All for Germany; or, The world's respect well lost,being a dialogue, in the satyrick manner, between Dr. Pangloss and M. Candide ...

3 3

OXFORD PAMPHLETS 1914

pll for tgrrmany

Or, T/^^ World's Respect well lost

Being a Dialogue, in the sa^jric-^ manner, between

Dr. PANGLOSS and M. CANDIDE

Ridenteni dicere verii,m
Quid vetat?

OXFORD

AT THE CLARENDON PRESS

1914

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS

LONDON EDINBURGH GLASGOW NEW YORK

TORONTO MELBOURNE BOMBAY

HUMPHREY MILFORD M.A.

PUBLISHER TO THE UN1\'ER8ITY

Walter Clinton Jackson Library

The University of North Carolina at Greensboro

Special Collections & Rare Books

World War I Pamphlet Collection

Gift of Greensboro Public Library

ALL FOR GERMANY

It is very difficult to see ourselves as others see us.
It is also difficult to see others as they see themselves.

Tnst because it is difficult, it is worth while attempting.
Voltaire once wrote a romance called Candide. Can-
dide was an ingenuous soul, who wished, but found it
difficult, to believe that all was for the best in the best
of all possible worlds. He had grown to manhood in
the parts of Westphalia, in the castle of the Baron
Thunder-ten-tronckh. Here he had converse with one
Dr. Pangloss, an ideaHst philosopher and a professional
optimist. -The conversations reported by Voltaire took
a wide range and touched many topics. The conver-
sation here imagined, between a new (and perhaps less
naif) Candide and a new (and perhaps less benevolent)
Dr. Pangloss, is concerned with the political thoughts
and ambitions entertained by the Germans of these
latter days. It is a somewhat haphazard conversation,
veering around wherever the breeze of argument happens
•*p blow ; but this much at any rate may be said of its

-^heme — that it begins in geography, continues in
theology, and ends with some loose history.

Dr. Pangloss. My country has suffered more than
a little at the hands of physical geography. Nature
has set it in the midst of Europe, in a pressure which
has threatened it through the centuries, and threatens
it still to-day, with a fate which philologists call elision.
Germany is not a little child that lightly draws its

4 ALL FOR GERMANY

breath ; it is a giant that needs plenty of air, and finds
some difficulty in getting any. When a man is being
crushed in a crowd, the good Samaritan cries, ' Give
him air.' Air is what our Frederick the Great and our
Bismarck tried to give us Germans. It is true that
they pushed a little rudely ; but then, it is difficult to
watch your patient choking quietly. To-day we want
more air ; we want the good sea-breeze to fill our lungagH
Here again we are hit by geography. England lies
athwart that North Sea, which some geographers have
called the German Ocean ; and South-eastern England
draws so near to the Continent that she contracts the
exit of that sea to a narrow bottle-neck, through which
it is difficult to pass with any comfort. It is hard to
fiy in the face of geography ; and yet, after all, we have
our quarrel with geography.

Candida . I think I understand your metaphors, though
it is difficult to see how anything short of some millions
of tons of dynamite will widen the bottle-neck. Still,
your explosives are great, and your explosive instruments
are even greater ; and you may greatly prevail.

Dr. Pangloss. Yes — magna est Germania. And her
greatness is a greatness of the mind, Candide, jeer as
you may at her explosives and her explosive instru-
ments. Germany is a great self-conscious nation^
spirit. She is the Republic of Plato incarnate ; for
each of her citizens is content to live and die for the
fulfilment of his allotted place in her scheme. We
Germans are the Greeks of the modern world : ' we do
not suppose that any one of the citizens belongs to him-
self, for we know that they all belong to the State ; '
and we hold that ' the citizen should be moulded to suit
the form of government under which he lives ' .

Candide. What you say is somewhat astonishing. I

ALL FOR GERMANY 5

had never thought of the Prussian Guard as the perfect
guardians of Plato's Repubhc. But I see your point.
When a German who is a resident ahen in another land
constructs an excessively stout concrete floor for his
house, he is thinking of his allotted function.

Dr. Pangloss. Yes — we carry out our philosophy
without any slackness, just as we make our beautiful

^*%oods with some cheapness. But you will recognize,

"^fter all, that an ardent nationalism courses in our veins
like the wine of our Rhine Valley. And great vintages
have gone to the making of our nationalism — the vin-
tages of 1813 and 1870, when the Lord of battles trod
the wine-press in His fury. We cannot forget our
Befreiungskrieg and our Einheitskrieg. when it was good
to be ahve, and when our hearts sang together ' a nation
once again '. And our memories run even further
back than 1813 and 1870. They run as far back as
the Middle Ages. We have not forgotten the Holy
Roman Empire of the German nation, or Otto I, or
Barbarossa. We remember the days when the Christian
Commonwealth of Western Europe lived under the
shelter of the German aegis, and we hope for the
days in which the supremacy of our nation shall once

,.^iore be the guarantee of the culture and peace of

Jburope.

