PC, 
*Pastor d' Arcadia, fe morta Clori. 

Pastorella innamorata. BM, 

(Add. 3150s)- 
Pastori amici, amiche pastorelle. 

Peno e del mio penar (4 Sept. 

1705). BM. (Add. 14165, 

3^5") 5. 
Pensier che in c^ni parte. M. PC. 
Pensier che sei inflessibile (12 

Feb. 1702). BM. (Add. 

315") 5. 
Pensieri, pensieri, oh Dio qual 

pena. 5. V. 
Penso che non ho core (1705). 

BM. (Add. 31511) M. Mil. 

Pal. PC. S. W. 
Per destin d'ingrato amore 

(tenor). PC. 
Per farmi amar da tutte. BM. 

(Add. 34056). . 
♦Per formare la bella che adoro. D. 
Per prova di mia fede (alto). B. 
Per queste dell' antica Alba famosa. 

BM. (Add. 3 15 11). 
*Per saettar un seno. S. 
Per saettar un seno (another 

setting). BM. (Add. 31508). 
Per te, florida bella (July 1708). 

BM. (Add. 3 1 511). 
Per un momento solo. B. (alto) 

BM. (Add. 31511, 31512) 

M. Mil. N. PC. S. 
Per un vago desire. B. LC. Mil. 

Perche mai, luci amorose (April 

1700). A'. 

Perdono, amor, perdono (6 June 
1702, alto). PC. S. (auto- 

Perdono, amor, perdono (another 
setting). BM. (Add. 31509, 
(incomplete), 3 1 5 1 1). N. PC. 

Perfida Filli ingrata (27 July 
1705). BM. (Add. 14165, 
315 11) LC. (versions vary). 

Piagge fiorite, ameni prati. N. 

Piagge fiorite e amene, io parto 
(28 August 1 7 16). N, 

Piangi la tua sventura (i July 
1706). B.BM. (Add. 31511). 
LC. M. N. S. (versions vary). 

Piango ogni ora del mio core. BM, 

(Add. 3'5ii)- 
Piango sospiro e peno. LC. 
Pill che penso all' idol mio. BM, 

(Add. 315 11) Pal. S. 
Pill non si puote amar. BM, 

(Add3i5ii). PC. 
Pill veggio Lidia mia. BM. (Add. 

31511) ^C. 
Poi che a Tirsi infelice. N, 

Poi che cessano al fin. BM. 

(Add. 31511) LC. 
Poi che r Ercole Ai^vo (Lisimaco 

Re di Traccia). PC, 
Poi che la bella Clori (1699). N. 
Poi che riseppe Orfeo. BM, 

(Add. 3»5")- 
Porto il cor incatenato. PC, 
Preparati o mio core (alto). BM. 

(Add. 3^51 0- 
Presso a un limpido fonte. BM. 

(Add. 3i5ii)LC. 
Presso il balcon dell' incostante 

Nisa (15 June 1699). S. 
*Pria che desto ai nitriti. BF. 
Primavera sei gentile. BM. (Add. 

Pur al fine la vincesti. BL. 

Qual bellezza divina. BC. Mod. 




Quale al gelo s*adugge. BM. 

(Add. 14 1 65) 5. 
Qual' or V egre pupille. M. 
Quar or miro la bella. A^. S. 
Quando amor vuol ferirmi. BA, 

(incomplete) N, S. 
Quando che ti vedrb. Pal, 
Quando credeva il core (16 Oct 

1 701) PaL S, (autograph) 
*Quando Lidia amorosa. N, 
Quando Tumide ninfe, LC, 
Quando satia saraL S. 
Quando stanche dal pianto. BM. 

(Add. 315 1 2). 
Quando veggio un gelsomino. 

BM. (Add. 14227). 
Quante le grazie son (4 June 1 703). 

Quanti affanni ad un core. B. 

BM. (Add. 31487, 31518) N. 

Pal. RB. PC. Sck 
Quanto io v* ami. N. 
Quanto, o Filli, t'inganni (10 May 

1702). S. 
Quanto piace agli occhi miei. LC. 

N. PC. (versions vary). 
Quanto vezzosa e quanto. BM. 

(Add. 141 63). 
Quel cor che a te gik diede. 

Quel piacer che nelF amarti. LC. 
Quel ruscelletto o Clori. B. LC. 
Queiraugello che vola d'intorno. 

Questa, questa e la selva. N. PC, 
Queste torbide e meste onde 

(17 1 7). BM. (Add. 1 42 1 5) 

LC. N. PC. 
Questo di bei giacinti serto. BM. 

(Add. 3i5i2)LC. 
Qui dove a pie d' un coUe. N. 

PC. S. 
Qui dove alfin m'assido (II rossig- 

nuolo). BC. BM. (Add. 14220) 

LC. N. PC. (versions vary). 
Qui dove aure ed augelli. LC, 

Qui vieni ingrata Fille. BM. 

(Add. 14229) LC. Mil. N. 
*Reggie paludi, addio. N. 
Reggie soglie, alte moli (18 Oct. 

1720). LC.M.N.PC. 
Ritardati momenti, egre dimore. 

Rondinella torna al lido (1701). 

Rondinella toma al nido. Sch. 
SMo t'amo, s'io t'adoro (June 

1704). S. 
Sanno, o Filli adorata (24 August 

1 7 16). N. 
Sark pur vero, o stelle ? LC. 
Sarei troppo felice (30 April 1702). 

5. (autograph). 
Saresti ben tiranna (fragment). 

BF. MC. 
Sazio di pili soffrire. 5. 
Sciolgo in lacrime am are. LC. 