Candide. And you hope, too, unless I am mistaken,
to renew the old political boundaries of your mediaeval
empire, and to ' recover ' the Low Countries and the
old kingdom of Burgundy. You hope to make your
frontiers run from the mouth of the Somme to the
mouth of the Rhone. At least, I seem to remember
something of the sort in the writings of some of your
' All -German ' prophets.
Dr. Pangloss. The heart of our nation feeds on

6 ALL FOR GERMANY

memories ; why should we not bring back to our hearts
our ancient territories ?

Gandide. It is possible that they may prefer not to
be brought back. But I do not understand your theory
of the Holy Roman Empire. I had thought that it was
a universal organization of Christ's Church militant
here on earth, for the sake of justice, especially inter-
national justice, and for the sake of peace, and fo|A
the sake of liberty. I think I have read something of
the sort in Dante.

Dr. Pangloss. Dante was an Italian ; and we follow
the interpretation of history and of politics which we
find in our own Treitschke. And that reminds me, by
the way, of something that I was forgetting. Our
nation has also its great mediaeval memories in the
East, memories of which Treitschke discoursed in his
Aufsatz on our Teutonic Order. We Germans were
in the Middle Ages a great colonial nation. Centuries
before the expansion of England, in the days of Henry
the Fowler and Henry the Lion, we Germans began
that Drang nach Osten which carried German farmers,
German merchants, German knights, and German monks
over the Elbe to the Vistula, over the Erzgebirge to
Bohemia, and over the Carpathians to far Transylvania^
The illimitable East beckoned, and the romantic souW
of Germany cried, ' I come.' But then, alas ! there came
the Hussite wars ; and next there came the rise of
Russia ; and later there came still other ways and waves
of the back-wash of the Slav. For centuries we slept,
until our Kaiser came, and blew a trumpet-call, ' East-
ward Ho ! to far Bagdad.' And we heard, and, think-
ing of the Teutonic knights and many things, we willingly
followed.

Gandide. Omne tulit punctum qui miscuit business

ALL FOR GERMANY 7

with romance. Your Kaiser certainly wins my vote.
I confess I have often thought of him as a sort of com-
pound of Henry the Lion, who opened the Baltic to
German trade, and Frederick Barbarossa, who died in
crusading harness. And I have sometimes wondered
whether, in his Eastern tour some few years ago, he
remembered how the Lion too visited Jerusalem, and
■^Jvas also entertained in high state at Constantinople,
as far back as about 1170.

Dr. Pangloss. I have no doubt that he did. He if
any man remembers our Middle Ages. But we are all
occupied in remembering, and in hoping that the remem-
bered past (suffused a little, I admit, with the glow of
romantic imagination) may become the welcome future.
It is we Germans who invented the fairy-tale ; and our
fairy-Kaiser will lead us to a fairy-future.

Gandide. You touch, my dear Doctor ! exactly the
point of my puzzlement about you. How do you com-
bine your hard business realism with your faculty for
seeing the world through fairy- spectacles, not as it is,
but as you want to see it ? You are practical enough
in daily business : you build your guns, and the emplace-
ments for your guns, quite realistically ; and yet when
,^it comes to politics, where you profess to be realists,
.Jyou seem to me to be the slaves of pictures. The
' England ', for instance, which you detest, and to which
your poets (and poetesses) address hymns of hate, by
which the English are immensely flattered — it is all
a picture -England, an ogre out of a fairy-book.

Dr. Pangloss. Perhaps it is. I cannot solve your
riddle. Ask Heinrich Heine, not me. I confess I am
somewhat puzzled myself. We Germans are a nation
incomprise, even to ourselves.

Gandide. You disarm me by your ingenuous candour.

8 ALL FOR GERMANY

Dr. Pangloss. Thank you. Candour is one of our
virtues, in our private life. We follow a maxim of the
mediaeval law : Solus princeps fingit quod in rei veritate
non est. We believe that it is the prerogative of the
State to issue those Phoenician lies which, I fancy, even
Plato allowed his perfect guardians to use. In private
we only deceive ourselves. In public we expect our
government to deceive the rest of the world. ^^

Candide. I have often noticed the liking of your
modern publicists for the Prince of Machiavelli.

Dr. Pangloss. The reason is simple. The zeal of the
State has eaten them up, as it ate up Machiavelli.
After all, there is much similarity between the Italy
of 1500, as it presented itself to Machiavelli, and the
Europe of 1900, as it presents itself to most of us. The
State is in either case set in the midst of many and great
perils : it is full of that ' diffidence ' of which the English
philosopher Hobbes wrote, and by which he meant dis-
trust not of yourself, but of other people. In a word, it
is full of fear ; and there is nothing more ruthless than
fear. Fear says, ' Necessity knows no law ; ' fear says,
Salus popidi suprema lex. If a State has only enough
fear in it, Machiavelli and all his legion of maxims
enter into it immediately.