Sciolta da freddi amplessi (Mariio 

vecchio, sposa giovane). M. 

PC. S. 
Scompagnata tortorella. LC. M. 

Scorgo il fiume (La Primavera). 

BM. (Add. 14165, 31512) N, 

PC. S. (alto). 
*Sdegno fiero ed amore. BM. 

(Add. 31518). 
Se a goder toma il mio core. S. 
Se a quel fiero dolor. BM. 

(Add. 3 15 12) LA. Mil. M. 

Se amassi da dovere. LC 
Se amor con un content©. BM. 

(Add 31512) 5. 
*Se credete all* amor mio. N. 
*Se dalla cruda Irene. LC 
Se d' Elisa spietata il bel sembiante. 

Se mai Clori gentile. LC Mil. N. 

PC. S. 
Se per amor quest* alma. MC 



Se tu parti io morirb (L'Armida). 

PC. (autograph?). 
Se vagheggio nel mattino (1709). 

LC. S. 
Sedea Eurillo un giorno. LC. 

Senti, bella crudele. LC. PC. 
Sent], beiridol mio (1705). BM. 

(Add. 14165) S. 
Sentite, o tronchi, o sassi. Bod. 

Sento nel core certo dolore. BM. 

(Add. 31 51 2) M. Mil. (alto) 

Senz' alma, senza cor. S. 
Serba il mio cor costante. PC 
S'accinge Eurillo al canto. BM. 

(Add. 31518). 
Si, conosco, o Mitilde. B. N. 
Si, t'amo, o mio Daliso. BF. 

Si, Nintendo, t'intendo, tu vuoi. 

B. (alto) M. Mil. PC S. 
Siamo in contesa la bellezza ed io 

(4 May 1702). S. (autograph). 
Solitudini amene. LC PC. 
Solitudini care in voi spera. BM. 

(Add. 14213, 31509) Mil. N. 

PC. Rome, Comm. C Lozzi. S. 
Son contenta di soffrire. S. 
Son io, barbara donna. BM. 

(Add. 142 13) S. 
Son le nere pupillette (12 March 

1702) Pad. PC. S. 
Son pur care quelle pene. LC 
Son quest' ultimi momenti. BM. 

(Add. 1 42 11) Bod. PC S. 
Sono amante e m* arde il core. S. 
Sono un alma tormentata. N. 
Sopra le verdi sponde. N. Pal. 
Sopra le verdi sponde (11 Feb. 

171 2 — a different setting). LC 
Sorge V alba. MC 
Sorta fin dalle piume (8 Jan. 1702) 

Sovra il margine erboso. S. 

Spero che avrb la pace. BM. 

(Add. 34056). 
Spesso suol 1' alma mia. Pal. 
Spiega Tali il mio pensiero (1702 

or 1704). M. Mil. PC. S. 
Splendeano in bel sembiante (bass). 

Sta presente il mio tesoro. BM. 

(Add. 14220). 
Stanco di piii soffrire. LC. 
Stravagante e T amor. LC PC. 
Stravagante non e V amor. N. PC. 
Strali^ facelle, Amore. BM. (Add. 

Su bel seggio di fiori. S. 
Sul margine d'lun rio. Mod. 
Sul margine fiorito d'un tumido 

ruscello (13 Dec. 1704). BM. 

(Add. 14225) S. 
Sulla sponda fiorita d' un rio pargo- 

leggiante (L'Adone). BM. 

(Add. 14164) BL. PC (auto- 
^Sulla sponda fiorita di limpido 

ruscello (20 August, 1 7 1 o). BM. 

(Add. i42i5)iV. 
SuUe fiorite sponde. F. LC 
Sulle sponde d'Abbido (II Leandro) 

(1693). N.PC 
Sulle sponde del Reno. BM. 

(Add. 31 5 1 8). 
Taccio e tacendo io moro. 5. W. 
Taci, taci, infedele (infelice) amore 

(1720). LC. N. PC 
Talor per suo diletto. BF. LC S. 
Tanti affanni e tante pene. 5. 
Tanto strano h V amor mio (April 

1697). S. 
Temo d' amarti poco. S. 
Tenebrose foreste. N. PC 
The beauteous Melissa. BM. 

(printed in London about 

Ti vorrei credere speranza. BM. 

(Add. 31508). 
Tiranna di mia fh. V. 



*Tirsi mentr* io dormiva. M . 
Tormentatemi pur, furie d' amore. 

BM. (Add. 31488). 
Toma al sen dolce mia pace. V, 
*Tra r ombre piii secrete. BF. 
Tra le pompe fiorite. S. 
Tra queste ombrose piaggie ( 1 709). 

Tra solitarie baize. F. 
Tra verdi piante ombrose. Mil. 

Troppo care, troppo belle, ilf. PC. 

S. W. 
Troppo ingrata Amaranta. LC. 

Mil. N. 
Troppo oppresso dal sonno. LC. 
Tu mi chiedi s' 10 t* amo. LC. 
Tu mi lasciasti, o bella (April 

1698). Pal. PCS. 
Tu parti, idolo amato. N. 
Tu parti, idolo amato (another set- 
ting — 1702). Mil. (alto) N. 

S. (alto). 
Tu resti, o mio bel nume(22 April 

1706). S. 
Tutto acceso d' amore. BM. 

(Add. 14163) Pal. 
Udite, o selve, o fiumi. N. 
Un cervello frenetico ch' am6. 

Un giomo Amor la benda si 

disciolse ( 1 7 09). LC. 
Un' incredula speranza. LC. 
Un sospiro d' un amante (La Luc- 

cioletta). BM. (Add. 31507). 
Un sol guardo di Clori. BM. 

. (Add. 31507)- 
Un spietato destino. P(d. 
Un Taotalo assetato. LC. N. 

Una heltk cW eguale. BM. (Add. 

31507) PC. Sch. 
Va pur lungi da me. BM. (Add. 

Vaga Elisa, la tua rimembranza 

(June 1708). BM. (Add. 

Vaghe selve beate. BL. 

Vaghe tende adorate. PN. S. 

Vaghi fonti di luce. BM. (Add. 

31507) M. PC. S. 
Vago il ciel non saria. 5. 
I Vedi, Fille, quel sasso. B. BF. 

Mil. N. PC. S. 
Veggio r idolo mio.. BM. (Add. 

3'5o7, 3'5'2)- 
Venite, amici, e con ghirlande. 

BM. (Add. 31507). 
Venne ad Amor desio. BM. (Add. 

14165, 31507). 
Vi comanda un cenno solo. BM. 

(Add. 34056). 
Viddi un giorno un fiumicello. PC. 
Vieni, vieni, o caro Mirtillo (June 

1708). BM. (Add. 31507). 
Voi ben sapete. BM. (Add. 

Voi giungeste o vaghi fiori (I Fiori). 

BM. (Add. 31507) M. PC. S. 
Vorrei, Filli adorata, farti palese 

(2 1 Nov. 1 705). B. (alto) BM. 

(Add. 31507) ^C. 
Vorrei ma non posso amarti. N. 
Vuoi ch'io spiri, tra i sospiri (20 

Sept. 1699). PC. S. Sch. W. 
Vuoi pid Filli crudele. N. (alto). 
Zeffiretto che indrizzi il tuo volo 

(14 Dec. 1 702). B. (autograph) 

BM. (Add. 31507) LC. S. W. 





(i) Unaccompanied, or with Organ alone 

I. Missa Clementina. I. (1703), SS.A.T.B., and SS.AA.TT.B. in 
Agnus Del 

Ex. 95. 

Ky . ri 




e - 

B. BF. BM. (Add. MS. 32071), Dar, F, M, (4 copies, one supposed 
to be autograph), S. Sch, Vat, W. 

2. Mass (in Canon), S.A.T.B. 







f r r r 


Ky-ri-e e-le 

^B, N. (4 copies), 5. (printed by Otto Braune^ Berlin and Potsdam, 
transposed a third higher). 

3. Mass for Cardinal Ottoboni (1706), S.A.T.B. 

Ex. 97. 

B. (wants Agnus), BM. (Eg. 2464) (parts Add. MS. 3 15 19), Af. (wants 
Agnus), PC. S. Vat. (autograph). 

The Berlin MS. and British Museum Add. MS. 3 15 19 exhibit con- 
siderable differences from the other MSS. and have probably no authority. 

Printed by Proske from the autograph. 

4. Mass in Canon, SS.A.T.B. (Agnus SS.AA.T.B.). 

Ex. 98. Ky • ri - 








» rj 



B. BL. C. F. PC. (autograph ?). 



5. Missa Clementina II. (17 16), SS.A.T.B. 

Ex 99. 



e - le 


j_j J JiJ-:] J J. J-j 




-j^ — — f^ — fz^ ^^ ^^ r^ 


e - le 

B. M. (copy from N.), Mil. N. (Kyrie, Gloria, Credo and fragment 
of Sanctus), Vat. 

6. Mass, S.A.T.B., composed for Imiocent XIII. (1721). 
Ex. 100. Ky • - - - - ri - e e - 





ri - e e - le 

PC. copied from a MS. in Cec. not to be found there now. Frag- 
ments: BL. BM. (Add. 141 66— dated 17 10) Mil. N. Probably Scarlatti 
used up old material for this. 

7. Requiem Mass, S.A.T.B. 

A 4^ Jr. 






--n^^ ^ 

BC. M. PC. 5. 

Printed in Luck's "Sammlung Ausgewahlter Kompositionen fiir die 
Kirche," and Choron's "Choix de Musique Religieuse." 
8. Mass, SS.A.T.B. and organ in E minor "m IV. tono." 

Ex. 102. 

Ky - ri - e, Ky - ri - e e - le 








(2) With other Instruments 

9. Mass, SS.A.T.B., S.A.T.B., two violins and continuo in A (1707 
for Christmas). 5. 

10. Mass, SS.A.T.B. (soli), SS.A.T.B. (ripieni), two violins, viola 
and continuo in A. Cas, (partly autograph — 1720). 5. 

Ex. 104. 



Ky - ri - e VI. 

kscfa ^gg^^ 

* Credo, S.A.T.B. (soli and chorus), 2 oboes, 2 horns, strings and 
organ in B flat. N. 


Adorna Thalamum tuum Sion. 
S.A.T.B. (January 1708). BM, 
(Add. MS. 34054 — autograph 
parts), S. (also a copy to the 

words " Collaudabunt multi sa- 
pientiam eius "). 
Audi fllia et inclina aurem (Gradual 
for S. Cecilia's day), SS.A.T.B., 



2 violins, viola, oboes, and 
organ (October 1720). Cos, 
(autograph) 5. 

Ave Maris Stella, S.A.T.B. and 
continuo. N, B. 

Ave Regina Coelorum, SS. and 
continuo (1722). N, 

Beatus vir qui timet Dominum, 
SS.A.T.B. and organ. S. 

Benedicta et venerabilis es, 
SS.A.T.B., 2 violins, viola, 
and continuo (4 July 1720). 

Cantantibus organis Cecilia (anti- 
phon for St. Cecilia's Day), S., 
oboe, 2 violins, viola and con- 
tinuo. 5. (incomplete). 