Candide. I have noticed that your Treitschke brackets^
Luther with Machiavelli. Has Luther really anything
to do with your politics ?

Dr. Pangloss. It is possible that he has. Lutheran-
ism perhaps suffers from the defects of its merit. It
insists gloriously on the spirit. ' By the faith of your
spirit,' it preaches, ' and not by the works of your hands,
you shall be saved.' ' Of the church of the spirit,
wherein all Christians are knit together by the com-
munity of their faith, ye are partakers ; take ye no

i

3

ALL FOR GERMANY 9

thought for a bodily and visible church.' It is a fine
teaching ; it is perhaps too fine. Lutheranism made
the church a disembodied ghost ; and the profit all
went to the State. The disembodied church was
doomed to walk at the beck and call of the ' godly prince '
who controlled the religion of his region. In Lutheran
Germany there was no corporate church, with its own
life, its own claims, its own history, to confront the
organized State. The liberty of the citizen thrives on
disputes between organized churches and the organized
State : the power of the Government flourishes when
Church and State are happily joined in wedlock, and
when in that wedlock (as the immortal Bluntschli, who
was probably a good Lutheran, finely observes), ' the
State is the male and the Church the female organism.'
Government has accordingly fiourished among the North
Germans ; it has fiourished until it has become, in these
latter days quite explicitly, supra -legal and supra-moral.
No doubt the magnanimous Bismarck helped the ten-
dency, when he crushed the Prussian parliament and
edited the Ems telegram ; but it would be unfair to
Luther if we attributed too much of the m^aking of
Germany to Bismarck. Bismarck's work was all the
easier, because more than half of Germany was Lutheran.

Candide. 1 quite follow you. And, indeed, I should
be inclined to go even further, and to say that there
would be more real Kultur in Germany to-day if Bis-
marck had had to fight a few more Kulturkampfe with
a few more churches.

Dr. Pangloss. Possibly. At any rate an organized
and independent church is a constant reminder to the
State that there are limits to its power — that it cannot
advance its chair too far, or else the great rushing waves
of moral truth and religious life will sweep it away.

A 3

10 ALL FOR GERMANY

Our State in Germany has never felt that its goings
were compassed with any rules. Deprived of the
criticism of churches, which might have taught it the
moral bounds that it must not overpass ; harried, by the
fear that sprang from constant frontier- pressure, into
ruthlessly following the lawless precepts of an imagined
Necessity, our State has become exlex, as it were —
a voluntary outlaw from European society. Our writer J^
have told our statesmen that the State Avas the highest
thing in human society, until our statesmen have had
to assume, with some words of deprecation and some
inconvenience, the mantle of omnipotence. It drags
a little at first ; but a quarter of a century's wear has
made it hang quite naturally on our Kaiser. The feel-
ing of omnipotence has entered his soul : he feels a
certain fellowship with the gods. Nothing happens
without Zeus ; and nothing happens without his co-
regent. So our State ' assumes the God, affects to nod,
and seems to shake the spheres ', which nevertheless
smile, and as Goethe has said, continue to fulfil their
ordained orbits. It all seems blasphemous, but it is
not really so. If your State is a Leviathan, a mortal
God, lifted to a height from which it can disdain sub-
lunary laws of morality, you must not be surprised if^'
it speaks in terms of divinity. ^

Candide. I confess I have been sometimes shocked
myself, when your countrymen have spoken of the
German God, as if He were the property of your nation.

Dr. Pangloss. Perhaps, my dear Candide, our God is
the State ; and you will admit the State is our national
property — or, perhaps I had better say, we are its
property. Our State is for us an ultimate and tran-
scendent value. It calls on us Germans to die ; and
because it is the Ultimate, we die, singing as we move

ALL FOR GERMANY 11

to death, ' Grermany above all things.' Our song is
always the song of the ultimate State. The State is
the fundamental granite rock of the moral universe.
If there is any conflict between the State and the thing
(or shall we say the abstraction?) called international
law, so much the worse for international law. The
granite goes through the paper, and there is a hole in
^^bhe paper.

Candide. I am not sure that I like the song of the
ultimate State. It sounds to me something like the
song of ultimate Murder.

Dr. Pangloss. The English are like you : they do not
like the song of the ultimate State. But then they
move in another world of ideas than ours. They have
had a very different history. They are an insular
people, free from frontier-pressure and its fear ; they
have never seen the hosts of Midian prowling round,
or needed to fly to the State for protection. And their
religious development has been different. Dissent has
been a great factor in their religious life — dissent from
the established church ; dissent from the State behind
the established church. Dissent has been the Antigone
of English history ; it has been always challenging the

JCreons of the State, and opposing to their decrees the'
steadfast rights of the chapel. Dissent has influenced
English practice and theory more than England knows.
It has made resistance to the State a familiar idea.
Your Englishman — and your Englishwoman — are alwaj^s
resisting the State, whether they dislike an Education
Act, or detest Home Rule, or desire the franchise. Dis-
sent has always vindicated the man versus the State.
That is the song of the English ; and Herbert Spencer,
who sang it in a work not unknown in Bengal, was bred
in dissent. There is only one thing, my dear Candide,

12 ALL FOR GERMANY

that has had half the influence of dissent in EngHsh
politics, and that is political economy — the political
economy of Manchester.

Candide. Then England is the product of the meeting-
house and Manchester ?

Dr. Pangloss. Yes. Bunyan and Cobden are its
tutelary saints. Bedford Gaol and the Free Trade
Hall are its shrines. It lives on the Pilgrim's Progresaj^
and the Principles of Political Economy. Just thinl^
of what Cobden has done. He vindicated the liberty
of the economic man from the interference of the State.
That is not our way. We Germans read List's National
System of Political Economy. The unit of our economic
life is not the individual, but the nation, and the benefi-
cent guidance of our State has made a national system,
which is no mean rival of the individualistic and volun-
tary system of England. But I have not yet finished with
Cobden. He wedded Free Trade to cosmopolitanism and
pacificism. He buttressed the cause of internationalism
with money-bags. Your Englishman talks of the comity
of nations and the public law (whatever that may be)
of Europe ; but his eyes are on his till. He is a good
internationalist because Free Trade is a paying propo-
sition, and because Free Trade flourishes best through^
the harmonious exchange of the one-sided products o^^,
one-legged nations, each specializing, to the destruction
of its own full life, on its own peculiar ' department '.
We have a different ideal. We do not think in terms
of one-legged nations : we think in terms of national
self-sufficiency. We want a four-square nation, wrought
without blame, active in every side of production, and
living up to the full measure of the stature of a complete
State. Once more our State is an ultimate — an ulti-
mate in its economic life, as it is elsewhere. It must

ALL FOR GERMANY 13

produce everything, and do everything, for itself ; it
must find within itself all the sources of its material life,
as it must find within itself all the inspiration of its
spiritual life. That is why we do not dabble in inter-
nationalism— the internationalism that arises from the
mutual dependence of one-legged nations, which cannot
walk without one another's support. We Germans

^pannot, and we will not, walk that way.

"^ Candide. I should have thought that English inter-
nationalism had its moral inspiration. I should have
thought that Gladstone was not really interested in the
one-sided products of Bulgaria or Italy, when he cham-
pioned Bulgaria and Italy.

Dr. Pangloss. That is the English cant. It is exactly
the result which one might have prophesied from the
union of Dissent with political economy. Dissent makes
your Englishman want to feel good ; political economy
makes him want to get rich. He is clever enough to
satisfy both wants at one and the same time. With one
eye on Heaven, he pleads the noble moral cause of
Belgium ; with the other eye on his ledger, he proclaims
the war against German trade. With both eyes on the
main chance, he fills his pockets. There is generally
a good deal of disjunction between his moral premises

Jpand his practical conclusion ; but he is not a very
logical creature, and he is satisfied with the results
he gets.

Candide. It may be so, Doctor. But it would aU need
a long inquiry. And I should have thought that there
was a certain disjunction between your professions of
Culture and your solid business ambitions.

Dr. Pangloss. Why should we not have solid business
ambitions ? Think of the growth of our population.
Nearly a million Germans are added to our population

14 ALL FOR GERMANY

every year. What are we to do with them ? Pack
them in emigrant ships ? We did that for many
years ; but it was not pleasant to see our own citizens
expatriated, and with their cosmopoHtan instinct (for
we Germans are the real cosmopolitans of the world)
settling down to citizenship in alien lands. National
sentiment and the growth of our industries have stopped
all that. Our citizens no longer emigrate : they find^.
work at home. But that only presents us with a ne^\^
problem. Our industry and our commerce have grown
magnificently. They are only second to those of
England. They employ all our growing population, and
they maintain it in a diffused and steady comfort which
England does not know. England conquered her lion's
share of the trade of the world, and her great Empire,
in an easy and casual way, because she had no serious
rival. We Germans have conquered our modest share
by steady organization and scientific effort, in the face
of a thousand odds, and in hot competition with more
powerful rivals. But we want markets. Our vast
volume of production needs reservoirs of its own into
which it can flow ; it needs watersheds of its own from
which it can draw its raw materials. We want markets
• — exclusive markets. England professes free trade, and
maintains the open door ; but she has nevertheless irA
fact large exclusive markets of her own in India and her
colonies. It is true we can send our goods there as
freely as England herself : it is also true that trade
follows the flag, and that England keeps the bulk of
that trade for herself. We Germans want our own
private watersheds and reservoirs. We want them all
the more, because our industry is largely built on
a foundation of borrowed credit ; because we produce
on a large scale, at the minimum of profit, in order to

ALL FOR GERMANY 15

undercut ; and because, if we failed to sell our large
volume of production, the foundation of our system
would crumble.