ConcerH Sacri, printed in separate 
parts by E. Roger at Amster- 
dam: — 
I. Rorate coeli. Canto solo con 

V. V. per ogni Santo, 
II. Jam sole clarior. Canto solo 
con V. V. per Santo Sacer- 

III. Infirmata vulnerata. Alto 

solo con V. v> per ilSan- 
tissimo e per ogni tempo* 

IV. Totus amore languens. Alto 

solo con v. V, per ogni 

Santo e per il Santiss. 
V. Mortales non auditis. A 2 

Canto ed Alto con v, v. per 

la Beata Vergine. 
VI. Quae est ista. A ^ C,A,T. 

con V. V. e Organo per ogni 

Festivitd della Nativity. 
VII. Diligam te. A ^ C, A. T, 

con V. V. per il SS, e per 

ogni tempo, 
VIII. Properate fideles. i4 4 C. -4. 

T. B, con V, V, per il San- 

IX. Est dies. A 4 CA.T.B. 

con V, V. per ogni Santo e 

Santa, t 

X. Salve Regina. A^CA.T.B. 
con V. V, 

BF, Cas, (wants 2nd violin part). 
MS. parts of I., II., and frag- 
ments of others are in LC,^ and 
MS. scores of X. in BF, and 

Confitebor tibi Domine, SS.A.T.B. 
and organ. S. 

Constitues eos principes, S.A.B. 
and organ (1716). 5. 

De tenebroso lacu. A., 2 violins, 
viola, and continuo. BM. 
(Add. MS. 31508). 

Dextera Domini fecit virtutem, 
S.S.B. and organ (1715). S. 

Diifusa est gratia, SS. and organ. 


Dixit Dominus, SS.A.T.B. and 
organ. D, S, 

(Another setting). S. 

Dixit Dominus,SS.A.T.B.,2 violins, 
viola, oboes, and continuo. 
Cas, (incomplete) S. (incom- 

Domine refugium factus es nobis, 
SS.A.T.B. M, S, W. 

Exultate Deo adjutori nostro, 
S.A.T.B. M. S. W. 

Iste est panis, S.A.T.B. S. (in- 

Jesu corona Virginum (Inno per 
S, Cecilia), S.A.T.B., 2 violins, 
viola, and continuo (October 
1720). Pal. (autograph), Cec, 
S. (incomplete). 

Laetatus sum, S.A.T.B. BM. 
(Add. MS. 14166) M, W, 
(Another setting). Cas, (incom- 

Laetatus sum, SS.A.T-B., 2 violins, 
viola, and continuo (August 
1 721). B. (autograph) S. in- 
complete, partly autograph). 

lauda Jerusalem Dominum, 
S.A.T.B. and organ. S. 


Laudate Dominum omnes gentes, 

S.A.IT.B., 2 violins, 2 violas, 

violoncello and continuo. B, 

Laudate Dominum quia benignus, 

S.S.B. and organ. 5. 
Laudate pueriDominum,SS.A.T.B. 

and continuo. D. 5. 
Another setting for S.solo,S. A.T. B., 

2 violins and continuo. 5. 

Magnificat, SS.A.T.B. and organ 

(ist tone). S. 
Magnificat, SS.A.T.B. and orchestra 

in D major. S. (incomplete). 
Memento Domine David, S.A.T.B. 

B. BL, BM. (Add. MS. 14166) 

D. M. Mil, N. (autograph) 

Miserere, S.A.T.B., SS.A.T.B. 

(1680). Vat. 
Miserere, SS.A.T.B., 2 violins, 

viola and continuo in £ minor 

(1714?)- B.S. 
Miserere, SS.A.T.B., 2 violins, 

viola and continuo in C minor 

(171S?). BS. 
Nisi Dominus aedificaverit, S.A. 

soli, S.A.T.B. rip,, 2 violins and 

continuo. B, BM. (Add. MS. 

341 18) W^. 
Nisi dominus aedificaverit, 

S.A.T.B. and organ. S. 
O magnum mysterium, S.A.T.B., 

S.A.T.B. (1707). D. S. 
Sacerdotes Domini incensum et 

panes, S.A.T. and organ (offer- 
torio per il Corpus Domini). 
S. W. 
*Salve Regina, S.A., 2 violins and 
continuo. Mil. N. 
Salve Regina, S.A.T.B. (1703). 
London^ W, Barclay Squire, 

Sancti et justi in Domino gaudete, 
S.A.T.B., S.A.T.B. S. (in- 

Stabat Mater, S.A., 2 violins and 
continuo. F. 

Te Deum, SS.A.T.B., 2 violins, 
viola, 2 oboes and continuo. 

Tu es Petrus, S.A.T.B., S.A.T.B., 
and organ. B. BC. (auto- 
graph?) BL. BM. (Add. 14166, 
3 148 1 ; Eg. 2454, 2459) C. M. 
Mil. N. PC. S. 

Tui sunt caeli et terra, SS. B. and 
organ. S. W. 

Valerianus in cubiculo Cseciliam, 
A., 2 violins, viola, oboe and 
continuo (antiphop for St. 
Cecilia's Day). S. (incom- 
*Veritas mea et misericordia, 
S.A.T.B. S. 

Vexilla regis prodeunt, SS., 
2 violins and continuo. Mod. 

Volo Pater ut ubi ^o sum, 
S.A.T.B., S.A.T.B., and organ. 


Toccatas* and other pieces for 
cembalo. B. BM. (Add. 
14244, 32161) Mil. MC. N. 
S. W. (some doubtful). 

Senate a quattro, 2 violins, viola 
and violoncello. 5. D. (incom- 
plete). Parts of these are also 
included in a set of six con- 

' The MSS. exhibit such confusion that it is impossible to give a detailed list here. 
The volume (in private hands) described by Mr. J. S. Shedlock in the Samnulband der 
Intemationalen MusikgeseUschaft^ Jahrgang vL No. I, will probably throw some light 
on the correct arrangement of movements ; the article appeared too late for me to do 
more than mention it here. 



certos for strings. C. BM, 

(printed parts, and fragments 

in Add. MS. 32587). 
Suite for flute and cembalo in F 

(16 June 1699). 5. 
Suite for flute and cembalo in G 

(June 1699). 5. 
Sonata for 2 flutes, 2 violins and 

continuo in A. 5. 
Sonata for flute, 2 violins and 

continuo in F. S. 

Sonata for 3 flutes and continuo 

in F. 5. 
Twelve Symphonies for Orchestra 
(begun I June 17 15). LB. 

*Sonata for flute, 2 violins and 
continuo in D. BL, 

*Six Preludes and Fugues for cem- 
balo. MC. 

*Six Concertos for cembalo. BM* 
(Add. 32431). 


Fifteen fugues in two parts. N, 
Canon for two voices. BM, (Add. 

Studio a quattro sulla nota ferma. 

BM, (Add. 14 166). 
Varie partite obligate al basso. 


Regole per principianti. BM, 
(Add. 14244, 3 15 1 7) MC, 

Discorso sopra un caso particolare. 
Printed in Kirnberger*s Kunst 
des reinen Satzes, 


ACQUAVIVA, Cardinal, i8i. 

Adami, Andrea, loi n. 

Ademollo, A., 23 n. 

** Adorna thalamum^ " 115. 

"Agar et Ismaele esiliati," 13, 60, 94. 

Agostini, Pier Simone, 9, 36, 59. 

Albani, G. F. See Clement XL, Pope. 

Alexander VIII., Pope, 74. 

"Amor Generoso, L*," 170. 

*'Amor Volubile e Tiranno, L'," 117. 

" Anacreonte Tiranno, L*,'* 72. 

**Aniiate miei sospiri^^^ 140, 190. 

Annunciation Oratorio, 97. 

Anzalone, Antonia, 38, 205. 

Arcadian Academy, 7, 89. See also Cres- 

cimbeni and Zappi. 
Architecture, influence of on opera, 3, 49. 

See also Baroque Art. 

Arioso^ 12, I9i 45. 7^, 79f 81, 94, 104, 140. 

Arlecchifw, 5. 

•* Arminio," 72, 102. 

Arteaga, 47. 

Assumption Oratorio, 98. 

^^Audifilia et inclina*' 181. 

^^ Augellin sospendii vanni^** 12, 14, 21. 

Ave Maria, 191. 

Awisi di Roma, 23. 

Bach, J. S., 13, 80, iii, 120, 137, 151, 
152, 170, 175, 181, 184, 190, 194, 199. 

Baini, 116. 

Ballet, 5, 41 1 50, 52, 120, 126, 160. 

BallettOy 60. 

Banchieri, 49. 

Bardi, 2. 

Baroque art, 3, 63, 64, 94. 

Beethoven, 6, 162, 173, 191, 194, 201, 202, 

Benedict Xiy., Pope, 96. 

Bernini, 3. 

Bibbiena, 5. 

Bologna, music at, 4, 9, 127, 197. 

Bononcini, G. B., 65, 69, 106, 200. 

M. A., 65 f/. 

Botticelli, 2. 

Brahms, 10, 28, 191, 194, 204. 

Brighella, 5. 

Burney, 12, 92, 140 n, 198, 201, 205. 

Buxtehude, 12a 

Cadenza^ 162. 

" Caduta dei Decemviri, La," 48, 50, 62, 

65, 118. 
"Cambise," 156, 197. 
Canale, Antonio, 5. 
Cantata, the chamber-, 9, 60, 69, 75, 90, 

120, 137, 139. '63. 189, 198, 202. 
Canto fermo, 136, 138. 
Canzomtte, 146. 
Capranica Theatre (Rome), 75, 156. 

Carissimi, 8, 16, 21. 

Castratt, 23, 24, 49, 130. 

Cavaliere, Scarlatti's title of, 7, 132, 173. 

"Cavalleria Rusticana," 43. 

Cavalli, 2, 9, 16, 42, 59, 204. 

Cembalo, 11, 118, 153, 172, 198, 203. 

Cesarini, Carlo, 106. 

Cesti, 9. 

Chaconney 13. 

Chamber-music, instrumental, 173. 

Charles VL, Emperor, 70, 131. 

Chopin, 20a 

Chorus, Scarlatti's treatment of the, 42, 47, 

94, 134. 137. 
Christina, Queen of Sweden, 22, 25, 34, 37. 
Christmas Oratorio, 99. 
*Ciro, II," 117, 120. 
** Clearco in Negroponte," 48, 50. 
Clement X., Pope, 22. 

XL. Pope, ii3, 135, 136. 

** Clori, Dorino, Amore, 69. 

Colascione, 51. 

Colonna, Cardinal, 24. 

Coloratura, 1 6, 94, 105, 1 18, 1 24, 1 30, 

137. 167, 175, 197, 190, 199. 
Comic characters, 41, 48,64, 97, 124, 127, 

156, 202. 

opera, 48, 127, 146, 197. 

Composition, Scarlatti's methods of, 105, 

I53» 191, i?3- 
Cofuerti Sacrt, 94. 

Concerto di Oubuoi, 126, 157, 176. 