Candide. Possibly that only proves that your system
is unsound. I am not quite sure that your political
economy is all that it should be, Doctor. After all, you
can only sell to people who want what you have got,
and who have got what you want. You cannot grow
I markets like mushrooms. But proceed.

Dr. Pangloss. We want markets, and we cannot wait.
It is life or death — Weltmacht oder Niedergang. Either
we become a world-power, owning a sufficient supply of
watersheds and reservoirs to fill and to carry our volume
of production, or our seventy millions starve. That is
how we Germans look at the matter. And so we have
gone to work. First of all, we have built ourselves
a navy. We know from the EngUsh example that the
navy clears a way to exclusive markets. We know that
a navy will protect our vast sea-borne commerce ; we
know that a navy will make our colonial expansion
possible.

Candide. But has not France achieved a vast colonial
expansion since 1870, without any building of such
a large navy as yours, and in fact without any great
fuss at all ?

Dr. Pangloss. It is an easy step from Toulon to
Algiers : it is a far cry from Kjel to

Candide. Where ?

Dr. Pangloss. That is the question. But wherever it
is, it needs a great navy to get there. Our navy lies
close to our heart. We know something of the influence
of sea-power in history ; and we want our sea-power
to influence history. Possibly there is some little
grandiosity in our conceptions. We Germans love the

16 ALL FOR GERMANY

colossal ; and as our army is the greatest army the
world has known, we should like a navy of the same
pattern. Besides Prussia stood against England in 1780
and inj^lSOl for a fairer and more equal law of the
sea ; and our Treitschke has taught us that such a law
can never be achieved, unless there is something of an
equilibrium of sea-power. Because England has an
overwhelming nsivj, she tramples the rights of neutrals ^^
under her feet. Our navy, strong enough to put inW'
jeopardy even the greatest naval power, will redress the
balance, and inaugurate the day of a fair international
law on the seas.

Candide. I had not realized that joxx had the cause
of international law so much at heart. But I am still
anxious to know whither it is that you are gomg.

Dr. Pangloss. I ^Yi\l try to tell you. Our great
Bismarck was not all-prescient ; and though he acquired
for us, almost accidentally, most of our colonies, he did
not guess the full meaning of colonial poHcy. That was
reserved for our Kaiser. He steered to Weltmacht, but
it was not an easy course. Bismarck had been glad to
see France engaged in Africa ; he thought she would
think the less of Alsace-Lorraine. The Kaiser was
a httle chagrined to find her engaged so deeply and so
well. Nor did our own colonial regime in Africa succeed £
any too well. Our colonists were apt to commandeer
native labour too freely, and to commandeer native
cattle too easily ; and the history of our dealings with
the natives in South-west Africa does not make pleasant
reading. But we had to expand somewhere ; and we
trusted that when we ' arrived ', we should manage
things better. So we became a people of seekers.
We have sought here and th^re, and tapped here and
there, to find a weak place in the armour of a closed

»

ALL FOR GERMANY 17

world. We have tapped in America ; but the Monroe
doctrine came to the door, and on the whole we may
be said to have retired. We have tapped in Africa.
History does not yet know, and I certainly do not know,
what was the exact nature of our tapping in South
Africa, from the daj^s of the Jameson Raid to the date of
the Peace of Vereeniging. Perhaps there was no tapping
at all ; perhaps nobody came to the door ; perhaps the
wrong footman answered the knock. At any rate we
tapped next time in North-west Africa. Morocco
seemed a promising watershed and reservoir ; why
should we not hope ? Bismarck might have suggested
African expansion to France : autres temps, autres
mceurs. We tapped ; France replied ; and England was
standing round the corner. We kept the world agog
with our tapping, on and ofi, for some seven years ;
but somehow Morocco did not prove the weak spot of
our hopes. There seemed little hope in two continents :
we turned to a third. At any rate there was Asia. We
found a weak spot in China ; and we settled in Kiao-
Chau. But our great hope was nearer home. We
looked at the valley of the Euphrates, and we saw that
it was good. Here was the reservoir that might take
our products, and might even take our population.
Here was the colonial land. We won our railway
concession from Konieh to Bagdad ; we became the
good friends of the Turkish Government. We joined
hands with our true ally, our briUiant second on the
fencing-ground of diplomacy, Austria -Himgary. While
she expanded to Salonica, we would expand to Bagdad.
We remembered the Drang nach Osten, and we saw our
dayspring in the East. After all, why should we not
reclaim and develop the lands of Akkad and Sumeria,
where civihzation saw the hght ? Why should we not

18 ALL FOR GERMANY

police the troubled places, irrigate the waste desert, and
on the site of the oldest culture of the world plant the
new culture of Germany ?