Concerto grosso, 68, 92, 173, 174. 

Conforto, Domenico, 7, 35, 56, 69, 74. 

Conservatorii at Naples, 192. 

ConservcUorio dei Poveri di Gesh Crista, 139. 

Contarini, 9. 

Contini, Abb^, 23, 107. 

Corelli, 10, 74, 75. 88, 89, 92, loi, 170, 173. 

Correggio, 98. 

Crescinibeni, G. M., 49» 90> 92, 97- 

Cristofori, Bariolomeo, 71. 

Croce, Benedetto, 36 n, 

D'Alibkrt, Count, 22, 75. 

** Dafhe, La," 2. 

** Dal Male il Bene," 61. 

" Dama Spagnuola ed il Cavalier Romano, 
La," 127. 

Daun. Count, 70, Ii7* 
i Dia, Giuseppe, 34. 
, Dialect, Bolognese, 125. 
I Neapolitan, 125, 127. 

" Diana el Endimione," 68. 

Diminished Seventh, 141, 152, 168. 
' " Don Giovanni," 3, 122, 128. 

" Donna k ancora fedele. La,** 147. 

Dottor GrazianOf 5, 125. 

** Dave xestti, cor mio ? " 113. 

Durante, Francesco, 197, 198, 202. 





EiTNER, Prof. Robert, 64 n, 

Elizabeth, Queen of Naples, 117. 

" Endimione e Cintia," 91, 

Ensemble, 48, 59, 167. 

Epitaph, Scarlatti's, 193. 

** Equivoci nel Sembiante, Gli," 9, 23, 31, 

34, 47, 60, 61. 
"Eraclea," 53, 55, 62, 66, 108, 117, 118, 

167, 201. 
"Errore Innocente, L'." See "Equivoci 

nel Sembiante, Gli." 
Eugene, Prince, 169 n, 
** Euridice, L'," 2, 3. 
Euripides, 107. 

Fago, Nicola, il Tarentino, 196. 

Favola boscareccta, 72, 127. 

Febi Arfnonicij 8. 

" Ferragosto, Ii;' 49, 92, 97. 

Ferrara, 113. 

Ferrari, Benedetto, 12. 

F^tis, 7. 

" Fidelio." 44. 

" Figlio delle Selve, II," 49, 72, 127. 

"Filli, Clori, Tirsi." See Passarowitz, 

Serenata for the Peace of. 
Finale, 47, 53, 107, 167. 
" Flavio Cuniberto," 72. 
Florence, music at, 2, 71. 
Florimo, 7. 

Foggia, Antonio, 72, 116. 
Foligno, 117. 

Folk-song, influence of, loi, 147. 
Form in music, 6, 12, 21, 26, 31, 41, 59, 

76, 81, 97, 105, 118, 136, 148, 159, 162, 

I72» I73» 197. 200, 202. 
Francischiello, 76, 87. 
French music, 41, 42, 59. 
Frescobaldi, 153. 
Fuller- Maitland, Mr. J. A., 147. 
Fumiani, 4. 
Fux, J. J., 34. 

Galilei, Vincenzo, 11. 

Gasparini, 9, 140, 142, 200. 

Gazzetta di Napolif 116, 192. 

Gellius, Aulus, 39. 

Geminiani, 10, 87, 92, 193. 

" Genio di Partenope," 61, 68. 

" Gerone Tiranno di Siracusa," 75. 

Gesellschaft fiir Musikforschungy 63, 64 n. 

Gianni no, 106. 

** Giardino d'Amore, 11,*' 69, 93. 

Giordano, Luca, 3. 

Giotto, 2. 

Giovanni del Violone, 106. 

Gluck, 42, 124, 199, 203. 

Goethe, 6. 

Golden Spur, 132. 

Gounod, 59. 

Greco, Gaetano, 196. 

Gr^lry, 96 n, 

Grimani, Cardinal, 70, 116. 

"Griselda, La," 60, 156, 164, 170, 197. 

Grossi, Giovanni Francesco, 36. 

Grotesque, the, 4, 49, 122. 

Ground bass, 12, 26, 32, 83, 94. 

Handel, 13, 65, 74, 80, loi, 109, 127, 

I33»»5i, I75» 194. 199- 
Harmony, Scarlatti's treatment of, 16, 28, 

79, 95» 134, 13s. HO. 151, 154, 157. 190- 
Haro y Guzman, Don Gasparo d', 35. 

Hasse, 115, 191, 201. 

Haydn, 6, 176, 2C2, 204. 

Heinichen, i^i. 

Heuss, Dr. Alfred, 13 «, 59 n, 

"Honestk negli Amori, L'," 14, 25, 31, 


*' Hot che di Febo ascosiy* 90. 

Horns, 127, 157, 175. 

'* Humaniti e Lucifero," 98. 

" Humanitii nelle Fere, L'," 114. 

Innocent XL, Pope, 23, 73. 

Innocent XI I. , Pope, 75. 

Innocent XIIL, Pope, 136, 191. 

Intermezzo t 127. 

Italian influence on non-Italian composers, 

194, 199, 201. 
Italian language, influence of, on music, 


James IL, King of England, 37. 
Jerome, Mr., 39. 
^^Jesu corona mrginum^' 187. 
Jommelli, 198. 

" La dove a Mergellinay* 190. 
Labia, Palazzo, 49. 
Laetatus sum (4 voices), 136. 

(5 voices and orchestra), 187. 

** Lagrime dolorose'' 16, 19. 

Landskron, Marquis of, 67. 

" Laodicea e Berenice," 66, 69, 93. 

Latidate piuri Dominum^ 137. 

Legrenzi, 9, 13, 31, 64, 146. 

Leo, 48, S3, 120, 136, 137, 146, 181, 196, 

Leopold, Archduke, 132. 
Libretti, 30, 97, ic6. 
Liszt, 199. 
Local colour, 160. 
Logroscino, 48, 53, 197, 202. 
London, music in, 35, 64. 
Longhena, 3. 

* * Lontananza crudele, " 152. 
"Lucio Manlio," 73, 102, 106, 195. 
LuUi, 59, 74, 200. 
Lute, 127, 153. 

Magnificat, 187. 

Malta, Scarlatti a knight of? 1 33. 
Mancini, Francesco, 116, 156, 197. 
Mantua, music at. 2, 36. 
Marazzoli, Marco, 47 ». 
Marcello, 172. 

"Marco Attilio Regolo," 156, 159, 167. 
Marie Casimir, Queen of Poland, 75. 
Marpurg, 191 n. 

'* Martirio di S. Teodosia, II," 94, 137. 
Masses, Scarlatti's : — 

Missa Clementina I., 93. 

Mass for Cardinal Ottoboni, 93. 



Masses, Scarlatti's : — 

Mass in F, 93. 

Mass (17 10), 135. 

Missa Clementina II., 135. 

Mass for Innocent XIII., 136. 

Mass in A with orchestra (1707), 114. 

Mass in A with orchestra (1720), 114, 

Requiem Mass, 136. 
" Massimo Tuppieno," 43. 
Mazzocchi, Vergilio, 47 n. 
Medici, Ferdinand III. de*, 9, 71, 102, 

113, 114, 154, 193, 194, 195. 
Melani, Alessandro, 9. 
Melodrama, 39. 
Memento Domine Dccvid^ 191. 
Mendelssohn, 97. 
Mergellina, 68 n, 
Minga^ Papa^ 74. 
Minuet, 122, 173. 
Misereres f 113, 136. 
" Mitridate Eupatore," 74 «, 107, 118, 151, 

Modena, Duke Francis II. of, 33, 37. 

Modena, Mary of. Queen of England, 37. 

Modena, music at, 4, 9, 33, 36. 

Modes, influence of ecclesiastical, 80, 136, 

Mongitore, 34. 

Montesanto, church of (Naples), 38 n, 69 #», 

Monteverdi, 2, 8, 13, 15, 21, 42, 204. 

Morello, Prof. E. P., 151 //. 

Motets, 94, 136, 139. 

Mozart, 6, 47, 53, 124, 128, 152, 157, 176, 

199, 201, 204. 

Muratori, 36, 169 ». 

Naples, music at, 8, 33, 34, 73. 

the school of, 196, 201. 

Neapolitan Sixth, 146. 
* * Nel centra oscuro, " 191. 
Neuburg, Duke of, 67. 
Nicolino, 73. 
Northampton, Marquis of, 7. 

** O magnum mysterium" 139. - 

** Odoardo," 50, 52, 65. 

** Oh di Betlemnu altera'" 99. 

**01impia Vendicata, U," 39, 43. 

Opera in the seventeenth century, 3, 22, 

Operas, Scarlatti's, 9, 19, 22, 38, 197, 203. 

See also under separate titles. 

Oratorio, 60, 94, 96. See also under 
separate titles. 

Orchestra, treatment of the, 1 1 8, 126, 130, 
132, 157, 160, 170, 174. 

Ornamentation, musical, 10, 41, 105, 162. 
See also Coloratura and Singers, influ- 
ence of. 

Ottoboni, Cardinal Pietro, 63, 72, 74. 75, 

93» 133. »93» 204. 
Ottoboni family, 63, 74, 99. 

Oubuoi^ concerto di, 126, 157. 

Overture, 41, 59, 97, 132, 170, 172, 176. 

Oxford History of Music, 63 «, 80, 147 «, 

"Pace, Amor, Providenza," 131. 
Pachelbel, 8a 
Palermo, 7, 34. 
Palestrina, 93, 135, 137. 
Pamphili, Don Benedetto, 23. 
Pantalone, Papa, 74. 
Parry, Sir C. H. H., 9. 
Pasquini, Bernardo, 23, 89^ 200. 
Passarowitz, Peace of, 169. 

Serenata for the, 169, 175, 176. 

Passecaille, 13. 

Passio secundum Johannem, 170. 

Passion Oratorio (1708), 115. 

Pastoral music, 95, 99, loi, 127, 176, 191. 

See also Favola boscareccia. 
" Pasiorella, La," 106. 
*' Patr6 Caliennade la Costa," 127. ' 
Pepe, Captain Peppo, 67. 
Peri, 2, 42. 

Pergolesi, 127, 187, 196, 19S, 202. 
Perti, 9, 114. 

Philip v., King of Spain, 69. 
Piazzola, 9. 

*• Pirro e Demetrio," 64, 74. 
Pisani, Villa, at Stri, 107. 
" Pompco," 7, 30, 34, 36, 60, 72. 
Porpora, 192. 
Posilipo, 68 /I. 

Pratolino, 71, 72, 102, 106. 114, 195. 
** Prigioniero Kortunato, II," 62, 65, 202. 
*' Principessa Fedele, La," 117, 119. 
Provenzale, Francesco, 8. 
Psalms, 136. See also separate titles. 
Purcell, 42, 194, 199, 204. 

QuADRio, 30. 
Quantz, 191, 192. 

Rameau, 123. 

Rastatt, Peace of, 131. 

Recitative, 16, 30, 32, 40, 77, 105, 109, 

140, I53» 199- 

accompanied, 45, 47, 64, 133, 159, 


Reformation, influence of the, 80. 