Candide. Why not ?

Dr. Pangloss. Ask England : ask Russia : ask France :
ask the eternal Balkan problem, which has hitched its
creaking wagon to our star. It is a troubled world,
and things are sadly complicated. What Servia has to
do with Bagdad, and why Alsace-Lorraine should hangV^
together with Salonica, and why things should get so
intertwined, it is very difficult to see. Sometimes, to
our simple German eyes, the world seems, as our Luther
sang, all devils o'er, all gaping to devour us. But
perhaps it is simpler than it seems. Take France.
She remembers 1870. We go about the world with
Alsace-Lorraine round our necks ; and France, the
irreconcilable, meets us at every turn, with her blazing
eyes fixed on Alsace-Lorraine, and her sword ready to
strike in our first unguarded moment. That is why
Alsace-Lorraine is in Bagdad, and why, when we
are leagued with Austria -Hungary, it goes with our ally
to Salonica. Take England, again. Here our con-
science is easier. We have no English mill-stone round
our necks. It is England who picks the quarrel with
us. We built our navy. Why not ? We had African/''
designs. Why not ? But England, alarmed by our^^
navy, concerned about India — whether from fright, or
from jealousy, or from both — England has joined our
adversaries. She has joined France to bar our way in
Africa ; she has joined Russia to bar our way in Asia.
She has frowned on our cherished Mesopotamian scheme :
she has entrenched herself in Southern Persia to watch
us with unwinking eyes, lest we ultimately threaten
India. She has thrown her world-power in the scale

ALL FOR GERMANY 19

against us ; and now we know that either we must go
to ruin to please England, or stride to our world-power
over the world-power of England. England — voild
Vennemi. It is she who has hemmed us in, who
* twining subtle fear and hope has woven a net of such
a scope ' as goes near to enmesh our eagle's wings. She
has stopped our outlets for colonial expansion, no matter
I where we sought to find them : that is one count in our
indictment. She has hemmed us in by a diplomatic
web, against which our Kaiser and his chancellors
struggled in vain in 1905, in 1909, in 1911 : that is
our second count. The English web about us and
around us is stifling our life.

Candide. You seem to be forgetting Russia. I thought
Russia was the enemy — the new wave of the Slav back-
wash that swept across your Drang nach Osten.

Dr. Pangloss. Ah ! Russia. Russia is a big lumbering
giant, whom we had hoped sometimes to bully, some-
times to cajole, and always to get round. But she has
certainly made us feel uncomfortable for these last few
years. We bullied her in 1909, when our Kaiser made
a startling appearance in shining armour. She was
startled into letting us have our way ; but she has never
been quite so nice a neighbour since. She has re-
organized her armies, and remodelled her railways, and
saved large balances, and done all manner of things
which one would never have expected from such a heavy-
going giant. Germany used to feel like a lithe pugilist,
the champion of the ring, when she thought of Russia ;
and she used to fancy that Russia was a hulking eight-
foot creature, who could be knocked out of breath
before he had begun to hit. But nowadays there is
a disconcerting suggestion of alert intelligence and rapid
mobility about the Russians, which I confess I do not

20 ALL FOR GERMANY

like. Indeed we are honestly afraid of -L.ussia ; and
fear, as usual, has stirred up all the turbid elements in
our natures. When a man is really afraid, he sinks
down plumb into the abysmal depths of his old savage
nature. When a nation is really afraid, it sinks as deep
into its lowest instincts. Now one of our basic Teuton
instincts is to give a Slav a bad name and hang him.
We do not like their looks, or their clothes, or anything ^
that is theirs. And so when we became frightened of ^Hr
Russia, we remembered that she was Slav, and that we
had an instinctive antipathy for Slavs ; we said that
we stood for high Teutonic culture against the Slav, and
we told the world that here was our cause par excellence.

Candide. But I imagine that you had really a solid
business grudge against Russia.

Dr. Pangloss. Certainly. Our way lay South-east-
wards ; and Russia lumbered across our way. Since
1905 she has been backing Servia, and that is an offence
to Austria-Hungary, whose easiest way to Salonica lies
through Servia. Moreover, and that is more serious
for us, the way of Russia in South-eastern Europe cuts
across our way. We want to put decrepit Turkey on
her legs again. Russia has always had her own ideas
about Turke}^ since the days of Catherine II ; and
those ideas, as yow. know, are fundamentally different \^
from ours. What has Russia to do with Servia, and
why should Russia resent our services to Turkey ?

Candide. I fancy she has her reasons. The war
against the Turk for the sake of the suffering Slav
brother has been a long crusade, lying close to the heart
of every Russian. It is a national ideal, with a tradition
many hundred j^ears old at its back.

Dr. Pangloss. Well — we Germans too have our
national ideal, and if it is new, it is all the more dear.

ALL FOR GERMANY 21

But, after all, it is no use discussing the relations of
Russia and Germany in terms of policy : the only terms
that suit the case are terms of instinct, antipathy,
repulsion. The repulsion is always there. We did not
worry so long as the Slav was not troublesome, and did
not threaten to rise into the ascendant ; we worry
exceedingly now that he is troublesome and, as we think,
threatening. The Slavs within our borders are vexatious
enough. The Poles multiply more quickly than the
Germans ; and they resist Germanization silently,
haughtily, successfully. They keep themselves to
themselves : they are in Germany and not of it : their
very working-men will not join our ordinary trades
unions, but stick to their own nationalist clubs. They
grow in spite of us, and in spite of all we do to keep
the schools of our Eastern provinces German and to
buy back the soil for Germans. They have spread from
our agricultural to our industrial provinces : they are
all over Silesia : they are even in Westphalia. And
behind all the Slavs within our borders is Russia.

Candide. But, if I may interrupt, I did not know that
Russia and the Poles were such close friends.
■ Dr. Pangloss. Ah ! Russia is altering, and so are the
Poles. Their old Litany used to be, ' From Prussian
and Muscovite tyranny, good Lord, deUver us.' I fancy
it is changed nowadaj^s. At any rate we feel that the
Slavs are all against us. We feel our close and intimate
German national Hfe threatened. Those of us who are
Protestants feel our Protestantism threatened : Russia
is still to-day a persecuting power, and her hand is heavy
on other religions. All of us who love Civilization feel
that it is threatened.

Candide. Then jon are one of those nationahsts.
Doctor, who identify their own national civihzation with

22 ALL FOR GERMANY

Civilization itself. Is there not room for several national
civilizations ? How can any one of them possibly be
coextensive with Civihzation ? Has not Russia her own
national 'civilization, which in its way and for her
people is at least as valuable as any other ?

Dr. Pangloss. Too many questions spoil a dialogue.
Philosophically, there is much to be said for the view
that all national civilizations are different in kind, andl'^
that all are equally valuable, because each is comple-
mentary to the rest. Practically each nation has quite
a different idea. Each believes that Civilization is one
homogeneous substance, of which it has got a monopoly,
or at any rate the greatest quantity. That is the belief
of us Germans, especially when we consider the Slavs.
Liside our borders reign order, light, sanitation, sanity :
inside the Slav borders you will find chaos, dark-
ness, dirt, the realm of the unaccountable. Russia is
bureaucracy tempered by barbarism ; we in Germany
know what parliaments are, and what socialism means.
Have you noticed that our Sociahsts are nationalists
practically to a man ? Is not that a significant fact ?
Gone is the old internationahsm ; gone the anti-militar-
ism which was its ally. Our Sociahsts to-day will vote
the sinews of war in the Reichstag, and join our army
in their thousands and tens of thousands. They know
the peril.

Candide. I wonder if the peril is real. Your Kaiser
was much exercised about the Yellow Peril at one time.
Is not the Slav peril a spectre conjured up by that Fear
of which we spoke some time ago ?

Dr. Pangloss. It may be. But when you are actually
seeing a spectre, as we do now, you do not calmly
compare one spectre with another, or rationahze what
you see : your hair just stands on end. We are in

C

ALL FOR GERMANY 23

something of that state. And while we are in that
state, watching the spectre advance, England takes the
spectre's arm, and gives it comfort, countenance, assis-
tance. England, the chosen land of liberty, aUied with
Russia ! Pro pudor I Well may the ghost of Shake-
speare shudder !

Candide. I can only imagine his ghost smiling serenely
lover all our pothers. And he might not be so much
displeased to see England leagued with Belgium, or
fighting in the Low Countries. In fact, he might tell
us that it was a praiseworthy habit of the gentlemen
of his day, like Sir Philip, to fare to Flanders. But we
are talking the sun down the sky in the west, and supper
is waiting. Our dialogue has reached the margin of
satiety ; and yet I want to say a little more. I sym-
pathize with much of your discourse. I see that your
people is living through its romantic Elizabethan age.
There is romance about the world for you Germans.
Captain von Miiller and his dashing ship would have
delighted Drake. You live in a mediaeval glamour :
you expect fairy-tales to come true. Your veins thrill
with an ardent nationalism ; you are taut and keen and
poised for the conflict pro aris atque focis. Like the
old Vikings, you have built your ships, and gone forth
over the waves, seeking a country for settlement. But
you have your defects. So had the Elizabethans. They
had a bragging buccaneering habit. You have a swag-
gering roisterous way of shaking your fist and rattling
your sword which is not pleasant. They had a waj^
of assuming that God was the God of the English,
and that they did Him service by plundering the
Spaniards. You are falling into the same ways. The
Elizabethans maltreated Ireland horribly : they could
not understand its chaotic, untidy, delightful ways. You