Regale per Priticipiattti, 154, 196. 

Renaissance of Music, I. 

Keni, Guido, 3, 64. 

Requiem Mass, 136. 

Ricci, Prof. Corrado, 4. 

Riviera, Abate Domenico, 90. 

Robert!, Count G. Frigimelica, 107. 

koger, Etienne, 94. 

Rome, music at, 2, 9, 22, 36, 73, 197. 

Rosa,'Salvator, 65 n. 

Rosary Oratories 98. 

** Rosaura, La," 61, 63, 64, 74, 127, 170. 

** Rosmene, La,*' 60. 
I Rossi, Luigi, 21. 
, Rossini, 128. 

Rousseau, J. J., 122, 150. 

Rubens, 200. 
' Ruspoli, Prince, 90, 156. 



S. Cecilia's Day, music for, 181, 187. 

**S. Filippo Neri," 117, 133. 

S. Maria Maggiore (Rome), 72, 89, 116. 

S. Pantaleone (Venice), 4. 

Saint-Saens, M., 122. 

Salvatore, Giovanni, 8. 

Salvi, G. A., 106. 

Santini, Fortunato, 113, 181. 

** Sarei troppo felice,^* 76, 81. 

Sarro, Domenico, 197. 

Scarlatti, origin of the name, 7. 

Anna Maria, 24, 35, 108, 205. 

Antonia. See Anzalone, Antonia. 

Carlo Francesco, 38 «, 205. 

Caterina Eleonora, 38 ;i, 205. 

Domenico, 35, 38, 71, 73, 74, 75, 

199, 200, 204. 

Flaminia, 205. 

Francesco, 34, 205. 

Giuseppe, 205. 

Pietro, 205. 

Tommaso, 205. 

Scenery of operas, 5, 39, 41, 159. 

Schumann, 79, 194. 

Schiitz, Heinricb, 204. . 

"Scipione nelle Spagr.e," 127, 152. 

** Seasons, The," 131. 

Sebeto, 68 n. 

" Sedecia, II," 96. 

Selvaggi, Gaspare, 7. 

Serenatas, 61, 66, 90, 131. See also under 

separate tit Us, 
Siciliana, 147. 
Si face. See Grossi, G. F. 
Singers, influence of, on music, 10, 105, 

Sonata, 6. See also Form. 
Sonate h quattro^ 173. 
Soubrette parts, 49, 50. 
Spanish succession, war of the, 69. 
Stabat Mater ^ 187. 
Stampiglia, Silvio, 102, 194. 
" Statira, La," 63, 74. 
Steffani, 200. 
Stigliano, Serenata for the Prince of, 169, 

176, 191. 
Siradella, 9, 16, 2T, 31, 64, 146. 
Sullivan, 52. 
Symphony, 6, 41, 97, 172, 173, 202. See 

also Form, Overture. 

'*Tamerlano, II Gran," 102, 106, 194, 

Teacher, Scarlatti as a, 196. 

Tclemaco," 156, 167. 
7Vm/^-marks, interpretation of, 104, 122. 

Teodora Augusta, La," 53, 75. 
"Teodosio," 116. 
Tesi-Tramontini, Viltoria, 175. 
Thematic development, 16, 32, 53, 83, 174, 



"Tiberio Imperatore d'Oriente," 52, 65. 

Tiepolo, G. B., 49. 

•*Tigrane. II," 124, 157, 175, 197. 

Tilla, Signora, 106. 

Tintoretto, 200. 

** Tito Sempronio Gracco"* (1702), 52, 65. 

(1720), 156, 161, 167. 

Toccatas for cembalo^ 153, 2CX>. 

Tordinona theatre (Rome), 75, 

Tovey, Mr. D. F., 174 «. 

Toy-Symphony style, 98, 174. 

Trapani, 6. 

Trinity Oratorio, 133. 

"Trionfodel Valore, II," I17. 

"Trionfo dell' Onore, II," 127, 156, 167, 

*'Trionfo della Libert^, II," 107, 112, 
Tromba marina, 109. 
Trumpet, 1 1, 32, 43, 62, 109, 118, 159, 170, 

" Tu es Petrus," 139. 

**Turno Aricino," 102, 156, 161, 167. 

Udine, 50. 

" Una btltb. ch^ egiiale^' 147. 

Urbino, 113. 

Variations, 105. 

Vecchi, Orazio, 49. 

" Venere, Adone, Amore," 61. 

Veneziano, Gaetano, 1 1 6. 

Venice, architecture at, 3, 4. 

music at, 2, 4, 35, 36, 107. 

Verdi, 136. 

Vergil, Polydore, 39. 

" Vergine Addolorata, La," 169, 175, 202. 

Veronese, Paolo, 49. 

•* Vexilla Regis;' 18, 21, 33. 

Vienna, music at, 34. 

school of, 201. "/"T^* 

Vignola, 127. J^ 

Villarosa, 198. 

Vinci, 4N, 127, 146, 196, 202. 

Violin, II, 32, 69, 93, 118, 170. 

Violoncello, 87, 203. 

" Virtu Trionfanie dell' Odio e dell' Amore, 

La," 132. 
" Voloy Pater,'' 139. 

Wagner, 10, 41, 194. 

Weber, 41. 

Wotquenne, M. Alfred, 65 «, 74. 

Zampognari, loi. 

Zappi, G. B. F., 49, 90, 92, 97. 

"Zauberflote, Die," 202. 

Zedler, 133. 

Zeno, Apostolo, 1^4. 

Ziani, Pietro Andrea, 34. 

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