24 ALL FOR GERMANY

are maltreating your Poles badly ; you have not been
tender to your Alsatians. You are full of an exclusive
nationalism, and you cannot or will not get inside the
minds of other peoples. You have made yourselves
a self-contained national world of your own, which
cannot understand the outside world ; which giving no
sympathy gets no sympathy, and then complains that
it is misunderstood and misinterpreted. Cease to b^ ^
bad Elizabethans ; begin to be good Europeans. Do '
not go hiuiting for exclusive markets, as some of the
Elizabethans went hunting for exclusive gold-fields :
that is not the way of colonization or empire. True
colonies grow, and they grow when men go to live in
them, and to think of them as homes. Do not wed
yourselves to exclusive nationalism, as did those Eliza-
bethans who damned the Spaniards for dogs of Seville,
and held the Irish to lie outside any conceivable Pale.
True nationalism is not puffed up, and does not behave
itself unseemly; true nationalism makes a nation love
itself, because it can give to other nations something
which they have not got, and at the same time love
other nations, because they can give to it something
which it does not possess.

Dr. Pangloss. You speak with enthusiasm, my dear.^
Candide ; and I like to see your eye kindle. But afteiV_,
all, those Ehzabethans built an empire in their Eliza-
bethan manner ; and we Germans would fain go and do
likewise.

Candide. I am not sure that they did found an empire.
They wedded Protestantism to piracy, but there were
no children born of the marriage. Colonies were born
to England, when the Pilgrim Fathers wedded Protes-
tantism to honest labour. If you go and do Hkewise,
who shall say you nay ? But it is not your way to go

ALL FOR GERMANY 25

forth into the wilderness with a spade and a fowhng-
piece : you send your massive State ahead with a gun-
boat and a supply of heavy artillery to blast you a way.
Non sic itur ad astra.

Dr. Pangloss. Ah, the world was young three hundred
years ago. This is the age of iron. Ironclads and
eleven-inch howitzers are the modern spade and fowling-
kpiece.

Candide. To you they are. I do not admire you for
it. You have become an iron people — iron from the
spike of your helmets to the nails of your boots. You
gird yourselves with the mechanics of death ; you
bristle with all the tools of destruction. You murder
by mathematics, and kill by calculus. And where will
it all end, Doctor ?

Dr. Pangloss. Germany will find out a way, and fulfil
her destiny.

Candide. Non tali auxilio, nee defensoribus istis. A
spade and a fowling-piece, with perhaps a pruning-hook
to clear your way — and what more can you need ?
True colonies grow, I tell you ; and they grow by volun-
tary effort. That is the only way to empire. You
need no pillar of State poHcy by day, and no pillar of
military fire by night. It is an old illusion, cherished
(by some neo-protectionists to-day, that the English
Empire grew under State guidance.

Dr. Pangloss (reproachfully). You said supper was
waiting.

Candide. It is. And it at any rate is no illusion.
Let us go, and let the food fulfil its destiny — a real
destiny, mark you. Doctor, not a

Dr. Pangloss. Tush !

2B ALL FOR GERMANY

{It is after supper. Candide, with a mellow good feeling,
returns to the charge.)

Candide. But why did you send your eagles ravening
into Belgium, Doctor ? The world would have pardoned
much to you, because there is so much in you that is
magnificent. But Belgium !

Dr. Pangloss. My dear Candide, the fate of Germany
was at stake, and what was Belgium in the balance ? ^

Candide. But the respect of the world was at stake,
and what was a strategical gain in the balance ?

Dr. Pangloss. You forget our motto : ' Germany above
all things, and all for Germany.'

Candide. All for Germany, when you lose the world's
respect ?

Dr. Pangloss. Yes — all for Germany, and the world's
respect well lost.

[Mention has been made in the dialogue of the Eliza-
bethanism of Germany. This perhaps explains German
admiration and annexation of Shakespeare. It is
curious, but it seems to be true, that German patriotism
at present finds its sustenance in Henry V. 'Here',
says Professor Brandl, ' we are still in jovial old Eng-
land, before Puritanism made the British priggish and>^
greedy of gold. Everything that Shakespeare says ofV^
his Henry corresponds with the way of thinking of our
Emperor.']

Oxford : Horace Hart Printer to the University

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1914

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